# Tibet - United States Department of State

- Report to Congress on Access to Tibetan Areas – Section 4 of the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act of 2018 (8 U.S.C. 1182 note) Bureau of East Asian and Pacific AffairsExecutive SummaryThis is the sixth annual report under Section 4 of the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act of 2018 (8 U.S.C. 1182 note), enacted December 19, 2018, which requires the Department of State to provide a report to Congress, within 90 days of enactment and annually thereafter for five years, regarding the level of access People’s Republic of China (PRC) authorities granted to U.S. diplomats and officials, journalists, and tourists to the Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR) and other Tibetan areas in China, including a comparison with the level of access granted to other areas of China; a comparison between the levels of access to Tibetan and non-Tibetan areas in relevant provinces; a comparison of the level of access compared to the previous reporting year; and a description of the required permits and other measures that impede travel in Tibetan areas. This report covers 2023, with comparisons to 2022, as applicable.The outbreak of COVID-19 in January 2020 led to country-wide restrictions on travel within China and entry to China, which impacted the ability of foreign diplomats, journalists, and tourists to travel to the TAR and other Tibetan areas. Domestic COVID-19 controls were lifted in late 2022, including as regards travel to the TAR.However, PRC government regulations and procedures that have historically impeded travel to the TAR and Tibetan areas outside the TAR for U.S. diplomats and officials, journalists, and tourists remained in place in 2023. International visitors’ travel to the TAR continued to require the approval of TAR government travel permits. In 2023, U.S. officials made three requests for official travel to the TAR, none of which were approved. Due to COVID-19 restrictions, U.S. officials made no requests to visit the TAR in 2022; one request was made in 2021, which the TAR government denied. For diplomats and officials, travel to Tibetan areas outside of the TAR did not require a permit or special notification beyond the requirements in place for other parts of China. PRC security forces have used conspicuous surveillance to intimidate, monitor, harass, and restrict the movements of U.S. diplomats, officials, and foreigners, including while on personal travel to Tibetan areas. Tibetan Americans regularly have faced restrictions on their travel to Tibetan areas, although anecdotal reports suggest Tibetan Americans had more access to the TAR than in 2022. Access to these areas for journalists remained restricted and limited.Impact of the Suspension of Operations at the U.S. Consulate General in ChengduDue to the PRC government’s withdrawal of consent for operation in retaliation to the United States’ withdrawal of consent for the operation of PRC Consulate General Houston, the United States suspended operations at the U.S. Consulate General in Chengdu (CG Chengdu) on July 27, 2020. The suspension of operations at CG Chengdu resulted in Embassy Beijing taking responsibility for coverage of the TAR and Tibetan areas more than 800 miles away from Beijing. This has severely inhibited the U.S. Mission’s ability to maintain access to Tibetan areas.Differences in Access to Tibet Autonomous Region and Tibetan AreasWhile China maintains clear and strict access requirements for travel to the TAR, access requirements to travel to sensitive Tibetan areas in other provinces remained ambiguous. Tibetan areas, which are prefectures and counties containing historic and current Tibetan populations outside of the TAR, exist in Sichuan, Gansu, Yunnan, and Qinghai provinces. Municipal and prefecture-level PRC and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) officials are often responsible for access restrictions to these areas, resulting in differing conditions and making it difficult to determine the rationale and timing for these restrictions.Comparison with the Level of Access Granted to the Tibetan and Non-Tibetan Areas of ChinaDiplomats and other officialsIn 2023, the TAR continued to be the only area of China that PRC authorities required diplomats and other foreign officials to formally request permission to visit. Diplomats could not purchase air or train tickets to enter the TAR without official approval.Diplomats and other foreign officials did not face additional formal restrictions on travel to Tibetan areas outside of the TAR; however, PRC officials sometimes used conspicuous surveillance to intimidate, monitor, harass, and restrict travel to these areas.During the reporting year, the U.S. mission personnel were unable to conduct any American Citizen Services visits to the TAR in 2023 because requests for visits by consular officers were not approved. No consular officer has visited the TAR since 2019. In previous years, local officials in the TAR had been responsive to consular requests to provide assistance to U.S. citizens but occasionally delayed their response on emergency access requests made by U.S. consular officers.TouristsPRC government regulations controlled travel of international visitors to the TAR for tourism, a restriction applied by no other provincial-level entity in China. In accordance with a 1989 central government regulation, international visitors, including U.S. citizens, were required to obtain an official confirmation letter issued by the TAR government, which reports to the central government in Beijing, before entering the TAR. Most tourists received such letters by booking tours through travel agencies officially registered with the PRC government. The PRC government mandated a designated tour guide accompany international tourists while in the TAR. Foreigners rarely obtained permission to enter the TAR by road. Authorities denied access to the TAR for many international tourists during periods the PRC government considered politically sensitive, including the March anniversary of the 1959 Tibetan Uprising against China’s invasion of Tibet and the Dalai Lama’s birthday in July.The TAR Tourism Bureau reported that from January to June 2022, TAR received over 17 million tourists. In 2019 CG Chengdu estimated roughly 10,000 U.S. citizens visited the region. Due to COVID-19 restrictions, U.S. Embassy Beijing believes the number of U.S. citizens who visited the TAR to have decreased substantially in 2020-2022. It is not known how many U.S. citizens visited the TAR in 2023, but numbers likely fall far short of those seen in 2019.Tibetan Americans undergo a stricter screening process than other U.S. citizens when applying for PRC visas at PRC embassies. Their applications are processed through the United Front Work Department (UFWD), often require a letter from a relative or host in the Tibetan area, an in person interview with the PRC Embassy or Consulate officer in charge of Tibetan affairs, and submission of personal documents such as copies of naturalization certificates, birth certificates, school and work records, affidavits and other materials. Tibetan Americans reported more frequent harassment by security officials in Tibetan areas than in other parts of China, including requirements to report to the local UFWD office where some were reportedly interrogated, threatened, and forced to download tracking software on their phones. Some members of the Tibetan American community reported they self-censored their behavior in the United States out of fear of retribution against their family members in Tibet or fear of losing future access to Tibet and threats from PRC officials. Despite these barriers, Tibetans also reported increased access to the TAR compared to previous years, particularly for those who hold United States or European passports. This information is anecdotal, with no concrete data available on the number of visas issued to Tibetan Americans.JournalistsPRC regulations did not regularly require international journalists to obtain prior permission to travel to any part of the country other than the TAR. The PRC government heavily restricted and controlled access for U.S. journalists to the TAR. The PRC government has rejected the vast majority of U.S. journalists’ requests to visit and report from the TAR, according to data compiled by the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of China (FCCC), the professional organization for the international press corps based in China. When access was granted, PRC security officials monitored and controlled these journalists’ movements at all times. The FCCC’s 2022 annual report stated that none of the three foreign journalists who applied to travel to TAR were approved. In lieu of individual permits, the government relied on organized group tours of the region for registered reporters selected by PRC authorities.When U.S. journalists gained access to Tibetan areas, the PRC government further suppressed their ability to report about Tibet by intimidating and preventing PRC citizens from interacting with foreign press. By hosting group tours, the government has been able to cite increased numbers and greater access to the region while maintaining strict control over the information conveyed.Comparison Between Levels of Access for Tibetan and Non-Tibetan AreasDiplomats and other officialsU.S. diplomats and other officials did not have to apply to travel to Tibetan areas outside of the TAR, though sometimes access to specific areas would be blocked and official meetings with local government, religious, and community leaders required local Foreign Affairs Office (FAO) permission, as was common practice in many localities throughout China. PRC security personnel have used conspicuous monitoring to intimidate those traveling to Tibetan areas outside of the TAR. Government-designated minders have followed diplomats and officials, prevented them from meeting or speaking with local contacts, questioned them, and restricted their movement. Official access to monasteries in Tibetan areas of Kardze (Chinese: Ganzi) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture (TAP) in Sichuan province and Ngaba (Chinese: Aba) TAP in Sichuan province remained limited. During visits in previous years to Tibetan areas in Sichuan, Gansu, Qinghai, and Yunnan provinces, local authorities have prohibited U.S. diplomats from entering certain monasteries, blocked off specific roads, prevented them from having meetings or conversations with local interlocutors, and monitored their conversations.TouristsInternational tourists sometimes faced restrictions traveling to Tibetan areas outside the TAR. Some particularly sensitive areas, including areas with prominent monasteries or those with histories of protest activities, such as Ngaba (which saw a number of self-immolations following the 2008 uprising), restrict international tourists’ access.JournalistsAlthough journalists were permitted to travel to areas outside the TAR with significant Tibetan populations, they have been subjected to invasive surveillance, physically blocked from certain areas, and intimidated by the government. According to the FCCC’s annual report covering 2022, foreign journalists experienced harassment while reporting in Tibetan areas outside the TAR.Comparison of the Level of Access Between 2023 and 2022Diplomats and other officialsAccess to the Tibetan population of the PRC did not improve in 2023 compared to 2022. While COVID-19 restrictions have been rescinded, requests by U.S. and other diplomats to travel to the TAR have not been approved. The PRC has arranged tours of foreign diplomats as well as diplomatic events in the TAR, although in all cases, these are strictly controlled by the PRC government and do not allow meaningful access to the population of the TAR.JournalistsThe FCCC’s 2022 annual report noted that access to the Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR) remains officially restricted for foreign journalists. Reporters must apply to the government for special permission or join a press tour organized by China’s State Council or Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). Three journalists applied for permission in 2022, but all were turned down. The report cites a journalist from a Western outlet who was stopped and detained by police and local officials in a Tibetan area of Sichuan, with officials claiming foreigners were not being allowed in because of COVID controls.Required Permits and Other Measures Impeding Freedom to Travel in Tibetan areasIn addition to the permits and other restrictions described above, visitors whose requests for a Tibet travel permit the PRC government approved in previous years have faced additional access barriers once in the TAR. According to travel agents operating in the TAR, the Tibet travel permit did not allow visits to all areas. Some areas were generally closed to visitors and required an additional alien travel permit from the TAR Public Security Bureau. Tourists planning to visit certain border areas also required a military area entry permit from the Military Affairs Office and a foreign affairs permit from the TAR FAO.The PRC government did not disclose its decision-making process for granting permission to travel to the TAR, nor did it share the names of officials involved in issuing travel permits to U.S. citizens to visit the TAR.Historically, PRC authorities assessed each U.S. official request to visit the TAR on a case-by-case basis. The TAR FAO generally required a diplomatic note for any official visit, accompanied by a list of trip attendees. Once the TAR government received the request, it reportedly informed a foreign affairs leading committee, consisting of representatives at the prefectural, provincial, and central levels from the UFWD, Ministry of State Security, Ministry of Public Security, People’s Liberation Army, and MFA. This committee reviewed the request, although frequently, no specific response was provided.
