GHANA

NEW REVENUE COLLECTION OFFICE ESTABLISHED
AB221017 Accra Domestic Service in English 0600 GMT 22 Dec 83

[Text] The Citizen's Vetting Committee [CVC], established under Provisional
National Defense Council [PNDC] law 1, has been renamed the Office of the
Revenue Commissioners. Under the Office of the Revenue Commissioners law
signed by the chairman of the PNDC yesterday, the new office shall monitor
the operations of all revenue agencies responsible for the central govern-
ment revenue and investigate persons whose lifestyle and expenditures sub-
stantially exceed their known or declared income. It shall also perform
the functions of the special task court under the income tax amendment law
1983, PNDC law 61, as well as try all offenses arising under the income tax
decree and the customs and excise decree and other revenue laws.

The power vested in the former CVC to investigate persons whose bank accounts
exceed 50,000 cedis has been removed. Persons are therefore not to be
investigated on the basis of their bank balances.

In another development, the Office of the Revenue Commissioners, formerly
the CVC, has announced a package deal for all persons who may be called to
appear before it. Every income earner who voluntarily goes to declare his
hither to undeclared income or wealth to the central revenue department and
fully pays the appropriate taxes would be leniently considered by the Office
of the Revenue Commissioners. For this purpose, a grace period of 3 months,
from 31 December 1983 to 31 March 1984, is granted. Thereafter, the Office
of the Revenue Commissioners will intensify its activities and anyone found
by the committee after the deadline to have concealed his incomes or wealth
will be given the appropriate penalty under the existing law of the commis-
sion.

All frozen. bank accounts, that is all bank accounts which were frozen by the
PNDC after 31 December 1981 because they were above 50,000 cedis, are hereby
defrozen. All treasury bills and stocks may now be redeemed without reference
to the Office of the Revenue Commissioners. This however does not apply to
bank accounts and assets specifically frozen by the PNDC.

cso: 3400/450

14


Polarization

AG8 has squeezed the Southwest policy back into ethnic paths, while the struggle
against SWAPO requires a non-ethnic basis and South Africa itself has formally
committed itself to a non-ethnic basis.

Seen in that light, South Africa's own domestic political needs, or more specific-
ally, the polarization within Afrikaner political ranks, is one of the most im-
portant causes of the unpleasant situation of Southwest politics of the past few
years.

The struggle between the National Party and the Conservative Party, more than
the "desires of the people in the area," has been decisive for the manner in
which South Africa so far has dealt with the Southwest situation.

There are indications that there are serious attempts on South Africa's part to
get an internal political initiative started and in that manner create the cir-
cumstances in which Resolution 435 can be applied with greater confidence. It is
however doubtful whether much success can be achieved, unless there is better un-
derstanding for the fact that in the Southwest one is basically dealing with a
decolonization process, which demands different answers from those so far supplied.

Obstacles to SW Political Solution Discussed
Johannesburg DIE VADERLAND in Afrikaans 15 Nov 83 p 11

[Article by Political Correspondent Dries van Heerdent "Rightist Danger in
South-West Africa Smaller After 2 November" ]

[Text] Important decisions on the domestic policy of South-West Africa as well as
the bush war at the border should be an important result of the great Yes victory

in the referendum.

2 November showed that the "rightist danger" in the South African policy is over-
estimated and that the situation in the Southwest cannot give much momentum to

the right either.

Not that one hasn't tried for the past 2 months to drag the Southwest into the
referendum campaign. Myths about how the Southwest is being "sold out" were
regularly conjured up to urge voters to vote no.

It cannot be denied that fear of rightist action in South African policy was
regularly at the back of the jnind of those who had to make decisions on the
future of the Southwest.

Otherwise, why did the promising domestic developments which had started with the
Turnhalle Conference ultimately fail due to lack of momentum? -

Otherwise why is the controversial AG8 proclamation--which is completely un-

acceptable to all political parties except Mr Kosie Pretorius’ SWA-NP [National
Party] and the HNP--still in the code of law?

35



NAMIBIA

COMMENT ON KALAHARI RAILWAY PLAN
Windhoek DIE REPUBLIKEIN in Afrikaana 9 Nov 83 p 4
{Editorial: "Trans-Kalahari"]

[Text] Long-sighted dreams very often lead to construction projects, the
value of which cannot be easily overestimated.

This was the case in our own country with, for example, Hardap and Ruacana.

For many decades, the large dam on the Fish River and the hydroelectric
plant at the Ruacana waterfall were merely dreams of the future.

And today these are beneficial realities.
The same may be true with two other such "dreams" from years past.

One is the utilization of the waters of the Okavango and the other is the
construction of a trans-Kalahari railroad.

It is good that the administrator-general granted his consent to an
examination of the possibilities of such a railroad by a Botswana government
consultant group.

By the nature of the matter, there are various facets that must be taken
into consideration.

One is the feasibility of constructing such a railroad. Another is the cost
of building it.

One more: usefulness. And furthermore: the revenues that it could produce,
economy and so on.

And of course the question of how it will influence existing rail connections
with regard to cargo and upkeep must be examined.

But there is no doubt that our part of Southern Africa has poor connections
with neighboring areas.

31



NIGERIA

CURRENCY REPORTEDLY WILL BE DEVALUED 'SOON'
ABO32144 Paris AFP in English 1811 GMT 3 Jan 84

[Text] London, 3 Jan (AFP)--Nigerian's new military rulers will soon move
to devalue that naira by 40 percent, the London financial analysts Maxwell
Stamp Associates predicted here today.

The group said the military government could even go ahead with the devaluation
without waiting for the conclusion of an agreement with the International
Monetary Fund (IMF).

The ousted government of President Shehu Shagari had resisted IMF pressures for
a devaluation as part of an overall economic recovery package, although Maxwell
Stamp three weeks ago said the Shagari administration was resigned to accept
the advice.

The group now says that the new Nigerian Government, under Major General
Muhammadu Buhari, will probably want to move quickly to impose a greater de—
valuation than was foreseen prior to the takeover.

A 40-percent fall would bring the naira to rough parity with the U.S. dollar
from its official rate of 0.74 to the U.S. currency.

The devaluation would be accompanied or followed by a progressive, partial
liberalization of imports, the group said.

Financial circles here estimate that Nigeria's foreign debt lies somewhere
between 10 and 15 billion dollars, including some [words indistinct] short term

loans.

According to other calculations here, oil revenues, which account for 95 per#
cent of the country's hard currency receipts, will amount to only 10 billion
dollars, a sharp drop from the 22 billion received in 1980.

The country's crude oil is now sold at roughly 30 dollars a barrel, against
40 dollars in 1980, while production has fallen since then from 2.4 barrels a
day to 1.3 million as a result of quotas determined by the organization of
petroleum exporting countries.

CSO: 3400/428
40



The 1982-1986 5-year plan stressed the need to develop the national territory
with the objective of slowing the rural exodus.

In this context, The Congolese Government has decided to undertake a policy of
developing human water supply to provide the people with a modern drinking
water supply. This policy meshes with the policy of establishing village
centers.

The government has thus decided to establish a water organization. Its tasks
will be to carry out studies of water inventory and water needs, develop a
master plan for water use, and plan the measures to be taken.

The first stage of the project, the subject of this agreement, which runs for
3 years, involves providing to the Ministry of Mines and Energy within 12
months a hydrogeological engineer, assisted by a hydrological VSN [expansion

unknown] geophysicist. These two technical advisers will train the two
Congolese engineers and the technician assigned to the organization.

For its part, the Congolese Government undertakes to:
--Provide space and furniture for the offices.
~-Obtain two engineers and a technician, a typist-secretary, and a draftsman.

3. Financing agreement No 302/C/DPL/83/CNG for the project of "Support to the
Major Diseases Service"

The cost of the project is set at 1 million Fr francs, or 50 million CFA
francs.

The objective is to provide supplementary resources to the operational
components in the combat against major diseases. It covers both:

--Assistance through personnel;

--Aid in equipment and operation of the Epidemiology and Major Diseases
Service.

9920
cso: 3419/245



cso:

Ci The office of Head of State is 2 lonely
one. Do you not find that after so many
years your friends are now from your
official family and that you lose touch
with people who are not necessarily in
that official family who may well tell you:
“Look, this is what the people are really
thinking"’?

It is partly true; being Head of State has
its problems. Had I not been Head of State,
I suppose I would not have that wall or that
fence you see over there. You would not
have people there asking everybody: ‘‘Who
are you? Where are you going?” Even
members of my own family are asked.

Just before your arrival I had an old
woman sitting here. She is a widow of some
‘old man who was a very strong member of
the party. Sometimes she is turned back and
when I find out I get worked up. It can be
extremely irritating, but this is a fact of life.
These positions have their own realities and
however much you try to shake them, the
core still remains. So in that sense, every
Head of State becomes a bit isolated, and
lives a slightly artificial life.

3400/442

68

If one is in this position for a long time,
as I have been, then in a sense one begins to
accept that limitation as reality. But one
can still be open, to a degree. One can have
a Head of State who is completely sur-
rounded by officials; he has no other
contact and this can be very dangerous. He
is out of touch with reality, inevitably, and
what he is told sometimes is what people
want to give him. They feed him like Peking
duck.

In our own case, we have a very large

party and very often we meet all sorts of
people. You know what is happening. And
then I travel a great deal, I go out to my
‘own village and when | am there my Presi-
dential hat is not particularly respected
there, thank God! So 1 become, within
those limits, a member of the family. It is
truly being at home, In my own village
people ask me openly: ‘Where are you
going?”’ So that modifies the situation a
little bit and I believe I have reasonably kept
touch with the people over the last 25 years.
1 think 1 know what is going on. And
therefore I hope I have remained reas-
onably human.

CD How do you visualise Tanzania in the

year 20007
Reasonably

Socialist @

comfortable, reasonably



SOUTH AFRICA

INTERVIEW WITH COLORED LEADER

Johannesburg DIE VADERLAND in Afrikaans 15 Nov 83 p 10

[interview with Carter Ebrahim, chairman of the Financial and Administrative
Committee of the Labor Party, by Otto Krause: "Referendum Undesirable Step
for Coloreds;" in Capetown; date of interview not given]

{Text] After the constitutional legislation and the white
referendum, the ball is now in the court of the Colored
and Indian communities. The manner in which they treat
the constitutional process and assess options is going to
be of the greatest importance.

Otto Krause talked in Capetown with Mr Carter Ebrahim, the
chairman of the Financial and Administrative Committee of
the Labor Party, about the next constitutional round.

[question] How do you see the outcome of the white referendum?

[Ebrahim] Without being euphoric, I see the outcome of the veferendum as a
statement on the part of the whites that they are prepared to accept a radical
reform.

Now there will no longer be any fear on the part of the government that its posi-
tion is being threatened by either leftist or rightist elements.

As to the colored population as a whole, we must admit that there is division
with respect to the constitutional developments.

The privileged, the well-to-do Coloreds, have reservations about the white Yes
vote. But the majority of the colored people who live in our sub-economic resi-
dential areas will very certainly encourage their leaders to take part in the
new system and in parliamentary elections.

Those people want their leaders to be where the laws are made, changed and
possibly repealed. For only in parliament are decisions made which can improve
their fate. For those people, the needy among the colored population, the out-
come of the referendum is encouraging. And they are my people.

50



SOUTH AFRICA

NEW WEAKENING SEEN IN SA ECONOMY

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 20 Dec 83 p 20

[Text]

VARIOUS factors have
contributed to a renewed
weakening of South Afri-
ca’s economy, despite
consensus recently among
many businessmen that
the worst of the present
economic downswing was
over and that consider-
ably improved business
conditions could be ex-
pected in 1984, Sanlam
says.

In its latest economic
survey, Sanlam_ isolates
the following factors:

@ The weaker trend in
the gold price which,
combined with indica-
tions that Government
expenditure will rise at a
fast rate in the year
ahead, makes tax in-
creases in the next Budget
almost inevitable.

© A growing awarenesss
that structural changes in
the world economy will
not cause our exports (es-

pecially of base metals) to
increase swiftly © and
sharply this time.

cso: 3400/448

e The: most recent fig-
ures on the money sup-
ply, which emphasise that
the authorities are still ex-
periencing serious prob-
lems in decreasing the
growth in the money sup-
ply: a relaxation in mon-
etary policy in the fore-
seeable future is thus out
of the question.

e@ The weak financial
position of the private
consumer. (While salaries
will probably once again
rise only moderately in
1984, there is a possibility
of tax increases. In addit-
ion, personal debt stands
at record levels).

“Taking these factors
into account, as well as
the fact that results of the
drought will be felt for an
appreciable time to come,
it appears that a
cant improvement in gen-
eral business conditions
cannot be expected be-
fore the third quarter of
1984,” Sanlam says.

48

Regarding _ inflation,
Sanlam says that after a
quarter during which the
food price index actually
fell, October proved to be
the third successive
month of relatively sharp
rises.

In addition to the in-
crease in food prices, the
higher costs of housing
(largely owing to higher
mortgage bond interest
rates) contributed in great
measure to the October
hike of one percent in the
total consumer price in-
dex.

“We think that this
somewhat disappointingly
high rate of increase has
ensured that the year-on-
year rise in the consumer
price index will not de-
scend to below the 10 per-
cent level this year. On
the contrary, it may even
be above 11 percent again
by the end of the year.

“We expect an average
increase of a shade over
12 percent for 1983 as a
whole.” — Sapa.



If Mr Botha is being understood correctly, his view is yet another reason why

the new system should be rejected. The key words he used are "offered recogni-
tion." In other wonds, Indians and other groups specified by the government don't
get the opportunity to negotiate on an acceptable constitution, but are /offered/
what the whites have decided they should get. ’

If anyone had doubts as to whether Coloreds and Indians were being offered co-
optation as junior partners, Mr Botha's view has removed those. That's with
respect to the "hidden clauses" which some whites tried to make us believe would

be announced after 2 November.

The first one, as on the prime minister's list of choices for Indians, is that
they "accept" the new constitution, through which they will remain in control of
their own affairs and have part responsibility in common matters. In my view,
such a choice is only acceptable if one accepts the absurd and humiliating clas-
sification of the Population Register. You cannot decide your own matters ‘without
being classified by race. And how can matters which are "common" with respect to
whites, Coloreds and Indians suddenly be “not common" for blacks?

The second choice is to "put up with the new constitutional system for the sake
of expediency and hence to destroy it.'' That is not a choice, of course. "The
destruction from within" tactic which was used by the Labor Party in the Repre-
sentative Colored Council only had a limited value.

Thus back to the drawing board, where whites effectively decide on a new system.
This is why the ratio 4,2,1 is written into the new constitution--to entrench and

protect effective control by whites.

The third choice is to reject this "in favor of the status quo." That means that
if one doesn't accept what the whites have offered, it does not matter. But that
same unreasonableness was applied with respect to the white referendum when those
who said "no" because the change didn't go far enough were accused of being hand
in glove with those who thought it went too far.

The fourth choice is to reject the system in favor of one in which Indians can be
included in a black nation.

A “black nation" is one prescribed by the government, which also sets the borders
of a "national territory." That means a tribal-ethnic policy, while we want to
be part of a South African nation. This choice would readily be acceptable on
two conditions: first, that a "black nation" comprises all the inhabitants of
this country, just like a "white nation" is comprised of such deviating groups

as Afrikaners, English-speaking, Jews, Portuguese, Netherlanders, Germans, etc.;
and, second, that such a black nation is given the area it inhabits, from the Cape

to Limpopo.

system in favor of radicalism. "Radicalism,"

The fifth option is to reject the new
"conflict, bloodshed and violence.”

said the prime minister, will lead to
By whom?

From press reports it is difficult to determine whether Mr Botha continued and
gave his interpretation of "radical." From past National Party speeches it appears

54


sos” in history, but we certainly are more
self-reliant now than we were 10 years ago.
Our institutions rely more on Tanzanians
manning them y than before. Our
policies are our own policies and people
know that our own policies are good
policies; economically we depend upon
ourselves. Everybody in the world knows
we have no ‘“‘uncle.”” We rely upon
ourselves. We have many friends, but
basically we stand on our own feet and if
our friends do help us it is basically because
they do accept our policies.

The goal of socialism as.I understand it is
still distant but for a poor country, yes, you
can say we are self-reliant although we still
have a long way to go.

CD Talking of friends, Mr President,
people abroad do point out that Tanzania
talks about self-reliance, yet Tanzania
receives the highest aid from abroad. And
80 people remark: ‘Yes, it’s all very well
to say they are self-reliant, but look at
how they have managed to corner a lot of
aid coming into Tanzania.”

It is true; but as I say, we have many
friends and, basically, these friends are the
smaller countries, in particular the
Scandinavian countries, Canada and also
the Netherlands — and China, of course.
The big powers are not particularly
interested in our development, not to the
same extent.

But when we said we were going to
become self-reliant we did not necessarily
say we were going to reject any aid. We said
‘we would build our own country ourselves
and it happened that these countries liked
the policies we announced. They wanted to
help us in achieving our objectives and we
were very pleased and, quite frankly, when
sometimes I point out the successes of our
last 10-15 years, a lot of credit also goes to
our friends.

But we use the help and we can point to
the results of that help. We could not have
achieved the degree of the spread of
education in the country without this help.
It is tremendous... tremendous
assistance. Take the social services we have
been able to build for our people, it would
not have been possible for us to achieve all
that much without the assistance we got
from our friends. It would have been
ridiculous for me to say: “‘Look, you want
to help us, but we want to stand on our own
feet.” But they were really helping us to
stand on our own feet.

{3} do mot bave the figures, but bas
been said that more people
proportionately bave moved from raral
into urban areas in Tanzania than
hhave done so in the meighbouring
countries. This is in spite of the rural
development programmes

emphasis on the conditions of the
peasants. Why is this?

Firstly, I really do not know whether
what you say is true. 1 mean, it is just
possible that it is true, 1 do not have the
figures either. It would have been good to
have them but our population now is about
20 million. Our urban .population is
probably two million and the rural
population 18m. That means 80% of the
population is rural and 20% is urban.
‘Whether that is higher than my neighbours
have, I do not know. What is true is that
during the past 20 years our urban
population has grown. It has increased with
natural growth, with migration growth,
too, to the extent that we now have
industries based in the urban areas and,
whatever you do, you cannot stop the
attraction of urban areas.

But I believe Tanzania’s achievement is
actually the opposite of the allegation. The
bulk of the population of Tanzania is in the
villages. Our people are anchored there in
spite of the development in the urban areas.
Certainly Dar es Salaam has grown a great
deal — we have more than one million
people in Dar es Salaam now. But the bulk
of the people have stayed in the country and
this includes the young.

The last five years have been extremely
bad for us economically, yet we have made
tremendous progress in changing the rural
areas. Yes, people have moved into the
urban areas; yes, movement during the last
decade must have been bigger than before
because the towns are attracting our people
a little bit more than previously, but our
people have remained anchored in the
villages and the reason is mainly the success
of our policies.

1 One of the things that is often said in
your favour is your simplicity, the way in
which you do not surround yourself with
too much protocol. ] want to link this
with another question: Do you have an
aversion to wealth? If somebody is
successful and acquires wealth do you
have a natural aversion to him?

You mean if 1 see some rich person, do 1
feel that ] am looking upon a leper? No, 1
don’t think I react to them that way. But I
am telling you, I am basically a peasant,
and now it happens that I am a socialist.
Nobody can be rich through his own work.
It is not possible.

(There is reward . . .
‘Nobody can be rich through his own
work — nobody. No millionaire is a
millionaire through his own work. He has
exploited others, it is not possible to be a
millionaire through your own work. Every
millionaire — and millionaires can be saints
— has amassed his wealth through
exploitation.

