well be a boon to employers, not a threat. There was
a time when most managers saw unions as “schools
for revolution”, organisations which hoped to train
workers to overthrow the existing order. All the

- evidence since 1980 suggests, however, that the
unions are really “schools of democracy”, not
necessarily because they want to be but because they
have to be. The very existence of the unions is based
‘on winning gains through negotiation; they cannot
negotiate if they seek to destroy those with whom
they bargain.

To ensure that the agreements they reach stick,
they are also forced to involve their members fully in
decisions and to act only when they have a mandate
from their followers. This. means that the unions
form the one black movement which has developed
a style of politics which emphasises compromise,
democratic decision-making and orderly change. If
the traumatic change which the country is under-
going at present is to be managed effectively, it is
essential that this style of politics gains ground.

At the very least, major employer associations
have already found that, during upheavals like the
November stay-away, the unions are the only bodies
with whom they can negotiate some way out of the
impasse. Hence the attempt by bodies such. as the
FCI to negotiate with union leaders after the stay-
away, an effort which was cut short by the detentions
of union leaders.

NEGOTIATION IMPORTANT

To ask whether unions are “becoming political” is to
misunderstand the issue. All unions are political, and
in South Africa this goes for conservative, established
unions as much as for their emerging-union counter-
parts, Established unions continually insist that they
are “non-political”: they find no contradiction be-
tween this claim and their efforts to use influence
with the government to win tougher job reservation,
bans on unregistered unions and other measures
aimed at shoring up their members’ privilege. The
difference between them and the emerging-unions is
not that the one is political and the other isn’t, but
that the one likes the present political order and the
other doesn’t. In the same way, the issue is not
whether emerging-unions are going to become in-
volved in politics, but which political style is going to
win out.

cso: 3400/931

56

Whichever direction unions’ political involve-
ment now takes, the real issue for employers is
whether the type of politics: the older emerging-
unions have evolved, the politics of mandate and
negotiation, survives. Greater union political involve-
ment may well ensure that it does. But it has scant
hope of success unless those in authority, employers
and government alike, encourage the politics of
negotiation — and act to remove the economic and
political barriers that are threatening it by creating
a growing group of young, angry and desperate
unemployed.


cso:

3400/939

Buhari ended the debate by announcing that any
form of election would have to wait until Nigeria’ S
economy had improvedTM ‘substantially and it had
earned the confidence of its trading partners. Mem-
bers of the SMC and’ civilian officials were drawn

“from all Parts. ‘of the federation and represented

“different, points of view; people writing letters to the
“inedia ‘were another’ form of public participation in
“ae ion-making. vos

This form of consultation will not satisfy the most
politically conscious part of the population. Buhari’s
press secretary had to go on record to deny that
members of the academic community had been for-
bidden to air their views without official consent.
(The Nigerian playwright, Wole Soyinka, went into
exile recently because of the restrictions on academic
freedom.) There were riots at the universities of
Ibadan. and Port Harcourt last month because of
limitations on student meetings and arrest of student
leaders. To channel, the surplus energies, a ‘large
scheme for military reservists has been announced.
According to Brig. Onoja, director general army
reserve, recruitment and resettlement, this will draw
in civilian volunteers as well as former army persop-.
nel and will be a sort of WAI Brigade on a profes-
sional level.

Nobody: in Lagos believes the army officers who
have spoken out will be content with a back seat
while people junior to them in.rank run the country
on what ‘seems to them a very divisive basis. But'the
present leadership cannot proceed openly against
these men, since this might trigger off serious internal |

<2 army;unrest @'

22


NOTE

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sources are translated; those from English-language sources
are transcribed or reprinted, with the original phrasing and
other characteristics retained.

Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets
[] are supplied by JPRS. Processing indicators such as [Text]
or [Excerpt] in the first line of each item, or following the
jast line of a brief, indicate how the original information was
processed. Where no processing indicator is given, the infor-
mation was summarized or extracted.

Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are
enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a ques~
tion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the
original but have been supplied as appropriate in context.
Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an
item originate with the source. Times within items are as
given by source.

The contents of this publication in no way represent the poli-
cies, views or attitudes of the U.S. Government.

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ment: creation has always been substantially below
target. For example, the Tomlinson Commission
(1955) estimated a need for an additional 20 000 jobs
in industry to be created annually in the homelands.

The Decentralisation Board in recent years set a
target of 25 000 - 30.000 jobs at (what are now
termed) “industrial development points”, both in
and outside the homelands. The number of jobs
actually created or decentralised has been much less;
that is, until the announcement of the current greatly
enhanced regional programme. To put these num-
bers into perspective, it is: now estimated that there
are more than 100 000 potential new entrants into
the labour market each year from the homelands.
Figures for total jobs created are given in the table on
page 42: they cover the whole of South Africa
excluding the independent homelands.

Those jobs that have been created or decentra-
lised are also extraordinarily expensive. For example,
Leon Louw of the Free Market Foundation esti-
mates that the cost of each decentralised job rep-
resents the equivalent of between two and five jobs
in the metropolitan areas. Ciskeian planners have
estimated the current (excluding capital) cost of
servicing decentralisation concessions at R3 000 per
job per year. Nevertheless, in 1981 the government
announced a new industrial decentralisation and
regional policy with substantially improved con-
cessions.

. Previously, a company had to make a profit in
»order to benefit from tax concessions. This constraint
has been removed and companies are paid quartely
cash grants. The decentralisation concessions are
divided into short- and long-term. The first (7 - 10
years) are directed: at “alleviating certain short-term
financing problems”. They include, for example,
tax-free cash subsidies on the wage bill (which may
exceed the wage paid t6 unskilled labour), interest
subsidies and the reimbursement of relocation costs.
Long-term concessions are aimed at overcoming
locational disadvantages and involve, for example,
rebates on railage out.

The country has been divided into eight devel-
opment regions, and the concessions are higher in
regions of greater need. Thus, while available at
“deconcentration points” close to the metropolitan
centres, they are higher at more-distant “industrial
development points”,

The impact of the new concessions can be seen
in the table, which reflects projects established and
employment created between 1975 and 1981,
together with projected figures for 1982/83 and
1983/84. In practice, slightly less than half the
approved projects are actually implemented. Never-
theless, private-sector participation in the decentral-
isation scheme has increased tremendously under
the new policy.

65

DECENTRALISATION IN FIGURES
The table reflects projects established, capital
invested and employment created under the
auspices of the Decentralisation Board,

1975 - 1984
Projects Private sector
established capital Employment
Year orexpanded investment(Rm) _ creation
1975 59 68 5730
1976 ot 87 6738
1977 136 174 12.469
1978 123 112 8408
1979 175 132 11178
1980 152 140 11421
1981 214 245 11792
1982/83 7 2459 65342
1983/84 1190 12010 69914

Source: Decentralisation Board, Annual Reports 1981 and 1982183:
and also discussions with Decentralisation Board officials.
(1) The halving of the proposed capital commitment between
1982/83 and 1983/84 is the result of there having been two
projects in 1982/83 which alone accounted for a R12 billion
investment,

Finally, the Section 3 controls of the Environ-
ment Planning Act are being phased out in favour of
the Croeser Committee proposals. These are in-
tended both to stimulate decentralisation, by making
a metropolitan location more expensive, and to gen-
erate revenue for the new forms of local government
currently being established. The proposed measures
include a levy payable by metropolitan-based
employers on their total employment. .

THEORY AND PRACTICE
The theoretical basis of the industrial decentralis-
ation policy has generally been taken to be that of *
growth-centre theory. Our contention, however, is.
that the policy has not accorded with the theory and
that the policy lacks a theoretical basis.

A growth centre refers to the location of an indus-
try or of large industrial activity; it shows relatively
rapid growth; is highly interlinked with other indus-
tries; and produces linkages within the region. Such
an industry is considered to be “propulsive”.

; Growth-centre theory prescribes subsidies de-
signed to attract propulsive industries to specific
locations. Should such an industry locate at the
centre, the region within which it is located will
enjoy substantial regional multiplier benefits. Unfor-
tunately the “fine tuning” of policy implied in



interests of the free-
enterprise system that
the white community
and white companies
should bank in The
African Bank and make
ita viable institution —
so that, when the chips
are down, blacks can
talk of a bank that

was created by them.

Collings: How many branches or
agencies does the bank haveP

Motsuenyane: As of now, we have five
branches and three agencies, but we have
had a problem in setting up branches in
places like Pietersburg because of the
Group Areas Act. The local authority in
Pietersburg was very much against allow-
ing a black bank into the CBD.

Collings: Which is where you would want
to be because that is where the workers
receive their money and can bank it

Motsuenyane: Yes. We have always argued
that money is spent where it is eamed. But
there is another reason why it would be
stupid to believe that we could generate

. greater growth rates in isolated areas than
in the CBD: a branch in a black residential
area will open after the workers have left
for town, and close before they retum.

Collings: Given all the problems, what
rate of growth do you believe black
business has achieved during, ey, the
past five years? For example,

Nafcoc’s membership increased much?

Motsuenyane: Yes, it has increased very
steadily ~ from a few hundred people

21 years ago, when we started, to about
15 000 today. But I believe our members
represent only a small fraction of the black
entrepreneurs to be found in all parts of
our country. What we have are the prime
movers, the cream of the business com-
munity; people with less education and
understanding tend to keep away from
movements like Nafcoc.

Collings: How wide a range of business
activity is your membership engaged in?

76

- youngsters as role-modelsP

Motsuenyane: We have industrialists,
retailers, farmers, taxi and transport oper-
ators —even people from the informal
sector. There are also those who are still
no more than aspirant businessmen, and
we encourage students who are being
helped by our scholarship fund to become
members. White companies have also
come in as associate members; more than
200 of the larger companies in this country
have done so since 1976.

Collings: With what motivation?

Motsuenyane: We invited them. We
recognised that they had financial muscle
and know-how that we didn’t. As associate
members they could participate in our
training programme, as well as make
contributions towards certain projects we
perceive as important for the development
of our organisation. And that, indeed, is
what they’ve done. They've played a very
important role in helping us develop
Nafcoc.

Collings: Are women becoming important
as movers in black business? .

Motsuenyane: Yes. In our ‘prganisation we
see women in ever-increasing numbers —
just attend a Nafcoc conference and see
how many women there are in business.
They are certainly getting to the top. Many
women feature in our scholarship fund; in
fact, our best students have been female,

Collings: Are black businessmen being
taken by a significant number of black

Motsuenyane: Young black people have
become disenchanted with white capital-
ism, and therefore blacks who have made
a success of business are not seen as

good role-models in our community. For
business to develop a more acceptable
image in the black community, blacks
must be allowed to play a greater role in
whatis called the free-enterprise system.
Until then, the only thing that youngsters
believe they can do is to destroy some of
the businesses they see. Nafcoc is at the
moment running a commission of enquiry
into the reasons for the destruction of black
business during the current unrest,



CODES DISCOVERED IN STUDENT SPY CASE

Monrovia NEW LIBERIAN in English 9 Aug 85 pp 1, 4

[Text ]

Investigations into
the case involving: 14
students accused of
spying for the Soviet
Embassy, have ‘-taken
a dramatic turn with

the prgduction into
evidence of sophisti-

cated coded messages
which the investiga-.
tion board says sug-
gest a "dept of intri-
gue which May not he.
easily noticed".

Among the codes is

‘a message from one

"MUSA" addressed to
a militant simply iden-
tified as "JOE" dated
February 14, 1985, in
which the writer,Musa,
sent "something for
REACT" along with an
amount of $350.00 "for
passports some of the
militants already
have", and a list of

‘the "first group to-

leave when plans are
finalized",'

A full interpreta-
tion of the Coded me -

"SBage: which was
written entirely in
figures, reads as fol-
lows:

JOE HERE -IS SOME-
THING FOR REACT, EN-
CLOSED IS THREE HUN-
DRED AND FIFTY DOLLARS

FOR PASSPORTS SOME OF.

THE MILITANTS ALREADY
HAVE.THE FIRST GROUP
TO LEAVE WHEN PLANS
ARE FINALIZED ,WILL BE
COMPOSED, OF FIFTEEN.
THEY ARE WIWI DEBBAH,

DENNIS KAINE, STEWART
GELIMIRA FLOMO, DAVID

DOLO, JOSEPH MAYSON

GOE, FLOMO KOKOLO,
HARRY MUINBEG, FARK-
OLLIE, TOLO KOFFAH,.

TONIA RICHARDSON ,THOMAS
DU, MATHIAS NIMLEY, AND
PEWU. FIND TWO GOOD
MILITANTS TO WORK WITH
YOU IN CASE OF ACCI-
DENT. -

In another message
written July 27, 1985,
the writer who signed

12

JPRS*SSA*85083
6 September 1985

LIBERIA



shortage of management and entrepreneurial skills,
Unless it accepts that there is a national crisis in this
area, it will remain passive and will “leave it to the
government”, .

As to whether it believes there is such a crisis, an
answer is provided by the fact that South Africa’s
only foundation, initiated and controlled entirely by
the private sector and committed to the concept of
management development, exists no more. The
Management and Manpower Foundation (MMF)
grew out of the National Development and Manage-
ment Foundation (NDMF), which was started in
1948 by the late Sir Emest Oppenheimer, who per-
ceived even then that new concepts of management
would emerge and that South Africa should not lag
behind in getting to understand them.

‘ Nevertheless, it was only in 1955 that the then
Director of the‘ NDMF was able to write to Sir
Emest: “We are now solvent for the first time. We

~ have many good friends and supporters who believe
in what we are doing. I am very glad therefore to be
able to report to you that the faith and vision you had
six years ago in founding and launching the NDMF
have been translated into reality.”

Like all great men, Sir Emest was not deterred
by short-term financial setbacks. The NDMF was
never a large organisation but made a meaningful
contribution to the ongoing development of manage-
ment concepts in South Africa. It is therefore under-
standable that, when the concept of a manpower
foundation emerged in 1980, the NDMF should be
incorporated in it. Thus, after negotiations lasting
more than a‘year, the trustees of the NDMF took
two decisions: to expand its activities to comply with
the resolution taken at the Carlton Hotel in Novem-
ber 1980 and, in particular, to introduce a new
dimension, the concept of manpower. Hence the
new title, Manpower and Management Foundation,

NON-RACIAL ORGANISATION
The Fanie Botha Manpower 2000 campaign led to
the formation of 11 private-sector manpower com-
mittees: in Kimberley, Bloemfontein, Johannesburg,
Northem Transvaal, Pretoria, Eastern Highveld,
East Rand, East London, Natal, Western Cape and
Eastern Cape. During their first year of operation
these committees were funded by government;
thereafter, the MMF had to carry the responsibility.
From the start, people of all races participated in
its activities. Indeed, it was decided that particular
emphasis should be placed on identifying black man-

agement and entrepreneurial talents with a view to
developing them. That was an important advance:
the NDMF had only white trustees and directors and
gave a management ‘service primarily to white
people,

By the time the MMF’s 1983 annual Teport was
published, we had identified clearly the route we
should be taking. My presidential foreword feported:

The Manpower and Management Foundation

has identified that its contribution to the concept

of prosperity for all through a free-enterprise sys-
tem.can -best be achieved by concentrating on
the following activities:

It will expand its various existing manage-

ment dayelopment’sarvices.armed primarily at

those irrmanagement positions.

It will establish new management centres at
strategic localities throughout the country, where
people in the informal sector and small business-
men will be given a consulting service.

It will identify unnecessary barriers that
prevent all people from becoming part of our
free-enterprise system, and will endeavour to
influence the removal of those barriers.

It will, on an ongoing basis, monitor all train-
ing schemes in South Africa with a view to ration-
alising them and initiating new concepts when
recognised. \

* Our finances were strained from the start as
we had, on the one hand, to service a larger
infrastructure than the NDMF had needed and
had, on the other hand, to cope with generally
escalating costs. However, cognisant of the atti-
tude of the private sector as reflected in its
founding resolution that “a major effort” was
needed, we were not deterred; our finances were
sound, after all, inter alia through bridging loan-
capital. :

Annual subscription inflow from the private
sector was, however, very disappointing. During
its last year of operation the NDMF had a sub-
scription income of R539 000. After its trans-
formation into the MMF, additional subscription
income from the whole private sector was
R260 000 — totally inadequate for the task on
hand and, given the background to its foun-
dation, puzzling and disappointing. In contrast,

~ for the year ending March 31 1984, the Urban
" Foundation had a donation basis of over R8 mil-

lion.

71



JPRS*SSA~85~083
6 September 1985

SENEGAL

BRIEFS

THAL RICE AGREEMENT--There has been a shortage of rice in the past few days but
now the situation has been normalized, according to the minister of commerce,
Abdourahmane Toure: [Begin Toure recording] In fact, we can say that the
shortage of rice in particular is a foregone story. The ship "Beaujolais"
which followed the (Kiriaki), expected on 28 July, arrived yesterday in Dakar--
because of bad weather in the Indian Ocean--with a consignment of 25,000 tons
of rice. We are also expecting the."Missouri" to berth at the end of this month
with its consignment of 31,000 tons of rice. The other ships are following
and are expected in Dakar on 8 September. Moreover, the government has just
signed an agreement with the Thai Government for the purchase of 100,000 tons
of rice. [Excerpt] [Dakar Domestic Service in French 2000 GMT 14 Aug 85]

cso: 3400/933

29



Trade Unions Becoming. Less Radical

DURBAN. — There was
a new trend of greater re-
sponsibility developing
among trade unions, the
Minister of Manpower,
Mr Pietie du Plessis, said
yesterday.

Responding to criticism
of trade union demands
aired from the floor at the
Natal National Party con-
gress, he said: “The more
they seem to gain confi-
dence in our industrial 're-
lations system, the less
radical they are becom-
ing.”

Over the past eighteen
months to two years,
there had been a clear
pattern of change among
some of the most radical
unions, the Minister said.

“there are hopeful
signs of new responsibility
with more unions regis-
tering and a greater will-
ingness generally to re-
main. within. the _par-
ameters of the legal re-
quirements.” {

The Minister was asked
for closer Government at-
tention and intervention
where unreasonable de-
mands were being, made
by trade unions.

In reply he said it was
the Government's belief
that is should respect the
relationship between
worker and employer and
keep out of the negotiat-
ing process as far as poss~
ible.

“This is the one area
where reform has been
the fastest and most suc-”
cessful,” Mr Du Plessis
said,

cso: 3400/941

“You have to remem-
ber that labour legislation
is presently in an evol-
utionary process and that
many trade unions and
smaller employers espec-
ially have not quite come
to grips with it.

“What we need is a
consolidation period and
for that reason the Gov-
ernment does not want
too many changés to
legislation.”

Trade unions were
needed because the goal
was maximum labour
peace.

“Already we can boast
that our strike frequency
is of the lowest in the
world, lower than the
United States,” the Min-
ister said. — Sapa.

100


JPRS*SSA*85+083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

MOST WHITES RELY ON TELEVISION FOR NEWS

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 12 Aug 85 p 6

[Text]

“The majority of white urban South’

Africans rely on television as their
main source of news. ' .

This is the finding of the latest Om-
nicheck poll conducted by Research
Surveys, a market research company,
among 800 white housewives and 500

‘white men in the country’s main urban
centres. .

Overall, 71 percent of all whites, turn
to television newscasts to keep abreast
of events.

Of the housewives, 75 percent said

; television was their main news source,
compared with 66 percent of men’ re-
spondents. a

Daily newspapers do ‘not feature

‘strongly as the medium delivering the
news. In all; only 42 percent of whites

cso: 3400/959

depend on the dailies, with more mer
relying on these sources (47 percent)
than women (40 percent).

Of almost equal. importance ts radio
news, with 33 percent of urban whites
relying on this source. t

Overall, Sunday newspapers were
“regarded as main sources of news by
i percent of the white urban popula-,

ion. ue

“The. dominance of TV ‘applies at
every level — age, language group, in-
_come and region.

‘Not surprisingly, 53 percent of

“women who were 50 and older listed

radio as their prime source of news. At
the other end of the scale, 51 percent of
women between 18 and 24 relied on
newspapers. — Sapa.

36


any other specific type of forum. At the
same time, the objection to the NUM
taking part in a council was the fact that:
it was not registered. Since then it has
decided to apply for registration and this
could affect its attitude,

Friedman: Once the NUM is registered,
would be eligible to take part in a council.
Would you consider demanding, as other
industries have done, that it does so if it
wants to negotiateP

Liebenberg: I can’t see any situation in
which we would try to force a union to

join ‘an industrial council — the whole idea
behind the system is that it is voluntary.
All we can say is that in principle we favour
one system and that the older unions want
an industrial council — the NUM’s'stance is
for it to decide. Nor are we assuming that,
because the union has applied for regis-
tration, it is more willing to join a council.
Itmay simply have done this to gain “stop
orders” more easily. .

Friedman: Last year, after a lengthy
battle, you agreed to allow the Mine
Surface Officials Association a

closed shop for black workers, which
strengthened the MSOA at the expense o
its rivals. It was also seen as a climb-dowr
by the Chamber which has, until then,
opposed extending the closed shop to
blacks. Have you dropped your appositio:
to an extended closed shop?

Liebenberg: Firstly, I must stress that the
closed shop has never been a form of job
reservation on the mines; it has never
stopped us training blacks for skilled work.
So, by allowing unions to keep it, we are
not sanctioning discrimination.

On the question of protecting one
union against another, we made it very
clear to the NUM at the outset that we
could not regard it as representative of
white-collar officials even if it recruited
most blacks in these jobs. The workers
in these categories are overwhelmingly
white, they belong to other unions and
NUM can’t expect bargaining rights on
their behalf. The MSOA’s closed shop
hasn’t deprived NUM of bargaining rights
which it could have gained. Icis true that
we were forced to drop our opposition to
the MSOA’s closed shop, but we got
something very important in return —
agreement to open the officials’ pension
fund to all races,

61

Friedman: The officials’ fund is now open
~but the Chamber dropped its attempt to
open the fund for union men, the Mine
Employees Pension Fund, in the face of
white-union opposition. Does this mean.
that white unions still have the power to
block change?

Liebenberg: We are
obviously disappointed
that the unions refused
to agree to open the
MEPF, But we have
told them that we have
not dropped the issue
forever and we hope
that one day soon we
. can re-open it. Their
. fefusal hasn’t prevented us from offering
black artisans the same pension benefits as
whites; we just can’t have them in the
same fund. This is a pity.
We wanted to say to our critics — and,
let’s be honest, to the outside world —
that black artisans enjoy exactly the same
employment conditions as whites. Now,
on pensions, we can only say that their
position is comparable. We still don’t
understand the unions’ objection. We
weren’t asking them to rub shoulders with
other races, only to let their money rub up
against that of the others. Besides which,
they rub shoulders in the workplace every
ry.

Friedman: But if you can’t persuade
white unions to accept a joint pension
fund, what hope do you have of getting
them to agree to open their jobs to blacks?

Liebenberg: Six of the eight unions with
which we are discussing “scheduled
persons” have already agreed to allow
blacks to become apprentices. They are
the artisan unions and artisans are the créme
de la créme of the mine workforce. Despite
this, the “scheduled persons” definition
still means that we have 13 jobs reserved
for whites and we realise that the unions
who represent workers in these jobs,
particularly the MWU, are most opposed
to letting blacks into them.

We recognise that MWU members
have genuine fears: they believe that
employers will hire blacks in their jobs at
considerably lower rates of pay. We must
allay those fears and prove to them that is
not our intention; we simply want non-
racial manning,



JPRS»SSA*85~083
6 September 1985

SIERRA LEONE

BUDGET RECEIVED WITH MIXED OPTIMISM
London AFRICA NOW in English Aug 85 p 55

[Text] Government efficiency has produced an increse in tax returns but
negotiations with IMF continue to be discouraging

Sierra Leone Finance Minister Joe Amara Bangali, revealed in his budget speech
in June that the government's taxes on income and profits during the 1984/85
Financial Year amounted to LE 75.8, showing a 36% increase over the previous
tax year. Taxes on company profits accounted for the largest income.

Announcing the budget for the 1985/86 financial year, the Finance Minister
said that the strengthening of the Income Tax Department in terms of staff and
administrative facilities, during the previous year would allow the government
to expect a tax return of LE 95m for the 1985/86 year. This would be an
increase of 25% over last year's figures.

On domestic taxes on goods and services, Bangali pointed out that those taxes
which comprised excise duties in 1984/85 totalled LE 66.6m, or an increase of
32% over the previous year. During the current financial year the government
estimates an increase of 24%, with a projected figure of LE 82.4m.

The Finance Minister stressed that in order to meet part of the growing
government expenditure, the Ministry has, in collaboration with Revenue
Collection Ministries and Departments, worked out a package of adjustments in
the rate of licences and duties as well as changes for services rendered by
the government.

Import licence fees and invoice entry fees on wine, spirits, perfumery,
cosmetics and toilet preparation, carpets, video recorders, washing machines
and television sets have been increased from 30%-40%.

The export duty on diamonds has been increased from 3% to 5% and the royalties
on gold have received a similar increase.

Bangali announced an increase in salaries and pensions of public officers from

20% at the top to 30% at the bottom with an overall average increase of 25% a
year.

32


JPRS=SSA+85~083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

FAILURE OF GOVERNMENT'S DECENTRALIZATION POLICY EXAMINED

Johannesburg HUMAN RESOURCES in English 1985-86 pp pp 40, 42-44

[Article by Mark Addleson and Richard Tomlinson]

[Text]

The policy of industrial decentralisation pursued by
the South African Government during the past 20
years cannot reasonably be described as anything but
a failure. Unsound in theory, it has not only failed to
create enough jobs in specific locations to meet its
aims, it has also wasted national resources that would
otherwise have contributed to general economic
growth and job creation.

Public-sector intervention in the location of
industry in South Africa began in 1940 with the
creation of the Industrial Development Corporation.
‘The Corporation offered low-interest loans to decen-
tralising industrialists. The intervention became
much more extensive in 1960 with Verwoerd’s an-
nouncement of the “border areas” industrialisation
policy and the creation of what is now called the
Decentralisation Board. The Board’s job is to assess
applications for décentralisation concessions.

At this time only “carrots”, in the form of tax and
other concessions, were’ offered to decentralising
companies. The motivation for the border areas
policy lay in the government’s efforts to restrain
black urbanisation; at this stage by attempting to
create an economic base on the borders of the home-
lands.
In 1967 the “stick” was exercised, in the form of
what is now called the Environment Planning Act.
Section 3 of the Act imposed controls on the hiring of
additional black labour in the PWV, while Section 2
of the Act imposed restrictions on the zoning of
industrial land.

64

These restrictions subsequently evolved into the
current Guide Plan process, as a result of which the
price of industrial land in the PWV is extraordinarily
high, apparently ten times that of comparable
American cities. It is estimated that the Section 2
and 3 controls have led to a net loss in employment
creation for blacks, considerably fewer jobs having
been decentralised than the amount of employment
which was sacrificed in the PWV over the same
period. :

In 1968 the border areas policy was dropped and
investment in the homelands was encouraged. Since
whites were not to own land in the homelands,
investment was undertaken on an “agency” basis.
Investors ‘signed contracts, giving homeland govern-
ments the option of buying out the business at some
future date, with the Industrial Development Cor-
poration.. The agency restriction has not been imple-
mented to the detriment of investors and once
homelands became “independent” they dropped the
agency requirement.

The National Physical Development Plan of
1975 articulated a spatial development plan for the
whole of South Africa and new “growth poles” were
created throughout the country. A limited number of
growth poles had been created in 1965 in coloured
and Asian labour-surplus areas such as George,
Knysna, Verulam and Tongaat.

The industrial decentralisation policy is now
recognised as a failure, both with respect to employ-
ment creation and its contribution to an economic
base within the homelands. Decentralised employ-


CAR SALES TOTTER, PRICE WAR HEATS UP

JPRS*SSA¥85+083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

Prices Down

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 12 Aug 85 p 1

{Article by Alan Ruddock]

‘ALAN RUDDOCK ]

MASSIVE discounting in the motor
industry — up to 30% is being offered
off the list price of some models —
has failed to stem the slump in car
sales. "

Figures released yesterday by
Naamsa, the National Association of
- Automobile Manufacturers in SA, show
that, while July cat sales were 14,1% up
on June, they were still down 12,2% on
iy 1984 — which was an exceptionally
bad month in the wake of the increase-ih.

For the first seven months of the year
sales totalled 116 315. This is 35% down on
last year’s 179 304 in the same period.

Market leader in July was Toyota, with
23,7% of sales (22,2% in July 1984), fol-
lowed by Volkswagen with 14,1% (9,57
Mercedes-Benz (including Honda) wi
105% (105%), Samcor with 10,5% (9,2%),
and Ford with 10,2% (15,7%).

Toyota marketing director Brand Pre-
torius says that “most of the industry is
trading very unprofitably and we should

be concerned about the p! °
ly 2.000 motor dealers in SA — especially
. forced to conform to excessive dis~
counting.”

Observers say that discoun has
reached dizzy heights as manufact
scramble to hang on to their share of the

er car market — and car dealers
are losing out.

‘Among those advertising discounts are
Renault, Alfa Romeo and Samcor. Deals
Aange from Renault's low-interest pack-
age to Alfa’s R7 500 cash discount on a
car costing R25 000. Samcor is offering
Ri 500 off the Mazda 323.

Dealers claim most manufacturers are
Involved in discounts of one sort or an-
other.

Fleet sales account for as much as 70%
of all cars sold and Pretorius says that
fleet sales “are underpinning the indus-

ot

[Text] [

101

t of the near- 4" manufacturers

: FEB MAR
Traditionally, fleet can expect |
an automatic discount of about 15% but

sources say that the manufacturers’ pri- :
manor to move stock at almost any |
ice.

Observers say that car dealers are be-
ing pushed out of large fleet sales by
“who "have resorted-toi,

dealing directly with fleet buyers. "
“Large kickbacks and undercutting are -
not a fundamental principle of succesful
marketing and we do rticipate in.
this kind of discounting,” jus says.
General Motors alleges that one “large
manufacturer” is giving buyers

. kickbacks. Marketing director Al Carpen-
ter says: “GM is totall opposed to manu-
facturers’ kickbacks we know that
one large manufacturer is operating this
way al present to maint market
re. :

Sales of light commercial vehicles in
July this yer were 21,7% down on Jul:
1984, at 7 258, while medium commercials .
were down 16% to 443, and heavy com-
mercials down 21% to 867.

For the first seven months of the year
total light commercial sales were down



NGK MINISTERS REQUEST TALKS WITH BLACK COUNTERPARTS

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 9 Aug 85 p 5

{Text ]

cso:

3400/959

The grave situation in the country has prompted Ne-.
derduitse Gereformeerde Kerk ministers to request
extraordinary talks with their black counterparts.

Black ministers from the Nederduitse Gerefor-
meerde Kerk in Afrika (the black sister church of the
NGK) will address a special conference organised by
the Northern Transvaal moderamen of the NGK.

“We want to hear from the black ministers what
problems they are experiencing jn the current unrest
situation,” said the Rev Henno Cronje.

‘The meeting would be closed to the Press and pub-
lic to protect the identities of the black ministers be-
cause they were so victimised, Mr Cronje said.

The conference will look at the problems and the
role of the NGK in Afrika. It will also examine the
role the white NGK and its ministers could play in
the unrest situation and the state of emergency.

The meeting will be held in Pretoria on August 21.

