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JPRS-SSA-85- 1 1 8

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Sub-Saharan Africa Report

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JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

CONTENTS

INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

Briefs 1

Nigeria Reports Beginning of Ecobank

GHANA

Foreign Currency Bank Accounts

(Emelia Dowuona-Owoo; GHANAIAN TIMES, 22 Oct 85)

UK Banks Continue Silo Construction Financing

(GHANAIAN TIMES, 25 Oct 85) •

Destruction From Tribal Clashes Detailed „ n _ a^ A

(Iddrisu Seini; PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC, 22 Oct 85) 4

Armed Forces Demonstrate Firepower

(George Amosah; PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC, 19 Oct 85) *

Klutse Impressed by Standards in Armed Forces ,

(Douglas Akwasi Owusu; GHANAIAN TIMES, 19 Oct 85) 6

Klutse Praises Military's Contributions

(Fufi Mensah; PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC, 24 Oct 85)

NIGERIA

Internal Minister Shagaya Says Borders Will Remain Closed g

(DAILY TIMES, 24 Oct 85) •

Measures To Reduce Unemployment Announced g

(DAILY TIMES, 25 Oct 85) '

Age Limit for National ID Cards Lowered

. (Lekan Odunjo; NEW NIGERIAN, 22 Oct 85)

- a -
Babangida Describes Assembly Plants as Drain on Foreign Currency

(DAILY TIMES, 28 Oct 85) ' n

Minister Musa Calls for Industrial Policy Review

(NEW NIGERIAN, 24 Oct 85) 12

Labor Requests Removal of Former Administration Appointees

(Abu Tapidi; NEW NIGERIAN, 22 Oct 85) 14

Increase in National Petroleum Consumption Reported

(Leke Salau; SUNDAY TRIUMPH, 20 Oct 85) . 15

Government Oil Subsidy Figures

(DAILY TIMES, 26 Oct 85) 16

Status of Computer Technology, Indigenous Corporations

(Onyedinachi Paul Ironkwe; BUSINESS TIMES, 21 Oct 85) 17

Multinational Sets Pace in Merger Deals

(Arize Nwobu; BUSINESS TIMES, 21 Oct 85) 20

Volkswagen Ordered To Rescind Price Hike

(THE TIMES, 23 Oct 85) 22

Anambra State Adopts Incentive To Lure Investors

(Gil Ugwu; DAILY STAR, 26 Oct 85) 23

Roche Contracts for New Pharmaceutical Plant

(BUSINESS TIMES, 28 Oct 85). 24

Higher Prices for Farm Produce Advocated

(Aliyu Biu; NEW NIGERIAN, 25 Oct 85) 25

New High Yield Palm Seeds Developed

(NEW NIGERIAN, 24 Oct 85) 27

Editorial Calls for Strengthening Geological Survey

(NEW NIGERIAN, 23 Oct 85) 29

Sharp Decline in Milk Supply Reported

(Dapo Ajibola, Ted Odogwu; BUSINESS TIMES, 21 Oct 85) 31

Shortage of Technological Experts Hits NNPC

(BUSINESS TIMES, 21 Oct 85) 33

Railway Corporation Equipment Declared Obsolete

(Kola King; NEW NIGERIAN, 28 Oct 85) 35

Night Vision Aids for Armed Forces

(Shitu Saude; NEW NIGERIAN, 26 Oct 85) 36

- b -
Abacha, Alfa Test Fly New British Jet

(NEW NIGERIAN, 23 Oct 85) 3/

Bali Announces New Military Policy

(THE TRIUMPH, 22 Oct 85) . * • • • • '.•••> Jö

Submarine for Navy Planned in Near Future

(DAILY TIMES, 22 Oct 85) • • • • •

Jy

Briefs 40

Oil Tanker Commxssioned ^n

New Producer Prices

40 Foreign Assets ,

Ugandan Police Training Offered

SENEGAL

Briefs / o

Financing for Power Station

France Accused of Discrimination

SOUTH AFRICA

Afrikaner Correspondent Visits ANC Headquarters in Lusaka

(FRONTLINE, Oct 85).....

Key Personalities Cropping Up in Succession Race

(AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL, 30 Oct 85) ..............:... •• • • **b

Boycott Seen as Newest Weapon With Greater Power

(Andre Viljoen; FRONTLINE, Oct 85) ... ...... • • • • • • • • • •

äi

Zindzi Mandela Talks to Reporter

(Denis Beckett; FRONTLINE, Oct 85)

ANC

Muslim Extremists Declare Holy War

Believed To Be Main Beneficiary of Government Actions

(John Kane-Berman; SUNDAY TIMES, 3 Nov 85).........

54

Cape Town Whites Fear Arrival of Unrest in Their Communities

(SUNDAY TIMES, 27 Oct 85) •

Kraffontein Residents Buy Arms, by Alan Duggan 59

- •- " oU

61

Adderly Street Unrest, by David Jackson, et al. 60

62

Report Describes Horror of Township Vigilante Justice

(SUNDAY TIMES, 27 Oct 85).. •

Exiles Have Role To Play in Reforms

(John Hays; SUNDAY TIMES, 3 Nov 85) ..........; • • •

D/

- c
Labor Party Natal Leader Says Emergency Is Justified

(Khalil Aniff; POST NATAL, 6-9 Nov 85) 69

Clampdown on Press Coverage of Unrest Criticized

(Ameen Akhalwaya; POST NATAL, 6-9 Nov 85) 70

Rajab, UDF Criticize Clampdown of Unrest Coverage

(POST NATAL, 6-9 Nov 85) 72

West Cape Real Estate Boom, Slump Pressures Group Areas Act

(Tom Hood; WEEKEND ARGUS, 26 Oct 85) 74

Inanda Families Allocated Homes

(Khalil Aniff; POST NATAL, 6-9 Nov 85) 75

Two Families Give Opinion for Leaving, Staying

(Melanie Gosling; THE STAR, 21 Oct 85) 76

Transkei Banishes Six Former Detainees

(SOWETAN, 8 Nov 85) 79

Transkei Police Free UDF Natal Chairman

(SOWETAN, 1 Nov 85) 80

Aid Programs for Ciskei Villages Underway

(Jo-Anne Richards; THE STAR, 29 Oct 85) 81

East London Drydock Ready for Shipping Again

(George Young; EVENING POST, 25 Oct 85) 83

Death Rate Drops Since Declaration of Emergency

(THE CITIZEN, 5 Nov 85) 85

Commentator Sees Increasing Muslim Youth Violence in Cape

(Aggrey Klaaste; SOWETAN, 28 Oct 85) 86

List of Western Cape Organizations Banned

(SOWETAN, 29 Oct 85) 88

Briefs

Two Groups Commend Editor 90

TANZANIA

Briefs

Swedish Education Aid 9^

UGANDA

Musaveni's Proposals Outlined

(Paul Muhoho, et al.; DAILY NATION, 30 Oct 85) ., 92

- d -
ZIMBABWE

Nation's Agricultural Industry on Brink of Anarchy

(Michael Hartnack; CAPE TIMES, 24 Oct 85)........ - 95

Country Has Potential To Produce Food for 30 Million

(THE CITIZEN, 7 Nov 85). ....' ............... 97

Workers on Commercial Farms Suffer From Lowest Standard of Living

(SOWETAN, 1 Nov 85) ., .. ••' • • • • • • • • • * • •- '-• • •

98

Paramilitary Camps To Train Civil Defense Volunteers

(THE HERALD, 1 Nov 85) • • • * -100

ZMDC Investment in Plant Will Boost Gold Recovery

(THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE, 18 Oct 85)'.... 101

Education Minister Meets Students at Czech College

(THE SUNDAY MAIL, 27 Oct 85) .. • •. 102

Briefs

Spies Get Property Back -

LUJ

- e -
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

BRIEFS

NIGERIA REPORTS BEGINNING OF ECOBANK—The headquarters of a new international

financial institute for the West African subregion, known as Ecobank, has

started operations in Lome, the Togolese capital. The bank was established

by the Federation of West African Chambers of Commerce with the aim of

promoting intra-African trade and industry. An agreement formally

establishing the bank's headquarters was signed between the Togolese

Government and Ecobank Transnational Incorporated last month. The bank s

authorized capital is $100 million, and Nigeria has been allocated 30 percent of the amount in recognition of her economic strength and Ij^ing

position in ECOWAS. A spokesman for the Chambers told a Voice of Nigeria

correspondent in Lagos on Friday that the idea of creating the bank;was

mooted about 3 years ago to lend support to the objectives of ECOWAS.^

He said the summit meeting of heads of state and governments of ECOWAS

last November adopted a resolution approving the Ecobank project and

authorizing the ECOWAS Fund to participate in its capital. Meanwhile,

there are plans to establish subsidiaries of Ecobank in Nigeria and the

Ivory Coast before the end of next year. [Text] [Lagos International

Service in English 0830 GMT 3 Nov 85]

/12640

CSO: 3400/352
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

GHANA

FOREIGN CURRENCY BANK ACCOUNTS

Accra GHANAIAN TIMES in English 22 Oct 85 pp 1, 3

[Article by Emelia Dowuona-Owoo]

[Text] T>HRE£ hundred and sixty-six people, made up of

x

Ghanaians and foreigners, have opened foreign

accounts with six of the seven authorized banks in

Ghana in response to an official policy which allows

Ghanaian residents and non-residents as well as nonGhanaians to open foreign accounts in the country.

The Bank of Credit and Commerce has the largest

number of such customers with 180 accounts; Ghana

Commercial Bank, 130 accounts; National Investment

Bank, 39; Merchant Bank, eight; Standard Bank, seven,

and the Social Security Bank, four.

These were disclosed in separate interviews with

officials of the banks in a survey by the Times'.

An official of the Ghana Commercial Bank said

i number of enquiries had been received from other

non-resident Ghanaians on the modalities for operating

the foreign accounts.

According to the spokesman, the officials of the

bank have introduced measures to avoid the situation in which people go to

change their moneys on

the black market and later

open accounts with them.

"The bank has insulated

itself in such a way that

it will' not be easy to circumvent the system" he

said.

As part of these measures the bank "gives only

traveHers cheques, and not

cash, to its customers".

Also the bank accepts

cash from its cusomers

only when it is backed by

Bank of Ghana Exchange

Control Form T5 to serve

as evidence that the money entered the country

legally.

The policy contained in the 1985 Budget came into effect last June.

Com^rM^3?\Win

h W?1Ch the f0rel8n aCC°UntS mav be °Pened a'*: Ghana

BaT SL?af' B^

Cl^S

,

Bank'Standard Charted Bank'Nation*l Vestment Bank, Social Security Bank, Bank of Credit and Commerce, and the Merchant

/9317

CSO: 3400/371
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

GHANA

UK BANKS CONTINUE SILO CONSTRUCTION FINANCING

Accra GHANAIAN TIMES in English 25 Oct 85 p 8

[Text]

rnHE Standard Chartered

JL Group in London has

pledged its continued participation in the construction of silos and the training of agricultural extension officers in Ghana.

The Senior Deputy Chairman of the Group, Mr P.

A. Graham, made the pledge when he arrived in

Accra to begin a weeklong visit to the country.

According to a GBC

news bulletin, Mr Graham

said the rapid economic

growth achieve«» under the

PNDC's Economic Recovery

Programme sliould encourage other financial institutions to increase their support to ffie Government.

He observed that the

whole world, antf the b

an

-

k''np institutions in p?rt!-

culsr/.were watching with

keen interest the progress

Ghana was making in raising the standard of living

of her people.

During his stay. Mr Graham would hold talks with

government officials, including, Mr P. V. Öbeng,

member of the PNDC and

chairman of the Committee of Secretaries, Dr

Kwesi Botchway. Secretary

for Finance and Economic

Planning ana Dr Mohammed1 Alrrassan,- Deputy Governor of the Bank of Ghana.

The discussions would

centre on how best the

bank could increase its involvempnt in the econom"

and dweicirp°T!f projects

in the country.

/9317

CSO: 3400/371
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

GHANA

DESTRUCTION FROM TRIBAL CLASHES DETAILED

Accra PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC in English 22 Oct 85 p 4/5

[Article by Iddrisu Seini]

[Text]

IT ia now officially

known that 197 houses

were burnt down darin«

the recent daehea betwefS the Mamprnaia

**&*« *•*• at Bawku.

I his has therefore rendered a large number of

people homeless. The

death toll also stands officially at 16 while 167 per.

sons have been arrested in

connection with the case.

According to Mr Sumaiya Adekuru, Chief

Superintendent of Police,

the Police are presently

looking for 16 ring leaders

of both factions.

. The 16 persons have accordingly been asked to

either report themselves to

the Bawku Police or the

Criminal Investigation

Department (CID) of the

Regional Police Headquarters at Bolgatanga. - They are George Sulemana, Adam Seidu, both

believed to be hiding at

Garu near Bawku and Bito

in Burkina Faso, respectively, Lawyer Joe Abanga,

Mr Seidu Amadu and Iddrisu Yanga all Kusasis.

The rest are Albert

Apusiga, Paul Ababiga,

Shaibu Amadu and Eric

Atia also Kusasis.

The Mamprusi ringleaders are Awudu alias

"Landlord", Malik Imoro

Salifu, Mohammed Sumane and Osumani Sumbeda.

The rest are Dahamani

alias Hope, Ibrahim Sumbeda and Bashiru who is

wanted as a witness.

/9317

CSO: 3400/371
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

GHANA

ARMED FORCES DEMONSTRATE FIREPOWER

Accra PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC in English 19 Oct 85 pi

[Article by George Amosah]

[Text]

THE Ghana Armed Forces in an hour-long military exercise staged

yesterday for students

of the Ghana Armed

Forces StaffCollege and

the Military Academy

and Training School,

demonstrated the various levels of firepower

to be called into action

by combat teams

against advancing

enemy forces.

At the Bundase Military

Shooting Range on the

Accra Plains where the

exercise took place, the capabilities of the various

•guns of war, from long and

medium-range mortars,

amphibious armoured reconnaissance vehicles

(MOWAGS), to anti-tank

guns and rifles, were demonstrated.

The exercise offered the

military students practical

demonstration to support

theoretical lessons on the

performance of the various

weaponrv on the battlefield.

In a brief address later.

Colonel David Klutse,

Commander of the First

.Infantry Brigade of the

Ghana Armed Forces, told

the participating troops

and students, that bearing

in mind what they had

seen it could well be imagined the volume of fire

power that a combat team

could' unleash on an

advancing enemy.

/9317

CSO: 3400/373
JPRS' SsA»85~in

29 November 191

KLUTSE IMPRESSED BY STANDARDS IN ARMED FORCES

Accra GHANAIAN TIMES in English 19 Oct 85 p 1

[Article by Douglas Akwasi Owusu]

[Text]

/9317

CSO: 3400/372

THE Commanding Officer of

the First Infantry Brigade

Colonel D. L. K. Klutse, has

commended the Ghana ^frmed

Forces for their marked efficien

cy and high professional standards.

And he stated, given the ne.

cessary equipment and stability,

the officers and men could

achieve even betten in UM tiekt.

Col. Klutse was giving his

closing remarks here after f

week-long exercise organized at

company level by the First Infantry Brigade to introduce

students of the Ghana Military

Academy and Training School

(MATS) and the Armed Force«

Staff College to the use al

'fire-power* as a means of defence.

He sadd the Ghana Armed

Forces could be compared t«

"any of the best anywhere".

The Commanding Offlcar.

advised the students to do

more research jij their studies

and to suggest weapons which

could be added to Ghana's armoury to make the battlofield

more comfortable.

During the exercise, the students were exposed to 'firepower' and static demonstration

of weapons used for defence

purposes.

These ranged from high ex.

plosives in long range aircraft

defence systems to the use of

mortars, armoured vehie'es,

machine guns, rifles, grenade s

and pistols.

GHANA
KLUTSE PRAISES MILITARY'S CONTRIBUTIONS

Accra PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC in English 24 Oct 85 p 8

[Article by Fufi Mfensah]

[Text]

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

GHANA

COLONEL D. L. K.

Klutse, Commander of

the First Infantry Brigade baa praised the

contributions of the military to the current rehabilitation of the Western Rail line.

Speaking at the annual

administrative inspection

parade of the Second Battalion of Infantry at the

Myohaung Barracks yesterday. Col. Klutse also

commended the role of the

Second Battalion of Infantry in safeguarding the

nation's resources during

the anti-cocoa smuggling

operation code named

"Operation Hunter" last

year.

These achievements, he

stated were the products of

a highly disciplined body

which was necessary for

the success of the revolution.

"Discipline must feature

in all other aspects of our

relationship with, other

members of the communitv", he emphasised.

On the restructuring

exercise in the Armed Forces, Col. Klutse said it was

aimed at making the Armed Forces more viable and

responsive to the defence

needs of the country as

well as to make judicious

use of the existing resources.

He expressed concern

about the continued activities of dissidents and activities of ambitious individuals in the business sector as well as others in the

mass media who gear their

reports towards inciting

troops by publishing half

truths arid falsehood.

The Ghana Armed Forces; he noted, would accept constructive criticism

in its efforts to ensure peace and stability in the

country for the success of

the on-goinj! process.

/9317

CSO: 3400/372
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

INTERNAL MINISTER SHAGAYA SAYS BORDERS WILL REMAIN CLOSED

Lagos DAILY TIMES in English 24 Oct 85 pp 1, 12

ioethLNMorian b°

rderS ^J1 remain Cl0SGd Until Certain conditions which led ^^Äi^VÄterof Internal Affairs Lt

-

Co1

-

J

^

% ^S^-^^^^^—-nmust

inientLfaf

ayv' h

Tre^ f

lnterate(1 that the present administration has no intention to keep the borders closed permanently.

He said that by 1996, all Nigerian major border posts would be fully equipped.

violat?nrtLSaid t

he

,

Babanglda reglme Wil] deal sternly with any firm found violating the country's expatriate quota.

check'thfabuse8nf^^ ^V" UP *

machiner

y "working" underground to check the abuses of groups and organisations in respect of expatriate quota."

Col. Shagaya said that so far, two firms had been found violating the quota.

One of the firms, he said, used some Nigerians as fronts to applv for

expatriate quotas but on arrival, the experts were sent to aSer company.

TelZl^oTZ ZllLT' HS S°

0n 3S hG retUrn6d t0 Lag°S he WOuld ^a

minister^ S"" Study 8

rouP's

«hite paper on customs and immigration, the

t^oulf^^^^^ - -- that

SSSiiSSS^ i^^'fS^T-^pJ'rfc;

people

nature." g act that passport are documents of security

He said to check this abuse, the government decided that anybody wishing to

obtain passport should go to his local government. wishing to

patpo^aldinfd th"

pr0Ce!s has redu<^ the period it takes to obtain a

passport adding in the past, you could spend as much as six months to obtain

one whereas you can spend more than three weeks nowadays.

/13104

CSO: 3400/385 8
MEASURES TO REDUCE UNEMPLOYMENT ANNOUNCED

JPRS*SSA-85»H8

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

Lagos DAILY TIMES in English 25 Oct 85 p 13

[Text] I

SSUANCE of import

licences to bona fide

users, employment

counselling and increase in

vocational training are

some of the measures whtoh

the Federal Government

will pursue to reduce

unemployment in the

country.

Minister of Employment,

Labour and Productivity,

Rear Admiral Patrick

Koshoni, disclosed this at

his first meeting with

representatives of the

Nigeria Labour Congress

(NLCI on Wednesday.

Rear Admiral Koshoni

also told the four-man

delegation, led by NLC

President Ali Ciroma that,

his ministry would also

encourage public works by

direct labour and organised

the labour market so that

job seekers and their

prospective employers can

be linked with minimum

delay.

The minister had earlier

attributed high

unemployment rate to nonfunctional educational

.system, unrestrained

population growth,

"imperfect labour market

and shortage of raw

materials in industries

amongst others.

Real Admiral Koshoni,

however, expressed

concern on high rates of

intra-union disputes in the

courts. He said that

industrial unions should

invest check-off from

workers salaries rather than

spend it on litigation.

On probity and

accountability, the minister

said that some industrial

unions have been collecting

check-off dues from

workers but have not

submitted audited accounts

to the Registrar of Trade

Unions.

He however, praised

industrial unions that have

wisely invested their checkoff funds in viable projects.

Rear. Admiral Koshoni

said that his invitation to

the NLC was in tine with

this administration's policy

of open government.

"Industrial peace is vital to

the nation's economy", he

added.

He assured the labour

leaders that expatriate

quota restrictions will be

vigorously enforced., He

therefore called on the NLC

to put forward suggestions

on ways of achieving further reduction of expatriate

personnel in the country.

Replying, NLC President

Ali Ciroma called on the

Federal Government to see

the labour movement as

genuine partner in the

struggle for the nation's

economic survival.

/13104

CSO: 3400/386
AGE LIMIT FOR NATIONAL in CARDS LOWERED

Kaduna NEW NIGERIAN in English 27 Oct 85 p 1

[Article by Lekan Odunjo]

[Text] NIGERIANS from the

age of 10 years and

above would be given

the National Identity

Cards, Minister of Internal Affairs, Lt.-Col.

John Shagaya, has

said.

The minister said during

a courtesy visit to the

Governor of Kwara State.

Wing Commander Mohammed Umaru. yesterday

that with the reduction in

the age limit of those eligible to hold the identity

cards, it was imperative

for state governments to

mount a vigorous campaign

to make the issue a success.

He said that such laudable

programmes might not succeed without serious education and propaganda

because many people might

misconstrue it as a way of

bringing more people into

the tax net.

The minister now on a fourday visit (o Kwara Slate requested the state government

to embark on programmes

/13104

CSO: 3400/384

that would facilitate the provision of rural areas with

necessary amenities like

•valer. light and good roads so

as to give Nigerians living at

border towns a sense of

belonging.

He pointed out that a situation whereby Nigerians living

at border towns enjoyed these

facilities through the hospitality

of neighbouring countries was

fraught with danger.

The minister also urged Governor Umaru to assist contractors

handling Federal Government

projects especially llorin Prisons

to get building materials at

government shops.

He explained that this would

help in reducing costs of such pro

jects. '

Replying, the governor assured

the minister that (he present

government in Kwara State was

committed to the development of

rural areas.

He also told bis visitor that he

S.-,00k to» the possibility of

ass.st.ng contractors handlmg

government projects to buy

Seiic"«8 r0Ugh «

over" n.

. Earlier. Lt.-Col. Shagava while

rispec-t.ng the llorin Prisons had

frowned at the overdramatisa

bon of the problems confronting

the country's jail houses bv

prison officials.

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

10
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

BABANGIDA DESCRIBES ASSEMBLY PLANTS AS DRAIN ON FOREIGN CURRENCY

Lagos DAILY TIMES in English 28 Oct 85 pp 1, 12

[Text] /"GOVERNMENT policy

VJand action on the estlishment of assembly plants

will be reviewed. President

Ibrahim Babangida said in

Kuril at the week-end.

^y expressed dissatisfaction with the

duplication, waste and

heavy burden on our

'foreign reserves caused by

proliferation of assembly

plants in the country.

Major-General Babangida

said that the provision of alternative employment and

the re-direction of resources which will arise

from the review will receive

priority attention.

The president made

these observations in his

address to 40 graduands of

the National Institute for

Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), at Kuru, near

Jos.

He said: We shall listen

with sympathy to any

proposals to manufacture

the parts instead of continued importation and assembly.

To this end, he said,

we should take steps to cut

/13104

CSO: 3400/386

the red tape and end the

period of delay to avoid the

death of any scheme before

it was realised.

Also, he said, the Federal

Government should give

the strongest support and

encouragement through

incentives to attract and

promote local and foreign

investment in industry and

agriculture.

Strongest emphasis

would also- be laid upon

those proposals which

would ensure the creation

of jobs and employment on

a large scale in the shortest

possible time and added

that no effort would be

spared to protect our economic independence.

President Babangida

assured that he would

amplify these economic

issues and other economic

sacrifices which would help

to save Nigeria in his 1986

budget speech.

He also promised to

redress the imbalance in

development between rural

and urban areas of the

country and ensure a better

standard of living for the

majority of our citizens in.

rural areas.

General Babangida

reminded Nigerians that a

change in leadership of the

country did not mean an era

of return to social irresponsibility.

He made it clear that the

Armed • Forces Ruling

Council (AFRO would

apply with unremitting- determination and zeal the full

force of its own authority to

impose national responsibility and discipline.

This, he said, would be

done through the due

process of the law and remarked that jungle justice

was not part of the better

society.

The President said that

many people have lost confidence in some of our

public institutions and assured the nation that the

AFRC would soon hold,

closed - door meeting with

leaders of public institutions.

The president later addressed a combined parade of

armed forces and the police

at Rukuba Army Cantonement before he left for

Lagos. ,

11
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

MINISTER MUSA CALLS FOR INDUSTRIAL POLICY REVIEW

Kaduna NEW NIGERIAN in English 24 Oct 85 pp 1, 3

[Text] Minister of Industries, Alhaji Bunu Sheriff Musa, had said Nigeria's

££££ S2T4ed t0 be reviewed in the li8ht of happenln8S in the

rl^ull *

Unu*a±*h

\

wou"cal1 a meeti

ng of state Commissioners for Trade and

in1üs8tr1aei p^icT M^ *"*" m°

dalitleS f

" »-tructuring our

?• ^A ^ZtT11 t

n Lag°S after an »"scheduled visit to Volkswagen of Nigeria

Limited (VON), that not much of the vehicles assembled here were sold here,

they are exported with little or no licence." '

He said the Federal Government was going to take a decision on whether to

continue with vehicle assembly or to rely on importation.

lt^LX\z;^trd for a review of the nation'

s technicai a*

Alhaji Bunu has ordered (VON) on Tuesday to recind its price increases on

three vehicles manufactured by the company within 24 hours.

The minister said the unilateral price increases had made nonsense of the

presence of government in this country.

?residenthIbr^MrrK ""fj T^ all°

Wed t0 8

°

unnoticed> Particularly when President Ibrahim Babangida had announced a 15-month economic emergency and

the burden of such increases would be felt by the common man.

Alhaji Bunu said the company should have waited for government's decision on

its request for price increases, adding "you need to convince government

before you can revise prices".

wLr<£Vi

n8 y

?V 2t

h

?T Wlthin Which t0 make P

ubllc y°ur decision to comply with government's decision on the matter," the minister told the Managing

Director of the company Mr. Laus Von Bothmer.

12
The minister told newsmen after the visit that VON would compy with the

government's order, adding if they fail, government might be forced to take a

more drastic measure in the interest of the people of the country.

"If need be, we will have to close it down because the government should

follow the appropriate channel of communications especially in this case where

the government has 60 per cent share in the company.

Alhaji Bunu siad that it was unfair of the company to apply the effect of the

global economic recession by using this year as a case year irrespective of

the company's past profits in Nigeria since its inception in 1975.

The Managing Director of VON had briefed the minister and his entourage on

some of the problems facing the company, its contribiton to the national

economy and its production capacity.

Mr. Von Bothmer said the company's problems included those of insufficient

licence in relation to local demand, little confirming lines for letter of

credit, power failure, and gradual adjustments in the value of the Naira.

Commenting on the government's order, Mr. Bothemr said the company had no

choice but to comply, adding "24 hours is 24 hours, we will look into the

matter and at the end of the day, a fair judgment would be reached."

Last week, VON announced new prices for three of its brands. The new prices

pushed up the cost of a beetle from 6,595 Naira to 7,355 Naira, and that of

Santana from 15,645 to 16,645 Naira while the Kombi bus was hiked from 11,649

to 12,455 Naira.