Just take one of these people who brag:
“This is my work” and give him an island
for himself and see if he can become rich.
People become rich through exploiting
others — always.



SOUTH AFRICA

JOHANNESBURG ON MPLA MILITARY, DIPLOMATIC WOES

MB050845 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 5 Jan 84
[Station commentary: "The MPLA Trouble"]

[Text] Militarily and diplomatically, the MPLA government of Angola is in
serious trouble. That seems to be the clear implication of its second approach
to the UN Security Council in barely a fortnight. This time it wants the
United Nations to adopt what it calls relevant measures to put an end to an
escalation of the military situation in Angola. It has also, belatedly, come
up with a counter to South Africa's offer of a ceasefire, proposing what amounts
to immediate implementation of Resolution 435, while the Cuban troops remain
firmly entrenched in Angola.

The two initiatives relect the extent to which matters have gone awry in the
strategy of the MPLA-SWAPO-Soviet axis in recent weeks. To start with, the
carefully planned SWAPO terrorist offensive into South-West Africa this year is
not turning into the spectacular breakthrough, augmenting the diplomatic successes
of the past year, that it was meant to be. The time the offensive has been
preceded by a strengthening of MPLA-Cuban bases in the south, and the deployment
of Soviet missile systems to deter counteraction from South-West Africa. A new
tactic for facilitating the southward movement of the SWAPO terrorist bands was
worked out. As soon as security forces made contact with them, they should slip
away at once to the protection of the nearest MPLA base.

But it is not working out that way. The defenses are being overcome. SWAPO is
being engaged, and is suffering heavy losses, and its drive towards South-West
Africa seems to be distintegrating steadily.

Meanwhile, the MPLA is facing the biggest threat to itself since it came to power.
The UNITA movement has intensified its offensive in the civil war and has in
recent weeks made advances even in the north of the country. Even in Western
governments where UNITA was discounted as a political and military forces,
reassessments are being made of the effects of the latest developments on Angola's
future and the South-West African settlement initiative.

In Africa, the MPLA is in danger of becoming estranged from a big bloc of rela-
tively moderate governments as it becomes exposed not only as a regime with
virtually no popular support, but as little more than a pawn in a Soviet power


MALI

BRIEFS

USSR AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE NAMED--The ambassador-designate of the USSR to Mali
is Yevgeniy Nersesov, who was appointed by a decree issued in Moscow today.
Mr:Nersesov, who is 62 years old, entered the service in 1951. He was
appointed ambassador to Morocco after serving as the head of the USSR diplo-
matic mission in Chad from 1974 and 1978. He replaces Malik Fazylov who has
been here since 1976 and who has been appointed the ambassador to Rabat.
(Text] [AB260835 Bamako Domestic Service in French 1300 GMT 24 Dec 83]

WHEAT, RICE FROM ALGERIA, USSR--Bamako, 4 Jan (AFP)--Algeria has granted Mali
2,000 tons of wheat flour in food aid, it has been learned in Bamako. The aid
comes in addition to a gift of agricultural equipment (about 10 tractors,
trailers, and tank trailers) presented to the Malian authorities last week.
These gifts, which are designed to support Mali's authorities in their struggle
against the effects of the drought, will be complemented by an Algerian contribu-
tion to a well-sinking program in the region along the Mali~Algeria border.

For its part, the USSR will donate to Mali 1,000 tons of rice, said the Soviet
ambassador to Mali, who specified that the cost of transport of the food aid
will be met by the Soviet side, adding that this is in response to Mali's
appeal for assistance to the masses of people affected by the drought. [Text]
[AB041115 Paris AFP in French 1010 GMT 4 Jan 84]

CSO: 3419/286

18



In general there was only fear that Mr Pretorius and his colleagues would come
to the rural Transvaal area again to fan rightist flames about the future of
whites in the Southwest.

Hopefully that fear has now abated--only it ‘isa pity that .6 years of political
development, which the country could have experienced, have been wasted.

The fact that even the SWA NP realizes its bargaining power in South African
politics is decreasing can possibly be seen in the careful feelers the party
has started to put out toward the multi-party conference. (VPK), which had its
first meeting in Windhoek on Saturday.

A political countermeasure to SWAPO in the Southwest itself remains the greatest
problem with which decisionmakers have had to cope the past few years.

Mr Dirk Mudge's DTA [Democratic Turnhalle Alliance] looked like an alternative.
After the domestic election of 1978 there were definite indications that the
DTA perhaps could beat SWAPO if it retained its political momentum.

It couldn't manage that, however--usually due to. factors out of its control.
AG8, which regulates the distribution of government functions, was continuously
a handicap to the DTA and for one or another unclear reason there were con-
tinuous attempts to divide the DTA and undermine Mr Mudge.

The VPK has certain possibilities of developing into a strong front--but whether
it will ever equal the strength of the 1978 model DTA is doubtful.

Together with the DTA, parties such as SWANU, the Damara Council, SWAPO democrats

and the Rehoboth liberation party also serve in the VPK. The only thing which
apparently unites them is their opposition to the administrator general Dr Willie

van Niekerk and his attempts to bring a state council into being.

If the VPK appears to be viable, the possibility could definitely be considered
of turning it into an interim government.

An election booth victory against SWAPO still appears unlikely, but a strong front
could at least prevent SWAPO from achieving a two thirds majority and from ar-

bitrarily changing the constitution.

Although decisions on domestic policy seem difficult, they are only child's play
compared to the problems waiting on the other front--the military area.

The United States and South Africa at least are in agreement that the Cuban
presence in Angola is the most important obstacle on the road to an international
settlement. The question is: how does one get rid of those foreign soldiers?

One thing is sure . ; . as long as the MPLA government is under military pressure,
it will never be able to afford to send the Cubans back. If it sees the Cubans as
the only buffer between it and a military defeat against UNITA, it will not make

any decisions which will endanger its own security.

36



a

with them, because we have this peculiar
teputation."? The British Government sent
me a message asking whether I was going to
recognise the government of Seychelles. 1
said: ‘I am waiting for you people, to see
whether you are going to recognise them.””

The first two governments to recognise
that government were the British and the
Americans. After that I said I, too, would
recognise it. These are the facts. Time
elapsed before they asked us to loan them a
company of troops. We sent them the
company of troops.

About the Comoros which is another
country where I am supposed to have
wanted to build my empire, if they only

. knew the truth, they would be surprised

what our troops were being asked to do.
Those people were virtually asking us to run
the country. We said: "No, this is not what
we are here for.”*

This reputation, I believe, is part of the
anti-Tanzania propaganda. This nonsense
that Tanzania is becoming big-headed and
trying to become a super-power. This poor
country? You know, some republics are
called banana republics; my republic here is
a cashew-nut republic. A cashew-nut
republic trying to become a super-power? I
would have to be one of the biggest fools in
Africa to have these pretences. ‘

The Mozambicans were fighting; I have
troops there, but South Africa’s claim that
I have several battalions there is a damn lie.
Samora (Machel) has a problem and he
says: ‘‘Mwalimu, can’t you even help us
with training?"’ Am I supposed to say no?

We are all poor, helping one another, 1
am nothing here. During. the armed
struggle, until the independence of
Zimbabwe, during the whole of that period
in Southern Africa, my poor country here
was quietly spending the equivalent of $3m
a year. Why? Because I did believe that
until they became free we were not free.
Now, we have people in Mozambique, but
they are not fighting. I have a camp there
where we are helping with training, not
because I want to build an empire, but
because we are freedom fighters.

(2 How do you see the racial
confrontation in Southern Africa finally
coming to a conclusion?

The situation being what it is, I think it is
going to be very bloody. How bloody I do
not know, but it will be very bloody.
Change in South Africa will have to be by
force because there is no philosophy of
change there. Those people are not

* prepared to share power; they are against

the sharing of power as a religion. For this

» they quote the Bible. The people there will

have to keep on struggling, causing trouble.
The rest of the world will have to apply a lot
of pressure. These struggles will include
different kinds of violence to bring about
change. Change will not come voluntarily.
How much bloodshed there is going to be
really depends on the degree of resistance to
change.

67

But if a miracle took place and the South
Africans crossed the Rubicon of racial
discrimination and it became simply a
matter of political prudence ... if, for
example, they were to say: “Look, here we
are a minority, we have run this country for
a long time. Okay, we accept change, we
accept that we must share power with the
Africans, but how quickly, how soon? One-
man-one-vote at this precise moment is
going to run us into a mess. Couldn’t this
come gradually?”’ Then, once they cross
that ‘Rubicon, there is a possibility of
change with a minimum of violence, be-
cause there will be many people in South
Africa who are going to say: ‘Well, that’s
fine, so who should have the vote? Those
with so much education?””

Every time I explain this, I remind people
that Tanganyika became independent be-
fore we had universal suffrage. The vote
that brought independence was not one-
man-one-vote, it was a limited one. The
British refused to accept one-man-one-vote.
So, if'a miracle happens — and it has to be
a miracle because these people are against
the African philosophically — and the
South Africans said they are willing to share
power with all the citizens of South Africa
but left the question of its timing to
discussion, then the desperation might be
removed from the situation,

CDo you see how African states can
break the stranglehold of the foreign
exchange dead-end that we are in today?
It seems time that some radical initiative is
needed, but looking at all the experiments
going on, we all seem to be doing the same
thing.

Our problem is that we are very import-
dependent. A certain amount of import-de-
pendence is necessary for young countries
trying to develop in the 20th century. But
obviously it has to be at acceptable limits.
Then you must ask yourself what kind of
society you want to build. You see what the
British have built, what the Americans
have built, what the Germans have built
and, if that is the kind of society you want
to build, then the import dependence
becomes permanent. There is no way you
can break it. You can break it by defining
the kind of country you want and then
change the selective imports which will help
you to build your base. If a sufficient
number of African countries were to make
this decision then we can make it. But the
temptations from the developed countries
are too great, they are preventing us from
building this base, because they say you can
import. Yes, we can import, but what do we
want to import? What do I want from the
‘outside world? Do I want bicycles or do I
want Mercedes-Benz cars? Import to
remain dependent, or import to reduce
‘dependence? That selection has got to be
made, and it is very difficult for single
countries to make.



Currency Reportedly Will Be Devalued 'Soon'
(AFP, 3 Jan 84) .ccccccccccnceccecencescscsesseseseeeens

Briefs
Fuel Shortage at Kano
Students Support New Regime
Buhari Praised for Patriotism
Protection of Government Property
Benin City Prices Drop
Phasing Out Abuja Project

SOMALIA

Briefs
New Industrial Journal Launched

SOUTH AFRICA

Significance of Soutpansberg, Pinetown By-elections Noted
(Editorial; THE CITIZEN, 20 Dec 83) ..sccccsececeeeecees

Johannesburg on MPLA Military, Diplomatic Woes
(Johannesburg Domestic Service, 5 Jan 84) .eceeeeee

New Weakening Seen in SA Economy
(THE CITIZEN, 20 Dec 83) ....eeeee

Effect of Water Shortage on Economy Discussed
(THE CITIZEN, 20 Dec 83) ...

Interview With Colored Leader
(Carter Ebrahim Interview; DIE VADERLAND, 15 Nov 83) ...

Article Examines Alternatives for Indian Development
(Ameen Akhalwaya; DIE VADERLAND, 18 Nov 83) ....seeeeeee

Briefs
CP, HNP Election Disagreement

TANZANIA

Nyerere Discusses Foreign Aid, Progress of Ujamaa
(Julius Nyerere Interview; AFRICA NOW, Dec 83) ....eeeee

Government Planning To Revive Small-scale Mining
(AFRICA NOW, Dec 83) ccsececeeccccceccccescescsceseceees

UPPER VOLTA

Communique on Vigilance Against Dishonest People
(Seydou Traore; Ouagadougou Domestic Service, 26 Dec 83)

40

41
41
41
42
42

43

4h

46

48

49

50

53

56

57

69

71



established in Morogoro, Karagwe,
Mpanda, Chunya, Tarime and Geita, the
principal centres for gold and tin mining.

Banks will provide financial backing to
buy equipment and tools. For their daily
requirements, individual miners will be
provided with overdraft facilities. Ministry
officials will be posted in various parts of
the country to help prepare feasibility
studies for mining operations and also
recommend which applications need
financial backing.

Applications for loans for infrastructure
will be submitted to the Tanzania Housing
Bank. Those applicants requiring loans for
machinery and tools should go to the
National Bank of Commerce. The govern-
ment is planning to spend Tshs}0m to
import some of the main mining tools and
either re-sell or hire them to small miners
directly or on Joan basis.

Elaborate arrangements are also being
made to check the illegal miners. Bomani
said that his Ministry would appraise the
marketing arrangements in the regions
where they are obtained in large quantities.

But one thing that could almost eliminate
the illicit trade in gold is the question of
payments to the miners. Bomani said that
the government would regularly review the
prices of minerals.

With the new initiatives being launched,
special arrangements are at hand to re-open
small-scale gold mines to Mbeya, Mwanza,
Shinyanga, Mara and Rukwa regions.

Under the new system, the government
will register afresh all prospective gold-
miners. Non-citizens living in Tanzania will
not be allowed to take part in small-scale
mining activities.

Mobile marketing arrangements will be
established to buy gold from the miners two
or three times a week. This would also
ensure the safety of gold diggers who have
to travel long distances to sell the mineral.
In the past, small-scale miners have been
ambushed by thugs and their gold stolen.
Special Land Rovers will be used to

CsO:- 3400/442

70

facilitate gold-buying and to confirm on-
the-spot deals.

The State Mining Corporation (Stamico)
is now lining up teams of people who would
buy the gold at the six céntres. Seminars on
zonal and national levels have already been
conducted to prepare mining experts.

Bomani said that small-scale tin miners
can market the metal after it has been
processed at a mobile tin processing plant
which has already been stationed at
Kyerwa in Kagera Region. Tin ore miners
would have to pay a small fee to process the
metal. .

The Ministry of Minerals would make
regular checks to ensure that the miners
conducted their activities legally and see if
the loans are being utilised for the purpose
for which they were given.

Critics feel that the operations of small-
scale miners might hamper any efforts by
large mines to exploit further: reserves of
minerals. At present in Tanzania there are
large-scale “mining operations like the
Williamson Diamonds Mine, Mwadui, in
Shinyanga Region, contributing 90% of
foreign exchange earnings from mining.
Buckreef Gold Mine, in Geita, Mwanza
Region and the Minjingu Phosphates Mine,
in Hanang, Arusha Region, also supply
“Tanzania’s minerals. The country will also
have plenty of coal when the large-scale
mine at Songwe-Kiwira in Mbeya Region is
completed.

“‘With small-scale mining, the govern-
ment is planning to ensure that this group’s
activities accelerate the development of the
mining sector rather than compete against
the large-scale mines. Logically, there is no
scope for competition between the large-
scale mines and the small-scale diggers,”
explained a Ministry official.

Tanzanians may be able to overcome
immediate problems over technology for
small-scale miners, but it remains to be
seen how effectively the scourge of
racketeering and smuggling of gold out of
Tanzania will be eliminated @



TANZANIA

GOVERNMENT PLANNING TO REVIVE SMALL-SCALE MINING

London AFRICA NOW in English Dec 83 pp 72, 73

[Text]

Small-scale mining has been neglected in
Tanzania for many years, but the govern-
ment is now planning to revive this sector.
In recent years small miners have been
banned from exploiting minerals, mainly
gold and tin, and this has meant the loss of
nearly half of the sector’s contribution to
the national product.

The state loses millions of shillings each
year from black marketeering of gold.
Small-scale miners normally sell a majority
of their output to Asian goldsmiths in
towns like Dar es Salaam, Mwanza,
Dodoma, Tabora and Kigoma. They record
a token amount for government officials to
see on paper.

One former small-scale gold miner
admitted recently: ‘‘When | used to dig
gold, we did get plenty of it, sometimes
even up to 10 kgs. We would sell at least
6 kgs of this and record 4 kgs for eagle-eyed
officials.’”

He added: ‘‘For us Asians, gold is a
lucrative market. This is the second form of
currency to take abroad. The Tanzanian
shilling is valueless abroad, and so if one
smuggles out generous quantities of gold,
there is no need to pine for remaining bank
balances in Tanzania.”

He also disclosed that a lot of gold mined
by the smail-scale miners finds its way to
Nairobi and Mombasa, in neighbouring
Kenya.

“In the days when the Namanga border
used to be open, I used to take kilo-
grammes, literally, kilogrammes of gold,
concealed in my Land Rover. From there,
after selling the gold at inflated prices, I
used to remit money into my overseas bank
account. It was as easy as that. These days,
with the borders sealed, still Asian gold-
smiths find their way into neighbouring
countries to sell gold. All this because
Asians buy gold ornaments in bulk and
store them away for the rainy day."’

Sources in Dar es Salaam estimated that
Tanzania loses more than Tshs20m each
year in the illicit trade in gold, not including

69

the amount of gold that is illegally hoarded
by goldsmiths in various Tanzanian towns.

The Ministry of Minerals’ plan, there-
fore, is not only to boost the production of
minerals under the small-scale sector but
also to combat the illegal trade in gold.

Under the Mining Ordinance, repealed
in 1979, any Tanzanian resident over the
age of 17 could acquire a lease for prospect-
ing, mining or reconnaissance of minerals.
Out of the nearly 1,500 mining sites avail-
able, more than 450 have been leased to
mineral prospectors. Besides these lease-
holders, about 10,000 people are engaged in
mining in Tanzania.

One problem in the past has been the
indiscriminate issue of leases. The govern-
ment lacked effective machinery to collect
minerals from the leaseholders, leading to a
rise in illegal mining and lucrative
racketeering.

Illegal miners also left a trail of
environmental destruction, including trails
of trenches and gullies, after digging out
gold. The illegal mining also caught on with
young farmers who abandoned their
agricultural work in the villages and joined
the gold rush. This led to fights and even
murder over mining rights.

The government was forced to clamp
down on small-scale mining because of
these problems. This time the authorities
are planning to go systematically and solve
the immediate problems facing the young
miners.

Paul Bomani, Tanzania’s Minister for
Minerals, said that the government would
begin by training prospective miners
through a series of seminars. This would
enable the beginners to understand the
basics of mining and also follow up the best
techniques of extracting minerals from the
rocks and to show them how to handle
dynamite.

The Ministry is also planning to spend
thousands of shillings setting up six centres
in Tanzania where tools used for mining
can be bought, loans processed and
minerals bought. These are expected to be



ZAIRE

COMMENTARY ON NEW REASONS FOR HOPE IN ECONOMIC FIELD
48201050 Kinshasa AZAP in French 0900 GMI 20 Dec 83
[AZAP commentary: "A Discovery Rich in Promises"]

[Text] Kinshasa, 20 Dec (AZAP)--All the activities now being undertaken inside
and outside the national territory by the promoters of Zaire's development help
to ensure for the nation continued progress and new reasons for hope.

The very recent discovery of a new oil deposit off the Zairian coast by the
Zaire-Gulf Oil Company acting on behalf of the "Gulf-Teikoku Cometra" consortium
opens for our country's economy new prospects which enable us to envisage the
future with a little more optimism.

In fact, this discovery gives the national economy being shaken by the world
economic crisis more strength to enable it to resist better the ruthless bad
temper of the recession now paralyzing the economies of the world. Zaire--a
wealthy country with immense natural resources and constantly increasing human
potentials--cannot present itself on the financial market like an unworthy
beggar because, as Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko once said, "anyone who helps Zaire
also helps himself."