A similar meeting had not yet been called in the
Johannesburg area, said the moderator of the South-
ern Transvaal synod of the NGK, the Rev Gert Eras-
mus of Linden.

The Southern and Western Transvaal moderamens
were to have discussions with their NGK in Afrika
counterparts next week, he said.

The moderamens meet occasionally, but their sche-
duled meeting was moved to an earlier date in
view of the unrest situation in the country, Mr Eras-
mus said. It will be determined at this meeting
whether the need exists for a conference similar to
the one in Pretoria.

42

JPRS*SSA*85~083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


Collings: I take your point about the need
for good one-to-one relationships, but you
can also look at the other end of the
spectrum and say that, if black workers
are very unhappy in a political sense
about their overall situation within the
country, that will feed into the work
situation.

Reynders: Oh, no doubt. We've seen it
over the past two years. People have
argued that, since blacks — and particularly
those outside the national states —in their
opinion have no meaningful political rights,
they will be using trade unions increasingly
for political ends. Of course, our law forbids
registered trade unions to support political
parties or to be supported by them.

Collings: Do you think that’s a wise law?

Reynders: I think so, on balance. Trade
unions should be concerned with the wel-
fare and the conditions of employment

of workers. They are, of course, also con-
cemed with the welfare of the members in
the wider sense —local community affairs,
the housing and infrastructure they get,
bus services and so on. But I don’t think
it is the function of the trade unions to
engage in specific political matters.

Collings: But surely any group of people
which is trying to improve, say, bus ser-
vices or conditions of housing has to
organise in, what one might call, a politi-
cal manner?

Reynders: I don’t think you should employ
the clout of a trade union to achieve such
improvements. There are other avenues to
take care of that.

Collings: Towards which, perhaps, the
trade unions could point their members?

Reynders: Largely yes, dépending on the
type of activity. For example, it would be
quite inappropriate for them to encourage
their members to employ illegal means.

I am under the impression, though, that
some of the trade unions participated in
the recent stay-away reluctantly; that they
really didn’t want to get involved with it
because its aim was out-and-out political.
I wouldn’t be surprised to learn they are
being pressurised to get involved.

84

Collings: Where do you think the pressure
is coming from - from their members, or
from outside the country?

Reynders: I have a feeling there are indi-
viduals pressurising our trade union
leaders, whether from within South Africa
or from outside the country. I think most of
them are probably inside the country.

Collings: There have been loud noises
about the need to free up the economy.
How much longer can we live with influx
control?

Reynders: I’m notsure thatin a country
such as ours we can go ahead without some
sort of influx control. The present method
is notideal, but I don’t think that we can do
entirely without some measure to ensure
orderly urbanisation. If you have an absol-
utely free movement into urban areas, what
will happen? Crossroads, Alexandra— there
are many examples. The social pressures
and consequences of an “uncontrolled”
movementof people from rural areas into
cities lead to frustrations and those, in turn,
tounrest. I have putitsimplistically, the
problem is much more complex.

Collings: Indeed.
Many argue that the
dangers of uncon-
trolled urbanisation
are slight when com-
pared to those created
in rural areas by influx
control.

Reynders: We cannot
avoid urbanisation. On the contrary, it will
have to go ahead. But I think we should try
to do it in an orderly way. I think that is
what Minister Gerrit Viljoen, too, is saying
~ reviewing our present method of influx
control in the light of a properly-conceived
urbanisation plan for South Africa.

Collings: The argumentis, of course,
that once people are allowed into the
metropolitan economy, they can find a
way of surviving which is impossible in
a totally impoverished rural area.


[Traore] Well, the second point--a point no less important; a point which
sometime ago, the comrade president of Burkina Faso said was a point which
should arise--concerns the issue of the border dispute between Burkina Faso
and Mali, which are two brother countries, an issue which, unfortunately is
today before an international jurisdiction, and all this, I think, is the
fault of some people who were not able to be really nationalistic, African,
and did not show enough foresightedness. It concerns the issue of the border
dispute between Burkina Faso and Mali, or rather a dispute between the leaders
who created this problem. In-any case, since this dispute is today before
the International Court of Justice in The Hague, we want to ask you, who

are the technocrats of the Ministry of Justice, to tell us what stage this
dossier has reached today.

[Compaore] Concerning this case, I think a lot has been said about it, and
there were even some incidents which we regret today. What we can say about
this case is that after 4 August 1983, during the first interview of the
comrade head of state, some clarifications were given, consisting essentially
of saying that it is not a problem as such, and that we under the Democratic
and popular revolution, we believe in the peaceful coexistence between us

and the various countries surrounding us. We actually believe that among

the masses, there should not ‘be any insurmountable difficulties. The masses
support one another; the struggles of these people in the developing countries
are geared in the same direction. We believe that dialogue. can always prevail.
It is within this spirit that the two heads of state actually resorted to the
International Court of Justice. Each of the two countries should furnish this
international judicial body with the necessary elements. to enable it to give
its ruling on this matter. It was agreed that anything which might bring the
two countries to confront’ each other militarily should be avoided. We are doing
everything to ensure that dialogue prevails, that reason prevails so that the
interests of the two peoples would be safeguarded in this matter.

cso: 3400/940



Most Whites Rely on Television for News
(THE STAR, 12. Aug 85) vecescccccecececcsccevesevcccoecacs

Writer Says West Too Soft on ANC, SWAPO
(Jillian Becker; BUSINESS DAY, 2 Aug 85) ..secscseceeeecs

Columnist Defends Linking Communists to Anti-Apartheid Drive
(BUSINESS DAY, 31 Jul, 1 Aug 85) .ccecesevececcecescvcees

Freedom Charter Issue, by Ken Owen
Academic Scores Tactics

NGK Ministers Request Talks With Black Counterparts
(THE STAR, 9 Aug 85) ssesccecccescceuceccecevencseraseess

Detainees Add to Prisons Crush
(Peter Honey; THE STAR, 27 Jul 85) vecececseevecccseecere

NGK Article Says Church Must Admit Wrongs of Apartheid
(THE CITIZEN, 17 Aug 85) ccscceccccecccssccesctceeceeoers

Witwatersrand Vice-Chancellor Urges Solutions, Not Confrontation
(Erik Larsen; THE CITIZEN, 17 Aug 85) ...ssccceceveceeeees

PFP Spokesman Speaks Out Against Group Areas Act
(Brian Stuart; THE CITIZEN, 17 Aug 85) .sceeseceeceeveees

CP Rejects Indian Rights in Orange Free State
(THE CITIZEN, 17 Aug 85) wevcecceccccecescecccsevecceercs

ANC Comments on 'So-Called' Reforms in RSA
(Addis Ababa Radio Freedom in English to South Africa,

15 Aug 85) cecccccccevcvcccvcnecccsesessseseessreesneeees

Increase in Emigrants Means Small Boom for Transporters, Banks
(Sue Leeman; THE STAR, 26 Jul 85) w.sccsevevececcevcreees

Would-Be Emigrants Warned About Pitfalls
(THE STAR, 9 Aug 85) .csscscscecccecsvceesenceeeeueserees

Political Power of Union Movement Examined
(Steven Friedman: HUMAN’ RESOURCES, 1985=86) ....eesseeeee

Expert. on Mine Labor Issues
(Johann. Liebenberg Interview; HUMAN RESOURCES, 1985-86)

Failure of Government's Decentralization Policy Examined
(Mark Addleson, Richard Tomlinson; HUMAN RESOURCES,

1985-86) coccecveccccecererceesserseesrereeeseesererecees

36

37

38

38

39

42

43

44

45

46

Al

48

50

51

52

57

64


- operaté except by conspiracy). But the ~
clreumstantial evidence is accumulat- -

ing.” H
Instructions

Firstly, the Freedom Charter, after van-
ishing from sight for 20 years, has sud-

denly been dusted off and is being pro- ~
moted as though it were a new -

deodorant.

It is, moreover, presented as having been
accepted by a “Congress of the People”

which was in fact a meeting of 3000 °

delegates, representing four Congress
organisations. The biggest of these was
the ANC which, according to the US-
based social scientist Edward Feit,

probably had fewer than: 100 000 mem- -

rs at the time.

Then the ANC has recently expanded its
executive to include not only the well-
known Joe Slovo but also Tony Mongale,
the former ANC man in East Berlin, and
Frances Meli, educated in East Ger-
many and a string of other Marxists.

-The ANC has been broadcasting from Lu-

* saka instructions for a “people’s war”

(Which seem to form a pattern for much

- ‘of what is happening in the townships,
including the “elimination” of so-calted
collaborators.

Simultaneously, the followers of Azapo

, are being attacked as ‘were all other

‘. ANC rivals, whether the PAC, the Afri-
canists in the ANC, the Liberal Party, or
Mashinini and the early Black Con-
sciousness leaders.

Then, too, somebody did run up the ham-
mer and sickle at Cradock. Some news-
papers may prefer not to notice, just as
they do not notice that speakers at meet-
ings of the United Democratic Front
regularly refer to each other as “Com-
rade”; but it did happen.

It is easy to believe that the clerics who

+ were caught in pictures of the red flag
were manipulated, both by those who

JPRS*SSA~85+083
6 September 1985

ran up the flag and by thosé who photo-
aphed it. But this merely emphasises

* that it is sensible, whenever somebody
runs up the Soviet flag or the swastika,
to protest or to leave. Symbols matter.

Defend it

? All this does not mean that the turbulence
in the townships is due to anything other
than oppression and injustice; but it does

_ Taise the question whether Marxists are
calling the tune in terms of tactics,
terms, symbols and conditions for
peace,

If so, where will it end? Will we, like the
Poles in Warsaw or the democratic par-

- tisans in Yugoslavia, be sacrificed in the
end to the Marxist dream of world revo-
lution?

The issue cannot be ducked. The Charter
calls for the nationalisation of mines
and factories, ownership of the land by
those who work it and a centrally-di-
rected economy.

Some interpreters of the Charter say these
pledges mean that workers committees
will run the factories, and so forth; Innes
says it means we shall have a capitalist
democracy. The latter interpretation
seems to me bizarre. But if it is true,
why not say so? Why not come forward
and defend the Charter, and show how it
will protect private property, uphold
capitalism and preserve the rule of law?

If it’s defensible, defend it.

Alan Paton and Peter Brown and a num-
ber of other liberals met recently and
decided not at this stage to revive the

-_ old Liberal Party.

That's a pity. We need an organisation to
put forward the civilised alternative to
apartheid — an alternative which is now
viewed with such scorn by many of the
younger faculty at the universities that

ey can no longer distinguish between
liberals and Nationalists.

Academic Scores Tactics

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 31 Jul 85 p 6

{From the Letters to the Editor Column}

[Text]

Dear Sir) a
KEN OWEN's article “Turbulent priests...”
(Business Day, July 25) cannot be allowed to
go unchallenged. We have had more than enough

39


True, theirs are homogeneous societies and ours
is not. There is thus a tendency to assume we have a
sort of “natural disadvantage”. Alternatively, the
passivity I have referred to may be due to a belief
that somehow the necessary skills will be forthcom-
ing, just as they were in the past.

South Africa experienced two major changes
which gave it its present wealth. First, the develop-
ment of diamond and gold mining in the second half
of the last century broadened its economy beyond
the purely agrarian. Then, in the Thirties, the devel-
opment of secondary industry began and was given
tremendous impetus during the war years, so that we
now boast a highly-efficient industrial society. There
was no skills shortage when the first gold mines were
developed; skilled people flocked to them. Similarly
skilled ‘steel-workers were’ imported in the Thirties
as the foundation of South Africa’s industrial devel-
opment.

. This has been our evolutionary process, and it is
understandable that many believe it will continue.
There is, however, a major difference between the
situation now and that of 50 or 100 years ago: the
fruits of economic recovery can no longer, if only’ for
Political reasons, be shared mainly among whites.
That being so, the.cake that has to be shared out
must be far bigger than hitherto, for there are many
more people expecting a slice. To produce such a
cake demands the better utilisation of a/ manage-
ment and entrepreneurial skills; those of whites
alone are no longer sufficient. As the Committee for
Economic Affairs of the President’s Council
observed in Report 1/1984:

Entrepreneurs will have to come increasingly’

from among the coloureds and blacks because

the Asian population and the whites in particular

have probably reached saturation point in this

respect. .

To achieve that, we must look again at our free:
enterprise system. The government has repeatedly
stated that it is committed to private enterprise for all
people. The private sector, inter alia through an
organisation such as the Free Market Foundation, is
concerned that government has moved too far in the
direction of socialism; privatisation is the new direc-

tion. Black people here generally do not believe _

South Africa’s version of the free-enterprise system is
beneficial to them. The accusation is made that it

constitutes racial capitalism, generating wealth for .

the few and keeping the masses poor.

Fortunately there is a growing cadre of black
managers and entrepreneurs in the formal as. well as
informal sectors. These people are our &reatest allies
and it is up to us, those who mule, to bring about a
situation where more and more of them emerge.

We must work harder at making upward-mobility
a visible reality. A growing number of black man-
agers will be a tremendous motivator to those aspir-
ing to move up the ladder of Prosperity. But that
means, as responsible leaders in South Africa now
recognise, that our free-enterprise system must, in
fact, open its doors to all people, and at an acceler-
ated pace,

The government is actively engaged in removing
legal barriers. Views may differ regarding the speed
at which this is happening, but change is at least
visible.

Skills development is undoubtedly, in the aver-
age South African company, receiving more attention
than ever before, but the question remains whether
such attention is sufficient if exercised almost exclus-
ively within individual companies. In other words,
does the private sector attach value to a pooling of
Fesources outside the sphere of government?

The answer obviously lies in its attitude to the

The Southern African
skills pyramid

Top management skills
70000 people with
a taxable income of

30000 a year or more

Middle management —
skills drawn mainly
from white sector

2s millon poop
mi le
. with low management ‘skills, mainly other races

70


Education is a particularly interesting case. It
serves three purposes. It increases the capacity of the
individual to enjoy and appreciate his life, and this
aspect of it must be regarded as a consumer good of a
rather high order. Secondly, it increases the capacity
of the individual to be a good citizen; to behave in a
way his fellow-citizens find acceptable. To this ex-
tent, the education of one individual is a service to
others with whom he will come in contact. Finally,
education increases the capacity of the individual to
be productive and thereby to increase both his own
itcome and his contribution to the wealth of society
asa whole,

Because the last is of special interest to business
it tends to receive the most emphasis in this type of
discussion, and this sometimes gives offence to those
who are chiefly conscious of the other two purposes.
In fact, the three purposes are inseparable (except in
rather technical debates concerning the content of
education), and most forms of education serve all
three purposes at once.

The interesting point about the increased pro-
ductivity of the individual that flows from education
and training is that part, but only part, of the extra
wealth that he will create will accrue to him. In order
to be productive he will need, in nearly all fields of
activity, the use of capital.

The wealth produced will be the joint product of
his skill and the capital which he uses; so his skill
benefits the owner of capital, just as the existence of
capital benefits him. Then, whatever he produces in
consequence of his contribution will be more plenti-
ful and therefore cheaper than it would otherwise be,
so that his skill will also benefit the consumer.

Finally, both he and the owner of the capital will
pay taxes and his skill will benefit everybody who is
an ultimate beneficiary of government expenditure.
I is therefore true in the most rigorous sense that the
education and training of individuals benefits
society, for nearly every member of society will ben-
efit to some extent from the increase of productivity
of any other member.

It is worth observing, therefore, that if a particu-
lar kind of skill is scarce, the possessors of the skill
will be highly paid. A great proportion of the benefit
from their education will accrue to themselves and a
low proportion to the consumer. If the skill is com-
mon, the reverse is the case. .

Thus, there was a time in Europe when the mere
ability to read and write commanded a relatively high

income; today, when the ability is almost universal,
it cannot be said to command any increase in income

to the individual who possesses. it, but the whole
society is vastly more productive and everybody in it
is better off because everybody is literate. We have,
therefore, the paradox that it is in every individual’s
interests that whatever particular skill he himself
possesses should be as scarce as possible and that all
other skills should be equally as plentiful.

Tt is also true, and important for such a dis-

cussion, that in this matter the interests of the
owners of capital correspond with those of society as
a whole. The owners of capital want all skills to be as
plentiful as possible, to facilitate the profitable
investment of capital; society at large wants it, since
it will lead to cheaper goods and services. The idea
put forward both by Marxists and by those trying to
Protect privilege based on artificially-created scarci-
ties of skill, that the benefits of spreading skill more
widely, thereby reducing the premium which the
Possession of it commands, accrue to capital, is
largely untrue. The benefit essentially accrues to the
consumer,
__ It is correct, then, to describe education as an
investment. This does not in any way conflict with
the idea that it is also a consumer good — it can per-
fectly well be two things at once.

Who, then, should make the investment, who
should pay for it? There are two major objections to
leaving the matter to the market in the ordinary way.
The one is that, since people have to be educated
when they are.children, we are not asking the indi-
vidual who will benefit to pay, but his parents. While
parents who have themselves benefited from edu-
cation, and therefore understand its value, may be
teady to do so, those children who most urgently
need education are precisely those whose parents do
not have it and may therefore not fully appreciate its
value. ‘

The other problem is that in education, as in any
long-term investment, expenditure has to be made
long before the benefit it provides. Where are the
poorer people in a community, if they have to pay for
their own education, to find the resources to do so?

Whatever might be the position in a wealthy
society which has reached a stable level of education
over a number of generations, leaving the payment
for education to parents cannot be a solution in a
society like ours, which is expanding rapidly and re-
quires each generation to receive far more education
than its predecessor.

79



892115
JPRS-SSA-85-083

6 September 1985

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

_[FBIS| FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE

| RepRooucéD By
NATIONAL TECHNICAL
INFORMATION SERVICE

US. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE.
SPRINGFIELD, VA. 22161



JPRS*SSA*85~083
6 September 1985

ZIMBABWE

RESTRUCTURING OF CENSOR BOARD URGED

Harare THE HERALD in English 3 Aug 85 p 1

[Text] THE Board of Censors but “ey coult not fn.”
must be completely re- fluence the policy of the
structured to reflect the . corporation. e articles
socialist path being taken - they wrote were “elther
by independent Zimbabwe, tofally rejected or doctor-
the anu (PF) secretary
for commissariat and cul- | jome films shown were
ture, Dr Herbert Ushewo- scapttattat through and
kunze, said yesterday. through”. He was satis-

To suggest that the

UB fled with live shows which
board be “democratised”

: he said were in line with

was too Hberat an ap- national trensformation.
proach, Cde Ushewokunze | On newspapers, he
said when he answered | » said: “We now see sense
questiong at a seminar in , in newspaper reporting.”
Herare on the role ef But such stories as baby
ant magaz! es in dumping still persis’

‘the transformation of Zi- making front pose head-
mbabwe towards 2 social- lines “with no attempt
ist-orlentated state. to explain the socio-eco-

While he was Minister homie factors giving rise
of Home Affairs he had to the problem”.

“put up battles” to push
the board to unban pro-
gressive and revolutionary
material which had been
outlawed under the Smith.
regime, he sald. |

‘Books on the armed |
struggle to lberate ut |
mbabwe, for example, ;
were not to be read in the
country, not even as late |
as 1982.”

On the Zimbabwe «
Broadcastiny ing Corperation «
he said: “The system is
stilk perfectly capitalist
» «.» calling for a new.
look at those working 1p,
‘this institution.”

There were ‘@ number
of “good cadres” in ZBC,

cso: 3400/923

105



LIBERIA

Sampson, Dwanyen Resign From Army To Run for Office
(NEW LIBERIAN, 5 Aug 85) secevccaccceeccesccevceesseessves

Codes Discovered in Student Spy Case
(NEW. LIBERIAN, 9 Aug 85) .cscccecccccceccccecccccusececere

Bernard Says INA Members Not Barred From Politics
(NEW LIBERIAN, 5 Aug 85) seccesccerececescccescecceeeecers

Hoarders Blamed for Rice Shortage
(J. N. Elliott; NEW LIBERIAN, 6 Aug 85) wesseeceseecsceees

Briefs
Second Phase Voter Registration

MOZAMBIQUE

Foreign Workers Claim Renamo Giving Frelimo Hard Time
(THE CITIZEN, 5 Aug 85) sesecsecscesccecceccceeessccverers

NIGERIA

North-South Conflicts Evident in Shagari Trials, Press Repression
(AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL, 31 Jul 85) cssceccceecscees

Idiagbon Releases Second Quarter Economic Results
(Tunde Idiagbon; NEW NIGERIAN, 12 Aug 85) ..csesseeeeeoees

Briefs
NNPC, ELF Formalize Operations
Ethiopian, GDR, Swiss Envoys
SENEGAL

Briefs
Thai Rice Agreement

SIERRA LEONE

Momoh Discusses .Role, Morale. of. State. Security Forces
(Roy Stevens; AFRICA NOW, Aug 85) .cscccccecvecsevesceeces

Budget Received With Mixed Optimism
(AFRICA NOW, Aug 85) ..sccccecccccceccccccecccenscceencese

SOUTH AFRICA

Correspondent Comments on Nation's Bad Press Abroad
(David Braun; THE STAR, 10 Aug 85) ....

-b-

1

12

14

16

18

19

20

23

28

29

30

32

34


JPRS=SSA*85*+083
6 September 1985

ZIMBABWE

ENGINEERING COMPANIES UP IN ARMS OVER UNFAIR COMPETITION

Johannesburg THE STAR [Business] in Englikh 6 Aug 85 p 20

[Text] The Star Bureau i Mr Keith Butterfield, presi-”
HARARE — Zimbabwean civil ; ident of the local federation, den- '
engineering companies are up in ied that Zimbabwean contrac-"
arms about what they see as un- * tors collaborated to “fix” tender
fair competition from overseas ; :prices, and said that competi-
firms for internationally funded * ition among civil engieering
road construction projects. firms here was as keen as any-

But one of the foreign firms 1 where. ‘
involved, the Yugoslav Parti-.. The asssitant managing direc-
sanski Put Company, counters: « tor of Partisanski Put; Mr Bran-
that local. contractors are colla- : ko Vukicevic, told the Finan-
borating among themselves to, » cial Gazette newspaper that
“fix” higher> prices for ,such’. there was something wrong with
projects. : . contractors in Zimbabwe if they
; The Yugoslav group has won. could not keep their prices low ;
two contracts — worth more | * enough to exclude foreign:com
than R37,8million, to upgrade _, petitors. ‘
-existing roads in rural areas. To. ; «He added that Zimbabwe con- !
win the contracts, they success:. , + tractors had been known to cir-
fully outbid local civil engineers’ culate among themselves de-
by undercutting them by! : tails of previously successful
R14 million on the two projects, 4 " bids, a practice which led to>

"According the Zimbabwe Fed- : ‘unnecessarily high prices”. He.
eration of Civil: Engineers and’ said that in Yugsolavia local :
Contractors, the Yugoslav com-* « firms bid as low as possible and :
pany had an unfair advantage managed to. exclude foreign.
} over the local concerns in that it* competitors. '

did not have’ to pay import

{duties and other taxes on its

‘equipment, spares and fuel. “' *

cso: 3400/923

106


the aims and aspirations of the
present Administration and for
the necessary measures we are
faking to significantly improve
the lot of our dear fatherland.

It was also a distinet
demonstration of the determina-
tion of our people to ensure that
the destiny of our great country is
kept securely in the hands of
Nigerians. {t was an un-
precedented mass mobilisation of
our people the type of which this
country had never seen before. It
proved conclusively that, in the
interest of the over-riding na-
tional cause, we can bury all our
differences be they ethnic,
religious or cultural and rise up
as one to answer the national call
fo duty. The crucial task of na-
tional redrientation and national
revival has just begun. The battle
for national survival has not yet
been won. This is not the moment
to rélax or relent. I therefore call
on all Nigerians to continue to ac-
cept cheerfully the challenge to
look for our salvation within
ourselves and to build on our solid
achievement in environmental
sanitation to unite and co-operate
with this Administration to bring
about true national economic
self-reliance and real political
emancipation.

CSO: 3400/976

27



Collings: What about the charge that it
is not developing a philosophy of fair
practiceP

Reynders: That is part of the problem.
By definition, legal precedent or case law
is along-term development, not some-
thing built up over two or three years.

We observed as much in the report I have
mentioned, and we suggested that certain
types of practice, such as blacklisting,
should be regarded as an unfair labour
practice, But over the past two or three
years there has been increasing use of

the Court, which to my mind indicates
that the legal machinery is working. _

Collings: Is there any plan for the
NMC to take a further close look at the
Industrial Court?

Reynders: Not at the present time —we are
still awaiting government decisions on our
previous recommendations. But I have a
suspicion that, in the investigation that

‘we are now conducting into the dispute-
settling machinery, we will probably once
more come up against the Industrial Court,
and will haye to look at it again.

Collings: Well, in the meantime we've
seen white unemployment becoming so
bad that one is being reminded of the

Thirties. You are currently investigating

personnel agencies. Why?

Reynders: We are looking at the whole
employment-services field, government
and private, from the point of view of
policy. We might recommend that we
don’t particularly need a government
employment agency — the labour bureaux.
We may conclude that the private sector is
doing the job adequately, but should be
going more into the semi-skilled and
unskilled field. Or we may come up with
the view that not enough is being done
regarding employment services for high-
level manpower. In fact, in our high-level
manpower report we recommend that the
Department of Manpower establish a
special section to offer employment ser-

vices to this sector—a recommendation that
was accepted, but the financial position has

limited the action taken.

cso: 3400/931

However, something is afoot. Itisa
question of trying to get some indication of
how effective the private and government
agencies are in closing the demand and
supply gap. We are trying on the one hand
to establish the effectiveness of that, to see
if there are any gaps, and on the other hand
to see whether, from a policy point of view,
something should be done. Employment
services in South Africa have not, as yet,
been looked at in aco-ordinated way. ~

J

86


will surely be undermined if all our children are to
receive their education in a system which is, for all
Practical purposes, socialist; if People are to become
accustomed to looking only to the government for
help when they are in trouble, producing the belief
that government is the fount of all blessings in a
world where others, but not the government, are
engaged in selfishly pursuing self-interest. In short,
if we do not want total government for our society as
a whole, we must not promote total government in
the crucially important areas of education and social
welfare.

There are still other objections to a government-
monopoly of services. Even in a fully democratic
country, and more so in a country like South Africa,
government is vulnerable to pressure from organised
interest groups, and education and training services
may be biased contrary to the interests of employers
and of society as. a whole.

One of the functions of private initiative in edu-
cation and training is to look out for areas where skill
shortages are being intentionally perpetuated. In
South Africa there is the larger task of making a con-
tribution to redressing the imbalance in the allocation
of resources, as between whites and non-whites,
which is bound to flow from a government Tepresent-
ing only white voters.

There is, théfefore, ample reason for companies
to support private initiatives in social welfare and
education — as, indeed, they have since the earliest
days of the Industrial Revolution in England, when
it was common practice for manufacturers to set up
schools for the children of employees. Whether one

regards this as public-spiritedness or enlightened.__

self-interest does not seem to be important.

PRIVATE INITIATIVE

It is difficult, anyway, to draw a valid distinction
between them. Public-spiritedness is, after all,
essentially the recognition that the individual, or the
individual company, is an integral part of society and
cannot flourish unless society as a whole is in a
reasonable condition, or at least is making reasonable
Progress towards a better state.

In fact, the question of altruism or generosity
arises, not in the recognition that companies ought to
do this sort of thing, but in the decision of an indi-
vidual company that it will play its part and will not

cso: 3400/931

be a free rider, leaving the effort to others. After all,
the essence of what we are talking about is that it is
voluntary. To make it compulsory requires the inter-
vention of the state, with all the drawbacks that that
implies.

But whenever something is voluntary it is poss-
ible for the selfish and irresponsible not to carry their
fair share of it. For this reason, those companies
which engage in “social responsibility” activities,
Hotwithstanding that they are probably motivated by
enlightened self-interest, deserve some credit for
doing so.

81



JPRS*SSA*85+083
6 September 1985

GHANA

BRIEFS

GHANAIANS DEPORTED FROM BENIN~-Eighty-five Ghanaians were last night escorted
to the Ghana-Togo border at Aflao after being expelled from Cotonou by the
Benin authorities. The deportees--52 women and 37 men [all figures as heard]--
were rounded up in the capital for allegedly indulging in immoral practices
and loitering. They were also without resident permits, Early this month,

15 Ghanaian teenagers were deported from Benin for similar offenses. [Text]
[Accra Domestic Service in English 2100 GMT 16 Aug 85]

CSO: 3400/934



WOULD-BE EMIGRANTS WARNED ABOUT PITFALLS

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 9 Aug 85 p7

[Text]

cso:

South Africans should
make careful value judg-
-ments before deciding to
emigrate, because “the
grass is not always
greener on the other
side”,

This was said by speak-
ers at a seminar in
Johannesburg this week
on emigration and busi-
hess relocation,

Would-be emigrants
are also not making al-
lowance for the “culture
shock” and financial
problems they might en-
counter, especially as a
result of the declining
rand, said organiser Mr
Colin Haynes.

He said poor planning
and lack of knowledge
could mean substantial
financial losses. Some
emigrants are being
misled by so-called
“counsellors” into think-
ing they will be eligible
for permanent residence

3400/959

and work permits in the
United States or other
countries, when their real
chances of being accept-
ed are very slim,

Emigrants should be
told of their options be-
fore turning to “counsel-
lors”, who can charge up
to R200 an hour.

Five specialist speak-
ers addressed the audi-
ence, mostly businessmen
wanting to expand inter-
nationally, and profes-
sionals dealing with fi-
nancial and legal plan-
ning for emigration.

Discussions centred on
financial losses which
could result from taxa-
tion problems, estate
duty, wills, Shipping
costs, insurance, and
other consequences of
changing countries.

Speakers warned
against attempting to cir-
cumvent the exchange
control regulations by de-

51

JPRS~SSA“85~083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

vices such as false over-
seas invoices — where
application for an “inter-
company transfer” visa
is made on the basis of
bogus companies.

IS authorities are in-'
creasingly concerned
about these “fraudulent”
visa applications, now es-.

.timated to be as high as

30 percent.

Another danger is
using limited emigration.
allowances to buy com-
panies advertised by
“business brokers”, be-
cause they don’t always
generate the promised in-
come.

The seminar also high-
lighted the chance for
South Africans to become
more “international peo-
ple” by locating busin-
esses in this country to:
capitalise on high inter-
est rates and attractive.
taxation concessions, be-,
fore investing overseas.



DE KOCK SEES STABLE PRICES AHEAD

IPRSSSA+85~083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 13 Aug 85 p 1

[Article by Tony Koenderman]

[Text] THE rate of growth of the money

. supply has come down dramatically
: this year, signalling a sharp decline
sin the inflation rate in the months
: ahead.

“The money fupely, has been rising this:

ar at well below the annual rate of
inflation, currently about 16%,” said Re-
1 serve Bank Governor Gerhard de Kock
' yesterday. “Inflationary pressure has
n taken out of the system now.”
: In the first six months of the year, the
, Seasonally adjusted annual rate of
: change of the narrowly defined M1 (notes
» and coins in circulation plus current ac-
counts) was only 7,27. (a plus eRe.
“sit accounts) grew by 10,6% and M3 (!
;plus all other deposits of the non-bank
private sector) by 12,7%.
“There is no longer too much money
chasing too few goods,” said De Kock.
“However, the delayed effects of the
depreciation of the rand last year, the
resultant petrol price increase of 40% in
February, the increase in GST announced
in the Budget and various administered
price increases have still got to work
ir way through the system.
.. “But there will be no salary increases
in the public service this year and, once

cso: 3400/941

93

' 20,8% in June to

: TONY KOENDERMAN
Deputy Editor

these effects peter out, the rate of infla-
tion should come down.”