- Marking 29 Years Since the Panchen Lama’s Disappearance Matthew Miller, Department Spokesperson													HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases&#8230;Marking 29 Years Since the Panchen Lama’s Disappearance				hide		if(window.jQuery) {		jQuery( document ).ready(function() {			if (jQuery(".bc_middle").hasClass("collapse")) {				jQuery(".bc_ellipse").click(function(){					jQuery(".bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");					jQuery(".bc_middle").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_ellipse").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");					jQuery(".block_breadcrumbs_content").toggleClass("noflex");				});				jQuery(".bc_hide").click(function(){					jQuery(".bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");					jQuery(".bc_middle").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_ellipse").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");					jQuery(".block_breadcrumbs_content").toggleClass("noflex");				});			} else {				jQuery(".bc_ellipse").hide();			}		});	}																										Marking 29 Years Since the Panchen Lama’s Disappearance																																		Press Statement																														May 17, 2024																																							Today marks 29 years since the People’s Republic of China (PRC) abducted the 11th Panchen Lama, one of the most important figures in Tibetan Buddhism, as a six-year-old child.&nbsp; Gedhun Choekyi Nyima remains missing and has not appeared in public since that day.&nbsp; The PRC government is denying members of the Tibetan community access to this important religious figure and instead continues to promote a state-selected proxy.&nbsp;The United States supports Tibetans’ human rights and their exercise of those rights in connection with their distinct religious, cultural, and linguistic identity. Tibetans, like members of all religious communities, should have the ability to select, educate, and venerate their own leaders, like the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama, according to their own beliefs and without government interference.&nbsp;We urge PRC authorities to immediately account for Gedhun Choekyi Nyima’s whereabouts and well-being and to allow him to fully exercise his human rights in line with the PRC’s international commitments.&nbsp;&nbsp;						Tags																					Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor																								China																																Human Rights																															Office of International Religious Freedom																								Office of the Spokesperson																																Religious Freedom																															Tibet
- Tibet HomeReportsBureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and LaborChina (Includes Hong Kong, Macau, and Tibet)&#8230;Tibet				hide	document.addEventListener("DOMContentLoaded", function(event) {	if(window.jQuery) {		jQuery( document ).ready(function() {			if (jQuery(".bc_middle").hasClass("collapse")) {				jQuery(".bc_ellipse").click(function(){					jQuery(".bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");					jQuery(".bc_middle").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_ellipse").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");					jQuery(".block_breadcrumbs_content").toggleClass("noflex");				});				jQuery(".bc_hide").click(function(){					jQuery(".bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");					jQuery(".bc_middle").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_ellipse").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");					jQuery(".block_breadcrumbs_content").toggleClass("noflex");				});			} else {				jQuery(".bc_ellipse").hide();			}		});	}});																						China (Includes Hong Kong, Macau, and Tibet): Tibet																																																																																												 In this section										/																							Read a Section: Tibet																																													Read a Section: Tibet																															EXECUTIVE SUMMARY																															Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person																																																									a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings																																																																											b. Disappearance																																																																											c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, and Other Related Abuses																																																																			Prison and Detention Center Conditions																																																																																																																		d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention																																																																			Arrest Procedures and Treatment of Detainees																																																																																																																		e. Denial of Fair Public Trial																																																																			Trial Procedures																																																								Political Prisoners and Detainees																																																																																																																		f. Transnational Repression																																																																											g. Property Seizure and Restitution																																																																											h. Arbitrary or Unlawful Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence																																																																																	Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties																																																									a. Freedom of Expression, Including for Members of the Press and Other Media																																																																			Internet Freedom																																																																																																																		b. Freedoms of Peaceful Assembly and Association																																																																			Freedom of Peaceful Assembly																																																								Freedom of Association																																																																																																																		c. Freedom of Religion																																																																											d. Freedom of Movement																																																																											e. Protection of Refugees																																																																																	Section 3. Freedom to Participate in the Political Process																																																									Elections and Political Participation																																																																																	Section 4. Corruption in Government																															Section 5. Governmental Posture Towards International and Nongovernmental Monitoring and Investigation of Alleged Abuses of Human Rights																															Section 6. Discrimination and Societal Abuses																																																									Women																																																																											Systemic Racial or Ethnic Violence and Discrimination																																																																											Children																																																																											Antisemitism																																																																											Trafficking in Persons																																																																											Acts of Violence, Criminalization, and Other Abuses Based on Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity or Expression, or Sex Characteristics																																																																											Persons with Disabilities																																																																																	Section 7. Worker Rights																																																					Read a Section: Tibet				China | Hong Kong | Macau																																					EXECUTIVE SUMMARY						    																						There were no significant changes in the human rights situation in Tibet during the year.Significant human rights issues included credible reports of: enforced disappearance; torture or cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment or punishment by the government; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest or detention; serious problems with the independence of the judiciary; political prisoners; transnational repression against individuals located in another country; arbitrary or unlawful interference with privacy; punishment of family members for alleged offenses by a relative; serious restrictions on freedom of expression and media freedom, including censorship; serious restrictions on internet freedom; substantial interference with the freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of association, including overly restrictive laws on the organization, funding, or operation of nongovernmental (NGO) and civil society organizations; restrictions of religious freedom; restrictions on freedom of movement and residence; inability of citizens to change their government peacefully through free and fair elections; serious and unreasonable restrictions on political participation; serious government corruption; serious government restrictions on or harassment of domestic and international human rights organizations; and crimes involving violence or threats of violence targeting members of national/racial/ethnic groups, including Tibetans.The government did not take credible steps to identify and punish officials who may have committed human rights abuses.																											Section 1.													 Respect for the Integrity of the Person												    																																																a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings										Unlike in previous years, there were no known reports or credible allegations the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings, including extrajudicial killings, during the year.In November the nongovernmental organization (NGO) Tibet Watch reported Shukdar (one name only) died in custody in August 2022 after authorities in Sertar County, Sichuan, arrested him and four other men.  According to the report, authorities arrested the men for holding religious activities.  Authorities told Shukdar’s family he was not killed as a result of mistreatment, but “had died suddenly.”  His family told Tibet Watch he had no prior health problems.  Authorities promised compensation, but the family had not received compensation as of November.																																				b. Disappearance										There were reports of disappearances by or on behalf of government authorities; the whereabouts of many persons detained by security officials were unknown.The NGO Free Tibet reported in January that Tibetan monk and writer Rongwo Gangkar, who disappeared in 2021, was arrested early that year after he spoke about the Dalai Lama at an informal gathering in Qinghai. Authorities did not release any formal charges or acknowledge Gangkar’s arrest.In June, select UN special rapporteurs and working groups expressed concern over the August 2022 arrest and disappearance of Karma Samdup. According to their letter, police arrested Samdup for “inciting separatism” while possessing photos of the Dalai Lama. His whereabouts remained unknown as of June. The whereabouts of the 11th Panchen Lama, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, the second most prominent figure after the Dalai Lama in Tibetan Buddhism’s Gelug school, remained unknown. Neither he nor his parents had been seen since they were disappeared, allegedly by or on behalf of Chinese authorities, in 1995, when he was six years old.																																				c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, and Other Related Abuses										Despite legal prohibitions, there were many credible reports government officials, including police and prison authorities, employed torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment in dealing with some detainees and prisoners.  There were reports officials severely beat some Tibetans who were incarcerated or otherwise in custody.  In February Radio Free Asia (RFA) reported Buddhist monk Phende Gyaltsen died in prison in January, less than a year after his arrest in March 2022 reportedly for working on the renovation of a Tibetan Buddhist monastery.  Authorities blocked public access to Gyaltsen’s body and prohibited his family from performing last rites.  He was reportedly healthy before his imprisonment.Reports from released prisoners indicated some had permanent disabilities or were in extremely poor health because of the harsh treatment they endured in prison.  Former prisoners also reported being isolated in small cells for months at a time and deprived of sleep, sunlight, and adequate food.  In November 2022, RFA reported Tibetan monk Tenzin Palsang died due to torture received during his imprisonment from 2012 to 2018.  On his release in 2018, Palsang’s health reportedly had declined so much that he could not walk without assistance.  RFA reported authorities frequently harassed and surveilled Palsang after his release.According to Freedom House, there were reports detained suspects and prisoners were often subjected to non-religious re-education.Impunity for abuses of human rights was pervasive.  There were no reports officials investigated or punished those responsible for unlawful killings and other abuses in previous years.																Prison and Detention Center Conditions						Abusive Physical Conditions:  Prison conditions were harsh and potentially life threatening due to inadequate sanitary conditions and medical care.  According to individuals who completed their prison terms in prior years, prisoners rarely received medical care except in cases of serious illness.  According to Freedom House, there were reports detained suspects and prisoners were subjected to torture and denied food, clothing, and medical care.Administration:  No information indicated authorities investigated credible reports of abusive detention center conditions.Independent Monitoring:  There was no evidence of independent monitoring or observation of prisons or detention centers.																										d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention										The constitution and law prohibited arbitrary arrest and detention and provided for the right of persons to challenge the lawfulness of their arrest or detention in court.  The government did not observe these requirements.  