It is in this perspective that one should consider the contract now binding the
country to the IMF, the inevitable supplier of the funds needed for the develop-
ment of our rich potentials. In this connection, the Zairian-Italian Refinery
Company (SOZIR), which refines Zaire's share of the oil, is now negotiating with
the World Bank a $40 million loan that will enable the company to adapt its
equipment to the quality of the crude oil produced by the Zaire-Gulf Oil Company
and establish a bitumen production plant in Bas-Zaire.

The new discovery, therefore, falls within the context of Zaire's integrated invest-
ment poliéy which does not neglect any sector of the national life. It demon-
strates the very strong determination of the second republic to free the country
from its economic difficulties at all costs. In fact, increased oil production
added to the refining of the Zairian crude oil by SOZIR will give the country

more capacity to invest in productive sectors like agriculture and transport
infrastructures. In fact, the economy of foreign exchange to be made thanks

to the use of oil produced and refined locally will furnish Zaire with the
indispensable means to relaunch its economy.

72



NAMIBIA

REPORT ON VISIT TO BORDER POST, CONTACT WITH UNITA
Windhoek DIE REPUBLIKEIN IN Afrikaans 7 Nov 83 p 2
[Article by Andre de Bruyn: "UNITA's Post on South-West African Border"]

[Text] One of the most extraordinary frontier posts in the world was
recently set up at Oshikango, on the war-ravaged border between Angola and
South-West Africa/Namibia.

On the Angolan side it is manned by a group of UNITA soldiers under the
command of a lieutenant. This side is controlled by South African soldiers,
also under the command of a young lieutenant.

After much difficulty and with certain stipulations, DIE REPUBLIKEIN was
allowed last week to go to Oshikango and see the frontier post. The border
may not be crossed, speaking with the UNITA people is not allowed, and the
armed forces could not guarantee our safety. .

In order to get to Oshikango, approximately 70 km north of Ondangwa, an
earth road known as "Lard Mine Lane" must be tackled. This road is strewn
with the wreckage of cars and small trucks.

Once upon a time, Oshikango must have been a picturesque little frontier
town, with buildings painted white, palm trees and tropical vegetation.

The buildings that are still standing now are a mirror of the war which

rages. there. The walls are marked by bullets, rockets and mortars. The
area is strewn with bullet shells, witness to the combat that has taken

place there.

From the frontier gate, a group of UNITA soldiers can be seen sitting around
in the shadow of a building a couple hundred meters away. In the steaming
midday héat of about 38 degrees there is. little activity.

Earlier reports that UNITA had erected a notice at the border that read
"UNITA-Controls-Oshikango” are wrong. There was no trace of such a sign.

29



GHANA

BRIEFS

JAPANESE ROAD REHABILITATION GRANT--Ghana and Japan today signed an agreement
on a Japanese grant of about $2.1 million for road rehabilitation. The secre-
tary for foreign affairs, Dr Obed Asamoah, signed on behalf of the government
while the Japanese ambassador to Ghana, Mr Naoki Nakano, initialled for his
country. Dr Obed Asamoah observed that the grant, which is the second of

its kind, is one in a series of Japanese grants to assist Ghana in her eco-
nomic recovery program. He said Japan has been assisting Ghana in areas like
fishing, medical research, transport, and communications. She has also made
grants to her for the importation of food and agricultural equipment. Dr
Obed Asamoah thanked the government and the people of Japan for this gesture
and hoped the cordial relations that exist between the two countries, which
form the basis of the assistance, will continue. On his part, the Japanese
ambassador said the PNDC's [Provisional National Defense Council] measures
for economic rehabilitation are attracting the attention of developed
countries to offer assistance to Ghana. He hoped the new set of road con-
struction machinery will be fully utilized. [Text] [AB221620 Accra Domestic
Service in English 1300 GMT 22 Dec 83] .

APPEALS COMMITTEE ESTABLISHED--The exact operation of the right of appeal

for a review of decisions of the national public tribunal has been set up.
Speaking to GBC [Ghana Broadcasting Corporation] news in an exclusive inter-
view today, the attorney-general and commissioner for justice, Mr J.E.K.
Aikins, said these appeals will be heard by a committee that has been set

up for the purpose. The committee, which is just about to start’work, has
the attorney general or his nominee as a member. Others are the coordinator
for vettings investigations and tribunals, a member of the public board of
tribunals, and a nominee each of the National Defense Committee and the
Prisons' Service Council. Mr Aikins said all aggrieved persons not satisfied
with decisions of the tribunal have to appeal first to the PNDC [Provisional
National Defense Council] from where it will be sent to the appeals committee.
The committee's decisions will then be forwarded to the PNDC which has the
right to accept or reject the decision. The attorney-general says all those
already serving prison terms and others sentenced in absentia can appeal
against their judgement. [Text] [AB231855 Accra Domestic Service in English
1800 GMT 23 Dec 83]

15



The Partners Involved

The Corumane dam was designed by the Portuguese company Hidrotecnica Portugue-
sa, which is simultaneously responsible for the inspection. The project was
awarded to an Italian consortium set up specifically for this purpose, which
took the name COBOCO, resulting from the. participation of Condote d'Aqua,
Bonifica Spa and the League of Cooperatives.

The Pequenos Libombos project, in turn, belongs to the firm Hidroprojecto
Portuguesa, and is being executed by an Italian consortium (Stradecop),
comprised of Italstrade and the League of Cooperatives. The inspection is
shared by Coyne et Bellier of France, Enge-Rio of Brazil and the Portuguese
firm Oman.

The Mozambican Government, through the National Water Directorate, is the owner
of the project, and has assigned two engineers to be in charge of the plans

Technical Features

Both Corumane and Pequenos Libombos are earth-fill dams, with a concrete
section in the overflow spillway tower.

The only enterprise of these dimensions existing in Mozambique is the Massingir
dam built on the Elefantes River. Problems involving water leakage in the
foundation have not yet allowed for the use of this project's maximum liquid
storage capacity.

The Corumane dam will have a total length of nearly 3,000 meters and a maximum
height of 46 meters, while its twin on the Umbeluzi will be 1,600 meters long
and a maximum of 45 meters high.

The dam on the Sabie involves the movement of nearly 8.5 million cubic meters
of fill and the use of 170,000 cubic meters of concrete. Its lagoon, extend-
ing over 68 square kilometers, will have a storage capacity estimated at 1,200
million cubic meters of water. The irrigationarea to be benefited by Corumane
is indicated as 36,000 hectares, but the more skeptical technicians are
considering smaller figures.

The construction, started on 25 January of this year, is scheduled to end by
January 1987, its estimated cost being $110 million (approximately 6 million
contos).

The Pequenos Libombos dam, for its part, requires 4 million cubic meters of
fill. The concrete and the hydromechanical equipment account for 40 percent
of the total cost of the project. The flooded area will be 50 square kilome-
ters, storing 440 million cubic meters of water. The benefit for irrigated
farming will amount to 17,000 hectares, and its total cost is $70 million.
The delivery time for the project is 42 months.

21



KENYA

BRIEFS

FRG AID AGREEMENT SIGNED-~The minister for finance and planning, Prof George
Saitoti, and the West German ambassador to Kenya Mr Johannes Von Vacano today
signed two agreements for a total sum of 100 million shillings. The agreement
for 100 million shillings will be used to purchase goods in the agricultural,
transport and industrial sectors as well as in the postal, telecommunications
and railways [as heard]. The other 5 million shillings, which is a grant, is
to finance feasibility studies for future projects. The projects will be
financed by the government of the Federal Republic of Germany. Speaking on
behalf of the Kenya Government, Prof Saitoti thanked the West German Govern-
ment for its continued partnership in Kenya's development. [figures as heard]
[Text] [EA282201 Nairobi Domestic Service in English 1600 GMT 28 Dec 83]

CSO: 3400/467

17



From the soldiers' relaxed air it appears that they are indeed in control
of that part of Angola and that they do not expect a counterattack by the
MPLA or by SWAPO.

On this side of the border, the soldiers are properly dug in, and a neat base
with enclosures and guards has been set up. According to members of the
security forces, the UNITA fighters are friendly, and their lieutenant and

a sergeant come chat from time to time.

Although there is no official connection between the security forces and
UNITA, they are nevertheless informal companions in a common struggle
against the Russian-supported forces of SWAPO and the MPLA.

The fact that a common frontier post has been established at Oshikango will
probably not be recorded in the annals of world history, but is is neverthe-
less of great strategic importance.

It comes down to the fact that UNITA is now active again in the so-called
"no man's land" between Owambo and Angola, and this indicates that their
claims of success against the MPLA in Angola's southern Cunene Province are

not exaggerated.

The South African armed forces and the South-West African territorial forces
are as usual hesitant to provide any commentary on a matter involving UNITA,
but it is a well-known fact that SWAP®'s terrorists will not readily try to
infiltrate those areas where UNITA is.

UNITA's presence in the area north of Owambo can perhaps also be an ex~-
planation for SWAPO's low profile there and its intensified activities in
the Kavango. SWAPO has never been exactly known for its love of direct
confrontation.

Oshikango's frontier post is not yet one of those frontier posts where your
passport is stamped before you cross the border, but who knowns, in the
future this might be the place where tourists can enter a peaceful Angola
for vacation.

At this point, the gate is used freely by resident of Angola and Owambo to
move back and forth. Animals are chased across the border and Angolans.
come to do their shopping in Owambo.

"We know that when UNITA's people are in the area, SWAPO and the MPLA will
not easily harass us," an Angolan citizen explained to us in Portuguese. ©

It is an area that exists on top of a powder keg. . 5
12271

cso: 3401/26

30


“There was an absence of genuine mass
organisations which were independent of
the government to provide channels for
the manifestation of opposition.

“‘In Moda there were members from all
walks of life, including politicians. We
were able to organise cells throughout the
country. It was not long before the
government moved against us.””

The coup attempt of 1981 was the
climax of the confrontation between the
Ppp and MOJA. Most of the latter’s
members were forced to flee abroad where
Moja is functioning very well. ‘Abroad,
our work must be seen in the light of the
number of Gambian exiles which has
tripled in the last two years. Between
32-40% of young people under 30 are out
of the country,’” Manjang said.

Within The Gambia, MoJa has been
able to re-organise despite the fact that
many of its members have been detained,

cso: 3400/442

killed or forced into exile, according to
Manjang. ‘‘We’ve even infiltrated the
establishment,”’ he told Africa Now.

But the government is hitting back.
According to Manjang, the authorities are
using food as a political weapon against
its opponents. He said 63% of the food
consumed between June 1982 and June
this year was food aid.

“The government monopolises
distribution of this food and it is an
effective method of political repressioin.
The food is distributed through District
Commissioners who must be PPP
members, chiefs, village heads and local
PPP chairmen. Those who don’t actively
support the Ppp, the Confederation or the
presence of Senegalese soldiers don’t get
any part of this aid," Manjang told
Africa Now. For The Gambia, a country
of only half-a-million people, such
measures may have grave repercussions @



UPPER VOLTA

COMMUNIQUE ON VIGILANCE AGAINST DISHONEST PEOPLE
AB262150 Ouagadougou Domestic Service in French 2000 GMT 26 Dec 83

(Communique issued by Seydou Traore, Upper Voltan rural development minister,
in Ouagadougou on 26 December]

[Text] The National Council of the Revolution [CNR], moved by its sense of
responsibility, has taken steps aimed at solving the problems caused by the
drought in Upper Volta, particularly in the provinces of Sahel, Soum, and
Yatenga. This shows clearly that it is firmly determined, and constantly
eager to safeguard the real interests of the people.

This desire to check the aftermath of the drought was materialized through
the creation of revolutionary solidarity funds inspiring the revolutionary
feeling of all Upper Voltan people. Steps were taken to dispatch emergency
food supplies to the hardest hit zones. But then, dishonest and unscrupulous
individuals still in the ranks of Upper Volta's revolutionary people, espe-
cially in Sahel Province, are taking advantage of the sad situation by
diverting the food from its rightful beneficiaries and thus negating the
efforts of the Upper Voltan people.

In view of this the CNR appeals for vigilance on the part of revolutionary
defense committees, high commissioners [senior administrative officers heading
the provinces], prefects, and law-enforcement agencies in the affected prov-
inces to bar the way to these sad individuals who are only motivated by their
selfish interests, and to protect the achievements of the people who should
not be allowed to fall victim to dishonesty. The Fatherland or death, we shall
overcome.

CSO: 3419/267

71



SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

CP, HNP ELECTION DISAGREEMENT--After talks in Pretoria with the Herstigte
Nasionale Party [HNP], the leader of the Conservative Party [CP],

Dr Andries Ireurnicht, has said that he stands by an earlier statement issued
by Dr Ferdie Hartzenberg. The talks failed, and each party will now name
candidates for both the parliamentary and the provincial seats on nomination
day next Wednesday. This will lead to a three-way contest with the National
Party. Earlier, Dr Hartzenberg said that the talks had taken place in a good
spirit, but that no agreement on a pact in the election had been reached. In
his reaction, the leader of the HNP, Mr Jaap Marais, expressed his disappoint-
ment that no progress had been made on a pact in the byelection. Mr Marais
added that the HNP would now have a full go in the Soutpansberg byelections.
In a joint statement issued after the talks in Pretoria, the two delegations
said the issue of cooperation between the two parties would again be recon-
sidered at a later stage. [Text] [MB060901 Johannesburg Domestic Service

in English 0500 GMT 6 Jan 84]

cso: 3400/475

56



London WEST AFRICA in English 12 Dec 83 p 2904

[Text]

cso:

3400/445

Embarrassment to French Government

The foiled, and apparently far-
cical attempt by former “Emper-
or” Bokassa to return to power in
Bangui (West Africa, December
8) has led to an embarrassing
situation for the authorities in
Abidjan and Paris.

The former leader of the Cen-
tral African Empire had attemp-
ted to return to his throne, from
his Abidjan exile, with the help of
business interests and accompa-
nied by several French journalists.
But President Houphouét-Boigny
of the Ivory Coast, on learning of
the affair via a telephone con-
versation with President Mitter-
rand’s adviser Guy Penne, re-
portedly foiled the plan and
ordered Bokassa out of his elegant
Abidjan villa and on to the next
flight for Paris.

Now installed in his French resi-
dence at Yvelines (near the
French capital), Bokassa has been
besieged by journalists and made
to feel distinctly unwelcome by
French Foreign Minister Claude
Cheysson. Speaking in Athens
during the EEC Summit, Cheys-
son said it was “undesirable” that
Bokassa stay in France. The
French courts, he said, did not
recognise Bokassa’s French
nationality and that he would con-
sequently be “invited to leave
France”.

A French Foreign Ministry
statement said: ‘*President
Houphouét Boigny has decided to
end the welcome extended to Mr.
Bokassa which he had offered in
September 1979 at the request of
the French autho

The French press has been spe-
culating as to the implications of
the affair, even suggesting that it
could have some import: on
domestic French politics. A throw-
back to the days of former Presi-
dent Giscard’s shadowy associa-
tion with Centrafrican diamonds,
this speculation has even reached
the front page of Le Monde, one
of the few pro-Mitterrand French
Papers; one of the newspaper's
senior commentators implied that
the return of Bokassa to France
could prove embarrassing to Mr.
Giscard and President Mitterrand.

The French Foreign Ministry
said enquiries were being made for
Bokassa to be sent to a third. or
fourth, country.

Political
trials

Two members of the opposition
have been condemned to two
years imprisonment after a trial of
four men. Hughes Dobozendi and
Dieudonne Padoundji-Yadjoua
had been accused of complicity in
the May 1982 coup attempt led by
Ange Patassé. But the complicity
charges did not stick, and they
were condemned, rather, for re-
fusing to promise to keep Presi-
dent Kolingba’s “political truce”
and for demanding the resignation
of the President.

The cases of the other two men
accused (West Africa, December
5), Theodore Bagayombo and
Jean-Mete Yapende. were refer-
red back to the prosecutors for
further investigation.


NAMIBIA

SOUTH AFRICAN REFERENDUM VIEWED

Windhoek DIE REPUBLIKEIN in Afrikaans 4 Nov 83 p 6
[Editorial: "Yes Is Not ‘Yes And No!"]

[Text] The declaration of yes made by South African whites to the new
constitutional model was not half-hearted; it was an unambiguous
declaration for renewal.

There is nothing, therefore, to impede the government of the Republic of
South Africa from moving forward unambiguously in the course which the
voters have chosen. If the government were to hesitate in moving forward

in implementation as soon as possible, it will deprive itself of the national
as well as international gain which this overwhelming yes-vote has provided
it.

For South-West Africa, the outcome of the referendum is cause for great
optimism.

The pressure on the South African government from the right has snapped.
Thus, it need not be feared that the necessary developments that must now
take place in South-West Africa need to cause confusion for the government.

We would like to so interpret that the South African voters by implication
cast their yes-votes for South-West Africans as well, in order to continue
on the road of renewal.

That road has not only been designated in the past, but already cleared
to a very important extent. It is the road to self-government and in-
dependence. 5

The administrator-general has repeatedly said that he wants to return
control of the central government to the South-West Africans.

And the South African government has consistently attempted over the past
10 years to let South-West Africa develop towards independence.

27



[J One thing which people fear is that
when you have a law that is occasionally
applied to supplement ordinary law,
where the law is considered inadequate, it
creates a chain-reaction and perhaps that
fact is reflected in the recent incident
where the state felt that the need had
come to clamp down on those described
as economic saboteurs. A law was
retroactively applied in order to be able to
deal with that situation. This is the kind
of syndrome that troubles people because
‘once you start on a course like detention
without trial it begins to go into other
things. How can one defend the act of
making something illegal in order to
punish people who at the time of the
event did not break any law? For
instance, these people found having
money at home, they might have had
money for various reasons, but they did
not know at the time that they were
breaking the law because there was no
existing law forbidding them to do so.

‘Yes, it is true and this is of course our real
dilemma, and if you want to be a real good
critic, you start here. But you can see how
popular the action was. Actually, we are
becoming slightly unpopular now because it
is felt we are dealing with them/a little bit
too leniently. I released one of them after
three months in detention and I had to
answer publicly why I had released the
fellow. What they were doing may not have
been illegal, but they were certainly
outrageous. They were completely
outrageous, so we had to do something. We
had to act. One way I could have acted was
to use the Detention Act, which I did. I
said: “If you cannot use the ordinary law
— and obviously the last 20 years have
shown that you cannot use the ordinary law
to curb this — I am going to stick my neck
out and use detention.” And I did.

Of course, the lawyers and the others
said: “Well, we could have... why not
legislation?”’ I said ‘‘Okay, we shall have
legistation’”” and we went to Parliament.
Actually, the law that we ourselves
proposed was virtually rejected by Members
of Parliament; they made it tougher.

‘What could we have done? Say: ‘Okay,
we have now passed legislation, from now
on behave yourselves?’ These people were
engaged in the sabotage of the economy.
They are crooks. And the thing was
outrageous and the government cannot
simply fold its hands like this and do
nothing.

There is something worrying, Mr

ident, in that our security agencies in
Africa — not just Tanzania — are
inadequate. I honestly do not think one
can trust their expertise in the sense that,
while you, Mr President, may be acting
perfectly straightforwardly, are you
satisfied that you are receiving the correct
advice? What about victimisation?

63

Oh, I do agree with you. A law like that
may be misused. And of course the people
too are complaining about the possibility of
misuse. This will happen. These laws, these
powers can be misused. But we have been in
a situation where the law itself was being
used by criminals and the law then looks
ridiculous to the public. When these
saboteurs were just moving around as if
there was no law and sometimes they were
taken to court and clever lawyers defended
them and they got away with it, they were
ridiculing authority, they were ridiculing
the law and it was no use my saying: ““What
can I do?” I cannot say: ‘‘What can I do?”
when really these saboteurs are so clearly
defying the law. They get away with some
things by using technical loopholes in the
law. But we know they are crooks. You try
to prosecute them and they get away with it.
So there is the problem.