The behaviour of the inflation rate has
followed closely the pattern predicted by
the Reserve Bank last year when it said
the rate would accelerate well into 1985
before declining.

Owing to a transmission error by Reu-
ters, Business Day incorrectly reported
yesterday that the year-on-year M2 mon-

ey supply had risen b; 34% in June to
Figo ibe. This should have read 21,34% to
eon basis, M1 rose by
a year-on-year s! rose
x Ras,ebn, and M3 rose yy
20,5% to R44,8bn.

The main indicator of inflation, the
consumer price index (CPI), ed at an
annual rate of increase of 16,4% in June,
which is marginally lower than the
65-year of 16,5% in April
t is still possible that the CPI may rise
even higher in July or August, but most
economists expect the rate to drop after
that, and a rate of 14% by the year-end is
widely predicted.



ENTHUSIASM WANED

The MMF received income from two sources: sub-
scriptions and activities. The first was totally in-
adequate to cope with the Manpower 2000 demands.
Activities income did remarkably well, however,
until economic setbacks in the second half of 1984
brought about a sharp decline.

Tt was abundantly clear by 1984 that the enthusi-
asm of the private sector had waned. Not, however,
that of government. In his address to the trustees of
the MMF in November 1984, the Minister of Man-
power, Piet du Plessis, observed:

One of the major problems which will need our

attention for some time to come still is the orien-

tation of our black people to the workings of the
free-market system so as to win their acceptance
of and full involvement with it. Here the Foun-
dation can play an especially important role in
assisting in the promotion of the small-business
sector.

The great advantage which the Foundation
has is that it is firstly non-political and, secondly,

multiracial with the advantage of local com-
mittees throughout the country.

It would indeed be a great pity if the vast
effort which went into the Manpower 2000
promotion campaign, which did so much to en-
gender confidence in the future of the Republic,
was allowed to fade owing to lack of the necess-
ary support. I know that you will all agree with
me that the manpower initiatives taken over by
the Foundation are worthy of generous support
by the private sector. I should therefore like to
make an earnest appeal to employers in the pri-

vate sector to support the Foundation financially.

so as to help to promote a deserving cause in the

interests of sound labour development.

At a special meeting of the trustees held on
March 29, 1985, we could not mobilise a special cash
injection of R200 000. Under the circumstances the
board had no option but to cease operating.

‘How does one reconcile the attitude of 1980 with
the events of 1984/85? There is no simple, unchal-
lengeable explanation for what has happened. I can
only quote some views of others:

South Africa has ‘more than enough manage-
ment-training organisations and the MMF (effec-
tively the old NDMF) has outlived its useful-
ness.

The very substantial tax-concession for in-
house training schemes made the Foundation
redundant.

cso: 3400/931

72

South African businesses prefer to make

major contributions to specific causes, with a

view to maximum publicity for themselves. This

is primarily so with organisations having overseas
links: they like to be seen making meaningful
contributions to the upliftment of black people in
ourcountry. :

A dominant private-sector organisation has

emerged in the shape of the Urban Foundation.
It grew out of the Soweto crisis in 1976 and has
without doubt made, and continues to make, a
substantial contribution to the “quality of life” of
urban black people. For this reason, many hold
the view that there is no room for a second major
private-sector foundation, albeit in an unrelated
field.

We at the Foundation consistently took the
view that our free-enterprise system was the cardinal
issue which should guide our thinking; that the
development of black management talents and of
black entrepreneurs should be our major focus. We
believed that-we could sell this concept to the
private sector and that, in the light of all known facts
and particularly the Manpower 2000 campaign,
adequate support for our concepts would be forth-
coming.

It was not. Let us hope, therefore, that such
steps as are being taken, and such facilities as do
exist, will be able to overcome South Africa’s short-
age ofmanagers. ~


He confessed that the current year has not been encouraging particularly in
the country's relationship with various multilateral development and financing
institutions.

Referring to the dialogue with the IMF, Bangali explained that a delegation
visited the Fund headquarters in Washingtom to resume negotiations on the
stalled stand-by arrangements and reported that the dialogue was continuing

with what he termed "a better appreciation by the Fund of the position of the
government”

COPYRIGHT: Pan-African Publications 1985

CSO: 3400/984

33



JPRS*SSA*85+083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

WITWATERSRAND VICE-CHANCELLOR URGES SOLUTIONS, NOT CONFRONTATION

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 17 Aug 85 p 8

{Article by Erik Larsen] '

[Text ]

“CSO:

WITWATERSRAND {
University must re-
main a place where dif-'
ferences are settled by
argument, not fists, by
words and not stones,
said Professor Karl
Tober, Vice-Chan-
cellor at the university.
Addressing a general
assembly at the universi-

ty, attended by several ;

hundred students, Prof
Tober said: “We (the uni-

versity) must seek solu- |

tions not confrontations. 1

have stated repeatedly '

that. this university will
not tolerate intolerance,
and will not condone viol-
ence.” :

He said that one should
not forget that education,
based on the principle of
equality, was the greatest ,
liberating force known to,
man. 4

“It is, therefore, illogi-
cal and self destructive if,
in an open university such
aS ours, some are advo-
cating a boycott of lec-
tures. And it would be
unpardonable if they in-'

3400/958

| university allowed itself »

terfered with the rights of
others to be educated.”

“Students would do
well to remember that
short-term gains in pow-
er, through chaos and de-
struction, are poor substi-
tutes for the — lasting
achievements of learning.
It is not from ashes that
new worlds arise, but

from the acquisition, the :

transmission and the ex-
pansion of knowledge.”

Prof Tober said that if a

to be used as a political
weapon, cven for the
“noble cause of eradicat-
ing an injustice, we may
endanger the very func-
tions of the | university
which enable it to make
real contributions to
change”. ‘

He said _ universities
should not be divorced
from social reality or ab-
solved from social re-.
sponsibility.

45

“It is not for us to solve
the problems of the day
by publishing _ political
manifestos. But we
should respond to grave
national problems as

scholars in our specific

s, be it as human
and _ so scientists, in
community medicine and
dentistry, in the explora-
tion of our material re-
sources, in the defence of
human rights and liber-
ties, or in design of new
skills and technologies.”

He said this did not.
mean that Wits would re-
main silent when “actions
by the authorities hinder
staff and students in the
pursuit of their academic
objectives, or worse, cur-
tail their freedom”.

Prof Tober called on all
members of Wits to stand
united and ensure that the
university would never be
deflected from its course
“neither by those who
fear change, nor by the
apostles of violence and
destruction”.



JPRS~SSA~85-083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

INCREASE IN EMIGRANTS MEANS SMALL BOOM FOR TRANSPORTERS, BANKS

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 26 Jul 85 p 5

[Article by Sue Leeman]

[Text] ~ She said she expected more business:
, -* because of the unrest. .
‘A spokesman for the exchange con-
‘The 20 percent increase in people leav- ° trol division of Barclays Bank in
ing South Africa has meant a small © Johannesburg said there had been a
boom for some transporters and banks. marked increase lately in the num-
‘The political unrest which led to the “ ber of people applying to complete ex-
State President declaring a state of change control'formalities.
emergency at the weekend has ap- ‘A number of sourtes said British cit-
parently caused an increasing num- _ izens, in particular, were leaving —
ber of families to quit the country —'° which is borne cut by CSS figures indi-
taking their capital with them. cating that more than half of those who
Central Statistical Services figures left this April were destiried for Brit-
show that a 2946 people left South ain
Africa between January and April — A
an increase of 20 percent on the same © ~ UNAWARE OF SITUATION :
period last year. : Other countries’ consulates in Johan:
nesburg sai were not aware o:
EXCHANGE CONTROL large numbers of their nationals leav-
The international traffic controller ing. ‘ a
for Stuttafords Van Lines, Miss Laura ‘A spokesman for the Gettan Con-
. Wegener, said her company had moved sulate-General said most German im-
30 percent more people so far this migrants were well settled in South
year. . Africa and moving would be a big step.
“This Monday (the first working day’ A United States Consulate official
after the state of emergency announce- © said the number of Americans leaving
ment) I would say we had 100 percent was “fairly consistent with recent
more inquiries than usual.” years”. .
cso: 3400/959

50


PFP SPOKESMAN SPEAKS OUT AGAINST GROUP AREAS ACT

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 17 Aug 85 p 5

{Article by Brian Stuart] ©

[Text]

cso: 3400/958

CAPE TOWN. — South
African society is becom-
ing incréasingly mixed
and it is “nonsense” for
Mr Chris Heunis to talk
of maintaining the Group
Areas Act, says Mr Colin

" Eglin, Progressive Feder-
al Party spokesman on ~

constitutional matters.
He accused Mr Heunis,
Minister of Constitutional
Development and Plan-
ning, of making ‘‘a verk-
rampte outburst” at the
Natal congress of the Nat-
ional Party in Durban.
Mr Heunis said the
government was not con-

sidering scrapping the ,

Group Areas Act nor es-
tablishing “grey areas”.
Group identities would be

maintained and there

would be no deviation
from this policy.

Mr Eglin said Mr Heu-
nis was the Minister with
the important responsibil-
ity of negotiating new
constitutional structures.

His verkrampte speech
might find favour with the

+ Conservative Party and

Herstigte Nasionale Par-
ty, or those NP members
who really belonged in
these political parties.
But it would do nothing
to improve race relations
or assist in finding solu-
tions to South Africa’s

46

problems. .

“For Mr Heunis in one
breath to approve the re-
peal of the Mixed Mar-

- riages Act and Section 16

of the Immorality Act and
in another breath to dis-
approve of mixed residen-
tial areas, shows the total
state of confusion in the
minds of NP leaders,” Mr
Eglin said.

“For Mr Heunis to talk
of maintaining group
identity, solely in the con-
text of schools and resi-
dential areas, is both non-
sense and a denial of the
facts of what is already
happening in South Afri-
ca.

“The fact is that South

‘Africa. is becoming a.

more mixed society.

“This is taking place in
sport, churches, recrea-
tion, culture, universities,
trade unions, commerce
and industry and in the
-professions.

“In fact, more and
more residential areas are
becoming mixed in spite
of the Group Areas Act.

' “] believe Mr Heunis

would be using his ener-

gies and talents to far
greater effect if he* stop-
ped trying to bluff the
people of South Africa
and joined in the fight

against apartheid,” Mr «

Eglin said.

JPRS=SSA~85~-083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


Motsuenyane: Far from capable at present.
But] believe blacks will present much
greater competition in the future. In places
like Soweto one can already see the -
emergence of larger, more competitive
retail outlets. As far as manufacturing is
concemed, black industries are still so
small that it will take quite a long time

for them to become competitive.

Collings: Do you think white business yet
fears black competition?

Motsuenyane: No. Which is why I often
wonder at all the restrictions imposed on
black business, particularly in light of all
the talk of facilitating the inclusion of
blacks in the country’s free-enterprise

system.

Collings: Laws and regulations aren’t the
only problems facing black business.
There is also the raising of capital, the
development of skills, and so on. What
role is Nafcoc playing in trying to over-
come such problems?

Motsuenyane: It has become involved in
overcoming the lack of skills, because we
realise itis a key problem in the develop-
ment of business infrastructure in black
areas —even in effective participation of
our people ina free-enterprise system. +
It has been running courses for black
businessmen at all levels since the early
Seventies, and, since 1966, has also
operated a bursary scheme to enable our
children to go through university. Some of
our one-time students are now professors.
This year there are 73 students we are
supporting at various universities, mainly
studying technical subjects.

Collings: When you say technical, do'you
mean engineering as opposed to, say, a
BCom?

Motsuenyane: No, I include BCom. In
the past our children tended to drift into
the easier options — BA, religion, that sort
of thing. They ignored business, engineer-
ing and commerce.

Collings: Presumably because, being
black, they saw few opportunities in them.

Motsuenyane: Yes. But there are far more
opportunities, now that black people can

move into managerial positions in white
industries. So the challenge has been
presented to black kids going into uni-
versities and you will see the numbers of
black engineers and commercial students
begin to increase. In the United States,
more than 200 South African blacks have
been admitted on various scholarships
given by the Agency for International
Development. The first group is coming
back this year, and among them you have
an imposing list of technically-qualified
people who should make a really significant
contribution to the advancement of black
people and the country as a whole.

Collings: What, then, has Nafcoc been
doing to help black business with capital?

Motsuenyane: Rightat the start of Nafcoc
we regarded the establishment of The
African Bank as a prerequisite for econ-
omic development in the black com-
munity. What we have seen in the past is
that a lot of black money taken by white
institutions is not recycled back into black
areas. They are net exporters of capital —
from poor areas to rich ones. We bankin._,
white areas, buy in white areas. Our money
flows towards white areas all the time and
we have to reverse that if significant devel-
opment is to take place in black areas. That
is the great challenge facing South Africa,
because the current situation constitutes a
drain on the capabilities of black areas to
sustain themselves, let alone grow ina
perceptible way.

Collings: How effective is The African
Bank in recycling black savings back into
black business?

Motsuenyane: I wish we could increase the
momentum of deposit-intake, but we are
having to compete with the big banks.
When The African Bank started, we hoped
we would not be facing such grim com-
petition for black savings and would
therefore grow more quickly than we have.
But other banks quickly sensed the com-
petition and started setting up facilities

in black areas,

But whatever we have been able to
generate from our community is recycled
right back into it, As we come into the
CBDs, we would, of course, invite other
racial groups to patronise the bank, so that
itis not only dependent on savings from
black communities. I think it is in the best

75



Reynders: First of all, our rural areas are
not “totally impoverished”. To be sure,
the position is bad — but not that bad. I
recently read a study of a rural area in the
Pietermaritzburg district which reported
that those who lived there reckoned that
although they didn’t have a job, they could
survive for the next year or fifteen months,
Idon’t know whether you could do so in
the city. We talk about the informal sector,
about its building houses and so on, but it
still needs an overall co-ordinated plan. I
think we would be in a hell ofa mess if we
just scrapped all control.

There’s another argument, that if you
scrap influx control you'll get more people
into the cities and wage rates will go down.
Bucin the first place there are many
Industrial Council agreements or Wage
Board determinations that have to be
honoured. So, in order to have an entirely
free wage determination in the cities you
would have to do away with those Acts,

But do we, in principle, want to scrap
them? The Wage Act and the Labour
Relations Act (the old Industrial Con-
ciliation Act) were brought in for specific
reasons: as far as the Labour Relations Act
is concerned, to get order into collective
bargaining, thereby leaming from experi-
ence in Britain and elsewhere. The Wage
Act was brought in because a large section
of the labour force doesn’t fall under
Industrial Council agreements. It was felt
that, even if wage rates are low, there
should be some sort of minimum. Now,
do we want to discard those Acts?

Collings: What is your impression of the
way in which industrial relations have
been handled by employers and unions
during the past year or two? Do you,
like others, fear that it has become too
confrontational?

Reynders: On the whole, I think both
sides have made a lot of progress; we have
learned a lot over the past couple of years.
Itmay be that the situation has become
somewhat confrontational, but if we do
have “too many” strikes (in fact, we don’t
have that many) it can mean one of two
things: either employers are not doing a
proper job or labour is not approaching
disputes in the most responsible way.
But a strike is merely the last resort for a

trade union to get an employer to meet
its demands, and should not be regarded
as a national crisis, as Press reports would
sometimes have us believe. It isn’tan
anomaly in a free-enterprise society. On
the contrary, itis part and parcel of the
whole labour-relations scene.

Collings: How then do you feel about the
right of employers here to fire workers
who have engaged in a legal strike?

Reynders: (Chuckles) Can I pass that one for
the moment? You will know, Iam sure,
that there are countries on the African
continent that prohibit strikes. At least we
still have that one open in our legislation.
In any case, the National Manpower
Commission is at present giving attention
to the dispute-settlement machinery and I
have no doubt that this issue will figuie in
the deliberations.

Collings: Let’s turn to the Industrial
Court. Are you happy with the way itis
functioning? We have heard or read
criticism that its judgements haven’t
been sufficiently consistent to create a
body of precedent. Also it doesn’t have
any legal status, What do you feel about
the effectiveness of the Industrial Court
in the long term?

Reynders: In our report on levels of col-
lective bargaining, works councils and the
registration issue, there was a separate
chapter on the Industrial Court, revealing
our concern about its status and the ques-
tion of whether an unfair labour practice
was properly defined or should be defined
in more detail. We made many recommen-'
dations, but government hasn’t finalised its
reaction yet. I try to keep abreast of what
the Court is doing, and from what I read in
the Press it seems that many labour lawyers
are not happy with the way things are
going.

For quite a time the unions were very
happy with the Court— when decisions
were going for them. Now that some are
going against some of them, they don’t
like the Court and say it is just working forTM
employers. But of course there seem to
be many employers who are also unhappy
with it. Certainly itseems obvious that at
least the status of the Court, in legal terms,
needs attention.

85



“in this country of the kind of confused right-wing
. views which Owen expresses, not to mention the
hoary old “Red scare” tactics he uses.

It. is precisely constant repetition of such
views and tactics by our policy-makers that has
Janded SA in the dreadful mess it is in today. To
read, as Owen does, a Marxist conspiracy into
every attempt by black people to redress their
legitimate grievances leaves us with no hope for
a peaceful solution to this country’s ills.

.. It would be bad enough were this all that was

wrong with Owen’s article. Unfortunately, the

disaster is compounded by his insistence on
supporting his views with factual inaccuracies
and arguments of the most confused kind.

To begin with, Owen takes me to task for my
“extraordinary assertion” in Frontline maga-
zine that the aim of the national liberation
struggle “as expressed in the Freedom Charter
is to create a democratic capitalist state in SA”.
Owen does not approve of this “assertion,” first-
ly because he is at pains to argue that the

'reedom Charter is in fact a socialist charter
and, secondly, because he believes people, like
myself, who disagree with him on this are sim-
ply out to “con” a gullible population.

‘Owen writes: “The Charter says ‘there will be

a committee of workers to run the gold mines’
and ‘the workers will take over and run the
factories’ ”. How, he asks, can we possibly have
“a capitalist state in which workers committees
run the factories”? :
. While the quotes Owen uses are certainly of
interest, they do not, as he claims, come from
the Freedom Charter. They are in fact extracts
from a speech made by a merhber of the SA
Communist Party who was expressin his own
views on what form of society he wanted to see
in SA. The Charter itself makes absolutely no
reference to committees of workers running
anything at all.

Confused .—

But what | find most unsettling about Owen's
assertion is that it suggests that, despite his
claim to “have followed the progress of the
African revolution southward from the Sudan
... Sometimes in the thick of it,’ he does not
appear even to have read the Freedom Charter.
Anybody who has read it with even a modicum
of care would know that those quotes could not
have come from the Charter. In fact, the quotes
are taken from Tom Lodge’s book on black
politics in SA. *

Next, in support of his argument, he cites the
clause in the Freedom Charter which proclaims
:that the land shall be divided among those who
work it. In Owen’s parlance, this means that
“the land is handed over to the peasants” which,
according to him, is incompatible with capital-

ism.

Ireally fail to see why Owen should begrudge
peasants the right to own land. There is nothing
sinister or socialist about their so doing. Had the

40

Freedom Charter intended to make a socialist
demand on this issue it would have had to
demand the collective ownership of land. It
makes no such demand.

Owen's final “refutation” of my argument is
to cite the clause in the Freedom Charter which
demands the nationalisation of the mines, banks
and monopoly industry. Again, Owen sees such
nationalisation as being incompatible with cap-
italism. Again, he is confused.

Nationalisation of‘key industries and strate-

-gie companies has’ been common practice
among the European and Scandinavian capital-
sist countries for decades now and forms an
essential element in that advanced form of cap
italism known as social democracy. One might
argue, as many do, that such nationalisation is
inefficient — but it is not incompatible with
Capitalism.

Unfortunate

What emerges most clearly from Owen’s ex-

‘ traordinary assertions is that he doesn’t seem to

:

understand the meaning of the word “social-
ism”, This is unfortunate. since it both hampers
his argument considerably and also leads him to
miss the point of the debates around the Free-
dom Charter.
These centre around the issue of the extent to
which a capitalist society based on the princi-
' ples of the Charter would in fact remain capital-
ist or whether such a society would provide a
launching pad for a struggle for a socialist
society. The Communist Party clearly hopes for
the latter and, as I argued in my Frontline
article, this is the reason for their Two Stage
Theory. But just because the Communist Party
hopes this will occur does not necessarily mean
that it will! .
"The struggle for a democratic SA involves
among other things the lifting of restrictions on
all political organisations, as well as lifting
restrictions on the free expression of ideas. Must
this nation continue to be denied the benefits of
such freedom because the Communist Party
would seek to benefit from them?
Owen declares himself in favour #f “reform”
in SA, but he does not specify what he means b:
this. I, too, am in favour of reform, but by this
do not mean tinkering with Tricameral parlia-
ments and other hopeless chimeras. The only
reform that counts in SA today is the granting of
full and equal political rights to all South Afri-

cans,
Dr DUNCAN INNES
University of the Witwatersrand

Ken Owen.comments:

I WOULD agree with Dr Innes that we need full
and equal political rights for all South Africans.
The question that needs to be defined now is
what those rights should be.



JPRS-SSA- 85-083

6 September 1985

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

ConTENTS
ANGOLA

ANGOP Commentary on MPLA-Labor Party Session
(Luanda Domestic Service, 7 Aug 85) .ecccerececccevscevers

BOTSWANA

Opposition Leader Says BOPA Censuring News
(Gaborone Domestic Service, 15 Aug 85) scscecesecedevceces

BURKINA

Justice Official on Malian Border Dispute
(Simon Compaore Interview; Ouagadougou Domestic Service,

17 Aug 85) ceccccencccccccecscccscceeeccteesersesseesseees

CAMEROON

Protests of AFP Reporter's Expulsion Registered
(AFP, 2, 7 Aug 85) ...eee

AFP Protest
IPI Director

Briefs
Government Increases Salaries

GHANA

Medical Agreement Reached With Ivory Coast
(Accra Domestic Service, 16 Aug 85) secssecseceeeecceeeeee

Briefs
Ghanaians Deported From Benin

GUINEA

Briefs :
Canadian Company Delivers Plane

10



JPRS*SSA*85+083
6 September 1985

ZAMBIA

BRIEFS

YOUTH AGREEMENT WITH BULGARIA--The United National Independence Party
Youth League and their Bulgarian counterparts, the Dimitrov Young .
Communist League, have agreed to sign a protocol of cooperation covering
the next 3 years. The agreement follows talks held in Moscow between

a member of the Central Committee and the Youth League executive
secretary, Alexander Kamalondo, and a member of the Dimitrov Young
Communist League Central Committee. [Excerpt] [Lusaka Domestic
Service in English 0600 GMT 1 Aug 85]

COOPERATION AGREEMENT WITH ROMANIA--Romania and Zambia have agreed

to continue exploring areas of cooperation in mining, geology, industry,
agriculture, and trade. The agreement follows a meeting of the ninth
session of the Zambian-Romanian joint permanent commission which ended
yesterday with the signing of a trade protocol. In mining, the
committee cited coal research, exploration, and uranium exploration

as an area the two countries could cooperate, while in industry a
glass sheets factory and copper sheets and plants could be possible
projects. In agriculture, joint cooperation was called for in the
development of Kalimwangwe state farm, the beekeeping industry, and
agricultural: research and extension services. [Text] [Lusaka Domestic
Service in English 0500 GMT 3 Aug 85]

cso: 3400/916

103



Firstly, their members give them
difficult mandates and I have every sym-
pathy with emerging-union negotiators in
this sitdation. But there’s a bigger problem:
they are given very specific mandates and
their members don’t give them much room,
to move within that. This means that they
have to go back to them whenever you
make anew offer—sometimes you feet
you’re talking to a post office which is
simply ferrying messages, not that you're -
negotiating. We hope in time that the
process will become more sophisticated,
that their members will give them more
leeway.

Friedman: When you decided in 1982 to
deal with black unions, your chief reason
was obviously a hope that this would
stabilise labour relations and give you
channels to prevent black worker-
militancy. Now some mine employers are
suggesting that things are more unstable
than they were before you recognised the
NUM. Do you have any regrets about
that decisionP

Liebenberg: What alternative was there? It
hasn’t been easy since we recognised the
union, but we never expected that it would
be. Black unionisation is inevitable; unions
are an essential elementin a free-enterprise
system. If we'd decided to bash unions in
1982, maybe we could have got away with
it fora while, but not for long, And if we’d
decided to bash the unions and lost, what
sort of relationship would we have then? If
Tcould turn the clock back to 1982 and start
again, I would do exactly the same as we
did then.

cso: 3400/931

63



Compatriots, to sit in the park with whites, to eat with them in the same
restaurant, to travel in the same bus or train are no reforms but just some
cosmetic changes to hoodwink some of the oppressed like the Gatshas, the
Mphephus, the Matanzimas, the (Rhesvonzes), and all other stooges who have
sold their souls for a [words indistinct] to the (?side) of the regime and
(?kept) the revolutionary movement (fengulfing) the racist republic.

We have learned from the so-called triracial parliament all and other
reactionary policies of the regime that these are not reforms but instruments
of the Botha-Malan clique to entrench the apartheid system in our country.

Compatriots, reforms or no reforms the struggle continues until we have
achieved our freedom. We (?must be armed). We must be engaged in a war as

a whole people, we must use every weapon that we can lay our hands on. Our
slogan must be every patriot a fighter, every fighter a patriot. We must
continue to eliminate enemy agents, stooges, traitors, and all these who stand
in our way to freedom. The time has come that we must introduce an element
of professionalism in our methods of struggle in order to make it difficult
for the enemy to cope with our tempo.

We must learn to use modern weapons in order to talk to the enemy in the
language he understands. Our areas should be no go zones for the racist army
and police. Fellow countrymen, we are all cadres of the people's army,
Umkhonto we Sizwe. We, the people, are Umkhonto we Sizwe. The people's army
is the people armed. Let us reply to the regime's reactionary violence with
revolutionary violence. There is no standing back. We are at war. We know
our task: to confront the enemy with arms in hand, to spread the revolutionary
flames into the white area.

We cannot allow these whites who have elected Botha into power to continue
business while we are at war. The boycott of- consumer goods from white shops
is one of the weapons that will make these whites to understand that Botha can
no longer rule with the same old way. Workers in the factories should sabotage
the machines and destroy the delivery trucks, organize more stayaways and
actively support the [word indistinct]. Let us not forget that unity is
strength. United mass action is a fundamental prerequisite to victory.

Compatriots, the red blood in our streets is a call to battle. Organize,
mobilize, and march forward to’peoples power. Botha the tyrant must go.
(Mysome),, (Kinagu), Amandla Ngawethu, Maatle Ke Arona.

cso: 3400/940

49



JPRS=SSA~85+083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

JULY SALES FIGURE ON JSE MAY SET RECORD

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 26 Jul 85 p 14

“on the JSE since

{Article by Peter Farley] '

[Text]

le By Peter Farley
Investment Editor

The wave of foreign selling of
shares on the Johannesburg
, Stock Exchange (JSE) is gather-
ing momentum, and current
trends indicate that this month
will set the highest monthly net
sales figure since non-resident
exchange control was abolished
in February 1983. ‘

After nearly two years of
steady net purchases, which saw
a capital inflow of almost
Ribillion in the 16 months to
end April, there were net
monthly sales in April of almost
R50 million.

‘This trend continued in June,
figures compiled by a leading
institution show, with net sales

- rising to around R75 million.

This would push into deficit
net transactions by foreigners
e beginning’
of the year, after net purchases

- of some R200 million in the first
four months of 1985.

‘The June figures included the
sale by London investors back
into South Africa of large lines
of stock in both Kersaf and Bar-
low Rand.

cso: 3400/941

"The rand has fallen back to ,

the 50 US cent level after having
traded above 52 cents earlier in
the week, but analysts said the
bearish trend on the stock mar-
ket had had little impact on the
currency.

The lower gold price and ac-
tive forward covering had
pushed the currency down.

«But market sources say that
heavy selling since the end of
June could produce net sales for
July as high as R150 million.

FRENCH INVESTORS

Undermining any local inter-
est on the gold boards has been
steady selling and, more impor-
tantly, an almost total with-
drawal of buying orders from
United States funds and individ-

uals.

Adding to this uneasiness in
the gold share market has been
large scale selling of gold mine
scrip by French investors, over
the past couple of days.

Towards the end of June and
in early July selling by UK in-
vestors was another key factor
in depressing the gold share
market, but this has not been as
strongly evident in the past cou-

98

ple of weeks.

However, this was, probably
more due to the slight strength-
ening of the gold price and the
weakness of the dollar than be-
cause of any political considera-
tions. .

‘Also, brokers point out, Lon-
don markets turn quiet in July
because of the European sum-
mer holidays.

* The subsequent uncertainty
about the gold price and the in-
creased incidence of political
turbulence in SA could bring a
resurgence of selling pressure,
say some brokers.

lowever, analysts point out
that the yields on gold shares
have steadily risen from a low
in mid-April of around six per-
cent — when the All Gold index
peaked at 1100 — to about nine
percent at the moment.

This downwards rerating of
gold scrip, even given the wal-
lowing gold price, could start
attracting buyers interested in
the improved returns.

For the time being, however,
the sale by foreigners of SA
shares appears set to continue,
with little evidence of any fresh
buying interest emerging.


IDIAGBON RELEASES SECOND QUARTER ECONOMIC RESULTS

Kaduna NEW NIGERIAN in English 12 Aug 85 pp 5, 7

JPRS*SSA*85+083
6 September 1985

NIGERIA

[Text of quarterly press briefing by Major-General Tunde Idiagbon to media
executives on 6 August 1985; place not specified]

[Text]

BEING text of quarterly press
briefing of media executives by
the Chief of Statt. Supreme Head
quarters, Major-General Tunde
Idiagbon on Tuesday. 6th August.
19885.

1AM pleased to welcome you to
this second quarterly press brief-
ing for 1985. I wish to commence
my comments and observations
on the activities: of this ad-
ministration by reminding you
that the priority objectives of this
administration are:

(a) the maintenance of nation:
unity and stability; (b) an early
economic recovery; (¢) the
welfare of the mass¢s: (d)
maintenance of law and order;
(e) security of life and property
and the creation of a society
where public accountability, pro-
bity and discipline prevail, while
acts of conspicuous and wasteful
consumption, extravagance, in-
discipline, corruption and
economic sabotage receive une-

uivocal condemnation.

‘CONOMIC SITUATION
Foreign Exchange Development

At the last briefing when 1
reviewed the foreign exchange
position for the country as at
February 1985, aggregate inflow
of foreign exchange for the first
two months of the year was
1,774.1. million while aggregate
outflow totalled N1.702.0 million
resutt-ng in a net inflow of 472.1
million The provisional figures
for June 1985 indicate that the
foreign exchange position
worsened compared with the
situation in February 1985 and
June 1984. During the first half of
1985 cumulative inflow amounted
to 85,548.9 million recording an

23

increase of 8999.2 million or 22
per cent over the figure for the
corresponding period of 1984
which was 44,549.7 million.