Legal safeguards for detained or imprisoned Tibetans were inadequate in both design and implementation.  The right of persons to challenge the lawfulness of their arrest or detention in court did not exist in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) or other Tibetan areas.																Arrest Procedures and Treatment of Detainees						Public security agencies were required by law to notify the relatives or employer of detained persons within 24 hours of their detention, but generally failed to do so when Tibetans and others were detained for political reasons.  Pretrial bail procedures were codified in law, but Tibetans and others detained for politically sensitive reasons were denied access to pretrial release.  According to criminal law, public security officers could detain persons for up to 37 days without formally arresting or charging them.  Further detention required approval of a formal arrest by the prosecutor’s office; however, in cases pertaining to “national security, terrorism, and major bribery,” the law permitted up to six months of incommunicado detention without formal arrest.When a suspect was formally arrested, public security authorities could detain the person for up to an additional seven months while the case was investigated.  After the completion of an investigation, the prosecutor could detain a suspect an additional 45 days while determining whether to file criminal charges.  If charges were filed, authorities could then detain a suspect for an additional 45 days before beginning judicial proceedings.Despite the laws and regulatory procedures, incommunicado detention was a common practice.  The Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy and the online news outlet Phayul reported in July that, after his arrest in September 2018, Tibetan anticorruption and environmental activist Anya Sengdra was detained incommunicado for 48 days without access to a lawyer, followed by 14 months of pretrial detention before a court in Golog (Guoluo), Qinghai, sentenced him to seven years’ imprisonment for “picking quarrels and provoking trouble” and “gathering people to disturb public order” in 2019.  Courts twice rejected Sengdra’s appeals.Arbitrary Arrest:  In August UN experts called on the government to provide information on nine Tibetan environmental and human rights defenders arrested between 2010 and 2019:  Anya Sengdra, Dorjee Daktal, Kelsang Choklang, Dhongye, Rinchen Namdol, Tsultrim Gonpo, Jangchup Ngodup, Sogru Abhu, and Namesy.  The experts reported the government had provided little to no information on the detentions, trials, or sentencing of the nine; the sentences of three, from seven to 11 years, were publicly released.  Whether any of the individuals had access to legal counsel or medical care remained unclear.Pretrial Detention:  Security officials frequently violated the legal limits for pretrial detention, and pretrial detention for more than a year was common.  Individuals detained for political or religious reasons were often held on national security charges, which allowed longer pretrial detention than under other charges.  Authorities held many prisoners in extrajudicial detention centers without charge and never allowed them to appear in public court.																										e. Denial of Fair Public Trial										The constitution and law provided for an independent judiciary, but judicial independence from the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or the government did not exist.  When hiring, the TAR Higher People’s Court sought judicial candidates who could pass a “political background check.”  In cases that authorities claimed involved “endangering state security” or “separatism,” trials often were cursory and closed.																Trial Procedures						The law provided for the right to a fair and public trial, but the judiciary generally did not enforce this right.  Criminal suspects elsewhere in China generally had the right to hire a lawyer or other defense representation, but many Tibetan defendants, particularly those facing politically motivated charges, did not have access to legal representation while in pretrial detention.In some cases, defendants were denied access to legal representation entirely.  In September Tibet Watch and RFA reported the Intermediate Court of Aba (Ngawa) County in Sichuan Province sentenced Tsultrim to two years in prison for “contacting separatists outside Tibet.”  Tsultrim’s trial was held in secret, without a lawyer or his family present.  Local authorities blocked Tsultrim’s family from visiting him.In November Tibet Watch reported authorities in Sertar County, Sichuan, arrested Bamo, Gelo, Khori, and Tsedou in September.  According to the online news site Phayul, they were accused of “engaging in religious activities such as burning juniper and reciting prayers.”  Their trial was held in secret, and each received a two-year prison sentence.  The four were previously held without trial in Garze County, Sichuan, where they were reportedly tortured, from August 2022 to July.Local sources noted trials were predominantly conducted in Mandarin, with government interpreters provided for defendants who did not speak Mandarin.  Court decisions, proclamations, and other judicial documents generally were not published in Tibetan.Although certain other rights existed in law, in practice criminal defendants were presumed guilty and in many cases denied the rights to be informed promptly of the charges against them; to a fair, timely, and public trial; to be present at their trial; to have adequate time and facilities to prepare a defense; to confront witnesses against them or present their own witnesses or evidence; not to be forced to testify or confess guilt; or to appeal.						Political Prisoners and Detainees						An unknown number of Tibetans were detained, arrested, or sentenced because of their political or religious activities.The Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy maintained a database of more than 2,000 Tibetans known or believed to be detained or imprisoned in violation of international human rights standards.  Authorities significantly limited information released on the sentences of Tibetans arrested on political grounds.  In July the Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy reported authorities had systematically removed publicly accessible records of court verdicts involving Tibetans convicted of “endangering state security” in both the TAR and in Tibetan areas outside of the TAR.																										f. Transnational Repression										Chinese authorities engaged in transnational repression against the approximately 150,000 Tibetans living outside the TAR and the Tibetan autonomous prefectures and counties, many as refugees in India and Nepal.Threats, Harassment, Surveillance, and Coercion:  The Tibetan overseas community was frequently subjected to harassment, monitoring, and cyberattacks believed to be carried out by the Chinese government.  In a March statement, Tenzin Dorjee of the Tibet Action Institute stated government authorities continued to pressure, with threats, China-resident families of Tibetans living in other countries to dissuade their relatives from criticizing Chinese policies towards Tibetans.  A wide range of diaspora and civil society sources reported Chinese embassies and consulates frequently required ethnic Tibetans, including Tibetan-Americans, seeking consular services to provide detailed information on family members and personal connections in China.  As this information was generally not requested of other travelers or citizens living abroad, many viewed it as an implied threat the Chinese government would punish relatives to retaliate for criticism of Chinese policies.Bilateral Pressure:  There were credible reports China continued to put heavy pressure on Nepal to implement a border systems management agreement and a mutual legal assistance treaty, which could result in the refoulement of Tibetan refugees to China and was pressing Nepal not to register or issue identity documents to Tibetan refugees.  Nepal did not take additional steps to implement the agreements; however, it continued not to register Tibetans.  According to the Human Rights Organization of Nepal, an NGO, the majority of the estimated 12,000 Tibetans in Nepal lacked refugee registration and identity documentations.  Nepal last registered and issued documentation to Tibetan refugees in 1995.																																				g. Property Seizure and Restitution										Authorities reportedly seized Tibetans’ land without restitution.  In June Tibet Watch reported authorities in Tongren (Rebkong), Qinghai Province, announced plans to confiscate eight villages to allow for the building of a reservoir.  The announcement threatened to deny compensation to anyone who opposed the order.  Later in June, RFA reported many nomadic families affected by the order received no compensation for losing access to grazing and agricultural land.Authorities continued to coerce herders and pastoralists to resettle in urban or agriculture-focused areas.  While authorities claimed such programs were voluntary, participants reported their families were often pressured into agreeing to move away from traditional territories.  In the June issue of China Quarterly, researchers Yonten Nyima and Emily Yeh reported authorities responsible for the TAR’s “extremely high-altitude ecological resettlement” program in Naqu (Nagqu) Prefecture claimed 100 percent of targeted pastoral families “voluntarily” agreed to participate.  Nyima and Yeh’s investigation found that local officials had threatened some skeptical families with material or political penalties if they refused to “voluntarily” resettle.  Despite official prohibitions on forced resettlement, Nyima and Yeh assessed local officials in the area continued to use coercion to demonstrate political loyalty and to meet performance targets.																																				h. Arbitrary or Unlawful Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence										The government widely disregarded constitutional and legal prohibitions of such actions. Authorities electronically and manually monitored private correspondence and searched, without warrant, private homes and businesses for photographs of the Dalai Lama and other forbidden items. Police routinely examined the cell phones of TAR residents in random stops or as part of other investigations to search for “reactionary music” from India or photographs of the Dalai Lama. Authorities also questioned and detained some individuals who disseminated writings and photographs via the internet or listened to teachings of the Dalai Lama on their cell phones. Authorities continued to employ pervasive surveillance systems, including the use of facial recognition and smart identity cards.In June authorities conducted random searches of monasteries in several TAR counties, RFA reported, scrutinizing monks’ prayer manuscripts and books, and removing prayer flags from shrines. During the searches, monks were also forced to sign documents denouncing the Dalai Lama and “separatism.”Surveillance of Tibetans’ personal communications remained pervasive, and authorities continued to persecute those found to have had contact with Tibetan exile communities. RFA reported in June police intensified random checks of Tibetans’ telephones in March ahead of the anniversaries of the 1959 Tibetan uprising and the 2008 Lhasa riots, summoning for interrogation those found to have had contacts outside of the TAR. This heightened scrutiny reportedly continued after the anniversaries passed. Communications with persons abroad sometimes resulted in arrests: RFA reported in January that a writer in Qinghai was arrested by police for contacting persons in exile to offer prayers to the Dalai Lama; in March authorities arrested a woman restaurant worker for allegedly exchanging photographs and messages with individuals outside the TAR.In September cybersecurity firm Volexity issued a report that concluded persons acting on behalf of the Chinese government established a series of fake websites, social media profiles, and mobile phone applications to target Tibetan users with malicious software that could collect identifying information and potentially compromise private data on mobile devices. One malware package found in Tibetan-language dictionary and prayer apps was designed to capture a mobile phone’s location, contacts, files, and text messages, among other information.The “grid system,” an informant system also known as the “double-linked household system,” facilitated authorities’ efforts to identify and control persons considered “extremist” or “splittist.” The grid system grouped households and other establishments and encouraged them to report problems, including financial problems and political transgressions in other group households, to the government.According to sources in the TAR, Tibetans frequently received telephone calls from security officials ordering them to remove from their cell phones photographs, articles, and information on international contacts the government deemed sensitive. Security officials visited the residences of those who did not comply with such orders. Local sources reported that in some areas, households were required to display photographs of Chinese President Xi Jinping in prominent positions and were subjected to inspections and fines for noncompliance. The TAR regional government punished CCP members who possessed photographs of or quotes from the Dalai Lama, secretly harbored religious beliefs, made pilgrimages to India, or sent their children to study with Tibetans in exile.Observers also reported many Tibetans traveling to visit family overseas were required to spend several weeks in political education classes after returning to China.The government also interfered with the ability of persons to find employment. Job announcements of different types in the TAR required applicants to “align ideologically, politically, and in action with the CCP Central Committee,” “oppose any splittist tendencies,” and “expose and criticize the Dalai Lama.” The advertisements explained that all applicants were subject to a political review prior to employment.In April RFA reported authorities harassed and denied access to taking university exams, job opportunities, and government assistance for relatives of Tibetans who self-immolated in protest of government policies. The report also alleged Tibetans convicted of political crimes and their families were discriminated against and denied access to proper medical care.In March the International Campaign for Tibet expressed concern over mass DNA collection in Tibet. U.S.