/13104

CSO: 3400/385

13
LABOR REQUESTS REMOVAL OF FORMER ADMINISTRATION APPOINTEES

Kaduna NEW NIGERIAN in English 22 Oct 85 p 9

[Article by Abu Tapidi]

[Text] THE Gongola State Government has been urged to remove

all people who were appointed into various offices during the

defunct civilian administration

as well as retired civil-servants

still in the employment of the

state government.

The state branch of the Nigeria

Labour Congress (NLC) claimed

that, since the civil service, was

the bed-rock of any administration, it was expected to be properly organised, co-ordinated and

free from political, ethnic and

religioussentiments.

A statement signed by Isa

Umar and Ibrahim Zakari stated

that, despite persistent reports on

the situation to former administration, no'thing was being

done.

According to them, the civil

service could not be said to be

free from external influences

based on sentiments in the state

and nothing short of drastic action would save the situation.

The NLC officials also requested for the reabsorption of all

people believed to have been

wrongly retrenched in addition to

halting further retrenchment in

the state.

They requested the government to provide vehicle loans,

housing loans and other forms of

incentives to the workers as to

motivate them for enhanced productivity.

They also urged the government to lift the embargo on

employment because of the increasing rate of unemployment

especially, graduates and others

from higher institutions in the

country.

On the various taxations and

levies, they called for a halfin the

compulsory deductions, adding

that, certificates of recovery

should be issued in respect of the

deduction already made by the

government.

According to them, it would be

easy for the government to refuse

the IMF loan than to control or

manage the social upheaval and

chaos that would come along with

the loan.

They pledged their loyalty and

support to the government so as

to improve the economy as well

as the wellbeing of the populace.

The officials said, "the council

is optimistic that, this administration will uphold its open

door policy and that the NLC will

be consulted on all issues affecting workers in the state."

/13104

CSO: 3400/381

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

14
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

INCREASE IN NATIONAL PETROLEUM CONSUMPTION REPORTED

Kano SUNDAY TRIUMPH in English 20 Oct 85 p 1

[Article by Leke Salau]

[Text] Amidst the debate on the merits and demerits of the governments

withdrawal of petroleum subsidy, statistics just released show that

consumption of all petroleum products has shown general increase in May over

the April level.

According to current issue of the monthly "Nigerian Petroleum News,"

consumption of fuel oil rose from 65.176 million litres to 90.762 «ill*«*

litres during the period while liquified petroleum gas LPG increased by 10 per

cent from 4,038 tonnes to 4,441 tonnes.

Reports also stated that consumption of lubricating oil rose by 8.3 percent

from 13.138 million litres in April to 14.224 million litres, while kerosene

recorded a 6.4 per cent rise from 148.684 million litres to 158.149 million

litres.

Bitumen/asphalt and automative gas oil (AGO) also recorded 3.8 per cent and

0.7 per cent increase in conduction from 9,294 tonnes and from 188.694 million

litres to 190.044 million litres, respectively.

However, premium moter spirits (PMS) recorded a decline of 0.3 per cent from

438,984 million litres to 43.565 million litres during the period.

The Petroleum News further reports that in May, all the products except (AGO)

and LPG showed increases over the levels in the same month last year.

Consumption of AGO dropped by 3 per cent and LPG decline by 31.4 per cent

during the one year period.

The news also reports that Nigeria exported 53.174 million litres of oil

including about 3.5 million litres to neighbouring countries in May.

Export on kerosene also rose form 3.744 million litres to 4.358 million litres

in May but PMS dropped from 428,000 litres to 33,000 litres and AGO from 5.095

million litres to 155,000 litres.

The report stated that the aviation turbine kerosene accounted for about 4

million litres on kerosene exported in May.

15

/13104

CSO: 3400/385
GOVERNMENT OIL SUBSIDY FIGURES

Lagos DAILY TIMES in English 26 Oct 85 p 7

[Text] -*-HE Federal Government

f upends about !»800

million yearly as subsidy on

180,000 barrels of oil

consumed daily.

The revelation was made

""ring an IMF debate organised by Mercantile Bank in

Calabar, Cross River State.

The proponents argued

that the subsidy on petroleum has made Nigerian petroleum products cheap thus

encouraging massive

smuggling and bunkering of

Nigeria's petroleum products.

They dismissed the excuse

of poor performance of past

fMF loan beneficiaries as irrelevant contending that tne

implementation strategy and

timing of the Joan in Nigeria

might not necessarily be the

same else where.

"However, the opponents

of the. loan argued that while

the nation could adopt some

of the conditionalities, we

should reject the loan.

They gave some alternatives to the loan.

These include, rescheduling öf Nigeria foreign debts

in such a way that no mom

than'20 per cent of Nigeria's

yearly foreign exchange

/13104

CS0: 3400/386

earnings would be used f<

debt servicing.

Federal Government

should encourage Nigerians

resident abroad to buy and

transport to Nigeria, capital

equipment which are vital to

the economy.

Federal Governme/it

should sell bonds at the international capital market and

the proceed; used to finance

the execution of capital projects.

Marketing boards should

be/eorg|ni7f(l through rationalisation of price system and

the adoption of multiple

exchange rates.

The Federal Government

should intensify action on

counter trade with adequate

controls for the purpose of

financing core capital projects such as petrochemical

industry and liquefied natural

gas.

The communique issued

after the debate, however,

said that argument favoured

Nigeria accepting the loan

conditionalities without

taking the loan.

According to the com

munique, the conditionalities

would serve as the basis for a

programme of national

economic survival.

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

16
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

STATUS OF COMPUTER TECHNOLOGY, INDIGENOUS CORPORATIONS

Lagos BUSINESS TIMES In English 21 Oct 85 p 14

[Article by Onyedinachi Paul Ironkwe]

[Text]

FORMERLY, there'

wer«s only three

major computer companies in Nigeria:

IBM'. NCR and ICL. Ali

were foreign owned

and. managed, with

very few Nigerian 'rawmaterials' at the real

top.

Then cam« the indigenisation decree of the

early seventies that

cracked them like boiled

•age dropped from

height. Thing« *•»

apart and the centre no

longer could hold,

v By the late seventies,

non-compliance by some

of the companies and

other developments in

the computer market led

to the birth of the first

'generation of Nigerian

computer entrepreneurs.

. Many capable Nigerians ventured out of the

Comfortable shells of the

big three (IBM-NCR-ICU

to start their own computer

companies: Men like

Godwin' Anekwe, 01»

Oduko, Steve

Famodimu. Tunji Odegbami. Don Etiebet, to

name but a few.

Some even came from

,the classroom like Or.

Odeyemi. Thus was born'

companies like Komplek.

DPMS, Data Science,

JKK and Oebis.

Just as the invention

of the microprocessor

led to the development'

of the microcomputer

market, the indigenisation decree of 1972 was

.the catalyst of the*

Nigerian computer

market.

Today there are close

to one hundred computer

.companies in Nigeria

offering products and

services of various kinds.

It is worth noting that

these Nigerian computer

entrepreneurs have

created more jobs than

those by the original "big

three".

A study of the Nigerian

computer market indicates that 90 per cent oh

these Nigerian owned

companies sprouted up

between 1978 and 1983.

,i\low, the growth rate1

and «van appear to be

declining.

The end of the age of

first generation

computer entrepreneurs'

appear to have come..

These first generation

computer companies

provided necessary services (mostly training

and consultancy), imported and installed computers and provided limited maintenance.

They satisfied the

market needs and

demands of the economy

at that time. The weakness of these first gene

ration computer entrepreneurs is that they are

completely import

oriented in mentality.

The computers are»

imported fully assembled, so are the work

benches and even the

computer covers'. The

books are imported, the

files and video for

training are. also

imported. The only thing

that appears not to be

imported are the endusers.

To really grow faster;

and contribute even

more to the economy,

the computer market in

Nigeria must see the

emergence of a second

generation of entrepreneurs.

These are computer

.entrepreneurs who can'

add-value to the

imported systems,

modify and -improve orr

them. These, second'

generation computer

entrepreneurs üiüst be'

export conscious.

Their motto will be>

"import-improve and,

export" similar to the

17
computer principle

"input-process and

output." Theae Mcond

generation entrepreneurs,

will import chips and

components. design

useful systems and

peripherals and export to

foreign markets.

They'will also where

necessary import parts

instead of .finished products, locally trained

electronics technicians

assemble them and

market them in Nigeria

at less cost than an

assembled imported

system would cost.-

The mentality of the

2nd generation entrepre

neurs will be saturatec

•with these concepts:

Imitate, Innovate,

Produce and Export.

Importation of raw

materials such as chips

& circuit elements is

'then- seen as a step

towards Innovation, pro-f

auction and final exportation. In computer

training and education.

MEMORABLE BYTES

. . . the provision of an adequate guideline on

computer procurement and computer

application is an essential and vital input to

our national economic growth. Indeed the

Nigerian economy took of* from a simple

agricultural base with some attempts to

mechanise and industrialise. At this point in

time there seems to be a downward trend yet

an increasing amount of computer power is

required to assist various sectors of industry

to become truly viable . .'. the time has come

for the government to evolve an economic

model which will gradually move Nigeria away

from perpetual buying to local manufacture of

computers. However, this kind of miracle will

never happen without "the government first

deliberately investing in research and development programmes of higher institutions and

other appropriate bodle« aimed at achieving

such objectives . . .

Excerpt from a keynote address to the

conferenca of the Computer Association of

Nigeria (CAN) held at the Metropolitan Hotel,

Calabar on 11th to 12th May 1984. It was

delivered by Professor S. B. Jaiyesimi,

President of CAN).

the» second generation

computer entrepreneur

will produce computer

assisted instructional

software — courseware,

video-cassette lessors

md tapes on computers

with Nigerians and even

n Nigerian languages.

The second generation

computer entrepreneurs

will activate the software

market in Nigeria,

producing what a friend

of mine calls "indigenous

software" in Nigerian

games, tax and accounting formulas, medical,

legal and government

oackages.

The second generation

computer entrepreneurs

will' translate basic,

coboi.. fortran artti lisp

into WA20BIA - or

Yoruba, Hausa Igbb,

. etc. and bring computing.

to the peoDle.

Studies by the writer

indicate that a nucleus of

ten such companiei

appropriately focused in

certain high-demand

products, could be generating close to »10 million

in foreign exchange

within three years .and

well over M60 millionwithin 5 years.

First signs of the emergence of this new generation of computer

entrepreneurs are already

visible in . places like

Anambra State University

of Technology (ASUTECH)

and the University or Ife

(Unife). At both universities, one can see that the

mentality for the second

generation computer entrepreneur has taken root.

At Asutech and Unife,

efforts are being made to

äesign, assemble and

manufacture computer

hardware and application

products. The recent conference at the University of

Nigeria, Nsukka, on

"Nigeria and the microprocessor" indicates an awakening too.

However, the Nsukka

microprocessor, conference

must go beyond paper pre18
sentations to products

production. We have had

enough learned papers, in

the past. If the universities

must present papers, which

by their set-up they are

obliged to, let their papers

be more conscious of the

problems of the Nigerian

computer market —' like

low to solve the high unemployment of young

computer scientists in a

country not even-producing

enough I .

Let the computer

science, physics and electrical engineering professors

and lecturers present ideasand implementation procedures that will contribute to

Nigeria becoming an

exporter of computers and

peripherals and hence

increase the demand for

their students.

The task of advancing1"

the country into second?

generation computing does

not rest with the universities

. alone. To move into second

generation computing, the

first generation computercompanies must establish

research and development

divisions with the goal of

producing for exports.

Part of their foreign'

exchange allocations must

be funnelled to this end.

The universities, working

jointly ' with these

established companies,

should have their final year

students' thesis projects'

geared towards such

research and development

projects.

Thus the students on

graduation wili have

meaningful exciting jobs tö

continue and develop their

Creative ideas for the good

of file economy.

The Babangida administration should do to the

Nigeria computer market,

what the indigenisation

decree of 1972 did to the

•first generation of computer

.entrepreneurs.

The Nigerian banks and

finance houses must not

just astound us with their

expertise in producing

profits in austere times:

They should invest in the

growth of second generation entrepreneurs and the

creation of more jobs. The

how of this we will discuss

.in the next article. (

/13104

CSO: 3400/384

19
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

MULTINATIONAL SETS PACE IN MERGER DEALS

Lagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 21 Oct 85 p 1

[Article by Arize Nwobu]

[Text] John Holt Nigeria Limited, a multinational that has been in business

for the past 73 years in Nigeria is setting a pace in merger and takeover

deals, a novel phenomenon in the Nigerian corporate world.

A careful observation has revealed that of the nine merger deals (consumated

or attempted), so far noted by Business Times, of which six were handled by

the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) John Holt is associated with

four.

Those handled by the SEC include the Leventis Stores and A.G. Leventis merger,

Lever Brothers/Lipton, John Holt Nigeria Limited/Bauchi Bottling Company

Limited. y

Others are Leventis Technical/Nigerian Bottling Company Limited, United

Nigerian Insurance Company Limited/UNLIC and SCOA/Nigeria Automobile

Industries Company Limited (NAICL).

While the first three were successful the last three resulted in a fiasco.

John Holt Nigeria Limited apart from engulfing Bauchi Bottling Company, also a

few months ago, acquired Ogbemudia Farms in a deal valued at above N5 million

according to sources.

The same John Holt It was also learnt, competed with UACN, SCOAS and other

multinationals in a bid to acquire Continental Pharmaceuticals Limited (CPI)

during the latter's trouble times, SCOA later clinched the deal which has

since been branded a "management contract". The deal entails SCOA managing

CPI s affairs and buying 40 per cent of its shares in addition to marketing

all its products.

Still on John Holt, reliable sources have associated the company to a move to

take over an llorina-based soft drinks manufacturing company Abiola Soft

Drinks Limited (not M.K.O.'s).

20
Abiola Soft Drinks it was learnt, was in need of N500,000 to procure

concentrates for its production in addition to being unable to repay a certain

sum of N2 million loan said to be obtained from the First City Merchant Bank

(FCMB), Lagos.

However, the merger moves according to our source have been dislocated as the

receiver - Misola consultants on Allen Avenue, Lagos was said to have been

advised to opt for a "reorganisation" of the" sick Abiola soft drinks instead

of consumating the intended merger.

In view of the frequency with which John Holt surfaces in merger deals, some

questions come into mind:

One, is it the giant multinational that is often sniffing around for ailing

companies to absorb or merge with, or is it the ailing companies that often

run to John Holt for rescue or total absorption as the case may be?

If the former is the case, what is the motive behind its sniffing about?

Experts hold it that if the later were the case that it tells a lot about the

degree of John Holt's financial bouyancy and may be fine management expertise

which attracted such moribund companies.

Mergers and acquisitions experts believe, is good especially in times of

economic squeeze considering among other benefits, its energy effect (4+4=9).

They however also believe that mergers and acquisitons if not properV

checked, could slowly grow wild resulting to monopolies and oligopolies to the

detriment of budding companies in related products.

In our economy today, the situation has not gone wilde but it could. Infact

it is widely believed in the corporate circle that there abound lots of sick

companies which need to merge, be absorbed etc with other companies with

bigger financial muscles.

Mergers are sometimes shrounded in secrecy, a situation which has led some

observers to speculate that a lot more mergers and acquisitions might have

taken place than met public knowledge.

This migdt be true considering that the view of the SCOA/CPI "management

contract" was a shocker to the SEC's boss Mr G.A. Akamiokhor during a seminar

on the capital market held in Jos, Plateau state last year (see BUSINESS TIMES

8/10/84).

On a general note, there seems not to be presently, a clear-cut guide on the

issue of mergers and acquisitions in Nigeria.

Thus, among other things, it was resolved at a symposium on "mergers and

acquisitions" organised by the SEC last week, "that considering the

non-existence of a formualted and consistent procedural guide to the issue of

mergers and acquisitions, the Securities and Exchange Commission should take

immediate steps to codify a well articualted procedure to be circulated".

/13104 21

CSO: 3400/382
VOLKSWAGEN ORDERED TO RESCIND PRICE HIKE

Kano THE TIMES in English 23 Oct 85 pp 1, 2

[Text ] THE Federal Government yesterday

ordered Volkswagen

of Nigeria Limited,

(VON) to rescind, within 24 hours,

its latest price increases on vehicles

manufactured by the

company.

Making the order during an unscheduled visit

to the company in

Lagos, the Minister of

Industries, Alhaji Bunu

Sheriff Musa, said that

the unilateral price increases by the company

made "nonsense of the

presence of government

in this country."

He said that the price

increases must not be

allowed to go unnoticed,

particularly when President Babangida had

recently announced a

15-month economic

emergency in the country, and the burden of

such increases would be

felt by the common man.

,

Alhaji Bunu said that

the company should

have waited for government's decision on its request for price increases, adding, "you need

to convince government

before you can revise

prices."

"1 am giving you 24

hours within which to

make public your decision to comply with government's decision on

the matter", the minister

told the Managing Director of the company",

Mr. Kiaus Von Bothmer.

Alhaji Bunu said that

it was unfair of the company to apply the effects

of the global economic

recession by using this

year as a "case year" irrespective of the company's past profit in

Nigeria since its inception in 1975. ' . .

/13104

CSO: 3400/384

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

22
ANAMBRA STATE ADOPTS INCENTIVE TO LURE INVESTORS

Enugu DAILY STAR in English 26 Oct 35 p 1

[Article by Gil Ugwu]

[Excerpt] A NAMBRA State

•**• Government is set

to give industrialists a

big assistance, as soon as

they come forward for

any venture, especially in

rural industrialisation

and development.

The state -goü'ernor,

Group Captain Samson

Omeruah, who announced this in a keynote

address sent to the

meeting of Manufacturers' Association of

Nigeria held in Enugu,

on Thursday, invited the

association to take the

opportunity for the

industrialisation of the

state.

He announced a

number of incentives

which include:

•The provision of

industrial estate with allseason road network,

water, electricity and

other facilities suitable

for medium and smallscale industries.

•The provision of simple

project profiles for industrial

project* to .enable prospective

investors take quick decision

•and attract financial assistance.

The intensification of

industrial extension units to

offer advisory services on

technical, financial and

management problems.

•The provision of soft loans,

through the Fund for SmallScale Industries scheme

(FUSS1).

•And, the establishment of

the State Orient Bank to

provide development fund's,

especially to agricultural

ventures.

Governor Omeruah .also

assured the manufacturers that

local raw materials, which have

been their bane, would soon be

Msed off, because the Nigerian

Petrochemical Plants at Warri

and Kadiina would be in full

production by 1986 and would

.provide the needed raw

materials.

/13104

CSO: 3400/387

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

23
ROCHE CONTRACTS FOR NEW PHARMACEUTICAL PLANT

zy November 1985

NIGERIA

Lagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 28 Oct 85 p 2

[Text]

Ac

NEW Managing

/Director has been

appointed for Roche

(Nigeria) Limited, Dopemj

Road, Agege, Lagos Stats.

He is Mr. L. H. M. van

Wilgenbury Tho New

Managing Director

assumed duty on August

20, 1985 and succeeds Mr.

J. M. Westerhoff who has

served the Company for

four years.

Mr. Van Wilgenbury

ioined the Roche Organisation in Holland n 196:3.

He later rose to the post

of deputy managing

director of the Roche Group

'in 1980 and was responsible

for rhe pharmaceutical,

diagnostic, vitamin and

chemical divisions in the

Netherlands.

. Mr. van Wilgenburp was

also resoonsiule tor the

successful ooeratto^s of

Roche in Surinam (South -

America) and the Dutch

Antilles, (Carribeari).

Mr.V'an Wilgenourg was'

a board member of the

Dutch Association of

Pharmaceutical Industries

rom 1982- \S3x

exactly ono montn on

assuming duty in Nigeria,

Mr. Van Wilgenburg has

signed the contract for the

construction of a

pharmaceutical and feed

premix plant within ths

company'.-; head offi:c\

Dopemu Road. Ageg«,

Lagos Stat?. with Mess-f

Inaco Limited, auiidin-j {*

Civil snqineerin;} Contractor.

Th? new managt«-;}

director is of the opinion

that with the Federal Government's assistance on

imonrr licence, floch-j

!i\i'jeri.T( Lim;lTj. w

:

'

:

; ;

ablü n Waie tn-j trail ( ,-

bringing o'.-t t^.vr Ijcsmanufactured proaj-;:s in--,

the Nigwian marker, in thlater part of lätK.

The company's labour

force is expected' to

increase substantially

d;i'in;* this ry*"~- ;.

/13104

CSO: 3400/387

24
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA.

HIGHER PRICES FOR FARM PRODUCE ADVOCATED

Kaduna NEW NIGERIAN in English 25 Oct 85 p 5

[Article by Aliyu Biu]

[Text] PRESIDENT Ibrahim

Babangida has said that prices

given to farmers last year, were

not good for most of the crops

produced and that this would be

corrected.

General Babangida said this at

ian interview with the New.

Nigerian - the first he granted:

any media, since he became

president. He assured that

government would give good

prices to farmers for their farm

produce this year.

The president pointed out that

the country was unable to

achieve self-sufficiency in food,

"because there is something

basically wrong with our strategy

of development." He also assured

that government would review

prices of crops and the strategic

grain reserve programme of the

1970s.

This package is very reassuring, coming from a man who has

the interest of agricultural,

development closest to his heart.

As president, he will do all he

could .to take Nigeria out of its

food problems.

Without mincing words, there

are certain things wrong with our

agricultural development and

most of them border on policy.

One of them was that, those of us

concerned with agricultural production in this country, have for

years been calling for a better

price for farmer's produce in

order to stimulate agricultural

production,.butto no avail.

For example, this year, the

Nigerian Cotton Board (NCB)

said it will pay »800.00 per tonne

of cotton and the Nigerian

Groundnuts Board (NCB) offered

»750.00 per tonne of Groundnuts;

»800.00 for Ginger and N500.00 per

tonne of soya beans. The

Nigerian Grains Board (NGB)

also said it will pay »560.00 for a

tonne of guinea corn and millet;

»510.00 for a tonne of maize and

wheat and »770.00 for a tonne of

paddy rice.

These prices are rather en-,

couraging, considering the time;

energy; resources and imputs

employed by farmers from planting to harvesting period. In other

words, farmers do not quantify

and translate their entire labour

in monetary terms, to enable

them know if their farm produce

is selling at profit or loss. Once

large quantities of grains flood

the market, their prices

automatically drop like what is

happenning now. In the market

place, there is no actual yardstick or guaranteed price for

farmers' produce.

Because of this farmers

became tempted to take their

produce to our neighbouring

countries of Niger, Chad .or

Cameroun, where they Will get

three or four times what is being

offered them at home. Hence, the

rate of smuggling.

Measures taken in recent years

to discourage them from smuggling farm crops out of the country,

25
has only succeeded in making

most of them to resign from farming. This is not because they

don't want to farm, but because if

thev do, the price is not

favourable at home and if they

smuggle it ouCthe law will cafchup with them. So the only option

is to abandone farming and look

forajobelse-wherev . Take the case of the Nigerian

Cotton Board for example.

Throughout my nationwide tour

on farm crops, I hardly saw one

Cotton field out of 200 farms.

Why? Because the price offered

is unattractive.

Even without the outbreak of

the Rosette wiped out 70 percent

cf the entire groundnuts

cultivated this years there is

hardly any farmer that will sell a

tonne of groundnut at 800 naira,

when he knows that the ordinary

market price is 1,500 naira. And if

he smuggles it out, he will get up

to 3,500 naira. So where are we?

Most farmers cultivated maize,

millet, beans and Guinea corn

this year. And signs of a bumper

harvest is apparent all over the

country, as prices of crops have

dropped by more than 60 per

cent.

If this low pricing is allowed by

our policy malcers Xo continue, I

guarnatee you that more than 80

per cent of them will not farm

next year....and we shall be back

to square one - "importing all

sorts of food items which we can

produce. This will further empty

our already battered foreign

reserves, which we a/e all trying

to protect"

In order to stimulate

agricultural production by encouraging more people not only

to farm, but also to discourage

them from smuggling, the FMG

should pay at least 1,000 naira for

a tonne of Guinea corn, maize,

wheat and millet; 1,500 naira for

beans; cowpea and soybeans and

2,000 naira for cotton and groundnuts per tonne. After all, it is better to keep the money circulating

in Nigeria among Nigerians,

rather than giving it to

foreigners, in the name of "importation of foodstuffs to feed the

nation". This way, we can grow

more and export the surplus

grains to other needy countries.

Manufacturing companies;

poultry millers, breweries etc.

should either grow their own raw

materials or purchase all their

new materials requirements

from the FMG agencies, at a subsidised rates, so that finished

goods can come within the reach

of the average Nigerian.

Prices of other crops being sold

in the open markets should be fixed at a reasonable rate. To ensure that these prices are strictly

adhered to, government should

reconsider reviving the price control boards in the states to bring

erring traders to book.

Secondly, the FMG. should

start purchasing farm produce

from farmers from the month of

August and not in November or

December. This will flush the

unscrupulous traders who are now

going from one village to another,

buying up all farm produce from

farmers at rock bottom prices.

Their trade in stock, is to store

away such crops and bring them

out and sell them in November or

December to the state governments. See how the farmers are

being cheated?

Obviously one cannot blame

the farmers. They have their

farm produce at hand and they

needed money so badly to service

urgent problems. And the only

way is take their produce to their

village market days and sell

them at give away prices. This is

where the unscrupulous traders

comein.

To check this anomally, the

F.M.G. should set up depots near

every village market, to purchase crops from farmers on

market days begining from the

month of August each year. If

this is done, actual farmers will'

benefit from government's price

and would be pleased to coutinue

to farm.

/13104

CS0: 3400/382

26
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

NEW HIGH YIELD PALM SEEDS DEVELOPED

Kaduna NEW NIGERIAN in English 24 Oct 85 p 16

[Text] The Nigerian Institute for Oil Palm Research (NIFOR) has developed

early yielding, disease-resistant hybrid palm nut seeds which have a field

potential of 15-18 metric tonnes fresh fruit bunches and 4 to 5 tonnes palm

oil per hectare, per annum.

This is in contrast to the 2 to 3 tonnes of fresh-fruit bunches and 0.5 tonnes

palm oil per hectare per year from the unimproved palm.

These were made known on Monday by the acting Director of NIFOR, Dr. D.O.

Atage, while briefing the Minister of Science and Technology, Prof. E.U.

Emovon, on the occasion of his official visit to the institute in Benin.

Dr. Atage further said that from the selections made in the first breeching

cycle which was recently concluded, elite materials had now been identified

which had yield potentials of 20 to 23 tonnes per hectare of fresh fruit

bunches, adding that these materials would be available for distribution to

farmers from next year.

Enumerating the achievements of NIFOR since it's inception in 1939, Dr. Ataga

said, in the area of coconut research, hybrids had been developed yielding up

to 80 to 200 huts per palm a year.

The hybrids "come into bearing three to four years after planting as against

seven years for the unimproved coconuts", he said.

Dr. Atraga added that, so far, 20 species of Raphia had been distinguished by

NIFOR, of which Pahia Hookeria had been observed to be a very high

wine-yielding palm.

According to him, NIFOR has designed and fabricated, with the assistance of

the FAO and UNDP, a complete set of small-scale equipment to cater to the

needs of the small-scale equipment including 18 complete sets and 10

horizontal digesters had been produced and installed in various locations in

Anambra, Bendel, Imo, Rivers, Cross River, Ondo, Oyo, Ogun and Lagos states.

27
ani tr^r*^^ had

-

te

- —-

iiiiiiräo^ zTr tzfciiiv*the industry in Nigeria at 2-

3

--*

He therefore, called on the country to redouble It's efforts to meet Its

domestic requirements and have surplus for export.