However, outflow during the
first half of 1985 at N5,515.2 million
showed an increase of N1.214.5
million on the figure of 44,300.7
million for the corresponding
period in 1984, an increase at-
tributable to the funding of
special licences issued to
stabilise prices in the economy.
These inflow and outflow
movements resulted in a net
surplus of N33.7 million for the
first six months of 1985. This
shows a reduction from the
cumulative net inflow of 4240.0
million in the corresponding
period of 1984. Cumulative
foreign exchange expenditure on
visible imports during the period
under review aggregated N2.722.3
million or 49.4 per cent of, the
total.

Disbursement on_ invisible
trade for the six months period
amounted to N2,792.9 million. Of
this amount, N1,824.8 million went
into servicing our external debt.
as against the level of iN1,133.8
million during the same period of
last year. The level of official ex-
ternal reserves for the ‘country
has moved from a level of 4599.7
million in January 1984 at the in-
ception of this administration:
6806.4 million 1 May. 1984"
1,168.9 million in Kebruary 1985
to 81,130.5 million as at the end of
June 1985. This level of external
reserves is still considered low as
it will cover the import bill of less
than two months at current rate
of disbursements 5 against the
conventional minimum of. four
months’ cover.



FOREIGN WORKERS CLAIM RENAMO GIVING FRELIMO HARD TIME

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 5 Aug 85 p 4

[Text]

cso:

--o said it was becommingTM~

‘DURBAN. ‘Mr Don
Milne (47) who was in
charge of a crew of work-
men repairing a sugar mill
at Luaba, in Mozambi-
que’s Zambezia Province
said in Durban at the
weekend that there was

‘no doubt that the rebel
movement in Mozambi-
que, Renamo, was giving
Frelimo “‘a hard time.”

Mr Milne decided to
quit the maintenance pro-
ject at Luaba because he

3400/868

'

“dangerous” although the
pay was good.

On Tuesday last week
‘Renamo abducted two of
the. maintenance crew
working at the mill, Mr
James Blakey, of
Yorkshire, England, and
Mr John Patrick O’Con-
nell, from Northern Ire-
land.

Their present where-
abouts are unknown and
so is their fate.

Both the British gov-

ernment and the Internat-
ional Red Cross have
been trying to make con-
tact with Renamo to ob-
tain the release of the
men. ‘
Mr Milne said that dur-
ing his time at the mill
Luaba actually came
under attack from Rena-
mo. The town was at-
tacked by/ mortars and
machine-gun and many of
the residents and the
working crew fled.

Mr Milne said he could

19

MOZAMBIQUE

be wrong but he got the
impression that Renamo
were doing “pretty much
as well as they want to” in
the rural areas of Mozam-
bique without any interfe-
rance from  Frelimo-
troops.

The Frelimo forces, for
instance, protecting Lua-
ba hardly had any uni-
forms, complained that
they were not paid and
were carrying firearms
that appeared to be badly
neglected.



Discounting a Factor

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 13 Aug 85 p 1

[Article by Alan Ruddock]

[Text]

cso:

3400/941

CAR dealers’ net profit margins have
plunged below 1% as discounting and
igh interest rates take their toll.

“It is very difficult to make a profit at
the moment and some dealers are exper-
iencing negative profit margins,” accord-
ing to National Automobile Dealers’ As-
sociation chairman Bob Thomas.

Thomas says the April — June quarter
was disastrous for dealers and believes
another three months of similar hardship
will force many dealers to close.

However, he believes the worst is over.

Thomas is sceptical of the benefits of
cheavy discounting. “The discounts have
tended to. nullify manufacturers’ price
increases.”

Dornat director Natie Blumberg
agrees: “Manufacturers are prostituting
their own products. Anyone who thinks
they are getting a bargain should think
again.”

Thomas says that, while dealers have
been forced to close all over the country,
the problems are easing.

“There is a lot of competition between

dealers and some of the discounting is

being fuelled by the dealers and that is
stimulating the market to some extent.”

McCarthy Group marketing manager
Alf Price says manufacturers will do
nothing that will consciously harm their
dealers and disagrees with suggestions
that manufacturers are cutting dealers
out of fleet sales.

Price says unless there is some signifi-
cant-upturn in the economy, the forecast
for the second half of the year has to be
similar to the first,

“This is a volume business and dealers
are really struggling, but I see no reason
to expect a significant increase in passen-
ger car sales,”

Samcor’s sales and marketing director
Les Brown maintains that manufacturer
discounting does not adversely effect

ers. .

“We make sure that our marketing pro-
frammes help to improve the situation
for dealers and do not lead them into

‘financial difficulties.”

102

JPRS+SSA~85+083
6 September 1985


cso:

3400/984

The economy is now in the doldrums.
‘What are your views on this?

It is a fact that there is a worldwide reces-
sion but what is-of importance is the need
to galvanise our human resources towards a
national consciousness, realising that only
the citizens of any country can enhance the
living standards by their Productivity. They

must always use their initiative to do some-
thing positive for themselves, backed by the
right government incentives.

WThe press in Sierra Leone has been
under siege from the government for
some years now. How do you consider
the role of the media?

Communications, by its very nature, is
an essential ingredient for a healthy nation.
Thus, the press in any society always has s
Yital role to play in reflecting th ¢ changes

the character of the society within any
Ronee Let me put it this way: in any
family, a child that insults the. father
publicly and in front of strangers and criti-
cises the way the father runs the home when
he, the child, never assists in the affairs of
the home, is a reckless child. Conversely, a
wise father is one that listens to the com-
ments of his children for they not only
teflect their own reaction to his leadership,
‘but also may in fact be echoing the
uty who hot wan 1 apron ie
munity who do not want to approach the
father directly.

WHow do you regard the concept of
mutual defence agreements among

countries considering that in the past they
have often been used to quell internal
revolt in each other's country rather than

“tee te len
It is. inalienable right of every
whatever.

government to ensure, by means,
the security of its territorial
its attendant security matters. We do have
mutual defence agreements with one or
more neighbouring countries and may even
enlarge the circle if and when the time is
tune. We also have limited ties with
quite a few other African countries, some
of which are of long-standing \s

‘Some of our officers have

Egypt, etc. Even I attended courses at the
famous Military Academy in Kaduna where
1 was course mate with Nigeria’s Major-

Babangida and other senior
officers of the present Nigerian army
command ()

31



CREATION OF ANARCHY

Events since November have had an impact on these
attitudes — and have also confirmed the unions’ grow-
ing political role. In Empangeni, union members
took part in a lengthy bus boycott and worked closely
with leaders of Chief Buthelezi’s Inkatha movement
in the area. There was, however, no formal alliance
between Inkatha and the unions during the boycott
and Natal unionists argue that members who took
part in it did not sacrifice their independence to the
political organisation.

In the Eastern Cape, growing township ferment
has also brought sharpened conflict between the
Fosatu unions and the UDF. There are specific
reasons for this: the UDF’s chief union supporter in
the area is Macwusa, a breakaway from’ a Fosatu
union, The two unions have fought each other since
1980 and the UDF activists in the area have backed
Macwusa: indeed, the UDF’s key leader in Uiten-
hage is also a Macwusa official.

The UDF thus sought to win influence in Uiten-
hage by competing with the Fosatu unions and
attempting to bypass them. This has led to a spiral-
ling conflict between the two in which the UDF has,
for example, been accused of refusing union
financial aid for the victims of the Langa shootings.
Fosatu unionists have publicly attacked the UDF
and some of its affiliates and the conflict shows no
sign of subsiding.

In the Transvaal, however, Fosatu and its allies

~ have been far more willing to co-operate with pol-
itical organisations and the unions which support
them. On several occasions, Fosatu unionists have
appeared on the same platform as unions with which
it would have had no truck only a few months ago,
such as those affiliated to Azactu, the black-con-
sciousness union federation which has a close affinity
to Azapo.

The final outcome of the debate which these
developments have prompted is stilt unsure. At
Present, those unionists who still want to avoid links
with political groups are in the majority, but there is
little doubt that the unions’ insistence on acting
independently has come under intense pressure in
the townships.

It is also worth stressing that those unionists who
oppose links with the political movements believe
that unions themselves are going to have to become
more involved in political action. Uitenhage is the
best example: unions there have organised their own
stay-aways on political issues and have done so in a
clear attempt to show that, despite UDF attacks,

they retain their ability to mobilise workers.

Shortly after the November Stay-away, a Fosatu
unionist who is firmly opposed to working with the
Political groups was asked whether his union would
become more involved in political issues. “We are
going to have to,” he said. “The Stay-away taught us
what ‘could happen if we lost our independence. If
we want to keep it, we are going to have to show
workers they can be politically more effective inside
the unions than outside them.”

There is little doubt that most leaders in the
Fosatw/General Workers Union/Food and Canning
group want to retain their independence. of political
groups. The question now is whether, in those areas
where the townships are in ferment, their members
will let them, The denial of political representation.
to blacks, tough police reaction to the unrest, and the
unresolved crisis in the schools have created a fright-
ening anarchy in some townships. Bands roam the
streets, seeking instant justice against “collaborators”
and, indeed, anyone else who has angered them;
political differences are resolved by petrol bombings.
In this sort of climate, the carefully-nurtured demo-
cratic politics which the unions have evolved may
well prove a fragile plant.

POLITICAL TENSION *
The cause of this near-anarchy is also significant.
Invariably, its architects are young and unemployed
~and they believe they will never be able to work in
their lifetimes. They may well be tight — the drift
towards mechanisation in the factories means that,
even after the recession ends, jobs will not be cre-
ated at anything like the rate which is necessary to
absorb most black school-leavers. A similar trend in
Britain has led to football violence and other anti-
social behaviour by the young jobless: here, apart-
eid has ensured that it takes a directly political
rm. ’
It is noteworthy that, in the Port Elizabeth/
Uitenhage area, the political tension between black
groups has largely been a’ conflict between workers
and the unemployed: those who have jobs support
the unions and those without them the UDF.
Increasingly, those without them are in the majority;
they have little time for the careful politics of nego-
tiation and accountability to an electorate which the
unions have developed. . . .
In this sense, union involvement in politics may

55



LEADING BLACK BUSINESSMAN ADVOCATES NONRACIAL SYSTEM

Johannesburg HUMAN RESOURCES in English 1985-86 pp 83, 86, 89

JPRS~SSA~85+083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

[Interview with Dr Sam Motsuenyane by JohnCollings--time, place not given]

[Text]

The im of black entrepreneurship to
South Africa's economic development and job-
creation "process needs no underlining. Only
during the past 10 years, however, has it been
recognised by government. Before that, the
Verwoerdian view prevailed — that blacks were
Dimes proving lite mo tha coal
ployees ittle more semi-skilled
or unsbled labour. :

That view was challenged not only by white
economists and businessmen, and by black
school a ou also by the black business
community itself. For many years it has been
Jed by Dr Sam Motsuenyane, a farm-labourer’s
son who, having suffered all the privations and
cruclties produced by racialism, obtained an
American in agriculture.and was a
Sounder mi of what eventually became the
National African Federated Chamber of Com-
merce (Nafcoc). He has been its president for
17 of tts 21 years, is chairman of The African
Bank and sits on the boards of several other
companies,

In the following conversation with John

, he, fit
joe proposes a toally non-racial future

Collings: We last met a year ago in
Nafcoc’s offices in central Johannes-
burg. Now we are in Nafcoc’s offices in -
Soshanguve, 100 km from Johannesburg.
On the face oft, that doesn’t seem like
progress in the liberation of black
business.

Motsuenyane: From my point of view itis,
because we have freehold land here, which
we could never have got in Johannesburg,
and certainly not for the price that we paid
forithere.

Collings: Still, a major part of Nafcoc’s
campaign for the liberation of black
business is that it should be allowed to
operate in CBD areas.

Motsuenyane: Right. Buta great many
black people live far from the CBDs, and
that involves up to three hours’ travelling
to and from Johannesburg every day. So,
along with the opening of the CBDs,
residential areas must be opened up closer

73



AGRICULTURAL SECTOR

In pursuance of this Ad-
ministration’s goal of self-
sufficiency in food production
and of broadening the
agricultural base in order to in-
crease the local sourcing of raw
materials for our Industries as
well as improve on ‘the revenue
yields from export crops
Government had taken the
following steps:

(a) PROCUREMENT OF FER-
TILIZER

Fertilizer distribution to the
Slates is slightly behind schedule
this year because the first ship
bringing in fertilizer arrived in
March when distribution ought to
have started in December, 1984.
The situation was further com-
pounded by the shortage of spare-
parts. particularly tyres for
haulage vehicles. Despite the dif-
ficulties, 47,264 tonnes have been
dis.:ibuted to the States. In co-
operation with State Govern-
ments and other consumers in the
States concerted efforts are now
being made to get at least 600.000
tonnes of fertilizer distributed
before the end of 1985 planting
season. With the initial delay in
the onset of regular and steady
rainfall in parts of the country,
planting and fertilizer appli
tion were delayed in those parts.
Fortunately, there was a con-
siderable carry-over of fertilizer
from the 1984 purchases and
many States particularly in the
Southern parts of the country
have been able to meet their in
itial_ requirements from_ that
source. Transportation of fer-
tilizer to the States is now in full
fear through road and rail and
crop prospects for 1985 are not
likely to be adversely affected by
shortage in fertilizer supplies.
(b>)

CASH CROPS

(i) Under the cotton rehabilita-
tion programme a sum of
¥312,000.00 was allocated to Cot-
ton Board for procurement of in-
puts to be sold at subsidised rate
to farmers. A sum of 432,000.00
was given to the groundnut board
to carry out a feasibility study on
large scale production of cot-
ton/groundnut. The Groundnut
Board also received 413,000.00
for the rehabilitation of groundnut
while 425,000 was allocated for
rehabilitation of Soya-bean. Also

under the Soya-bean rehabilita-
tion programme, Ahmadu Bello

University was given 450,000.00
for the multiplication of -2
varieties of soya bean, i.e. Sam-
soy I and II to be distributed to
farmers. To further stress the im-
portance of Soya-bean. a sum of
420.000 was given to LITA for the
establishment ‘of a processing Mill.

(ii) As at the end of the 2nd
quarter, the Cocoa Board receiv-
ed the sum of 4242,000.00 for pro-
curement of inputs to be
distributed to farmers while each
of the cocoa growing States got

299,500.00 for cocoa’ rehabilita-
tion rogramme. Cocoa
Research Institute was also given
557,000.00 for the yield Survey.

(iii) The Nigerian Rubber

Board got 8260,000.00 for rubber
rehabilitation while the Bendel
small holder project got
270,000.00 under the general rub-
ber rehabilitation.

_(iv) Oil Palm Production:- The
oil palm rehabilitation pro-
gramme continues to receive at-
tention with the made
on the mini-mills, located at
various locations. Two of the
mills had been commissioned at
Itu and Erei while three more
mills have been completed and
duly test-run at Olomu, Elere and

,Ojuola and they will be ready for
commissioning by the end of
August. The Oil Palm Estates
and small holder units received a
+sum of 3.36 million as Federal
“Government Subvention.

(c) Fisheries Inspectorate ‘
Equipment

“In order to rid our waters of
Poachers and to make local
fishing companies comply with
ur, fishing ws, a 1 patrol boat
costing 41.3 million been pur-
chased and stationed at Port-
Harcourt port.

(d) Fish Storage, Processing and
Marketing Scheme

Already, a 20-tonne capacity
cold-store and: ice-making plant
capable of producing 3 - 5 tonne
flake ice per day and a tonne ice-
storage bin has been installed in
13 states of the Federation.:Con-
tract for the ‘remaining com-
plexes will be awarded as soon as
funds are available.

25



JPRS~SSA~85+083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

COST OF GOLD, COAL STRIKE 'INCALCULABLE'

Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in English 11 Aug 85 p 2

[Article by Sheryl Raine: ‘"Will a Fledgling Bring the Mining Colossus to its

Knees"]

[Text]

: The countdown to a mining”
strike on 29 gold and coal
mines has begun. The cost
of such a strike would run

. into millions. The human

' costs would be

incalculable. SHERYL
‘ RAINE traces the
: development of the
* National Union of
1 Mineworkers and

} examines the

; issues.

THE small room was crammed with media people.

Cameramen jostled for position and all but lost their
footing in the crush, Union files had overflowed the
bookcase and were lying stacked on the floor in one
corner. :
The general secretary, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa, en-
‘tered wearing a yellow T-shirt with the National _
Union of Mineworkers’ logo emblazoned on its front. *
After a sleepless night at a congress session, the
hands of the union’s president, Mr James Motlatsi, ,
shook with fatigue and possibly, a touch of nervous-
ness as he declared to local newsmen, two overseas
television crews and a clutter of microphones tha a
his union would strike on August 25 to drive home a -
wage demand of 22 percent.
That was the scene down at No5 Wanderers:
‘Street at the start of the week. i
On the other side of town where the Chamber of }
‘Mines operates, Press conferences take place in a‘
“high-ceilinged, spacious room. There were padded,’

strike ;

chairs around a large oval table, tea and biscuits”
served from a tray, pencil and paper for each re- ?
Porter. Officials were wearing suits. °

Nothing could more effectively highlight the dif-
ferences between these two wrestlers in the mining *
industry ring at present than these two settings. ‘

The union is an awakening giant flexing its new-
found muscles, maturing quickly but racked by
growing pains. “

: The Chamber is an established giant trying to:
cope with a changing labour-relations field: The
i changes have come rapidly.

Barely three years ago there was no NUM. Now
the union is threatening to call 240 000 mineworkers
on 18 gold and 11 coal mines out on strike. The num-
ber, threatens the union, could reach 400000 if

91



JPRS+SSA+85~083
6 September 1985

CAMEROON

PROTESTS OF AFP REPORTER'S EXPULSION REGISTERED
AFP Protest
AB021741 Paris AFP in English 11s (GMT 2 Aug 85

[Text] Paris, 2'Aug (AFP)--AGENCE ‘FRANCE-PRESSE management today
protested to Cameroon authorities over its expulsion of AFP's bureau
chief in Yaounde, Jean-Claude Chapon.

Mr. Chapon left Cameroon on 31 July after being given two weeks to
leave. He had been in Yaounde since 14 June, 1983.

An Information Ministry spokesman said Mr. Chapon's stories harmed

the national interest,’ while Georges Ngango, a minister attached to the
presidency, said the government would have preferred Mr. Chapon "to
keep quiet on certain occasions".

IPI Director
AB071810 Paris AFP in French 1641 GMT 7 Aug 85

[Text] London, 7 Aug’ (AFP)--Peter Galliner, director of the
International Press Institute (IPI), on Wednesday protested the recent
expulsion of the AFP correspondent in Cameroon in a letter addressed
to Cameroonian President Paul Biya.

"As far as we know, no satisfactory reason has been given to justify
the expulsion of Jean Claude Chapon. We vehemently protest this action
which constitutes a serious hindrance to press freedom, and can only
harm your country's reputation," Mr. Galliner stressed in his letter.

In conclusion, the director of the London-based institute demanded
President Biya to allow Mr. Chapon to return to Cameroon, and authorize
him to take up his job "without further harassment."

AFP headquarters had sent a strong protest note to the Cameroonian
authorities early this week following the action taken against its
correspondent in Yaounde.

CsO: 3400/916


to the heart of the CBDs, which are white
at the moment. That means the complete
scrapping of the Land Acts which limit
occupational rights of blacks to what are
called “the black areas”.

Collings: When were the first steps taken
in the liberation of black business?

Motsuenyane: The government's re-
discovery of the need to open the free-
enterprise system to blacks came in 1975.
Our organisation and many others in the
private sector prevailed on government to
allow blacks at least to form companies,
which had been prohibited in urban areas
by the Nationalist government in 1962.

Collings: How much progress in remov-
ing restrictions has there been since 1975?

Motsuenyane: After 1975 there were still
restrictions on the type of jobs that blacks
were allowed to do. These came to an end
after the Wichahn Commission's report.
The Riekert Com-
mission made strong
recommendations for
the opening of CBDs
and for the relaxation of
influx control, but only
now does the govern-
ment seem to be serious
about implementing
those recommendations.

Collings: The African Bank, of which you
are chairman, wishes to open offices in
Pretoria, Durban, Port Elizabeth and
Pietersburg, in addition to the office it

-has recently been allowed to open in
Johannesburg. Are you dependent on
municipal permission for that, or does it
have to come from central or provincial
government?

Motsuenyane: The Group Areas Board,
reporting directly, I believe, to central
government, would have to give exemp-
tion from the provisions of the Group
Areas Act. I believe the Actis soon going
to be amended. I would have thought the
government would by now be saying that it
should, in the name of free enterprise, be
totally scrapped. I just don’t understand
why itis being retained.

74

Collings: Have you yet been given per-
mission to open offices in those towns and
cities that I mentioned?

Motsuenyane: I understand that, by
September, Parliament will have legislation
providing for black businesses to operate in
city centres. The onus will be on local
authorities to decide whether or not their
CBDs should be opened and, if so, which
parts first. My worry is that some local
authorities may not see the urgency of
opening their CBDs to all racial groups.
But beyond that, I think the government
should seriously consider amending the
Land Acts; if blacks are allowed to trade

in CBDs, but not to invest in property in
them, it is tantamount to limiting their
growth.

Collings: Are would-be black indus-
trialists similarly limited in terms of where
they can operate? :

Motsuenyane: Until 1979 blacks were
denied the right of establishing an industry
outside the homelands. Even now, in
urban areas outside the homelands, they
are allowed to establish only service
industries.

Collings: What are theyP

Motsuenyane: We have tried to find out.
Dr Koornhof (former Minister of Co-
operation and Development) tried to
explain. He said that when someone in the
community dies, he requires a coffin; the
man who is engaged in coffin manufac-
turing is therefore engaged ina service
industry. Repairing furniture, or manu-
facturing furniture in a small way, were
other examples. In fact, even if there
weren’t that restriction, the absence of sites
serviced and made available for industrial
development in black townships would be
a problem. That is why our bigger black
industrialists must be allowed into the
common industrial areas,

Collings: Free enterprise means, how-
ever, taking the full blast of open com-
petition, How capable is black business,
as yet, of doing that?


IMPORTANCE OF HEALTH

Much the same analysis can be applied to health
services. Health has the same three-fold character as
education. It is a consumer good of the highest order.
It is a direct benefit to other members of society,
since the unhealthy person is in various ways a threat
to his fellow men (the most obvious, but not only,
example being infection). Finally, the healthy
person is potentially more productive than the un-
healthy person.

It is in the direct and obvious interests of em-
ployers that employees should be healthy, while itis
less obviously but equally in the interests of con-
sumers that workers should be healthy. The argu-
ments against health being the responsibility of the
individual are less convincing than in the case of
education; but there are problems, at least where
large investment is needed for entirely new health-
services or where the necessary attitudes to health-
care do not exist in the community. Most social-
welfare services amount to an extension of the
concept of health.

Finally there are those social services to which
the traditional concept of charity can perhaps validly
be applied. These are the services which care for
people who cannot be, or cannot again be, at all pro-
ductive; the totally disabled and the aged, for
example. These setvices are provided because
society considers they ought to be. If they serve the
self-interest of other people, it is only emotionally —
that is, they would feel unhappy if the services were
not there. But, be that as it may, nearly everybody
agrees that such services must be provided.

The question now is who is to provide all these
services — or, more accurately, who is to pay for
them, for there is absolutely no reason why those
who pay should physically provide thém: This is
where we come to corporate social responsibility in
the traditional sense. Is it part of the function of busi-
ness to contribute on a voluntary basis to the pro-
vision of these services?

Those who say that it is not often assert that it is
no part of the mandate given by shareholders to
directors to make such donations. The mandate
given by the shareholders of a company to the direc-
tors is, in fact, set out expressly in the articles of asso-
ciation of the company. If these contain the power to

make donations, then this is part of the mandate.
The interesting point is that the articles of companies
almost invariably do contain this power and it is
extremely rare for shareholders to object to its
exercise.

If there really was a demand among investors for
companies which do not make donations . this
demand would be satisfied: companies would be
formed with articles prohibiting donations, and this
fact would be drawn to the attention of the investing
public. No such thing happens, at least in this
country, and all the evidence seems to be that the
great majority of shareholders approve of their com-
panies making reasonable donations.

The other argument which is used against
donations, or in favour of restricting them to a narrow
field, is that most of the purposes for which
donations are usually made are or should be “the task
of the government” — as if the government was some
unrelated force, with infinite resources, to which one
may simply address demands. But, of course, the
government has. no resources of its own, and to
demand that it should undertake additional tasks
beyond those which it undertakes at present is to
demand that it should raise more money — in other
words, increase taxes.

We do not get rid of the costs of services by say-
ing that the government should undertake them.
The question which we have to ask is, rather,
whether the government is the best organisation to
undertake the task in question, and’ particularly
whether it is in. the interests of society that the
government should have a monopoly in the relevant
field. Every delegation of a particular obligation to
the government is a demand for bigger government.
Every refusal to support private initiative on the
grounds that something is the task of government is a
demand for a goverment monopoly.

I believe that the most important reason for cor-
porate giving on-a substantial scale is that it is the
only way to keep alive a substantial private sector in
the areas of education and social services. I believe
this is in the interests of society as a whole since a
diversified, somewhat competitive situation in edu-
cation and social services will provide a healthier and
more desirable society than the reverse. It will pro-
vide better services, safeguard consumers of those
services from the arrogance which monopoly pro-
duces in those who supply them, and have a variety
of beneficial side-effects on the nature of society.

These effects are in the specific, long-term self-
interest of business itself, because the survival of the *
kind of society in which private enterprise is possible

80


United States are to blame, the MPLA-Labor Party Central Committee reaffirms
its fearlessness and refuses to yield to a suicide of any kind which would
mean betrayal to the fatherland of Agostinho Neto.

At the end of its last ordinary session, the MPLA-Labor Party Central
Committee expressed satisfaction with the solidarity demonstrated by the
African countries as expressed during the 21st OAU summit in Addis Ababa.
This OAU solidarity with our country is worthy of praise as its resounds
through all four corners of the continent as a cry of denunciation of the
belligerent intentions of the U.S. imperialism, The solidarity is expressed
at a time when Washington, with the complicity of the allied Western
countries, continues to channel to South Africa subsidies for the survival
of the apartheid regime, thus reinforcing at the same time the repressive
machinery of the regime installed in Pretoria against the legitimate
aspirations of the martyred South African people. The continuation of this
support for the Pretoria regime has obviously made it increasingly arrogant
to the point of planning actions such as the attempt to sabotage the Malongo
oil installations in Cabinda, which was, however, frustrated by the glorious
FAPLA in a demonstration of exemplary bravery which symbolizes the determina-
tion of the entire people in the fight for the preservation of our national
sovereignty under the leadership of its irreplaceable revolutionary vanguard,
the MPLA-Labor Party, which has at its head Comrade President Jose Eduardo
dos Santos, who in his wisdom has been leading the nation to new and
increasing victories over the enemies of our revolution. Against the U.S.
interference, all our strength, To the enemy, not a single inch of our land.
The struggle continues. Victory is certain.

CSO: 3400/954



JPRS»SSA+85+083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

LEADING INDUSTRIALIST ARGUES FOR CORPORATE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY

Johannesburg HUMAN RESOURCES in English 1985-86 pp 80-82

{Article by Michael O'Dowd, chairman of the Anglo American and DeBeers Chairman's

Fund]

[Text]

It has become customary to refer to the support of
social-service activities by companies, through do-
nations or the direct involvement of their staff, as
“corporate social responsibility”. It is a misleading
phrase, for it seems to imply that business itself is
either not socially constructive or not socially
important.

That, of course, is not true. Not only is all the
material wealth of society — food, clothes, houses,
motor cars — the product of business. Much of its
less-material wealth and welfare is a direct product as
well: books, records, medicines, X-ray equipment,
hospital buildings and old-age homes.

The primary function of business in society is to
serve the consumer; that is to say, to produce wealth
in a form in which people actually want it. Further-
more, it must produce at a cost less than the market
value of what it produces.

That wealth should be produced at a profit is fun-
damentally necessary, not merely if society is..to
become richer, but if it is to remain as productive as
it is. Every operation which is carried on at a loss has
to be supported by the profits of another operation.
If a society as a whole is operating at a loss, it is bank-
rupt and can survive only as long as somebody is pre-
pared to lend it money.

So the primary social responsibility of business is
to conduct its business efficiently and profitably.
The greatest crime, which a business can commit
against society is inefficiency, for that means a waste
of resources. The confusion about this issue stems
from the strange belief — still current 200 years after it
was refuted by Adam Smith — that somebody cannot
be serving society if he is pursuing his self-interest.

It is perfectly true that the average investor is
interested only in retum on capital, and it is equally
true that the average worker is interested only in his
remuneration — and possibly in various forms of
mental satisfaction derived from his work — and not,
except perhaps in some face-to-face service occu-
pations, in serving the consumer. Yet this is the sys- *
tem which has created, for the first time in history,
the absolute expectation that everybody’s income
will increase every year without any special effort on
their part. This belief is held to such an extent that
the failure of all incomes to increase for a single year
is considered a ground for intense indignation.

Although these remarks may perhaps put the
concept of corporate social responsibility, as it is
commonly undeistood; into better perspective they
do not dispose of it. Unfortunately, not everything
which is necessary for the satisfactory functioning of
society will be automatically provided. simply’ by
people and organisations following their self-interest.

A number of social services, as they are com-
monly called, are essential, not merely if society. is to _
function satisfactorily, but if it is to exist at all. The —
most obvious are those which constitute the original
and basic functions of government: the maintenance
of order, administration of justice, and defence
against external enemies. Without these, society will
very rapidly dissolve.

But that does not end the matter. There are
other services which either are in nobody's interests
to provide (unless somebody else pays for them) or
which will not automatically be provided adequately.
The most obvious examples are education and
health services.

78



NKOMO CLAIMS RAIDS ARE TO HARASS HIM

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 6 Aug 85 p 13

{Text]

cso

3400/868

HARARE

Zimbabwe's chief op- .

position leader, Mr Jo-
shua Nkomo, yester-
day accused the gov-
ernment of harassing
him with fresh police
raids on his homes in
Harare and Bulawayo.

Mr Nkomo said from
Bulawayo police spent
more than three hours on
Sunday — searching his
home there and took
away party literature.

His othér home in Ha-
rare had also been raided,
the PF-Zapu leader said.

Acting Police Commis-
sioner Mr Henry Muku-
razhizha confirmed the
searches, but declined to
give details.

Last Thursday Mr Nko- *

mo said police searched
his home in Bulawayo
and arrested 12 people
and took away PF-Zapu
literature and badges.
Eleven people were ar-
rested during a similar
raid on Mr Nkomo’s
home in Harare-on July

Mr Nkomo said yester-
day: “This seems to be a
plan by the ruling Zanu-
PF party to harass and re-
move me as I am the
stumbling block of the
creation of their one-par-
ty state.”

Three weeks ago, State

104

Security Minister Mr Em-
merson Munangagwa said
intelligence officials had
arrested a rebel in Mr

Nkomo’s house, a charge .

the PF-Zapu leader de-
nied.

Meanwhile a number of
Zapu agents who: were
deployed to disrupt
general election in vari-
ous Harare suburbs -have
been arrested and will ap-
pear in court’ soon,
according to the Prime
Minister, Mr Robert Mu-
gabe.