-Canadian online news website Vice.com, drawing from reports by the Citizen Lab of the University of Toronto and Human Rights Watch, reported in September 2022 on authorities’ collection of vast amounts of DNA information from nearly one-third of Tibet’s population. The report suggested the collection of Tibetans’ DNA “could offer the government a powerful tool for surveillance of ethnic minorities.” The data could be used to identify relatives of persons sought by police or for a range of other purposes. Human Rights Watch reported Tibetans did not appear to have the right to refuse collection of their DNA information, citing a Lhasa municipality report that stated, “blood samples for DNA collection were being systematically collected from children at kindergartens and from other local residents.”																																					Section 2.													 Respect for Civil Liberties												    																																																a. Freedom of Expression, Including for Members of the Press and Other Media										Constitutional provisions for freedom of expression were not respected.Freedom of Expression: Tibetans could not criticize the government or advocate policies differing from those of the government without fear of punishment. This included discussion of many matters related to Tibetan Buddhism, including the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama, where deviation from Chinese government views was explicitly banned by law. Those who openly displayed Buddhist flags and symbols faced arbitrary and sometimes harsh restrictions, in particular where authorities conflated their religious significance with political advocacy. According to multiple observers, security officials often canceled WeChat accounts carrying “sensitive information,” such as discussions about Tibetan-language education, and interrogated the account owners.During the year, the TAR conducted numerous propaganda campaigns to encourage pro-CCP speech, thought, and conduct. Authorities required monasteries across Tibetan-inhabited areas to hold “patriotic activities” under the slogan of “wholeheartedly thanking the Party and happily welcome the 20th Party Congress.”A re-education program called “Unity and Love for the Motherland” provided participants with state subsidies and incentives for demonstrating support for and knowledge of CCP leaders and ideology. The program often required participants to memorize party slogans and quotations from past CCP leaders and to sing the national anthem. These tests were exclusively carried out in Mandarin.In January a Tibetan university student in Sichuan Province was fined 50,000 yuan ($6,800) and ordered to attend weekly political education sessions after organizing a celebration of the Tibetan New Year, according to the Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy. Reportedly, the punishment was in response to the event’s display of Buddhist flags, use of only Tibetan-language decoration, and performances only in Tibetan. Chinese authorities reportedly demanded the event’s presenter speak only in Mandarin, although most attendees could not understand the language, and feature songs in praise of the CCP.In August the Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy and RFA reported masked men beat Tibetan-language advocate Tashi Wangchuk in his hotel room after he filmed a video near a middle school in the TAR about the disappearance of the Tibetan language in schools. The attackers forced him to erase all photographs and videos he had taken that day. After authorities questioned him at a police station, hotels turned Wangchuk away and the local hospital refused to give him medical care. Unidentified individuals again harassed and interrogated him the following day. The attackers were not apprehended.Authorities in many Tibetan areas required professors and students at institutions of higher education to attend regular political education sessions, particularly during politically sensitive months, to prevent “separatist” political and religious activities on campus. Authorities frequently pressured Tibetan academics to participate in government propaganda efforts domestically and overseas, such as by making public speeches supporting government policies. Academics who refused to cooperate with such efforts faced diminished prospects for promotion and research grants. Academics elsewhere in China who publicly criticized CCP policies on Tibetan affairs faced official reprisal, including the loss of their jobs and the risk of imprisonment.The government completely controlled curricula, texts, and other course materials as well as the publication of historically or politically sensitive academic books. Authorities frequently denied Tibetan academics permission to travel overseas for conferences and academic or cultural exchanges not organized or approved by the CCP.Authorities in Tibetan areas regularly banned the sale and distribution of music they deemed to have sensitive political content. To print in the Tibetan language, private printing businesses needed special government approval, which was often difficult to obtain.Violence and Harassment: Authorities continued to harass writers, journalists, and media outlets seen as deviating in public or private from official government policy in the TAR and other Tibetan regions. Harassment included surveillance, repeated police interrogations, denial of social services, denial of employment, and travel limitations, among other means. Sometimes harassment escalated to violence.Censorship or Content Restrictions for Members of the Press and Other Media, Including Online Media: Authorities tightly controlled journalists who worked for the domestic press and hired and fired them based on assessments of their political reliability. CCP propaganda authorities oversaw journalist accreditation in the TAR and required journalists working there to display “loyalty to the party and motherland.”The TAR government continued to implement its “Regulations on Establishing a Model Area for Ethnic Unity and Progress,” which required media organizations to cooperate with authorities on ethnic unity propaganda work and criminalized speech or spreading information “damaging to ethnic unity.”Foreign journalists could visit the TAR only after obtaining a special travel permit from the government, which was rarely granted. When authorities permitted journalists to travel to the TAR, the government severely limited the scope of reporting by monitoring and controlling their movements and intimidating and preventing Tibetans from interacting with them. According to an International Federation of Journalists investigation, a majority of foreign journalists working in China reported surveillance of telephone usage and recording bugs, with 90 percent of polled respondents saying their reporting had been affected by surveillance.Authorities prohibited domestic journalists from reporting on repression in Tibetan areas. Authorities promptly censored the postings of bloggers and users of WeChat who did so, and the authors sometimes faced punishment. Authorities banned some writers from publishing; prohibited them from receiving services and benefits, such as government jobs, bank loans, and passports; and denied them membership in formal organizations.The TAR Internet and Information Office maintained tight control of social media platforms.Authorities continued to disrupt RFA Tibetan- and Mandarin-language services in Tibetan areas, as well as those of the Voice of Tibet, an independent radio station based in Norway.In addition to maintaining strict censorship of print and online content in Tibetan areas, authorities sought to censor the expression of views or distribution of information related to Tibet outside mainland China.																Internet Freedom						There was no internet freedom.  In February authorities began to enforce the “Network Information Security Management Regulations of the Tibet Autonomous Region,” which forbade broad swaths of online speech in the name of national security, including activities that could be construed as “subverting state power,” “undermining national unity,” and “damaging the honor and interests of the state.”  The regulations also effectively criminalized criticism of Chinese religious policy, communications deviating from Chinese policies on the reincarnation of Tibetan spiritual leaders, and visiting any website deemed to contain “secessionist” content or that “undermines national unity,” placing at risk anyone interacting with Tibetan exile communities online.Many sources also reported it was almost impossible to register with the government, as required by law, websites promoting Tibetan culture and language in the TAR.  RFA reported in May that implementation of a March 2022 regulation providing authorities additional powers to restrict online content related to religion had intensified, leading to an effective ban on any Tibetan writers or Buddhist monks from spreading religious content online.Restrictions governing online religious content were used to silence and punish those sharing religious materials on social media.  The measures prohibited unlicensed organizations from organizing religious activities on the internet and broadcasting or recording religious ceremonies “such as worshipping Buddha, burning incense, ordaining, chanting...in the form of words, pictures, audio, and video.”  In its Freedom in the World 2022 report, Freedom House noted authorities also monitored and censored Tibet-related keywords on WeChat, as well as prohibited the use of Tibetan language on many social media apps.In advance of the Dalai Lama’s birthday in July, authorities took particular care to suppress any use of social media to organize gatherings or use symbols that would imply a celebration of the event.  The TAR Internet and Information Office ran a research project known as “Countermeasures to Internet-based Reactionary Infiltration by the Dalai Lama Clique.”  Throughout the year, authorities blocked users from accessing foreign-based, Tibet-related websites critical of official government policy in Tibetan areas.  Technically sophisticated hacking attempts originating from China also targeted Tibetan activists and organizations outside mainland China.																										b. Freedoms of Peaceful Assembly and Association										Tibetans did not enjoy the rights to assemble peacefully or to associate freely.																Freedom of Peaceful Assembly						Even in areas officially designated as “autonomous,” Tibetans generally lacked the right to organize.  Persons who organized public events for any purpose not endorsed by authorities faced harassment, arrest, prosecution, and violence.  Unauthorized assemblies were frequently broken up by force.  Any assembly authorities deemed a challenge to the government or its policies, for example, advocacy for Tibetan language rights, marking religious holidays, or protecting the area’s unique natural environment provoked a particularly strong response both directly against the assembled persons and in authorities’ public condemnation of the assembly.  Authorities acted preemptively to forestall unauthorized assemblies.Authorities sometimes interfered with registered gatherings.  In July two Tibetan Buddhist Kalachakra teaching sessions in Qinghai and Gansu were canceled by the government despite having received prior approval, according to RFA.  Before its cancellation, videos of the welcome ceremony in Qinghai circulated widely on social media before being censored.  In September authorities attempted to limit participation in a third Kalachakra gathering in Gansu by restricting access to residents living near the event site.						Freedom of Association						In accordance with law, only civil society organizations approved and essentially directed by the CCP were legal.  Policies designed to bring monasteries under CCP control were one example of how these policies were implemented.  Persons attempting to organize any sort of independent association were subject to harassment, arrest on a wide range of charges, or violent suppression.According to multiple sources, monasteries throughout Tibetan areas of China were required to integrate CCP members into their governance structures, where they exercised control over monastic admission, education, security, and finances.  Requirements introduced by the party included geographic residency limitations on who could attend each monastery.																										c. Freedom of Religion										See the Department of State’s International Religious Freedom Report at  https://www.state.gov/religiousfreedomreport/.																																				d. Freedom of Movement										The law provided for freedom of internal movement, foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation. The government, however, severely restricted travel and freedom of movement for Tibetans, particularly Tibetan Buddhist monks and nuns, as well as lay persons whom the government considered to have “poor political records.”Movement in Tibetan Areas: People’s Armed Police and local public security bureaus for years set up roadblocks and checkpoints in Tibetan areas on major roads, in cities, and on the outskirts of cities and monasteries, particularly around sensitive dates. These roadblocks restricted and controlled access for Tibetans and foreigners to sensitive areas. Tibetans traveling in monastic attire were subjected to extra scrutiny by police at roadside checkpoints and at airports.Authorities sometimes banned Tibetans, particularly monks and nuns, from leaving or traveling to the TAR without first obtaining special permission from multiple government offices. Some Tibetans reported encountering difficulties obtaining the required permissions. They said such restrictions made it difficult for them to practice their religion, visit family, conduct business, or travel for leisure. Authorities also required Tibetans traveling between regions to register with police.In August the Tibet Times reported monks from majority Tibetan areas of Sichuan, Qinghai, Gansu, and Yunnan provinces faced multiple bureaucratic obstacles intended to discourage them from traveling to Lhasa, capital of the TAR. Those seeking to travel required permits from up to seven separate government entities; the focus of these authorities’ questioning was on each monk’s and his monastery’s “legal activities,” including “political activities.” Obtaining all the necessary permits for travel was reportedly difficult.Outside the TAR, many Tibetan monks and nuns reported travel for religious or educational purposes beyond their home monasteries remained difficult; officials frequently denied them permission to stay at a monastery for religious education.Foreign Travel: Tibetans faced significant hurdles in acquiring passports. For Buddhist monks and nuns, it was virtually impossible. Sources reported Tibetans and members of certain other ethnic minority groups had to provide far more extensive documentation than other citizens when applying for a passport. For Tibetans the passport application process sometimes required years and frequently ended in rejection.Authorities’ unwillingness to issue or renew passports created an effective ban on foreign travel for the Tibetan population. Many Tibetans with passports were concerned authorities would place them on the government’s blacklist and therefore did not travel abroad. In May the NGO Safeguard Defenders reported relatives of blacklisted individuals were increasingly being blacklisted themselves.In April the International Campaign for Tibet reported authorities continued to withhold household registrations from some Tibetans who traveled abroad, in particular to India, hindering the ability of travelers and their families to find work or access health care, education, or other social services. Returnees were often subjected to interrogations, political re-education classes, and surveillance. The government also restricted the movement of Tibetans through increased border controls before and during sensitive anniversaries and events.Government regulations on the travel of international visitors to the TAR were uniquely strict compared with other areas of China. The government required all international visitors to apply for a Tibet travel permit to visit the TAR and regularly denied requests by international journalists, diplomats, and other officials for official travel. Approval for tourist travel to the TAR was easier to secure but was often restricted around sensitive dates. Security forces used conspicuous monitoring to intimidate foreign officials and followed them at all times, preventing them from meeting or speaking with local contacts, harassing them, and restricting their movement in these areas.Exile: Tibetans living outside of China included the 14th Dalai Lama and several other senior religious leaders. China denied these leaders the right to return to Tibet or imposed unacceptable conditions on their return.																																				