This lies to all cases coming to
B lawyers are allowed to

crooks, well deal with them.” We are doing
it and it is legal; judges are in charge;
the tribunals are led by professional judges.
We have got to the citizens through
the use of this collective power we have.

I?

How can I describe it? \| did say, when
you phrased your question differently, that
the building of socialism is a process, and
we are developing this country to be a
socialist state. I said all development
whether capitalist or socialist is a process.
So the processes take place and when you
ask how do I describe its success I say we
are building socialism in the country nd
our people are engaged in the villages, they
are in various stages of buildin ig socialist
villages.

(Has not Uj
am really asking. \

Yes, I know: my critics would say it has
failed. We have not failed. I mean, what is
failure? We are building a socialist state and
the fact that I have a severe balance. of
payments problem — so what? People
jump to the conclusion that it is because we
have socialist policies. In that case Reagan’s
capitalist policies have failed and that is
why they have their own economic mess.
Margaret Thatcher’s have failed and that is
why they have nearly 3.5m unemployed in
spite of the gold and the oil and the
inheritance of the empire.

failed? That is what I



exploited people when we were still col-
onies; they are still exploiting us now. You
should not look at them and say that is
what we want to be. Apart from being
immoral, it is ridiculous.

versation by saying that Your Excellency
was one of the very, very few African
leaders who took a stand about the
dictatorship and the horrible things that
were going on, although to be frank, in
Zanzibar, at the time of Karume we had
people disappearing. Recently, we have
had reports that Diallo Telli, the first
secretary-general of the OAU was put to a
gruesome death.

People look up to you, Mr President,
as one of the very few Africans who
should occasionally express what I call the
African conscience — not of course to
highlight Tanzania’s moral conscience and
offend everybody — but on given oc-
casions like this, to come out and
denounce what you see to be happening,
because there is a growing cynicism in
Africa that nothing can be changed.
People feel helpless and they need 2 lead
when it concerns cruelty by Africans.

Why do we stick to protocol when it
concerns us? When Steve Biko was put to
death in South Africa there was quite
rightly an outcry, but when it happens in
an independent African state, we do not
have the same leadership morally. There is
a silence which troubles everybody.

I suppose there are two explanations for
it. One is this exaggerated respect for
sovereignty and I have questioned it myself
in the past. What is this nonsense? The
Europeans, for example, respect sover-
eignty amongst themselves, but from time

to time they point a finger at some state and
say: “You cannot join us, you are a
fascist,” or that sort of thing. They have
standards they would like to see the Euro-
pean Community maintaining and they can
speak out, couched diplomatically yes, but
they speak out. 2
tn Africa we can. still Tespect the
sovereignty of a country without justifying
its policies or simply being silent. Instead,
there |S an exaggerated respect for
Sovereignty and I think we are wrong and
we use the oau Charter as an excuse, We
are wrong, all of us.’ I believe we are wrong
and I emphasise all of us, including myself,
we are all wrong. We should be able to talk
more openly about human rights within our
own territories. We have been treating the
OAU as a trade union of the leadership.

The other point is — and again we are all
affected — who will cast’the first stone? We
look at ourselves and, to be honest, we say:

T am not going to be the first ‘one to cast
the first stone.”’ This is an explanation, it is
Not an excuse. Whatever the reasons — and
Thave had my share of it in this country —
we are all tainted by this,

65

Bur perhaps things are changing. We
have accepted a human rights commission
and this commission is supposed to issue a
report. I hope now, on the basis of the
human rights commission report that is
supposed to be made to the organisation,
the OAU can begin to ask what is happening,
even in Tanzania; that the commissioners,
whoever they may be, will begin to apply
some pressure on all of us.

(Mr President, for the record, why did
you permit Tanzanian troops to cross into
Uganda at the time of the incident with
Idi Amin? One of the comments that is
frequently made these days is that it
should have been enough for Tanzania to
chase Idi Amin’s troops out of Tanzania
and let the Ugandans deal with him
themselves,

What is ‘enough’? His people had
invaded our country and it is true that once
we had chased them out of Tanzania, we
might have said: “We'll leave it there.” I
do not believe that that would have been
adequate punishment, I really think we had
to punish them inside Uganda. It would
have been militarily absurd to say no
Tanzanian soldier should cross that border.
Why did we continue beyond simply going
in and punishing those people inside? We
never set out to remove Amin; frankly, we
never did. A lot of pressure was pul on me
to stop once we had gone in and inflicted
some punishment on Amin. Amin had in-
vaded my country, but it was-a different
matter when some of my colleagues in the
OAU simply said: ‘‘Stop!"" I said: First, you
have to condemn Amin. At least put it on
the record that you condemn his act of
aggression. Do not equate Tanzania with
Uganda by simply saying: ‘You people,
stop fighting!” Condemn the -aggression
and then ask: ‘‘Tanzania, how far do you
intend to go?’? I was personally quite
irritated about the business of equating us
with Amin. So that was another matter.

The third point illustrates one of those
developments which unexpectedly come out
of a situation like that, Baganda is the
province which borders on Tanzania. The
people there had suffered under Amin. Our
troops moved very quickly through south-
ern Baganda and they were received with
tremendous jubilation. Amin annouriced:
“You people are receiving the Tanzanians
with jubilation, you wait until they get
out.”” So when these pressures were being
put on me, I kept saying: ‘Look, one thing
you can believe of Amin, It is that when he
threatens to teach the Buganda a lesson, he
will do it, so who is going to protect them?’

As far as I was concerned we could have
pulled our people out, but the Baganda
were going to be in real trouble because
Amin, if he were left with adequate forces,
would really teach them a lesson, and 1
would begin having thousands of refugees



in Tanzania. I kept saying that, until those
people were strong enough to look after
themselves, we would carry on.

Meanwhile there was still no condem-
nation of Amin and that eventually led us
to say he must go. If he were allowed to stay
and he were not being condemned, he
would wriggle out and start all over again
and the people of Tanzania would be very
angry with me if the next invasion became
much more serious.

CD Since the fall of Amin, his immediate

successors, Lule and Binaisa, accused you
of masterminding their fall. What is your
own version of the events?

My version? What shall I say? Lule was a
fool. The uNLA (the Uganda National
Liberation Army) was really very small. It
consisted of a remnant of 1,000 Ugandan
troops, which had come out with Obote and
had been trained in Sudan, not in Tanzania.
There they were and they had given up.
They were really settlers under the High
Commission for Refugees. Their number
had shrunk so that by the time we took
Masaka, I think they were about $00 and
they fought alongside out people until
Amin was removed.

I said to Lule: ‘You go and join them.”
He had his own clique. I said: ‘‘Lule, in a
situation like this, do not join a clique if
you really want to help unity. Go there and
see, you might help to unite some of those

people.”” Eventually we won, and the man
was declared President and we recognised
his government immediately.

‘The first thing he wants is to disarm the
UNLA. I said: ‘Lule, you can go ahead and
disarm them. I cannot disarm them for you.
My troops and these people have been
working together, it is a small group, why
should I disarm them? What you need to do
is to build a national army and we will help
you to build a national army. Forget the
500, it is a small group; do not ask me to
ask my army to disarm them. If they say,
no, I cannot begin shooting the people.”’

Lule decided he was going to disarm
them. So they got rid of him. That was
whet happened — and then he turns and
blames me for not preventing his fall. 1
said: ‘How can 1?” He says: ‘1 am head of
State without an army.’’ | said: “But our
army was there to help you, this was the
purpose of that army — to help you, but do
not ask il to fight your people. Do not ask
my army to fight your people.”*

‘The fellow becomes President out of the
blue, becomes President of a country and 1
give him advice. 1 say: ook, Lule,
nobody can run Uganda without Baganda,
but do not pretend you are going to run the
rest of Uganda, simply depending on the
Baganda.””

His first idea was to run the country with
the Baganda. I said: ‘1 won't help you in
that, I am not engaged in running a tribal

66

government. You look at my government,
you look at the army — it is not a tribal
army, it is not a tribal government. 1 will
help you to get out of very great difficulty,
to have a national army. I will help you
recruit. Nobody can run your country
without the Baganda participating, but do
not believe that you can run your country
through the Baganda alone, you will run
into trouble.”? Persistently, during those
first weeks, I was telling him this. He was
already beginning to think interms of
returning the Kabaka. The fellow was a
blessed fool. So he went.

Binaisa they picked themselves; I do not
know where they got him from, Binaisa was
not foolish, but they were all looters of
their own country. Within those four
months 1 think Lule had become a mil-
lionaire and this other fellow also within a
short period, he became a millionaire. They
loot their own country and then they say I
masterminded the removal of these looters.
My army was not there to protect looters. 1
never helped to overthrow them, but 1 told
them that if they ran against their own
people my army would not protect them.

There is a previous President of the
Seychelles, James Mancham. Ido not
know if you have read his book ‘Paradise
Raped.’* In it he personally accuses you
of direct intervention in the affairs of the
Seychelles and he says that Tanzania
trained René’s people for armed insur-
reaction. It has also been said that at one
time you advocated the regrouping of the
former German colonies in this area into a
federation and that, in fact, you were
actively helping the Burundis towards this .
end.

You know, I am going to end up the
biggest African imperialist! ‘There was a
series of articles by Binaisa on how I am
building my empire. I suppose this ac-
cusation arose because at about the same
time we had troops in Uganda; in
Mozambique (because of the Zimbabwe
war); then we had troops in Comoros
before the coup by the mercenaries, and
troops in Seychelles. This was Tanzania
building its empire! What these people are
really saying is that if they were in
Tanzania’s position ‘hey would be building
an ‘empire.

Mancham? I don’t know. He had a
reputation for being a playboy. One thing is
true about the Seychelles: it was the only
coup which we knew about in advance. It
was during the Commonwealth summit,
and someone had whispered: ‘‘A coup is
going to take place in the Seychelles when
these people are in London.” It did take
place. Another thing which is true, René
and his people immediately sent us a
message asking us to recognise them. We
did not, We thought: ‘Boy, if we recognise
them, they will really think we are linked


The philosophy pursued in the hard work on the dams is aimed at obtaining the
maximum output from men and machines employed. So that this may occur, there
must be a guarantee of wages that are minimally fair, good food and local
housing that will prevent long commuting.

A technician already worn out from traveling about "big projects" asks: "What
responsibility can be demanded of a driver with 4 contos in his pocket and
10 hours of work per day under his belt?"

On this job, in addition to the wages. and overtime, consideration is being
given to introducing material incentives, rewarding everyone for output and
productivity.

The same technician argues: "If someone is killed working here, it is only
fair that there be just compensation for his effort."

Lack of Cadres

As a problem of national dimensions, the lack of skilled personnel is also

an enigma for the Maputo dams. There is a shortage of foremen,. stone workers,
electricians and topographers, not to mention specialists in civil and
mechanical construction.

Each of the enterprises is a.small university, in which knowledge is applied
and tested, It is for this very reason that technicians with international
reputations pay regular visits to Corumane and Pequenos Libombos, in order
to monitor applications of technology and tests.

It is undertakings such as these that could serve as a school. for training
Mozambican cadres, and as a springboard for national initiatives in the
hydraulic field.

The proposition of proliferating large dams in a country currently facing a
shortage of technical and financial resources is questionable. However, the
"acquired school" would make it possible to set up national enterprises speci-
alizing in the construction of small earth-fill dams and agricultural hydrau-
lics that are so necessary for developing the rural economy.

A coffer, a small earth-fill dam, can solve some of the problems of a rural
community, contributing to the control of water, one of our vital resources.

2909
CSO: 3442/99

24



CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC

BACKGROUND TO BOKASSA'S FAILED RETURN EXPLAINED
Personalities Involved
London AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL in English Vol 24 No 24, Nov 83 pp 2-4

[Text] The regime of President Andre Kolingba could fall at any time. A
group of businessmen, political opportunists and mercenaries are waiting in
France and Bagon for things to fall apart in the CAR capital, Bangui.

Kolingba is faced with a deepening economic crisis, growing dissension
within the ruling Comite Militaire de Redressement National (CMRN) and a
new-found unity among the hitherto diverse opposition. He dared not leave
the country for the Franco-African summit at Vittel last month.

With the regime struggling for survival, the political atmosphere in Bangui
is hysterical: alleged coup plots abound. Recently, for example, a Commander
Miro and a number of cabinet members were arrested on charges of being
involved in a plot. About 60 alleged co-conspirators have been detained and
are now languishing in the Karai military camp near Bangui.

To add to the uncertainty, the former "Emperor" of CAR, Jean-Bedel Bokassa,
has been persuaded to try to return to CAR. Last week he attempted to leave
Abidjan, where he has lived in exile since 1979, for Bangui.

Bokassa Stars in French Comedy

The plan to reinstall him to the presidency was master-minded by a certain
Roger Delpey, who achieved notoriety when he was imprisoned in 1980 by
Giscard d'Estaing for possession of compromising documents on Franco-CAR
relations. With Delpey at Bokassa's side in Abidjan, a leased Caravelle
jet with Arabic inscriptions was flown to Le Bourget airport outside Paris,
now used only for special occasions. Meanwhile a group of 20 people had
gathered at 4.00 a.m. in a Paris hotel waiting for word that "Operation
Bokassa" had the go-ahead.

The group included Delpey (armed with Bokassa's imperial uniforms), a number
of selected journalists, several mercenaries and some special advisers to the
government (including Gouffre de la Pradelle and Vladimir Tcheremissinoff,
who goes by the sobriquet of Arapoff). Agents of the Direction de la
Surveillance du Territoire (DST), the French counter-intelligence agency,
watched the proceedings with interest, and even allowed the group to take off.



ZAIRE

Commentary on New Reasons for Hope in Economic Field
(AZAP, 20 Dec 83) wecccccccccccccvscccccvenessecsceeeseee 72

ZAMBIA

Mine Effluents Pollute Three Major Rivers
(THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE, 2 Dec 83) ..

ee 74



GAMBIA

BRIEFS

CDC INVESTMENT IN GAFP--The Commonwealth Development Corporation (CDC) is to
make a long-term investment of 40.988mm, four-fifths in loan and one-fifth
in equity, in the Gambian Agricultural and Fisheries Ltd (GAFP). GAFP wants
to build a &3.6m fish processing and cold storage complex at Banjul, to
facilitate greater exploitation of the country's fisheries resources, said
by the FAO to be among the least depleted along the West African coast.

The complex which will include a chill room and cold storage, a fish
processing unit with blast plate freezers, an ice making plant and store,
and a fish smoking facility is to be built by two British companies, Lancaster
Construction Ltd and Fishtech International Ltd, which are taking shares in
the company. The capacity will be 5,000 tonnes of fish a year to be mainly
exported. The project is co-financed by the International Finance Corpora~
tion (IFC) and the Gambian Government, whose contribution will come from a
loan provided by the European Investment Bank. [Text] [London WEST AFRICA
in English No 3461, 12 Dec 83 p 2898]

CSO: . 3400/444

13



Four large international companies, one of them based in the US, came to a
provisional agreement with Bokassa on the assumption that he would regain
the presidency. In return for their largesse, . (about Sim?) the companies
would receive concessions in uranium,’ diamonds, oil, ivory and other
commodities. The plan has fallen flat, but Bokassa now has three cars,

a range of video equipment (used for sending tapes back to CAR, to pave
thé way for his oncé expected return), and three workshops (knitting,
fashion’ and woodwork) in the ground floor of his well-appointed villa in
the Adjame quarter of Abidjan.

Exit Kolingba, Enter Who?

The dilemma facing Paris is how to install a credible and broader-based
regime in Bangui. Paris' favourite candidate for a coalition government

ig Dr Abel Goumba, one of the rare CAR politicians with a reputation for
integrity. Leader of the radical nationalist Front Patriotique Oubanquien-
Parti du ‘Travail (FPO-PT), he lived in exile for 17 years before returning
to Bangui-in 1982, only again to be thrown into prison. He was recently
released: under’ strong French pressure. His party is unique for being non-
tribally based, culling its militants and wider support from the ranks of
teachers, students and civil servants in the capital and other urban centres.
The FPO-PT reportedly joined recently an umbrella organisation with other
opposition ‘forces in view of presenting a united front and a credible
alternative to Kolingba's regime. Other groups in the umbrella organisa-
tion tnelude the Mouvement de Liberation du Peuple Centrafricain (MLPC) and
the Mouvement Centrafricain de Liberation National National (MCLN). The
MLPC improved its image earlier this year when the discredited politician
Ange Patasse, now living in exile in Togo, was cast out of the leadership.
At the head of its new nine-member political directorate is’ secretary-
general Francis-Albert Ouakanga and his deputy Jacques Boniba. The MCLN
has sought to move’ more to the ideological left by claiming the "democratic
socialist". tag. Responsible for a bomb attack in a Bangui cinema two years
back, the MCLN is ostensibly led by Gen Francois Bozize and Gen M'Baikoua,
both involved in last year's aborted coup (AC Vol 23 No 7).

Destabilisation of CAR, where France has 1,200 paratroopers and Jaguar
strike aircraft at Bouar, would increase the logistical problems of
France's military presence in neighbouring Chad. It would also enable
partisans of Goukouni Waddeye's GUNT forces to use CAR border areas as
a’base for operations against President Hissene Habre's forces in southern
Chad. Above all, many French Africanists are worried that a power vacuum
in Bangui would lead to a Libyan-supported left-wing regime as in Upper
Volta’



MOZAMBIQUE

CONSTRUCTION OF CORUMANE, PEQUENOS LIBOMBOS DAMS UNDER WAY
Maputo TEMPO in Portuguese 4 Dec 83 pp 31-37
[Article by Fernando Lima: "Dams: to Control the Wealth Drained Into the Sea"]

[Text] Corumane and Pequenos Libombos are two dams currently under construction
in Maputo Province. With dimensions quite different from one another, never-
theless their purpose is the same: to control the wealth drained into the sea
and thus ensure water for farming and livestock raising, and to normalize the
water supply for the city of Maputo, in the case of the dam over the Umbeluzi.

Yellow grass and bare trees are the prevailing landscape along the road heading
toward Sabie. This, together with other sections of Gaza and Inhmabane, is one
of the areas hardest hit by the drought besetting Southern Africa.

A few wells on the rocky road indicate the recent rainfall in the area during
November. Women and children are collecting the muddy water in cans, while
threatening bony livestock vie for space on the road with the vehicles using .
it.

Fifteen kilometers beyond Sabie, a bustling prefabricated village, there
appears one of the daring projects undertaken in independent Mozambique.

Corumane is the name of the dam which an Italian consortium, contracted by the
Mozambican Government, proposes to built in 48 months.

However, it is not the only hydraulic project being executed in Maputo Province:
Actually, 40 kilometers from the capital, work has also begun, at the start of
the year, on the Pequenos Libombos dam on the Umbeluzi River, the source of

the city's drinking water supply.

Origin of the Projects
Studies were made on the two dams before Mozambique became independent. The
basic design for the Pequenos Libombos construction was even completed in 1974,

when the shortages in the water supply for what was then Lourenco Marques were
more than obvious.