Addressing Zanu (PF):

supporters celebrating
, their election victory at a
, Major sports stadium on
Sunday, he said these de-
,ployments had sparked
“ off the recent political dis-
turbances in which minor-
ity party members’ houses
were ransacked and their
property thrown into the
“Streets.
Although the action by

i the ruling party's support-
ers had been caused by!
Zapu's deployment of re-
actionary elements before
the general election, it
was not the party's policy
to resort to violence and
victimisation of minority +
parties, he said.

“Instead you should
persuade them to join us
and not coerce them into
the ranks of Zanu (PF)”.
—— Sapa-Reuter.

JPRS*SSA*85+083
6 September 1985

ZIMBABWE


IMPACT OF RECESSION, WEAK RAND ON SAA DISCUSSED

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 29 Jul 85 p 8

JPRS*SSA=85~083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

{Interview with Gert van der Veer by Zenaide Vendeiro--time, place not given]

[Text]

: Q: Has SAA experienced.

a decline in passengers?

A: In the financial year
ending March 1985, we had
a nine percent increase in
international passengers
and a 14 percent increase
in domestic passengers |
compared with the previ-

ous year.

During the first quarter |
.of the current financial
year, we have had a i
‘1,7 percent growth in dom- «
estic passengers and a_
slight drop of 3,7 percent in
international passengers
compared with the same
period last year.

We are anticipating a |
decrease in international |
passengers later on in the
year. One reason for this
is that South Africans are
certainly beginning to fl

jless because of the we
rand and the recession.

Figures of incoming
traffic from Europe seem

,to be holding up, but traf-

fic from the United States .
has dropped and we are ‘
anticipating this to con-
tinue, largely because of
the negative publicity:
South Africa has been re-
ceiving there.

1

|Q: Will the state of emer-
gency worsen matters?

A: I have no comment on
that at the moment. We
will have to wait and see
because I think opinions
here are mixed. On the one
hand some people feel that
it is a very negative thing, ,
and on the other hand, |
many people say that it is
a positive step that some-
thing is being done to cope
with the situation.

Q: How did SAA per-
form in the last financial
year and what is the posi- —
tion so far this year?

A: In the year 1984-85, we

; expect a break-even situ-

ation with the possibility
of a slight profit. 4
This was accomplished

under very difficult cir-

cumstances, One of these
was the fall of the rand
against the dollar. The
value of the rand was al-

- most halved in 12 months

which led to the costs of
running the SAA, in rand ;

, terms, increasing by about
* 40 percent.

Saas attitude has been
to attract a bigger market

+ share rather than increase '

89

fares and we have been -

successful.
In the last financial ;

year, our domestic traffic
increased by 14 percent

which is particularly sig- -

nificant if one looks at the
fact that the average
growth in domestic traf-
fic from 1980 to the end
of 1983 was only about 1,5
percent.

This must also be
viewed against the decline
in economic activity, dom-
estically,

Q: Do you ascribe this
growth to “special” fares?
A: The increase has been
ae, firstly, to the intro-
duction of the very popular
Fidnight flights ata
50 discount. We ex-
panded this service on
| June 1 and it now covers
* all the major cities.

» Secondly, the incentive
fares which we have in-
troduced — flexi-flights,
family fares, 40 percent



EXPERT ON MINE LABOR ISSUES

Johannesburg HUMAN RESOURCES in English 1985-86 pp 74-75, 77-78

JIPRS=SSA~85~083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

[Interview with Johann Liebenberg by Steve Friedman--time, place not given]

[Text ]

pan fanfie on the mines has escalated
Some mines have been hit by
posted wile, strikes, black-union members
pr) rie v charge ion
omnia wee employers
workers are using violence and intimidation to
enforce their demands. At the same time, the
mines have responded with tough action against
ee Ant as the firing of 17 000
7s by American ‘a, Ay fo Vaal i in
nn justry’s it union,
the National Union of Mineworkers, charges
that employers are out to “break” the union.
_Many observers are comvinced that a dam-
confrontation between the NUM and em-
aes i looming and thatthe clash could have
Serious implications well beyond the mining in-
Eanes ine tect of tis storm
is of Mines industrial relations ad-.
vier Johann Liber Liebenberg. r. The son of @ unionist,
ne SA Confederation of

taba,

‘blays a key role in shaping

the mines’ response to the growing black-union
Steven Friedman

presence in the industry.
Spoke to him for teaden
ing conflict and other mine

Friedman: The industrial relations
temperature on the mines has risen
sharply this year. The NUM charges

that conflict is growing because employers
are cracking down on it. Have employers
decided to “get tough” with the union?

Liebenberg: From the Chamber’s point
of view, there is no “get tough with the
union” attitude. But there has been a
spate of wildcat strikes which have irked
employers. We feel the union does have
fecognition agreements, there are facilities

57

about the gather-

ship ao ‘$SSUES.

to approach both mine managements and
the Chamber, and these strikes are un-
necessary in a mature, or maturing,
relationship. I don’t want to lay the blame
at the door of the NUM’s general secretary
or executive —we don’t know whether the
unrest is orchestrated locally or centrally —
but itis worrying to have the same sort of
unrest that we used to have before black
miners had unions.

Friedman: Are the strikes hardening



It also has profound implications for South
Africa’s future. Most whites who fear political change
insist that, given the vote, blacks would quickly
install the sort of dictator seen in many African
countries since independence. The existence of a
major movement which stresses democracy above all
other political values, and seeks to educate its mem-
bets to take democratic decisions, should go some
way towards allaying those fears.

To understand the issues at stake in the current
debate it is necessary to delve into the recent history
of the older, more professional emerging-unions.

The bigger emerging-unions — Fosatu, Cusa, the
General Workers Union, the Food and Canning
Workers Union and their allies — grew up in the
Seventies in a climate extremely hostile to black
unionism and black political activity. Unions were
weak and, had they sought to take-up political issues,
would quickly have been crushed. In order to survive
they had to ignore events outside the factories, and
they did just that throughout the decade.

This stance began to change after 1979, when
the unions were granted official bargaining rights and
began ‘to grow rapidly. New black unions. such as

the SA Allied: Workers Union and Motor Assemblers

and Components Workers Union (Macwusa) were
formed and quickly ‘attracted thousands of sup-
porters; they insisted that they had a right to také up
broader ‘political issues and this seemed part of the
reason for their growing worker-support.

The older unions now seemed extremely staid
and their “nartow” stress on thé factories was criti-
cised’ not only by their new-union rivals -but by
influential anti-apartheid groups. They also faced
growing pressure from their own members to move
outside the factories. In areas like Uitenhage, the
East Rand and northern Natal, they enrolled thou-
sands of new workers, most of whom joined during
waves: of militancy that were winning workers new
gains in the workplace. This shifted decision-making.
away from union leaders towards their members —
and it soon became clear that rank-and-file workers
who joined the older unions were just as keen to use

their industrial muscle in the political arena as those

who joined their newer rivals.

UNION APPROACH OUTLINED

All these pressures forced the older unions to take a
more active political role. They did so, however, ina
way that set them apart from both their rivals and the
black political movements which were then begin-
ning to re-emerge.

53

Their approach was outlined in a celebrated 1982
speech by Fosatu general secretary Joe Foster. He
endorsed a direct political role for unions but warmed
that they should not link up with non-worker politi-
cal groups. Foster argued that an alliance with them
would weaken unions. The political movements
were not restricted to workers: members of the black
elite — lawyers, doctors, university students — also be-
longed to them and, because they had far more free
time and education than workers, they usually came
to lead the political groups.

If unions joined these organisations, they would
be bound by their decisions and would have to take
part in their campaigns — but, because they did not
control the political groups, unions would be unable
to control the decisions which they were expected to
implement. They might, therefore, have to take
action which was not in their immediate interests but
which served the interests of the non-worker political
leaders.

‘At the same time, Foster argued that avoiding
links with these groups would also affect the kind of -
society that would emerge if there was wide-ranging
political change. In other African countries, unions
had participated in the broader movement for black
tights only to find that, when these were achieved,
the new government immediately tumed against
workers — for example, by enacting labour laws that
were just as restrictive as those which the former
white rulers had enforced. 3

UNIQUE POLITICAL STRATEGY
To avoid this, it was essential for workers to develop
an independent political movement which would be
a force in its own right and which could therefore in-
fluence the decisions black political leaders took if
they gained power. One worker delegate at a Fosatu
Congress summed up this view: “Of course we want
Mandela to be prime minister,” he said, “but when
heis, we must make sure the workers control him.”

This stance set the tone for the older unions’ pol-
itical involvement until late-1984, They organised a
national work stoppage in protest at the death in.
detention of Dr Neil Aggett and campaigned against.
influx control and the new constitution. These cam-
paigns were run by the unions, independently of the
political organisations, and took place only after the
unions had carefully consulted their followers arid
ensured that they supported the action. In some
‘areas, such as Uitenhage and the East Rand, union
members either came to control community organis-
ations or set up their own township groups.

The unions also followed a unique political strat-
egy. They reasoned that, because their members
could not vote, they had little leverage with govern-



ciation, told journa-
list that he love
sports and is not
using the games to
achieve his political
objectives. "1. have
been a fan and suppor-
“ter of 1.E. since |
knew myself," he ex-
plained.

He was responding to
a question as to
whether he was using
his sporting links to
promote his political
aims.

Mr. Bernard later
called on politicians
to exhibit: fortitude
and persiscence in or-
der to tackle national
issues in .a "sober
manner."

He said the economic
woes affecting the na-
tion could only be
improved if the citi-
zenry can create a
sense of purpose
among politicians of
this country.

He stressed that po-
liticians should posi-
tively tackle issues
with discipline, .cou-
‘cage and the will to
lead this country out
of its present econo-
mic plights.

Mr. Bernard who has
been petitioned by se-
veral groupings within
Montserrado County to
contest the senatorial
seat,also serves aS
advisor for the Libe-
ria Marketing Associa-
tion (LMA) and the Fe-
deration of Drivers
Union.

cso: 3400/967

15



NGK ARTICLE SAYS CHURCH MUST ADMIT WRONGS OF APARTHEID

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 17 Aug 85 p 11

[Text]

Cso: 3400/958

‘problems, it said.

' =

CAPE TOWN. — The
White Ned Geref Kerk
must admit that apartheid
is wrong and has created
division and_ bitterness;
says an editorial article in;
Die Ligdraer, official or-
gan of the Ned Geref
Sendingkerk.

Die editor of Die Lig-.
draer and former Send-
ingkerk moderator, . the
Rev Dawid Botha, said
the recent report of the

Human Sciences Re-*

search Council on inter-
group relationships. gave
the lie to any claim that
apartheid was a “scien-
tific’ means of ordering
society.

Apartheid and Marx-
ism both claimed to be
“scientific”- as an ap-
proach to solving social

However, neither

ideology could stand the .

test of a valid scientific
examination of theit the-
ories or practical imple-

“mentation. *

Tracing the history of
apartheid and of the
Sendingkerk, which the
White Ned Geref Kerk
established as a Separate
Coloured church, Mr Bo-
tha said recent analyses
had proved the total
bankruptcy of apartheid.

Theological _justifica-
tion for the apartheid
idealogy had been shown

to be false and the White
Ned Geref Kerk had had
to concede this point in
relation to the Mixed
Marriages Act and Sec-
tion 16 of the Immorality
Act, he said.

Yet the Ned Geref
Kerk had still asked for
these laws to be retained
for “practical reasons”.

The HSRC had now
examined the effects of
apartheid on group re-
lations and had come to

» the conclusion that separ-

ation in so many fields
had increased the poten-
tial for conflict in South
Africa.

~ “This scientific investi-

“gation ‘demolished the

claim ‘that apartheid
~rested on __ scientific
bases,” Mr Botha said.

“Is this (HSRC) evi-
dence not enough? What
is still needed before we,
.as the Dutch Reformed
family of churches, find
one another in a true con-
fession of guilt and of re-
conciliation?

“If the authorities in
our country have realised
the folly of apartheid and
are struggling to leave this
road what is wrong with
the church, which claims
to have the light of God’s
revelation, that it cannot
move? Time is short,” Mr
Botha said in the editorial
article.

44

JPRS+SSA*85083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


JPRSSSA-85~083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

ANC: COMMENTS ON 'SO-CALLED' REFORMS IN RSA
EA161606 Addis Ababa Radio Freedom in English to South Africa 1930 GMT 15 Aug 85

[Unattributed commentary: "Botha's Sinister Maneuvers To Prolong the Lifespan
of Apartheid in Our Country"]

[Text] Compatriots, the escalation of armed struggle spearheaded by our
vanguard liberation movement, the ANC, has (?great) determination and [has]
sacrificed to rid our motherland from the scourge of racism and exploitation,
and our continued united mass action against these apartheid (?fanatics) has
[words indistinct] forced the bloodthirsty generals of Pretoria to enforce
even more repressive and subtle methods of oppression to prolong the lifespan
of the most inhuman system of apartheid in our country.

The racist regime, in a futile attempt to defend its existence, has now embarked
on a military dictatorship coupled with so-called reforms. Botha and his

gang of murderers should be aware that we are not fighting for a better (?face
of) apartheid. Our objectives for a free, nonracial, democratic South Africa
are clearly stated in the political document, the Freedom Charter.

Compatriots, when we, the oppressed black majority of South [Africa] and all
patriots of our country adopted the Freedom Charter, our basic document, that
contained the aspirations of the majority of our country, we declared that

these freedoms we will fight for side by side until we have won our liberty.

Therefore, fellow countrymen, let the spirit of Cape Town continue to live.
We should not allow ourselves to be confused by a desperate bull cornered

by its evil deeds, the regime whose downfall is as certain as day follows
night. The so-called Botha's reforms and constitutional dispensations are
nothing else but yet another sinister scheme by the fascist regime of Pretoria
to deceive us, the landless and voteless black majority of South Africa,

and the international community to believe that the monster has changed heart.

We are convinced that this regime, which is threatened from head to foot with
the blood of the innocent and unarmed people it has murdered throughout
southern Africa, cannot be an architect of justice and peace in our region.
How can Botha talk of reforms while his criminals are still maiming and killing
our children in the streets of Soweto, (Khalesin), (Uwumechu), and throughout
our country? How can we talk of peace and democracy while these murderers
continue to assassinate our leaders and patriots?

48


Collings: How widespread has the
destruction beenP

Motsuenyane: In Sebokeng the destruction
of black business amounts to millions of
rand. In the Free State and in places like
Kimberley and the Eastern Cape, black
business has suffered more than any other
part of the private sector because, when
unrest begins in any township, the first
target is a government building ora black
business. This has been the pattern
throughout the riots, and is why we want to
know what the image of black business is
in the black community. If it’s negative,
what should Nafcoc be doing to create
more positive perceptions of it? After all,
business should be seen, we believe, as

a necessary componentin the liberation
struggle of the people; without a business
base there can be no real liberation.

Collings: Still, some would argue that
black business, like any business, has a
wider responsibility than creating jobs
and offering goods or services. Is black
business yet involving itself in community
needs—for example, by putting money
into education at school level?

Motsuenyane: I cannot quantify the par-
ticipation at various levels, but we en-
courage all our members to participate in
community activities: supporting welfare
programmes, or indigent children attend-
ing high school —hundreds of children are
being helped through our adopt-a-child
scheme, in which a businessman adopts
a child and sees to its educational needs.
We have these programmes all over the
country.

Collings: We've spent all this time talking
about black business as an exclusive
affair. But surely the only hope for real
development of black business skills and
opportunities lies in co-operation with
white capitalP

Motsuenyane: Yes, nd there's great urge
on the part of white entrepreneurs to help
black areas, but the complicating factor

is the politics of our country which have
precluded blacks from operating in white
areas and, as a quid pro quo, blacks have
stopped whites from coming into black
areas.

csO: 3400/931

77

Collings: The government has stopped
them.

Motsuenyane: Indeed, but blacks would
be resentful if it were otherwise. So those
companies that are willing to go into black
areas have to be very cautious how they set
up there; blacks who agree to work with
them must not be seen by the’black com-
munity as just fronts. That is why we have
recommended franchises; I believe these
offer the cleanest deals toa black entre-
preneur: the business remains in his name
and he buys service and skills.

But yes, I believe that the free-
enterprise system cannot be developed in
racial ghettos. White businessmen must
open themselves to black partners, as
blacks must to white partners, Whites are
ina better position at present to open their
enterprises to blacks; they don’t fear any
competition, as blacks would, and don’t
fear that they would be overwhelmed by
black infiltration. So let them open the
doors for blacks to enter. When that is
achieved it will facilitate the process of
moving into the townships where, as you
say, a great deal of skill and capital is
required — but where, too, the scope for
growth is tremendous.



JPRS*SSA“85=083
6 September 1985

GUINEA

BRIEFS

CANADIAN COMPANY DELIVERS PLANE-~Conakry, 14 Aug--The Canadian company,

De Havilland, has delivered a Dash-7 plane to the Guinean Government
following the signing of the finance agreement between the Canadian and
Guinean Governments in August 1984. This agreement of 21.6 million Canadian
dollars also provides for the possibility for Guinea to obtain Canadian goods
and services, apart from receiving the Dash-7 plane, [Text]

Paris AFP in French 1122 GMT 14 Aug 85 AB]

cso: 3400/954

10



JPRS=SSA~85~083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

POLITICAL POWER OF UNION MOVEMENT EXAMINED

Johannesburg HUMAN RESOURCES in English 1985-86 pp 53-54, 57-58

[Article by Steven Friedman:
[Text]

In township houses and migrant workers’ com-
pounds, in factories, buses and trains, black-union
members are locked in a heated debate. The argu-
‘ment is of direct interest to employers and workers
alike for it may help shape the country’s future. The
topic? The political direction of the emerging union
movement. 6

"The debate has been raging for a while now and
it is as intense as ever. The attitudes of workers and
their leaders differ from region to region and within
particular areas. But there is one common thread: the
issue is no longer whether unions should be politi-
cally active but how they should be so.

For some time, black unions have faced pressure
from their members to take up political issues. But
demands that they join the battle against apartheid
increased markedly after unrest broke out in the
townships last year.

Many of the school pupils who are boycotting
classes are workers’ children; the police and Defence
Force presence in the townships has also forced
workers, along with other residents, to take a politi-
cal stand. Dramatic evidence that workers are
increasingly willing to act on political issues was pro-
vided by last November's union-called ‘Transvaal
stay-away, in which an estimated 800 000 workers
took part; before and after the protest, unions in the
Eastern Cape and on the East Rand called more lim-
ited, but equally well-supported stay-aways.

The townships are in crisis and have become so
politicised that no union can afford now to remain
aloof from politics. The debate about whether

52

"The Politics of Negotiation"]

unions should restrict themselves only to “bread and
butter” issues ended some time ago: conditions in
the townships have rendered it entirely obsolete.

Though township unrest has finally buried the
debate on whether unions should be involved in
politics, it has fuelled the argument about the strat-
egy they should use. Broadly, the issue is whether
they should link up with black political groups such
as the United Democratic Front and its school-pupil
affiliate, the Congress of SA Students, or whether
they should act on their own.

The choice has wide implications. Working with
the political movements would imply mass worker-
actions in the townships ~ stay-aways and the like -
while independent union action would centre around
the factories and would involve pressure on em-
ployers to demand political changes from the govern-
ment. The debate will therefore have direct impli-
cations for any company with an emerging-union
presence in its plant.

Its ramifications go beyond even that. Since
1980, the bigger emerging-unions have developed a
style of politics that is unique among black
movements: it involves a sharp stress on grass-roots
democracy and an insistence that no action is under-
taken without a firm mandate from workers in the
factories. This is part of the reason why the unions
have been so successful at mobilising their followers
— people who take part in a decision are always more
ready to act on it —-and has ensured that they have
become an independent political force to be
reckoned with.


ZAMBIA

Lack of Support Imperils MMF
(HUMAN RESOURCES, 1985-86) ..cccececccveccevccceeceseeres

Leading Black Businessman Advocates Nonracial System
(Sam Motsuenyane Interview; HUMAN RESOURCES, 1985-86)

Leading Industrialist Argues for Corporate Social Responsibility
(Michael O'Dowd; HUMAN RESOURCES, 1985-86) ....seeeeeeees

Manpower Commission Head Views Labor Issues
(Hennie Reynders Interview; HUMAN RESOURCES, 1985-86) ...

Trade Union Unity Talks Reviewed
(SOWETAN, 12 Aug 85) .ccccecccccccccccnsccceccecsesseeces

Impact of Recession, Weak Rand on SAA Discussed
(Gert van der Veer Interview; THE STAR, 29 Jul 85) ......

Cost of Gold, Coal Strike 'Incalculable'
(Sheryl Raine; THE SUNDAY STAR, 11 Aug 85) ..ceseseusseee

De Kock Sees Stable Prices Ahead
(Tony Koenderman; BUSINESS DAY, 13 Aug 85) .ssccecseceeee

Recession Hits Service Stations
(Zenaide Vendeiro; THE STAR, 26 Jul 85) wseceseescsceeese

Oversupply of Office Space Reported
(Frank Jeans; THE STAR, 9 Aug 85) .eccccscccccecevcvecece

UDF Urging Boycott of Reef Shops
(BUSINESS DAY, 12, 13 Aug 85) csscercececercecevcesesees

White Business Target, by Sipho Ngcobo
Limited Success

July Sales Figure on JSE May Set Record
(Peter Farley; THE STAR, 26 Jul 85) sescsececeeeee

Du Plessis on Effectiveness of Monetary Measures, Labor Unions
(Tim Clarke; THE CITIZEN, 17 Aug 85) ..eseeee

Car Sales Totter, Price War Heats Up
(Alan Ruddock; BUSINESS DAY, 12, 13 Aug 85) .w..ceeceeeeee

Prices Down
Discounting a Factor

Briefs
Youth Agreement With Bulgaria
Cooperation Agreement With Romania

-~d-

69

73

78

82

87

89

91

93

94

95

99

101

101
102

103
103



LACK OF SUPPORT IMPERILS MMF

JIPRS*SSA~85+083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

Johannesburg HUMAN RESOURCES in English 1985-86 pp 70-71, 73

[Article by L.A.0. Barth:
[Text]

In March 1980 the Minister of Manpower, Fanie
Botha, announced -a national initiative, Manpower
2000. Its prime purpose was to create general aware-
ness of the Republic’s chronic skills shortage and that
everyone had a role to play in overcoming it.

Minister Botha urged the private sector, as a part
of this initiative, to establish a Foundation to co-
operate with the public sector. In November 1980
close on 300 leaders of the private sector met in
Johannesburg's Carlton Hotel and unanimously re-
solved “that a major effort by the private sector is
needed to meet the manpower crisis of the Eighties
and in particular to ensure that the momentum
achieved by Manpower 2000 is not only maintained
but increased”. This resolution led to the formation
of the Manpower. and Management Foundation
(MMB). That organisation is now in process of being
wound up. The reason — lack of support.

Having been closely associated with its develop-
ment since November 1980, when I attended the
Carlton Hotel conference and was invited to become
President of the National Development and Man-
agement Foundation, I would like to record our ex-
periences over the past few years as a contribution to
identifying what new role — if any — the private sector
has in what is now.an even bigger crisis than in 1980.
In a recent discussion a very wise man said: “We
South Africans are good at identifying problems, tell-
ing each other what we.should be doing, but then do
very little, invariably leaving it to government to take
whatever action it believes necessary.” -

"Manpower 2000:

69

A Review"]

This passivity has been very evident in recent
years. Many businessmen have taken the view that
the solution to our problems consists of changes in
laws and the many regulations that effectively put
South African people into two categories — on the one
hand the privileged’ group consisting essentially of
whites and, on the other hand, the other races which
still have to contend with discriminatory legislation.
They then conclude that the primary task of a pri-
vate-sector organisation such as the MMF is to put
pressure on the government to remove as quickly as
possible all discriminatory and inhibiting legislation.

The underlying belief is that so-called “free mar-_
ket forces” will then lead to prosperity for all. There
are, however, many variations of the free-enterprise
system; South Africa has not yet identified which,
given the realities of its society, will have the best
balance and hence produce the most benefits.

There are many examples in the world of a free-
enterprise system being as inefficient as a socialistic
one. What are the necessary ingredients of success? *
We look with envy on the economies of Japan, South
Korea and the Republic of China (Taiwan), which
with infinitely fewer natural resources than South
Aftica have performed miracles. The explanation
seems to be that they have blended into a har-
monious: whole the three most important dimen-
sions: the reality of the social structure, the dynamics
of a free-enterprise system and a framework of laws
that optimises the relationship between the two.



IMPORT LICENCE
The policy of government in the
administration of import licence
enunciated te you in my last
quarterly briefing has not chang-
ed. Thus, bias continued to be
shown in favour of raw materials
and equipment needed to en-
courage local production rather
than importation of finished
goods. In this connection, the
available foreign exchange is ra-
tioned in the following order in
respect of visible import transac:
tions: (a) 63 per cent for in
dustrial sector (raw materials,
machinery components and
spare-parts); (b) 8 per cent for
food: (¢) 13 per cent for general
merchandise; (d) 16 for govern-
ment project
The priority of government is
therefore for the revival of in-
dustries.
The following figures show the
ition of import licence as at
15th July, 1985.

Sector Amount Commit
ted.

Agro 8758.7 million
Agroallied 465.1 million
Chemical N617.8 million
Engineer. 1,116.9 million *
Govt. proj N755 million
Gen. Mer. 4200 million

Detailed break-down of the im-
port licences in each sector will
he distributed after this press
briefing.

FEDERALLY COLLLECTED
REVENUE

The total federally collected
revenue during the period Ist
January to 30th June. 1985
amounted to N7.966.8 million. The
amount is made up of oil revenue
of ¥5,229.1 million, non-oil
revenue of 1,685.8 million and
federally retained revenue of
1,051.9 million, The amount of
N6.889.5 million was distributed in
accordance with the revenue
allocation formula.

REVENUE GENERATION

‘As much as 66.3 per cent of
total revenue for the 1985 fiscal |
year is expected to accrue from
the oil sector from January to
June 1985, the total revenue
realised from the oil sector
amounted to 45,229.1 million. As
at the end of June, a total sum of
449.2 million accrued from
Companies’ Income Tax and
other levies with Companies In-
come Tax amounting to 413.07

million. At the same time, the
Customs and Excise Department
collected a total sum of N1,121.2
million as at the end of May, 1985.
On the whole, the response of
Ministries and Departments to
the revenue monitoring exercise
initiated by the Federal Ministry
of Finance as reflected in the per-
formance of the non-oil sector has
shown some improvement in
revenue collection.

AIR TRAVEL LEVY AND PRE-
OPERATION LEVY ON
COMPANIES

‘These two new levies introduc.
ed under Sections 10 and 27 of the
Finance (Miscellaneous Taxation
Provisions) Decree of 1985 have
melded 815.7 million and NI4
million respectively as at 15th Ju-
fy. 1985

RECURRENT EXPENDITURE

The third quarter (July.
August, September) Warrant of
Ni,406.2 million was released for
Recurrent Expenditure. ‘The
shortfall in the Second Quarter
release was made up in the third
quarter release, The placement
of Entertainment and Hospitality
Votes under reserve is yielding
very fruitful result as only of-
ficers entitled to the allowances
are now receiving them. The
edule of Recurrent Warrant
will be circulated after this brief
ne.

CAPITAL EXPENDITURE

During the second and third
quarters of 1985, 4770.7 million
and.N1,012.6 million respectively
were released under the quarter-
ty Development Warrants issued
for Capital Expenditure for the
period, April to September. Added
to 891.67 million in the first
quarter warrant covering
January to March, the total
amount released so far for
capital expenditure this year is
42.675.05 million excluding
drawdowns in the external loans.
The schedule of capital and
recurrent disbursements to the
Sates and Federal Ministries
will also be circulated after this
Press Briefing.

24



Composition of all homelands’
GDP 1980 (%)

Electricity
Construction 2,8

Market
agriculture

Source: BENSO Statistical Survey of Black Development Parts 1 and 2 (1983)

It is also necessary to examine more fully the
contention that the policy is enormously costly and
‘inefficient. As noted above, such inefficiency implies
that, in terms of the resources being used to create
the jobs and to maintain the employment over time,
more jobs are potentially being foregone than the
policy itself is creating.
» Evidence of the inefficiency of the decentralis-
ation process — with implied adverse effects on econ-
omic growth and employment opportunities in the
longer term — has been gathered from surveys, in-
cluding our own. Official figures, published by the
Decentralisation Board, show definite trends regard-
ing the most “popular” decentralised development
points. Points close to metropolitan areas are attrac-
tive to industrialists. Although the concessions
obtainable are often lower than elsewhere, the firms
benefit from the markets and services available in
the adjacent metropoles. Higher incentives are
needed if industry is to be decentralised to: more
remote development points.

The surveys reveal that, for the majority of
decentralised companies, the choice of location was
made in the light of the incentives available and not

67

because the area offered natural advantages over
other areas. Many of these firms have indicated that
they are making profits only because of the incen-
tives.

This, in itself, is cause for concern. If a business
has to be subsidised in order to survive one can say
that “value added” in production is negative. ‘The
value of its inputs, taken out of the economy, is
greater than that of whatever it puts back into the
economy. In order to'sustain this situation, resources
have to be drawn continuously from other areas and
re-allocated’ to decentralised activities. With the
redistribution of resources (and incomes) there is.a
corresponding decline in activity and employment in
those areas from which resources were drawn.

It is often argued that such problems are inevit-
able in the short term, Firms in “infant areas” have
to be subsidised until the areas mature and are able
to match the economic advantages of more devel-
oped areas. Whether most of the development points
will generate agglomeration economies and become
self-sustaining in the longer term, however, is highly
unlikely. The problems in this regard can be at-
tributed to the political aims of the policy as ex-
plained below. .

Beéause the thrust of the policy is towards
creating employment opportunities in the home-
lands, the areas designated as development points
are often badly chosen on economic grounds and are
unsuited to the development role they are expected
to fulfil. In creating the homelands — a process which
was started in the early years of this century — no
account was taken of their ability to serve as centres
of gravitation for industry. Indeed, the status of the
“reserves” actively worked against their being con-
sidered as potential sites for industry. Having been
bypassed by the process of regional development
that accompanied industrialisation, it is naive to
believe that they can now readily be brought into the
mainstream.

These are not the only reasons why prospects for
self-sustaining growth at decentralisation points in, or
near to, homelands are poor. For obvious political
reasons, the “benefits” of decentralisation must be
spread reasonably equitably among the ten different
homelands.

This has two sets of implications. First, because
of the large number of development points, the
impact of the policy is highly diffuse. Instead of con-
centrating the decentralisation effort and creating a
few viable, well-chosen growth-points (which, any-
way, would probably be close to existing metro-
poles), the shotgun approach reduces the likelihood
of any point reaching its critical mass. Yet the infra-



In 1983 we also negotiated with the
Underground Officials Association the
abolition of Job Reservation Determination
27, which reserved some officials’ jobs for
whites. We are now-employing black
underground officials.

Since then, we have won agreement to
open the mine officials’ pension fund to all
races and have commenced negotiations on
scrapping the racial “scheduled persons”
definition (which prevents blacks holding
blasting certificates and so bars them from
‘skilled mine-work). We have also begun
talks with artisan unions on opening oper-
ative jobs. I can understand black miners
feeling the pace is too slow, bit we have
to negotiate these changes and bargaining
is always a lengthy process of offer and
counter-offer.