e. Protection of Refugees										See section 2.e, Protection of Refugees, in the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2023 for China.																																					Section 3.													 Freedom to Participate in the Political Process												    																						According to law, Tibetans, like other Chinese citizens, had the right to vote in some local elections.  The government, however, severely restricted its citizens’ ability to participate in any meaningful elections.  Citizens could not freely choose the officials who governed them, and the CCP controlled appointments to positions of political power.The TAR and many other Tibetan areas strictly implemented the Regulation for Village Committee Management, which stipulated the primary condition for participating in any local election was the “willingness to resolutely fight against separatism”; in many cases this condition was interpreted to require candidates to be CCP members and denounce the Dalai Lama.																										Elections and Political Participation										Abuses or Irregularities in Recent Elections:  Not applicable.Political Parties and Political Participation:  TAR authorities banned traditional leaders from running their villages and often warned those leaders not to interfere in village affairs.  The top CCP position of TAR party secretary continued to be held by a Han Chinese, as were the corresponding positions in most TAR counties.  Within the TAR, Han Chinese persons also continued to hold a disproportionate number of top security, military, financial, economic, legal, judicial, and educational positions.  The law required CCP local leadership of ethnic minority autonomous prefectures and regions to be from that ethnic minority; nonetheless, party secretaries were Han Chinese in nine of the 10 Tibetan autonomous prefectures in Gansu, Qinghai, Sichuan, and Yunnan Provinces.  One autonomous prefecture in Qinghai had an ethnic Tibetan party secretary.Participation of Women and Members of Marginalized or Vulnerable Groups:  There were no formal restrictions on women’s participation in the political system, and women held many lower-level government positions.  Nevertheless, women were underrepresented at the provincial and prefectural levels of party and government.																																					Section 4.													 Corruption in Government												    																						See section 4, Corruption in Government, in the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2023 for China.																											Section 5.													 Governmental Posture Towards International and Nongovernmental Monitoring and Investigation of Alleged Abuses of Human Rights												    																						Some domestic NGOs were able to operate in Tibetan areas under substantial government restrictions.  Their ability to investigate impartially and publish their findings on human rights cases was extremely limited.  Laws on the activities of overseas NGOs limited the number of local NGOs able to receive foreign funding and the ability of international NGOs to assist Tibetan communities.  Foreign NGOs reported being unable to find local partners willing to work with them.  There were no known international NGOs operating in the TAR.  Government officials were not cooperative or responsive to the views of Tibetan or foreign human rights groups.																											Section 6.													 Discrimination and Societal Abuses												    																																																Women										See section 6, Women, in the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2023 for China.																																				Systemic Racial or Ethnic Violence and Discrimination										Although observers believed ethnic Tibetans made up the great majority of the TAR’s permanent, registered population – especially in rural areas – there were no accurate data reflecting the large number of long-, medium-, and short-term Han Chinese migrants, such as officials, skilled and unskilled laborers, and military and paramilitary troops and their dependents, in the region.Observers continued to express concern that major development projects and other central government policies, including incentives for ethnic Han individuals (especially retired soldiers) to move to Tibet, disproportionately benefited non-Tibetans and contributed to the considerable influx of Han Chinese into the TAR and other Tibetan areas.  Large state-owned enterprises based outside the TAR engineered or built many major infrastructure projects across the Tibetan plateau; Han Chinese professionals and low-wage temporary migrant workers from other provinces, rather than local residents, generally managed and staffed the projects.Economic and social exclusion, along with unequal treatment by authorities, was a major source of discontent among a varied cross section of Tibetans.  In March RFA reported police in Lhasa beat Gonpo Kyi for protesting the life sentence of her brother, Dorjee Tashi, who was convicted of financial fraud.  Kyi alleged the life sentence was unduly severe compared with the sentences received by ethnic Han Chinese for similar crimes.  Tashi was originally arrested after large-scale protests in 2008 and labeled a “secessionist”; those charges were later dropped.In areas officially designated as “autonomous,” Tibetans generally lacked the right to organize or play a meaningful role in the protection of their cultural heritage, and the government continued to pursue “Sinicization” policies aimed to suppress ethnic Tibetans’ cultural, religious, and linguistic identity.  State policies disrupted traditional Tibetan culture, living patterns, and customs.  Forced assimilation was pursued by promoting the influx of non-Tibetans to traditionally Tibetan areas, expanding the domestic tourism industry, forcibly resettling and urbanizing nomads and farmers, and weakening monasteries’ role in Tibetan society, especially with respect to religious education.In February the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights expressed concern regarding the involuntary resettlement of nomadic Tibetan herders.  The committee recommended China “immediately halt” involuntary resettlement; undertake “meaningful consultations with affected communities”; and “offer full, adequate, and timely compensation” to those affected.In April a committee of UN experts also expressed concern over “labor transfer” and “vocational training” programs in the TAR.  These programs reportedly coerced rural Tibetan workers into “vocational training centers,” which promoted low-skilled work in manufacturing and construction.  UN experts raised concerns about a lack of oversight to determine whether conditions constituted forced labor and reported cultural and political indoctrination.  According to the report, Tibetans in the program were prevented from speaking Tibetan or expressing their religious identity.Authorities limited the use of the Tibetan language in education and public life and punished those who promoted preservation of the language.  In April RFA reported authorities continued to harass the founder and staff of a Tibetan language school in Dharlag (Dali) in Qinghai Province after forcing its closure in 2021.  Former teachers and administrators faced frequent police summonses and interrogations, along with surveillance of their social interactions.  Families were generally forbidden from paying for outside instruction in the Tibetan language.In March Tibet Watch and RFA reported Zangkar Jamyang, a Tibetan writer arrested in 2020, was sentenced to four years’ imprisonment for “inciting splittist acts and spreading rumors” after advocating for Tibetan cultural preservation, including preservation of the Tibetan language, in online discussions.According to a report released by NGO Free Tibet in January, from 2021 to 2022 authorities in Luhuo (Drago) County, Sichuan Province, ordered the demolition of a series of Tibetan Buddhist religious sites and cultural institutions.  Officials reportedly claimed that the sites, which included a 99-foot-tall bronze Buddha statue, a monastic school, prayer wheels, and a temple at the Drago Monastery, violated various building and fire codes or lacked proper authorization prior to construction.  The report alleged local officials coerced influential Tibetan Buddhist monks into convincing locals to accept the demolitions, and later forced monks and residents to assist with the demolitions.  Authorities detained 10 individuals for opposing the demolitions or for sending information about the demolitions outside China.																																				Children										Birth Registration:  See section 6, Children, in the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2023 for China.Education:  Despite laws protecting cultural and linguistic rights, including provisions that “schools and other institutions of education where most of the students come from minority nationalities shall, whenever possible, use textbooks in their own languages and use their languages as the media of instruction,” there was an active campaign to undermine the teaching and use of the Tibetan language in schools.  Students at all levels had limited access to Tibetan language instruction and textbooks, particularly in the areas of “modern-day education,” which referred to nontraditional, nonreligious subjects, particularly computer science, physical education, the arts, and other “modern” subjects.The nationwide “centralized education” policy was in place in most rural areas.  To ensure its success, authorities forced the closure of many village schools, even at the elementary level, and of monastic schools or other Tibetan-run schools.  Students from closed schools were transferred to boarding schools in towns and cities, where instruction was generally in Mandarin only.  There were multiple reports of parents reluctant to send their children away from home being intimidated and threatened.In February UN experts warned that government policies affecting approximately one million children aimed to forcibly assimilate Tibetans culturally, religiously, and linguistically through the residential school system.  The experts reported educational materials used in residential schools were built around the majority Han culture, required completion of a “compulsory education” curriculum in Mandarin Chinese, and denied Tibetan children access to traditional or culturally relevant learning.  In keeping with government policy, authorities continued to close rural schools in Tibetan-majority areas, the experts said, forcing more Tibetan children to board at township- or county-level schools where instruction was almost exclusively in Mandarin.  As a result, the experts assessed Tibetan children were losing their ability to communicate with parents and grandparents in the Tibetan language, contributing to the erosion of their identity.  In March the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights raised similar concerns in its concluding observations to China’s third periodic report.Authorities enforced regulations limiting traditional monastic education to monks older than 18.Child Abuse:  See section 6, Children, in the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2023 for China.Child, Early, and Forced Marriage:  See section 6, Children, in the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2023 for China.Sexual Exploitation of Children:  See section 6, Children, in the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2023 for China.																																				Antisemitism										See section 6, Antisemitism, in the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2023 for China.																																				Trafficking in Persons										See the Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report at  https://www.state.gov/trafficking-in-persons-report/.																																				Acts of Violence, Criminalization, and Other Abuses Based on Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity or Expression, or Sex Characteristics										See section 6, Acts of Violence, Criminalization, and Other Abuses Based on Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity or Expression, or Sex Characteristics, in the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2023 for China.																																				Persons with Disabilities										See section 6, Persons with Disabilities, in the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2023 for China.																																					Section 7.													 Worker Rights												    																						See section 7, Worker Rights, in the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2023 for China.																										    							