19



375159

JPRS-SSA-84-007

17 January 1984

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

- 49980319 159 | ie |

"pric QUALITY INBFEOTEP &

FBIS| FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE

[REPRODUCED BY |
NATIONAL “TECHNICAL ~
|INFORMATION SERVICE g
US. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE (al

H © SPRINGFIELD, VA, 22761

_ i : Ms



PROTECTION OF GOVERNMENT PROPERTY--Enugu, 3 Jan (NAN)~-The Anambra State
Presidential Liaison Office (PLO) in Enugu has been instructed today to
ensure that all government property and documents are not illegally tampered
with and to pack up all CVU [Conference Vehicles Unit] vehicles in the office
compound. A NAN correspondent found that some soldiers went to the office
this morning and took some of the PLO workers to Enugu army garrison to give
them the instruction. NAN found that the PLO office is being run by an
administrative secretary since the presidential liaison officer was dismissed
following the military coup. [Text] [AB031450 Lagos NAN in English 1340 GMT
3 Jan 84]

BENIN CITY PRICES DROP--Benin, 3 Jan (NAN)--Prices of some essential commodities
fell drastically in most commercial areas of Benin city yesterday because of
momentary presence of soldiers, a NEWS AGENCY OF NIGERIA (NAN) correspondent

in Benin reports. At the Lagos street commercial area, members of the public
bought detergents of varied sizes that hitherto sold for between 1.80 and

7.50 naita at between 30 kobo and N2.50 and a tin of Peak milk at 20K as against
the former price of 70K. Motor tyre dealers at Forestry, Eben and James Watt
Streets, in the full glare of soldiers, sold out tyres to interested members

of the public at between N30 and N50 as against former prices of between

N160 and N200. NAN correspondent who visited the same shops this morning,
reported that all sizes of motor tyres have "disappeared" from the few shops
that opened, while most wholesale provision stores in the state capital were
locked. One of the soldiers at Eben Street who, however, chose to be anonymous,
told NAN that "there is no basis for the high cost of these items, if they can
fall now, they must always fall." [Text] [AB031320 Lagos NAN in English

1225 GMT 3 Jan 84]

PHASING OUT ABUJA PROJECT--Lagos, 4 Jan (NAN)--The Nigeria Council for National
Awareness said in Lagos today that the Abuja Project should be phased out to
cover a period [of] 15 years to make the (?nation's) [words indistinct] current
economic plight. In a statement on the military intervention the council also
said that the petrochemical industry and the LNG project must be given top
priority. It called for the dissolution of parastatals and government companies
especially the Nigerian National Supply Company stressing that rice should be
sold for less than N30 per bag all over the country. On public officers who
served from 1979-1983, the council said that they should be made to declare

the assets publicly. It also said that all beneficiaries of import licenses
and government contracts from 1976 to 1983 should be published. The council
stressed the need to ensure press freedom at all costs in order to assist

the nation in its bid to recover. [Text] [AB041817 Lagos NAN in English
1543 GMT 4 Jan 84]

CSO: 3400/432

42



The satisfactory situation of the cotton and sugar campaigns weighed heavily
in the National Monetary Committee's decisions in evaluating rebate requests.
The committee thus approved the application made by CotonTchad for a
campaign credit of 14 billion [CFA francs]. SONASUT will also obtain a
committee-approved credit for 1.5 billion [CFA francs]. As for the other
firms, the minister of economy deplored the lack of information needed .

for the participants in the Lembe meeting to be able to reach a decision.

It should be noted that industrial firms existing in Chad have not, received
credits from the BCZS since 1978, This is due to the weakness of bank
facilities. The international Bank for Africa of Chad, the only primary
bank in the country, saw its quota increase from 470 million to 800 million
[CFA francs], to enable it to meet its many needs.

The minister of economy also indicated that the housing credit granted to
Chadian government employees and businessmen is experiencing certain
difficulties because dossiers have not been submitted. This is the reason
why he asked both parties to fill out their dossiers--to be submitted to
CNB--more quickly.

From this overview of the national economy, it becomes clear that the
recovery is real, in spite of a few weaknesses. The efforts made by the
Ministry of Economy and Commerce are producing results. With the credits
granted by the BCAS, the signs of recovery detailed here will become
stronger, if rigour is used.

12413
cso: 3419/231



CHAD

MINISTER CLAIMS ECONOMY SHOWING SIGNS OF RECOVERY
Ndjamena INFO TCHAD in French 30 Nov 83 pp 3-4

[Text] The national economy is showing signs of recovery, in spite of

some negative points. Such was the report given by the minister of economy
and commerce, Mr Ali Djalbor Diard, who participated in the National Monetary
Committee meeting of November 24-26, which was held outside of Chad for the
first time, at a site in southern Cameroon. Chad's economic bill of health,
presented by the acting director of the Chadian branch of the Bank of
Central African States [BCAS] has turned out to be satisfactory. Taking
into account the positive results reported this year, the National Monetary
Committee gave its approval for the boards of directors of the BCAS and the
Development Bank of the Central African States [DBCAS] to open lines of
credit to certain industrial firms here.

The National Monetary Committee meeting was held in Lembe, in advance of
the BCAS and the DBCAS board meetings, in which Chad's minister of finance
and minister of plan and reconstruction took part. As for himself, Mr

Ali Djalbor Diard attended the Lembe meeting which addressed three vital
subjects: Chad's economic situation, the total contribution of the banks,
and the evaluation of rediscount requests. In an interview on Chadian
National Broadcasting, the head of the economy pointed out the strong points
of our economy. Cotton production increased from 102,000 metric tons to
115,000 metric tons as a result of the rise in prices per kilogram. Food
crops also marked an increase over last year: Food production went from
410,000 metric tons to 460,000 metric tons, reducing the food deficit by
50,000 metric tons. Banda sugar production also increased. Last year, it
was 22,000 metric tons and it will reach 24-25,000 metric tons this season.
Even if they are slight, these increases will have a positive effect on the
activities of such companies as CotonTchad and SONASUT (National Sugar
Company of Chad), which also benefited from protective measures taken by
the Ministry of Economy and Finance, The Textile Company of Chad (TCC) and
the Cigarette Manufactury of Chad (CMC), however, are ina bad way, adversely
affected by competition from imported products. Studies are being made by
the supervisory agency concerned to enable the firms to overcome their
difficulties, as the main obstacle lies in marketing their outputs. The
ban on sugar imports took the pressure off SONASUT. Will the ban on
clothing and cigarette imports have the same effect on TCC and CMC? The
question will be answered as studies are completed at the Commerce
Directorate.



that "radical" does not apply only to the policy of a violent overthrow of the
government, but also to the system which advocates one person, one vote, even the
way it is formulated in the weak PFP [progressive Federal Party] policy of a

minority veto.

If that is the case, South Africa must be the only country in which a demand for
the most fundamental political right--equal voting rights--is considered "radical."

The true choice is thus only to accept or reject the whites’ offer.

Rejection means voluntarily not to have anything to do with an unacceptable system,
but to continue to strive through any peaceful means for what is a basic demand.

By voting in that manner, most of us moderates will be branded "radical," and we

will face the consequences of such "radicalism," as did the demonstrators in
Durban--and thousands of our compatriots previously.

8700
CSO: 3401/29

55



NIGERIA

NAN SURVEYS IMPACT OF COUP ON MARKETS, PRICES
ABO21630 Lagos NAN in English 1620 GMT 2 Jan 84

[Text] Lagos, 2 Jan(NAN)--Soldiers today visited markets in parts of the country
in a bid to bring down prices of commodities.

NEWS AGENCYOF NIGERIA (NAN) investigation showed that at the new Alayabiagba
market on the Badagry expressway in Lagos, soldiers tried to force down prices
with little positive effect.

According to the investigations, some traders, in Lagos have closed their shops
probably to avoid selling at reduced rates. Those interviewed said that the
control of prices should start from middlemen who they alleged were responsible
for the soaring prices of goods.

Prices of commodities such as detergents, milk, sugar, rice and vegetable oil
have, however, remained at the old rates. The long grain rice still sells for
between 65 naira and 70 naira per bag as against the control price of 35 naira.

Prices seem to have tumbled in Jos according to NAN investigation: a bag of
rice now sells at 30 naira while a bag of semovita which sold for 10 naira now
sells at 3 naira 50 kobio. In Kaduna, traders at the city's central market
today locked-up their stalls. Some traders told NAN that a crowd of people
had tried to force them to sell at reduced prices.

NAN gathered that the people reaction followed a radio and television report
yesterday indicating that prices of essential items had fallen. A military
police detachment is keeping guard over the market.

At the Ojo-oba market in Ilorin, NAN reports that the market was in disarray
while many traders refused to open their stalls for fear of being forced to
reduce prices. Howevever, a tin of ground-nut oil which sold at 15 naira now
sells at 5 naira, while a packet of omo which sold at 2 naira now sells at

35 k. Similarly, a tine of Peak milk now sells at 20k as against 70k.

In Bauchi, commercial activities in the city's major markets were disrupted

as news of the presence of army personnel went round. Traders locked up
their stalls for fear that they might be forced to sell their goods at reduced

38



MOZAMBIQUE

BRIEFS

WORLD FOOD PROGRAM ASSISTANCE--In Maputo today Mozambique and the World Food
Program [WFP] ratified a plan for urgent food assistance for the populations
affected by the drought in Inhambane and Gaza Provinces. Within the framework
of the plan the WFP is going to offer our country 27,000 tons of corn, 3,600
tons of beans and 25 tons of other products. The first consignment, due to
arrive at the beginning of January, is to include about 6,600 tons of corn.
Speaking at the ceremony for the signing for the accord, Aranda da Silva, vice
chairman of the Commission for the Prevention of and Fight Against Natural
Calamities, said that the aid will contribute to improving the stock of food
for the zones considered critical in terms of nutrition. On his part the WFP
representative assured that substantial logistical support would be given
through an emergency program of road transportation financed by Sweden. [Text]
[MB230715 Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1700 GMT 21 Dec 83]

EX-PRISONERS IN AGRICULTURAL PROGRAMS--The Ministry of Agriculture and the
Maputo Executive Council have offered their services to those who have
benefited from the No 7-83 which grants pardons for certain sentences. Many
people are needed in the scope of the agricultural development programs, and
conditions exist for immediate integration of the beneficiaries in the various
production fronts. [Text] [MB291203 Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese
0900 GMT 29 Dec 83]

ZIMBABWE VETERANS PROMOTED--Maputo, 30 Dec (AIM/PANA)-~Mozambican soldiers
who participated in the Zimbabwean war of liberation were yesterday awarded
officer rank by President Samora Machel. In a ceremony held in a Maputo
stadium, President Samora praised those members of the Mozambican Army who
had faced "the shrapnel and the bullets of the Smith regime's troops. These
soldiers had then been selected to attend military courses abroad in 1982.

A contingent of about 500 Mozambican volunteers had fought inside Zimbabwe
side by side with Zimbabwean liberation forces in the closing stages of the
war against the illegal minority regime. A second group of Mozambican
fighters had assisted the Tanzanian Army in the war against Ugandan dictator
Idi Amin. In all, 81 newly appointed officers attended today's ceremony. .
They included three captains, one major and one lieutenant, while the majority
were second lieutenants and sergeants. An officers training course for the
defence of Maputo ended on Wednesday. The course closed with a demonstration
of martial arts. [Text] [AB301039 Dakar PANA in English 1005 GMT 30 Dec 83]

CSO: 3400/466 6



SOMALIA

BRIEFS

NEW INDUSTRIAL JOURNAL LAUNCHED--The Somali minister for industry, Maj Gen
Abdalla Mohamed Fadil, this morning held a press conference at the headquarters
of the Ministry of Industry where he launched a new quarterly journal entitled
INDUSTRIAL MANAGEMENT ‘REVIEW. The journal will be published in English. The
press conference was attended by representatives of the Somali media and other
international organizations such as UNDP, UNIDO, USAID as well as other organ-
izations which assist in the development activities of Somalia. [Excerpt]
[EA282131 Mogadishu Domestic Service in Somali 1115 GMT 28 Dec 83]

cso: 3403/10

43



MOZAMBIQUE

SOVIET AMBASSADOR PRESENTS EQUIPMENT, FOOD AID
MB300946 Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1700 GMT 29 Dec 83

[Text] The Soviet ambassador in Maputo today donated several articles to the
Mozambique Government, part of them for drought victims. The articles include
7,000 tons of rice, more than 4,000 tons of machinery and equipment such as
tractors, agricultural machinery and pipes to open wells in rural regions.

These donations are a true testimony to the solidarity between our country and
the Soviet Union. These relations greatly strengthened during the visit of
President Samora Machel to the Soviet Union in March this year. When he made
the donations, the ambassador of the Soviet Union to Mozambique spoke about
the fraternal feelings of the Soviet people toward the Mozambican people:

[Begin recording of Soviet ambassador in Russian with superimposed Portuguese
translation] Dear Comrade Minister, Dear Comrades: Once again I want to
stress that this rice donation is a testimony to the friendly feelings of the
Soviet people toward the Mozambican people and we firmly and openly state

that our relations are based on a firm foundation. With a foundation of mutual
respect and fraternal help, these relations have a tendency to increase, and
to develop still more. There is not and there will not be any doubt about
that, and because of this I have the great pleasure of wishing comrade minister
a good festive season and a happy new year. We can consider this to be a new
year's donation. [End recording].

In thanking the ambassador for the donation, Minister Pascoal Mocumbi said:

[Begin Mocumbi recording] In the name of the government of the People's
Republic of Mozambique and in the name of our people, we want to express our
happiness as we witness here at the Maputo harbor the off loading of the goods
that the ambassador has listed and which constitute, in our opinion, yet another
example and manifestation of the traditional solidarity of the Soviet Union
with the People's Republic of Mozambique. The goods will immediately help
minimize the difficulties we face as a result of the drought. They will also
enable us to promote self-sufficiency in food production {words indistinct]

for all, and some equipment will enable the people to overcome the drought

and be able to feed themselves.

We believe that this gesture will contribute to strenghtening--it has contri-
buted--the links of friendship and solidarity that have always existed between
the Soviet and Mozambican peoples and between the People's Republic of Mozam-
pique and the USSR. [End recording]

CSO: 3442/106 25



1 do not know what more I can say. 1 do
not believe that the question of one party or
two parties, or three parties is on the same
level as one religion, two religions or three
religions. A one-religion country or two-
religion country is a matter of philosophy,
it is a matter of metaphysics. It is not a
matter of political convenience. 1 do not
put the party organisation on the same
philosophical level, as 1 have tried to
explain. Parties are organised mainly out of
practical needs, not philosophically.
Because philosophically, how many parties
do you have to have?

Let me put it in this way: politically you
want to achieve something, you organise
yourselves and you set up the kind of
organisation which. will enable you to
achieve your goal. 1 did explain that we
chose a one-party ‘system, not out of a
philosophical belief, but because it was
made necessary by the ‘situation in
Tanzania. Quite frankly, if the situation
had been different, 1 do not know what
would:-have happened. We became legally a
one-party state because we were a one-party
state but without the legislation.

If you ask me today what has the one-
party achieved, . which otherwise would
shave been achieved by the two-parties
system, then I say, first of all, it enabled us
to have democratic elections whereas we
would not have had democratic elections
had we insisted on a two-party system,
because that was the experience before we
adopted a one-party system. We have been
able to achieve a degree of unity which we
may not have achieved without the one-
party system.

what about today? Apart from national
‘unity we have been able to avoid tribal and
religious divisions. When you are not really
ideologically developed, you tend to form
parties on the basis of tribalism — we were
able to avoid that.

What about today? You did ask me
about the Arusha Declaration. Frankly, I
believe that, had ours been a multi-party
system, we would still be groping about for
a national policy. 1 think we have been able
to be firm, to be very clear, about what this
nation is about and as a result we have a
national purpose. I believe we have this
national purpose now because we have only
one party.

‘Again, 1 am’ refusing to put this on a
philosophical level, I am putting it on the
practical level, because while I am not
philosphically opposed to a multi-party
system, neither am I an advocate of .a
single-party system, not for philosophical
reasons, but out of practical need.

(Some of your critics abroad point out
that Tanzania operates a Preventive
Detention Act and that there are
consequently political detainees in
Tanzania. The question I would like to
put is this: If somebody has committed a

62

crime, it may be that in the short term it is
not possible to prosecute him because the
evidence is being assembled; but after a
year — after two years — if he cannot be
brought to trial, something is wrong if he
continues to be detained. So why does this
system operate?

1 know my critics always bring up this
question of preventive detention. 1 did
not invent the Preventive Detention Act,
various countries have them. The question
is how do you use the law? All states have
the power to detain without trial, it depends
upon the circumstances. The British detain
without trial in time of war or whatever
they regard as an emergency situation.
Usually the law is intended to detain people
who are regarded as constituting a danger
to the security of the state. Therefore,
usually, these are political people.

So, since there is this law and we use it,
there is the assumption that 1 have many
political detainees — some people have put
jt at thousands. Actually, it is not true. If
we calculated all the political people — true
political detainees that we have detained
under the Act since independence — you
might get a few hundreds. At some given
periods we have had no detainees at all. At
the moment those you might call political
detainees are the ones who allegedly tried to
overthrow the state at the beginning of this

year.

But it is believed in some quarters that
there are others. 1 have often said this
publicly but they refuse to pick it up: You
gauge a country by the people who
politically run away from that country.
Sometimes I have been forced to use the
political Detention Act to block off some
economic saboteurs, for instance. This law
was never intended to do that, but
sometimes you have these fellows, we know
they are saboteurs and they are causing a lot
of trouble. I cannot just leave them as if
they are not causing any trouble. So

oenetimes I have used the law, to put
cattle-rustlers inside.

So the real criticism which could be
directed at me is the use of the law not
really for state security in the way it was
intended, but sometimes to supplement the
ordinary law. But my critics, instead of
directing criticism where it really belongs,
say I have a lot of political detainees in the
country, which is not true. Now, for
instance, these people accused of plotting
— Ido not know how much | am allowed to
say about them — but why have the police
been so slow in getting them prosecuted? I
suppose they have their genuine reasons but
in the meantime they are there. And there
are adequate allegations that they did try to
overthrow the state, so what should we do
with them? Am I supposed to let them roam
about the country? You can say: ‘‘Well, by
now they should have been prosecuted,”
and you may be right.



After a refuelling stop at Tamanrasset in southern Algeria the Caravelle
proceeded to Abidjan. Bokassa, who by this time was lurking with a small
posse close to Abidjan airport, was to have slipped through airport security
and immediately boarded the plane. Three hours later they would have been
in Libreville (Gabon), the staging post for a "triumphant" return to Bangui
the following day.

Officially the Caravelle had flight clearance from Libreville to N'Djamena
in Chad. After about 30 minutes of flight Bangui airport control was to be
asked for permission to make an emergency landing there; Bokassa was to be
met by agents previously infiltrated into Bangui; a light aircraft was to
shower Bangui with leaflets announcing Bokassa's return; and president
Kilongba was supposed to have disappeared in the consequent political whirl-

pool.

Guy Penne, the Elysee's special adviser on African affairs, informed of the
plan, called Ivorian president Houphoet-Boigny from Niger. Houphouet-Boigny
ordered the airport army garrison to prevent the plane taking off with
Bokassa and to bring him under armed guard to the presidential residence. The
plane was then ordered to leave. And Bokassa was told that he would never

be allowed to leave the Ivory Coast.

Bokassa is being manipulated by a number of individuals for financial and
political reasons. An unstable individual prone to drink, he wants to
vindicate his brutal dictatorship by writing his memoirs. He is now being
pushed to regain the CAR presidency but this time only as a figurehead.
He would live in his home village of Berengo, leaving Bangul politics to
his manipulators and their associates.

But there is another angle. Delpey, who is involved with opposition politics
in France, also maintains open contact with President Mitterrand's security
advisers Roland Dumas and Francois de Grossouvre. In this unexpected modus
vivendi a tactical entente may have been found between the Gaullist opposition
behind Jacques Chirac and the socialists. Such an accord would have the
purpose of keeping Bokassa as a potential Damocles sword over Giscard
d'Estaing's head in order to disrupt his plans for a political comeback.

Other moves in this direction include the recent purchase by France's first
television channel, TF1, of a documentary on Bokassa, which includes an;
interview with him that is likely to be embarrassing for Giscard d'Estaing.
Pierre Salinger has recently completed for ABC television a three-hour
documentary on Operation Barracuda, the French military operation which toppled

toppled Bokassa in 1979.

Competing with Delpey for influence over Bokassa is ex-parachutist Jeane-
Pierre Dupont, whose notoriety arose from the fact that he organised Bokassa's
mock Napoleonic coronation as "Emperor." His influence, however, is on the
wane. Former "Crown Prince" Georges Bokassa is also seeking to capitalise

on his father's name in Paris business circles.


CURFEW IMPOSED ON BAWKU--A dusk-to-dawn curfew has been imposed on Bawku
following intercommunal fighting between Mamprusis and Kusasis. According

to our correspondent, three people have been killed and nine others seriously
injured. The immediate cause 6f the fighting is not known. The secretary
for Upper East, John Ndeburgre, has visited the scene of the fighting. Police
and military personnel have been deployed to the area to help maintain law
and order. [Text] [AB251358 Accra Domestic Service in English 1300 GMT 25
Dec 83]

cso: 3400/450

16


SOUTH AFRICA

ARTICLE EXAMINES ALTERNATIVES FOR INDIAN DEVELOPMENT

Johannesburg DIE VADERLAND in Afrikaans 18 Nov 83 p 13

[Article by Ameen Akhalwaya: "The Indian's Choices "]

[Text] While Mr Amichand Rajbansi said this week in the meeting addressed by the
prime minister in the Durban City Hall that the new constitution must be given
a chance, an urgent reason why it must be rejected was dramatized outside.

Over 40 members of the Natal Indian Congress (NIC) were taken into custody
because they allegedly held an illegal demonstration. Their guilt or otherwise
will be decided by a court, so that the matter is sub judice.

However, the fact that laws exist and are regularly applied which curb peaceful
meetings and demonstrations in the open air, makes a lie of the argument that
South Africa is a democracy or is on the road to a democracy through reform.

In the hall Mr Botha told the invited Indian audience that they have five con-
stitutional choices. The event outside showed that they have only two: to agree
with the government policy or to reject it and be treated like the NIC members were,

In his speech Mr Botha said that nowhere outside of India any Indian community has
achieved the constitutional recognition which is now being /offered/ {in boldface }

by the South African whites.

That might be true, for as far as I know people of Indian origin who are citizens
of their country have never been placed on a separate voters' list and then been
told that they were given full rights, while the majority of the local population
were called foreigners.

The situation and history of people of Indian origin in the country is unique,

of course. Two things must be kept in mind: that the largest settlement of
Indians abroad, apart from South Africa, is in the United Kingdom where black
immigrants are on the common voters' list and can be elected to any public office.

People of Indian origin have become government officials in high positions else-

where--Mozambique and the Caribbean islands are examples--and in the case of
Mauritius they have even been the head of the government.

53



The one exception was a candidate
challenged by another member of TANU
because he did not accept the official
candidate. Incidentally, he successfully
challenged the official candidate and won.
So the only constituency where there was
some exercise in democracy was thi
constituency where the official party
candidate was challenged by another
member of the party.

Apart from that, in Parliament itself,
debate was very difficult. Why? We had a
Whip but who was he Whipping? Because
we were all of the same party they had to
support the government. The whole thing
was ridiculous, the process of election was
ridiculous, the process of debate was
ridiculous, and the organisation of
Parliament was ridiculous. That was the
situation.

Now we could have said: “Okay, let us
continue like this, the other parties will
grow, eventually we will have serious
parties to contend with.””

‘We could have thought that way but it
was unnatural for a nationalist movement
which had won. If we want elections, why
can’t we have proper elections? The man
who had defeated the official candidate
proved that under our circumstances this
was the way to have genuine elections; that
is, to have party members in a face-down
with each other. So we changed the
constitution. This change was demanded
not by philosophy but by reality.

‘So when you ask if it were necessary, I do
not know the meaning of ‘‘necessary.” You
may say it was not mecessary
philosophically, but, in practice, we might
have gone through two elections or three
elections which would have been completely
meaningless, without another party.

Today, it is just possible, in spite of the
dominant position of the ccm (Chama cha
Mapinduzi), that if we were to change the
law you would have more parties, I do not
know; but I do known that at the time we
changed the Constitution, although it was
not philosophically necessary, it looked to
us that it was necessary, for reasons of
practicality, to organise a system of
election, of democracy and debate, which
accepted the reality as it then was.

(1 Yes, but over a period, those who may
have opted out at that time because of
their losses or the fear of losing may have
reconstituted themselves by now.

Yes, and that is what I am saying: that we
could have said: ‘“‘Okay, let us go through
this farce for another two terms of elections
and then these parties will become
stronger.’”

(0 Your decision at that time has
bequeathed the legacy of a question that
one still asks today and it is this, Mr
President: Does not the one-party system
contradict fundamental rights because it is
the law that prevents any other party
coming into being?

: 60

Yes, and I am saying the law was a
consequence of the reality which was not
law at that time. The parties did not die
because of the law; the parties were not
there. The law was simply to enable our
people to participate in elections and to
make debate more realistic. Actually, that is
how we began to throw up a large number
of senior government officials, party
members, government Ministers. 1 mean
for us it was the most democratic thing to
do. If in future Tanzanians want to do
something different they can do it. Really, I
am not philosophically opposed to a multi-
party system. But at that time the whole
thing looked ridiculous; it was TANU versus
non-existent parties. .

(The question I must ask is where does
Tanzania go from here? I mean here we
have a system which obviously has these
weaknesses as far as human rights are
concerned . . .

What do you mean? You mean party
rights not human rights. You mean party
rights because as far as human rights are
concerned, every person in Tanzafia . . .

We are not an élite party. The CCM
contains elements running virtually through
the whole spectrum of any political views
you may care to name. This is a party ina
small country yet it has more than two
million members. It can be argued that we
should split it up so that each faction would
have its own party. But, human rights. . .
how many parties do you have to have in
order to have human rights?

(It is quantitative . . .

It is quantitative because peoples insist

on quantifying it. A party is an organisation
to enable people to participate freely in the
political affairs of their own country. This
idea that there have to be two parties
cannot be philosophical; it has to be
demanded by the people themselves. The
rights of a citizen are not the rights of a
non-existent group, they are the rights of
the individual citizen. Our people were not
participating, they were not voting, because
of this theoretical nonsense of sticking to a
multi-party system. So here was this
nonsense, how were we safeguarding the
political rights of our people? By getting
everybody returned unopposed?
If, as some say, the more parties you have
the more democratic you are, then Italy is
much more democratic than Britain; but
sometimes the results of their elections can
be very peculiar.

B I, too, was thinking of the individual. I
ave as a journalist taken many stands
where I expressed by opinions freel;
under another system. I do not claim that
what I said was necessarily right, but I
think I can‘say that I believe I represented
at least a strong minority view. If
expressing our views did not lead to our
having our way, at least we had had our
say.



NAMIBIA

SA COMMENT ON POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS
South Africa's Southwest Policy Questioned
Capetown DIE BURGER in Afrikaans 15 Nov 83 p 10

[commentary by Professor P.J.J.S.Potgieter, Department of Political Science,
Potchefstroom University: "Nature of Political Struggle in South-West Africa
'Misread! "]

[Text] It depends on the success of the multi-party conference
which started on Saturday in Windhoek whether the political
struggle against SWAPO can also be won. Most observers agree
that, even though the military war against SWAPO is going
well, the political support for SWAPO is still increasing

and that it would very probably win a general election now.

A consolidated internal alternative to SWAPO has not yet developed. That is sur-
prising, especially if one keeps in mind that probably no more than 5 percent of
the inhabitants of the area would be interested in the Marxist~-socialist system
which SWAPO has in prospect for the Southwest.

The first reason for the existing impotence of the internal political parties is
that the institutions necessary to carry out a democratic political process have
not been sufficiently developed yet. Especially parties among blacks can hardly
be seen as political parties in the full sense of the word. Most of them still
resemble resistance movements. There is not much discussion of political-ecox.,i:
nomi programs, interaction between the elite and the masses, party organization
and party discipline.

But South Africa itself is also being held responsible for the lack of an inter-
nal political initiative.

Two errors in the South African Government's handling of the situation in the
Southwest should be emphasized. The first is that it "misread" the nature of the
political struggle in that area. The second is that it continued to retain a
political-socioeconomic system in which the signs of apartheid still are clearly
visible.

33



It will not be vain to hope that in the near future, Zaire--whose main source
of revenues is mining--will figure prominently among the oil-producing and
exporting countries south of the Sahara. According to this logic, the national
economy would quickly recover from its malaise, remove the backwardness accu-
mulated because of the world economic crisis, and give the Zairian people new
reasons to hope and aspire for a bright future.

cso: 3400/249

73



In the first place, the struggle in the Southwest is too often regarded as only
part of the greater attack of communism against Southern Africa. That led to
the situation that the true nature of the political struggle in the Southwest

is misunderstood.

To state it briefly: the Nama herdsman on a farm near Keetmanashoop is a SWAPO
supporter not because he is in favor of SWAPO's Marxist program for an independent
Southwest, but because to him SWAPO symbolizes an authentic resistance against
white domination and exploitation by South Africa.

Whether the perceptions he has of the whites and of South Africa are correct is
not important. The fact is that they exist among many blacks and that this is
the reason for their empathy with and support for SWAPO. It means that the
political struggle is more a matter of nationalism than of communism. Fighting
the struggle against SWAPO on the basis of anti-communism, as has been primarily
done so far, thus is the same as fighting an imaginary enemy.

The other obstacle which South Africa itself is placing on the road of a political
alternative for SWAPO is that it continues to preserve a system in which color
discrimination exists. SWAPO cannot be defeated in the voting booth if apartheid

is preserved in the Southwest.

Recalled

Judge Theunie Steyn, the first administrator general of the Southwest, understood
that and started to take the necessary steps toward the creation of a society in
which blacks would be willing to remove their support from SWAPO. Those steps
were of course not very desired by a certain part of the white population, and in
those circumstances it was unavoidable to influence South Africa's internal policy.

The political standpoint of the HNP (Herstigte Nasionale Party] and later the
Conservative Party, and the potential influence it had on support for the govern-
ment, forced the government to react emotionally to the unrest in the ranks of
white Southwesterners. How could South Africa justify itself morally if it
criticized the apartheid system in the Southwest but retained it itself? Sub-
sequently Judge Steyn was recalled and replaced by Dr Gerrit Viljoen, who was
ordered to apply the system of ethnic two-level governments.

This happened after South Africa had committed itself in 1978 /not/ to apply the
Turnhalle Constitution, because that was not acceptable to the international com-
munity due to its ethnic basis. In practice, however, the main concept of the

Turnhalle Constitution was continued.
mt

This greatly abated the unrest among whites, but caused great confusion and dis-

ruption among other parts of the population. The system created by AG [Administra-
tor General ]8-1980 is seen by all political groups, except AKTUR [Action Front for
the Preservation of Turnhalle Principles], as the greatest obstacle on'the road to

meaningful political development in the Southwest.

34



SOUTH AFRICA

EFFECT OF WATER SHORTAGE ON ECONOMY DISCUSSED
Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 20 Dec 83 p 8

[Text] An upswing in the South African economy next year as envisaged by
the Minister of Finance, Mr Owen Horwood, might prove impossible because
of the current water shortage.

Mr Anton Steyn, an official at the Department of Environment Affairs, told
The Citizen although an upswing in the economy has been predicted for next
year, this might be impossible for industries on the Reef, Pretoria, the
Witwatersrand area and the Natal to run at full capacity due to the current
economic situation in the country. As soon as the economy is better,
industries will produce at full capacity again.

“Although the agriculture drought has been mainly broken, we are still in
for a grim time," Mr Steyn said.

"In spite of the seemingly good rains the country has had, irrigation
farmers and industries are still in a drought grip."

Mr Steyn said there was no possibility that water restrictions could be
lifted in the near future.

He said there was a possibility that penalty clauses in Natal, the province
that had been affected worst by the drought, might be lifted if the good
rains which had been falling continued.

But, Mr Steyn said, water restrictions would still be imposed in Natal and
a 30 to 50 percent saving of water would still be asked for in Natal.

"Although the flow of the Vaal River is reasonable, we are looking at a
possibility of imposing stricter water restrictions in the Pretoria, Johannes-
burg and Vereeniging area. We will have to wait a while and see what this
rainy season will bring," Mr Steyn said.

The state of the Vaal Dam, which supplies most of the Pretoria, Johannesburg
and Vereeniging area with domestic water has risen two percent in the past
week, but is still seven percent down cmpared with the same time last year.
The state of the Vaal Dam is 40 percent. Midmar Dam in Natal has risen six
percent to 39 percent but had been 50 percent this time last year.

The Klipfontein Dam has risen one percent to 41, but the Albert Falls has been
constant at six percent since last week.

cso: 3400/448
49



Pace of the Work

In Corumane, on a small hill devoid of vegetation and beaten by an inclement
sun, 80 prefabricated houses are being erected, to be used by the workers and
technicians involved in the dam. Over an area of 6,000 square meters, there
are also offices, technical premises, a medical station, a lodging place,

two mess halls and an Italian school.

The houses for the transferred workers are considered an important factor for
the progress of the project. One of those in charge of the enterprise remarks:
"Minimal reestablishment of the family environment breaks the tension and
creates a different atmosphere in this work, which requires a large amount

of physical and psychological stress."

The camp which, in the future, may be another urban center indicated on the
map, will also havea pool and tennis courts "to break the isolation and
diversify the use of spare time." For the present, they are benefits given
to the foreign community established there.

On the side in the direction of the river, the industrial zone, the rock-
crushing center and the concrete center are under construction.

The Mozambican in charge of the project explains: "The most intense work
will begin in April."

It will be then that the dam itself will start to grow. The work performed
is multiplying on several fronts, ranging from the preparation of the provi-
sional diversion channel for the river to the conduits for the discharge at
the base, the cofferdam and the preparation of the foundation for the dam.

A probing team is meticulously continuing its work to determine with the
maximum precision possible the geological profile along the dam axis.

Based on a clause in the contract, the Italian contractors are also respon-
sible for the construction of the Sabie-Corumane road, a section about 16
kilometers long... The construction should already have been completed, but
the setbacks that have occurred will prevent it from materializing until
March 1984,

The residential zone in Pequenos Libombos is being finished. Arranged in
the same pattern as that of Corumane, the houses have nevertheless been
built of brickwork and tile, consisting of 180 units virtually completed.
The final details are currently being applied by carpenters, pipefitters and
electricians.

At the work site, the industrial yard has already been finished, and the
concrete and stone-crushing centers are being tested.

The Umbeluzi River was diverted from its normal course in April, and then

the cofferdam, which will allow for the continuation of the work on the dry
foundations and security to continue, was erected.

22



[question] What do you think: Should a referendum or election be held among
Coloreds to get their opinion on the constitutional system?

[Ebrahim] Both a referendum and an election are opinion tests. Then why go
through the process twice? Therefore I feel strongly that we should only have
an election of representatives for the new Colored chamber in parliament.

That's enough.
The radicals made it very clear that they don't want to have any part in any
positive steps whatsoever. They really don't want to test the opinion of the

Coloreds; they would rather demonstrate by means of a boycott. Therefore we
must do the practical thing and get our new democracy started.

8700
CSO: 3401/29

52



Now, under the system here, a
consequence of the one-party system is
that there is a monopoly of the media, by
either the party or the government. I am
asking, therefore, if I were a Tanzanian
‘journalist, what opportunity would there
have been for me as an individual, a
concerned individual who does not want
to overthrow the system but frequently,
even at all times, wants to be free to
express his views without fear of the
consequences of being thrown out?

There is a practical problem here for
the individual who is constantly
questioning and not only questioning, but
wants to mobilise opinion and support in
his favour, because he has genuine beliefs.
That is why I mention the question of
human rights, because there is an issue
here of the fundamental rights of that
individual to express himself freely and to
be given full opportunity to seek support
from others for his point of view.

If a country to be democratic has to have
a multi-party system, [| am simply asking the
question: the United States is a democracy
but has it the vigour of a democracy? If you
analyse this great democracy, you will find
there are people there who claim that the
country is dominated by two parties and
that they have no say, that they cannot be
heard, because the two parties dominate the
system. They have the money and, if youdo
not have money, your voice is not heard. So
you will find lots of people, perhaps
millions, who say: ‘‘What do we do?”

So in every country you will find people
asking: ‘How do we express ourselves,
especially if we cannot have our way?”’ But
1 am saying it is not simply their way they
cannot have; sometimes they do not have
their say. They can speak to their wives at
home, but if they want to speak to the
public, how do they get through to the
media, since the media are also completely
dominated by the two parties?

So what I am saying is that, everywhere
you go, you will find that this is a question
of degree. We had the party elections in
October (1982). The very critics of our
system were hoping that the right-wingers in
our party would ‘take over. They did not
take over, they were completely
annihilated. But the very people who are
critical of our system which they say is not a
free system were expecting the right-wingers
to take over the system. And they could
have taken over, because we are a huge
party with many tendencies.

Some people think I am too socialist,
others that I am not socialist enough. We
are a mass party but because we are one-
party we cannot ask you to form your own
party for the sake of expressing your views,
it would be wrong. We cannot ask you to
break the law, but we cannot prevent
you... '

61

(From what?
From speaking out in the party.

(It is very difficult. Why must I be
compelled to stay within that party when
my inclinations are and my desire is to
stay outside it
Is your inclination to say it outside the
party or to say it at all? Is it to say it or
merely to say it elsewhere? Because what
you are saying is you want to have your say.

7] want to have my say to start with.
Then I want to have the opportunity to
organise people freely to that point of
view.

Organise them within the party! They are
there, they are available, they are
organisable, they are being organised all the
time by individuals like you. They will
influence the party. It is completely open to
you to go in with your views.

(One is often afraid of what happens to
people, say in the rural areas, who are not
under the direct scrutiny and protection of
people at the top. Wrongdoings may not
happen at the top but back there where
‘here is a party man who probably is a bit
of a roughneck...

And your idea is that such a party man is
so committed . . . This is your idea: you go
and see this party man of whom you are so
afraid. The party man of whom you are so
afraid is a person who is probably
expressing your views. Those party men you
have in the country, you think these are
diehard socialists.

Anyway, look, my own education is very
Western, so I understand what you are
saying, but I would say that people here are
very free.

(Talking about personal freedoms under
the one-party system, J think I need to
make myself clear. What 1 am trying to
put across is that for me political beliefs
are like religious beliefs; they are
fundamental and if one genuinely
believes in a political ideology it is innate
in him. So, when you have a one-party
system, and that one party already
declares itself socialist, for instance, it
means that in order to join it you have
willy-nilly to be a socialist. But suppose
your natural inclination is not that way,
then to me it is like saying: “This state is
Moslem and you must be Moslem,”
when, in fact, your inclination is towards
Christianity.

Say, for another example, that we are
talking about the Christian Church: one
man says: ‘I’m Catholic,” but here is a
state that says it is Protestant and you
have to be Protestant. How can I be told
then that I am able to exercise my
personal freedom of choice in that
situation?



Briefs
Japanese Road Rehabilitation Grant

Appeals Committee Established
Curfew Imposed on Bawku

KENYA
Briefs
FRG Aid Agreement Signed
MALI
Briefs
USSR Ambassador~Designate Named
Wheat, Rice From Algeria, USSR
MOZAMBIQUE

Construction of Corumane, Pequenos Libombos Dams Under Way

(Fernando Lima; TEMPO, 4 Dec 83) ...seseeee

Soviet Ambassador Presents Equipment, Food Aid
(Maputo Domestic Service, 29 Dec 83) ....-.

Briefs
World Food Program Assistance
Ex-Prisoners in Agricultural Programs
Zimbabwe Veterans Promoted

NAMIBIA

South African Referendum Viewed
(Editorial; DIE REPUBLIKEIN, 4 Nov 83) ....

Report on Visit To Border Post, Contact With UNITA
(Andre de Bruyn; DIE REPUBLIKEIN, 7 Nov 83)

Comment on Kalahari Railway Plan
(Editorial; DIE REPUBLIKEIN, 9 Nov 83) ....

SA Comment on Political Developments
(Various sources, 15 Nov 83) ....

South Africa's Southwest Policy Questioned,
P.J.J.S. Potgieter

‘by

Obstacles to SW Political Solution Discussed, by

Dries van Heerden
NIGERIA

NAN Surveys Impact of Coup on ‘Markets, Prices

(NAN, 2 "Jan 84) ..ccccccsecccccceeccenceeces

-b-

15

16

17

18

18

19

25

26

26

27

29

31

33

38



NIGERIA

BRIEFS

FUEL SHORTAGE AT KANO--Kano, 3 Jan (NAN)--Fuel scarcity has hit Kano metropolis
and its environs, a NEWS AGENCY OF NIGERIA (NAN) correspondent reports. The
correspondent said that almost all the filling stations had no fuel with the
exception of African Petroleum and Petrol. As a result, long queues of vehicles
at the filling stations extending up to major roads causing serious traffic
jams. [sentence as received] Tne NNPC [Nigerian National Petroleum Company]
depot chief, Mr T.S. Ede, told NAN that work was going on smoothly as tankers
could be seen being loaded with fuel. A dealer, however, blamed the problem

on the NNPC. Roadside fuel dealers now resort to selling a kerosene tin of fuel
at between 6 naira and 7 naira instead of 4 naira. [Text] [AB031120 Lagos NAN
in English 1100 GMT 3 Jan 84]

STUDENTS SUPPORT NEW REGIME--The students union of the University of Ibadan

has called on the new military regime to seize and confiscate all assets illegally
acquired by, politicians during the previous administration. Pledging support for
the new regime, the students union urged the military authorities to freeze the
accounts of all the political rulers kept in the country's banks. While calling
on the military to tackle the economic problems with military precision, the union
urged the new government to ensure fundamental human rights which the last
administration violated. The students union also called for the confiscation

and sale of privately-owned jet planes bought during the last administration,
suggesting that the proceeds should be used to import raw materials for manufactur-
ing industries. It also called on the new military regime to probe and reorganize
public corporations and parastatals such as the NNPC [Nigerian National Petroleum
Corporation], NEPA [Nigerian Electric Power Authority], the Nigeria Ports Authority,
and the Customs and Excise. [Text] [AB031704 Ibadan Domestic Service in English
1430 GMT 3 Jan 84]

BUHARI PRAISED FOR PATRIOTISM--Calabar, 3 Jan (NAN)--The former state secretary
of the banner Nigeria Advance Party (NAP), Chief Adam Hogan today commended
the courage, foresight, dedication, and patriotism in effecting a bloodless
change of government in the country. In a statement issued in Calabar,

Chief Hogan pledged the loyalty and cooperation of the defunct state executive
of the party with the new administration at both the federal and state levels.
We pray the almighty God in his infinite wisdom to guide the head of state,
Maj-General Muhammadu Buhari and members of the supreme military council in
evolving equitable and lasting measures that would resucitate the dead national
economy. He said that the names of those courageous men of honour would be
written in letters of gold in the annals of Nigerian history. [Text] [ABO31458
Lagos NAN in English 1345 GMT 3 Jan 84]

41



prices. A trader told NAN that he could not sell a medium-sized omo packet for
50k when [word indistinct] did not buy it as that price. The soldiers who had
come to one of the markets expressed dismay at the traders' action. 'We are
just here to do our normal shopping they said.

Reports from Minna said that traders at the central market closed their stalls
following yesterday's stir caused by some men who stormed the market demanding

, drastic cut in prices of essential commodities.

NAN correspondent in Minna reports that a handful of soldiers came to the market
to demand why the stalls were closed without getting an explanation.

CSO: 3400/428

39



We are going through difficulties but to
say we have failed is wishful thinking by our
enemies. But | should not be saying these
things publicly, I think I should let my
enemies think we are failing.

[They will leave you alone then?
They will leave me alone.

(CUMr President, as a non-economist there
is one argument that I have always found
valid and that is that socialism is unable
to sustain incentive for the individual. If
you add this to the realities of a devel-
oping country, where the mentality is that
government work is something you can
delay, how do you combat this?

How do you provide incentive in a dey-
eloping socialist society so that people do
not think: “The work belongs to
everyone, it does not belong to me?” Is
not the case for socialism, therefore, weak
when confronted by the other system —
maybe not by outright capitalism, but by
a liberal form of it, which says you must
permit the individual his own little
possessions and give him opportunity to
develop his full potential: that while the
kind of society you are talking about is
good idealistic talk, in practice it is not
working.

Let me admit there is truth — how much
truth I do not know — in what I say. But it
depends upon one’s objective in life. It is
true, capitalism is extremely dynamic and
‘one reason why it is so dynamic is because it
is very ruthless and that ruthlessness feeds
on selfishness. Capitalism will throw people
onto the streets. [ know it is being tempered
now, but then this is the 20th century and,
therefore, now you have the welfare state.
By its very nature, capitalism, as I said, is
extremely ruthless and therefore to the
entrepreneur, this fellow who wants the
freedom to exploit, the incentive is trem-
endous. Give him labour and he will push;
unlike the manager of a parastatal
organisation, the fellow will push; there is
no doubt about this. He has a dynamism
which you cannot find in the manager of a
parastatal organisation. So I accept that
this is true.

But capitalism harbours poverty, capital-
ism breeds poverty, there is no doubt about
it. It is not true that socialism breeds
poverty. Because it does not breed poverty
it does not save; because it is not ruthless it
does not save and therefore it is not the
dynamic system that capitalism it. We could
have said let us first of all accept the
dynamism of capitalism; let us be meta-
physically believing socialists but let us not
try to build socialism now; let capitalism
take over and let this dynamism of
capitalism build the country before we
begin to build socialism. This we ruled out.

T have had to debar the leadership from
untramelled amassing of wealth, so to that
extent you are removing incentive, but that
is not the same as removing incentives for

64

the people of Tanzania because the people
of Tanzania are as free as anybody in
working for themselves.

The incentive to exploit others is very
different from the incentive to develop
yourself within the limits of a fair society,
30 you have to decide. I repeat, I believe it is
true here in Tanzania that the capitalist
manager works for longer hours than the
manager of my parastatal organisation. He
is less wasteful than the manager of my
parastatal organisation; in that sense. he is
more efficient.

But it depends upon what you want to
do. We want to build a society of equals.
We will build a society, a civilised society,
given time. We are going to build a com-
pletely civilised society of civilised people,
reasonably equal; have services available to
everybody, good transport available to
everybody. This nonsense of everybody
having his own private car is rubbish. The
Americans will one day discover that
everybody is not going to have his own
private car. This is ambitious. We will
abolish poverty, we will abolish both forms
of poverty and only socialism can do it,
capitalism cannot do it. We will abolish
absolute poverty — and if you want proof,
go around; we are still very poor, but we are
abolishing absolute poverty.

DAre you not asking too much of one
generation?

We will abolish relative poverty. This
thing I was talking about, the creation of
millionaires in the midst of poverty, what
for? Simply for the domination of others.
We will abolish poverty. Capitalism can
abolish absolute poverty, although
sometimes poverty is needed by capitalism.
For instance, unemployment in Britain is
necessary for capitalism. Capitalism can
produce enough wealth to abolish actual
poverty, what it cannot do is to abolish
relative poverty — never. It will always he a
class society.

You ask if | am asking too much of this
generation; what is asking too much? We
all started poor. [ do not know about
Nigeria, but here when we took over we all
were poor, all of us. And then, because
some of us took up jobs and so on and so
forth, we became slightly different from the
others. Our position became quite nice and

very different trom the positions of the
mass of the people. So when the party says:
“Look, stop there; do not amass wealth,
that is not what you are here for,” is that
asking too much of our own people?

If you look at the films from the United
States and you say to yourself admiringly:
“Look how they live in the United States!"
then I say pack up and go to the United
States and live like they live. Here, you
should look at the village in Tanzania; do
not always look at the two cars and the
fridges and all those things in the capitalist
countries, in the exploiting countries. They


CONGO

ROAD PROJECT REPORTEDLY IN FULL IMPLEMENTATION
Brazzaville BULLETIN QUOTIDIEN DE L'ACI in French 29 Nov 83 p 2

[Text] Brazzaville, 1 Dec--The Owando-Makoua~Ouesso road project is fully
underway in the south. The French Ducler company, which began the project
2 years ago, expects to complete it in July 1987.

Four major engineering projects are planned along this 310-kilometer road:
bridges over the Kouyou at Owando, the Likouala at Makoua, the Mambili and the
Lengue.

The bridge over the Koyou, on which work is at a very advanced stage, is
constructed of prestressed concrete and is 154.8 meters long. Its height of
7.5 meters permits free passage on the river. According to Mr Moullec, chief
of the engineering section, the work on this bridge will be virtually complete
at the beginning of July 1984.

At the same time, work is also continuing on the bridge over the Likouala.
This 191.5-meter bridge is being built at the present ferry location. After
having located the engineering yard, the project is now in the deforestation
stage. This bridge will be of the same construction design as the Kouyou
bridge.

To facilitate supply of stone, a quarry was located 33 kilometers from Makoua
on the Etoumbi road. The tests were positive, so stone will no longer have to
be brought from Brazzaville, thus saving 70 percent of materials cost.

The construction team began at Ouessou because the materials for the roadway
are located to the north.

However, the construction has been slowed at times because of various
difficulties encountered, mainly in transportation of certain materials.
Loaded at the port of Bordeaux in France, these have had to come through
Cameroon, Zaire or the port of Pointe-Noire. The rainy season now underway in
the Cuvette and Sangha areas has also been a serious handicap.

The Owando-Makoua-Ouesso road, whose initial cost will be 35 billion CFA
francs, is one of the priority projects under the first 5-year plan. It will
open up the northern part of the country and thus stimulate agricultural and
mining activity. A total of 522 Congolese of all levels are participating in
carrying out this project of national importance. (ACI)

9920
cso: 3419/245



[Question] How is this attitude reflected in numbers among the Coloreds?

[Ebrahim] I strongly believe that my feelings and the feelings of the people who
agree with me on this point represent the majority of the Golored voters’ feelings.

[question] But what is the so-called intellectual position of the Coloreds?

({Ebrahim] Those people are precisely the privileged rank among the Coloreds.
They are not affected as much by apartheid; they were always able to buy them-
selves out of that, as it were. Their thinking represents an ideological mass of
eaplier, now obsolete, political organizations, and they are not realistic enough
to get,rid of that. They are not at all practical political people.

In any event, those people never represented an important part of the voters'
corps of our Labor Party.

In that so-called intellectual and privileged rank, an element of bitterness can
be noticed. That is the social consequence of discrimination.

But those people are largely limited to the Cape Peninsula, and their view is
certainly not shared by, for example, the Coloreds in rural areas and Transvaal.
Even in the Cape Peninsula they don't have a decisive influence.

On the other hand, they make a lot of noise and therefore they attract attention;
but just as in the past, they'll probably break apart again. For in spite of
their negative attitude, the real truth is that their interests still lie in ac-
cepting the constitutional system and in cooperating with it.

[question] In which groups is the negative attitude you mentioned the strongest?

{Ebrahim] Sacos for example, which has become a hiding place for frustrated
politicians--those of the retired old guard. They don't have the courage to
practice politics openly, and their attitude only harms the interests of our
colored athletes. In that area they have not been able to do anything with
respect to international standards. There are also the campus radicals. Their
political activities are limited to their few years in school or at the univer-
sity. It is understandable, for they don't carry any responsibility in society.
And after they leave the university and obtain good positions, they turn wise
and moderate. MF

But you must not think that all young Coloreds are negative. Trade students,
young artisans, young workers in general are responsible and reality-conscious.

Third, there is a negative element in our churches. This is lamentable because
our religious life should not be divided over politics. tate

[question] What about the United Democratic Front?
[Ebrahim] They made a lot of noise before the referendum, but the positive mes-
sage of reform which came from the whites on 2 November caused a setback to the

UDF. One should not underestimate the good effect of that result on colored
thinking. We see many signs these days that the UDF is ailing.

51



TANZANIA

NYERERE DISCUSSES FOREIGN AID, PROGRESS OF UJAMAA

London AFRICA NOW in English Dec 83 pp 98, 101, 103, 104, 107, 108, 110, 113,

115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 125

[President Julius Nyerere interview with Peter Enahoro at Nyerere's residence

in Masani Bay, Dar es Salaam; date not given]

[Excerpts]

(OMr President, when I interviewed you
‘on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of
Tanzania's independence in 1972, 1 asked
you what you thought had been
Tanzania's greatest achievement. You
replied — and I’m quoting the exact
words — ‘That we have survived."” We
are now in 1983 and Tanzania is about to
celebrate another anniversary. What
would Your Excellency now describe as
your greatest achievement during these
years?

think I would still give the same answer:
that we have survived. We did extremely
well in our first years and although | merely
said we had survived we should not forget
that when African countries were achieving
their independence, even the very idea of
their surviving was in question. But during
the last 10 years we have gone through
immense difficulties, especially
economically. That is why I say we can still
say: ‘Well, we have survived the last 10
years.” | think our greatest achievement is
still the fact that we have consolidated
ourselves as a nation. We did not
necessarily set out to be a nation; originally
I thought we were going to become part of a
nation, but we have consolidated ourselves
as a nation.

[That is something that can be said about
50 other African countries, so what is 50
special about merely surviving as a nation?

I am not saying we are special — why
should we be special? We started out as one
of the most backward countries in Africa.
Today, in spite of everything, we are among
the countries that have the highest literacy
rate. Like many African countries, we
started with a very small base of education.
Today, although all our children do not go
to school, we have places in school for
every child.

57

[7 You have never thought of making
education compulsory?

Education is more or less compulsory.
We have not punished some parents who
did not send their children to schoo! but we
continue to urge them to do so. Its
compulsoriness has not been strictly
enforced, but education is compulsory.
Once we reached a position where we had
places for every child in school we decided
to make it compulsory.

(How far are you on the road to the
socit goals you envisage for Tanzania
and how much self-reliance has Tanzania
achieved since the Arusha Declaration?

First, how far have we come? I do not
know how far we have come to becoming
socialists. We have defined our goals. 1
Betieve that basically our people have
accepted the concept. | think the party and
the party leadership has accepted our goals
of socialism. We have built the institutions
for a socialist state. We took some actions
which were necessary immediately to turn
what elements of capitalism we had into
elements of socialism.

But the building of socialism is not a
matter of decree. You do not decree
socialism, you build socialism. The building
of socialism anywhere is a process and in
particular that is so in a backward country
like Tanzania. You cannot simply say:
“You were a capitalist yesterday, today you
are a socialist."" When you decide to build
socialism starting with a peasant economy,
you are really beginning a long process.
And we are in that process.

How self-reliant are we? We are more
self-reliant now than we were 10 years back
or when we published the Arusha
Declaration. One may now say we could
have been more self-reliant had we done x,
y, z. There are always ‘‘could-have-been-



GAMBIA

MOJA LEADER GIVES VIEWS ON SENEGAMBIAN CONFEDERATION

London AFRICA NOW in English Dec 83 p 17

[Text]

The Confederation between The Gambia
and Senegal is leading to the annexation
‘of the former because each of the 15
protocols erodes its sovereignty. This is
the view of the Movement for Justice in
Africa (MojA-Gambia), an organisation
strongly opposed to the Confederation.

While visiting London recently,
Ousman Manjang, member of MOJA’s
Central Committee and representative in
Europe based in Sweden, told Africa
Now: ‘*MOJAZ has grown from a small
human rights organisation to a strong
political movement to fight against
Senegalise occupation of The Gambia.”

He said that ordinary Gambians did not
find any interest in the Confederation. It
was a marriage of convenience for the
politicians who were worried about their
i ‘But in the process The Gambia
is losing its independence,”” Manjang told
Africa Now.

Senegalese soldiers moved into The
Gambia in July 1981 to put down an
abortive attempt to overthrow the
government of Sir Dauda Jawara. MOJA,
which was opposed to the ruling Peoples
Progressive Party (PPP), was not in favour
of the coup move but it was also against
Senegalese intervention.

MOJA’s Manjang explained: ‘We were
against the coup. It was untimely because
the masses still believed that there were
possibilities of changing the government
within the framework of the constitution.
While we were against the coup, we did
not see it as the affair of the Senegalese.
They used it as a pretext to violate
Gambian sovereignty."’

11

Now that the Senegalese are entrenched;.
relations between them and the local
population have been soured. There have
been allegations that the Senegalese
soldiers are becoming more and more
repressive. They have been accused of
rape and murder and there is constant
tension between the 6,000 soldiers and the

small Gambia Field Force.

Was there any hope that things might
change for the better? Manjang thought
so: ‘One of the major factors in our
favour is that the majority of Gambians
are opposed to the Confederation and to
Senegalese occupation. Even in Senegal,
11 of the 15 political parties are against
occupation of The Gambia and the
Confederal arrangements.

“There is also the fact that both
countries are having major economic
problems and would therefore find it hard
to maintain the Confederation and
Senegalese soldiers. Also, Senegal has its
own internal problems. There are regions
which are calling for secession — for
example Cassamance, where there was an
uprising last December.

“But most important is the
determination of Gambians to free
themselves from the shackles of the
Senegalese. Any annexation will never be
stable.”

MOJA was formed in December 1979
“because of the growing deterioration of
the social and economic fabric.in The
Gambia and because of the lack of any
alternative political movement to remedy
the situation.”’ Manjang explained: -



JPRS-SSA~ 84-007

17 January 1984

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

CoNTENTS

CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC

Background to Bokassa's Failed Return Explained
(various sources, various dateS) ...sscceesesccececeeeecs 1

Personalities Involved
Embarrassment to French Government

CHAD
Minister Claims Economy Showing Signs of Recovery
(INFO TCHAD, 30 Nov 83) wesccececceccsecncceccecensascees 5
CONGO
Three French Financing Agreements Signed
(METI, 29 Nov 83) sessescccccescccecccecceeescessseesees 7
Road Project Reportedly in Full Implementation :
(BULLETIN QUOTIDIEN DE L'ACI, 29 Nov 83) ..scccsesssseees 9
ETHIOPIA
Briefs
REYA Delegations Visit USSR, PDRY 10
GAMBIA
MOJA Leader Gives Views on Senegambian Confederation
(AFRICA NOW, Dec 83) .ecceeeceeccesscccceceeveessceesees ll
Briefs
CDC Investment in GAFP 13
GHANA
New Revenue Collection Office Established
(Accra Domestic Service, 22 Dec 83) seccscccececeeevseees 4
-a- (III - NE & A - 120]



The consquences of this are obvious.

The lack of connecting routes hinders progress and development; it lets
already backward areas become even more backward. :

Therefore, a thorough consideration of the possibilities of this railroad

is not only necessary; it would amount to negligence of duty if the back-
ground study is not carried out seriously.

12271 7 .
cso: 3401/26

32



MINE EFFLUENTS POLLUTE THREE MAJOR RIVERS

Harare THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE in English 2 Dec 83 p 12

[Text]

cso:

3400/444

THREE major rivers in the
mineral-rich Copperbelt province
In Zambia are heavily polluted by
mine effluents.-

Research findings released in
Lusaka show that water in the
Kafue, Mwambashi and
Chambishi rivers has been so pol-
futed by copper and cobalt wastes
that it is killing livestock.

_ The work catried out by the
National Council for Scientific Re-
search (NCSR), a local research
institution, shows that the level of
the two minerals in water from the
rivers was dangerously high.

‘The findings revealed that the
copper content in water from the
Kafue river was 90 times more than
normal, while that — from
Mwambashi was 120 times and
-that from Chambishi was 23 times
more than the accepted level.

Farmers along the affected
rivers have been warned against
allowing their animals to drink
water and graze near the rivers as
they risked death from chronic
copper and cobalt poisoning.

‘The research was initiated after
several animals had died on farms
along the polluted rivers

When the Dept of Vet Services
failed to explain the deaths an

expert from the research council
was invited to work with officers
fromthe department.

Water, grass and mud samples
from the rivers were taken to
NCSR laboratories in Lusaka for
analysis and the results have just
been released. _

The research findings show that
animals such as cattle, sheep and
goats did not die immediately after
drinking the water but do so seve-
ral months after the two minerals
had accumulated in their bodies.

The animals suffered from
diarrhoea, loss of weight, indigest-
jon, the gall bladder became ex-
tended, the liver turned yellow or
orange and lost their appetite
leading to a slow death.

“We have advised farmers to dig
boreholes and fence off their farms
to stop cattle straying to the
rivers,” a spokesman for the
Veterinary department said.

In September this year, High
Court bailiffs seized 20 vehicles
belonging to the Zambia Consoli-
dated Copper Mines (ZCCM) for
failure to pay more than K220,000
in damages to six fermers whose
animals died as a result of drinking
polluted water from the zivers.

END

74

ZAMBIA



During the Third FRELIMO [Mozambican Liberation Front] Congress, held in 1977,
Corumane and Pequenos Libombos were listed in the Social and Economic Direc-
tives as projects to be started in 1980.

Meanwhile, the designs have been completed as well as the international
contacts to find financiers for such extensive undertakings.

It was from Italy, currently Mozambique's leading Western economic partner,
that the construction of the two dams received the greatest receptiveness.

The period of severe recession that was being experienced then in particular
also had a considerable influence on the decision, when one realizes that
loans act as an incentive to national industries in a time of crisis.

In addition to the Italian loans, Pequenos Libombos has the participation of
ADB (African Development Bank), ADF (African Development Fund) and, to a
lesser extent, the Portuguese banks, which back the services rendered by
companies in this country involved in the project.

Goals to be Attained

The Corumane dam will be established in an area traditionally stricken by the
lack of rainfall. Indexes available from the Meteorological Services show
the meager pluviometric precipitation recorded in the Sabie region.

Supplying water for farming and livestock raising is one of the goals to be
attained. The Sabie River, originating in South Africa, "where it provides
drinking water for the animals in the Krueger Park reservation," empties into
the Incomati, on the banks of which major agro-industrial enterprises, such
as the sugar enterprises, have been set up.

This year, the drought phenomenon caused the sea water to flow upstream of
the river, threatening the soil of the Incomati sugar enterprise, established
in Xinavane. The same situation affected Maragra, in Manhica, although the
salinity problem there is regarded as "a chronic situation."

Hence, the regulation of volumes of flow is another goal to be attained,
minimizing the effects of a flood or an abnormal drop in water volume.
Although they have different dimensions, Corumane and Pequenos Libombos serve
identical purposes.

In the case of the dam over the Umbeluzi, there is also a concern to normalize
the water supply for Maputo, an undertaking that will have to be supplemented
by an increase in the capacity for impoundment and treatment of the water,

as shown by the last rainfall which was not, even on this account, reflected
in a larger amount of water at the disposal of the city's population.

After the field work was started, the idea of establishing small hydroelectric
powerplants at the two dams began to take shape. The studies are under way,
and there are indications that the option might soon be actually implemented,
although there may be a secondary structural plan.

20


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other characteristics retained.

Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets
{] are supplied by JPRS. Processing indicators such as [Text]
or [Excerpt] in the first line of each item, or following the
last line of a brief, indicate how the original information was
processed, Where no processing indicator is given, the infor-
mation was summarized or extracted.

Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are
enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a ques-
tion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the
original but have been supplied as appropriate in context.
Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an
item originate with the source. Times within items are as
given by source.

The contents of this publication in no way represent the poli-
cies, views or attitudes of the U.S. Government.

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JPRS publications may be ordered from the National Technical
Information Service, Springfield, Virginia 22161. In order-
ing, it is recommended that the JPRS number, title, date and
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Current JPRS publications are announced in Government Reports
Announcements issued semi-monthly by the National Technical

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20402.

Correspondence pertaining to matters other than procurement
may be addressed to Joint Publications Research Service,
1000 North Glebe Road, Arlington, Virginia 22201.



SOUTH AFRICA

SIGNIFICANCE OF SOUTPANSBERG, PINETOWN BY-ELECTIONS NOTED
Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 20 Dec 83 p 6

[Editorial: "By-elections"]

[Text] The Soutpansberg and Pinetown by-elections on February 15 will show
whether the massive support the Government received in the referendum
reflects a new and changing political scene.

This will be Soutpansberg's second by-election.

The first came about when Mr Fanie Botha, the then Minister of Manpower, made
his reckless challenge to Dr Andries Treurnicht to resign his seat and fight
a by-election--Mr Botha in Soutpansberg and Dr Treurnicht in Waterberg.

Dr Treurnicht retained his seat with ease, his majority of 1 894 being up on
his 1981 majority of 1 461. ,

This was a three-cornered contest, Dr Treurnicht not only fighting off a
challenge from the NP but also from the Herstigte Nasionale Party leader,
Mr Jaap Marais.

Mr Botha, in a straight contest with Mr Tom Langley of the Conservative
Party saw his 1981 majority cut from 3 647 to 621.

After that came the referendum with the Pietersburg region which includes
Soutpansberg, recording a "No" vote and the rest of the country overwheiti-
ingly in favour of the constitutional reforms. .

Mr Fanie Botha had been the constituency's MP for more than 25 years and
had done a great deal for. the Northern Transvaal.

He was also the senior cabinet Minister after Mr PW Botha and had a great
deal of prestige and political clout. a

However, his resignation over his financial affairs and the question of
diamond concessions must have disillusioned many Nationalists.

And though Mr Hein Kruger, the MPC who is now the NP's candidate is the

province's senior MEC, he does not have the same personal following and
political power that Mr Botha had.

44



The group of whites in South-West Afrca who in the past have opposed self-
government and independence, and who have worked hard for a swing to the
right in South African politics, will have to reconsider their role on the
road ahead.

They will have to thoroughly ask themselves how they can contribute something
positive under the new circumstances.

The answer is obvious: they must stop looking for help from their kindred
spirits in South Africa; their best friends are to be found nowhere else but
in South-West Africa. And those friends consist of all the peace-loving
people whose roots have been put down and intertwined in this country.

Whoever cannot come to an agreement with his fellow citizens does not have
friends anywhere who can help. This is as simple as the issue itself.

12271
CSO: 3401/26

28



If the pressure on it is decreased, however, it is just possible that it might
judge negotiations with UNITA on the composition of a government more favorably--
especially if it can be supplemented with the "carrot" of Western economic aid.

Officially it is denied that South Africa gives aid to UNITA, but it is never-
theless an open secret that a certain "influence" is being exerted on the insurgent
organization.

The question which has already puzzled Western diplomats for years is how UNITA
and the MPLA will balance each other when their“older brothers"--South Africa
and Cuba--withdraw from the struggle.

Various alternatives are possible to find a way out of that dead end. Whatever is
decided, the strategic interests of South Africa itself and the security of the in-
habitants of the Southwest will of course have to be taken into account thoroughly.

A possible scenario is that UNITA relaxes its military pressure on Luanda and
that South Africa withdraws from large parts of southern Angola. As a counter
offer the MPLA could use its "influence" over SWAPO to move the terrorists north-
ward and exert control over SWAPO to prevent attacks over the Southwestern border.

The possibility of an international peace force to replace the Cubans, as was
proposed only this week by President Shagari of Nigeria, could also be considered.

If the shooting and hostilities stop, it could perhaps create an atmosphere in
which the United States could negotiate with the MPLA in a more peaceful manner
about the position of the Cubans and a permanent political settlement in Angola
itself.

8700
CsO: 3401/29

37



A slight obstacle occurred upon the increase in the Umbeluzi's volume of flow.
The access to the side opposite the residential zone, the work center to be
exact, had to be made across the Namaacha road, an additional section of 25
kilometers. The bridge over the Umbeluzi, planned for the next few weeks,
will eliminate this temporary problem.

Labor

Not very far from Sabie, 35-ton trucks and gigantic excavators are continuing
at a fearful pace the removal and moving of earth. The rock elevation through
which the conduits will pass for. the base discharge and the overflow spillway
are "dismantled" with the use of explosives.

Finding skilled labor was a problem, and continues to be such. The contractors
even went so far as to suggest the recruitment of workers in an Oriental
country for what’ they considered "total fulfillment of their commitments."

Moreover, it is customary in the North African and Gulf countries to involve
labor from the Mediterranean countries of Europe and from the Far East.

Despite the difficulties confronted, the use of Mozambican workers has proven
to be positive. Their dedication to work and willingness to learn have been
recognized by everyone.

A substantial part of this work force. consists of former migrant workers in
the South African mines. Many have even handled heavy machinery. However,
they lack knowledge of the best utilization and maintenance of the equipment.

On a project of major scope with stipulated contractual deadlines, the level
of requirements is very high. Failure to carry out operations within the
fixed periods could cause large fines on both sides (for the contractor or

for the owner of the project who. bears responsibility for guaranteeing supplies
of cement, iron, lumber, explosives and fuels). At critical junctures in the
projects, floodlights are installed so that the work can continue for 24 hours.
This has not been necessary at present, but with the approach of the crucial
phase of the work, night shifts will be started.

The two dams employ over 1,000 men. An attempt has been made to have the
level of wages based on the degree of demands placed on the workers.

The intention is to make the wage in keeping with the competence and responsi-
bility of each individual, using as a basis the indicators of a project with
the aforementioned features.

Creating responsibility for the work being performed and for the equipment being
handled entails a wage correspondence that is not always evident to the “"bala-
laika" bureaucrats swarming in the various offices of human resources scattered
over the country, bound to the devious ways of 4/80.

23



CONGO

THREE FRENCH FINANCING AGREEMENTS SIGNED
Brazzaville MWETI in French 29 Nov 83 p 2

[Excerpt] Three agreements and a draft agreement were
signed on Saturday at the Ministry of Cooperation between
the Congo, represented by the secretary general for cooper-
ation, Comrade Abel Wilson N'Dessabeka, and France, repre—
sented by Jacques Languellem, counselor to the French
Cooperation Mission.

1. Financing Agreement No 153/DPL/83/COG for the “Lina-Congo Recovery" Plan.
The financing total is set at 2.2 million French francs, or 110 million CFA
francs, and breaks down as follows:

*Support to Lina-Congo [520,000 French francs]

The French side promises to provide Lina-Congo with logistical support of 11
experts for 1 year.

These experts will also participate in training counterparts and staff of
Lina-Congo.

*Support to the National Civil Aviation Agency [ANAC] [1.68 million Fr francs]

The French Government promises to carry out the following tasks during the
next 2 years with the assistance of the National Management Institute (ING)
and the ITA [expansion unknown]:

--Development of approach procedures for the secondary airfields of Impfondo,
Quesso, Owando, Djambala, Sibiti, Loubomo, Makabana and Soudi.

--Revision of the legislation on aviation, and drafting of the Congolese civil
aviation code.

*Complementary Projects

Provide study resources for training at the National Civil Aviation School
(EMAC) consisting of up to two pilots and a mechanic-navigator officer per
year, for a 3-year period.

2. Financing Agreement No 258/C/DPL/83/CNG for the project: “Establishment of
a National Program for Human-Use Water Supply"

The financial assistance by. the Government of the French Republic to the
Government of the People's Republic of the Congo, set at 2 million Fr francs,
or 10 million CFA francs, is intended to carry out the following:



And why do they want to exploit others?
Because what they really want is power.
Now this was never intended to be the use
of wealth. Wealth is intended to feed you,
to give you clothing, to give you shelter, to
give you good health, to give you a good
education. It was never intended to give
power to one person over another. But
what do you want to be a millionaire for, if
all you want is food and clothing and
shelter?

Wealth is not being used for the abolition
of poverty, it is being used for the
imposition of poverty, which is completely
wrong. So I say I have no aversion to a rich
man because as far as 1 know some rich
people could be very saintly, could be very
good people.

But for myself, 1 do not need wealth.
What do I need wealth for? I have survived
for 61 years, I do not know how many more
years I still have to go, but I came to this
world naked, I shall go back naked, 1 do
not see why | should be so worried about
wealth. I want an opportunity to work and
1 have this opportunity, this immense
opportunity to work. | am working for my
people, what do I want wealth for? In any
case I cannot make myself rich, without
exploiting others and 1 couldn’t do that.
CMr President, { have been told again
and again that Your Excellency is a
frequent churchgoer. How do you
reconcile this, first, with what I said
earlier, your radical image in a world
where radicalism seems to look askance at
organised worship, even to the concept of
God? Secondly, how do you reconcile it
with the criticisms, often heard these
days, that Christianity, being an imported
religion, does not accord with what
somebody has described as the ‘African
authenticity’'?

1 do go to church. I happen to be a
believing Catholic.:A long time ago I
could not have said: ‘I am a Christian and
therefore 1 cannot lead a liberation
movement for our people." It would have
been an insult to Christianity. Christianity
developed during the Roman empire and it
was accused of radicalism. Actually, the
first’ Christians were accused of
communism. It is incredible.

‘Nothing today conflicts with my religion;
privately, I find it a help. The idea of
incompatibility with African authenticity
has never entered my mind. It is true that
there are elements of Christianity which
were European paganism, thus imported
European paganism, European customs to
Africa. Sometimes they pretend that it is
Christianity. To that extent you simply say,
this particular issue is a-European custom,
why this custom and not our own custom?
This debate is going on all the time, but it is
neither here nor there.

To some extent I am a conservative. I
have been used to some things which I
identify with Christianity and 1 do not
question them. But it does not affect my
religion at all.

59

© You do not think that there is any
validity in the claim that there is
something culturally — perhaps racially —
embarrassing for the African, in that not
one single big religion of the two that
dominate this continent — Christianity
and the Moslem faith — originated from ~
Black Africa?

People who want to debate it with God
can call and debate it with Him. I am a
Christian, I cannot have a political
discussion with God and say: ‘Why not
Africa?"’ God might say: ‘What do you

mean. by: ‘Why not Africa.’ I have told

you: ‘I have called Jesus out of Africa.’
First he fled into Egypt and it was from
Egypt that He came back and began His
mission.”” God might answer that way, so
really what is the problem?

There is also a story, although 1 do not
know whether it is authentic or not, that the
Prophet Mohamed ran into trouble and
went to Ethiopia — possibly not the
Ethiopia we know today but an Ethiopia in
Africa. Christianity and Islam have had a
tremendous influence on the world, but
every major influence does not have to
originate in Africa.

g I wish to move to an entirely new area.
‘as it really necessary for Tanzania to
become a one-party state?

What do you mean “really necessary’?
One could answer perhaps ‘‘no."’ What is
necessary? Perhaps no. But had we not
become a one-party state, we would have
gone through a period of at least 10 years of
strife which would have been ridiculous.
And that explains why. Yet | am no believer
in a one-party system as a philosophy. You
can have two parties, you can have three.
But we went through a rather stupid period.
We were under British domination and
naturally we acquired this idea — not
inherited it — of a multi-party system.

We had our party and at first the British
did not take us seriously. When they saw
how serious we were they supported some
Other party, the UTP (United Tanganyike
Party) and another one was started and, in
the course of the struggle, we,had another
one which broke away from another one.
So we had some five parties by the time we
were reaching the peak of the independence
struggle. One or two were eliminated, |
think, before independence, but after
independence I think we still had Congress,
we still had the UTP. +

So there we were: because we had those
parties the thinking was of a multi-party
system. But, in reality, there was no multi-
party system at all — the reality was the
dominance of TANU.; When we had
elections most of our candidates were
returned unopposed. So there were virtually
no elections at all. We had a genuine
election only once, when Parliament, the
National Assembly, had 71 members, most
TANU candidates were returned unopposed:
those few opposed by people from other
parties were easily elected.



Against this is the fact that the CP and HNP are both in the field, and this
could divide the Right-wing vote.

There is still an outside chance that the two Right-wing parties will reach
an electoral pact. If they don't, the NP may win on a split Right-wing
vote.

The Pinetown by-election was caused by the death of the popular Progfed
MP, Mr Harry Pitman.

In the 1981 election, Mr Pitman won the largest PFP majority in the province--
2 226--in a straight fight against the NP.

However, the PFP MPC, Mr Rodney Haxton, scraped home by 69 votes in a three-
way contest with the New Republic Party and the National Party.

Besides this, three other factors make the seat marginal for the PFP.
The first is that the new constitution received huge support in Natal.

This means the PFP has to battle to win back voters who switched their
allegiance to the "Yes" camp.

Secondly, the NP has decided not to contest Pinetown. This means that the
Nationalist voters will support the NRP (we have no doubt in our minds that
the NP decision not to field a candidate was a way of rewarding the NRP for
its support in the referendum). -

Thirdly, the NRP candidate is Mr Frank Martin, the senior MEC in the province.
He commands tremendous political power, having been active in provincial
politics for more than 25 years.

Tf the NRP wins, it will get a new surge of confidence, even though it is
still doomed to eventual extinction since it is too closely identified with
the NP.

If the PFP loses, it will suffer a further setback to its image and to its
position in White politics.

There is another set of possibilities. If the NP wins Soutpansberg and the
NRP wins Pinetown, the Prime Minister may call a general election to oust
the CP and the PFP from most of the seats these two parties hold.

Tf, however, the CP wins Soutpansberg and the PFP wins Pinetown, the PM
is unlikely to risk a general election.

CsO: 3400/448

45



drive in Southern Africa. The diplomatic faux pas of its knee-jerk rejection
of South Africa's ceasefire proposal was a damaging setback in countering that
erosion of continental support. Hence, the counter offer this week.

That the counter offer was a transparent ruse amounting to a reiteration of
its refusal to consider a withdrawal of Cuban troops illustrates the MPLA's
dilemma. Clearly, the way out of its troubles is a genuine move to negotiate
with the opponents, who have repeatedly offered peace and cooperation through
negotiation of differences. Exercising that option, however, would cripple
the Soviet Union in its expansionist plans in the region, and the MPLA is
beholden to the Kremlin for its very existence.

cso: 3400/474

47



ETHIOPIA

BRIEFS

REYA DELEGATIONS VISIT USSR, PDRY--Two REYA [Revolutionary Ethiopia Youth
Association] delegations returned to Addis Ababa yesterday after completing
their visits to the USSR and the PDRY. The eight-man delegation led by
Comrade Tezazu Tefera, head of the planning, research and improvement depart-
ment in the REYA Central Committee, participated in an exchange of experience
seminar in the USSR, at the invitation of Komsomol. The 25-man delegation
led by Comrade Abebe Hankore, head of the department for the organization in
the REYA Central Committee, returned to Addis Ababa after participating in
preparatory work for the Ethiopia-Yemen Youth Week held from 25th to 30th
December. [Excerpt] [EA020522 Addis Ababa Domestic Service in Amharic 1000
GMT 1 Jan 84]

csO: 3403/10

10