Friedman: The biggest obstacle is
obviously the “scheduled persons”
definition which the Mine Workers Union
has sworn to defend. How much progress
is there towards winning union agreement
to scrap itP

Liebenberg: We believe the pace is too
slow. You will remember that the govern-
ment, in its White Paper on the Sixth
Wiehahn report, said that we and the
unions should negotiate an end to the
racial “scheduled persons” definition
“within a reasonable time” and that, if we
didn’t, it would step in. We believe that
“reasonable time” has now elapsed and
that the government should scrap the
barriers. We note that the Minister of
Mineral and Energy Affairs has said that it
will go in 1986 and we are continuing to
talk to the older unions about the pre-
conditions for this —job security for their
members and a new bargaining system for
the industry.

We know that the NUM is unhappy
about not being included in these talks, but
we wrote to them the day after they began,
assuring them that, once we had concrete
proposals on a new bargaining system, we
would consult them.

We don’t need to negotiate with the
NUM on “scheduled persons” because
both of us agree that it should go. Weare -
not yet in a position to talk to it abouta
new bargaining structure but we will do so" ,

as soon as concrete proposals emerge. I can
assure it of one thing: we will not replace a
racial “scheduled persons” definition with a
racial job-security agreement; that simply
wouldn’t make sense. We are as eager to
end discrimination as the NUM, but we are
committed toa tripartite approach in which
both the older unions and the government
must be involved.

Friedman: There is a great deal of
scepticism about your ability to persuade
the [white] Mine Workers’ Union (MWU)
to accept the scrapping of the “scheduled
persons” definition. It refused to attend
the first round of talks and has vowed to
strike if the definition is changed. Have
you made any progress on this score?

Liebenberg: The MWU did refuse to
attend the first meeting and it would only
come to the next nine as an observer. But
its position changed after its general council
meeting in January and after Arrie Paulus
agreed to stay on as general secretary. Since
then he has been attending the talks as a
full participant.

Friedman: Do you see that as a sign that
the union’s attitude has softened?

Liebenberg: All I can say is that he is
attending as a full participant.

Friedman: Your attempt to obtain union
agreement for a new bargaining system
seemed to founder last year when the
MWU and other unions rejected the idea
that the NUM be allowed to take part
unofficially in the industrial council which
the older unions wanted. Are you still
deadlocked?

Liebenberg: We are still exploring the
possibility of a council or some other
platform which will eliminate the two
weaknesses in our present system: the
lack of either monitoring or a binding way
of enforcing agreements. Obviously, we
want one system in which all the unions
take part; we had a dual system before the
Wichahn report, and we hope those days
are over. Our aim is a unified system which
is not based on race,

‘The precise form it will take is not yet
clear, but we are not wedded to a council or

60


cso:

with machinery in or-
der to bring their pro-
duce up to standard.

Touching on local
rice production, the
LPMC boss said des-—
pite efforts to boost
the production capaci-
ty of local farmers,
some vendors are frus-
trating the efforts
of the farmers by pur-
chasing their produce
far below the stipula-
ted price of 18 cents
per bag of paddy rice.

He said it is those
vendors who are bene-
fiting from the local-
ly grown paddy rice
which they purchase
from farmers for as
low as 5 cents per
pound and in return
sell game to LPMC for
18 cents. "They are
reaping a profit of!
13 cents" which, ac-
cording to him, is too
much.

Mr. Dunbar said with
all these "mal-prac-
tices" LPMC is still
encouraging farmers to
produce rice on a
large sale noting that
there is a fast growing
market for locally
grown rice.

3400/967

17



JPRS*SSA*85+083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

CORRESPONDENT COMMENTS ON NATION'S BAD PRESS ABROAD

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 10 Aug 85 p 12

[Article by David Braun] '

[Text ]

Turning from the ticket sales win-”

dow at the Central Station in The
Hague, Netherlands, on the morn-
ing of Sunday July 21, I froze in
astonishment.

It had been séme days since I.
had seen a newspaper or watched
TV. Alone in a foreign country I
had been cut off from events in
South Africa for three weeks.

The sight that had taken my
breath away was a large stand of
European newspapers, each one
placed so as to display the top half
of their front pages.

There, in at least six or seven’

lariguages, I saw the banner head-
lines of the South African state of
emergency.

South Africa is big news in Eu-
rope, today. Hardly a day goes by
without the country being featured
in the papers or on television.

On each of the five days that I
remained in Europe after the an-
nouncement of the emergency at
least one major European daily
was still featuring the story as its
main item.

Television pictures of the vio- _

lence in parts of this country
rammed home the image of a so-
ciety tearing itself apart. South
Africa is regarded as one of the
world’s hottest trouble spots, on a
ar with Northern: Ireland and

banon.

The Deputy Minister of Foreign
Affairs, Mr Louis Nel, who has
also just returned from Europe,

34

said last week that his impression
was that the attack against South '
Africa was basically emotional.

“This emotion, particularly its
intensity and the actions which it
is producing — and I am referring
specifically to the attempts to im-
pose sanctions on South Africa —
are based on 4 totally false per-
ception of what the real situation
in South Africa is,” Mr Nel told a ‘
seminar on labour relations in
Pretoria. 4

“The ability of our opponents *
and enemies to bring about these
sanctions and other actions de-
pends on the continuation of lies
and false perceptions,” he added.

Mr Nel said that South Africa’s
ability to successfully prevent in-
ternational sanctions of whatever
nature no longer depended on the
pace of reform, but on the ability
to project a correct and objective
image of the country, government
and South African situation in the
outside world. .

Mr Nel is right, there are a lot
of misconceptions about South
Africa abroad. But my impression
of the publicity about this country

: in Europe is that the South African

Government is frequently to
blame for playing into the hands
of “opponents and enemies”.

After speaking to many people
in close on a dozen cities, I had the

: feeling that there is still a lot of

goodwill and a willingness to un-
derstand the South African situa-

‘ tion among Europeans.



ment; there was thus little point in conducting mass
campaigns in the township to pressure it to change its
stance. But they did have rights in the factories, and
employers with whom they bargained had political

* rights which they could ‘use to influence govern-

ment. The unions therefore began trying to use their
muscle in the factories to force employers to lobby
the government for change.

The unions’ independence was tested from
1983, when the UDF and its rival, the National
Forum Committee, were’ formed. The UDF in par-

. ticular quickly saw that the unions had support and

an ‘ability to mobilise their members which far
exceeded that of any other black group. If the unions
joined the political movement, it would immediately

* be able to mobilise tens of thousands of workers,

giving its campaigns immensely more weight. Pre-.

dictably, the UDF wooed the unions and the newer
ones — Saawu, Macwusa and its allies — joined it. By
1983, however, they had begun to decline and their
affiliation did not markedly strengthen it. The older
unions steadfastly refused to join, though they did
urge their members to join community and political
groups as individuals. «

Despite this decision - perhaps because of it ~
the union movement continued to exert political
influence in the townships. Workers who joined pol-
itical groups were used to controlling: decisions in
their unions and they began to insist that political
bodies offer them the same right. Political leaders,
too, saw the success which the unions’ approach had
brought them and sought to use some of the same
methods: the unions’ influence played some role in
moving black anti-apartheid politics towards a greater
stress on grass-roots issues and on involving rank-
and-file followers in decisions.

This trend continued until late-1984, when
township and school unrest subjected the unions’
stance to new pressures. This development was par-
ticularly strong in the Vaal Triangle and on the East
Rand, areas where the unions enjoyed vast support
and where community ferment was at its highest. On
the East Rand, student groups in particular actively
sought union- and worker-support: unlike most black
political groups, they insisted that they were willing
toallow the unions a leading role in protest action.
“The result was a successful stay-away, in support
‘of student demands, by union members in Kwa-
Thema township outside Springs and the celebrated
November stay-away shortly afterwards. The stay-
aways were the first campaigns which the older
unions had undertaken together with non-worker

54

groups. That they were widely supported not only
confirmed the unions’ ability to mobilise workers but
convinced the East Rand union leaders that they
could co-operate successfully with student and com-
munity groups. :

But other unionists were not so sure and, despite
its success, the stay-away sparked a major debate
within Fosatu in particular. Its opponents pointed
not to the campaign itself, but to its aftermath and
argued that this had damaged the unions, just as
Foster had warmed it would.

They noted, firstly, that several Fosatu leaders
had been detained by police who had begun investi-
gating Intemal Security Act charges against them.
Significantly, they added, the police seemed to be
basing their case largely on some intemperate
statements by a UDF activist. Because the unionists
had served on the same committee as the UDF man,
they were forced to accept responsibility for his utter-
ances, notwithstanding that they had no control over
them. This, they ‘argued, was a glaring example of
the way in which unions could be compromised by
working with activists who did not have to respond to
aworker mandate.

They also pointed to the Sasol sackings. They
observed ‘that a Fosatu union had painstakingly re-
cruited at the company for almost a year and that this
had won it bargaining rights there. This major gain
was wiped out in one day because workers joined a
stay-away at the request of non-worker groups.

The Sasol example was flawed: workers at the

plant had insisted on taking part in the stay-away

against the advice of their union leaders — a stance
which provided further confirmation of the depth of
worker support for political involvement — and the
union ultimately won back most of its gains at the
plant. But there is little doubt that the incident
strengthened the hand of those who argued for inde-
pendent worker political action.

The debate ‘has continued throughout this year
and worker attitudes have often been determined by
conditions in areas where they live. Unions and their
members in the Eastern and Western Cape have, if
anything, hardened their opposition to working with
community groups. Those in Natal also remain
opposed to an alliance, though there is little tension
between them and the political movements. In the
Transvaal, conversely, there is support for an
alliance. °


JPRS“SSA*85~083
6 September 1985

NIGERIA

NORTH-SOUTH CONFLICTS EVIDENT IN SHAGARI TRIALS, PRESS REPRESSION

London AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL in English 31 Jul 85 pp 3-4

{Text ]

. me dispos:

With pressure mounting ont * Nigéria’s injliceay,
government to put ex-President Sheha Shagati’ on
trial, the Supreme Military Council (SMC) is con-
sidering a suspended jail sentence if he is found
guilty in the hope that this will satisfy those who

“wish to see him made accountable and those who

wish ‘to’ absolve him of personal responsibility’ for

fhe corruption ‘of his, administration. A suspended

ntence, it is argued, would allow him to retire with
‘dignity into decent obscurity. ”
_.Last wesk, Maj.-Gen. Mohammed Buhari, said a
committee. had already been sét up to consider the
i troduction’ ‘Of, suspended senténces.. He did not
tion Shagari’s name, but said that security funds
‘of former politicians were being investigated. This
seems to. refer to, the call earlier.this month by the
lent-teachers’ association (ATCCESAN) to.probe
into the N600m’‘ million naira contingency fund at
ff the presidency at the ‘time of the
‘On the state level, former governors have been
¢onvicted for improper accounting of their funds.
‘Most ‘of ‘the pressure to put Shagari, on trial has
from ‘the South, and’a suspended sentence
‘might further suggest that the’ military. government
5 nofthérn outfit. .
2 Last week Dr Garba Nadama, governor of Sokoto
‘gu ig. the Shagari administration, was. sentenced to
Tite iprisonment, and ordered to ‘refund N4,.7.m.
Thi may help to answer ‘some of the claims. that the
heavy. sentences passéd to date were imposed almost
‘entirely, on southerners or northern opponents of the
former Shagari regime. Nadama was neither, but the
degree of his senterice could be related to his attempt
to involve the religious establishment in his defence
against’ corruption charges. “He claimed” that
5N500,000 of the money involved fad been donated
to’a mosque appeal fund.

20


TRADE UNION UNITY TALKS REVIEWED

Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 12 Aug 85 pp 4, 9

[Text]

JPRS~SSA>85+083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

: WE could have written the script for the drama of the trade .
". union unity talks last week: as early as last year, The SO-

WETAN predicted the colla

pated the reasons for the collapse. :
At the time we pointed out that fundemental issues — the way the
various unions interpreted South African society and its future, and °

personal conflicts — were being glossed over,
der the carpet, in the hurry to get the emergi
giant federation that would have a membership

We said there would.

be a shake up and new
re-alignments, but the

«issues that divided the

unions in the first place
would leave them more

© or less Where they were

before.
As if reading from a

. Script we had prepared,
the unions that were ori- .

* ninally in the talks,.

: which started in 1981,

wrote letters to the new-
comers Azactu (the
Azanian Confederstion
of Trade Unions) telling
them that they would be
excluded from the talks

, on August 8.

The executive com:

*, mittees of the unions in.

the Council of Unions of”

South Africa (Cusa) met
on the weekend before

August and decided:
they were withdrawing '

from the talks.

A_Cusa union that;

had been at loggerheads
with the rest in the

Council, Num (National ;

Union of Mineworkers),

decided to pull out of ;

Cusa and to continue in

© the talks,

i. Incidentally, Num"
leader Cyril Ramaphosa :

signed the letters ex-.

cluding Azactu from the .

, August 8 meeting.

In our forecast of last
week’s events, we
pointed out that when

|. the Federation of South

African Trade Unions
(Fosatu) was formed in
April 1979, the unions
that are now in Cusa
were part of the prepa-
ratory talks.

We said 1985 would
be a re-play of 1979 and
we were proved right.

In 1979 the unions in
the Consultative Com-

‘mittee of Black Trade

Unions — a loose alli-
ance that developed into
‘Cusa — charged that the
new federation (Fosatu)

“was going to be under

white control. When
they got round to form-
ing Cusa in 1981 they in-
sisted on “black leader-
ship” as a basic prin-
ciple.

In their statement ex-

87

pse of the talks and we antici-

or were being swept un- _
ing unions united into ay
of more than 300 000.

plaining their withdraw-
al, the Cusa unions said:
“Because of the present ;
oppressive and exploita-
tive system of apartheid. .
the black workers have -
reservations in taking
part in talks which do
not enforce the principle .*
of black leadership.” A
That is the basic di-
vide among black trade:
unions in this country:
Some allow for white ;
participation, others -
want it limited, while ;

; the rest reject any white.
! participation.

A number of officials ,
in Fosatu are white.“
Their first secretary, Mr
Alec Erwin, was white
and resigned when Fo-
satu was being accused

of being under white :,
: control.



cso:

3400/867

"Innes is correct in saying that the reference to

workers’ committees is not from the Charter
itself but from a speech “made during the Con-

:gress to emphasise its revolutionary content”.

Clearly, members of the Communist Party see
the Charter as the foundation of a Marxist state.
If Innes can prove otherwise, I shall be greatly
heartened.

41



MANPOWER COMMISSION HEAD VIEWS LABOR ISSUES

Johannesburg HUMAN RESOURCES in English 1985-86 PP 16-18

JPRS~SSA~85-083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

[Interview with Dr Hennie Reynders by John Collings--time, place not given]

[Text]

During the six years that he headed the SA
Federated Chamber of Industries, Dr Hennie
Reynders won wide respect among businessmen.

In 1979 he was appointed chairman of
the newly-created National Manpower Com-
mission, a permanent statutory body set up, in
the wake of the reports of the Whokakn and
Rickert commissions of enquiry, to advise the
Minister of Manpower on matters concerning
national manpower development, utilisation
and conservation. To do that, it constantly
researches and monitors government policy and
private-sector practice as they affect employment
and manpower supply.

In the interview with John Collings that fol-
lows, Reynders offers his views on a wide range
of labour-related matters.

Collings: You've been in an unparalleled
position of being able to observe labour
and the two-way effect between it and
the economy at large. What today most
worries you in the labour field?

Reynders: Well, ignoring what I hope is
only a passing phase of cyclical unemploy-
ment, I think what worries me most is
structural unemployment; the fact that the
education and training of our workforce
isn’t what it should be; that population
growth is too fast for the accommodation,
job-creation, housing and soon that we *,
can realistically hope to provide. I’m also
concerned about labour relations and
labour productivity.

Collings: Do you think the unemployment
problem is being exacerbated by industrial
automation?

Reynders: Yes, to some extent. Mechan-
isation, automation, the advent of the robot
~all obviously impact on the demand for
labour to varying degrees. We have tried
here to create as much labour-intensive
employmentas possible, but we haven't
been very successful. You can’t turn the
clock back and tell people to return to more
labour-intensive production. For one thing,
they would not be able to keep up with the
competition.

Labour unrest is another aspect of the
problem. When it occurs, manufacturers

82


Friedman: The NUM insists that, while
group or Chamber executives might
tolerate it, hostel or mine managers are
hostile. It implies that you aren’t doing
enough to pass on your new policy to
second-level management.

Liebenberg: We don’t accept that. The
problem is rather one of at which level you
negotiate — the centralised or the local. We
don’t want a situation in which local union-
leaders are demanding to talk to mine
management about issues which we are
discussing with Ramaphosa at the same
time. This might sometimes create the
impression that local managements aren’t
willing to talk. But I wouldn’t have thought
it would be in the union's interest to have
local leaderships taking over in this way,
particularly as internal splits are becoming
increasingly common in the newer unions.

We have negotiated with the NUM on
this issue and it has accepted our list of
issues that should be negotiated locally anc
centrally. Their only proviso was that we
should not regard the list as “final” and
“definitive”. Well, nothing is in this game.
We realise that the situation might change,
and we're happy with that.

Friedman: Wouldn’tit make more sense
to decentralise negotiations more? In last
year’s wage talks you were bargaining

at Chamber level, but the dispute only
concerned two groups. Some critics argu:
that this ensured that conflict spilled over
on to other mines. They add that, in this
early stage, when tension is inevitable, it
would be wiser to localise it.

Liebenberg: We wouldn’t have stopped
the strikes spilling over even if we had
decided to negotiate at group or mine level.
We believe that our present system is best
because it makes union growth less painful
and problematic. Unions tend to start off
demanding decentralised negotiations.
When they grow, it becomes more difficult
for them to bargain at the same time for
scores of establishments, so they begin to
demand industry-wide negotiations. You
then have to work out a framework for
them.

We have already created that frame-
work: the union can negotiate for any mine
where it’s representative, but it must
bargain with the Chamber. NUM has
already got to the stage where it would find
it difficult to bargain individually for all the
18 gold mines and nine collieries where it is
recognised. I don’t think it would want to
run the risk of decentralisation, which
would force it to run from mine to mine
negotiating,

Friedman: During the Vaal Reef dispute,
the NUM tried for the first time to
mobilise international pressure against
employers. Do you see this as anew
threat?

Liebenberg: Gold is obviously not immune
to foreign pressure and some mining groups
have diversified outside the country. But
none of the mining houses are multi-
national in the normal sense; they are less
vulnerable than foreign-owned companies.
Talso haven’t heard any fear at Chamber
level that overseas unions will act effec-
tively against foreign gold sales. I guess we
feel that people will always want to buy
gold whatever the unions do—but that
doesn’t mean we're insensitive to overseas
views,

Friedman: The NUM is taking anew
interest in job reser-
vation and its effect on
mine safety. Union
members are claiming
that they are being
forced to do “white”
work without being
trained for it and that
this is putting them at
arisk. Do you see

the union’s new accent on job bars as a

threat?

Liebenberg: They may be stressing it more
now, but they have always been concemed
about the issue ~ removing discrimination
was second in their list of demands at our
very first negotiations in 1983 and, at the
end of those talks, we agreed to work with
the unions to doit. I think our track record,
both before and after that promise, has
been good. We had already then reached
agreement with artisan unions on training
apprentices of all races and we now have
black artisans on the mines.

59



seriously start thinking about how to get
along with less labour. There are, never-
theless, certain areas in the economy where
labour-intensive production could be used
much more than at present, but in many
cases state action would be required. For
example, many roads are being built in the
bundu where you could return, so to speak,
to pick-and-shovel methods.

Collings: You say another concern you
have is the education and training of the
workforce.

Reynders: Yes, particularly the black
workforce. We have done alot, butI

think a helluva lotstill needs to be done.
Education and training impact, of course,
on structural unemployment. We have an
imbalance between skilled and unskilled
labour: a huge supply of unskilled and semi-
skilled workers, buta small supply of high-
level manpowerand artisans. Sowe have to
try to bring those two things together.

Collings: In order to offset the effects of a
high rate of population growth through
the educational process?

Reynders: Yes, at least to some extent.
So far, our high-level jobs and skilled
industrial jobs have been filled mostly by
whites. But the birth rate of whites is too
-low to allow that situation to continue. In
fact, the latest estimates show that by the
year 1990 the number of white matriculants
will start declining. But apart from the
obvious conclusion that this reqdires a
concerted effort to bring in more blacks,
coloureds and Indians, it seems to me that
we should, in any case, move much more
strongly towards creating conditions in
which merit and not skin colour will be
the deciding factor. The individual should
be free to enter a job on the basis of his
abilities.

Collings: What value, then, do you put on
continuing immigration?

Reynders: Immigration is not a substitute
for local education and training. On the
contrary, I think if you start depending
on immigration to give you the supply of
manpower you need, particularly high-
level manpower, you could easily get into
trouble.

83

Collings: Because we are not: ‘going to get
asufficient level of immigration?

Reynders: Yes, but not for that reason only.
Tthink itis highly ineffective to import
manpower if you have the potential for
development available locally. If you have
the people to develop, that is your first
duty. Of course, we know that as far as the
employment of blacks and coloureds is
concerned, there are still many prejudices
to be overcome. The same is true for
women. But you don’t overcome Preju-
dices overnight. .

Collings: Nevertheless, women are be-
coming increasingly important as skilled
workers, but those who are mothers have
special problems, Is the NMC Proposing
to look in the near future at the role of
working mothers?

Reynders: The problem of what I call the
Position of women in the labour market
goes much wider than that. We planned a
Study of it four years ago but lacked the
staff to do it, however, eighteen months
ago the HSRC included it in one of its
research programmes and is now looking at
the whole position. The first phase of the
study is nearly finished; it looks at the
problem areas, of which there are a large
number. The second phase will research
these areas for approaches and solutions
looking at what is being done in other
countries and whether their approach
actually works.

Collings: Do you have any other major
worries about the labour fieldP

Reynders: Yes— labour relations; both in
the broader sense, conceming the relation-
ship between groups of employers and
groups of employees, or groups of em-
ployees with an individual employer, and
the narrower area of relationships on the
factory floor— individual relationships,
eyeball-to-eyeball which, of course, really
form the basis for labour relations ina wider
sense. If you don’t have sound relations at
the bottom, you can forget about having
good relations at the top; the one is teallya
solid basis for the other. In both those areas
we still have a lot to do, though I think we
have achieved more in the past three or
four years than in the previous twenty.



JPRS*SSA*85~083
6 September 1985

NIGERIA

BRIEFS

NNPC, ELF FORMALIZE OPERATIONS--ELF Oil Company of Nigeria Limited has for-
malized its participation agreement with the Nigerian National Petroleum
Corporation, NNPC. The agreement comes after more than a decade of the
company's involvement in oil exploration and exploitation in the country.

It was signed on behalf of the federal government by the minister,of petroleum
and energy, Professor Tam David-West, while the group managing director of
ELF signed for the company. Prof David-West described the events which took
place at the NNPC headquarters in Lagos as an important landmark for the

two companies involved, and urged all to keep to the terms of the agreement.
In his remarks, Mr Halfon thanked the minister for making it possible for the
participation agreement to be signed into law. Under the joint venture par-
ticipation agreement of July 1979, ELF was allowed 40 percent equity share
while the NNPC held the remaining 60 percent for the federal government.
[Text] [Lagos Domestic Service in English 1500 GMT 12 Aug 85 AB]

ETHIOPIAN, GDR, SWISS ENVOYS--Nigeria has stressed the need for her relations
with Ethiopia, East Germany, and Switzerland to be strengthened. The head of
state, Major General Muhammadu Buhari, made the remark today at Dodan Barracks
while receiving the credentials of the new ambassadors of the three countries.
The envoys are Mr Alemayehu Shenkute from Ethiopia, Mr Gerhard (Herder) of
East Germany, and Mr (Harpin Crader) from Switzerland. General Buhari

urged the ambassadors to visit other parts of the country and see things for
themselves. [Text] [Lagos Domestic Service in English 1500 GMT 16 Aug 85 AB]

cso: 3400/934

28


JPRS+SSA*85+083
6 September 1985

BURKINA

JUSTICE OFFICIAL ON MALIAN BORDER DISPUTE
AB181338 Ouagadougou Domestic Service in French 1300 GMT 17 Aug 85

{"Extract" from the interview with Simon Compaore, permanent undersecretary
of the Ministry of Justice, and (Lompo Benoit), president of the High Court
of Justice, in the weekly "Times of the Revolution" program on Saturday,

17 August, by reporter Alhassans Traore--recorded]

[Excerpts] [Compaore] As everybody has learned, the issue of the West African
Economic Community [CEAO] and Diawara, concerns the huge. amount of the CEAO
which managers of this organization and Diawara took away, one way or another.
Since the CEAO involves seven countries, these people will be tried in
accordance with the decision made by the seven heads of state who met in
Bamako. You will recall that at that time, it was Burkina Faso which was
designated to handle this matter. What we can say here with certainty is

that the Diawara affair will be tried here in Burkina Faso--that is crystal
clear and without any ambiguities at this level. Now, as to what kind of
court, we think that matter is secondary. It is secondary because, as learned
from the various discussions, in Burkina Faso today we are doing everything

to make the existing legal institutions respond to the needs and objectives

of the Democratic and Popular Revolution, and the concern for equity and
justice for the Burkinabe people and, as far as the Diawara affair is concerned,
make the Burkinabe judicial system respond to the expectations of the other
countries and peoples who are also wronged in this affair. Whether it is

the People's Revolutionary Tribunal or any other body of justice, what should
be clear is that we will bring light to this affair.

[Traore] Thank you, comrade permanent undersecretary. Let us now see what
the status is on the preparation of the technical documents of this trial
with you, Comrade (Lompo Benoit), you who are the president of the High Court
of Justice of Burkina Faso,

[(Lompo)] The preparation of this document is practically completed. There
was an application for bail which was refused by the investigating judge. The
accused made an appeal and the appeal court confirmed the decision of the
investigating judge. As to what the status of this affair is, I think in
the next few days the court [words indistinct] the document is practically
completed. [Sentence indistinct]


DETAINEES ADD TO PRISONS CRUSH

JPRS+SSA*85*083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 27 Jul 85 p 9

[Article by Peter Honey J

[Text ] Emergency detainees

have swollen South Afri-
ca’s 110 000 prison popula- ,
tion by nearly one percent
within the first week of
the country’s emergenc;
declaration. Beney
Sunday’s emergency proc-
lamation in 36 districts of the
_Reef, Vaal and Eastern Cape
has injected hundreds of peo-
ple — more than 900 by yes-
terday — into the country’s
jails, which authorities say
already house one of the
highest per capita prison
populations in the Western
world. i
A Prisons Department
spokesman said yesterday the
country’s 242 prisons were, on
average, 36 ent overcrowd- ;
ed, with 109 704 inmates occupy-
ing accommodation approved

for 80'290 at the end of June.
Justice Minister Mr Kobie
Coetsee revealed in March that
overpopulation was 150 percent
‘in several prisons and as high as;
, 224 percent in one case.
The Prisons Department
spokesman said yesterday that
“the overcrowding was “not an
unmanagable phenomenon”. He
_ rejected suggestions that special

_ camps were being established to .

‘ accomodate the sudden influx.
+ Qvercrowding in prisons was

cso: 3400/959

43

'¥a relative concept” he said.
“The accommodation figure
for South African prisons is de-
_ termined against a broad norm

and a high standard of health
- and hygiene is maintained.

“prisoners also have access to
spacious courtyards and ample ;
opportunity is given for outdoor
= recreation.” .

He added that prisoners were
transferred to less crowded
prisons in cases where, there
was “an above average influx of
admissions due to temporary
circumstances”.

‘Asked if emergency detainees
had to be kept incommunicado
from ordinary and awaiting-
trial prisoners in jails had ag-
gravated the problem of accom-
modation, the spokesman said it
was “not unmanageable”. F

It is believed that prison
transfers might be expected in,
the smaller districts where a .
comparatively high number of °
_ people have already been de-
tained — in Graaff Reinet, for
example, 68 people had been ar-"
rested by yesterday, ‘according
to police figures. .

The National Institute for
Crime Prevention and Rehabili-
tation of Offenders (NICRO)
director, Mr John Pegge, said
yesterday South Africa’s prison
population was one of the high-
est per capita in the Western
world. .



JPRS*SSA*85+083
6 September 1985

BOTSWANA

OPPOSITION LEADER SAYS BOPA CENSURING NEWS
MB160923 Gaborone Domestic Service in English 0510 GMT 15 Aug 85.

[Text] The leader of the Botswana Progressive Union {[BPU], Mr Danial Kwele,
says there are officers in BOPA who are responsible for censoring news. He
was speaking on Tuesday in Francistown at a meeting addressed by the chief
press officer, (Samuel Modibame), and the training coordinator, (Robert
Bormont). Mr Kwele said the opposition, particularly his party, received a
raw deal in the official media while the ruling party is always in the
limelight of publicity. :

Mr Kwele was challenged by the former mayor of Francistown, Mr (James
Mothwaoene), now a councillor, who said Mr Kwele never complained about the
press when he was a minister. Mr (Mothwacene) said Mr Kwele knew then that it
was in accordance with the objective of the Department of Information and
Broadcasting to give priority. to government policies and not the Botswana
Democratic Party's [BDP] activities.

The leader of the Botswana People's Party, Dr Knight Maripe, said BOPA
journalists in Gaborone take sides when reporting, acting as if the BDP
and the Botswana National Front are the only parties. And the Botswana
Liberal Party leader, (Martin Chakalesa), claimed that at election time the
DAILY NEWS becomes a propaganda paper.

The chief press officer said errors crop up no matter how effective and
determined the department could be. Mr (Modibame) said biased reporting is
not professional and there is no deliberate policy of bias in favor or against
any group.

At another meeting in Francistown, Mr (Modibame) appealed to government heads
of department to allow their subordinates to release information to BOPA
while it is fresh during the absence of their seniors. Some officers said
they are afraid of reporters because they ask too much when information is
released’ to them. They said they were afraid also because they felt they
must preempt what their seniors could say.

cso: 3400/954



JPRS*SSA*85+083
6 September 1985

cso:

Becker says the Western world ©

is too soft on .the . African
National Congress and Swapo.

She says this in “The Soviet Cor
nection: State-Sponsorship of Ter-
rorism”, published by the Institute
for European Defence and Strate-
gic Studies,

Jillian Becker, whose earlier

ublications include books on the

jaader-Meinhof gang and the
PLO, claims there are policy-
makers in Britain and other Euro-
pean countries who denounce all
errorists organisations other than
the ANC and Swapo.

She adds: “But sympathy for the
black populations of South Africa
and Namibia should not blind Eu-
ropeans or Americans to the fact
that of all the terrorist |
organisations in the world these
are the two that have been brought
most directly under the influence
of the Communist Party of the So-
viet Union.”

Soviet leaders, notably Leonid
Brezhnev in a 1973 speech in
Prague, had proclaimed that they
aimed to gain control of “the min-
eral treasure house of southern
\Africa.”