View report by:																				Hong Kong											Macau											Tibet																										On This Page				search													>																										Read a Section: Tibet																EXECUTIVE SUMMARY																Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person																																							a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings																																																						b. Disappearance																																																						c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, and Other Related Abuses																																																				Prison and Detention Center Conditions																																																																																				d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention																																																				Arrest Procedures and Treatment of Detainees																																																																																				e. Denial of Fair Public Trial																																																				Trial Procedures																																												Political Prisoners and Detainees																																																																																				f. Transnational Repression																																																						g. Property Seizure and Restitution																																																						h. Arbitrary or Unlawful Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence																																																			Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties																																							a. Freedom of Expression, Including for Members of the Press and Other Media																																																				Internet Freedom																																																																																				b. Freedoms of Peaceful Assembly and Association																																																				Freedom of Peaceful Assembly																																												Freedom of Association																																																																																				c. Freedom of Religion																																																						d. Freedom of Movement																																																						e. Protection of Refugees																																																			Section 3. Freedom to Participate in the Political Process																																							Elections and Political Participation																																																			Section 4. Corruption in Government																Section 5. Governmental Posture Towards International and Nongovernmental Monitoring and Investigation of Alleged Abuses of Human Rights																Section 6. Discrimination and Societal Abuses																																							Women																																																						Systemic Racial or Ethnic Violence and Discrimination																																																						Children																																																						Antisemitism																																																						Trafficking in Persons																																																						Acts of Violence, Criminalization, and Other Abuses Based on Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity or Expression, or Sex Characteristics																																																						Persons with Disabilities																																																			Section 7. Worker Rights																						Tags																					Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor																								Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs																								China																								Tibet																								Office of the U.S. Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues
- Under Secretary Zeya’s Remarks at the University of Notre Dame Keough Symposium on Digital Technology for Democracy Uzra Zeya, Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human RightsWashinton, DCAS DELIVERED.Good morning, and thank you, Andrés, for that kind introduction. And I’d also like to thank Notre Dame’s Keough School for hosting us today and for its partnership with the State Department.Friends and colleagues, it is a distinct pleasure to join you – a diverse and brilliant group of practitioners, experts, and advocates – to engage on digital technologies and their impact. It is no secret that digital technology is transforming our world, and opportunities like this symposium allow us to turn lessons learned into best practices and to leverage digital tools to defend democratic institutions and principles.Technology has the potential to do tremendous good – to advance sustainable development, civic engagement, and access to government services and information. Globally, this potential translates into tremendous progress across continents and oceans. In Nigeria, engineering students enhance their learning through online tutorials posted on YouTube by educators in India. U.S.-based blockchain startups collaborate with real estate registries in Brazil and Ghana to build secure record-keeping systems for land and property registration and protect against fraud and corruption. Meanwhile, tactile ballot and audio guides enable blind voters in the Republic of Georgia to vote independently and privately.And yet, we are acutely aware that behind every positive use of technology, there are malign actors seeking to leverage the same tools to stifle democratic progress and repress populations. Nobel Laureate and our keynote speaker, the indomitable Maria Ressa, knows this all too well. A champion of digital technologies to connect, inform, and strengthen freedom of expression online in the Philippines, she has faced intensive digital surveillance and online harassment. During an interview with Secretary Blinken in June 2022, she warned that the growing misuse of tech leaves frontline users increasingly defenseless against digital attacks.Maria points out that “...what happens online is what happens in the real world. So impunity online is impunity offline.” I couldn’t agree more. In our interconnected world, impunity online has profound ripple effects. States are watching and learning from one another. Adapting. Building on techniques to repress human rights and hamper democratic governance. They shut down the Internet, target election infrastructure with malicious cyber activities, and sponsor AI-facilitated disinformation campaigns and synthetic content aimed at shifting elections results and suppressing the political participation of marginalized groups. In this super-year of elections, when a record-breaking 40% of the world’s population will vote, the impacts of mis- and dis-information could be catastrophic. If what happens online is what happens in the real world, democracies will be tested in ways were unimaginable than even just a few years ago.And for that reason, the Biden administration has prioritized support for technology that enhances democratic governance and improves our daily lives. To that end, we are taking steps domestically and abroad to achieve an affirmative vision for digital technologies in five key ways.First, our support for access to digital technologies truly spans the globe. At the Africa Leader’s Summit in December 2022, we committed to invest in digital transformation. Since that commitment, the U.S. Trade and Development Agency has funded eight feasibility studies to advance the implementation of over $1 billion in digital connectivity, clean energy, and healthcare infrastructure projects across the continent. Last April, the U.S. Agency for International Development in partnership with Prosper Africa, launched the Africa Tech for Trade Alliance and has provided some $274 million in long-term financing for affordable housing across West Africa.Second, we have made significant progress in protecting the open Internet and advancing rights-respecting digital technologies. Last October, President Biden issued an Executive Order on AI that establishes new standards for AI safety and security, protects Americans’ privacy, advances equity and civil rights, stands up for consumers and workers, and promotes innovation. On its heels, the President signed another Executive Order to protect Americans’ sensitive personal data from exploitation by countries of concern. As Vice President Harris said, “we have a moral, ethical, and societal duty to make sure that AI  adopted and advanced in a way that protects the public from potential harm and ensures that everyone is able to enjoy its benefits.”Third, we are also taking a government-wide approach to counter the misuse of surveillance technologies, including commercial spyware. In addition to a 2023 Executive Order, restricting U.S. government use of commercial spyware that poses a threat to human rights or national security, the Department of Commerce added four commercial spyware companies to the Entity List for Enabling Human Rights Abuses. These actions send a strong signal that the United States will promote accountability for the misuse of surveillance technologies and those who furnish them to facilitate human rights abuses and targeting of journalists, activists, and perceived critics.Just last month, Secretary Blinken announced a new visa restriction policy targeting individuals involved in, or enabling, the misuse of commercial spyware. Earlier this month, Treasury designated two individuals and five entities for their roles in developing, operating, and distributing commercial spyware technology used to target U.S. citizens.Fourth, we are working to advance global understanding of the impacts of disinformation, including synthetic content, on democracy and human rights. Through the Framework to Counter Foreign State Information Manipulation, we have partnered with nine like-minded governments to deepen cooperation, establish a common foundation, and support the development of resilient, fact-based information ecosystems.At the same time, the United States is investing in independent media and digital literacy all over the world to encourage partners to support civil society efforts and to build resilience against disinformation in all segments of society. Ultimately, we need to increase multidisciplinary, multistakeholder, empirical research on the impact of disinformation on democracy and human rights. I hope you all will explore this topic today – and please let me know what solutions you find!And finally, the fifth key way we are working to advance our affirmative vision for digital technology is through work with strong, committed partners who share our affirmative vision for technology. One key avenue is through multiple Summits for Democracy. Since the first in 2021, we have convened hundreds of leaders from governments, civil society, and the private sector to strengthen democratic governance, protect human rights, and advance the fight against corruption.The Summit’s Technology for Democracy cohort, co-led by Estonia, the United Kingdom, and Access Now, promoted the development and governance of digital technologies to strengthen democracies and enhance human rights and fundamental freedoms. The Information Integrity cohort, co-led by Canada, Latvia, and the Alliance for Securing Democracy, highlighted best practices to strengthen a healthy information ecosystem.Since 2023, the U.S. Government has contributed over $31 million to the Surge and Sustain Fund for Anti-Censorship Technology, supporting 30 million users of circumvention tools such as VPNs each month. This brings the total U.S. contributions since the fund was established at the first Summit for Democracy to over $46 million.The third Summit for Democracy, hosted by the Republic of Korea in just four short days, will demonstrate how diverse democracies are meeting the world’s most pressing challenges and delivering for their citizens. I will be there along with the Secretary of State. We intend to galvanize multistakeholder participation in digital governance and commit them to combat the misuse of commercial spyware together with us.But before I leave for Seoul, I am proud to share another vital way we are working together with our partners. Earlier this week, we released a first-of-its-kind joint guidance with the European Union, which will advance our efforts through the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council to protect human rights defenders online. This guidance outlines best practices online platforms can take to identify, mitigate, and provide access to remedies for digital attacks targeting human rights defenders. Actions to promote democracy in our increasingly digitized world are not just incumbent upon states – businesses also have a responsibility to respect human rights online and offline. Our hope is that private companies will utilize this guidance to better protect defenders and uphold this responsibility, in line with the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights.Global coalitions where governments work hand in hand with civil society, technical, and private business stakeholders have promoted and protected democracy worldwide. In line with our own commitments at the Summit for Democracy, the United States was honored to chair the Freedom Online Coalition in 2023. We were proud to develop and release with our partners there the Guiding Principles on Government Use of Surveillance Technologies and published the Donor Principles for Human Rights in the Digital Age.The promise of digital technologies, including emerging technologies, stands in stark contrast to the peril posed by their misuse in repressing human rights and limiting the exercise of fundamental freedoms.  But let me repeat: we have an affirmative vision. To get there, we call on governments and other key stakeholders to take these important actions going forward:commit to open access to the Internet and condemn shutdowns and network restrictions;employ digital technologies more effectively to administer free and fair elections;counter the misuse of commercial spyware and other surveillance technologies,leverage all tools as governments to promote and incentivize respect for human rights by the tech sector in line with the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights,and develop, procure, and use AI technologies in a rights-respecting manner.In committing to these five actions and working together we can advance the rights-respecting digital ecosystem that promises tech for the good of all.We are standing on a precipice – an unprecedented moment in tech history – with a unique opportunity to influence digital technologies. And it is our responsibility to rise to the occasion, filled with hope on technologies’ promise while clear-eyed on the immense potential for malign use. By harnessing the power of digital technologies, we all can create a more inclusive, informed, and engaged democracies.Thank you.