In his speech the minister said he was very happy about the institute's

rnffinfsure Iw ll ^°duc^

hi*h

?

ield Pal* «* coconut trees but also in mafclng sure that their products were processed.

/13104

CSO: 3400/382

28
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

EDITORIAL CALLS FOR STRENGTHENING GEOLOGICAL SURVEY

Kartuna NEW NIGERIAN in English 23 Oct 85 p 1

[Editorial]

[Text] WITH the exception of crude

oil, our other natural resources

buried underground have been

treated with neglect. The geography books are full of references to "mineral resources"

and the disused minefields in

Jos and Enugu are mute testimony to the existence of these

.resources, for as long as we

neglect these resources for so

long shall we continue to spend

staggering amount of foreign

exchange for their importation

as "raw materials". We sure

need to go beyond merely identifying our resources in this

period of economic emergency,

imagine the plight' of the Federal Superphosphate Fertiliser

Company in Kaduna (FSFC)

which, established about nine

years ago, remains incapable of

achieving more than 45 per cent

production. Blaming water and

electricity problems for this

poor performance is shadow

chasing. The real culprit is our

failure to exploit our resources

to our own advantage. It is

unable to live up to expectation

because it suffers from raw material problems also. The phosphate it requires has been coming from Togo at an annual cost

of about two million Naira,

while our much publicised deposits in Ibadan, Umuahia and

Sokoto remain experimental

fields.

It does not look as if we can

be out of the woods in this

respect unless and until the

Geological Surveys Department

is equipped to carry out its

functions efficiently. This department has the potential to

put some reality behind our

dreams for mineral self-sufficiency but as it stands today

even that potential is in danger

of becoming a pipe dream. Its

problems remain equipment

and' material, piven the vastMss of its operational area and

the amount of excavation it

must carry out. it is indeed unfortunate that all it can boast of

are two antiquated rigs of inadequate capacity which constantly break down. We are just

not serious about exploiting

our God-given resources.

If we find it necessary to

organise seminars and

workshops where so much is

said about the location of these

resources and how much in

foreign exchange we will save

by being able to exploit them

we ought to remember that talking alone will not do the trick.

We have to act positively in

favour of the Geological Surveys. The two million Naira we

pay to Togo could, for example,

revamp the condition of

the department sufficiently

enough to make a headway in

its work on the Sokoto phospha29
te deposits. The department

needs budgetary attention and

priority to enable it perform and

give some meaning to self-sufficiency. After all, phosphate is

just one of the many mineral resources this country is known

to have but which have been

persistently imported because

we don't think the Geological

Surveys Department deserves

more than a poor cousin status.

/13104

CSO: 3400/381

30
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA.

SHARP DECLINE IN MILK SUPPLY REPORTED

Lagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 21 Oct 85 pp 1, 24

[Article by Dapo Ajibola and Ted Odogwu]

[Text] The cause of the present-nationwide rise in the price of milk has been

Sntified. A survey conducted by the Business Times, ^^^f^S*

that the market now has only 10 per cent of the national demand for mil*

estimated at 12 million cartons yearly.

The Nieeria National Supply Company, in an effort to improve the situation,

had ingMay this year contracted for a N50 million supply of the commodity from

two foreign companies.

The orders that would be of two brands, 60 per cent of Peek milk, *° P^nt

of Canada best, are expected to be delivered at the rate of 300,000 cartons

per month.

Investigation showed that a carton which comes out of the factory for a price

of N25 now sells for between N80.00 and N85 in the market.

It was reliably learnt that West African Milk Company (Nigeria) Limited

(WAMC0) which has the only factor producing evaporated milk in Nigeria, has

been operating on an average of 50 per cent of installed capacity per month

for some time.

Whereas that company when fully operational, produces 2.5 million cartons over

a period of one year representing 20 percent of the total market demand.

In an interview the Managing Director of the company, Mr. L. F. M. Dahüu«».

disclosed that the company got only 40 per cent of ^^f^ZlJrllTs at

applied for this year. This has restricted the quantity of raw materials at

its disposal.

This situation, the managing director claimed has been responsible for the 50

per cent reduction in production.

31
nLotiatinfwltS6

^

6

^

imp°rtation of r

materials, the company has been negotiating with the government on establishing a fully integrated dairv

project in Plateau State, where already are pockets o/vlabU ca«le farms and

infrastructural facilities that will enable a quick take-off of the project!

tlT^uy'^^

eam °f dairy farmlnS experts have completed feasibility studies on

the N4 million project which is to be co-financed by WAMCO and its parent

company ("Cooperative condensfabrick Friesland W.A.).

When in production, the factory would be wholly fed with fresh milk from its

own farm and the surrounding farms of local farmers who will be given

incentives by the company. given

/13104

CSO: 3400/383

32
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

SHORTAGE OF TECHNOLOGICAL EXPERTS HITS NNPC

Lagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 21 Oct 85 p 24

[Text] Research findings show that there exists a shortage of technologists

in the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC conglomerate. The

shortage runs to 69.3 per cent of the corporation's 4,899 manpower

requirement.

The findings made available to the BUSINESS TIMES in Port Harcourt were

carried out by Dr. Bedford Fubara, dean, faculty of management scxencxes,

Rivers State University of Science and Technology.

Dr. Fubara said that because of the shortage, the country's oil industry

depend largely on foreign technologists adding: "The industry to that extent

is foreign to Nigerians and therefore dangerously foreign dependent .

The gaps between available indigenous manpower and manpower needs of the

industry are too wide that these would require special policy on traxnxng to

bridge.

In the findings, he recommended that government should be required to ensure

that those who are designated technologists are those who hold the Ordxnary

National Diploma (OND) in any technical or engineering study.

These persons are likely to be curious to understand the usefulness of their

inputs in the process of oil exploitation.

He added: "These technologists should be made to pass Oil Technologist Tests

(OTT) to qualify as oil technologists".

Dr. Fubara further recommended that it should be made mandatory on oil

companies to train their technologist in institutions of hxgher learnxng

approved by the Ministry of Science and Technology and the NNPC.

Said the lecturer: "At the national level, it would be necessary to require

that elementary schools de-emphasise conceptual studxes xn the fxrst fxve

years from nursery schools in favour of science and science studxes xnvolvxng

mannual dexterity.

33
"Conceptual studies should be introduced fnr i-v^ ~„„* c*

1985 NNPC CONGLOMERATE MANPOWER NEEDS

No. Area

1« Petroleum Engineers

2. Geologists

3. Geophysicists

4. Engineers (excluding

Petroleum)

5. Statisticians

6. Computer Analysts/

Programmers

7. Chemists

8. Technologists/

Technicians

Grand Total i wi . onn *»3UJ 4,899 3,396

/13104

CSO: 3400/383

Available Requirement Shorta

117

49

33

129

1,527

402

208

210

1,410

353

165

81

2

79

35

279

33

218

34

1,060

180

2,040

146

980

34
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

RAILWAY CORPORATION EQUIPMENT DECLARED OBSOLETE

Kaduna NEW NIGERIAN in English 28 Oct 85 p. 24

[Article by Kola King]

[Text] Most of the locomotives of the Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC) are

due to over-age and high cost of maintenance and in need of new engines or be

written off, a report on the Nigerian Railway Corporation and National

Transport Development, has said.

The report said the employment of the near-dead locos on services, accounted

for the high incidence of locomotive failures in traffic. This problems has

further been compounded by the critical shortage of parts and materials for

maintenance of railway infrastructure.

According to the report, the present stockholding of locomotives is 189. Out

of this number, 72 have exceeded their design life, some by as much as seven

years. The normal service life of a locomotive is between 20 and 25 years,

which technically means that at least one locomotive needs to be replaced

every year.

Besides, the NRC has not purchased new locomotves since 1976 when the last

batch of 50 locomotives were pressed into service.

Also, the report said the programmed requiremnt of locomotives for operation

per day is 148 locomotives but the daily availability average 90 locomotives

per day or 60.8 per cent of daily requirement. 310 locomotives are required

in service to meet traffic projections of 4.9 million tonnes of freight

traffic and 21.3 million passenger journeys by 1990.

On wagons, it said out of the bookstock, of 7,305 wagons only 4,938 wagons are

in serviceable condition for traffic movement. More than 62.8 per cent of the

wagons in service have exceeded their design life 35-40 years, and the

generality of the wagons are unsuitable for the present pattern of traffic •

offering, which now demands the use of container wagons and openable-roof type

of wagons for port-traffic, flats and specially built wagons for conveyance of

billets.

Unfortunately, the report said, no new wagons have been purchased by the NRC

since 1982.

/13104

CSO: 3400/383 35
JPRS-SSA-8.W18

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

NIGHT VISION AIDS FOR ARMED FORCES

Kaduna NEW NIGERIAN in English 26 Oct 85 pp 1, 7

[Article by Shitu Saude]

[Text ] THE Chief of Army Staff,

Major-General Sani Abacha

announced yesterday at Jaji, near Kaduna that the

Nigerian Army would acquire night vision training

aids next year.

General Abacha said the

almost total neglect of night

training in the army was

"one area of serious concern" to him.

The Chief of Staff who

made the announcement at

the closing ceremony of Battalion Commanders Course

held at Nigerian Army

School of Infantry, Jaji urged the commanders to give

more attention to night

training.

He pointed out that the

Nigerian Army could onlv

become an efficient fighting

machine when the units individually and collectively have

attained the desired level of efficiency.

He said while the military institutions,, would provide the

forum to Teach and impact the

basic skills.' battalion commanders should ensure thai these

basic and advanced skills are improved upon through continued

training in simulated operational

environment.

General Abacha pointed out

that as the army was modernising and acquiring newer and

more sophisticated weapons, it

was compelled to recruit more

educated soldiers.

He told the graduands to encourage their troops to grow their

/13104

CSO: 3400/388

own food, but said it should not be

done at the expense of the armv's

primary responsibility.

Furthermore. General Abacha

urged the battalion commanders

to be objective by ensuring thai

only competent soldiers occupy

important posts in the armv saying thiii (he armv "we nie

building could not support

mediocrity".

Speaking of the future. General

Abacha said missions oriented

and cost-effective training wouic'

be vigorously pursued to mainlain (he appropriate state of

readiness.

He asked the commanders to

.keep "uppermost in your minds

at all times" the army's contingency plan for the defence of the

country.

The Commandant of the

Nigerian Armv School of Infantry. Brigadier Mane Malami

Nassarawa, said the main thrust

<>l the institution's efforts during

the three weeks' course had lieen

to prepare the students for the

challenges, ;md responsibilities

ol command.

He said the scope of instruction

comprised lectures bv experts in

various fields, seminars, panel

discussions and demonstrations

covering the Mechanized Infantry Battalion Headquarters in the

held and also the use of amourecl

IH-rsonnel carriers and armour.

Brigadier Nassarawa said that

courses such as the one concluded by the commanders should be

seen as part (>f (he institution's efforts to show up both the qua lit v

and lone of command in the

Nigerian Armv.

36
ABACHA, ALFA TEST FLY NEW BRITISH JET

Kaduna NEW NIGERIAN in English 23 Oct 85 p 16

[Text] CHIEF of Army Staff,

Major-General Sani Abacha,

Chief of Air Staff, Air ViceMarshal Ibrahim Alfa and

some top military officers left

Lagos yesterday for Kaduna

on a demonstration flight

aboard a new British built aircraft from the Hawker Siddley

Company.

The aircraft, a hawker Siddley HS 125, 800 is the latest of

the series of the aircraft in the

market today.

The Federal Military

Government has already acquired two of the HS 125, 700

series.

According to a military

source, the new aircraft was

flown into the country by the

'company for a one-week test

flight.

The source said the aircraft,

which arrived Lagos last Friday, is faster and has a longer

haul and more modern instrumentation than the HS 125, 700

series.

The new aircraft (HS 125-,

800), the source further said,

flies at an altitude of 43,000

feet while HS 125,700 flies at

41,000 feet.

Nigeria, the source said, has

not indicated any willingness

to buy the plane.

The hawker HS 125,800 is an

eight seater, excluding the

crew and sell for about six

million pounds sterling.

/13104

CSO: 3400/388

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

37
BALI ANNOUNCES NEW MILITARY POLICY

Kano THE TRIUMPH in English 22 Oct 85 p 2

[ Text ] A NEW military policy for the Nigerian Army

is expected to be operational "in three months

time, the Minister of Defence Staff and Chief

joint Chiefs of Staff has

said.

Declaring a four day

.seminar on maintenance

in the Nigerian Army

closed in Minna, the

commandant of the

Nigerian Defence

Academy, MajorGeneral Paul Tarfa, on

behalf ofthe ChiefofDefence Staff explained

that the policy would be

based on the recommendations as contained

in its blue print.

The Chief of Staff

observed that the implementation of the blue

print would go along way

.in solving the problems

indentifted.

He implored the Chief

of Army Staff to give the

recommendations the

attention they deserve.

The Defence Chief

was of the view that if a

well planned maintenance service was set up,

it would go along way towards ensuring the • redirection of optimum

value from our equipment in service.

In his vote ofthanks on

the occasion, the Commander of the Training

and Doctrine Command

(TRADOC) Brigadier

*D. Ajayi also observed

that when implemented,

the blue print would go a

long way towards solving

the maintenance problems that has for long beset the Nigerian Army in

particular and the country in general. •

The four day seminar

was organised by the

Training and Doctrine

Command (TRADAC)

of the Nigerian Army

with its headquarters at

Minna, the Niger state

capital.

/13104

CSO: 3400/388

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

38
SUBMARINE FOR NAVY PLANNED IN NEAR FUTURE

Lagos DAILY TIMES in English 22 Oct 85 p 17

[Text] THE Nigerian" Navy may

soon own .a subfharine

ship. Chief, df Naval Staff,

Rear Admiral Augustus

Aikhornu, said in Lagos

yesterday.

Rear Admiral Aikhornu disclosed this when tho British

Army Chief of General Staff,

Sir Nigel Bagnell, paid him a

courtmycaH.

The Naval boss told Sir

Bagnell that although the

Navy realised the urgent

need of the submarine, the

lean times had caused the

delay to acquire one.

He Mid that the Navy has

started to diversify its activities. Admiral Aikhornu stated

that "we are thinking of

gettinflone".

Sir Bagnell, who arrived in

the country in company of his

wife on Sunday, is currently

on a five-day vwt to Nigeria.

Admiral Aikhomu'said'bunVderers and armVad pirates are

of major concern to the Navy.

He told the British Army

Chief that the Navy intended

to commission an air station,

which according to him,

would be very tactical.

"Although it will not be too

large, it.will be enough to

mast oi* requirement", he

said.

Sir Bagnell was accompanied to the office of Rear

Admiral Aikhornu by the

Chief of Army Staff, MajorGeneral Sani Abacha, whom

he had earlier called upon.

The British Army Chief,

who also met with the Chief

of Air Staff, Air Vice-Marshal

Ibrahim Alfa, was told bv the

Air Chief that 80 per ceit of

the Air Force engineers and

pilots were trained in Russia.

Language, Air Vice

Marshal Alfa said, is no

barrier to the Nigerian Air

Force men in Russia

/13104

CSO: 3400/388

JPRS-SSA«85«118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

39
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

NIGERIA

BRIEFS

The

Tuma

^I^SJf^^^^^6'

2

^

111^d°1]arS °" "«»^ ranker, rechristened M.T. Tuma was commissioned by the Minister of Petroleum

Resources, Professor Tarn David-West, in Lisbon, Portugal on Wednesday

tanker, formerly known as Misea Breeze is expected to save the Federal

NiLer?annN t \ *T' I

11'0

"

d

°

Uar8 * ****• A Stat

—" ssued bjthe Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) in Lagos stated that MT

would replace Merryland, which the corporation had hired at 3.8 million"

dollars per year, for a long time. Purchased with an additional cost of 2 «5

million dollars for refurbishment and spare parts M T ta 2 ?« 7

metres long and weighs about 136,100 metVic tolli„ full canacitv It I

store three different grades of petroleum products wtth its" 12 tanks

~*^S^^^£rforA

cocoa'tea and three types °f coff

-

S^^SSe1!

4

^

1"Per t0nne; **""*^^ l,250°Nai"r

;erPeto n°eT;

priSCtor°thrc sh6; IZrlT/s^lllTsT/^ wnt ^

1984/

«

5

ÄA^'Ä— t

FOREIGN ASSETS—The foreien s^ptc «f *->,„ v i .»

rass.72^£T£ ^F^l2^^

banks amounted to over 13 bill ion Nair!^ ?h \J ^

y

in commerical

an increase of 1.4 per n It , the month under review indicating

SL2TB SSS2JT2 SJ3= ^^.i^r-^" s'~

UGANDAN POLICE TRAINING OFFERED—Nigeria has offpr^d * **.„>

-urei

rtflnU8ahedac 'T ? * "° Jf°" " c^SSt %^VJ^v^?** security in the country, Uganda radio reported yesterday. The rad'io said that

40
the offer was contained in a special message from the President, Major-General

Ibrahim Babangida, to Uganda's Head of State, General Tito Okello, on Monday.

The Nigerian High Commisison in Kampala would not however, say how many police

men Lagos was offering to train. Uganda radio said the facilities had been

offered with effect from this year. [Text] [Kano THE TRIUMPH in English 23

Oct 85 p 1] /13104

CSO: 3400/389

41
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SENEGAL

BRIEFS

FINANCING FOR POWER STATION-Dakar, 25 Oct (AFP)-A Senegalese project of

electrical equipment providing for the construction of a new 40 megawatt

diesel power station benefitted from an accord for its financing from

international and African financial backers after a meeting in Dakar

According to an official release, the financial backers, the World Bank,

the French Central Fund for Economic Cooperation, the African Development

Bank, and the West African Development Bank, have reaffirmed their desire

to finance the project up to $60.5 million. The remaining sum of $20.8

million will be supplied by the Senegalese electric company, Senelec. The

ll^T,' I t

Wil1 ^ °peratlonal in 3

y

ea", will include the implementation

and the maintenance of existing installations, as well as a training program

in addition to the construction of the power station. Lines of distribution

and transport will also be constructed. This should enable Senelec to

increase its present capacity which is now estimated ät 180 megawatts

[Text] [Paris AFP in French 1044 GMT 26 Oct 85]

FRANCE ACCUSED OF DISCRIMINATION-TTnited Nations, Geneva, 23 Oct (AFP)-

Two lawyers from Dakar on Wednesday filed a suit with the United Nations

Human Rights Commission in Geneva on behalf of some Senegalese exThffoZ"1611 Wh°.are accusing France of racial discrimination against them.

The former serviceman accused France of having arbitrarily changed their

former pension entitlements, based on the number of their years of service

to France, into simple "benefits" which are no longer geared to the cost

ot living as the French pensions are, and are not transferable at all to

widows and orphans. Mr Babacar Niang and Mr Oumar N'gala Ndiaye, the two

lawyers, stated that a Senegalese ex- infantryman with the same rank and

same number of years of service earns only 38 percent of the retired pav

received by his French counterpart. Arguing on the fact that former

a

Sjd

itl< u

F

°

reign Le8i0n With Eur°Pean °r

igin> stably the Germans,

and Italians, have retained exactly the same pension rights as the French

soldiers. The plaintiffs believe that this is a case of "marked racial

discrimination." [Text] [Paris AFP in French 0817 GMT 24 Oct 85]

/12640

CSO: 3400/352

42
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

AFRIKANER CORRESPONDENT VISITS ANC HEADQUARTERS IN LUSAKA

Johannesburg FRONTLINE in English Oct 85 pp 18-20

[Text] H, I see you are a quick learner,"

Isaid Thabo Mbeki as he watched me

v turn a labelless bottle of Zambian

beerupside down to detect any unidentified

floating objects.

This sentence can land me in big trouble.

For Thabo Mbeki is a person listed in terms

of Section 23 (1) of the Internal Security

Act, 1982, and may not be quoted, even if

he is only passing comment on the state of

the brewing industry in Zambia. But let s

take a chance. Our country does seem to be

getting so much more sane in so many ways.

Turning the beer bottle upside down is

the sort of necessary action you have to

take if you want to stay healthy ii. postindependence Lusaka. You have to go

through similar motions when you speak to

the ANC in their lair and try to determine

what they really think beneath their exterior

of sweet reasonableness.

It is 01h30 and I am sitting in my hotel

room in the Zambian capital discussing

violence with Oliver TamboV heirapparent. Its not "violence" like in

"Hegelian perspectives on . . ." or "Mar

xist interpretation of . . ." but "violence"

like in "bombs going off in Church Street"

and "thugs moving through black

townships killing and maiming innocent

civilians."

That is my perspective and experience of

violence. I live in a white community fearful

of an alleged ANC threat to extend the

armed struggle to the white doorsteps.

But we also talk about the violence inherent in the South African socio-political

system. About the iniquities of apartheid.

About the official who demands to see your

pass, the policemen who burst into your

home, the inferior education and housing

and the castrated feelings of Blacks who are

powerless to change anything.

I do not know much about this perspective. But Thabo Mbeki does, even though

he fled the country as a young scholar in the

early Sixties.

Today the 43 year old Mbeki, the son of

Pollsmoor prisoner Govan Mbeki is the

rising star in the ANC hierarchy. Sussexeducated with roots in both the political

arm of the movement, where he is presently

chief of publicity and information, and the

military wing where he once served as

political officer of Umkhonto we Sizwe.

I found myself, a Boertjie in Oliver Tambo's kraal, going through a strange set of

unexpected developments.

"Why don't you come and visit us

yourself?" Tom Sebina, the ANC's press

officer, said a few days earlier during a

telephone conversation.

I jumped at the opportunity, naturally,

and will do so again. In spite of P.W.

Botha's public rebuke of South Africans

who talk to the ANC. They need not go to

Lusaka to find out what the ANC thinks,

he said at the Transvaal Nat Congress. That

information you sommer get at the Union

Buildings.

Oliver Tambo may not be the government's favourite son but in Zambia he sure

carries a lot of clout. This I found out very

soon after my arrival at the Lusaka airport.

White Afrikaners are not exactly a protected specie in Darkest Africa, especially if

you arrive unannounced without a valid

visa or health certificate. But a few phone

calls later I obtained a temporary permit

when an official announced to his colleagues that I am "the personal guest of

Oliver Tambo."

I arrived in Lusaka on the Wednesday

before the historic meeting between the

ANC and the top South African

businessmen.

On the Saturday morning I found myself

at the ANC headquarters in downtown

Lusaka. I don't know what they do with the

"millions" they supposedly get from the

World Council of Churches or the Swedish

43
government but they sure as hell don't

spend it on capitalist trappings.

"Can the downfall of the Government

and the destruction of the South African

Security Forces really be planned from

here?" I thought to myself when I first saw

the rather ordinary house and the few

buildings which double as conference

rooms.

Comrade Tambo's (yes, they do call each

other "Comrade") beige Toyota was parked outside next to the cream coloured Merc

of the Red Chinese ambassador who was

there to pay his respects.

There are no revolutionary slogans

against the walls. No pictures of Lenin of

Marx or Mao. Here and there a small

picture of Che Guevara and Patrice

Lumumba.

A poster of Robert Mugabe is in dire

need of some stickytape and one of Fidel

Castro exhorts the faithful to carry on the

revolution.

A journalist will feel at home in Tom

Sebina's office. The table is overladen with

unopened newspapers, telexes, letters,

copies of Sechaba and Newsweek (the banned one).

Whilst waiting for my interview with

Oliver Tambo I had a discussion with three

ANC veterans: Mac Maharaj who spent 12

years on Robben Island, James Stuart who

was a Trade Union activist in the Fifties and

Ronnie Kassirls.

Ronnie is a prominent white member of

the ANC. He left the country in the early

Sixties in disgust over what happened at

Sharpville.

I found them, and the rest of the ANC to

be well informed about what is happening

in South Africa although the conclusions

they draw tend to be simplistic and overoptimistic.

For instance they believe there is some

sort of "power struggle" between Law and

Order Minister Louis le Grange and his

deputy, Adriaan Vlok. They also believe

Pik Botha is the front runner in the President's Stakes.

They attach undue importance to incidents like the protest marches by Matiestudents and white schoolchildren in the

Pensinsula. This, they see as telling signs

that white South Africans are "revolting"

against the Government.

Oliver Tambo's own views are tempered

by his many years in exile. I think he knows

that the fall of the Government is not as imminent as some of his younger supporters

may want to believe. But still, his whole

philosophy is based on the belief that this

will happen eventually.

Like his colleagues I think he, too, is

underestimating the resilience of the

Government and the strength of the Security apparatus. I doubt whether they realise

that the security force hasn't even started to

use its real power in combatting the present

unrest.

Some of the older generation ANCmembers are living in the past recounting

bad experiences they had in the fifties and

the sixties. Their conversations are laced

with phrases like "when the Nats came to

power" or "when Verwoerd" did this or

that.

They don't realise that in some instances

they are trying to break down an open

door. They have no idea of the changes that

have come about in South Africa. Quite a

few of the demands of the Freedom Charter

have already been met or are in the process.

But then, the Government's ineptitude in

marketing its political initiatives and the

bureaucrats' and Security Force's sabo

taging of some of these actions have helped

to disguise the changing South Africa to

those who sit and watch in Lusaka.

Make no mistake, the ANC are not a

bunch of angels who want to discuss power

sharing and minority vetoes with P.W.

Botha and his colleagues. Their objective is

not "co-responsibility and joint decision

making" within the the framework of the

Twelve Point Plan.

Don't think you can fool them with

logical positivism or vertical differentiation.

They want power, naked power, and the

complete dismantling of the whole apartheid structure.

, But they are also not a barbaric horde

who wants to smash the heads of white

children against the proverbial oxwagen

wheels. They are very conscious of the role

white people can play in the "struggle" and

in the rebuilding after the "revolution"

They are mindful that the lessons of

Africa, the squalor and the hunger, the

decay and the inefficiency should be learnt

and that this sordid history should not be

repeated in South Africa.

"The.Jrains must arrive on time. The lifts

should come when you press the button and

there should be hot water when you turn the

Up," they are at pains to point out.

On other issues they are more ambiguous:

On violence: The leadership go out of

?SJ.way t0 dispel the rumour lhat the ANC has embarked on a planned action to

attack white suburbs. They do however

concede that it is inevitable that more white

civilian blood will shed as the struggle

escalates. Be

Member of the younger generation I

spoke to, however, made no bones about

44
the fact that white homes and "soft

targets" should be attacked as part of a new

strategy.

The ANC regard their violence as' reactive violence" in response to government

actions. It is therefore a "violence which

will come when white South Africans will

thank the ANC for their actions.

On talks with the Government: The ANC

is not interested in a moratorium on

violence to facilitate negotiations.

They also reject .the government's demand that the ANC must reject violence. It

is the government who should cease its

violence, withdraw the troops from the

townships, release Nelson Mandela and unban the ANC.

This will create a favourable climate for

negotiations to take place with the cessation

of violence as one of the main points on the

agenda.

This may on the surface seem to be an intransigent stance but the ANC points to

historical precedents, including Angola and

Mocamique, where talks took place whilst

hostilities continued.

On the economy: It is obvious to me that

the ANC's original fervour for a socialist

state and complete nationalisation of industries and private property has subsided.

They still talk about the redistribution of

wealth and the breaking up of monopolies

but they also emphasise that a large degree

of private initiative should Vemain.

It is no use to bring only political

freedom to the masses while an injust

economic system remains, they argue.

Thus far the theory. One of my mam

concerns is that we may be overestimating

the influence of the ANC on the masses of

South Africa.

Do the stone throwers and the arsonists

really know about the noble principles embodied in the Freedom Charter? And if they

do, do they care?

Is the ANC not but a mere shell, a convenient vehicle with a good reputation which

is being used by political activists of different persuasions?

If the ANC does manage to take over the

country, which I doubt is possible, how are

they going to handle the sky-high expectations that they created?

What are they going to tell the ckaner at

Anglo American who expects to move into

Gavin Relly's office? That the Freedom

Charter prescribes a non-racial society with

the best qualified man taking the best job?

And the unskiHed miner at WesDriefontein who aspires to be chairman of

the board . . .7 What will a "free and

democratic society" mean to him?

Official ANC rheoric is that the masses

are presently being educated to handle the

aftermath of the " revolution."

But in their quiet moments the exiles ot

the Fifties and the Sixties admit that they

are going to have an almost impossible task

channeling the expectations of the masses.

Already they are having a hard time curbing

the impetuosity and the aggro of the Class

° And the Class of '85 hasn't arrived yet

/13104

CSO: 3400/400

45
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

KEY PERSONALITIES CROPPING UP IN SUCCESSION RACE

London AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL in English 30 Oct 85 pp 1-5

[Text]

President P.W. Botha's embattled government,

bereft of national and international credibility, and

wracked by deep dissent in its Afrikaner ranks, is

unlikely to regain the initiative militarily, politically

or economically.

Though Afrikanerdom has been divided since the

forming of the Conservative Party (CP) in March

1982, the National Party (NP) government kept itself

together, at cabinet level, until March this year when

the police opened fire on black demonstrators in

eastern Cape. Thereafter the government was overtaken by events. Inter-ministerial communication

even within the state security council (SSC), became

unreliable. Botha and his NP colleagues obviously

want to retain as far as possible the loyalty of the

Afrikaner volk. But beyond this familiar objective

there is no agreement on forward planning. The

cabinet is almost in a tailspin. Statements of intent

about abolishing (or "reforming") the Group Areas

Act and influx control are unlikely to result in more

than cosmetic changes. For Botha's presidency is

coming to an end. The party stalwarts know it; so

does the cabinet. The succession race has started

and until it is over the government can be expected

to deploy yet more widely, and more ruthlessly, its

security apparatus.

The longer the succession battle the more difficult

will become the transition to a black-dominated

federal government. The alternatives - an attempt

to maintain white government, or, at the other

extreme, black insistence on a wholly non-federal

black-governed unitary state - will lead to certain

revolution preceeded by prolonged and bloody anarchy, and economic collapse.

Botha has not given any signals about when he

w.ll retire. He might wish to set his successor's

course by promulgating more formulae for replacing

the Group Areas Act, influx control, and even the

Population Registration Act - apartheid's foundation. But it can be assumed that he will retire by the

end of next year at the very latest. His health has

deteriorated rapidly during the past two years, partly

because of the rigour of office for somebody who

will be 70 next January, partly because he is understood to have Parkinsons disease.

It is inconceivable that a successor will emerge

from outside the NP's top ranks. The plausible

candidates arc F.W. de Klerk, minister of national

education and leader of the dominant Transvaal NP

caucus; Gerrit Viljoen, minister of cooperation and

development (black affairs); Chris Heunis, minister

of constitutional development; and Pik Botha, minister of foreign affairs.

Heunis is undoubtedly extremely ambitious. He is

building up his ministry's bureaucracy at an extraordinary pace. A verligte (a "progressive" Afrikaner

as opposed to a verkrampte), he certainly believes

he can formulate the transition to a degree of black

power-sharing. But he is too much the obfuscatory

bureaucrat, and too lacking in either gravitas or

political acumen. He has no power-base. And he

comes from the Caper outside the Transvaal powerhouse of Afrikanerdom. P.W. Botha has tried to

groom him as a successor - but has had little success

because of the above reasons.

Pik Botha is popular nationwide as an effervescent to-the-point character. Though he is a Transvaler, he is not the sort of "organisation" man who

46
builds assiduously a power-base. Besides, as foreign

minister for so long he has not had the time. Nor

can he make up for his lack of a party base by

offering a far-sighted, statesmanlike intellect. The

NP electoral caucus would almost certainly give him

more votes than Heunis, but not enough to win.

Rather, his votes could be used tactically in a kingmaking role, as happened during P.W. Botha's

nomination.

That leaves de Klerk and Viljoen the clear favourites - the first the ultimate among party organisers,

the second a quiet verligte intellectual who almost

eschews the party-cum-committee ethos. De Klerk is

determined, by sheer hard work among the party

stalwarts and MPs, to push his way to the presidency.

Recently he even commissioned two public relations

consultants to write him a detailed campaign brief

on how to win the nomination. Viljoen, on the other

hand, sits back out of the fray, relying on his

intellectual abilities to persuade his colleagues that

he is the only candidate capable of saving the nation.

De Klerk, a former lecturer in constitutional law,

is widely regarded as a predictable character. As a

natural, unoriginal conservative whose whole experience is within the party and Afrikanerdom, he is

unlikely ever to emerge as a national figure capable

of engineering and presiding over traumatic change.

He shows little understanding of black politics or

international affairs. And his abilities as a "strategic" thinker are too limited to gain the confidence

of the verligte members of the South African Defence

Force (SADF) - an increasingly important consideration.

Viljoen is without doubt de Klerk's intellectual

superior. He is highly respected, not least because

he is a former chairman of the Afrikaner Broederbond, and can afford to rely on his reputation for

national support. He is appreciated by some key

senior SADF officers, notably the incoming chief of

staff, Gen. Jannie Geldenhuys. Unlike de Klerk,

Viljoen appears to have accepted the principle of

universal franchise and a federal, multiracial government. His nomination as president might well be

crucial to relatively peaceful change.

De Klerk knows he has to espouse more liberalism

to compete with Viljoen. His public relations brief

told him so. And he is trying to press home his

Transvaal advantage by wining and dining his colleagues as never before. Viljoen, quite apart from his

dislike of popular party politics, is a relative newcomer to the NP elite, and cannot possibly compete

with de Klerk in the Transvaal. Hence the importance

of Pik Botha's vote, for Pik would certainly support

Viljoen.

The most immediate influence on P.W. Botha's

strategy, such as it is, will be the results of today's

five by-elections. If Andries Treurnicht's CP and

Jaap Marais' Herstigte Nasional Party (HNP) win

one or two seats, possibly Bethlehem and Sasolburg,

the NP will be under pressure to postpone further

reform of apartheid, especially if the CP and HNP

gain significantly in the other constituencies. A showing of conservative strength now could well induce

a surge of support from the growing numbers of

poor or unemployed Afrikaners who have not come

to terms with the prospect of power-sharing, let

alone black-dominated government.

The tone of debate in the elections is illustrated

by the party posters. The HNP caption, under a

photograph of a five-year-old blond girl, reads

"Don't repeat Rhodesia for her sake". The NP

poster merely says "Don't shoot. Think". The HNP

then reversed the latter to read "Shoot. Don't

Think".-

Treurnicht is an intellectual crank with a distorted

perception of history and a remarkable lack of

foresight. Marais and the HNP by any standards are

on the lunatic fringe. A CP-HNP alliance could

never gain power because 80% of the Afrikaner

electorate realises that would precipitate almost overnight economic collapse followed by internecine war

leading to permanent Afrikaner emasculation. Any

CP-HNP electoral gain now should therefore be seen

largely as a protest vote.

The NP's first dilemma is that it has no time to

direct its energies to winning Afrikaner hearts and

minds. The interregnum for the NP leadership contest already promises to be a costly distraction. The

NP national caucus meeting called for 19 November

will probably be used to explain P.W. Botha's intentions again rather than unveil new policies. Conceivably he will announce his resignation.

Its second dilemma is less tangible but potentially

more serious: verligte/verkrampte divisions within

the NP's senior ranks - a division that is also

particularly evident in the security forces. At cabinet

level it has quintessentially been an ideological gap,

with law and order minister Louis Le Grange, supported sometimes by transport services minister Hendrik Schoeman and de Klerk, propounding the status

quo. The outgoing chief of staff, Gen. Constand

Viljoen, a gung-ho soldier who prefers jumping

out of aircraft to deliberating on SADF's delicate

political position, has usually strengthened the hardliners' hand. Today, however, as economic and

security conditions deteriorate, the differences of

opinion are increasingly a function of panic.

47
A question of Colonels

Beneath the political appointees in the top ranks,

the security forces are of course meant to be apolitical. However, there is a hard-core of middle-tosenior-ranking officers throughout the army and the

police who make up an often unchallengeable, selfperpetuating bureaucracy, which is far from apolitical. The police commissioner, the youthful Johan

Coetzee, an intellectual by contemporary Afrikaner

standards, is unable to stamp his authority on the

ordinary police, let alone the security police (equivalent of the Special Branch), whose new Cape Town

commander, Brig. Sard Strydom, does not cede

authority easily. The chain of command from the top

simply does not work: area commanders, doubtless

encouraged by Le Grange's continuous praise,

appear to practice a perverse form of internal police

democracy, in which even warrant officers make

important decisions. The Athlone "Trojan Horse"

incident in Capetown, in which police opened fire

from wooden crates, was reportedly the conception

of the local police. Indeed, under the provisions of

the Internal Security Act, the most junior officers

are entitled to decide on the use of firearms.

But the vast majority of policemen do not as

individuals hold deep-seated beliefs in their role as

guardians of the Afrikaner vo/k's rule. They are

often young, poorly educated, over-worked Afrikaners, imbued with the notion that "law and order"

means supressing non-whites by all means. The

national police force, at about 45,000-strong, is

comparatively small. Training in riot-control is rudimentary. (SADF seems to have instituted a slightly

more intelligent training course). And on occasions

now they spend up to 18 hours on continuous duty -

more than double the normal eight-hour shift. It is

hardly surprising that the police fuels so potently

the growing unrest.

Within the SADF there is a similar, semi-autonomous stratum of career officers. It is particularly

noticeable in Military Intelligence (MI), a department

which was built up rapidly in numbers and influence

under its former director, Lt-Gen. Peter van der

Westhuizen, who is now what could best be described

as chief of staff of the state security council From

its training school in a former observatory on the

outskirts of Pretoria, MI has produced a singularly

stereotyped breed of officer, devoid of almost any

experience outside South Africa, and reliant on a

diet of often impracticable, out-dated courses - inhouse or with the assistance of a usually motley

number of quasi-academic Afrikaners. Real-politik

based on real information, especially about events

in southern Africa, is a rare commodity.

The dw.ndhng number of military attaches from

^outh Africa's foreign embassies provides an element

ot realism. But few former attaches relish their cooption .into MI. Gen. Magnus Malan, minister of

defence, and Gen. Viljoen are almost the last of the

military generation which was partly educated in

overseas military academies such as Fort Bragg in

the United States - or even Sandhurst in Britain

The notion that SADF as a whole is the servant

ot the government would be absurd if P.W Botha's

adminstration was more of a collective body For it

is now public knowledge that SADF acts independently of Pik Botha's foreign ministry throughout

southern Africa. In Angola and Mozambique, Mi's

overriding objective of battling against "communism has been at the expense of realistic planning

Without an understanding of local politics, or of

the mdiv.duals involved, such planning is anyhow

doomed.

Thus MI found itself in the embarrassing position

of haying to go through the charade of dealing

publicly WIth Renamo representatives Evo Fernandos

and Jorge Correia. Mozambique is in a state of

anarchy, and MI neither knows what to do or whom

tc»deal with And in Angola, having built up Jonas

Savirnbi's UNITA guerrilla force into a semi-conventional force, SADF finds itself obliged to mount

an almost continuous, very expensive conventional

military defence of UNITA against a FAPLA (Angolan government forces)-cum-Cuban offensive which

uses modern Soviet equipment superior to SADF's

often obsolete equipment (see box).

Since SADF does not take its orders from the

collective cabinet, does it take its orders from the

state security council, or even directly from the

pres.dent? With Van der Westhuizen overseeing the

security council, and given Botha's close relationship

with the military dating from his long stint as defence

minister, it is inconceivable that the president has not

broadly condoned SADF's extraordinary freedom of

action. A 70-year-old head of state like Botha is to

many a godfather figure. His trusted lieutenants tell

mm what he wants to hear.

/MTC^CJ

npUt °f the National Intelligence Service

(NIS), d.rected by Neil Barnard, is a shadow of what

t was in the 1970s, when it was known as the Bureau

of state Security (BOSS), headed by the legendary

Gen. van den Bergh and supported by president

John Vorster. Van den Bergh drastically reduced the

agency s Africa network, believing that resources

could be better used by concentrating on getting

intelligence about countries, individuals and organisations which had a direct bearing on South African

security matters. P W Botha, after he had over eon

Vorster's graceless demise, gave his blessing to MI

at the expense of BOSS.

48
Barnard, an academic from Orange Free State,

was appointed director at the age of 33 by Botha.

It is hard to judge NIS' effectiveness, or to what

extent, if at all, it also operates like an independent

fiefdom. Certainly the feedback from its training

school in Bloemfontein suggests the same sort of

blinkered education as at MI. And some of Barnard's

directives bear the hall-mark of an insular academic

whose approach is often quite inappropriate to the

real job. But NIS is not in the same league as MI,

and is not relevant to the theme that Afrikanerdom,

devoid of ideology or central direction, is in danger

of spinning out of control towards its lowest common denominator: the gun-toting, blinkered Afrikaner who fights all the way to the sea in his effort

to resist black government.

The CP, HNP, Professor Carl Boshoff's Afrikaner Volkswag (AV) and Eugene Terre Blanche's

Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (Afrikaner National

Movement - ANM), in ascending order of extremism, are the open manifestations of Afrikaner

resistance. They accuse President Botha of being a

traitor. Among HNP, AV and ANM members who

read newspapers there are assuredly those who recognise the inevitability of the end of exclusively white

rule. But they are members nonetheless because they

stubbornly and romantically believe in the Afrikaner

cause, and that one day they will establish a quaint

"Boerestaat" exclusively for themselves.

Lost verligtes

So long as Botha's government gave the impression of being cohesive, with a safe, pre-determined

programme of reform, 80% of Afrikaners and perhaps the majority of English-speakers were happy

to support Botha without questioning his authority.

Now that the government is seen to be internally

divided, with Botha back-pedalling, the economy in

a mess and street and township anti-government

violence spiralling, educated verligtes from all quarters are prepared, unprecedently, to challenge his

judgment. While the CP and the extreme rightwing

are attracting some former NP supporters, many

more are moving leftwards, not to the opposition

Progress Federal Party (PFP), but to a new centre

of gravity - to the left of centre. It has little to do

with ideology, but everything to do with frustration

over the government's inaction - above all since

Botha's ill-fated 15 August speech in Durban.

The seizing two weeks ago of passports belonging

to the group of Stellenbosch University students who

had arranged to meet the ANC in Lusaka, resulted

in the most striking illustration of Afrikaner rebellion: a.motion of no confidence in Botha's chancellorship of the university - the cradle of Afrikaner

intellectuals. The establishing in Johannesburg of a

new verligte student body was no coincidence. A

few days later another bastion of Afrikanerdom,

the Dutch Reformed Church, announced a plan to

dispatch to Lusaka a group of clergymen led by the

somewhat maverick Nico Smith.

Yet because Afrikanerdom is divided, and still

dividing, there is no established rallying point for

verligte dissent. The PFP, though led by Afrikaner

Frederick van Zyl Slabbert, has too little back-up

and too few forceful personalities to attract the

splinters from the NP. Helen Suzman, the veteran

PFP MP, is almost an institution in herself rather

than part of the PFP. And only a few among the

PFP executive, such as Tiaan van der Merwe and

Peter Gastrow, are not cast in the mould of comfortable English middle-class liberals - a category that

has scant appeal to verligte Afrikaners. What is

more, the PFP, unwittingly, has got itself into a

cleft stick by forming its convention alliance primarily with Chief Gatsha Buthelezi's Inkatha movement

at a time when Buthelezi himself is increasingly

isolated in black politics.

With this background, it is obviously imperative

that the presidential succession is completed sooner

rather than later, and that it should result in Gerrit

Viljoen's nomination. Viljoen has the authority and

pragmatism to oversee the transition from white

rule - a task in which he would certainly receive the

co-operation of Gen. Geldenhuys, a popular, farsighted general who is thought to have been a PFP

supporter.

Meanwhile P.W. Botha remains holed up in what

has been described as his "fuhrer bunker" in Pretoria's Union buildings. The irascibility he displayed

so consistently when defence minister now returns

with regularity. He. receives advice from a diminishing circle. And his powerful, egotistic secretarygeneral of the presidency, Jannie Roux, controls

access to the president ever more tightly.

Le Grange, the colonels and their juniors in the

police force obviously believe the state has enough

men and fire-power to contain anti-government

demonstrations and riots indefinitely, especially since

last weekend's announcement that the police is to

recruit 10,000 additional men. But the battle is

becoming progressively harder. No longer is there a

cycle of violence, as in the past, when there were

periods of calm. And firearms are being acquired

and used by a growing number of blacks, coloured,

and whites. In the absence of wholesale reform, the

police and the largely conscript army will remain

locked into a losing battle.

Starved of foreign investment and credit, bereft

of official financial reserves and weakened by the

49
/13104

CSO: 3400/390

outflow of private capital, the economic cost of

maintaining apartheid, already intolerable, will

become impossible. The business community has on

numerous occasions made plain its concern at the

government's inadequate pace of reform. Its spokesmen, notaby Tony Bloom of Premier Milling, Gavin

Relly, Zac de Beer and Gordon Waddell of Anglo

American, will certainly persist. But for many it is

too late: the rate of corporate bankruptcies is now

consistently over 100% up on last year's figures.

Clearly there is a limit to the ability of conglomerates

to withstand the erosion of their subsidiaries.

Afrikaners, above all the 20% of them who still

live in the countryside, have an inordinate fear of a

return to the poverty of the 1930s. Three years of

drought has forced many small farmers off the

land. Every few days there are reports of Afrikaner

suicides, sometimes with fathers shooting their families first. Whether in the family or the government,

Afrikanerdom is sailing perilously close to the

apocryphal story of the scorpion which asks a frog

for a ride across the river. The scorpion, to convince

the frog of the reasonableness of the request, says

that it would obviously not sting the frog because

they would both perish if it did. Half way across

the river the scorpion stings. The dying frog asks

"Why?". The drowning scorpion's reply: "Because

I am like that".

50
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BOYCOTT SEEN AS NEWEST WEAPON WITH GREATER POWER

Johannesburg FRONTLINE in English Oct 85 pp 26-27

[Article by Andre Viljoen]

[Text] T

1

P

IHE School boycott was already

seven months old and bullets and

petrol bombs had long become the

order of the day.

But, according to Mr Gladwell

Makhawula, the president of the Cradock

Residents' Association, the white people of

Cradock still believed the policemen and officials who told them that things were

basically alright in Ilingelihle.

"Next to no whites came to the location.

We decided to boycott their shops to try

and make them come and see the real conditions under which we live."

And so, in August 1984, was born South

Africa's first sustained black consumer

boycott. It lasted a fortnight and although

the startled white community in this out-ofthe-way town sent alarm calls buzzing

through official channels, the news was

kept out of the Press.

Another six months passed before

boycotts were launched in Fort Beaufort,

then in Adelaide (where one is now into its

fifth month) and a string of other Eastern

Cape Towns.

Today there is a concerted bid, spearheaded by the United Democratic Front, to

implement trade boycotts throughout the

country.

In each town or city boycott committees

table different sets of demands, ranging

from socio-economic improvements and an

end to petty apartheid to the release of detainees and withdrawal of police and

soldiers from townships.

But according to Mr Monwabisi Mkaza,

a leading black businessman in Port

Elizabeth, the largest city in which the

boycott phenomenon has taken firm root,

there is no guarantee that overt current efforts by white business organisations to

realise some of these demands will stop the

trend.

"This is one weapon that the blacks have

never used in South Africa before and it has

shown that it is effective. I am sure they will

not stop because their demands go beyond

petty grievances to everything that alleviates

the suffering of the black man.

"You see, he has been the underdog for

so many years. Now he feels he must take

part in the economy, politics and

everything."

Mr Mkaza says the East Cape African

Chamber of Commerce have at the request

of the (now detained or in-hiding) boycott

leaders, got township traders to stock up

and get their prices in line with city shops.

This and the fact that residents increasingly

associate their hardships with policemen

and soldiers have popularised the boycott.

Intimidation of residents by boycott proponents, which was common at the outset

of the boycott in mid July has virtually

ceased.

His view is borne out by a recent

newspaper survey which found that the

great majority of Port Elizabeth blacks supported the boycott although it often inconvenienced them. Intimidation was seen

51
to have played a minor role.

But Mr Mkaza warns thai while black

traders were profiting now he fears that

boycott-linked retrenchments in the city

will eventually have a detrimental effect on

black business.

Mr Frank Whiteman, president of the

Port Elizabeth Chamber of Commerce,

which has recently published an antiapartheid manifesto, also says the boycott

poses a long term threat to black consumers

and employers.

He estimates that it has caused an overall

drop of about 60 per cent in trado in white

business in Port Elizabeth, as well as more

ominous retrenchment of staff by smaller

traders.

In East London, the second biggest affected centre, small traders have retrenched

at least 250 workers and the government has

granted permission to cut staff wages by introducing a shorter working week.

Queenstown retailers have the go ahead to

cut employees wages and hours by up to

80%.

Weeks before the Port Elizabeth boycott

started the chamber perceived the advancing threat and urged to establish new communication channels with black staff, says

Mr Whiteman.

"Bui the traders in PE are like those in

Cape Town and Johannesburg who say. it

can't happen to us. Serious reaction from

traders here only began about a month after

the boycott started."

He says the chamber has managed to

restrain some angry traders from hitting

back with anti-boycott measures — as has

been tried in some East Cape centres.

"That would be a dangerous confrontation

set-up and we wouldn't win at all that

way."

The Port Elizabeth chamber's new

manifesto includes calls for black decisionmaking m central government, full participation in the economy for all, a single

education system, phasing out influx and

Pa5 ?.and univerSi«I citizenship for all

Mr Whiteman says the new liberal thrust

began in earnest last October in response to

township unrest and became "more

urgent with the advent of the trade

boycott. The chamber's attempts to talk

with emergent township leaders had been

largely unsuccessful so far and were being

frustrated by the detention of boycott

Elsewhere in the Eastern Cape white

businessmen who since the implementation

of trade boycotts have started venturing into the arena of negotiation with

community-based leaders, are saying the

same thing. "We cannot make any progress

while the boycott leaders are in detention."

After a prominent Port Alfred black

community leader was released from detention in June, the boycott was nipped in the

bud through a process of negotiation. The

chamber of commerce and a newly-formed

employers' federation and local black

organisation pledged to try to establish

mutual trust. They also set out to tackle

unemployment by establishing small

businesses and cottage industries and there

was even talk of black representation on the

Town Council.

And in Cradock where the boycott seed

was first planted and where a new ongoing

boycott was launched at the end of June

after the disappearance and sub> ,-quent

mysterious murder of four black community leaders, an apparently transformed white

business community has launched the most

far reaching initiative of all.

The recently formed Cradock "Employers

Federation, which aims to tackle the

boycott by going to the root of African

grievances and trying to effect a lasting conciliation between the divided white and

black community, has called a remarkable

regional conference of white business and

civic leaders from about seventeen Eastern

Cape cities and towns affected by boycotts

and labour unrest.

"There is a new spirit of awareness in the

White community (in Cradock). Everyone

is aware that things need to change" says

Mrs Faith Collett, Secretary of the Federation.

She says the idea behind the conference

was to formulate a regional strategy on addressing black grievances and the cconor.iic

decline. "Until now each town has been doing its own little tiling."

The Federation had held two meetings

with township representatives but could not

resolve anything because of continued

detention of black leaders.

"We told them we appreciated their formation but until our leaders arc released we

cannot negotiate" say Mr Makhawula.

What are the implications of this new

boycott weapon? More unemployment?

52
Economic ruin for small traders who arc

only pawns in the game? Yes. But perhaps

more significantly it has distanced a growing number of rjrovincial and platteland

businessmen from government policy and

put them squarely with top big business

leaders in the frontline of mobilisation for

political change. #

/13104

CSO: 3400/400

53
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA.

ZINDZI MANDELA TALKS TO REPORTER

Johannesburg FRONTLINE in English Oct 85 pp 36-39

[Article by Denis Beckett]

[Text]

!

' OR four reasons I was not looking

! forward to meeting Zindzi Mandela.

• I anticipated a long lecture about the

evils of the systems and my complicity. I

know the system is evil. I know the whites

are ostriches, fascists etc. It's all true, as

our grandchildren will one day recognise.

But I get tired of hearing it all the time.

• In my name Zindzi's father has been

jailed for a quarter of a century, her mother

endlessly banned, herself deprived of

passport. Warmth is not to be expected.

• The Princess Complex must surely be

big in her, with its normal lousy effects.

Ordinary people who'd be better off as

housewives or schoolteachers get thrust into

prominence by accident of birth and put on

airs and ridiculous self-importance.

• What kind of person gets beaten up

and hospitalised in a matrimonial row? Not

the kind of person I want to know.

So when the appointed time arrives and

Zindzi does not, there was little sorrow.

An hour on, the lady appears. She is so

unflurriedly apologetic — a missed bus, a

misunderstood message — that the prejudices begin to thaw.

After a couple of hours of conversation,

they have been hit by a heatwave.

Mandelahood is a double-edged weapon.

"There is so much expected of me, and

people want me to be a mini Mandela. They

tend to overlook the fact that I might have a

personality of my own." Zindzi has just

gone to the University of Cape Town — a

belated first year, eight years after matric at

Waterford — with an eye to following

father's footsteps into the legal profession.

She went there specifically because she

thought she would be less identifiable than

at Wits. It didn't work. "I had hardly arrived when people were coming for interviews,

People nudge each other and point and

whisper. You feel like a curiosity. It's so uncomfortable. I don't think I'll ever get used

to it. When people are friendly, especially

when strangers are friendly, it's terrible. I

never know whether they are being friendly

just because they are nice. I never know

whether they are accepting me or whether

what they're accepting is Mandela's

daughter, the talking point."

In circumstances, is a political career on

the cards?

"I get thrust into the forefront whether I

like it or not. I don't see myself as belonging at the head, by instinct or by inclination. But I do obviously want to play a role.

Partly of course I feel myself to be the

spokesman of my family, thev being the

silenced people that they are,' and quite

separately as a black female in South Africa

I have to speak up."

Suddenly, Zindzi presents the first of

several odd, strange, surprises.

"Do you mind if I cut my tocnails?" she

asks.

Mind? Well no, or at least that's what

you say. But it is scarcely part of the AngloSaxon heritage to suddenly find the office

turned into a stranger's bathroom. She outs

with a pair of scissors and clips away,

gathering the shearings in her closed hand,

talking on with no greater diminution of attention than smoking a cigarette would involve. Done, she wraps the clippings into a

tissue and packs it away in her bag. Less invasion, of all but convention, than the stubbing of a butt.

Why is it Zindzi who bears the family

flag? There arc two elder sisters, and one

brother. The brother and one sister are

technically half-; children of Nelson's first

marriage, but Zindzi does not employ the

54
distinction. Another brother (half-) was

killed in a car crash 1« years ago while

returning from a visit to Nelson.

"People must find their own directions.

My sister Zeni is married into the Swazi

royal family. That cuts you out of politics

all right — whew". The other two are both

in the Transkei — one a sociologist, one

running the family shop. "They are royalty

down there after all. There are ties and

links, people can't all be expected to just

cut away from everything else because of

political pressures..."

Does it still mean much then, this royalty

story? "Not in urban areas of course,

nobody gives two hoots. But in the Transkei it's all very lahdidah. People who don't

give ä fig about the big political issues take

it really seriously. It's fading away now

among the younger generation, but even

around Urntata a young man will have to

put on at least a pretence of respect for noble families or the elders will give him,an

earful. It's very embarrassing actually.

People humble themselves. You visit some

remote area where they can hardly keep

body and soul together, and they slaughter

for you. Imagine it."

Zindzi reflects for a moment, evidently

on the erratic economics her own noble

status inflicts upon the people furthest

removed from status of their own. Suddenly, the pensive expression gives way to a

peal of laughter. "And there are the

honorifics...my.family has about 30 surnames. You can be dying of thirst, stopped

at a little village after a long trip, an old

granny offers you tea. You're standing

there with your tongue hanging out and

she's holding the tray out to you but you

have to hold back while she intones the

whole list. Oh yes, it has its perils. But it's

still important to the people there. From the

old people you hear much more muttering

and discontent about K.D. (Matanzima,

Transkei's president and Zindzi's cousin)

tampering with tradition than you hear

about him accepting a government-created

post or dismembering the country, and the

things that count in national politics."

The more I talk to Zindzi the less she

comes across as the kind of person who gets

beaten up in a domestic tiff. Hesitantly, I

venture: "I wonder if you'd mind if I asked

you about something very personal...-?"

"Ahah", says Zindzi, swinging her first

in a mock sock at her own eye, "you mean

the punch."

As Barnes' Spreekwoorde told a generation of schoolkids, 'n goeic verstand het 'n

halwe woord nodig. But it didn't say

anything about 'n kwartwoord.

"Yes" continues Zindzi. "That was very

meaningful to me. I learned a lot during

that business and I think some of it is important. I learned about how there are no

support structures, for one thing. You read

about women being battered and so on, but

you don't pay any attention really. It's the

kind of thing that always happens to 'other

people' but then it happens to you and you

find out where society falls down. People

just don't know how to* handle this sort of

thing. They don't know what you need.

"I'm not complaining about my case. As

it happened I personally had quite a lot of

informal support. Of course some of that

was because of the publicity. Back again to

that old 'Mandela's daughter' thing. In fact

that was irritating in all sorts of ways on

this occasion. One was that I was very upset

about people assuming that I couldn't reaily be hurt by a couple of little punches, it

was the media blowing it up because it was

me. Actually I was badly injured. •

"I'm okay now, I'm not emotionally

wounded, scarred on my psyche, and all

that. Idon't refuse to speak to men. But I

did realise quite how little we have in the

way of preparation to be able to handle that

sort of event. I wonder if you'd bring this

up? I do think it's an area where improvement would be valuable.

"Also I was annoyed by the constant

references to 'my husband'. I am not married and never was married. I wonder if you

would straighten out this small matter.

Would you point out that it is not necessary

to be married in order to have a child. He

gave me a beautiful son, for that I'll always

thank him. I now have one ex-boyfriend,

no ex-husbands — will you point that out?

— and a wonderful child, Kalantsho Zondwa."

The name is throughly traditional. As per

custom the first name comes from the

paternal grandfather, who lives in

Pietersburg. It is the Pedi word for a black

branch found in a certain rare tree in the

area. Zindzi is not sure ofthe detail. The second name is chosen, as per custom, by the

maternal grandfather. What does this one

mean? It means something very odd indeed.

It means: "to be hated". Or perhaps if you

like: "the hated one."

After a moment I ask whether it is

reasonable to see in this a suggestion of a

certain degree of embitterment on the part

of the maternal grandfather.

Zindzi is horrified. I've already seen

much of the gamut of human emotions on

her volatile features. Now I see distress.

"No, no, no, no. My father is not like that.

He is not a bitter man, he does not know

bitterness. Read his reply to Botha. Where

is there bitterness? There is anger of course.

55
but there is no bitterness ... In any case

Zondwa is one of our surnames, it's just

traditional, it doesn't really mean anything

at all .anymore, like white people are called

Brown, or Smith, or Carpenter. They're

just names."

Ziridzi pauses. "Still" she says "I'm

always having people saying 'how dare you

name a child that?...' "

A move to safer ground seems in order.

How often does she see her father? It brings

the next surprise.

An enormous grin, a huge embracing

beam. "Aah, it's so wonderful, they allow

contact visits now. Since July last year. It

was so wonderful to touch him. The first

visit I actually sat on his lap the whole time,

like a tiny child."

What do you mean, touch him?

"You know, touch him."

Are you meaning to tell me that you did

not touch your father until July last year?

"Yes, that's right." Zindzi is treating this

as something very matter-of-fact. "Not

since he went to jail, which was when I was

18 months old. I didn't see him in fact until

I was 16."

Perhaps one isn't entitled to get upset

about this. Rules... law and order... prisons

aren't holiday camps. But we all have our

blind spots. There are few things I can imagine harder than being told I may not

touch my kids for 25 years.

Zindzi detected my consternation, and,

unasked, amplified:

The rule was that children under 16 were

not allowed in prison. Her first visit had

frightened her stiff. It was not like not having a father at all. She'd always been conscious of this. At two years old, at three, at

four, people were saying 'Mandela's

daughter'. There was a pride in it, but a

distance. She had been able to correspond,

yes, but her concept was more of a god than

a father. That first visit she was shivering,

trembling, but as soon as it began she actually fell in love with him as a father. He

realised what she was going through, he

drew her into his personality, the grille fell

away from her eyes, the glass between them

disappeared, the listening warders vanished

and she became a daughter. "From then on

I have known him, there are no problems at

all." Silence for a moment, and then:

"But I still don't know how to live with

him, when he comes out..."

July last year was a highpoint. It isn't only touch, it's also sight, full sight. Hitherto

he'd been a shape through the grille, head

and shoulders, now a complete man. She

can show him what she's wearing, they can

see each other's gestures and body

language. It's a whole new dimension.

When he comes out...is that a when or is

that an if? To Zindzi it's a when. The alternative is not allowed to cross the mind.

What did she think of the State President's offer?

"It never meant anything to me. I

dismissed it from beginning. So did

everybody else who knows even the slightest

bit abGut him or has any understanding at

all of what the struggle is about. That was

just rubbish from beginning to end and it

realy surprised me that the newspapers

made such a fuss."

But Zindzi surely must have been torn,

her emotions as a daughter must have at

least in some part wanted him again as a

present, accessible, father -- alright, not

"free" in the full sense, but shall we say

available! Sharing the supper table, like

other fathers, whatever the broader level of

freedom or otherwise?

Not a damn. Instead, Zindzi tells me this

is a very stupid question. And it's a great

tragedy the whites remain so ignorant of

what freedom is about. Not for one second

was she even the littlest bit tempted. She

hadn't thought of it as anything to take

seriously at all.

Zindzi is tired ol this topic by now. This

non-talk about non-freedom. She turns to a

different side of the coin. "I can only

assume that my greatest fortune is that my

mother always had enough love for two

parents."

"Not that I'm boasting", she trills in the

sing-song of mocking a cliche — "but I do

think I am mentally healthy and for that I

have my mother to thank. She's wonderful,

you know. You probably see her as a

political figure, but you must look further.

She is really wonderful. How many grandmothers do you know who roll on the lawn

with their grandchildren? He lives with her,

my son. She treats him as her son. She says

all the children I have will be hers. I am just

the biological passage to give her more

children."

Zindzi's mother is Winnie, Nelson's second wife, a wife for four years and a

prison widow for twenty-five, and a public

figure by virtue of more than just the bearing of the name. In 1977 Government

evidently decided that various banning

orders were not having quite the isolationist

effect desired, and she was expelled from

her Soweto home to the docile Free State

dorp of Brandfort. Why Brandfort? Noone knew, no-one explained. It didn't even

have the supposed logic, in government

terms, of tying in with her nominal ethnic

identity. She knew nothing of the local

language — South Sotho. There was much

outcry about the particular cruelty of this

form of punishment, and much suggestion

that the object of the exercise was

presumably to knock the stuffing out of

Winnie. I ask about Brandfort, expecting at

the minimum a show of sadness. But Zindzi

is full of surprises:

56
"She's got so much going there, she'll

find it really hard to leave, when the time

comes." (When? Again, no if). "She's got

a clinic there, and a creche. There's an

Operation Hunger committee. She's grown

into the community, they've grown into

her. It built her up, being there. The people

were apathetic and hopeless. They'd given

up. The yards were barren. There was no

idea of self-help, no expression "of constructive energy. She's mobilised that place. The

people grow vegetables now, there are sewing groups. It's a different community

altogether. There's excitement. It's vibrant.

She speaks Sotho like a native now, the

whole experience just shows what can be

done. All it needed was a spur, just

something to bring out people's realisation

of their own worth."

What of Zindzi's own political outlook?

Not surprisingly she has been identified

with the "progressive" movement in the

current black political conflict — the faction which in line with ANC tradition and

UDF practice stresses non-racialism, in contrast with the Black Consciousness segment.

I suggest that all the conflict between the

two approaches seems sad; a lot ot sound

and fury to cover up for the fact that

neither of them is making any progress

whatsoever towards its stated goal. Al

we're getting is much frantic governmental

fluttering around the edges of apartheid

while society as a whole drifts deeper and

deeper into a belief in the inevitability of a

coming conflagration.

Zindzi bridles. "That's half their

mistake. It's only the whites who talk about

'coming'. They want to deny that it is

already here; that implies that the situation

is reasonable and tolerable now. It is not.

That is an offensive and racist belief.

"Well, how do we get out of it?"

"We have tried, we have tried to explain

it peacefully, but we are always answered by

violence." '

"The government is scared that it it does

not command the violence it will become

victim of the violence."

"That is such nonsense, such nonsense.

Botha must only look at Mandela's answer

to his offer. It shows how easy peacefiw

transition can be."

"How do you envisage the government

coming to see that, bearing in mind that

they are answerable to the white population

and the whites on the whole believe the

abolition of apartheid means black domination and Idi Amins and a fate worse than

death?" , u.

"Botha must recognise that his power is

illegal. He must come to terms with the fact

that he is not a true leader of South

Africa."

"Can you really expect him to pay attention to that sort of demand?" *

"He should not be there."

"Can you try to put yourself in his shoes,

trying to feel the imperatives working on

him, and see what you would do in his position?"

"No way. I won't do that. That is

useless. 1 can't see why anyone should think

the way he does."

"What you're wanting is a free and nonracial political process where the majority is

free to choose leaders who espouse socialist

principles, is that right?"

"Yes, that's right, that's exactly right."

"What if the democratic majority should

freely elect a conservative government to

power, perhaps a government composed

largely of white people?"

Zindzi is nonplussed, in common with

practically everyone who comes across this

thought Tor the first time. She is clearly

more used to the argument that "the blacks

aren't ready," and takes it that this is what

I am getting at.

"There is this image of majority rule

being like Ethiopia. So what? It will be our

Ethiopia. It has to end up in a socialist

economic structure. That is our value, our

desire..."

"Whose desire?"

"Blacks' desire."

"How can you claim to know what

'blacks' want?"

"People want equal rights, they* want

equal opportunities, they don't want

crumbs and cnanty.

"But they might use equal rights to

choose to vote for PW Botha or to work for

Harry Oppenheimer?"

"What they want is betterment. Most

people don't understand theories, they're

not interested in theories. If a conservative

economic system gave people what they

want, they would probably support it. The

trouble is, it can't give them what they

want, only a socialist system can."

"In the society you foresee, what changes

are there to the lives of the whites?"

"There are no drastic changes, there are

no squatter camps or anything like that.

What they got too easily because of the advantage apartheid gave them will be taken

away. They must work genuinely for the

common society, like all of us."

"If a white man wants his children

educated in the company of other white

children, is that okay?"

"That's very racist."

"Does that mean it's not allowed?"

"No, it's not. There has to be real mixing. We are all here, everything we have

belongs to all of us. You must accept the

society you are part of."

57
/13104

CSO: 3400/400

"Nobody insists that Jewish kids aren't

allowed to go to Jewish schools. If you have

a complete democratic base, then you've

solved apartheid. Why do you have to interfere with people's personal liberty?"

"If that sort of thing should turn out to

be fully democratically acceptable... then

maybe... if no offence is caused..." The

words are coming slower, then there is a

sudden recoup: "But that's just silly

hypothesis, of course that sort of thing

would not be democratically acceptable."

As Zindzi leaves she tells me that she'll

think around those issues. "I'll agree with

you this far," she says. "There's too much

complaining now. We get onto platforms,

we push our fists into the air, we say that we

are oppressed. But now, really, we all know

that we are oppressed. There's too much of

that. We need something new. We need to

find a real way out." •

58
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

CAPE TOWN WHITES FEAR ARRIVAL OF UNREST IN THEIR COMMUNITIES

Kraffpntein Residents Buy Arms

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 27 Oct 85 p 11

[Article by Alan Duggan]

[Text] THE guns are out in South Africa's most beautiful city — and

some of its citizens are getting ready for a showdown that no

one C3.li' win

More and more people are buying firearms to protect their homes

and families in the aftermath of widespread stoning and petrol-

. ^foKriHonÄabout 25km fromcentral CapeTown a^ group of

residents have formed what they call the "Kraaifontein Cml Umt

- a group of armed men who are determined to protect their

«properties' and families.

Their attitude is uncompromising. Says the organisation's founder,

a businessman with a military background:

"We will not stand for another

attack. Anyone who tries to throw

another petrol bomb in Kraaifontein

will end up dead."

Citizen-band radios will link

members of this voluntary force as

they patrol Kraaifontein's streets,

[keeping a watchful eye on homes,

! schools and government buildings

throughout the night.

The "home guard" will be identified by distinctive armbands, says

the group's leader — he doe* not

want to be identified — and, will

employ private citizens' powers of

arrest.

He added: "We are looking for

mature people with security, police

or military backgrounds. We do not i

want gun-happy cowboys or vigilantcs who take the law into their own "

hands.

"In fact, if we find people like that <

we'll report them to the police our- :

selves. We want to help the police — ;

not make their jobs harder." . \"\

Scared i

The Kraaifontein Civil Unit was '

created because residents in the

r" area were scared and angry about"

i recent attacks, said the spokesman.,

' "There was the violence in Windsor Park (an adjoining township),

then stonings and burning tyres onthe Nl highway, and finally the arson attack on Bloch's shopping centre. That was the last straw.

"People will learn that, if they,

attack us again they'll have a first-'

' hand opportunity to find:out if

\ there's a life hereafter."

The organisation has no link with

|. the police or the local civil defence

' body, say its members. Out they

clearly nave rules: recruits are

\ warned of the consequences should

they violate the law.

The leader added: "We'll act

i quickly if we are threatened. We are

; all tired of living in a state of siege."

\ The same sentiments have been

echoed by. other Capetonians as

seemingly random stoning and petirol-bombing attacks continue — often in broad daylight.

. Public anger is running high —

land there is increasing talk of

'armed retaliation among people

who would normally go out of their

way to avoid confrontation.

". For a long time, say observers,

; these white South Africans saw the

rioting as a "Government problem".

To them, the situation was unpleasant and a little frightening, but

as long as it happened somewhere

else ...

Then came the attack on Windsor

Park — and the fragile shell of com-

' placency was shattered.

It was about 8pm on September 4

when barking dogs first alerted residents of this modest suburb in the

Kraaifontein district.

The barking was followed by an

even more alarming sound — a police broadcast warning residents to

stay off the streets.

1 Within minutes, a crowd of black

youths was raging through the

streets, hurling petrol bombs and

shattering windows with a hail of

stones.

Choice

But it wasn't a one-sided fight.

.The intruders had picked on a wellarmed and vigilant suburb.

Windsor Park householders were

?' |uick to respond with rifle and pistol

ire as the mob passed between their

houses. At least two people were

j. wounded.

One resident said afterwards:

' "I've always been a peaceful man,,

but there comes a time when youj

don't have a choice."

The quietly-spoken man added:

"It was the first time I had fired my

gun at anything but a target. I think

most of us fired into the ground or

59
ojrKü-ssA-85-118

29 November 1985

into the air to scare theni off." ^

"It may sound melodramatic,"

said another resident, "but it was a

question of their lives or mine. I had

a family to protect - and I would,

never let them be harmed."

Both residents — they do not want |

to be named - are white South Africans, and the people who threw the

crude but potentially lethal petrol

bombs at their homes are classified

as "coloured".

The Nolan family will never for-i

get their terror as half-bricks thud-'

ded on to the roof and a petrol bomb

crashed into their yard (the crude

device did not explode).

Frightened

Mrs Cornelia Nolan, 75, and her

frightened grandchildren hid in the

passage of their home as the chanting crowd stoned the house.

" Said daughter-in-law Mrs Marie*

Anne Nolan, brandishing her 7,65

mm pistol: "This is the only way I

can protect myself. I don't even allow the children outside the house

any more."

A neighbour, Mrs Yvonne Hoareau, was alone in her home and

watching television when she heard

a dog barking furiously.

"I looked out of the window and

saw tyres blazing on the national

road near my house."

She turned away from the window

to telephone the fire brigade — and

seconds, later a brick crashed

through the window where she had

! been startding. Said her relieved husband, building maintenance supervisor Mr Dougie Hoareau: "My wife,

was lucky." About five bricks were

'thrown at the house.

I Ritual

Now there's a nightly ritual In

Windsor Park. The door locks are

double-checked and the burglar bars

at every window are tested for the

umpteenth time. Security lights are

• switched on and guns are loaded and

/ cocked. The tension Is taking an obvlous toll. Residents are suspicious of

strangers and at dusk the streets are

deserted. Questioned closely, they

admit to fears of a second attack.

.. The Windsor Park attack Is believed to be the first time in a year

of widespread civil unrest In which

residents in a white suburb had ex-

, perienced at first-hand some of the

conflict that rages dally In black

townships.

They found It a frightening and

demoralising experience.

Ädderly Street Unrest

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 27 Oct 85 p 11

[Article by David Jackson, Alan Duggan, Eugene Abrahams and Bennie Van Delft]

[Text]

THE SIEGE of Adderley

Street started with a simple

police round-up operation.

But within a couple of

dizzy hours It became like a

script from a video nastie.

Police Casspirs and water

cannon in action along Cape

Town's main thoroughfare.

Sjambok-wleldlng policemen

in hot pursuit of protesters.

Fleeing black youths —

and some innocent bystanders — cringing under) the

blows of sjamboks. ' '

In historic Adderley

Street, the lurid sight' of

buildings tinged with purple

dye — doused by the riew police "secret weapon".

For white Capetonians

caught In the mayhem, it

brought the Cape unrest vividly on to their own doorstep.

According to one black

youth, groups of youths had

been determined to enter the

city centre "to show whites

what It is like to be at the

wrong end of a sjambok".

It started with humour.

"It's a lovely warm day

and we've made you a little

wet," blared the loudspeaker

from the police Cossplr

cruising down Adderley

Street as drenched bystanders reeled from the first

burst of the water cannon.

Crowds roared their goodhumoured response as if this

Was some real-life game —

with the police showing off

their new toy.

Blockade

Then more ominously

from the loudspeaker: "This

1* your last warning."

Then hundred« of onlookers in Adderley and St

George's streets were diving

for cover as the water cannon made another sortie,

first water — then the purple

dye.

Suddenly the mood

changed.

A black youth a few

metres In front of us beckoned others to join him in

blockading Adderley Street.

For a few terrifying seconds motorists were caught

In the middle as the youths

beat on the car roofs with 1 their fists.

In St George's Street police

moved in as youths overturned two cars and smashed

a shop window.

Cheers turned to jeers as

! riot police with slamboks, batons and protective headgear

made their appearance at the

foot of Adderley Street.

Then the chase was on,

with the "thwack, thwack" of

sjamboks. People fled.

A youth was brought down

by a police sjambok. He staggered into a shop entrance to

loin watching newsmen,

blood gushing from his face.

Police and newsmen were

at loggerheads and tempers

flared on both sides. The

newsmen were warned to

leave. They stayed.

Overturned

But an overseas TV crew

was taken away by police.

Earlier, youths gathered In

front of the Golden Acre

Shopping Centre and sang

freedom songs. The police

told them repeatedly to disperse.

This scene followed an earlier demonstration by a

group of singing women, who

60
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

were dispersed after gathering off Adderly Street.

A mob then moved up Hoot

Street, pelting a meat van

with tomatoes and overturning two others.

The violence appeared to

have started after youths

Were thwarted by police in

their attempts to attend the

trial of three men charged in

the magistrate's courts with

the murder of Police Constable James Farmer.

'; The policeman was beaten

.jto death in Salt River.

i . Then, miraculously it was

over as suddenly as it began.

Had it really happened?

Muslim Extremists Declare Holy War

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 27 Oct 85 p 11

[Text]

Cape;

A BIZARRE and terrifying

cult is adding an ugly new

twist to the wave of (

unrest.

A group of Muslim hardliners — inspired by the Islamic revolution in the Middle East — is reportedly

launching a "jihad" (religious

war) against security forces.'

The radical group sees'

"similarities" between the

fight against an unjust government under the Shan of.

Iran and the fight against;

apartheid in South Africa. ':

At recent incidents of violence and confrontation and

at Cape funerals, chants of

jihad have become increasingly common.

This is said to represent an

extremist commitment to being prepared to sacrifice life

for faith.

The existence of the group,

however, was this week described as "totally unrepresentative" of the Muslim

community.

This week, top Muslim

theologian Sheikh A Najaar

said the frequent clashes of

the past few weeks have seen

people using violence against

police and could represent an

increased radicalisation in

many communities.

He said Islam always stood

for the "downtrodden".

But he said: "Sometimes

the kind of violence being

perpetrated against us does

not allow us to sit back and

turn the other cheek... You

have to fight back."

He said there were people

in the Muslim community

who "derived inspiration"

from the Islamic revolution

in the Middle East and simi-.

larities they seemed to see

between South African police

action in the townships and

the behaviour of the Shah of

Iran's troops before he was

deposed.

He said it had nothing to do

with Muslim fundamentalIsm.

He said Muslims In South

Africa represented only a

minor percentage of the total

population and the fundamentalists an even smaller

percentage of these.

Therefore, the fundamentalists' aim to bring about a

complete Islamic order in

Soutn Africa was an absolute

"pipe-dream", he said.

/13104

CSO: 3400/394

61
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

ANC BELIEVED TO BE MAIN BENEFICIARY OF GOVERNMENT ACTIONS

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 3 Nov 85 p 23

[Commentary by John Kane-Berman, Director of the South African Institute of

Race Relations

[Text]

AMAN who was once

a prisoner in Pretoria,

but was destined to be

a prime minister, said

of the government that they

couldn't make up their minds.

"So they go on in strange paradox,

decided only to be undecided, resolved

to be irresolute, adamant for drift, solid for fluidity, all-powerful to be impotent." '

The words are of course those of Mr

Winston Churchill in May 1939, giving vent

to his frustration at the Chamberlain government's failure to rise to the crisis of the

times. Four months later, England was at'

war with Germany.

Who could dispute that Churchill's words

aptly describe our own situation? To take

but one of his phrases: is it not a strange

paradox that South Africa is racked by its

worst urban violence at the very time

when the trend of nearly 40 years to entrench apartheid has been reversed and

certain reforms are in progress?

Perhaps the strangest paradox is that

the principal beneficiary of government

actions over the past year has been its most

bitter antagonist, the ANC.

Every time a policeman wades into a

crowd of black demonstrators with a sjambok he no doubt makes yet another recruit

for the ANC.

62
Calm has to be restored,

but present law-and-order

methods sometimes seem to

aggravate rather than re-;

duce tensions.

The Government has also

played directly into the

hands of the ANC by attempt- <

ing to blame it for the cur-j

rent violence in various parts j

of the country.

The ANC is unquestionably

doing all it can to capitalise

on the turmoil, but to suggest

that it is the main cause is to

credit it witha logistical caj*

pability it doesn't have.

It has reaped enormous

benefits because of the view

gaining ground in various circles, inside and outside the

country, that talking to the

ANC or releasing Mr Nelson

Mandela from prison are the

only ways to end the violence. Even the State

President's offer

earlier this year

to release Man-'

dela from prison

seems to have backfired.

His demand that Mandela.

renounce violence— on the

face of it reasonable enough — has simply enabled the

ANC and its allies to focus

attention on the acts of violence committed by the police and defence forces in the

black townships.

To overcome our present

crisis and lay the foundations

ofa stable society, the Government needs to create,'

firstly,a climate for negotiation; secondly, procedures for

negotiation; and thirdly,a forum for negotiation.

The initial step required is

a public statement of what

the end-goal of negotiations

is. This would have to bea

statement to the effect that

the Government has irrevocably committed itself to the

sharing of political power in a single parliament according to a constitutional formula acceptable to the majority

of South Africans.

President Botha said at the

Cape National Party congress in Port Elisabeth recently that he was committed to "a united South Africa,

one citizenship, anda univer- . sal franchise. These words

bring us tantalisingly close to

what is required.

He needs to add to thema i

commitment toa single par-!

liament. He could then say'

that the composition of that

parliament, and matters

over which it would have jurisdiction and so on, would all

he on the agenda for negotiation. A commitment to a single

parliament is needed because there is no other way to

remove suspicion that the

Government still believes in

racially separate political

structures for blacks and

whites.

The powers of parliament

could be limited to matters

such as defence, foreign affairs, international trade,

certain kinds of taxation, the

railways, Escom, and the • Post Office; practically ev- t erything else, including edu- , cation, being left to regional

and local government, perhaps in an American-style

federal system. .; Such a declaration of

intent could be issued unilaterally,

but it would need to

be buttressed bya

number of other steps, which

could also be taken unilaterally.

These coidd include the repeal of the Group Areas Act

and the pass laws, immediate

repeal of all the detentionwithout-trial laws, immediate restoration of citizenship,.

and immediate introduction. • of freehold rights.

Some of these measures'

have already been promised, • of course, but have been so;

long in the pipeline that, by'

the time they are fully implemented in the patchy and

i

piecemeal fashion we have:

unfortunately come to know[

so well, their political impact •,

is lost. • .!

The desegregation of the*

CBDs isa case in point. It has1

been recommended, studied, •

investigated, studied again—:»

in fact everything except implemented. By the time it actually happens it will be a

damp squib.

Instead of getting credit

for knocking away another

little chunk of apartheid, the

Government seems ham-fisted and lacking in reformist

zeal.

These other steps towards

the dismantling of apartheid

are necessary because of the

Government's credibility

problem. This has become so

large thata declaration of

intent on its own will be In

danger of being treated like

an announcement by the de- [ fence force that it is observing the Nkomati Accord to

the letter, or is no longer in

Angola.

One other major step

would also be necessary: lifting the bans on the ANC and

other black political organisations.

This would be politically

tricky for the Government,

but the dangers of not doing it

are greater than doing it.

The Government,I believe,

is sincere in its desire to enter into negotiations with

•! black leaders. However, any I such negotiations would be i very seriously handicapped,

;• if not fatally flawed, without ; the ANC. The same would f apply if the ANC's major i rival, Inkatha, was absent. ; The ANC has a degree of. : international legitimacy that

is considerably greater than:

*, the support on the ground in

South Africa that it could actually mobilise and sustain.

Its status asa banned organisation, with its pantheon of

heroes and martyrs, has ! proved to be more than adequate compensation for its

historical weakness on the

ground and the handicap of

being banned. Lifting the ban

would put it back

into the political

market-place . where it belongs. . It would have to sell its polij cies and its strategies like | any other organisation, enlarging its support if it succeeds in selling them, and

losing it if it falls. : Calling for the lifting of the

ban on the ANC is nota plea

on its behalf, nor is it intended to imply that it is primus

inter pares among black or- : ganisations.

It is rathera call for black

South Africans to be allowed

to make democratic choices

without the interference of

the State. . The bans on the ANC and

others should be lifted unilaterally and Mandela and

others should be released

without pre-conditions.

v There is no need to negotiate

terms.

Ifa freed Mandela and a.

de-restricted ANC advocated

or prosecuted policies of violence, the full weight of the

common law could be used

against them. A climate for negotiation

having thus been created, the

next step would be to embark

63
on agreed procedures for negotiation.

This probably means that I once black politics have been ' de-regulated, a period of I

some two years is needed to |

allow black political organi-'

sations that have been

banned to re-constitute

themselves internally asj

democratic parties and to de^;

velop — and market — thei

kinds of policies they would

put forward at a national

convention to draw up a new

constitution for South Africa.

The way to facilitate this

process might be to announce

now a date two years hence

for the holding of an election

of delegates of all races to a

national convention, which

would be the negotiating forum.

There is of course a danger

that the ANC (and other organisations) would refuse to

participate. It is here, possl-;

bly, that appropriate Commonwealth leaders or

leaders of front-line states I

could play a role in encouraging their participation.

However, if the

steps to foster a

climate for negotiation are

. taken, the ANC

would be in a weak position

both internationally and regionally if it remained intransigent.

The best scenario, in my

opinion, would be that during

the two-year preliminary

period, the two main rivals

for power among black South

Africans — Inkatha and the

ANC — come together.

Such a combination would

have influence at a national

convention far greater than

either one on its own. Neither

• on its own is sufficient for a

lasting political settlement in

South Africa; both are necessary.

'If the Government took

these steps, South Africa

could truly turn over a new

leaf.

The alternative is possibly

that some semblance of stability may be restored in the

townships next year - but

this would allow whites again

to become complacent so

: that they would once again be

caught napping at the next

explosion, which will surely

come.

The second half of the quotation from Churchill referred to the Book of Joel,

where reference is made to

"the years that the locust

hath eaten".

South Africa has already

allowed too much time to

pass and too many opportunities to slip away. The T

50s and

'60s, when we had good rates

of real economic growth,

were our own locust years

because we used our resources to pursue the mirage

of apartheid rather than to

build houses and schools and

finance other reforms.

Let us not allow the second

half of the '80s also to be locust years.

/13104

CSO: 3400/399

64
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

REPORT DESCRIBES HORROR OF TOWNSHIP VIGILANTE JUSTICE

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 27 Oct 85 p 19

[Text ] THIS is the face of township vigilante

justice - a man is brutally flogged

after being "tried" in an open-air

"people's court" near Port Elizabeth.

This man was lucky — he was only

whipped. .

But the full horror of the practice was

revealed this week after two men who claim

they were sentenced to death by a "people s

court" sought refuge with the police.

The men, whose identities have been withheld to protect them, said in an interview

with the Sunday Times that they were

flogged in front of spectators after a hearing

of the "court".

Police say the men gave them a vital tipoff that enabled them to swoop on secret

township courthouses this week.

Vigilante violence — some of it reportedly

with a political flavour - has exploded in the

Eastern Cape.

But, ironically, attempts by a group of

political activists to bring an end to vigilante

deaths-by-torching in Port Elizabeth were

shipwrecked this week when police raided

their meeting-place.

Rigged

The "court" that tried the two men was

held in a house, specially rigged to resemble

a proper courtroom, in one of Port Elizabeth's townships on Monday night.

They were each given 25 cuts with a cane

with leather wound round a thin wire cable.

Both men had deep weals on their buttocks

and one had been beaten so badly that chunks

of flesh had been taken out of his buttocks.

Their eyes rolled with fear and beads of

perspiration dotted their foreheads and

streamed down their faces while they spoke.

The men, in their early 30s, said they had

been taken from their homes by people calling themselves "comrades" and brought before the "court" on Monday night.

They claim they were charged with refusing to assist in burning down the home of a

policeman.

They were each sentenced to 25 strokes

and told to report at 10am the next day for

the "necklace*.

"Necklace"

In township patois the "necklace" is the

death sentence whereby people are doused in

petrol and a tyre is placed round the neck.

In a new twist to the "necklace" the victims are now asked to give Rl for "prayer

money".

In exchange for their outlay they are given

a dagga cigarette which is handed to them

once they have been doused in petrol and the

tyre placed round the neck.

They are told to light their own cigarette

and the petrol ignites.

The dagga cigarette is given to "ease the

pain" of the burning.

In the period October 7 to October 21, eight

people — including three women — died

fiery deaths in Port Elizabeth townships.

Police claim they had all appeared before

"people's courts" for various "crimes".

Both men who took refuge with the police

this week had paid their prayer money, but

they did not report for their rendezvous with

death — instead they went to the police and

asked for protection.

They are being held by the police and

treated for their injuries but their fate is

undecided. They will not be able to return to

the townships in safety.

!• It is normal procedure for people to be told

; to report the next day for the "necklace",

according to the police liaison officer for the

Eastern Cape, Lieutenant-Colonel Gerrie

van Rooyen.

, If they don't report they are fetched by

' groups calling themselves comrades.

Police first became aware of the existence

of the "people's courts" in Port Alfred in

February, though vigilante activities by

groups calling themselves peacemakers

have been common in the Eastern Cape before.

Courtroom

The system has spread throughout the

Eastern Cape, and this week police raided

the "courthouse" where the two men were

tried.

65
/13104

CSO: 3400/394

Police claim political groups may have

been responsible for the original establishment of the "courts" but have since lost

control of many of the younger and more

zealous followers.

In one of the "court homes" which police

raided this Week, the living-room had been

fitted out to resemble a courtroom with panelling on the walls made from three-ply,

veneered wood.

A rough replica of the scales of justice was

displayed on the wall.

The only furniture was two comfortable

easy chairs, for the "judge" and "prosecutor , a long, school-type bench for spectators

and a shorter bench where the accused are

flogged.

There is no provision for any defence.

No complaints

The Divisional Commissioner of Police in

the Eastern Cape, Brigadier Ernest

.Schnetler, said that, though police had in the

past been aware of the existence of the "peoSle's courts" and the number of people "sen-

. Miced" to death by them, nobody had come

forward to lay a complaint.

' Police knew of one case In East London

Where a shebeen owner had been sentenced

to 200 cuts. He was treated in hospital, but

refused to lay a charge.

Brig Schnetler said people were too afraid

to lay charges. Police had made a breakthrough this week thanks to the two men who

decided to ask the police for help. .

Last Sunday detectives from the East

Cape murder and robbery squad were surprised when a man they had been seeking on

various charges came to them while they

were working on another case in a PE townj ship and pleaded with them to "lock him up".

'.,

H

i

Mid he nad been sentenced to the

: necklace" and would rather be in police

. custody. .

66
EXILES HAVE ROLE TO PLAY'IN REFORMS

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 3 Nov 85 p 23

[Article by John Hays]

[Text]

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

IT IS clear from President

Botha's recent statements

that the parameters of the

debate are still being defined

unilaterally by the National

party.

But the real issue in South

Africa is not whether

blacks should swim in municipal swimming pools or attend white schools. It is about

power, access to it, control of

it, and the exercise of it.

It is within this framework

that another item should be

firmly placed on the agenda

— that of the Fifth Column,

or South Africans in exile,

and the implications their re-;,

turn will have on any future,

dispensation.

Since the Second World

War, punctuated at particular junctures, 1948,1960,1976,

there has been a slow seep-*

age of South Africans abroad.

This group is very heterogeneous, comprising all ages,,

races and professions.

These voluntary and invol- <

untary exiles found homes in

Sweden, England, Canada,

US, Zambia, Ethiopia, Australia, Soviet Union — indeed

in most countries of the

world.

Figures on South Africans

in exile are understandably

sketchy, and constitute guestimates at best. It is known

that there are tens of thousands in Britain alone.

: Another 12 000 black peo-;

pie are understood to nave

gone into exile durine and

after the 1976/77 disturbances. Of these, 1 BOO took

up scholarships in schools

and universities around the;

world. T

Clearly a sizeable percent-1

age of those who have left,

legally or otherwise, constitute a real brain drain and

are "in waiting", as it were,

for a more opportune political scenario.

Skills

Though the existing skills

base of exiles abroad has

never been researched,

clearly the majority who've

been abroad have managed

to acquire negotiable skills

enabling them to function in

their place of exile.

Others have benefited

from UN, OAU and other

scholarships targeted at disadvantaged South Africans. .

The net result has been up

to a million qualified South

Africans abroad, all of whom

' have a claim on South Africa,

by birth, citizenship, or prior

residence;

Some have severed their

ties for good, and have made

their new domicile their

home. But for many, it has

only been a temporary sojourn. Africa beckons.

My own contact with South

Africans in exile, whether it

be in Toronto, London, Moscow, Addis, Lusaka or Harare, has been that they have

made marked contributions

to their respective countries

of exile, that they demonstrate an uncanny concern

with education and the attainment of qualifications,

and that they have an overriding commitment to return

to a new South Africa.

A long-standing rationale

for continued white rule has

been the standards issue, the

i concern for responsible government, and the contention

that blacks at present do not

possess the knowledge or

skills to run the country. This

' is a legitimate concern.

!.. Though strenuous efforts

have been made recently to

address the skills deficiency

within South Africa, it is apparent that the existing

.' skills' base within the black

! community is appallingly

i low.

Furthermore, white apprehension is continually reaffirmed in their everyday

lives, with the indiscriminate

black-on-black violence, savage burnings, the deference

blacks pay to whites, and

their special lack of confidence.

Exiled blacks possess no

such trademarks. In an open

and competitive market

their return will have clear

implications for both token

blacks and poor whites, who

will have to train and upgrade themselves if they

wish to survive.

At present the private sector is crying out for competent black staff. The time is

ripe for their return.

67
And the exiles will return.

It is just a question of timing.

Rhodesia was the classic situation of too little, too late.

The primary casualties in

the struggle for independence were the rural proletariat and the ex-combatants, who are today

casualties in a different

sense.

They are the ones without

jobs and with little prospect

of finding any. The ex-combatants provided the conditions for independence to be

achieved, but gained none of

the fruits.

The beneficiaries of the

struggle were twofold —

those that sat at home waiting and seized opportunities

when they arose, and those

who remained abroad in exile until timing was opportune for their return.

Had Zimbabwean exiles

been brought into the decision-making process earlier

on much of the human car-)

nage could have been avoided.

The above has relevance

. for South Africa. Those rioting and burning in the current unrest are not the mar-'

tyrs paving the way for a new,

order. They are the real los- i

era. In 10 years' time their j

contribution to the struggle

will be seen as an unpleasant

and embarrassing aberration

In the history of the nation.

South Africa has a much

larger and more competent!

complement in its exiles. It is

time they took their place in

the current reform agenda

and were active in the process of determining the nation's future.

Management

With the current state of

the nation, there is a need for

bold and courageous management.

The good manager Is open,

accessible, often adapts a low

profile, and delegates. From

day one he effectively starts

to write his own demise.

He wants to leave the ship

in a better condition than

when he took it over, and

most importantly wants

successive captains to be

able and equipped to address

the challenges of the next

generation.

The extent to which subsequent generations will look

back positively on this period

In the history of the nation

will depend on decisions taken now.

An essential ingredient In

the recipe for success must

be the Inclusion of exiles in

the decision-making process.

/13104

CSO: 3400/399

68
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

LABOR PARTY NATAL LEADER SAYS EMERGENCY IS JUSTIFIED

Durban POST NATAL in English 6-9 Nov 85 p 7

[Article by Khalil Aniff]

[Text]

THE existence of a state of emergency in

parts of the country was justified because

innocent lives were being lost, the Natal leader of the Labour Party, Mr Albie Stpwman,

said this week.

He was reacting to criticism levelled at the

party for screening a cassette recording of the

unrest situation — especially in the Western

Cape — at its Natal congress at Durban's Athlone Hotel last week. , '.

This was shown shortly before the Reverend Allan Hendrickse, national leader of the

party and chairman of the Ministers' Council

in the House of Representatives, delivered the

main address.

Gruesome details

The 35-minute tape, shown to about 100 delegates, depicted gruesome details on the unrest — burning, looting and deaths — at Uitenhage, Guguletu, Duduza, Inanda and the

University of Western Cape. \ ,, •

Solidarity's spokesman for Law and Order,

Mr Mamoo Rajab, said it was "highly Irregular" for a film cassette of the unrest situation,

apparently taken by members of the South

f. African Police, to be used at the congress.

This was tantamount to "brainwashing" Mr

Räjabsaid.

But Mr Stowman said after seeing the tape

he was convinced that the Government should

intensify the emergency because "many innocent lives" were being lost.

"Judging by the widespread unrest that has

engulfed this country, I am of the opinion that

the emergency should be extended to other

parts of the country as well," he said.

Mr Stowman conceded that just one side of

the story was shown. He said he was disappointed that parts of police action "to restore

law and order" were not screened, i

At the congress Reverend Hendrickse also

defended the emergency. "It is regrettable

that a state of emergency has had to be declared in the areas of Western Cape and the

Peninsula, but I have no doubt that the escala-

, tion of violence and the growing fanaticism

, damaging of property and lawlessness must

have been the deciding factors."

Before Mr Hendrickse's arrival several delegates had intimated they were going to tackle him on the emergency issue but did not

after the screening of the cassette. |

/13104

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69
CLAMPDOWN ON PRESS COVERAGE OF UNREST CRITICIZED

Durban POST NATAL in English 6-9 Nov 85 p 14

[Article by Ameen Akhalwaya]

[Text] LAST month, I wrote about the defective vision of those in power who can see

only one side of story — theirs. Now that

master of Natspeak, Pik Botha, has

come up with a variation — "Tunnelvision".

Mr Botha was referring at the weekend to television coverage of the unrest. One had somehow

' hoped he was referring to his own SABC's coverage

; — or its lack, or one-sidedness — of the unrest.

No, the Minister was referring to the coverage • by foreign TV crews, and defending the Government's ban on them.

Now I am the first to concede that the foreign

media — in this case the Western media — are not

the most impartial in their coverage of significant

world events. Anyone who has studied the American media will tell you that at the drop of a hand

grenade, they slink back into super-patriotic jingoism.

American media coverage of the Middle East,.

for example, is generally so blatantly one-sided in

favour of Israel and against Iran, Muammar Ga-"

daffi and the PLO that the Americans cannot pretend to be objective.

That doesn't in any way mean one supports their

being banned from covering these areas. The solution is to try to break their dominance of world

coverage. i

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH ARICA

This is, of course, easier said than done,

given the high cost of

news gathering.

Our government has

the means to get its

propaganda across. It

has spent — and still

spends — vast sums of

money — our money —;

to give its side of the

story.

Yet it has failed, for

the simple reason that

its actions often show

up the hollowness of its

stated intentions.

Having thus failed, it

resorts to the cheap tactic of clobbering the

Press.

Why?

The answer is obvious: It doesn't want the

r world to see the ugly

face of armed forces

fighting civilians. The

"Trojan Horse" incident

in Cape Town, where

armed forces emerged

from the back of a railway truck to shoot at

stone-throwing civilians

disgusted anyone who

watched it on TV

abroad.

70
Now this incident, according to those who

filmed it* was recorded

purely by chance. If, as

the Government claims,

foreign journalists

"stage" incidents, or

happen to be tipped off

about demos before-

'hand, how does it explain the "Trojan,

Horse" shooting?

Was the TV crew

tipped off by the armed

forces? Was it tipped

off by those who were

shot at?

Obviously not. Now

the Government says

TV crews can still go

into unrest areas after

obtaining official permission. But this means

TV filming cannot be

spontaneous.

It was said in this column when the state of

emergency was declared in July that the

ground was being pre-

;

pared fora military

dictatorship, and the,

banning of TV crews |

from unrest areas ap-1

pears to be another step

in that direction.

Beware when tnai

happens. Take what

happened toa group of

journalists from The

Sowetanlast month.

They stopped ata

watering hole after covering a news conference addressed by the

Minister of Finance,

Barend du Plessis.

According to the journalists

— Len Maseko,

Ali Mphaki, Robert

Magwaza arid Nkompane Makobane — they

had permission to travel in Soweto during curfew hours.

Late at night, on their

way home, they were

stopped by "Security

Forces". They say they

were taken out of their

cars, assaulted, made to

lie face down in the

back ofa vehicle, trampled on, beaten with

rifle butts, sworn at.

They also say they

were forced to address

the "Security Forces" ; as my baas.

And then, they say,a

dog was set on them.

The Sowetan published a picture of Mr Masekö

displaying the bruises

inflicted on him by the

dog.

Now, ifa group of

high-profile journalists

who have access to the

media can be treated in

sucha fashion, what

.might be happening to

other people who don't . have such access? I am not suggesting

that such things are

happening. They might

be happening. That is

the reaction of the person-in-the-street.

It is here where the

ban on TV crews is so

dangerous for the Government. When the

media are pushed out of

sight, rumours arise

and these serve only to

exacerbate the situation.

And it is not only the

TV crews that are affected. The Government

still has powers to seal

off any area and stop

the Press from going in.

It has stopped them before, but some newspapers have often found

ways around it.

It has stopped— or

tried to stop— black

journalists over the

years. Especially in the

60s, it took strong action against black journalists, many of whom

were detained, banned

or jailed.

This process now

seems to be continuing,

but it won't deter the

journalists.

The real fear, of

course, is that having

failed to deter black

journalists, and with the

ban on foreign TV

crews likely to prove

counter-productive, the

Government will make

further desperate efforts to curb the Press.

There are already rumours that it may in- : trodüce super-censors i at newspapers to vet 1 what they want to publish. Given the Government's track record,

those rumours may not

be far off target.

If they are proved to

be true, stand by for the

military dictatorship to

go into operation. Then

heaven help us all—

not just the media representatives. /

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71
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

RAJAB, UDF CRITICIZE CLAMPDOWN OF UNREST COVERAGE

Durban POST NATAL in English 6-9 Nov 85 p 14

[Text]

"The freedom of the

Press, limited and under

threat as it has been, was

one of the few positive

facets of the Government's management of

this country that enabled

our foreign friends to

argue on our behalf for

more time to resolve our

problems, and this step

now most definitely is

another nail in the coffin

for South Africa," he

said.

Mr Rajab said Press

freedom was highly

prized as a partial guarantee of human rights

and was never tampered

with in democratic societies.

' "Now in South Africa,

another Rubicon has

been crossed. The police

censor has been placed

above the editor.

THE Government's imposition of

a blackout on news coverage of

the unrest in the country appeared to have been taken in an

effort fo stop unrest at any cost and

cover up evidence of the methods it was

using to do so, Solidarity said this week.

. Solidarity's spokesman on Law and

Order and Home Affairs, Mr Mahmoud

Rajab, said the move — coupled with

the extension of the indemnity against

prosecution to cover security forces

throughout South Africa — was a new

and far more dangerous form of censorship than has been known before.

Mr Rajab said the effect of the

clampdown would be to prevent people here and abroad from knowing the

full truth of the South African situation.

"Doubtless^ there have

been abuses of media

, freedom, but the Government has over reacted

and thrown out the baby

with the dirty W3ter!"

Mr Rajab said Press

censorship would not arrest what was happening

in the country as the

Press was not responsible for what was happening.

"It is high time that

the Government realised

: this and appreciated the

fact that it is necessary

to deal with the real

grievances of the people

and not suppress reports

of those grievances.

"The beleagured Botha

Administration appears

to have taken a futile last

ditch effort to stop unrest

at any cost and cover up

evidence of the methods

it is using to do so.

"This is sad because

the next step would be

for the once-reformist

government believing it's

own propaganda and silencing every dissenting

voice."

The United Democratic Front's regional secretary, Mr Vunus Mohamed, said the UDF

strongly condemned the

clampdown.

"Using arbitrary and

Draconian measures is

, not going to prevent the

j world from knowing the

facts about South Africa," he said.

"The ban will result in

the foreign public getting

a picture which may not

be entirely true and correct.

"We repeat that the

only way to restore

peace is to dismantle

72
aparttieiq.

"The Government

should start by lifting the

state of emergency, releasing all detainees and

withdrawing the Defence

Force from the townships."

Chairman of the Indian

Ministers' Council, Mr

Amichand Rajbansi, was

contacted twice this

week for comment, and

promised to issue a statement to Pos». At the time

: of going to Press, no'

statement was forthcoming I

/13104

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73
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

WEST CAPE REAL ESTATE BOOM, SLUMP PRESSURES GROUP AREAS ACT

Cape Town WEEKEND ARGUS In English 26 Oct 85 p 3

[Article by Tom Hood]

[Text] A PROPERTY boom in col-'

oured areas and a simultaneous

slump in white property'sales is

one of the strongest-reasons for

the abolition of the Öroup Areas

Act, say estate agents operating

in coloured suburbs.

The belief in property.circles is that

reform commitments and political

pressure will force the'jopening of residential districts in some metropolitan

areas as a result of.the boom-slump

anomaly prevailing in the Western

Cape.

•'The question is when - it's no longer

if, said a property developer.

Many coloured home-owners could easily

afford to buy houses in better areas if they

were allowed to, and supply and demand

would lead to higher prices, says Mr Quentin Pavitt, a leading agent in the Grassy

* «irK 3T63.

"It wouldn't just benefit us or help to appease the radicals. It would stimulate the

economy.

Demand high

Mr Pavitt, an office-bearer of the Institute of Estate Agents in Cape Town, said

the unrest had not led to a fall-off in demand for property in coloured suburbs.

/13104

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Other agents and building societies confirmed that the coloured property market

t was booming as more families were able to

afford home loans and buy houses - most

of them helped by subsidies - and this had

(brought an increase in developments.

I In Mitchell's Plain the end of the pre-1

icmptive period allowed people to sell their

properties and scores were changing hands ,each month.

Mr Harry Lee Pan, managing director of

another large estate agency, said rising

prices in coloured suburbs were entirely

due to the Group Areas Act.

T But the prices were artificial. The Government proclaimed certain areas for coloured people and there

I were more people wanting good houses in those

, areas than there were

houses available.

i

Recession and unrest. 1 had a minor influence.

The boom has encouraged major house builders such as Bellandia

and Disa Homes to

switch most of their

plot-and-plan work to

Mitchell's Plain, Elsies

River, Belhar, Southdene and other coloured

areas.

74
INANDA FAMILIES ALLOCATED HOMES

Durban POST NATAL in English 6-9 Nov 85 p 6

[Article by Khalil Aniff]

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text] ALL the Inanda refugees

who were temporarily

housed at a school in

Verulam have been allocated homes, Mr Baldeo

Dookie, Minister of Local

Government and Housing

in the House of Delegates, said this week.

He said a total of 191

families were housed at

the school and the last

six families were due to

be allocated homes within the week. - .

Acording to Mr Dookie,

all families will have to

vacate the school by November 30 so it can be

prepared for the 1986

school term.

Priority is also being

given now to rehouse the

1055 families, all victims

of the Inanda unrest, who

have been staying with

families and friends since

their homes were destroyed and their belongings looted.

"Our first priority was

to allocate homes to

those who were staying ,

at the school and now

that this task is complete, we are concentrating on allocating homes

for the other families

who have been staying

elsewhere."

Mr Dookie said every

cent of the R28-million

allocated to rehouse the

refugees would be used

to rehouse the 1246

families.

He said the cost of

building each home was

between R15 000 and

R20 000. This included the

cost of land and the laying on of services.

"Much criticism has

been levelled against me

and my department for

the manner in which the

refugees' plight was

being handled. But I had

to negotiate with the City

Council to release the \

homes they had built for

others on the waiting list

so- they could be allocated to the Inanda people.

The Council agreed to release to us the 1246

homes on a priority basis

and we agreed to pay

them the estimated R28-

million cost price so we

could expedite the housing needs.

"The Council, meanwhile, has a backlog of

some 18 000 on its waiting« list and they have

now agreed to rehouse

the Inanda people before

attention is turned to

those on the waiting list,"

he said.

Meanwhile Mr Dookie

emphasised that those

refugees who were unable to afford deposits

would be given homes as

tenants. "They will pay

no deposit, but those who

have an income will be

treated like any other

housing applicant," he

said.

/13104

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75
TWO FAMILIES GIVE OPINION FOR LEAVING, STAYING

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 21 Oct 85 p 12

[Article by Melanie Gosling]

[Text] MIKE and Lindsay van Niekerk are South African-born and raised.

They've never lived anywhere else. '''•:

Their friends are here, their families are here. They went to school,

university and worked here. But in two weeks' time they are leaving for

good-^ emigrating to Australia. '

"Emigration has become one of the main topics of discussion at dinner

parties. They ask is it because of the political situation or the economy?

"But really, for us there is no single answer — there are a whole lot of"

reasons why we're going. Not the least of them is that we feel it is time .

for a change, time to live and work somewhere new and different."

Mike is 30, a journalist, and has been working in public relations for the

past 18 months. And hating it. He is from Cape Town originally and came

to Johannesburg only because he could get a better job.

Lindsay is 28, and works in television production. She came to

Johannesburg from Cape Town after she left school. They have been mar-,

ried for two years.' • •- •

Mike: "On the one hand politics does have a lot to do with it.

There is a sense of impending doom hanging over this country, politically

and economically, which most whites feel and which you can't ignore.

"But the fact that we're going during the state of emergency is just

coincidence really. I had a job offer-before that and we had decided to gomonths ago. But the closer we get to leaving the more we realise just how

much things are falling apart in this country."

Lindsay: "We want to have kids, but there is no way I would consider ,

having children in South Africa. I wouldn't want to bring up a family in an;

environment of bitterness and lack of trust." I

And then there's money. Mike will be getting a higher salary In

Australia and according to his information, will be able to buy a house in

Perth for a third of what it would cost in Johannesburg. And Australia

has one of the highest economic growth rates in the world, he says.

Jobs will be more exciting too. "I want to work in journalism, not lit

PR, but the newspaper industry in South Africa is falling apart."

Lindsay has not got a job secured yet but believes she will have no

problem getting one. "The Aussie film ihdustry is one of the most exciting

and progressive in the world." ' What will they miss about South Africa, what will they lose by leaving?..

Mike: ''We're not your typical northern suburbs type, so materially we ,

have little to lose. As far as my lifestyle in Jo'burg goes, I will miss noth

ing. I can't relate to Jo'burg at all. I will miss Cape Town. I'll miss hiking

in the mountains and the fynbos. In a way I'll miss the feeling of being ;

directly part of what is happening here." r' * '• > -

;

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

76
: Lindsay: "I won't miss South Africa. I'm not wildly patriotic; nor do I

feel I have strong roots in Africa.1 Yet I will miss South Africans. There's a -

familiarity about them, a common understanding among them that I

will miss. In Australia I will be among a completely different tribe of;'

people altogether." •'.• . . ' :

, But the Van Niekerks are not totally rosy-eyed about Australia.

Mike: "We've done a lot of reading about Aüssie and don't have any'

illusions about the place. There are things ^e won't like — there is

apparently a lot of racism there too.. There is also a particular type

of macho ethos among Australian males that would make most feminists'

freak and which I regard as rather daunting. However, hopefully in the

urban environment we will be in, sexism won't be as strong as it is in the

rtirsl 3TC3S

How did family and friends react when they said they were leaving?

Mike: "My' mother was terribly upset. She thinks she's never going to

see us again." He grins. "I try to point Out that the first Van Niekerk who'

came to South Africa in l65i also had to leave home — a sort of 300-year

package holiday. Now I'm doing the same — setting off to live somewhere*

new, somewhere different." r

The reaction of friends has been critical. "Our more right-wing friends'

— the kind who sec you as part of the 'chicken run' - almost consider us

traitors because we're leaving. Why? I think the feeling that because you

are born in one place you should be tied downto it forever is ridiculous.

But then our left-wing friends have also been snotty. They say we've

taken a lot out of this county so we should stick around and put something

back. That's probably true, but there's riot much'we can do.

"We're not politically involved. Rut. that doesn't mean we're not

politically concerned. Iri fact I would sayw? are more politically'

informed "than are most South Africans. But I just believe there is little wc

as white liberals can do to hasten political change. That is in the

hands of the people it affects most, not us."

Lawson Leslie, South African businessman, husband and

father of two, tells why the family is staying.

WE HAVE sat around the dinner tables,, lounges, patios endlessly, all

talking about the same problems. ' ' *

"Where do we go? — United States, South America, back into black

Africa?" ,, . , "

; Discussions which become frustrating, boring and depressing. Never!

any conclusions. Questions always left unanswered.

. With a young family I recently moved back to Durban from'

Johannesburg. We sold our home and the business in which I was involved. '

Now we are a prime target market for all the advertisements on

"Emigrating to the United States the easy way'.'.or "Start a new life in'

Santa Cruz, Bolivia".

,: It's not that our money has little value overseas right now, nor the

dilemma of where to stay. We believe South Africa is our home. South

r Africa is where we are known, where we belong, where we feel part of;

where we would like to build a future for ourselves.

. And then the time came to use our hearts to make THE decision — to

goor tostay. . We have reached this decision after writing down all the cold, logical

possibilities and opportunities.

To help the decision-making, I suggested We travel to other countries to

explore possible locations. But Renee, my wife, expressed it for both of us:

"I don't want to go anywhere. My roots are here. I am an African. For

good or bad. All countries, cities, towns and suburbs have their problems.

Why go a long way, somewhere else, only to inherit their new, different

problems? At least here we know what the problems are!"

Once you decide to stay it makes living a lot easier. The pressure is off.

We feel more settled. We face the future with a positive confidence rather

than living in limbö and waiting — with suitcases and books

half-packed... waiting for something to happen.

77
_ We do feel guilty. For 20 year's we have been the great white

English-speaking liberals who knew it all... and did wSiS We M

hke to hve n a just society where there are opportunäeJr!u UJSta

a mu!irac.al society for us will be OK. As a family we have together

With staying, committed ourselves to playing an active and constrSve

role in making this a better place for all of us : constructive

"To make this decision we went through many stages and individual

changes of view First Renee was strong staying - I was for going

The next day, vice versa. All views fluctuating with dinner partie/wHh

noting becoming common place on TV; with Press articles JH«

brutality; and with President Botha's speech CS °" P°

,,Ce

; Also affecting our daily views and high on the "conflict" iist were our

children and our security. What about the children' Two bovs three and

five. Thev.are.of a perfect age tö inherit a new, count Bufas parente

we wouldhave had to accept the burden of living in a fofcigS counS We

would have had to give up our family, friends and country y*

But we don't want our children to be brought up in America Oermanv

; or England. We'd rather they are brought up fn Sou«, AflK «AS"7i

Should we take them'away to a Hew country and spare them the

win h

n

P

eSnS

arT„df1ah^

er °f

?

ghting? Maybe'yet th*se and other Sit cs will be part of their growing up, no matter where they are. Why run to

new areas of fighting? We might never stop running <

Y

>. As a family, our lifestyle does not include heavy security. Our doors and ' windows are always unlocked and open. We will have to change. 1^ not a

fighter and fear the prospect of bloodshed. We'll have to take things as

they come and do something about them. • .

K

•

_ What will our way of life be in five years? It will have changed; we will '

I have to accept changes. We as whites won't have all the say; hopefully we 'will have some/. •'.- • •:• • • . . .'

'ui Som^

b,aclJ,s

T win carr

y resentment about us for a long time We can't :

blame them. We as a family, feel we owe it to blacks to say firstly, sorry

•We should have talked louder, acted and become more involved earlier

,i„ IT0*

y,Wa

A

tch

, US'

6ivc us a chance

-

We fecI sure ma"y- many people =

iln SA feel sincerely committed to one South Africa, where we all have a

• place in the sun. , .

e a

i-v My writing is jumbied, as if with no planning. This is exactly how we '

fand many others have gone through or are going throuph the crises to -

! make THE dedsion. We now feel good about the decision we have made .

Its behind us. We hve for the present and the future, with our heritage sand past as our roots. ' u. «ui.neuidge

We are confident and excited about the next five, 10 and 20 years We're •

ichrrently m the process of buying both a business and a home With the

•children growing up we believe we'll have a lot of fun in South Africa

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78
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JPRS-SSA«85«118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

TRANSKEI BANISHES SIX FORMER DETAINEES

Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 8 Nov 85 p 2

[Text ] SIX prominent Transkei figures, all closely associated with a recently murdered political activist, have been banished to remote areas of the

homeland. One of the six. is a prominent lawyer

in the area and specialises in political trials.

The six arc: Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza, the law-J

yer based in Umtata; Mr

Lungisile Ntsebeza. his

younger brother and a

prominent businessman

in C a I a; Mr-Monde

Mzimbi; Mr Meluxolo

Silinga; Mr Zingisa

Mkhabilc and Mr Victor

Ngaleka. All were released from detention a

week ago.

Their detention follows the political assassination of Mr Bathandwa i

Ndondo, who was killed

last month by men travelling in a kombi shortly

after they had taken

him, claiming to be security policemen.

Several sources in the

Transkei claim the men

are policemen but the

Government has not

confirmed this. Instead

the Government has announced that a murder

charge is being investigated.

The six were closely

linked to the dead man.

The Ntsqbezas were his

cousins.

Mr Ntsebeza (the lawyer) yesterday said he

•was detained shortly

after issuing a Press

statement that the five

others had been de-

/ tained because they

were potential witnesses

in the trial.

"Since my detentionon October 8 to October

31 I was never interrogated. A policeman who

had come to me told me

they were not interrogating me because they

knew there was nothing

to ask me about. I Ie said

they were acting on

orders from above.

"When released on

October 31 it was not

because of the goodness

of their hearts, but my

wife had brought an urgent application to the

Supreme Court, "['hey

then released me and

have accepted payment

of the costs." he said.

According to Mr

Ntsebeza one of the policemen was heard telephoning a major in Umtata and said words to

the effect that a Mosthad fired three of the

shots.

A lieutenant in Cala.

where the shooting took

place, also told the

younger Mr Ntsebeza

that the police knew

who had killed Mr

Ndondo.

Mr Ngaleka, is also

reported to have seen

two of the people who

had shot Mr Ndondo.

One had his shirt soaked

in blood while the

kombi used was full of

blood.

79
TRANSKEI POLICE FREES UDF'NATAL CHAIRMAN

Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 1 Nov 85 p 16

[Text] THE Natal chairman

of (he United Democratic Front, the Rev

Mccbisi Xundu, was

released from detention in the Transkei

this week.

But the UDI' in Durban, which has been in

organisational disarray

since the Government

clamped down on them,

will not be able to draw

on Mr Xundu's r e -

sources and will have to

elect a new chairman because he has been transferred to Pent Elizabeth.

Mr Xundu was detained by the Transkei

security police a few

clays after he was released from five weeks'

detention at the hands

of the Durban Security

Police.

Shortly after his re-'

detention he was admitted to hospital in the s

Transkei and remained

/13104

CSO: 3400/392

there until Monday

night, when he was discharged from hospital.

Lawyers

Lawyers had prepared

papers for an application by the Anglican

Church to the Transkei

Supreme Court to have

Mr Xundu's detention

order declared invalid,

but he was released

from detention before

the case could be heard.

Mr Neville Greenham, Natal diocesan

secretary of The Anglican Church, confirmed

Mr Xundu's release

from detention.

Mr Xundu has been

the Anglican parish

priest in Durban's La-,

montville township for

about four years, but

during his detention he

was transferred to the

diocese of Port Elizabeth where he will be a

hospital chaplain.

«JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

80
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

AID PROGRAMS FOR CISKEI VILLAGES UNDERWAY

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 29 Oct 85 p 31

[Article by Jo-Anne Richards]

[Text]

To villagers near Keis-

'kammahoek in Ciskei a

."Gift" from the north has

•brought them a real

'chance of survival.

;' Mrs Glendyr Lorentz,

-or "Gift" as she has beicome known to her Xhosa

neighbours, is originally

from Johannesburg. But,

unlike many of her former townsfolk who think

Ciskei is the back of be-

'yond, she finds its possibilities immensely excit-

;ing and satisfying.

' Married to a farm

manager, Mrs Lorentz

was initially struck by

the "desperate poverty I

saw there — the wasted

malnourished chldren

with dull, sunken eyes".

Working through social

structures, she set out to

discover the villagers'!

greatest needs. They expressed desperate needs1

for easily reached water,

enough food, work close

to home, development of I

skills for small busin-1

esses and home indus-i

tries and education for

their children and themselves.

"My particular interest

was in starting a pre-'

school programme," she

said."After six months we

could show community

leaders and mothers an

enormous change in the

children. After that,

many villages asked for

help in starting schools

and 45 are now serving

2 000 children."

Each village provides

' a building and eating implements. Mrs Lorentz

arranges for selected

teachers to be trained

and given ideas on what

can be done with very little.

"As an example, we

make much use of cardboard boxes. You see,

boxes can be houses,

stoves, beds or tables to

children."

Food is provided by

Operation Hunger and

prepared by mothers.

Healthy food and early

stimulation, says Mrs

Lorentz, have given them

a big start in life.

"Once we were brought

;a three-year-old who

couldn't walk, talk or

even smile. She would sit

quietl£wiUijMjiken^eyes,

still using a nappy. Six

months later, she was

'still small but she could

walk, talk, run and play."

By providing adults

with training in knitting,

weaving and leather

work, Mrs Lorentz was

instrumental in starting

home industries and

small businesses in many

villages.

Others businesses, such

as coffin-making and carpentry and small-scale

chicken-farming, are

.being organised.

Community vegetable

gardening was another of

the villagers' ideas to be

fuelled by the expertise

she provided.

, "If I can't provide the

.skills they ask for, I bring

,in someone who can," she

isaid.

Malnutrition and another scourge of the area,

TB, can be diagnosed

early as most children

are now continually

checked.

"Lay health workers

from the community visit

each house to pick up

problems of health, poverty or family planning.

"Our health workers

1 once discovered a TB sufferer with an unemployed wife, who couldn't

afford the bus to the hospital. His children went

to school hungry each

day.

81
"They were able to collect his medicine each

week and assist his wife

in joining a home industries group. In her first

month she made R37,50, a

great improvement."

Mrs Lorentz is immensely optimistic about

what is being done in Ciskei. --

"We can provide the

expertise to make villages self-sufficient to

some extent. The children have a better start

in life and no-one starves.

"I love the work. It can

be so satisfying to see big

changes in a community."

/13104

CSO: 3400/392

82
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

EAST LONDON DRYDOCK READY FOR SHIPPING AGAIN

Port Elizabeth EVENING POST in English 25 Oct 85 p 20

[Article by George Young]

[Text]

IF required, the East

London drydock, thanks

to the construction of a

caisson, can be used for

shipping again.

The floating dock, employed in Buffalo harbour

while the drydock was

unserviceable, is destined

for employment at Richards Bay, thereby saving

tugs the passage to

Durban each time underwater attention is required.

South African drydocks

are an essential piece of

equipment for international shipping, but

they do not assure profit.

Like a city hospital, they

constitute an essential

facility for the use of clients, and the ports would

be inadequate without

them.

Durban's big dock remains the busiest on the

coast, it being situated at

a terminal port. Princess

Elizabeth Dock at East

London was intended as

an overflow dock for the

Durban facility, and like

all other drydocks on the

coast it was erected as a

wartime necessity, but

has never paid its way.

The big Cape Town

dock was built in the Second World War ostensibly

to cater for the "Queen"

liners, and the big aircraft

carriers shut out of the

Durban dock which had

been built in the First

World War for battleships.

SATS has tried to interest shipyards in a proposal for their taking over

the drydocks — which run

at a permanent deficit —

but the terms offered by

"the Government were unacceptable to private enterprise, which would still

have to accept the decisions of the respective

port captains as to which

ships used the dock. And

the Administration craft

had to be given priority.

Unfortunately, the evolution in ship design has

put the South African drydocks at a disadvantage,

for whereas they were designed for liners and warships which are long and

lean, the modern bulkers

and tankers are extremely wide and this country

cannot drydock a vessel

of more than about

,130 000 tons dw.

However, there have

been few cases of larger

ships being embarrassed

by not being able to use a

local facility. A foreign

tanker which had been

employed for charter on

the coast was found at the

last minute to be about

'50mm too wide to enter

t- i Cape Town dry-dock

for refit, and had to wait

until she got to Singapore.

Drydocks all over the

world are now suffering

trauma, not only because

there are fewer clients,

but the availability of

anti-fouling — which requires big ships to dryidock only once in five

years instead of annually

— seriously reduced income.

There were other

schemes, during the

short-lived giant tanker

era, to erect more drydocks along the seaboard,

but these fortunately

were pigeonholed when it

proved obvious there was

not sufficient revenue.

Lisbon, Singapore and

Persian Gulf depots are

complaining about the unemployed facilities, and

[formidable losses when

account is taken of the

building cost of a giant

.drydock.

Tug damaged

DURING the determined

attempt two months ago

to tow the laden bulker

Kapodistrias off Thunderbolt Reef there was nearly another casualty when

83
the big tug John Ross

touched the bottom while

straining at the end of her

tow rope.

Two tugs battled both

the elements and the grip

of the rock on the stricken

ship in their final attempt

to release her, and

thumps were heard at the

after end of the John

Ross.

Inspection in drydock

has now revealed that all

four propeller blades

were nicked, and the nozzle surrounding the propeller was dented in two

places.

Engineers and surveyors who inspected the

damage expressed their

wonder at the fact the big

tug escaped with so little

damage, for had she come

down hard on the reef, the

rudders and propeller

would have been

smashed, and the tug cast

ashore in the wild

weather.

It wasa near miss for

the tug, which cost about

RIO million to build in

Durban 10 years ago.

Staff of the other tug,

Causeway Adventurer,

confirmed that conditions

were particularly bad on

the final night that tugs

tried to retrieve the

Kapodistrias, and with

bow thrusters at full output to keep the tugs' bows

to wind, and main engines

straining, Jhe laden

bulker moved througha

/13104

CSO: 3400/393

few degrees, then had to

be abandoned whena pin-_

nacle punctured the en-j

gine room, which became

flooded.

Tugs, by the nature of

their work, have to take

calculated risks in the interest of recovering distressed ships. Complete

repairs have already been

effected.

The sister tug Wolraad ' Woltemade, when trying

to retrievea drifting

tanker blowing ashore

near Cape Towna few

years ago, also sustained

bottom damage which

fortunately floodeda

tank, instead of flowing

into the engine room and

disabling the tug.

The same tug also

touched bottom in the

course of an operation in

the West Indies. '

Sea hijacking

HOW vulnerable are ships,

to hijacking?

The experience of the

Italian liner Achille

Lauro in the eastern

Mediterranean when she

'was effectively hijacked-j

by six men vindicated the

warning issued to owners

by the International

Transport Workers' Federation (ITF) that passenger ships, especially those

in the Middle East, were

in danger of being hijacked.

The ITF is now agitating for a convention to

control the new problem.

Unlike an aircraft,

wherea hijacker can

commandeer the machine

by taking control of the

pilot's cabin,a ship, because of its bigger crew

and many departments, is a much more difficult assignment for those unacquainted with the layout

of the vessel.

In the case of the

Achille Lauro, the hijackers apparently went

immediately to the bridge

and news of the takeover

was immediately sent

ashore by radio.

Lost cargoes

FRAUD on the high seas

continues to alarm underwriters who are called

upon to meet claims for

entire cargoes which

leave port and are never i seen again.

Last week the insurers

had good news whena

small ship, Dee Lee, was

found in Thailand after

disappearing from Bangkok in August with 4 500

tons of maize.

But when found, the

Deo Lee was empty, and

had been renamed

Alfonso.

Maritime authorities In

the Far East had been

searching for the Dee Lee

after she had sailed out of

Bangkok without pilot or

customs clearance.

It is assumed the cargo

was sold somewhere else,

and crew members said it

had been discharged at

Singapore.

84
DEATH RATE DROPS SINCE DECLARATION OF EMERGENCY

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 5 Nov 85 p 16

[Text] THE death rate in political violence has been drastically reduced in the Port Elizabeth/Uitenhage area and on

the East Rand since the emergency was declared on

21st July, the South African Institute of Race Relations

said in Johannesburg yesterday. ' ' ',

Natal and the Western Cape had replaced PE/Uitenhage and the East Rand as the epicentres of political

violence, the institute said. There is no emergency in

Natal, while the Western Cape was placed under emergency regulations on October 26.

The institute said that the death rate in PE/Uitenhäge had been cut from an average of 0,56 per day in

the pre-emergency period to 0,16 per day after the

emergency. On the East Rand it had declined from 0,47

I.M),17.

Country-wide, the death rate in political violence has

more than doubled since the emergency was declared,

according to the institute. Deaths from all causes (including accidental deaths and unknown causes) have

increased from an average of 1,66 per day to 3,41 per

day.

The institute said that the total number of fatalities in

the 14 months since the violence erupted in the Vaal

Triangle at the beginning of September last year was

834. This compared with a figure of 700 in the sixteen

months after Soweto erupted in June 1976.

The institute said that security forces accounted for

53 percent of all fatalities, and clashes between residents for 29 percent.

According to the institute's latest race relations survey, released in Johannesburg, conflict within the

Black community has become increasingly common. At

least 30 petrol bomb attacks occurred against Black

town councillors last year. In the Vaal Triangle four

councillors were killed by enraged crowds during protests against rent increases.

A spokesman for the institute said that Black politi-.

cal activists had appeared to switch their strategy during the course of the disturbances: Stay-aways from

.work — such as that in November 1984 — had been

replaced by consumer boycotts, notably in the Eastern

Cape.

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

/13104

CSO: 3400/393

85
SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTATOR SEES INCREASING MUSLIM YOUTH VIOLENCE IN CAPE

Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 28 Oct 85 p 7

[Commentary by Aggrey Klaaste in "On the Line" column]

[Text]

THEY say the

Muslim

youths in the

Cape Peninsula are

speaking of the Jihad — the declaration of a Holy War.

They also say some

of these youths are,

armed and only the

love of Allah has

stopped them from

engulfing this lovely

landscape, smelling

of fragrant seabreezes.

Allah, being God,

also has a wry sense of

humour. Not many

years ago, some of

these youths painted

their faces with gaudy

grease and pranced

along the sea-side

promenade as

"Coons". They were

regarded with tolerant

fondness by white

tourists and others, asi

they drank deep from

the wine bottles, and

played their Banjoes,

without a seeming care

in the world.

I also chanced to

write a rather whimsi

cal piece about this

place, called the Cape

of Good Hope by one

Jan van Riebeeck in

j. 1652. The man must be

turning in his grave,

for this breath-stop-'

pingly beautiful piece'

of God's land is being

turned into the Cape,

of Storms.

1 My knowledge of

Cape Town and its environs is somewhat

sketchy. All I know is

there is Table Moun- •

tain, brooding in all

painful wisdom on the

antics of these crazy

mortals below.

I also know that

there are the buildings

of Parliament, wherein

kin to those self-same

Muslim warriors, are

sitting to chart the laws

of this country. I also

know that not far from

Table Mountain, there

is a desolate island,,

whipped rather fier-j

cely by winds, on

which many sons of

this beloved land have

spent their entire

adulthood — Robben

Island.

Finally I know there

are lashes of swift and

twisting winds that

strike the Cape Peninsula, with almost incredible speed. Then,

lie down. I know youl

sometimes have to

hang onto a pole, a

tree,so strong are

these winds, whatever

the fundis. call them.

When they go, there is

perhaps a sudden gust

of rain and you can almost lick the salt from

the sea on your face,

I Such a wonderful land.

When the people of

colour finally got the

message and stopped

turning themselves

into "Coons" for the

white man's pleasure

and conscience —

they grew up. Not only

that, for in 1984,

! struck to conversion of

a most diabolically

shrewd nature, the

Government turned

these "skollies", if they

will excuse me the sarcasm .into fullyfledged "citizens".

86
They got the vote.

They got men sitting

cheak by jowl with 1 other men, making the,

apartheid laws look,;

sound sweeter. Then j 1

later, much later, they;

got rid of the Immoral-1

ity Act.A law that had,

turned thousands of!

coloureds and somej

whites, into dreadful]

caricatures of humiliation. To have sex with'

somebody of colour

used to bea crime.

The act of making

people like coloureds

was called miscegenation. How can you

blame those Muslim

youths for such terrible

anger?

In case you might

not know, the Jihad is

the type of act that

sent thousands of

screaming hysterical

Iranians out to get

Shah of Iran -7 to

topple that system. It

was this Holy War that

held America hostagej

for more thanä year in|

Iran. It is this furious,

fundamentalist holy

anger that is turning

the Middle East into

another version of

Hell.

Ancient

I don't quite know

why the anger is so

great now. MaybeI am

fooling myself. I am adult enough

and perhaps even sensitive enough to know

that ifa proud people,

with an ancient civilisation, is made to,

cower and scrape the

floor before other people for more than 300

years, they get tired.

They do not get tired

very quickly these people, for their communities are closeknit, perfectly organised. They have a cu|-

ture they maintain

through all the ages...

They also have holy

anger, when it ignites. I am a product of my

own particular world.I

think in terms of

colour, race and creed

to my dismay.I had

never even imagined

that the climax, or

rather part of the climax to the drama of

South Africa may have • coloured people, Muslims and others as its

chief actors.I tend to

think in terms of black

and white. Black

to me, alas, means my

African kith and kin. I had forgotten that

there are other races,

just as desperately unhappy about their lot

than the people of

Crossroads. ,My fierce

feeling had been that

the tragedy of Cross-,

roads will inevitably

lead to immense sorrow. I got my racial fix

completely mixed up.I

am ashamed to say

these things.I had also

fondly imagined that

there were degrees of

apartheid. That for

certain people, the pill

was made sweeter because they were

brown.

So thatI havea

rather close affinity

with what the forces at'

work in places like

, Crossroads are doing

to black people. We

? have Had somewhat superficial treatment of I the situation in a place

like Crossroads—

which should have

beena paradise for the

news gatherer. I also know how Africans have suffered

from petty laws like

the pass regulations in

the Cape.I know how

the vans used to race

along streets, with

cops flinging themselves after desperate

men and women, when

the dreaded vans hit

the streets.

Perhaps the birds

have at last come to

roost. And come to

roost in this marvelous

area where the history

of South Africa actually started. It would

make me feel good if

things came to an amicable end in the Cape

Peninsula. There must

be people out there

who would like to see

something fresh spring

from the chaos.

The greatest burden

lies on the head of the

descendants of Jan van

Riebeeck. If that guy

had not turned up on

that stormy day in

1652, we blacks and

our kin, the Koissan

and Khokhoi, would:

perhaps still be doing

one peaceful pastoral!

thing, far removed^

from the slings and arrows of western civilisation.

/13104

CSO: 3400/393

87
LIST OF WESTEEIN CAPE ORGANIZATIONS BANNED

Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 29 Oct 85 p 5

[Text]

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

IN SWEEPING new

regulations an*

nounced by the South

African Police at the

weekend, meetings of

102 anti-apartheid organisations in the

Western Cape and

Boland have been

banned, and tough;

measures have been

adopted to combat the

boycott of schools in

the black and

coloured townships.

Th measures came as

fears grew that a major,

crackdown on opposition newspapers and foreign correspondents operating particularly in.

Western Cape are immi-j

nent.

The ban on meetings

affects virtually every

United Democratic;

Front and National Fo-!

rum affiliated organisation, including the UDF,

itself, the ad hoc detention committee, Azapo.i

Azaso, Cape Action

League, Cape Youth

Congress, Cahac, Detainees Parents Support

Committee, End Conscription Campaign,

Federation of South African Women, National

Forum Committee, National Union of South

Africa Students (Nusas), New Unity

Movement, Parents Action Committee, Release Mandela Committee, Sacos, South African Youth Revolutionary Council, Students

Union for Christian Action, UWO, Western

Cape Civic Association

andWectu.

The 102 organisations

may only hold or advertise meetings with the

permission of the Divisional Commissioner of

Police in the Western

Cape and Boland.

The. orders, by the

Divisional Commissioner of Police, Brigadier C A Swart, were ga*

zetted at the weekend,

under the emergency

regulations.

The organisations in

the Western Cape

whose meetings are

banned are:

Ad Hoc Detention Action Committee

Athlone Student Action Committee

Alanlin National Youth Unity

Azanlan People* Organisation I

Aianlan Students Movement !

Azantan Student* Organisation

Avondale Tenants Association

Bclhar Civic Association

Bcllvllle Civic Association

Bellvllle South Housing Action Committee

Bonfehcuwel Civk Association

Call of Islam

Cape Action League

Cape Youth Congress

Cape Areas Housing Action Committee

Civic Association of Rcllville

Concerned Parents, Students, Teach*

ers and Residents

Conscription Action Croup

Consumer Roycott Action Committee

Consumer Support Committee

Crossroads Co-ordinating Committee

Detainees Concerned Committee

Detainees Parents Support Committee

Ecumenical Action Movement

End Conscription Committee

Federation of South African Women

Glccmor and Cape Flats Civic Association

Grassy Pork Ratepayers Association

Grassy Park/I.otu« River Residents

Association

Hanover Park Civic Association

Heathfleld Ratepayers Association

Heldeveld/Vanguard Civic Assoclalion

| Houthay Action Committee

'Inter Church Youth

Inter Regional Forum '

Joint Council ofTeacher* Association

Joint Students Representative Council

;. Kenslngfon/Facetreton Ratepayers

| and Tenants Association

: Kewtown Residents Association

Kraaifonteln Civic Association

Kuitsrlvler Burgerlike Vereeniging

Kuilsrlvler Civic Association

Lansdowne Ratepayers and Tenants

Society

Lavender Hill Residents Association

Lotus River Oltery Grassy Park Student Action Committee

Mitchells Plain Coordinating Committee i

Morfderdam Civic Association

Mowhray Interrace Group

Muslim Against Oppression

Muslim Youth Movement

88
/13104

CSO: 3400/392

Muslim Students Association of

South Africa

National Forum Committee

National Union of South African Students '.' .

National Council of Women of South

Africa ■■■'' ' f

National Youth Organisation

New Unity Movement

Parents Action Committee

Parents Concern Committee

Parent Teacher and Student Association

Pupils Action Awareness Group

Ravensmead Residents Acjlon Contmittee • •.'

Release Mandela Committee

Retreat (Ward 17) Ratepayer* and

Tenants Association

Rocklands Ratepayers Association)

SchotseWoofCivic Association >

Steenber/Retreat Housing Action

Committee •

Silvertown Resident* Association

South African Council 6f Sports '

South African Youth Revolutionary'

CouncilSteenberg Housing Committee

Steenberg Retreat Education Action

Movement ',

Students of Young Azanl»

Student Action Committee

Students Union for Christian Action '

South Peninsula Educational

Fellowship

Social Issues (»roup

Thornhill Residents Association •

United Democratic Front

United Women's Organisation

Valhalla Park Tenahts Association

Voluntary Action Committee

Western Cape Civic Association

Western Cape Students Union

Western Province Council of Sports

Wcstrldge Action Committee

Woodlands Ratepayers Association

Woodlands Action Committee

Women's Front Organisation ; Women's Movement for Peace

Young Christian Workers

The organisations affected by the

banning in the Boland area are:

Azanian National Youth Uni*».'

Azanian Peoples Organisation

Azanian Students Organisation

Boland Students Action Committee

Cape Action League

Cape Youth Congress

' Mhekwenl Research Committee

Mhekweni Residents Association *'

National Forum Committee '

Paarl Munisipale HuUrders :

Vereenfging

Paarl Students Association .'.

Paarl Teachers Inter Action '

Committee

Paarl Youth Movement

Qlbla

United Democratic Frönt

United Women's Organisation

. Western Cape Civic Association^

, Western Cape Teachers Union

1 Worcester Students Action

Committee. — Sapa.

89
jPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November i?°J

SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

TWO GROUPS COMMEND EDITOR-The Western Cape Trader's Association and the

Chamber of Muslim Meat Traders yesterday issued a joint statement commending

AMP i 2

ea i6

^

t0r °f the Cape Times'for Polishing an interview with the

ANC leader, Mr Oliver Tambo. The statement described the interview as

educational and elucidating" and continued "However, we are perturbed at the

impending State action against Mr Heard. "Commtra and WCTA therefore urge

oppressed people of the land to support those who align themselves with us by

ME CIT^FVT* W^

C

H TV" ofPi=f

W

/

th the time8'"[Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 7 Nov 85 p 51 /13104

CSO: 3400/392

90
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

TANZANIA

BRIEFS

SWEDISH EDUCATION AID—The Swedish International Development Agency E.SIDA]

will give Tanzania 460 million shillings in the next 5 years for the

expansion of educational facilities under an agreement reached in Dar

es Salaam today between the SIDA representative in Tanzania and the

principal secretary in the Ministry of Education. [Summary] [Dar es

Salaam Domestic Service in Swahili 1700 GMT 25 Oct 85]

/12640

CSO: 3400/352

91
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

UGANDA

MUSAVENI'S PROPOSALS OUTLINED

EA301239 Nairobi DAILY NATION, in English 30 Oct 85 p 1

[Report by Paul Muhoho, Gideon Mulaki, and Chris Musyoka headlined

Musaveni Spells out His Conditions"]

[Excerpts] The chairman of Uganda's ruling Military Council, General

Tito Okello, who is also the head of state, yesterday met for the first

time with the leader of the National Resistance Movement for the peace

talks. *

Before the historic 3-hour meeting under the chairmanship of President

Moi the NRA [National Resistance Army] issued a statement setting out terms

on which they would accept a cease-fire.

Addressing the press after the adjournment at 9:30 pm of yesterday's

meeting, Kenya's minister for foreign affairs, Mr Elijah Mwangale, said

the talks were progressing well. "President Moi has chaired a meeting

between the Ugandan head of state, Gen Tito Okello, and the chairman of

the National Resistance Movement (:NRM) , Mr Yoweri Museveni," he said

ll ^

that the talks WOuld resume this morning at 10 am. In response to

the Military Council's peace terms on Monday [28 October] the NRM said it

was willing to observe an immediate cease-fire as long as the balks last

but only under stringent conditions.

The conditions were:

A cease-fire should not change the de facto position on the ground.

It should not mean opening roads, removing mines, etc.

It should be limited only to the actual fighting.

All facts of murder, rape, robbery, harassment and other acts of violation

ot human rights should stop immediately.

The proposals were made in a statement signed by the NRM's external coordinator, Dr S. M. B. Kisekka, who said the aim was to provide "a

suitable atmosphere" for the talks. The NRM accepted the proposal that

92
Gen Tito Okello continue as chairman öf the Military Council and as head

of state. It also accepted seven seats in the Council, but only as long

as the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA)--the government armyhas the same number of seats. There should be only two other seats, one

for the Uganda Freedom Movement (UFM), and the other for the Uganda

National Redemption [as received] Front (UNRF), it said.

During the previous round of talks 3. weeks ago, the NRM accepted representation

by UFM and UNRF, the Federal Democratic Movement (FEDEMU) and possibly FUNA

by one person each, but on condition that the latter rid its leadership

of former officers in Idi Amin's army. The understanding at that time was

that all fighting groups had laid down their arms and were neutral, as the

NRM and the UNLA were the only ones harbouring hostilities.

But in its statement yesterday the NRM said: "Unfortuoately, since the

third round of talks, a completely new situation has been created by

these groups taking up arms and actively fighting against the NRA. This

action on the part of these groups has effectively turned them into enemies

of the NRM. The result is that the de facto position in Uganda today is

that there are two belligerents in the field, namely, the NRA on one hand,

and the military junta supported by and allied with FUNA, FEDEMU, UFM and

UNRF. Therefore, the fighting groups have forfeited their privileges of

being represented on the Military Council as separate entities, and the

NRM should jointly form a Military Council consisting initially of seven

NRA members and seven junta members under the chairmanship of General

Tito Okello as head of state."

It proposed: "The .Joint Military Council thus formed would thereafter

consider co-opting any person from those groups who can usefully serve

on the Military Council."

The NRM statement also proposed a new broadly based national army but

it reiterated that to achieve meaningful and genuine peace, complete

disarmament was unnecessary. It proposed "a nucleus" consisting of an

equal number of "carefully selected" officers and men from the NRM and the

government, and integrating them under the supervision of friendly

countries. Mr Museveni's group proposed that "friendly countries"—Kenya,

Tanzania, Australia, or Canada—should be asked to send observers for

that exercise. The NRM emphasised that the "observers" would only

monitor, observe and train the new army. "We1 do not believe that foreign

peace-keeping forces can be effective, as history has amply shown," it

said. "Moreover, such foreign peace-keeping forces would impinge on the

sovereignty of our country."

Dr Kisekka said the "nucleus army" would be armed, but other officers and

men from the NRA, the government, all other fighting groups and security

forces would be disarmed, placed in specified assembly centres, awaiting

their absorption into the new army or into other security organs, or a

return to civilian life. "This process will be continued, each side

contributing in equal numbers at every stage, until the required size of

the army."

93
However, officers who served under dictator Idi Amin "shall not be eligible

for absorption" into the new army unless they are necessary to fill places

and they have been carefully screened and vetted, it emphasized.

It reiterated that all the decrees made by the Military Council since the

civilian government of Dr Milton Obote was overthrown last 27 July "be

reviewed as a top priority." y

It also said all appointments and promotions by the Military Council

nullified^* and the d3te °

f the agreement now bein8 sought "shall be

The"NRM still believes that the political parties that participated in

Uganda's 1980. general election-the D^ocraUc Party (DP)? hSganda

People Congress (UPC), the Uganda Popular Movement (UPM) and the

memberT"te*"'* (CP)"

sh

°

uld be represented on the council by one

Earlier, President Moi called on the delegates to change their hearts and

to come out with a peaceful solution without wasting time. Talkina to

newsmen at the close of the morning session with one of the delegates

the president confirmed that the talks proper had not yet begun?" lsked

what was causing the delay, the president said: "The delegates have been

preX8 ^«S'inS ^Jr^ ~**^-

at :VZ ^^^^7^/^T 6XPreSSed "

8reat d—nt"

def^e^Sd'r^V"06'^31^

11*C01 Gad T0k0'Wh°is minis^r for detence, Said the NRM "is not genuine and realistic by excluding the

representative of FUNA on the Military Council and questioning the

credentials :of the other fighting forces." stioning tne

Col Toko said in a statement that since the 27 July COUD and vith <-T^

return of former Uganda soldiers from the Sudan S ZaSe, the NM

was consistently orchestrated a campaign to cause Ugandans and tte world

Su^n JTe^

tbese Pe

°Ple are "°t Ugandans but people from southern

Sudan (Anyanya) who should have no say in the affairs of Uganda The

hoaedathar:rint/

elefatl°^has for a ion* ^ ^«1*51*;^ L, hoped that the leader of NRM/NRA, Mr Yoweri Museveni, would ät least be

honest to the world and admit having worked with the same persons hi

wants to deny Uganda citizenship to." persons he

i...

/12640

CSO: 3400/352 .

94
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

ZIMBABWE

NATION'S AGRICULTURAL INDUSTRY ON BRINK OF ANARCHY

Cape Town CAPE TIMES in English 24 Oct 85 p 10

[Article by Michael Hartnäck]

[Text] IN TWO months Zimbabwe's agricultural industry, hailed earlier

this year by international experts as the best

run in Africa, has come

to the brink of anarchy.

This time the cause is

not the obvious vagaries

of the weather but economic factors which

may, in the final analysis, be as much part of an

erratic world-embracing

cycle as the 1982-84

drought.

Superficially, the trouble stems from an edict

by Zimbabwe's Ministry

of Labour that "agro-industrial" workers must

receive a pay increase of

more than 120 percentto

a minimum R220 a

month, while "ordinary"

farm labourers need get

only an extra 15 percent

to R130. !

Pandemonium reigns

on fruit, tea, Umber, sugar, and coffee planta-'

tions as employers, in-!

eluding the government's own agricultural

and rural development

authority, seek urgent;

exemptions from the

new minimum, pleading,

imminent bankruptcy.

There is also confu-j

sion over just who is eligible for the award,!

which officials say was

intended for employees

of big multi-national

companies, not the

small-estate owner.

Rioted

Predictably, workers

have rioted on plantation after plantation

(mostly in the eastern

districts) as news

reached them that managements were trying to

backtrack on their joyfully awaited pay rise.

And workers clearly in

the "ordinary" farm-labour bracket cannot understand why they are

not in line for the extra

R90 also, and so seethe

with resentment.

Top executives have

been assaulted or held

hostage, tea bushes

burned, and one vacillating statement after

another issued by those

supposed to be in.

charge. While managers

try to negotiate a return

to normal working, no

one in Harare will make

any decisions before the

Prime Minister, Mr Robert Mugabe, and his Labour Minister, Mr Freddie Shava, return from

the Caribbean this weekend.

The fiery Zanu (PF)

Manicaland provincial

chairman, Mr Edgar Tekere, has proved an unexpected ally for employers during the crisis,

ordering police to quell

disturbances which he

blames on official bungling.

However, responsible

cabinet ministers failed

to show up when he tried

to convene a meeting in

Mutare last week.

Collapse

If the situation is not

resolved 20 000 workers

may be laid off, Zimbabwean self-sufficiency in

many staple commodities could disappear

and profitable export

trade collapse.

With yi-elds up to

2 900 kg a hectare, Zimbabwe's tea industry, for

example, appeared to be

among the most efficient

in the world. Some

12 000 tons of a forecast

16 000-ton crop was intended for export this

year, perhaps earning

R30 million foreign exchange if markets remain stable. Now there

are fears it will price itself into ruin.

A visiting foreign human-rights worker last

week made the valid

point that while, in purely economic terms, Zimbabwe's tea-estate employees should be

grateful for what their

. bosses can channel back

to them from the international auction floors,

in absolute terms R130

or eVen R220 a month is

simply not enough for a

decent life.

95
A 50-kg bag of maize

meal sufficient fora

small family's staple

diet fora month costs

about R20. The cheapest

meat, vegetables and

other food necessary for a balanced diet would

push up family grocery

bills by at least another

R40 to 1150, even allowing for some "homegrown" content.

While most schooling'

in Zimbabwe is technically free, parents have

to pay fees of more than

R100a child each term

for boarding, books, and

"development fund".

Kitting outa child for

school with initial basic

clothing will cost more

than R200 while the father of the family going

into Mutare to buy himself a new suit will get . little change out of R300.

Aggrieved

It is little wonder,

therefore, that the rural

Zimbabwean is bitterly

aggrieved at the size of

his pay packet. His only

compensation lies in : looking across the inter- . national boundary into • Mozambique and contemplating the far greater poverty of those with

no regular income at all. I Visitors to the cap- ' tured Gorongoza head- • quarters of the Renamo

rebels report seeing

tribesmen clad in bark

or leaves. In areas still

disrupted by fighting,

Mozambicans probably

face greater social and

economic misery than at

any time since the peak

of Arab slave-raiding in

the 18th and 19th centuries.

Inevitably, some have

been crossing Zimbabwe's eastern border i illegally to steal from

Rl30-a-month farm

workers who themselves

feel hard done by.

Comparison

This inexorable "in- ' ward" pressure on Afrl- , ca's dwindling centres of

prosperity and foreign

economic interest is exemplified by a cynical

and offensive comparison overseas travellers

make about the continent.

At each crossing of an ; international boundary,

they say, from the Sahel

countries into Zaire,

from Zaire into Zambia,

from Zambia into Zimbabwe, from Zimbabwe' . into South Africa, one

feels one is suddenly entering a cleaner,

greener, richer country.

However, the final and

sweetest relief of all

comes as one steps off

the airliner in Western

Australia. A current conference

in Harare ofthe African,

Caribbean and Pacific

states highlighted the

need to promote trade

within the grouping, but

has been unable to escape the harsh fact that

most development and

prosperity stems from

'surpluses" generated

within the developed

world.

There are fickle surpluses of demand (over

and above what the developed world can do,

very efficiently, to supply its own needs) for

primary commodities

such as gold, tea, tobacco, copper. With changing trade patterns, this

demand can dry up almost as suddenly as the

demand for Oudtshoprn's ostrich feathers

did in the 1890s.

Breakthrough

/13104

CSO: 3400/395

Zimbabwe is now investing hundreds of millions of rands, depriving

local customers, and

decimating its national

breeding herd, to fulfila

sudden breakthrough

into the European beef

market.

An extra R100 million

a year foreign currency : from this trade will be

welcome as rain, while it

lasts, but pessimists fear

all Zimbabwe's investment and .self-deprivation may be rewarded in a few years by the Europeans' saying, in effect:

"Sorry, we don't want

any more."

There are surpluses of

cash and capital, when

the developed world's

own needs have been

fully satisfied, for Africa's development projects or charitable relief. The least hint of

recession and what once

seemed an unlimited

supply is turned off at

the source.

Capricious

Always behind the

economic factors and

closely linked with them

are the developed

world's "exportable surpluses" of moral concern which, as Irish

bandleader Bob Geldof

said on October 19, have

now succumbed to "compassion fatigue" over the

Ethiopian famine.

The total effect can be

compared to the flow of a seasonal river through a desert, or a tide which

rises and recedes, leaving little stagnant pools

of development to survive as best they can until the next unpredictable "high water".

The flukes of the African climate may be,

after all, the least capricious factor affecting

her peoples' efforts to

keep body and soul together.

96
COUNTRY HAS POTENTIAL TO,PRODUCE FOOD FOR 30 MILLION

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 7 Nov 85 p 15

JJRS-SSA-85.H8

^ November 1985

ZIMBABWE

[ Text ] HARARE. — Zimbabwe

had enough water and

could eventually grow

enough food for 30 million people, but unless

the birthrate started dropping immediately there

would be too many

people to feed.

The draft of the national conservation strate-v

gy says even this ability

eventually to support 30

million depended on

there being no further deterioration in production.

The draft was produced

by a committee of senior

civil servants and is the

working document for

this week's conference on

implementing a national

> conservation strategy for

Zimbabwe.

With a population now

of more than 8,2 million

and an annual growth rate

' of three percent, one of

the highest in the world,

Zimbabwe's population

could treble in the next 30

years unless the birthrate

is reduced.

/13104

CSO: 3400/395

This would severely

strain the economy's

ability to provide ad-j

equate social services and

job opportunities, and

would also be an intolerable strain on the nation's

life-support systems.

The country's total

water resources, when

fully developed, could

support 30 million people

in a semi-industrialised

society, although only 21

million with full industrial

development, says the report.

It could take between

30 and 50 years for the

population to reach 30

million, which was the

critical carrying capacity

of the country.

Because of demographic factors, the popula- ,

tion would continue to ex- I

' pand even if there was a

' rapid decline in the birth

rate. Half the population

'. was under 16 years of age'

and these people Would

eventually have children

— and grandchildren

while they themselves

were still alive. — Sapa. i

97
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

ZIMBABWE

WORKERS ON COMMERCIAL FARMS SUFFER FROM LOWEST STANDARD OF LIVING

Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 1 Nov 85 p 6

[Text] EACH weekday morning, Gwinyai Chigumbo walks 10 miles to school

wading through a river on the way. He frequently falls asleep at his

desk. Occasionally, he faints.

He is small for his nine years and the scratches on his knees that he nicks ur>

on his hike throußh the bush take months to heal. His eys ooze chronic infection

and a hacking cough

keeps him up at nights.

His daily trek takes

him past fields of deep

red soil supporting acres

of ripening wheat,-

bright green lucerne

pastures, fattening

Friesland cows; banks of

ripening tomatoes and

sleek Hereford Streers

stuffing themselves at

stalls.

Gwinyai is one of 1,5

, million people living on

\ Zimbabwe's commercial

\ farms. They are estimated by researchers to

be the poorest, most disease-prone and worst

nourished in the country

and are at the heart of a

major industrial dispute

now affecting Zimbabwe's plantation

workers.

Since the government

unilaterally announced a

wage increase of 122 per

cent for agro-industrial

workers in August,

strikes, demonstrations,

lock-outs and violence

have hammered the industry.

The owners of the

country's tea, coffee,

sugar, timber, fruit and

poultry plantations say

that the increase will

wipe out any profitability in the industries.

A report in Harare's

Herald newspaper said

•estates owned by multinational companies

could carry on for

another two years before having to close

, down, while indepen-

• dently owned planta-

: tions might exist for "no

more than a matter of

• months."

Workers classed as

"agro-industrial-labour

i often work alongside ordinary farm labour. "It

is not surprising that

some workers who handle only cattle or maize,

are demanding the

higher wage as well, as •

are domestic workers on

farms,"the//ero/</says. ,

. According to a survey i

carried out by a team of;

researchers at the medical shool of the Univers-

; ity of Zimbabwe in 1983

and subsequently updated, about 40 per cent

of commercial farm lai bourers' children under

fivr /cars are classed as

"under)nutrition," the

condition creates "stunting" where children

cannot develop normal

physical proportions and

remain short and

weakened for the rest of

their livesi

They are also subject

to a wide variety of intestinal and respiratory

diseases, and the study

shows high incidences of

diarrhoea — probably

the biggest child killer in

Africa — dysentry, tujberculosis, measles and

; trachoma.

j The level of poverty

and resultant disease

tends to be twice as high

in commercial farming

areas as in the communal areas dominated by

the peasant farming

population, now rapidly

turning from a subsistence existence to cash

croppers.

, The risk of mortality

in the under-five age

group has dropped in

98
commercial farming areas from 40 per cent before independence to

about 20 per cent now.

"But it is still the level

it stands at in communal

areas," said one member of the investigating

team.

Nineteen per cent of

children. born on commercial farms die within

the first;year of life,a

figure again double the

standards in communal

lands.

Ante-natal trauma

plagues the wives of

commerpial farming labourers, who have little

or no recourse to medical advice. Neo-natal

tetanus is also high, with

practices like rubbing ' cow dung on the umbilicus as a primitive form

of sterilisation frequently responsible.

"Poor quality housing, single water points

for over 300 people and

overcrowded communal

sanitation were found,

underlying reported

communicable endemic

disease," saysa 1985

evaluation of family

health c.are available in

commeiical. farming areas. . Farm schools are \ another source of disease. Primary schools

in commercial farming

areas had 4,5 times the

number of pupils per

class compared with

schools in communal

area, while commercial

farm secondary schools

had nine times the number.

The minimum wage

for commercial farm

workers is $45. "I don't

believe anyone can live

on $45a month," said

one of the research

team. The poverty datum line is generally

agreed to level out at

about $74.

The situation has

worsened, largely because of minimum

wages. With the progressive increase in

wages, farmers have

tended to lay off labour

and spend money on

productive items such as

dams, boreholes and

greater use of pesticides

and machinery.

The commercial farm

labour force has shrunk

from 335 000 in 1979,

the year before independence, to 263 000 now.

The number of farms

has hardly changed.

With further wage increases pending, the researchers predict that

farmers will be reluctant

to spend money on

schools, health services

and supplying fertiliser

to labourers to develop

their own gardens,a

crucial source of nutrition.

On some of the large

estates, management

has reportedly begun

charging workers for

these.

The farmers point out

that they are the only

ones in the country's

business community

who are expected to pay

for social services for labour, while at the same

time bearing the burden

of radically increased . ; farming inputs.

They also point out

that while communal areas have received enormous assistance in recent years -^ in the way

of boreholes, schools,

clinics and food handouts in droughts — commercial farming areas

have received virtually

nothing.

"Everybody feels

there isa great need for

an improvement in these

things," said David Hasluck, director of the

farmers union. "It is unfair that the farmer

should provide them , when other employers

go scot free."

Hasluck and the re- , search team agree that a

significant improvement

has taken place since independence, but it is by

no means universal.—

/13104

CS0: 3400/395

\ .-

99
PARAMILITARY CAMPS TO TRAIN CIVIL DEFENCE VOLUNTEERS

Harare THE HERALD in English 1 Nov 85 p 5

[Text]

PLANS are under way ,to

Introduce civil defence training

at paramilitary training camps

throughout the country, the

National Civil Defence Coordinator, Cde Herbert Mawe-,

ma, has said.

•w.^*1!*88"* members of the Midlands North civil defence

committee and tadustrlalteto In

KwekWe last week, Cde Mawema said the army was working on a civil defence syllabus.

Members of tne paramilitary force would be trained

in _ rescue, casualty, welfare

«nd warden duties ao they

could help, when disasters occurred In their areas. Members

of the force would help traih

members 6t the public.

Cde Mawema said the training would be extended to

youths and women training

centres in various parts of the

country. The aim of civil defence directorate, he added,

was to ensure that all people

were made I aware of precautions to take in the event of

disasters in their areas.

As many volunteers as possible would be trained to help

victims during disasters to ensure that speedy and efficient

assistance was given to the victims.

He said the country had

been divided into 28 civil defence areas and 22 civil defence

committees had already submitted their defence plans to

the directorate.

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

ZIMBABWE

/13104

CSO: 3400/396

100
JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

ZIMBABWE

ZMDC INVESTMENT IN PLANT' WILL BOOST GOLD RECOVERY

Harare THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE in English 18 Oct 85 p 1

[Text]

THE Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC), is to

spend about $4,8 million on a new

plant for a gold mine near

Kwekwe, and the construction of

290 houses for skilled and semiskilled workers at the mine and at

Sabi Mine in Zyishavane.

A spokesman for the ZMDC told

Vie Gazette this week that the new

plant to be installed at Jena Gold

Mines, about 96 km west of

Kwekwe, will cost about $3,6 million. The plant is expected to be

operational at the end of next year,.

he said.

"At the present moment, there

are three plants at Jena, but they are

very old fashioned, dating back to

the 1930s. Our recovery there has

reached a maximum of only about

70%. This new plant is expected to

improve that to about 92%," the

spokesman said.

He also said the ZMDC has embarked on a project at Pen East

Mine, near Penhalonga, to treat

waste dumps at the mine. "People

used to mine at Pen East in the

1930s, throwing away a lot of

residue containing valuable gold and

silver.

"This plant, which will be operational at the end of this year, will

treat the waste dumps. We believe

they contain a lot of gold — an average of about 1,2g per tonne, and

slightly more than that of silver.

"Though we are spending about

$300 000 on the project, we do not

expect to get a lot of money back

from these dumps. It's just an experimental project to get experience

so that we can tackle bigger dumps

throughout the country," he said.

The corporation intends to rehabilitate another mine in Gadzema

called Elvinton Mine. "Without going into details, since feasibility

studies are still under way, we have

already done some tests on how to

treat the ore from that mine viably,

and these have proved very positive," the ZMDC spokesman said.

About 250 houses are expected to

be built at Jena Gold Mine over the

next 2<k years at a cost of about $1

million. The first 100 are expected

to be completed at the end of this

year at a cost of about $400 000. '

The remainder will be built in

stages during the next two years.

Another 40 houses are expected to

be completed at Sabi Mine in

Zvishavane this year at an estimated cost of about $200 000. Already

five have been completed, and

another 10 are nearing completion.

/13104

CS0: 3400/396

101
EDUCATION MINISTER MEETS STUDENTS AT CZECH COLLEGE

Harare THE SUNDAY MAIL in English 27 Oct 85 p 3

[Text]

JPRS-SSA-85-118

29 November 1985

ZIMBABWE

ZIMBABWE'S Education,

Minister, Dr Dzlngai

Mutumbuka, last week

paid a visit to Czechoslovakia to confer with his

counterpart, and to meet

Zimbabwean students In

that country.

Dr Mutumbuka travelled to Prague from Sofia,

the Bulgarian capital

where he Is attending

Unesco's 23rd general

conference, scheduled to

end on November 12. The

conference is Unesco's

highest decision-making

body, and the minister is

accompanied by the Secretary for Education, Dr

Elijah Chanalklra. and

other Government officials.

The Sunday Mail

. understands that among

the Issues Dr Mutumbuka'

discussed with the Czech

government officials were

how that country Introduced agriculture into

Its school Systems. It has

been easy for Czechoslovakia to set up agricultural and. agro-based cooperatives as a result of

the introduction of agriculture into the, country's '

educational system. |

There are now 13 Zimbabwean students in

Czechoslovakia. Eight of

them arrived in that

country this year to take

up studies in medicine,

engineering, textile engineering and metallurgy.

But since 1980 five Zlm-

/13104

CSO: 3400/396

babweans have been pursuing courses with an

agricultural bias.

! The five Zimbabwean

students at the Prague

Agricultural College are

Maxwell Nduku, Joseph

S1 k o s a n a, Eshmael

Pompl, Pelltng Slbanda

and Malvern Maposa,

iSlkosana* who Is the

chairman of the Zimbabwe Students* Union In

Czechoslovakia, said he

had chosen agriculture

. for his studies because it

was the backbone (of

every nation's1 economy.

"It Is known that «he

agricultural standards in

the developing countries

are very low, a situation

that has resulted in bad

harvests in these countries.

"Young people have to

be trained to overcome

these problems before it

is too late. Millions of

people, especially chlli dren, are dying from

starvation."

fiikosana, who has just

completed his fifth year

at the Institute of

Tropical and S u bTropicai Agriculture in

Prague, said he has written a paper on the study

Qt selected effects of reproduction in sheep.

"I had the opportunity

to perform some experiments at a sheep

farm at Taohov. In Zimbabwe, , sheep are raised

102

on a small scale. I would

like to make use of the

experience gained hero

through these experiments to improve the

conditions of sheep breeding In my country."

Tachov is a town west

of Prague, near the border with West Germany.

Sikosana added: "I carried out the experiments

with the help of our lee-'

j turers and some experts

from the research centre

at Uhrlneves, near

Prague." The Institute of

Tropical and SubTropical Agriculture was

! established at the College

| of Agriculture In Prague

in 1961. There are more than

600 students from Africa,

Asia, Latin America and

Europe who have been

through the college so

far. Under expert

guidance the foreign

students study not only

specific problems concerning agriculture In the

tropical and sub-tropical

zones, but also modern

agricultural methods used

in that country.

Students at tho college

conclude their studies in

one of the following subjects: crop production,

livestock production,

agricultural technology

nnd the economy of

management. They also

conclude their studies by

submitting a paper dealing with the agricultural

needs of their own countries.
JPRS»SSA*85-118

29 November 1985

ZIMBABWE

BRIEFS

SPIES GET PROPERTY BACK—The Zimbabwe Government yesterday reversed an order

seizing the property of two Intelligence officers detained since 1983 on

allegations of spying for South Africa. A Government Gazette said the release

of the property of Mr Colin Evans and Mr Philip Hartlebury has been made by

Home Affairs Minister Mr Enos Nkala. They were acquittted of espionage in

1983, but have been kept in detention ever since. [Text] [Johannesburg THE

STAR in English 26 Oct 85 p 7] /13104

CSO: 3400/395 END

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