3400/867

1

Becker states “that “accuracy

. Home Office might have
‘ less indifferent view

i SOUTH AFRICA
WRITER SAYS WEST TOO SOFT ON ANC, SWAPO
Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 2 Aug 85 p 2
{Article by Jillian Becker],
[Text] ‘
SOUTH African author Jillian = the Communist Party of the Soviet

Union had very considerable influ-
ence over the ANC, the British
take a
f that
organisation’s keeping an office in
London.” .
A dislike of apartheid’ was no
good reason to ignore the nature of
he. activity in Which the ANC was
engaged — acam, of terror —
Becker claims. paige
She claims that Western govern-
ments need to clarify their official

; attitudes, which she sees as highly
: ambivalent.

“For instance, whatever they do,

: think or say about South African
: internal policies, they should

would make many issues related .

to organised terrorism plain to be
public. ="

“If groups like Swapo and the

ANC were invariably called ‘Sovi-
et-backed’ by the news media, it

_ would be clear whose interests _

they are serving in addition’ to
their

. own,
. “Tf the public understood that

37

recognise the plain truth that
South Africa’s fight against Swapo
is a battle in the wider conflict in
which our survival is ultimately at
stake, .

“If Swapo won in Namibia, the
ANC took power in South Africa,
Unita were crushed in Angola, or if
another PLO established itself in
southern Lebanon, the Soviet
Union would gain a firm foothold
in some of the most vital areas of
‘the world from which to attack our’
economic and political interests.”



HOARDERS BLAMED FOR RICE SHORTAGE

JPRS+SSA*85~083

Monrovia NEW LIBERIAN in English 6 Aug 85 pp 1, 6

[Article by J. N. Elliott]

[Text]

The managing direc-
tor of the Liberia
Produce Marketing Cor-
poration, Mr. Francis
P. Dunbar, has attri-
buted the present scar-
city of rice on the
Liberian market to the .

“hoarding of the com- |
sured the public how;
ever that the company
has enough stocks of
the commodity and was
making every. effort:
to have it available
to consumers: :

Mr, Dunbar said be~
sides the present sup-!
modity by some “un=
scrupulous" pusiness-_
men seeking to maxi--
mize their profits, |

‘He told a news ‘con-,
ference yesterday. that |
although LPMC had been
supplying more than
the tisual consumption
quota, the rice was:
being hoarded, leaving
the retail shops empty.

The LPMC boss as-.
ply of rice, LPMC has i
already begun negotia-
ting with a firm in
Thailand for the impor-

16

tation of an addition-
al 70,000 metric tons
of commodity, while
an additional 18,000
metric tons is to be
brought in under the
PL-480 agreement sign-
ed with the U.S. gov-
ernment.

He said his corpora-
tion is making these

| arrangements for addi-

| perian market ,"

tional supplies of
rice in order to en~
sure that an adequate
supply of rice remains
on the local market
at all times.

He said to alleviate
the “artificial short-|
age of rice on the Li-!
LPNC |
has begun implement”
ing plans to have rice
available at various
points around the city
where it can be easily
reached by consumers.

He said government
realizing the future
of locally produced
rice, have already as-
sisted the farmers

6 September 1985

LIBERIA


SAMPSON, DWANYEN RESIGN FROM ARMY TO RUN FOR OFFICE

Monrovia NEW LIBERIAN in English 5 Aug 85 pp 1, 2

[Text]

cso:

Colonel Joseph K.

Sampson, a tember : of '

the Interim National
Assembly from Grand
Gedeh County, has re-
tired from active ser-
vice in the Armed
Forces .of Liberia to
contest a senatorial
seat in the Second Re-
public.

Colonel ‘Sampson's
request was contained
in a letter he sent to
the Commander-In-Chief
of the Liberian Army,
Dr. Samuél K. Doe last
Thursday.

He expressed "sin-
cere" thanks and ap-
preciation to Dr. Doe,
the Government and
people of Liberia for
the opportunity given

him to serve the na-
tion.
INA member Sampson

was nominated to con-
‘test a senatorial seat
‘for Grand Gedeh County
at the National Demo-
cratic Party of Libe-
ria local convention
held in that county
Friday.

3400/967

11

In a related deve-
lopment, INA | member
from Nimba ~ County,
David G. Dwanyen re-
signed from the Armed
Forces of Liberia to
contest for elective
position in the forth-
coming elections.

In a telex méssage
he sent to the Head of

State last- Thursday,
the minister of state,
Dr. J. Bernard Blamo
said Mr. Dwanyen took
the action in a letter

addressed to Dr. Doe
on August 1.

INA member Dwanyen
said in his letter

that, his resignation
was in response to the
Head of State's pro-
nouncement on July 24,
that military person-
nel serving in the
Assembly who are de-
sirous of running for
elective offices
should resign.

LINA —

JPRSSSA*85*083
6 September 1985

LIBERIA


ZIMBABWE

Nkomo Claims Raids Are To Harass Him
(THE CITIZEN, 6 Aug 85) cecccceccccceccccvcceceectscveses

Restructuring of Censor Board Urged
(THE HERALD, 3 Aug 85) cssececcesccceccuccscsccuceesecens

Engineering Companies Up in Arms Over Unfair Competition
(THE STAR, 6 Aug 85) .cscccscecccecccscccecsecesseeeeeees

Urban Cattle Thieves Wreaking Havoc Among Bulawayo
(THE HERALD, 5 Aug 85) cessssccecceesvcecerecvcenessceres

104

105

106

107


JPRS*SSA>85~083
6 September 1985

ZIMBABWE

URBAN CATTLE THIEVES WREAKING HAVOC AMONG BULAWAYO
Harare THE HERALD in English 5 Aug 85 p 3°

[Text] Urban cattle thieves are wreaking havoc among herds owned by local .
ranchers and grazed.on' v municipal farms west :of Bulawayo.

One rancher who has suffered great losses is Cde L. M. Sibanda, who last week
lost one of his prize-dairy cows to rustlers. He said he was grazing three
dairy cows on Cowdray Park Farm, which he leases from, the city council.

On Thursday night the cows were paddlocked on the farm as usual but yesterday
morning, one cow.was missing. The police were called in and with the help of
tracker dogs, traced the:spoor of. the cow and the rustlers to a dam on the
farm, used by school-leavers for fish farming.

The cow had been slaughtered and. butchered near the dam. The thieves had taken
the meat and walked towards Luveve.

Cde Sibanda said the’ dogs had lost the spoor when it entered the suburb.

The thieves had tried to cover up their route by following a round about path
and had also tried to ‘brush. out the spoor. =

Cde Sibanda said the cow was.the latest in a long line of beasts which had been
stolen from him in recent months. It had been an.excellent milk producer and
was worth about $2,000.

"I had many more cattle grazing on the farm but I moved them to another place
because of problems I have had at Cowdray Park. This poaching has been going
on for a long time," he said.

Cde Sibanda said he had reported all incidents of cattle rustling to the police
who had a long list of the cattle stolen from him.

A police spokesman confirmed the theft and slaughter of Cde Sibanda's cow and
agreed that stocktheft had been continuing for a long time in the area.

Two people had been arrested-and were facing trial for similar offences
committed in the Cowdray Park area, he said.

cso: 3400/923 END

107



attempts to attract specific types of industries is
unfeasible, a point recognised by Mr Duggie de
Beer, chairman of the Decentralisation Board.

Consequently, with the exception of attempting
to direct investment in textiles to the Eastern Cape,
the Decentralisation Board has always provided
“blanket” incentives applicable to all industrialists.
In this respect, therefore, South Africa’s decentralis-
ation policy has never realised the theoretical ideal. _

Internationally the problem of such precise tar-
geting of subsidies for propulsive industries is recog-
nised as being so great that the policy has been
largely abandoned. Instead, the aim has been to
attract diverse investment of a magnitude sufficient
to generate a level of agglomeration economies
which will make the centre an attractive site for
future investors, even without subsidies and con-
cessions. In effect, the practice of growth-centre
policy has never corresponded with its theoretical
foundations.

Although the National Physical Development
plan of 1975 was articulated in growth-centre terms,
the approach adopted did not accord with inter-
nationally recommended practice. It has been argued
that a country can support a maximum of two to six
growth centres. Without such a limit, the small part
of a country’s net capital formation which is decentra-
lised will be too dispersed to facilitate the develop-
ment of agglomeration economies in the growth
centres. Currently there are 49 industrial. develop-
ment points, and many other types of points which
benefit from decentralisation concessions.

It has further been argued that centres selected
as growth centres should be relatively large and well
integrated with their regional economies. In this
respect the selection of sites, such as Dimbaza and
Butterworth, presents innate obstacles to industrial
development owing to the absence of regional econ-
omic linkages and social facilities. At the same time a
tremendous burden is imposed on the fiscus, and
ultimately on the taxpayer, vis a vis the creation of
infrastructure. :

In South Africa (excluding the independent
homelands), the Decentralisation Board has seen fit
to support projects at 174 centres, according to its
1983/84 annual report. This is not a growth-centre
policy, but simply one of attempting to decentralise
industry to any of a large number of development
points.

66

A FRAMEWORK FOR EVALUATION

In assessing the consequences of industrial decentra-
lisation one must consider the objectives of the
policy and evaluate its success in achieving them.
Underlying the implementation of the South African
Government's policy is the idea that it can simul-
taneously achieve three different sets of goals:
political, social and economic. The majority of com-
mentators view the political objectives as paramount.
The aim is not simply to reduce the “overcrowding”
of metropolitan areas (especially the PWV) but to
shift the locus of industrial development and em-
ployment towards, or into, homelands. The policy is
an adjunct to influx control and, more generally, to
the ideology of separating blacks and whites on a
geographic and ethno-political basis.

Within its broader political goals, the policy also
aims to generate growth through an expanding indus-
trial base in or near homelands. The latter are heavily
reliant on public-sector expenditure and subsistence
agriculture (see chart, below) and the decentralis-
ation of industry should lead to a diversification
of homeland “economies” accompanied by new
employment opportunities, increased per capita
incomes and improved living standards. Ideally,
additional social benefits should accrue from im-
proved infrastructure, the growth of tertiary activities
(retailing and other services) and, not least, because
there ought to be less pressure to leave the region in
search of jobs.

These are the results that could be hoped for if
the various goals were compatible. Unfortunately
they are not.

It is tempting to view improved response to the
1981 proposals as indicating increased success for the
policy; to measure success, as the Decentralisation
Board does, in terms of the amount of employment
creation directly attributable to the policy. But such
figures are misleading. All they show is that when
businesses are offered a sufficiently attractive pack-
age they will take advantage of it.

Many of the decentralised jobs would have
existed without the policy, although in most cases at
another location. They do not represent a net
increase in total employment, but simply the relo-
cation of existing jobs. Moreover, we have reason to
believe that some of the existing job opportunities
will turn out to be short-lived because the businesses
will survive only while they continue to receive
incentives.



.” The North-South emphasis has become sufficiently
Pronounced that Buhari said a few days ago that he
would close down any publication causing “‘disaffec-
tion among the people’’. In particular, the govern-
ment ordered’ an immediate end to comments
through the media on the political future of Nigeria.
The debate was started by retired Brig... Benj
‘Adekunle, thé “black scorpion” of thé Biafran war,
when he proposed a confederal system ‘in which the
‘19 states would be self-governing, each strong
‘enough to maintain its own security. In other words,
‘each would have its own armed force, the sort of
division of Nigeria against which both Adekunle and
Buhari had-been fighting in the civil war.
 Adekunle made things worse by refusing'to com-
inént jon. ther present’ government’s main political
» Plank, the War Against Indiscipline (WAI), except
by saying that it was. “shameful that after.25 years
Pf independence : Nigerians are ‘still being educated
“gn,how to queue”.
« The. enthusiasm with “whit sidea .was <taken
“up ' by” other, retired: southern .military. leaders was
significant, Fat:instance, Maj-Gen. Akinrade, ‘chief
of. defence: staff in. the. last military.-government,
.said Nigerians should ‘“‘not be. ashamed’”: to_ accept
confederacy if this: was: good: for the country: .the
:time had-come to: give Nigerians. the “opportunity to
-express an opinion about the: issue. A. further state-
«ment by, him. was withdrawn from early editions:of
the €oncord newspaper on. official orders. Retired
Maj-Gen,-Adefope criticised African leaders for. not
wanting to let go-of. office and:advocated indigenous
-forms of government in Africa;-Retired Maj-Gen.
Abisoye sgid:.that. impased:; leadership, would not
“work-in Nigeriay:s1:.te:5. Leos cre tas
-» The strongest: condemnation: of the Adekunle pro-
:posal came from ::Arthur: Nwankwo, a.prominent
Biafra supporter during the civil: war;.and a-leader
of the radical PRP opposition’ in the: Shagari :era.
But he: is not a. Yoruba, -uiilike the retired generals
«mentioned. Of . the Yoruba: leaders, ‘only . chief
-M.K.Q.. Abiola opposed: the -idea,: which ‘would pre-
:sumably. interfere with this hopes of ‘Spreading: Islam
-to-the South{AC :Vol :26-No.3).: ‘More- indirectly,
another ‘prominent: Yoruba, Chief 'G.O: ‘Onosode,
-Chairman of Cadbury (Nigeria), called for a ‘diarchy
-in which ‘the ‘military could ‘always keep .a:watching
brief over‘civilian politicians..But.all opinions expres-
-8ed in the South showed impatience’ with ‘the present
‘set-up, in which northerners:are perceived as having
better chances:of promotion and:perks than the rest.

21



JPRS“SSA*85~+083
6 September 1985

CAMEROON

BRIEFS

GOVERNMENT INCREASES SALARIES--There has been a general salary increase
for both civil servants and workers in the private sector. According
to a presidential decree signed yesterday, salary increases for civil
servants with indices up to 500 stand at 11 percent and 5 percent for
indices above 500. The decree is applicable to civil servants of the
public. service and auxiliaries of the administration. For non-civil
servants of the public sector, the salary increase is 11 percent for
categories 1 to 6 in zones 1 and 2 and 13 percent in zone 3; 11 percent
for categories 7 to 9 and zones 1 and 2, and 12 percent for zone 3;
categories 10 to 12 will have 11. percent for all the zones. Household
servants of categories 1 to 8 have a salary increase of 11 percent in
zones 1 and 1 [as heard], and 13 percent in zone 3. Pensions for
civil and military personnel have also been increased by 10

percent; compensation for labor accidents, 10 percent, Teachers in
the private. sector have a salary increase of 10 percent in zones 1 and
2, as of 14 percent for those in zone 3. Family allowances have been
raised to 1,800 CFA francs a child, an increase of 300 CFA francs.

The salary increase takes effect from 1 July 1985, and the minister

of finance has been charged with the application of the decree.

[Text]. [Yaounde Domestic Service in English 1400 GMT 3 Aug 85]

cso: 3400/916



TRANSPORT SECTOR

Total cargo for the second
quarter (adjusted to 15th July) of
1985 in all the Ports under the

jurisdiction of the Authority was’

estimated at 3.980 million tonnes.
This shows an increase of 225,000
tonnes or 5.99 per cent over the
previous cuarter. Compared with
2.968 million tonnes recorded
cargo for the second quarter of
1984, there is an increase of 1.012
million tonnes or 34.10 per cent.
This trend is a pointer that port
operations are gradually stabiliz-
ing, although the Federal
Government’s austerity
measures are still.in force, and
are seen to be taking their toll.
The expectation is that as struc-
tural adjustment measures take
firm roots, port operations would
continue to improve.

The number of ships cleared
during the second quarter (ad-
jt to 15th july) of 1985 was
estimated at 943. This represents
an increase of 34 ships or 3.74 per
cent over the previous quarter. In
comparison with the second
quarter of 1984, it shows an in-
crease of 273 ships or 40.75 per
cent. The increase in this area of
port operations is again a pointer
to the fact that ship traffic is pick-
ing up. It is that the trend
would continue as the national
economy wriggles out of reces-
sion.

The period also witnessed a
swing-back to rail transport for
the distribution of petroleum pro-
ducts Specifically bitumen and
low-Pour-Fuel-Oil (LPFO). Dur-
ing the second quarter of 1985, the
total goods traffic by rail was 0.8
million tonnes. The rate of the
phenomenal growth of passenger
traffic from 12.9 million
passenger journeys in 1983 to 15.8
million is 1984 continued during
the period under review. Approx-
imately 7.6 million passenger
journeys have been recorded.
Towards arresting the further
deterioration of rolling stock and
locomotives, the Federal Govern-
ment is assisting the NRC in the
acquisition of new 50 locomotives
of 2,000 horse power rating, 950
wagons (including 200 container
wagons) and 287 passenger
coaches.

To cope with increased traffic.
on its domestic and international
routes, the Nigeria Airways ac-
quired four new Airbus A3i0 Air-
craft and trained the Captains,
first officers and cabin crew
necessary to operate this type of
aircraft. On the sales front, the
sales turnover for the first half of
1985 showed a marked increase
and improvement over the sales
turnover for a similar, period of
1984. While the domestic sector
experienced a 51.6 per cent in-
crease in sales over the cor-
responding period of 1984, the in-
ternational markets recorded a
41.1 per cent increase in sales tur-
nover over a similar. period ‘of
1984...

In addition, tere was a
phenomenal increase in the
passenger traffic result achieved
during the first half of 1985 as
compared: to passenger traffic
result for a corres; ling period
of 1984. Whereas, during the first
half .of 1984, a total of 940,000

sengers were carried globally

y Nigeria Airways, a correspon-
ding period of 1985 recorded a
system wide traffic uplift and .
discharge result of 1,174,000
passengers, a 24.9 per cent im-
provement in passenger traffic
performance over a similar
period. of 1984.

Efforts are also being geared
towards streemlining the aircraft
types in our inventory to four
basic types — DC10, B707, A3i0
andB737 fleets. This should make
for an across the board reduction
in our overheads and related
operating costs without any reduc-
tion in efficiency and lift
capability. ,

Gentlemen of the press, before
lend this press briefing, may I
seize this opportunity to express
my profound. gratitude and ap-
preciation to all those patriotic
Nigerians who heeded our call
and turned out in large numbers
to take part in the national en-
vironmental sanitation exercise
which took place throughout the
Federation last Saturday. The
massive turn out was a clear in-
dication of the whole-hearted
solidarity, support and
understanding of the masses for

26


OVERSUPPLY OF OFFICE SPACE REPORTED

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 9 Aug 85 p 16

[Article by Frank Jeans] '«

[Text]

‘The oversupply of office spacé

— in the greater Johannesburg |

area alone there is an estimated

200 000 sqm — ‘is costing land- :
Jords hundreds of thousands of |

rands.

Mr Chris Lombard, managing
director of Lombard Real Es-
tate, told a South African Prop-
erty Owners’ Association semin-
ar on leasing and development
in Johannesburg yesterday that
a building lying empty for a
year could result in a loss of in-
, come of R924 000.

Referring to the “debilitating ;
effect” of vacancies, Mr Lom- |

bard gave as an example a
building of 5000sqm leased at
R13 a sqm and 200 monthly
parking bays at R60 a bay.

“The cost of a six-month va- |

cancy in this case spread over a
five-year lease would be
R462 000 and R924 000 for a
-year,” he said.

“One wonders, therefore, why

jandlords do not react quicker,
to negative changes in the mar-:
ket place and allow themselves

with the peak in the oversupply
situation, with the result that it
is very difficult to lease signifi-
* cant amounts of space no mat-

to tenants.”

Urging the setting up of a so- :
phisticated statistical data base:

'~" of supply and demand for the ot-
fice market, Mr Lombard told

delegates: “We are without an _

adequate source of information
and the resultant ignorance
about future demand and supply
is one of the chief causes of
over-building.”

Mr Alastair Barclay, execu-
tive director of Richard Ellis
SA, told delegates that under
normal conditions greater

: Johannesburg absorbs about
130 000 sq m of space annually.

i “At present, however, the

: . space take-up is negative in the

t current downturn,” he said.

4 “Rents in the CBD have fallen

“R15 asqm to R10 to R12.”

to negotiate leases at discounted :

rents sooner than later.”

sation unfortunately coincides «

ter what incentives are offered

by between 20 and 33 percent :
-* over the past year — down from :

Mr Lombard sees this as one
of the most serious causes which
hinders the leasing of space in a
difficult market. |

“By the time landlords have *
woken up to the fact that the
market is shot to hell, this reali- |

cso: 3400/941

95

JPRS+SSA*85+083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

“While rents for suburban
prime properties had not
dropped so dramatically, Mr
Barclay believes that with rents
falling so fast in central Johan-
nesburg, the CBD is again start-
ling to look attractive on pure
| economic fundamentals relative
to the higher rental structures
in decentralised areas.

“This factor may persuade
some tenants who had planned
to move out, to remain in the
CBD,” he said.

While he sees encouraging
signs that the worst may be
over in terms of the current

‘downturn, he is doubtful about
| any major upturn in the office
and industrial leasing markets
“before mid-1987 at the earliest.


Mr Erwin is now

+ heading Fosatu’s educa-
tion programme and
critics see this as an even
more strategic position
in the union. (The feasi-
bility committee of the
unity talks has recom-
mended that Fosatu’s
education programme

should be retained for *

the super federation).

Many of the organi-
sers in Fosatu’s strong-
est union, Mawu, are
white.

‘These things have led
to the charges that Fosa-

“tu’s whites come in at
the top, to lead, and di-
rect.

The charges were
muffled when Fosatu’s
motor union recruited a
few whites at the Volks-
wagen plant in Uiten-
hage.

Cusa, on the other’
hand, says it does not
mind white workers
joining unions at the fac-
tory floor. They could
then work themselves
up to positions of lead-;
ership within the unions. |
But then. they would
have come in at the bot-

tom.
They believe that-

white workers, a priv-
ileged group, will not go:
through that process.
They believe that by in-
sisting on black. lead-
ership, they will exclude
whites from their
unions.

Azactu, at the ex-
treme end of the spec-
trum, believe that there
is no place for whites in

cso: 3400/931

black trade unions and

they do not care to be:

fancy about saying it.

These positions are
not news: they have
been with us since
whites first set foot in
this country.

* The argument then is:
Why did unions like the
Cusa ones, or the
Azactu ones, participate
in the talks from the be-
ginning and continue in
them until this late hour
when some people are.
already talking about an
October deadline to
launch the super feder-
ation.

In their statement
Cusa say that although
they initiated the unity
talks the “intention was
never to take’ over or
highjack the feder-
ation”.

“The main aim was to
form a federation of the

“workers by the workers

for the workers,” the
statement said.

It is noble-sounding,

but there is still a suspi
cion that they knew, just
as much as Fosatu knew,
that the super federation
was not going to get off
the ground. What they
hoped for was that when
everything settled back
after the shake-up they
would have grabbed
some members from the
opposition. Fosatu
hoped so too.

As things stand now,

‘Cusa has lost its biggest -

union, but they are still
hoping to gain:from Fo-
satu unions that have
become disillusioned
with white leadership.
An alliance between
Azactu and Cusa is a
possibility, but after it
can materialise, Cusa
will have to adopt a
more radical stance,
particularly on white
membership and rela-
tionships with manage-
ments and the Depart-
ment of Manpower.

88

The Cape unions,
Food and Canning, the
General Workers
Union, the Cape Town
Municipality Workers
Association, have been

‘ very close to Fosatu in

thinking. The Western
Cape, probably because
of that region’s liberal
tradition, has always be-
lieved in organisations
that allow white mem-
bers.

The Commercial Cat-
ering and Allied Work-
ers. Union of South Af-
rica (Ceawusa), which is
based in Johannesburg,
is likely to run into pro-
blems with the talks as
they are now. The worst
that will happen is a split
for Ccawusa, with one
group favouring pattici-
pation in the super fede-
ration and the other
baulking.

All said, ‘Ceawusa is
not likely to accept
white membership of
the super federation
unanimously.

The eleven UDF
unions still in the talks
might accept white
members, but they are
also not likely to conti-
nue in the talks right up
to the formation of the
super federation.

There have. been bit-
ter clashes between the
UDF unions and Fo-
satu, particularly in the
motor industry in the

* Eastern Cape.

If we forget the per-
sonal ’animosities, the
emerging unions are di-
vided by the way they
see white participation
in their affairs, in South
African politics. And it
is a small, very minute,
group of whites who are
being discussed.

Perhaps the solution
would be for these
whites to withdraw vol-
untarily. After all they
should realise that their
participation is not more °
important than the unity
of black workers.


JPRSSSA“85+083
6 September 1985

GHANA

MEDICAL AGREEMENT REACHED WITH IVORY COAST
AB160916 Accra Domestic Service in English 0700 GMT 16 Aug 85

{Text] Ghana and the Ivory Coast have agreed on the use of medical
facilities available in each other's country for the treatment of

various kinds of ailments of their people. To this end, the Ivory

Coast has requested Ghana to furnish her with medical facilities available
in the country to enable the Ivorian:'medical authorities to identify
facilities which that country could make use of.

The minister of health and population of the Ivory Coast, Professor
Alphonse Djedje Mady disclosed this to newsmen before his departure,
after leading a 4-man delegation on a 3-day visit to Ghana to study
her health services and administration. The minister said Ghana has
already asked for the use of a cardiovascular disease treatment center
in the Ivery Coast. Professor Mady said he and his Ghanaian counterpart
expressed the need for the two countries to harmonize their medical
policies to improve not only the health needs of their people, but
also their socioeconomic and political conditions. He called for the
implementation of the recommendations made under the Ghana-Ivory
Coast permanent joint commission of cooperation for the benefit of
the two countries.

The delegation was seen off by the secretary for health, Mr. E. G.
Tandoh, the Ivorian ambassador to Ghana, Mr. Konan Nda.

csO: 3400/918


JPRS*SSA*85083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

RECESSION HITS SERVICE STATIONS

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 26 Jul 85 p 14

[Article by Zenaide Vendéiro]

[Text] By Zenaide Vendefro been exposed to subtle pressure
Transport Reporter» from their oil companies to
Service and filling station offer a 24-hour service despite
owners had experienced a series assurances that this would not
of nightmares in the past year be done.
because of the recession, the
chairman of the South African Mr Druckman said the in-
Motor Traders’ Association crease of 1,2c a litre in the
(Samta), Mr S Druckman, said markup of fuel in January,
yesterday. bringing the total markup to
“We have witnessed a contin- 5,2c a litre, had been welcome.
uing decline in the available { A survey of the profitability
money supply, with an almost ‘cof fuel retailers undertaken by
drastic drop in consumer spend- the Department of Mineral and
ing, record increases in the con- Energy Affairs had shown that a
sumer price index and the rate further increase was riot justi-
of inflation, unprecedented in- fied at this stage, Mr Druckman
creases in taxation and the high " said.
est interest rates in history,” Mr On the controversial question
Druckman said in his report to of discounted petrol, Me Druck-
Samta’s annual general meet- man said the massive increase
ing. fc in the petrol price had been used
In comparison’ with other sec- as “a shrewd marketing oppor-
tors of the motor industry, how- ity” *
a + tunity” by the Boksburg Pick ’n |
ever, the service section had Pay Hypermarket, which of-
he storm extremely, fas, 1
weathered t f fered a four percent discount in
well. wt petrol coupled with a self-ser-
Mr Druckman said the R5 vice system.
levy system on fuel sales after |
hours, which was abolished in: A survey had shown the ser- ‘
October last year, had been, a- vice stations affected by the ,
vital source of income, especial-* scheme experienced a 17 per- |
ly in country areas where low cent drop in fuel sales and a 22
turnover and high operating percent reduction in oil sales.
proftanlty letely eroded _ Mr Druckman said the situa- |
tion would normalise as legisla-
But the worst effect of the tion controlling the price of pet-.
abolition of the levy system had rol was expected to come into
been the withdrawal of official effect in the near future, .
selling hours for fuel. Some ;
dealers, he said, had already
cso: 3400/941 | 94


JPRS=SSA*85-083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

DU PLESSIS ON EFFECTIVENESS OF MONETARY MEASURES, LABOR UNIONS

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 17 Aug 85 p 5

[Article by Tim Clarke]

[Text]

DURBAN. — Mr
Barend du Plessis, the
Minister of Finance,
said in Durban yester-
day that monetary and
fiscal measures under-
taken by the Govern-
ment last year were
now proving — their
worth,

Speaking at the Natal
Provincial Congress _ of.
the National Party, Mr
Du Plessis was cautious
about an up-turn in the
economy but said there
was no doubt that the
monetary and fiscal meas-
ures put into force last
year had been beneficial.

He said one of the ma-
jor problems facing the
economy was the high in-
flation rate, and the Gov-
ernment was doing every-
thing possible to curb it.

Mr Du Plessis said that

next year’s Budget would :

also be stringent.

On the question of
possible trade sanctions
against South Africa and
possible disinvestment,
Mr Du Plessis was guard-
ed in his replies.

He said: “We don't
know what is in the pipe-
line; we ‘ust. wait and
see; to make any state-
ment about this at present
would be wrong.”

many good business prac-

tices “went to the wall”

because of the stringent

measures adopted by the”

Government last year to
correct spending in the
country and to keep prop-
er control.

He said South Africa
did not have any alterna-
tive but to impose the
strict economic measures.

Mr Du Plessis also war-
ned that the Government
was “in full cry” in find-
ing out tax dodgers. He
said that many people in
South Africa had been
dodging taxes for years
which was placing a bur-
den on the average man
in the street.

But this slack was being
taken in and when the
date ended for these
people to declare their as-
sets, there would be no
more mercy.

Mr Du Plessis empha-
sised the Government
had predicted that there
would be an increase in
inflation.

He said the factors
which affected inflation
included:

99

@ The cost push inflation
factor, which mainly re-
volved around labour
costs; .
@ The depressed rand.
He said that imports were
costing far more because
_ of the low state of the
rand. This also involved
petrol prices;
@ Easy credit — this was
“a bad situation” in the
} country.



Friedman: White miners reject such
assurances. They say that black labour
will be cheaper, even if you pay all
workers the same cash wage, because
whites receive, for example, subsidised
housing which you can’t offer blacks.

Liebenberg: There are two views on that.
One is that we should give every man the
same housing allowance and allow him to
spend it as he pleases. If the black miner
uses it to renta township house at R40a
month and the white can only find a home
at R400, then that’s just cough — the one
man has got an extra R360 in his back _
pocket, but we’re paying them the same
and there’s no exploitation. The other view
is that it’s unfair to allow the one to have an
extra R360 to spend if they’re doing the
same job. We are just going to have to work
through that one.

Friedman: While on the housing question,
the government has decreed that mines
can house only three per cent of their
black workers in family housing. There
were signs a while ago that it was pre-
pared to relax this in some cases, but some
mines hadn't then even reached the three
percent. Whatis the present situation?

Liebenberg: We are still limited to three
percent on gold mines. On the collieries,
particularly the highly mechanised mines,
there is a greater tendency to recruit black
workers at the gate from surrounding areas
rather than rely on long-distance migrants.
But there hasn’t been much change: itis’
still true that some mines haven’t reached
the three percent.

But our drive to stabilise the migrant-
labour force has made dramatic progress in
other areas. Not so long ago, black migrants
were working eight months and going
home for seven, now they work 14 on
average and go home for three. Many more
are now regarding mining as a career. This
is partly the result of the incentives —
bonuses and guaranteed re-employment—
we offer migrants who return within a set
period. The economic situation in the areas
they come from has also played a role, as
have the improved wages we began to
offer, once we were no longer tied by a
gold price of $35 an ounce.

Friedman: You mentioned that black
artisans are beginning to work on the
mines. How much progress have you
made and has their presence prompted
any friction?

Liebenberg: Our initial intake in 1982 was
180 to 200 apprentices — the fastest ones are
now taking their voluntary trade tests and
40 to 50 are already qualified and working.
There has been no friction. An interesting
trend is that mostarejoiningtheSA *
Boilermakers Society.

Friedman: The NUM is by far the biggest
of the new black-unions, but itis not the
only one —you’ve granted access to five
others. How much of a force are they?

Liebenberg: By our count, there are

15 unions besides the NUM that have
expressed interest in recruiting black ,
miners. Some have expressed only vague
interest but the five to which we have
granted access are active in some areas.
In the Natal collieries, for example, the
Mining and Geneial Workers Union organ-
ised by Saawu’s Sam Kikine is active and
we have had some problems: there have
been a number of stoppages. But none
have yet become representative enough
to. be recognised,

Friedman: Returning to your relationship
with the NUM, time and again since 1983
you seemed to be heading for a showdown
which was averted at the brink. Now it
seems as if the possibility of averting one
is steadily diminishing, Do you believe
that a major clash may be inevitable?

Liebenberg: I hope not. The relationship
between its head office and ours is still
the same. There's a lot more mine-level
activity and this is attracting attention, but
Istill hope that our two teams can avert a
conflict.

Teall depends on our mandates. If we
can still work from flexible mandates, if
there is still enough “give” to allow the
negotiators to reach a compromise, then
agreement can be reached. But I accept
that mandating is always a problem with
emerging-unions.

62


structure, including administrative personnel, that is

needed to begin to attract industry has had to be-

duplicated many times.

Because each homeland tries to obtain its share of
decentralised activity, the process of attracting indus-
try to the multiplicity of development points has
become a competitive one. The development cor-
porations vie with one another in an effort to get
industrialists to locate in “their” area. Where there is
an element of discretion, maximum incentives are
offered together with purpose-made buildings an
other inducements. ‘

In all probability, little discrimination is shown in
determining which industries ought to be decentra-
lising on economic grounds. The officials themselves
state that applications to decentralise are. screened
and assessed on the basis of the expected longer-
term profitability of each project. Whether such
criteria are always applied in practice is open to
doubt.

Apparently the wheel of decentralisation goes a

full, vicious circle. Companies are lured, by attrac-
tive incentives, into unsuitable locations, The
viability of the locations is not improved by either the
types of companies which are decentralising or the
impact of the policy being diluted through the
promotion of so many development points.

Large companies, which might potentially have
the greatest propulsive effects on an area, have
tended to decentralise only subsidiaries. These often
have strong backward and forward linkages to the
metropoles. This means that, of the resources
applied to the decentralisation effort, a substantial
Proportion actually goes directly to the larger urban
centres, Regional multiplier effects are consequently
small and the areas fail to take off. Companies that
decentralise at a later stage are therefore in no better
a position than the earlier starters to survive without
incentives. Meanwhile, the enthusiasm with which
government is pursuing its decentralisation policy
means that more and more companies most sensibly
located in urban areas are being induced to decentra-
lise.

COSTS OF THE POLICY

Whether the need for a decentralisation policy can be
justified on purely economic grounds is by no means
clear. The rationale for such a policy in South Africa
has always included political/fideological consider-
ations, and economic arguments used in support are
open to criticism. The universal experience is that,
when industrialisation is impelled by market forces,
it produces “pockets” of highly concentrated indus-
trial activity.

cso: 3400/931

68

If a more equitable distribution of economic
activity and employment opportunities is regarded as
a desirable end in itself, then it must be recognised
that the attainment of this goal will probably involve
sacrificing other goals. Though, quite clearly, indus-
trial decentralisation policy only deals with one
aspect of a regional development strategy (and this
must be regarded as a major drawback), the policy
highlights the possible sacrifices that have to. be
made.

There is a trade-off between “equality” (in the
sense of a more even geographic spread of economic
activity) and “efficiency”. The cost of attempting to
achieve a significant decentralisation of industry -
especially where the new growth-points are not
selected on economic grounds — is slower economic
growth accompanied by higher overall costs of
production.

Compared with the alternative approach of per-
mitting free urbanisation, it is not at all apparent that
the welfare of individuals in rural areas is improved
by taking employment opportunities to them. For a
number of reasons the policy is doing little to foster
skills and entrepreneurial talent among local popu-
lations. It is, however, creating an additional burden
on the country’s real and financial resources. Insofar
as this is reflected in lower disposable incomes, a
smaller total demand, higher costs and reduced com-
petitiveness in international markets, it is a further
factor impeding the growth of employment oppor-
tunities in the country as a whole. Given the prob-
lems of high unemployment and low incomes in the
tural areas — problems which the policy ostensibly
attempts to address — these are costs which South
Africa can ill afford.



CSO:

eff as Musa Keita, re-
ported that "Things
are nmoving",and listed
the same militants
meritioned earlier to
be included in’ the
group that was to be
sent. The list com-
prises entirely the
names of the militants
listed in the previous
message.

Musa told the ad-_
dressee of the message
that "QUINAH WILL CON-
TACT YOU TO GO OVER
AND PICK UP FUNDS TO
SEND THE MILITANTS BY
ROAD".

He went on to say
that "WHEN EVERYONE
IS OVER I THINK YOU
NEED TO GO TOO FOR
WORKUP. I SHALL BE
THERE DIRECTING THINGS
AS FROM THE TEN OF
SULY".

iso among the docu-:
ments produced in evi-
dence was a TEMPORAL
CODE FOR USAGE: NiV.C.
which lists the. mem-
bers of the group al-
ong with their code
names.

The code lists the
Chairman of the group
as"BRAIN",the Co-Chair:
man as "ISLAND", Di-
rector of Operation
as "PACIFICY, the Sec-
retary as "INK", and
other members listed
as "COOL,SNOW, ROOF,
D-9, WATER, RAIN SUN,

3400/967

13

WALL ,ATLANTIC, ROCK
FIRE, DESK."

A release from the
Special Board investi-
gating the case said
"All inquiries and in-
vestigations are being
conducted with the
highest degree of pro-
fessionalism".

According to the re-
lease Signed by the
Board's Chairman T.
Boye Nelson, “sensitive
security information
detailing military in-
stallations, military
éapability, as well
as manpower deploy-
ment of the Liberian
Armed Forces have been
presented into evi-
dence".

The release noted
that "The code used
to transmit instruc-
tions or messages is
found to be identical
to that used in thea-
tres of World War II.

The Board said it
“considers the sophis-
tication of evidence,
the magnitude of the
matter, and the allo-
ged involvement of
those accused, to war-
rant their continuing
very careful inquiry
and investigation."



UDF URGING BOYCOTT OF REEF SHOPS

White Business Target

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 12 Aug 85 p 1

[Article by Sipho Ngcobo]

[Text]

t
Closed their doors.

‘A BOYCOTT of white-owned bust-,

nesses and retail outlets could hit Reef
towns this week after a call from the
United Democratic Front.

Thousands of pamphlets calling for
the boycott were distributed at the
weekend by the Consumer-boycott
Committee of the UDF.

Major demands by the committee
are:

O Lifting of the state of emergency;
CiRelease of all detainees and political
lsoners; and
Removal of soldiers from townships,
The pamphlets urge people to stand
in unity against apartheid and buy only
from shops in townships.
A similar boycott of consumer-
called by the UDF has heen go-
on for about a month in the Eastern
Cape. Sales in some Port Elizabeth
s have dropped by between 30%
100%. At least two shops have

Soweto business tycoon Richard Ma-
ponya said boycotters had, at last, cho-
sen the right target — the white busi-
nessman.

“White businessmen have the voting
ticket through which they have put the
present government in power, the gov-
ernment that is responsible for the
black man’s suffering. They have used

’ their vote the way they like. They'are

therefore responsible for all that is
happening, including the state of emer-
gency,” Maponya said.

96

JPRS»SSA+85+083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


JPRS“SSA~85~083
6 September 1985

LIBERIA

BRIEFS

SECOND PHASE VOTER REGISTRATION--The Special Elections Commission, SECOM,
has embarked upon the second phase of voters’ registration throughout the
country. According to a release issued yesterday by SECOM, the exercise,
which began 13 August, is expected to be conducted over a period of 15 days.
SECOM said it will be conducted by a limited number of registrars and clerks
selected locally after consulting with local authorities including party
representatives. The commission also announced that the selection of
registrars and clerks will be done on the basis of commitment and dedication
and they will be paid on the spot. The SECOM release further said that
government has made available the necessary funds for this round of voters’
registration. [Text] [Monrovia Radio ELWA in English 1710 GMT 16 Aug 85]

cso: 3400/934

18



CP REJECTS INDIAN RIGHTS IN ORANGE FREE STATE

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 17 Aug 85 p 5

[Text]

cso:

3400/958

“THE Conservative Party

yesterday strongly re-
jected any rights for, or
presence of, Indians in
the Orange Free State.

A. spokesman for the
Party and MP for Rissik,
Mr Daan van der Merwe,
warned that any rights
which the National Party
might grant Indians in the
Free State, would not be
acknowledged by the
Conservative Party. .

He said, “should the
Conservative Party come
into power, it would not
consider such concessions
or rights to be bindin, ”

Such rights, would im-
mediately be taken away
and the present status quo

47

be reinstated, he said.

This follows indications
by the National Party that
certain restrictions on In-
dians in the Free State
might be lifted in the near
future.

Mr Van der Merwe said
it was very important that

‘not only the governing

National Party, but also
Indians who may have the
intention of settling in the
Free State, should take
notice of this standpoint.

He said earlier this
week — addressing the
CP congress in Bloemfon-
tein — that this policy was
“not based on hatred, but
‘on the tight of each’ to
have its freedom.”

JPRS~SSA~85-083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


” miners elsewhere Joined their colleagues.

The Chamber rejects these figures, saying only /
one in every 10 will strike. Miners, they say, are

‘ happy with their increases implemented on July

1 and which ranged from 14,1 percent to 19,6 per+
cent. . :

What do the percentages mean?

The Chamber's increases for surface workers
ranged from R24 to R66 a month, bringing the mini-
mum wage up to between R160 and R521. .

Wage increases for underground workers ranged
from R25 to R69 a month bringing, the minimum

" wage up to between R191 and R595 a month.

The union demanded increases ranging from R37

* to R122 a month for surface workers to bring their

minimum wages to between R173 and R577 a month.
For underground workers the union demanded in- |

” ereases ranging from R45 to R142 a month, which
would bring the minimum wage to between R21!’
and R668. ' . "

Other points of anguish between the, two include
the union’s participation in job-reservation talks
with white mine unions, leave and death benefits.

_ Labour experts have often predicted that the
country’s fiercest and most important labour battles:
would begin when black mineworkers mobilised and

- that the socio-political implications would be far-.
reaching. There is no doubt the battles have begun. *

. Born in 1982 out of a resolution adopted at the
national congress of the Council of Unions of South
Africa (Cusa), the NUM came into existence in reac-
tion to mine riots in the Western Transvaal. This
week the union disaffiliated from Cusa to continue
participating in important unity talks for the forma_
‘ tion of a super-federation of emergent unions. wy
The union says it has 150.000 signed-up:‘members.,
and 100 000 paid-up members. . cey
Mining houses challenge these figures and put the ”
memberhip, at most, at 80 000. :

So far certain imbalances in the ranks of the °
membership have yet to be overcome. The union’s
early recruiting strategy was to sign up team lead-
ers, supervisors and administrative workers, This’
gave it a core of more permanent members than 3
underground migrant labourers. More recently the
union has successfully recruited workers at all
levels. It’s president is a Lesotho national.

Despite a growing number of competent union of- |
ficials, the union still relies, disproportionately, on-
its chatismatic, shrewd and legally informed gener: '

cso: 3400/941

al secretary, Mr Ramaphosa, to keep things togeth-
er, .
| ++ At times he and his union’s resources appear over-

. Stretched. There are few within the industry, how-

2 éver, who do not speak of him with the utmost re-

* spect,

.. * Asa lawyer and strategist he is formidable. How-
ever, carrying out strategy in a union with members
spread from Namaqualand to Palabora, must be

, @ nightmare. Somehow, he has kept the momentum
of the union going.

In the first 18 months of its existence, the union

* was not involved in any major strikes. During 1984

the union began contributing regularly to the strike

statistics and in the first quarter of: 1985 accounted
for nearly 170 000 lost man-days due to strikes com-
pared with about 70 000 in all other sectors together.

It was the union which launched the first legal
strike by black mineworkers in September last year.

‘Although agreement between the Chamber and the

union came at the last minute, it was too late.

The union claims that at one time'64000 mine-
} workers were on strike. The union won some conces-

sions and, according to Mr Ramaphosa, thousands of
, Hew members as a result of the strike. Violence
*, flared however, and the human costs are still being
» reflected in civil claims for alleged shootings, as-
:Saults and unlawful arrests.

Anglo American, the mining house which would be
most affected by a strike, related violence and un-
‘wanted bad publicity, has said it would like to avert
industrial unrest.

The Chamber and the union have withdrawn from
their last round of failed talks stating that both are
Prepared to consider any reasonable offers.

, If no such offers are forthcoming the mining in-
* dustry.could be in for a particularly hot summer,

92


IPRS“SSA*85~083
6 September 1985

SIERRA LEONE

MOMOH DISCUSSES ROLE, MORALE OF STATE SECURITY FORCES

London AFRICA NOW in English Aug 85 p 41

[Interview with Force Commander General Saidu Joseph Momoh by Roy Stevens;
date and place not specified]

[Text] Presidental heir-apparent after Siaka Stevens' retirement in October,
Force Commander General Saidu Joseph Momoh speaks of the task ahead in this
exclusive interview with AFRICA NOW

General, you are now being regarded as WThe State Security Division (SSD), the
the man most likely to succeed Dr Stevens para-military force, is notorious for its
as President. Was this your choice? brutal tactics. What are your views on it?
1am soldier by profession and a Sierra I believe that the SSD could play a vital
Leonean. My duty is to serve my nation and role. However, there is a definite need for
you must understand that the cardinal prin- organisational restructuring. The security
ciple of an army officer is to obey orders of any nation rests, in the final analysis, on
and ive service conducive to the peace and the army. Thus in a purely internal situa-
y of the nation. tion, you should not turn it loose on the
suit it ts deemed necessary that | am called citizens except as a last resort, in the event
upon to serve my country in any other of a total breakdown of law and order. -
capacity other than my present office, then The SSD could serve as the second tier
shall carefully consider the overall situa- after the police fails to contain any distur-
yah before arriving at a decision. But you bances. It cam-also be used to patrol the
can take it from me that my decision will be streets to combat crime, especially against
in consonance with the consensus and in the armed robbers. However, like we do in the
terest y must ‘to account for
beat interest of my country. . ballets issued to it which its'‘members
should surrender on going off duty. Also,
ee et oe a iecl stare of must be made answerable to a senior
Which you have never been a menzber: J tis Be the one 19 sous orders to open fee
o1 open
mean the All Peoples Congress of which in case they are attacked.
As a soldier, eee ane oetonged : .
to any party. is to the govern- How would you describe the present
y Head of State as state of the :
meat he day and this particular Ihave been Force Commander since 1971
eae te aceon dose not srige besause and run it along established codes of con-
ours is a one-party state and the essence of duct necessary for the maintenance of
& one-party system is to unite the country discipline and progress of the army. Every
the general progress of the nation ethnic group is represented in the army
and ‘I believe every conscientious citizen reflecting its national character. The state
must identify with such an objective and I of the army today can be determined by the
am no different. The APC is just a name, its respect it commands from the nation. Its
members are citizens from every corner of state of alertness and readiness to defend
the country with the same aspirations as and safeguard the security of this nation is

everyone else. That’s what I understand.

30


BERNARD SAYS INA MEMBERS NOT BARRED FROM POLITICS

Monrovia NEW LIBERIAN in English 5 Aug 85 pp 1, 6

[Text]

A member of the In-
terim National Assem-
bly says no wrong has
been committed by As-
sembly members parti-
cipating in the pre-
sent electroal process.

According to INA
member Archibal F.Ber-
nard, there is no
clause in the decree
creating the INA that
bars members from par-
taking in politics.

Mr. Bernard, a sena~
torial aspirant for
Montserrado County,
was speaking, recently
at a luncheon he ten-
dered in honour of the
Liberian press at a
local restaurant in
Monrovia.e

Commenting on a re~
quest by representati-
ves of several politi-
cal parties (excluding
the NDPL), imploring
the Special Elections
Commission to ensure
the INA members re-
frain from politics in
keeping with their
role as overseer in
the transition to de~
mocratic civilian rule
the 30 year-old poli-
tician said he decided

to contest the ensu-
ing elections to con-
tinue serving the
people of Liberia.

Mr. Bernard, who is
also managing the YES
Transport Service ‘in
Monrovia, said if elec
ted' his primary con-
cern as a legislator
would be to promote
éducational opportuni-
ties and the general
wellbeing of all Li-
berians. He is contes-
ting the senatorial
seat for Montserrado
County. under the ban-
ner of the National
Democratic. , Patty of
Liberia (NDPL). \

Asked, what plans he

has for the develop-
ment of Montserrado
County, Mr. Bernard

said each area has its
peculiar problems ,not—
ing that emphasis will
be placed on identify-
ing these problems.
Touching on sports,
Mr. Bernard who is
also the president of
the Invincible Eleven/
Majestic Sports Asso-

14

JPRS*SSA+85~083
6 September 1985

LIBERIA



management attitudes?

Liebenberg: Yes, but mine managements
say they are only reacting to what miners
are doing — the union claims our tougher
attitude is creating the problem. Itis a
chicken-and-egg situation, but we have not
changed our attitude to the NUM. We are
still happy to negotiate with it.

Friedman: Isn’t greater worker-militancy
inevitable? After all, black miners have
had union rights for only three years after
being denied them for decades, and their
expectations have risen sharply.

Liebenberg: What is of concem to us is that
(NUM general secretary) Cyril Ramaphosa
has always been a stickler for the bargain-
ing rules. The union stuck to them at the
beginning of our relationship, but now this
seems to be breaking down.

The only way we will have a mature
relationship is if both sides stick to
mutually-defined rules. We have rules in
place, agreed to by both sides, but some
workers are not abiding by them. It’s in
both of our interests to evolve these rules
and to stick to them.

Friedman: Are some mines reconsidering
their willingness to deal with the union?

Liebenberg: There is no backtracking

on our part. Things started getting tougher
in September, when the union struck over
its wage dispute, but since then we have
actually granted access to more black
unions and signed new recognition agree-
ments with the NUM —we have actually
extended black-union rights in this period.
We still have a high regard for Ramaphosa
and we are as committed as ever to dealing
with black unions.

Friedman: The union charges that one
sign of the mines’ attitude is their willing-
ness to call in the police. It notes that
police intervention has been a constant
feature of strikes, even where they have
been legal.

Liebenberg: It is a general rule among
mine managements not to call in the
police. But, in the final analysis, managers
have a duty to protect mine property and

58

the safety of the people who work on it.

If strikers begin rioting, if there is a danger
toother workers, managers often have no
option but to call in the police. But itis
always a last resort—and managers are
asking the police to act against untuliness,
not against strikers.

aresetntihey inetaahiyet
emp

Ramaphosa but that they are losing
patience with NUM members. Isn’tit
Part of the problem that the industry has
concentrated on dealing with one man
instead of building a relationship with the
workers who belong to the union?

“Liebenberg: Maybe we're influenced by
the way we’ve always dealt with unions in
the past, but we are used to seeing the
leader who represents the union as the man
to whom we talk about matters of common
interest. But that doesn’t mean the mines

~don’t talk to their employees. We have
consultative committees in place which
offer black miners a forum to talk to man-
agement— ironically, they were functioning
on mines like Vaal Reefs when they
experienced unrest. We are also talking ©
more to union shaft-stewards. It’s not
simply a case of Johann Liebenberg talking
to Cyril Ramaphosa or Ramaphosa talking
so someone in a group head-office,

Friedman: You mentioned your tra-
ditional way of negotiating with unions,
the bargaining style you developed with
argue that management httitudes have
hardened because you expecteditto *
behave in the same way as the white
unions and can’t accept the fact that

it won't.

Liebenberg: I suppose in our heart of
hearts we might have hoped that we could
develop the same relationship with new
black-unions as we did with the old white-
unions, but that was never our policy. We
recognised from the outset that we are
dealing with a totally different bird and that
many of the old rules wouldn’t apply.

At the same time, even our dealings
with the old unions have changed over the
past few years. Labour relations is ina
constant state of flux and the biggest
mistake is to go into it with preconceived
ideas. I don’t believe we did that when we
began dealing with black unions:


JPRS*SSA*85+083
6 September 1985

ANGOLA

ANGOP COMMENTARY ON MPLA-LABOR PARTY SESSION
MB081613 Luanda Domestic Service in Portuguese 1200 GMT 7 Aug 85
[ANGOP commentary: "The Leadership Reaffirms Its Confidence]

[Text] The MPLA-Labor Party Central Committee held its 16th ordinary session
30-31 July and 2-3 August 1985 under the chairmanship of Comrade President

Jose Eduardo dos Santos. At the end of the meeting, three documents which are .
already known to the public, were issued.

These documents deal with the internal situation in the country in recent
years as well as the international and southern African situation, particularly
in light of the repeal of the so-called Clark amendment by the House of
Representatives of the U.S. Congress, thus enabling the world's most powerful
imperalist state to continue to involve itself, now openly, in the internal
affairs of the People's Republic of Angola. Presently, the U.S. legislative
body is mainly controlled by the Conservative [as received] Party which

finds inspiration in the theories of state terrorism. Thus, given the means
of war under its control, it presents itself today as the most dangerous threat
to/the existence of humanity.

Accordingly, following the decision to repeal the amendment, Ronald Reagan,
who is more than 70 years old, received a strong and unanimous condemnation
from the Angolan people. The second condemnation came from the 21st OAU -
summit, which recently ended in Ethiopia. The summit called the world's
attention to the consequences for the southern region of the African Continent
that would result from the repeal of the Clark amendment, which gives
Washington a green light to spread the hegemonic radiations of its policy
against the liberty of the African peoples whom it dreams of neocolonizing.
Washington is increasingly becoming the main shareholder of this weird
intention. What is more, it is the patron and instigator of the policy of
aggression against independent peoples and the principal enemy of the world's
truly progressive and democratic governments. That is why the strong popular
condemnation of the deceptive nature of its international policy signifies that
the Angolan revolution will not in any way recoil before any threat and that
it is going to continue its triumphal march on the side of peoples who in the
world follow the same path--the path of liberty and justice.

Before the obstruction of the channels suitable to the search for a just
solution of the situation in southern Africa, for which South Africa and the



discounts for pensioners,
standby fares on all flights

+ at 20 percent discounts, 40
percent discount for na- |
tional servicemen — have |
helped to stimulate the”
domestic market.

It has been gratifying to
note that people who were ,
not travelling with the air-
line are now making use of.
our services. The people i
who fly the midnight
flights, for example, are .
not only the typical busi- |
nessmen who have done so :
in the past.

We have also consolidat-
ed our domestic timetable.
We have looked critically
at our complete route net- j
work and those routes that
were not profitable, or .
those flights which carried :
too few passengers, havé'*
either been eliminated or *
realigned.

Our average seat occu-
pancy on the domestic ser-
vice has gone up by |
8,4 percent in the last year. |

We have also started to
market far more aggres-
sively, particularly on the
domestic front. We have
tried to respond to what

'the market wants.

That is why we intro- |

« duced the business class at
the end of last year on the
narrow-bodied aircraft and -
the beginning of this
on the wide-bodied air-

. craft. Support for the busi-
ness class has grown
steadily and has, in fact,
now overtaken revenue
earned on first class, Due-
to the positive reaction
from passengers, we are
now looking at ways of im-
proving business class.

SAA is also having a
very careful look at our
existing first class on our
Airbuses,

@ Do you plan to ex-
pand the recently-an-
mounced youth fares to the
‘US to other destinations?

cso: 3400/941

A: We have further plans
in mind for the US which
look very attractive — not
just for New York, but for
the rest of America.

We are seriously look:
ing at extending the yout
fares to other destinations
internationally but, of
course, the fares are not
totally under the control of
SAA. It is always done in
conjunction with our pool
partners. They may not
necessarily be in agree-
ment with what one is try-

“ing to do, but personally,

SAA would like to extend
these facilities and we are
working on this.

The attempt is not so
much to lower fares to the
people who are flying ‘but
to bring more people into
the market at attractive

«rates and in that way add
to our total revenue.

Q Do you envisage fare’

increases within the next
. three months?

i A: I don’t think fares will

i be increased before the

end of the year. There may

1 be adjustments, of course,

ling on the rand/dol-

Jar exchange rate, but no

- increases in the fares

* themsel

ives.
I don’t think the mar-
ket can carry much higher’
: fares. Fare increases
could, in fact, have a nega-
tive effect on SAA’s posi-
tion.

90


cso:

I spoke to Government officials,
political functionaries, trade un-
ionists, employer organisations
and students. Everywhere I went I
was well received as a South Afri-
can.

When the conversation turned to
South Africa, as it almost always
did, most people confessed to not
understanding the full extent of
our problems. There was usually a
recognition that the situation was
much more complex than had
been generally realised.

It is not easy to explain to peo.
ple what we are all about. You can
speak of the many problems, the
disappointments and even despair.
"There are also all the good things
and the optimism that we will
work out a solution.

‘There is no point in telling for-
eigners about how bad things are
in other parts of the world. They
know all that, and they are not in-
terested. They want to know about
South Africa, which has put dis-

3400/959

crimination on the statute books.
Flying back to Johannesburg I
sat next to a German technician
on his first visit to South Africa.
“T would say that South Africa is
five minutes beyond midnight,” he
told me at the outset of the jour-

ney.

‘As the long night wore on and I
talked of South Africa, again, he
appeared to be sceptical.

On landing at Jan Smuts I put
myself in his shoes, as it were, and
tried to look at this country
through the eyes of a man who,
having read the European papers
for the past week, was now seeing
South Africa for the first time.

Ours was one of five jumbo jets

* which had landed within the last

hour. At least a dozen modern air-
liners were parked on the apron. A
black policemen held up a bus and
waved disembarking passengers
into the building with a smile.
There was virtual chaos in the
terminal with thousands of people
milling around, collecting luggage, *
meeting friends, calling taxis.

35

‘There were no soldiers with ma-
chine-guns (as there were. at
Nairobi Airport) and there were
fewer policemen in evidence than
there were at Frankfurt Airport.

Outside, the spaghetti junction
of freeways carried large trucks
and modern cars, whizzing about
their business — a lot busier than
the traffic I had seen in East Ber-

in. '

The first’ impressions of South
Africa must be good, I thought.
South Africa has a -developed
economy, large cities and many
well-off people (of all races).

There must be hope for a coun-
try that has achieved so much and
that has so much potential.

Mr Nel is right, we ‘have to
change our image. But we can do
this only if we change our method
of doing things. H

We can all contribute td this but
only the Government can take the
lead, by showing sensitivity and.
seriousness to move our society
along the path of reform. ' "



Limited Success

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 13 Aug 85 p 3

[Text]

CSO:

3400/941

CALLS for a black consumer boycott of white-owned

shops on the Reef have so far met with only limited

success, but various organisations called for a broad-
ening of the boycott yesterday.

Worst hit area on the Reef seems to be Pretoria but
the response to the boycott and stayaway call was
limited, according to the Pretoria Chamber of Com-
merce.

| But Checkers MD Clive Weil described business
there as “slow”. Stores with a high black profile had
definitely been affected, he said.

Now both the National Mine Workers Union and a
of 14 other organisations have joined the calls
consumer boycotts.

A quick poll of a few traders in areas likely to be
most aff indicated that while there was obvious
concern at what might lie ahead, immediate feelings
were a boycott was unlikely to be as actively support-*
ed as had, for example, happened in the Eastern Cape,
where at least two shops had closed as a result.

‘Ina seperate development the NUM said it would
put into action its plan for a consumer boycott in
mining towns, but said this would take a few days to
organise,

Commenting on the spread of consumer boycotts to ©
the Reef, Assocom chief executive Raymond Parsons
said “organised commerce is concerned at white busi-
hess bein; singled out for consumer orcotts - as sit
as repeatedly over many years taken a st lc
stance on the need for meaningful reform in Rh

“While employers remain willing to negotiate with
black leadership about legitimate grievances, they
_must protect their own interests and will clearly have
to take whatever business counter-measures are ne-
cessary to neutralise the effect of the boycott.”

Economists say the boycott could have minimal
impact on the SA economy if there is merely a shiftin |
fine from urban Shatekt ne hi and shops sales i

wnship shops — though the higher prices chai
in smaller shops will cut. living Standards., :

97

JPRS*SSA+85~083
6 September 1985



JPRS+SSA+85+083
6 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

COLUMNIST DEFENDS LINKING COMMUNISTS TO ANTI-APARTHEID DRIVE
Freedom Charter Issue

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 1 Aug 85 p 6

{Article by Ken Owen: "Charter Chatter and Red Herrings"]

[Text]

A HOWL of outrage has gone up because
this column dared last week to mention
the unmentionable: the role of the com-
munists in the struggle to overthrow
apartheid.

The outrage is healthy. It emphasises the
need to bring the subject into the open.
Essentially, the column made three
points: .

@ That the display of the hammer and
sickle at the funeral of Matthew Goniwe
attested to a Marxist presence;

@ That the public killing of an “informer,”

, attempted at three consecutive funerals
until it succeeded, was a terrorist tech-
nique common to Marxist revolutionary
movements; and ,

@That the Freedom Charter, drawn up
and lobbied through the Congress move-
ment by an organisation dominated by
Marxists, contained within it clauses
which were a blueprint for a communist

state.

It concluded by saying, in effect, that the
country needs to choose whether it is
trying to eliminate racism, or whether it
is seeking to overthrow capitalism.

’ To say I have been vilified for expressing
these views is to put it mildly. Wits
lecturer Duncan Innes has actually ac-
cused me, in a shower of epithets, of
supporting the Tricameral parliament
which, as editor of the Sunday Express,
I was among the first to reject!

Comfortable

These slanders are red herrings. They di-
vert — perhaps they are intended to

38

divert? — attention from a question
which will become increasingly rele-
vant as apartheid crumbles: what sort of
state do we envisage for the future?

It is comfortable to say: “What does it
matter, so long as we all work together
to get rid of apartheid?” But the history
of Yugoslavia and of Greece (where only
the military intervention of the Allies
sufficed to keep the country on this side
of the Iron Curtain) and even of post-war
France, suggests that it does matter. Pol
Pot’s Kampuchea suggests how horribly
much it matters.

The communists know this. That is why
the Communist Party and the African
National Congress were so shocked, not
to say bewildered, when, in 1976, Soweto
erupted without their participation or
knowledge. They were terrified that the
revolution might happen without them
in the name of Black Consciousness.

Since then they have made determined

| efforts to regain the initiative. External-
‘ yy it was relatively easy for the ANC to
liscredit black consciousness leaders.

For example, Tsietsi Mashinini, the young

. Sowetan, was reduced to obscurity by
the ANC’s systematic vilification of his
“unsound” views (It was much the same
fate as befell Philip Kgosana, leader of
the Pan-Africanist Congress march on

\, Cape Town in 1960, when he fled abroad

\ 16 years earlier).

Internally, since the government has
banned both the SACP and the ANC, it is
more difficult to ascertain what has
been happening (One of the reasons for
perceivi ng communist conspiracies ‘is
that the law does not permit them to