- Under Secretary Zeya’s Remarks at Assessing the PRC’s Assimilation Policies in Tibet event, Hosted by the University of Ottawa and Canada Tibet Committee Uzra Zeya, Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human RightsOttawa, CanadaAS PREPAREDGood afternoon, and thank you for that kind introduction, Alex. Thank you also to the Canada Tibet Committee and the University of Ottawa for hosting today’s gathering. My name is Uzra Zeya, and I am the United States Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues. It’s a pleasure to be here in Canada, one of our closest allies, to speak alongside distinguished colleagues, experts, and with students and members of the Tibetan community.Just a few weeks ago, news broke about arrests of over 1,000 Tibetans in Dege County, in Sichuan’s Garze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture. In the week leading up to the arrests, religious and laypersons alike gathered to peacefully protest the construction of a dam that threatened displacement of two villages and six historic monasteries. These communities have lived in the area for generations, and the monasteries are home to hundreds of monks and priceless relics. Video footage shows PRC authorities forcibly detaining and arresting monks, who pled with authorities to save their homes and tangible symbols of their cultural heritage. The United States calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all those unjustly arrested.This incident is but the latest example of the PRC’s assimilationist – or “Sinicization” – policies. From forcing the relocation of homes and monasteries; to the requirement of monks and nuns to pledge loyalty to the state; to co-opting the traditional succession processes of Tibetan Buddhist lamas; to banning images of His Holiness the Dalai Lama – the PRC aims to subsume Tibet’s rich spiritual, linguistic, and cultural traditions into its political framework.And they have wasted no time. Beginning as early as 4 years old, Tibetan children are separated from their families and coerced into government-run boarding schools, where they are purposely restricted from learning their language, celebrating cultural events like Losar, and practicing Tibetan Buddhism. More than one million students—or three in four school-aged Tibetan children — have been forcibly assimilated in these schools, all to serve a long-term goal of co-opting and reshaping Tibet’s traditions. This contradicts commitments that countries, including Canada, the United States and the PRC, have made at the UN and in other fora, to protect not only tangible cultural heritage such as historic sites and artifacts, but just as importantly, the intangible cultural heritage of humanity – the traditional practices and lifeways unique to each community.But this type of forced assimilation is not unique to Tibet. Increasingly, education is a major vehicle the Chinese Communist Party uses to forcibly assimilate the PRC’s rich array of ethnic and religious minority groups. The PRC’s Patriotic Education Law that went into effect in January seeks to safeguard “national and ethnic unity.” It legislates enhanced “patriotic feelings” among Hong Kongers and calls for education of “unification of the motherland” with regards to Taiwan. And in Xinjiang, so-called “vocational training centers” are euphemisms for internment and detention centers used to propagate ongoing genocide and crimes against humanity targeting Uyghurs and other minority groups.And while the United States will continue to call out these coercive assimilation policies, we are forthright in acknowledging our own history. Throughout the 18th, 19th, and 20th centuries, the United States government forced the displacement of Native Americans from their lands and utilized boarding schools to assimilate native communities and their children.But unlike the PRC, the United States, as well as our Canadian partners, believe in the fundamental importance of confronting historic wrongs and meaningfully engaging with impacted communities to ensure injustices like these never happen again. At the Department of State, we are meeting this commitment in three key ways:First, under the leadership of the State Department’s first Special Representative for Racial Equity and Justice Desiree Cormier Smith, we launched the first ever international Indigenous Youth Leadership Coalition to elevate indigenous voices from around the world, incorporate their invaluable perspectives into global civic and political engagement, and address challenges to Indigenous communities that know no borders. The program expands upon many of our policy goals, from combating structural racism and promoting human rights, to strengthening peace and human-centered security.Secondly, we are proud to provide direct support to programs that directly engage with vulnerable communities and protect both tangible and intangible cultural heritage at home and across the globe. As Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, I oversee over $24 million in assistance to support cultural and linguistic preservation efforts in Tibetan communities, among many other activities. These funds provide critical support for historians, scholars, and religious leaders dedicated to ensuring Tibet’s rich culture can be passed down for generations to come.And finally, in coordination with allies and partners, the United States seeks to call out injustice around the globe. For example, in August the United States announced visa restrictions on PRC officials involved in the forcible assimilation of more than one million Tibetan children in these government-run boarding schools. In late January, more than 20 governments, including the United States and Canada, provided recommendations at the PRC’s Universal Period Review at the UN Human Rights Council specifically mentioning the PRC’s assimilation policies targeting members of ethnic and religious minority groups. And later this week, the United States is proud to co-sponsor an event with Canada on preservation of Tibetans’ unique culture on the sidelines of the Human Rights Council in Geneva.My friends, we gather here today at a critical moment for Tibet. Human rights defenders, journalists, and researchers in Tibet and around the globe put themselves at personal risk to research and expose the PRC’s systems of oppression that we are discussing here today. They contend with widespread and pervasive surveillance and censorship in the PRC, and a face PRC-directed transnational repression here in Canada, the United States, and around the globe aimed at silencing them. The PRC will likely censor the insights of today’s speakers and attempt to discredit these facts through mis-and disinformation.This is why events like today’s seminar are so critical.To my Tibetan friends here and around the globe who continue to speak up: the United States sees you; we hear you; and we stand with you in support of your cultural, religious, and linguistic identity.Thank you.
- Deputy Secretary Verma’s Remarks at the State Department 2024 Losar Reception Richard R. Verma, Deputy Secretary of State  for Management and ResourcesHello, everybody. Great to see everyone. Uzra, thank you. We are so grateful to have Uzra’s leadership in so many areas, and it’s wonderful for you to kick things off like that. To Representative Cheodup, to Executive Director Gyatso, and so many other distinguished guests, it’s an honor to be with both of you, and let me say Losar Tashi Delek to all of you.Losar is such a time of celebration – of gratitude for the past year and to welcome the blessings of the new year. While we gather here this afternoon, Tibetan diaspora communities globally are holding their own celebrations. These traditions link Tibetans worldwide, even as new communities form and new generations come of age. Losar is also a cherished tradition across the entire Himalayan region, with communities in Bhutan, India and Nepal taking part in welcoming the arrival of a new year.I have been honored to have a long connection with the Tibetan people and the Himalayan region, and it is a true delight to observe this occasion in the company of so many familiar faces. Tencho – your stepfather, my dear friend Tempa Tsering, has been a teacher and guide to the history and culture of Tibet and was always at our side whenever we met His Holiness in India. I know he continues his devoted service in the Personal Office of His Holiness, and I wish him the very best on this auspicious occasion.Before taking up my post in New Delhi as Ambassador, I had read about the close relationship between the United States and the people of Tibet. But it was not until my service in India and subsequent years working on the U.S.-India relationship that I have come to appreciate just how close Americans and Tibetans have been for generations.I recall learning about how the Library of Congress office at Embassy New Delhi was founded in the 1960s by the legendary Gene Smith to rescue priceless Tibetan texts from the ravages of the Cultural Revolution. I remember discussing how the U.S. government played a major role in establishing Tibet House in New Delhi which has been so essential to preserving Tibetan religious and cultural traditions, and how the U.S. government helped fund and construct the reception centers in Dharamsala that have welcomed and housed so many Tibetans.I also came to appreciate the depth of the unwavering commitment by India, our close partner, to the Tibetan cause in welcoming His Holiness and hosting over one hundred thousand Tibetans fleeing oppression in the PRC.Most importantly, I learned about the ties between Americans and Tibetans from His Holiness the Dalai Lama himself. I recall His Holiness telling me the story of the pocket watch that he received as a small boy as a gift from President Franklin Roosevelt, and the twinkle in his eye as he showed it to me and told me how it served as an introduction to our country, which His Holiness described as a “champion of freedom.” I’m sure that small boy in Tibet would never have imagined that the people of the United States would one day recognize him with the Congressional Gold Medal for his own contributions to the freedom of thought, conscience, and religion around the world.I remembered those moments when I had the honor of presenting the Secretary of State’s International Religious Freedom Award to Lhadon Tethong, whose organization, Tibet Action Institute, has pioneered open-source communication technologies, nonviolent strategies, and innovative training programs for Tibetans and members of other groups facing repression by the People’s Republic of China.Losar is an opportunity to reflect on the things we are grateful for. And for me, it is important to express gratitude for the deep affinity between Americans and Tibetans that will continue to draw us to each other. It is an affinity that arises from values shared by the American and Himalayan traditions – values grounded in tolerance, openness, compassion, and an interest in the world around us. An affinity based on the shared conviction that individual believers are keepers of religious and cultural traditions, not governments, and not political parties. I see this shared outlook in American academics such as Dr. Bob Thurman, who has done so much for the understanding of Tibetan Buddhism in our country, and artists such as Richard Gere who has spent decades working to advance the rights of the Tibetan people.In fact, it was over a dinner conversation with Richard Gere and Pema Khandu, the Chief Minister of the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh, that highlighted to me just how broadly these connections extend across the entire Himalayan region. I felt that connection when Chief Minister Khandu hosted me on a visit to Tawang in the Indian Himalayas, the Indian birthplace of the Sixth Dalai Lama, where residents are also celebrating Losar today.And I experienced it in Bhutan, where Losar is also a cherished tradition, and where the vibrant commitment to democracy among the Bhutanese people recently shepherded elections to a successful conclusion and the fourth peaceful transfer of power in the Kingdom.So, this Losar, I am grateful for the enduring bonds between the people of America, Tibet, and the entire Himalayan region. It is my hope that our peoples will continue to reinforce and encourage the best in our respective democracies, so that we can support each other in realizing the words of His Holiness that “peace starts within each one of us.”With that, it is my honor to introduce Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who has provided a pre-recorded message for the occasion. Thank you very much.						Tags																					Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources																								Tibet																								Office of the U.S. Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues																								Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights
- Under Secretary Zeya’s Remarks at the State Department 2024 Losar Reception Uzra Zeya, Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human RightsWashington, D.C.As deliveredGood afternoon and tashi delek. It’s a pleasure to welcome you all to the State Department for our 2024 Losar celebration.We are privileged to be joined today by such distinguished guests, including our Congressional and civil society partners; Ambassadors and diplomatic colleagues; representatives of the local Tibetan community; and dear friends and partners from the State Department and throughout U.S. government agencies, including the White House and USAID. Welcome all.I would also like to thank the International Campaign for Tibet and Capital Area Tibetan Association for their contributions to today’s event, including the beautiful Losar altar and decorations around the room.This past Saturday marked the beginning of Losar, the end of the year of the Water Hare and the start of the year of the Wood Dragon. During this celebratory season, Tibetans across the Himalayas and the world set up altars; hang prayer flags; and don new clothes. They take time to visit family, make offerings, and—of course—eat delicious foods. So, it is only fitting that we, members of the global community, take time to celebrate with each other, partake in Tibet’s rich traditions, and, very soon, eat some delicious momos.But first, let us take a moment to reflect on this past year. As I look out into the audience today, I see faces from across the globe. Together, we make up a community of advocates and policymakers dedicated to supporting and preserving Tibet’s distinct cultural, linguistic, and religious heritage.Perhaps no event better exemplifies the strength, coordination, and solidarity of this community than the recent Universal Periodic Review at the United Nations Human Rights Council. Just a few weeks ago, the global community met to review and offer recommendations on the People’s Republic of China’s human rights record. During this session, more than 20 countries raised concerns regarding the PRC’s policies in Tibet, culminating in 24 specific recommendations regarding government-run boarding schools, arbitrary detention, and co-optation of Tibetan Buddhism, among many other concerns. Compared to the previous review in 2018, this session marked a two-fold increase in the number of recommendations concerning Tibet—a clear sign of the seriousness with which the international community collectively regards the PRC’s ongoing human rights abuses in Tibet.We saw similar collective resolve last November, when representatives of over 30 countries and dozens of civil society organizations gathered for the International Religious Freedom or Belief Alliance Ministerial Conference, organized by our Czech partners. Among many events, I was honored to speak alongside my Czech and Dutch colleagues to voice our concerns regarding the PRC’s co-optation of Tibetan Buddhism, including its draconian system of repressive “Sinicization” policies. Through this conference and other ongoing engagements, we have deepened ties and reaffirmed our global solidarity to support Tibetans’ right to freely practice their religion.And finally last August, the United States was proud to partner with Estonia, Switzerland, the Czech Republic, and the United Kingdom, as well as many civil society organizations, including the International Campaign for Tibet, at the World Water Week conference in Stockholm, Sweden. This event raised awareness of the PRC’s unsustainable environmental practices on the Tibetan plateau and displacement of Tibetan nomads. It brought Tibetan voices to the forefront of the conversation on water management and highlighted the urgent need to further cooperation and data sharing to ensure safe and ongoing access to freshwater for 1.2 billion people across South and Southeast Asia.Together, these events show the collective dedication of the international community to continue raising our deep concerns over the PRC’s ongoing human rights abuses and violations and supporting Tibetans’ exercise of their fundamental freedoms. As His Holiness the Dalai Lama says, “no matter what is happening, no matter what is going on around you, never give up.”This message is particularly resonant today as we enter the year of the Wood Dragon. According to Tibetan custom, the Wood Dragon symbolizes strength, energy, and fortitude—and I can think of no better words than these to describe our global partnership among governments, advocacy organizations, and supporters near and far.So, as we gather at the dawn of this new year, let us look forward to the future with hope. In the audience today, I see both familiar faces and many new ones, including young members of our vibrant Tibetan-American diaspora. Seeing the young people here today reminds me of the purpose of this work—ensuring Tibet’s rich linguistic, religious, and cultural heritage can be passed down to the next generation and celebrated for years to come. Later in our program, we will hear from some of our young Tibetan friends, sharing their passion for music and teaching us all more about the beautiful altar and traditions of Losar.With that, I am honored to introduce my dear friend and colleague, Deputy Secretary for Management and Resources Rich Verma, to share his well wishes. Happy New Year to all and Losar Tashi Delek.						Tags																					Tibet																								Office of the U.S. Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues																								Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights
- Marking Losar, the Tibetan New Year Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of StateI extend my warmest wishes to all those celebrating Losar, the Tibetan New Year. On this first day of the Year of the Wood Dragon, we celebrate the strength and perseverance of the Tibetan community around the globe. Here in the United States, tens of thousands of Tibetan-Americans are integral to the preservation of Tibetans’ distinct cultural, linguistic, and religious heritage.I wish Tibetans celebrating all across the world peace and prosperity in the new year. Losar Tashi Delek and Happy New Year!
- IRFBA Chair’s Statement on Tibetan Buddhism and Tibetan religious prisoners of conscience the 11th Panchen Lama Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, writer Go Sherab Gyatso, and separation of Tibetan children from their heritage and language IRFBA Chair’s Statement on Tibetan Buddhism and Tibetan religious prisoners of conscience the 11th Panchen Lama Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, writer Go Sherab Gyatso, and separation of Tibetan children from their heritage and languageAs the Chair of the International Religious Freedom or Belief Alliance, I appreciate the contribution of Tibetan Buddhism to a deep understanding of seemingly self-evident concepts such as love, compassion and meditation. Tibetan Buddhism has played an important role in the history of the region and continues to have a transformative power in Tibetan society, as well as a positive influence on neighbouring countries and many individuals around the globe.I express my grave concern for the ongoing enforced disappearance of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, the 11th Panchen Lama, whose whereabouts and well-being in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) have been unknown for nearly 30 years.PRC authorities abducted Gedhun Choekyi Nyima in 1995 when he was six years old and just days after His Holiness the Dalai Lama recognized him as the 11th Panchen Lama. In response, the PRC installed its own Panchen Lama and continues attempts to compel Tibetan Buddhists to pledge allegiance to the government-selected individual.I am concerned that PRC authorities have denied Gedhun Choekyi Nyima a lifetime of being able to freely practice his faith in a manner of his choosing. Further, I find the lack of independent access to his whereabouts, the seeming restrictions on his freedom of movement, and the limited information about him spanning nearly three decades highly troubling.Gedhun Choekyi Nyima is one among many Tibetans whom PRC authorities have silenced or oppressed for expressions of their beliefs, culture, language, and traditions. This includes detaining Tibetans for possessing images of the Dalai Lama, such as Go Sherab Gyatso, a Tibetan Buddhist monk, writer, educator and public intellectual currently sentenced to 10 years in prison for his peaceful advocacy and whom authorities previously detained for reportedly possessing and displaying a portrait of the Dalai Lama.The PRC’s cultural erasure throughout Tibet, including efforts to &#8220;Sinicize&#8221; Tibetan Buddhism and interfere in the selection process of Tibetan Buddhist lamas, including the Dalai Lama, are alarmingly widespread. These policies prohibit Tibetans from offering prayers to the Dalai Lama in public, as well as images of the Dalai Lama himself. Authorities have also banned the display of highly symbolic Tibetan prayer flags and the celebration of many important Tibetan festivals.As such, many monasteries and religious events have become subject to regular surveillance. According to monitors, of the roughly 6,000 monasteries that once existed in Tibet, only 13 have been left undamaged. For instance, the 2016 destruction of Larung Gar, the largest Buddhist academy in the world, resulted in the forced eviction of thousands of students, monks, and nuns living around it. Many were reportedly subjected to brutality and “political re-education.”Last year, several UN experts expressed concern about credible reports that PRC authorities have coerced approximately one million Tibetan children in what they characterized as a &#8220;mandatory large-scale program intended to assimilate Tibetans into majority Han culture, contrary to international human rights standards.&#8221; Separating a generation of Tibetan children from their heritage and language will do untold damage to their ability to shape and preserve their identity.I urge the PRC to cease all human rights abuses against Tibetans, including by accounting for the whereabouts and well-being of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima; ending the coercion of Tibetan children into government-run boarding schools; upholding freedom of religion or belief for all; and abandoning policies and practices aimed at erasing Tibet&#8217;s rich religious, cultural, and linguistic identity.
- Remarks for the International Campaign for Tibet Side Event at the IRFBA Ministerial Conference Uzra Zeya, Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human RightsPrague, Czech RepublicIRFBA Ministerial ConferenceThank you, Tencho and Tomáš, for the kind introduction.Good morning and tashi delek. It’s a pleasure to be with everyone here today in beautiful Prague. My name is Uzra Zeya, and I am the United States Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues.I would first like to thank the International Campaign for Tibet for organizing this session; our distinguished moderator and speakers for providing their insights on this vitally important issue; and to the Czech Republic for hosting this year’s International Religious Freedom or Belief Alliance Ministerial Conference. Thank you, all.My friends, we gather here today in a world marked by conflict. From Russia’s ongoing war against Ukraine; Hamas’ brutal terrorism in Israel and the ensuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza; to genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang and increasing repression throughout the People’s Republic of China—these are times when peace feels uncertain. Around the world, we see authoritarian governments that are increasingly intolerant of ideas, beliefs, and practices different than their own. They espouse political systems that ignore and even undermine internationally recognized human rights; democratic governance; and rule of law. The tragic events unfolding in Tibet mark just one example of this troubling dynamic.Tibetan Buddhism — a religion Tibetan Buddhists describe as rooted in compassion, empathy, and nonviolence — lies at the heart of Tibet’s identity and cultural heritage. In most Tibetan homes, you will find an altar with images of the Buddha of Compassion, “Chen-Ray-Zig.&#8221; Prayers mark the hours of the day, and monasteries dot the landscape. Monks and nuns, who play revered roles in Tibetan society, serve as leaders, educators, and stewards of Tibet’s language and environment, passing their knowledge down to future generations. As I’m sure my Tibetan friends would agree: for many Tibetans, their Buddhist faith is inextricably linked to Tibetan identity.And yet, Chinese Communist Party officials somehow portray this religion of peace as an existential threat to the People’s Republic of China, or the PRC. Tibetan Buddhism runs contrary to Chinese Communist Party ideology, which dictates that loyalty to the party is paramount and that religion and spirituality are phenomena to be controlled and co-opted by the state. For decades, the PRC has developed a draconian system of repression that aims to “Sinicize” Tibetan Buddhism. It seeks to subsume this rich and vibrant spiritual tradition into the PRC’s political framework and reshape its core tenets in accordance with the values of the CCP.For example, so-called “patriotic campaigns” require monks and nuns to pledge loyalty to the Chinese state. They must obtain permission to travel or hold religious events and gatherings. The state approves reincarnations and even maintains a registry of officially recognized lamas. And perhaps most concerning, the PRC has made clear that they have every intention of co-opting the succession process of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.These restrictions also apply to lay Tibetans: children are prohibited from participating in religious activities or even receiving religious education. Families are no longer able to hang pictures of His Holiness in their homes. Gone are the prayer flags that used to flutter in the crisp air of the Tibetan plateau.Looking outward, the PRC’s interference in Tibetan Buddhism extends beyond its borders, demonstrating a troubling pattern of transnational repression. This aligns with broader PRC efforts to reshape the global human rights discourse, especially regarding the right to freedom of religion or belief. The international community’s response to PRC abuses is, therefore, not only directly tied to the human rights and fundamental freedoms of Tibetans—it is an affirmation of our collective commitment to safeguarding human rights.It is in these challenging times that we need to look to leaders like His Holiness the Dalai Lama, who remind us that despite the challenges, despite the uncertainty, there is always hope. And that hope, that possibility for positive change, needs to be undergirded by our actions. It is here that we — as policymakers and advocates — have an indispensable role to play. The United States is meeting this call to action in three important ways.First, the United States has deepened its engagement with partners and allies, recognizing that multilateral collaboration is foundational to building broad and results-oriented advocacy for the Tibetan community. In August, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Switzerland, and United Kingdom co-sponsored a Department of State-supported event at the World Water Week conference in Stockholm, which raised awareness of the PRC’s unsustainable environmental practices on the Tibetan Plateau and displacement of Tibetan nomads. Over the course of the past year, we also saw Tibet highlighted in high-profile multilateral statements, including from the G7, expressing serious concern over the human rights situation in the PRC. We will continue to increase international solidarity in support of Tibetans’ human rights and preservation of their unique cultural, linguistic, and religious identity.Second, as the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, I am proud that the United States continues to lead in bringing attention to the PRC’s human rights abuses. We continue to call on the PRC to resume meaningful and direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his representatives, without preconditions, at the highest levels of our government. This past February, we hosted the first in-person Losar celebration since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, with representatives from over a dozen countries. There, Secretary Blinken reaffirmed the State Department’s resolve to defend and promote the human rights of Tibetans and recommitted to working alongside the global Tibetan community. It is events like this where we remember the importance of celebrating Tibet’s rich religious, linguistic, and cultural heritage and passing it on to the next generation.And finally, the United States is backing up our words with our actions. This past August, the Department of State took historic steps to impose visa restrictions against PRC officials involved in the forced assimilation of over one million Tibetan children in government-run boarding schools. Last December, the United States also designated two PRC officials under the Global Magnitsky sanctions program in connection with serious human rights abuses in Tibet. Moreover, the United States is proud to be one of the leading donors to Tibetan communities worldwide, providing more than $24 million this past year for cultural and linguistic preservation efforts; scholarships for Tibetan youth; support for Tibetan Institutes across Asia; development of the CTA’s virtual election system; healthcare, education, and job training; and so much more.This week, my esteemed colleague Rashad Hussain, the United States’ Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom, and I are honored to participate in the IRFBA Ministerial Conference. We are here to promote respect for freedom of religion or belief, as well as advance avenues to protect members of religious minority groups, including Tibetans. But, let me be clear: our work does not stop here. The United States’ resolve is unwavering, and we will continue to work tirelessly to advance the human rights and dignity of all Tibetans.Let me leave you with this: for decades, the Dalai Lama has used his faith as a bridge to connect with others and uncover the common thread of our shared humanity. This week, let us continue this work: promoting dialogue, building understanding, and creating a freer and more just world for all.Thank you.						Tags																													Religious Freedom																															Tibet																								Office of the U.S. Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues																								Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights