113051

JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 DECEMBER 1985

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

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JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SUB-SAHÄRAN AFRICA REPORT

CONTENTS

ANGOLA

ANGOP Commentary Views Upcoming Party Congress

(Luanda Domestic Service, 22 Nov 85) 1

Commentary Says No Retreat From Socialism

(Luanda Domestic Service, 25 Nov 85) 3

Luanda Described by Mozambican Visitor

(Alexandre Zandamela; NOTICIAS, 6 Nov 85). 5

Editorial Calls Criticism of Portugal Unjust

(Nuno Rocha; TEMPO, 15-21 Nov 85) 9

BENIN

Difficulties With Swiss Company

(Flemming Dahl; AFTENPOSTEN, 29 Oct 85) 13

BOTSWANA

Doubts Expressed Over BP Soda-Ash Venture

(Ciaran Ryan, Brendan Ryan; SUNDAY TIMES, 22 Sep 85) 15

Cooperatives Described as Instrument for Development

(Daphne Moalosi; BOTSWANA DAILY NEWS, 28 Oct 85) 16

BURUNDI

Bagaza Declares 1986 'Year of Justice in Burundi'

(AFP, 29 Nov 85) 17

- a -
MOZAMBIQUE

Commentary Discusses South African Threat to Region

(Maputo in English to Southern Africa, 21 Nov 85) 18

Algerian Ambassador Praises Nation's Role in Region

(Abdul Carimo; NOTICIAS, 2 Nov 85) 19

Switzerland To Finance Training of Hydraulics Workers

(NOTICIAS, 5 Nov 85) 21

Italian Expert Discusses Nation's Agricultural Issues

(Loreto Bartolini Interview; NOTICIAS, 6 Nov 85) 23

Briefs

French Fund Cooperation Agreement 32

NAMIBIA

SWAPO's Armed Wing May Become Nuisance Factor

(THE CITIZEN, 16 Nov 85) 33

Nearly Two-Thirds of Troops in Nation Are Non-White

(THE CITIZEN, 15 Nov 85) 35

Study by Human Rights Group Describes SWAPO Savagery

(THE CITIZEN, 17 Oct 85) 36

Human Ties Said To Matter More Than Constitutions

(THE WINDHOEK ADVERTISERS, 4 Nov 85) 37

Security Forces Claim Insurgency Under Control

(THE WINDHOEK ADVERTISER, 31 Oct, 4 Nov 85) 38

544 SWAPO Insurgents Killed This Year 38

Politicians Given Scope To Work 38

Compensation to Van Der Byl Sparks Controversy

(Brendan Seery; THE SUNDAY STAR, 10 Nov 85) 40

Constitutional Council Chairman Appointed

(SAPA, 27 Nov 85) 4!

Voice of Namibia Radio Criticizes Multiparty Conference Plan

(Voice of Namibia, 12 Nov 85) 42

Draft Labor Bill Would Be Step Forward for Workers

(THE STAR, 21 Oct 85) 43
Business Leaders See No End to Recession

(THE WINDHOEK ADVERTISER, 16 Oct 85) 44

Debt Rescheduling Holds Promise, by Joe Putz 44

SA Still Dominates Economy, by Jean Sutherland 45

Committee Proposes To Desegregate Education

(Brendan Seery; THE STAR, 8 Oct 85) 47

Resistance Whipped Up to Government Education Report

(THE WINDHOEK ADVERTISER, 31 Oct 85) 48

Cabinet Considers Report on Alleged Corruption

(Brendan Seery; THE STAR, 5 Nov 85) 49

Nature Conservation Agency in Middle of Game War

(Brendan Seery; THE SUNDAY STAR, 3 Nov 85) 51

Foreign Trawlers Plunder Nation's Fishing Resources

(Brendan Seery; THE STAR, 19 Nov 85) 52

Briefs

Transitional Cabinet Receives New Powers 54

RWANDA

Briefs

Japanese Ambassador Departs 55

SOUTH AFRICA

ANC Said To Receive $10 Million From American, Multinational Banks

(DIE AFRIKANER, 2 Oct 85) 56

Former ANC Members Jailed for Treason

(THE CITIZEN, 23 Nov 85) 58

Commando Unit Planned To Protect Coloreds

(THE CITIZEN, 22 Nov 85)....... 59

Opposition To Conscription Increases for Various Reasons

(Claire Robertson; THE STAR, 19 Nov 85) 60

SADF Denies Draft Dodging on Increase

(Pretoria Bureau; THE STAR, 21 Nov 85) 62

Dutch Reformed Church Withdraws From FAK

(DIE AFRIKANER, 2 Oct 85) 63
Four Months of Emergency Examined

(THE STAR, 21 Nov 85) 65

STAR Introduction /-r

Details Given, by Jo-Anne Collinge 65

Consumer Boycotts Continue, by Gary van Staden 67

How 380 Victims Died 67

Troops, Armored Vehicles, by Phil Mtimkulu 68

Tough Measures Taken To Break School Boycott 69

Captions of Banned Pictures 69

City's Consumer Boycott Committee Spokesman Speaks on Issues

(Ken Bentley; WEEKEND POST, 16 Nov 85) 70

Few German Firms Plan To Divest Despite Economic Setbacks

(Otto Eglau; DIE ZEIT, 13 Sep 85) 72

Bank Chief Sees Perils in Present System

(WEEKEND POST, 16 Nov 85) 76

Expanded Executive To Advise Ciskei

(DAILY DISPATCH, 6 Nov 85) 77

Black Leaders Want Say in How To Spend Development Bonus

(Jimmy Matyu; EVENING POST, 15 Nov 85) 79

Midrand Backs Residents in Fight Against Colored Area

(Shirley Woodgate; THE STAR, 21 Nov 85) 80

Black Community of Beaufort West Beginning To Show Strength

(Tony Weaver; CAPE TIMES, 21 Nov 85) 81

Model Township in Cape Faces Massive Unemployment

(Moira Levy; THE WEEKLY MAIL, 22-28 Nov 85) 84

Black Township Discontented Over White Appointments

(Jo-Anne Bekker; THE WEEKLY MAIL, 22-28 Nov 85) 85

Peaceful Removals Negotiations in Leandra Township Turn Violent

(Vivienne Walt; THE WEEKLY MAIL, 22-28 Nov 85) 87

Colored Vigilante Force in Queenstown Accused of Fuelinc Violence

(THE WEEKLY MAIL, 22-28 Nov 85) , 88

Ciskei Authorities Take Action Against Vigilantes

(THE WEEKLY MAIL, 22-28 Nov 85) 89

Moutse Residents Protest Removal Threat

(Jo-Ann Bekker; THE WEEKLY MAIL, 22-28 Nov 85) 90

Deputy Minister Predicts End To Forced Removals

(David Braun; THE STAR, 21 Nov 85) 92

-d-
Indians Planning Land Strategy for Natal

(THE CITIZEN, 25 Nov 85) 93

Change in Landholding Unlikely To Improve Homeland Conditions

(THE CITIZEN, 23 Nov 85) .. 94

Fate of Mozambican Refugees in Balance

(Paul Bell; BUSINESS DAY, 13 Nov 85) 96

Mozambique Refugees Come Down for Aid

(THE CITIZEN, 23 Nov 85) 97

SABC Commentary Discusses TBVC Summit

(Johannesburg Domestic Service, 25 Nov 85) 98

PFP's Slabbert Comments on Trip Abroad

(SAPA, 25 Nov 85) 100

Long-Term Farming Plan for Lebowa

(Claire Robertson; THE STAR, 19 Nov 85) 102

Briefs

Political Pamphlets Banned 104

SWAZILAND

Police Seize Passports of Former Liqoqo Member Msibi

(THE SWAZI OBSERVER, 23 Nov 85) 105

ZAIRE

Mobutu Speaks to World Press on IMF, Other Topics

(Kinshasa Domestic Service, 28 Nov 85) 106

Progress Made on Zambia-Zaire Border Dispute

(PANA, 28 Nov 85) 108

MPR Central Committee Ends 10th Regular Session

(AZAP, 29 Nov 85) 109

AZAP Manager Receives PRC Journalists Delegation

(AZAP, 28 Nov 85).. 112

UK Trade Mission Arrives for Promotion Tour

(AZAP, 29 Nov 85). 113

Briefs

Zairian Ambassador 114

Aid for Zaire 114

- e
ZAMBIA

Labor Minister Urges Recalling Workers From RSA

(TIMES OF ZAMBIA, 8 Nov 85) 115

Tu Group Calls for Review of Socialist Policy

(TIMES OF ZAMBIA, 26 Oct 85) 117
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

ANGOLA

ANGOP COMMENTARY VIEWS UPCOMING PARTY CONGRESS

MB221541 Luanda Domestic Service in Portuguese 1200 GMT 22 Nov 85

[ANGOP commentary: "Unite the Angolan People Around the Congress To Consolidate the Revolution"]

[Text] The Second MPLA Extraordinary Congress is being held at a time when

the forces of imperialism, using the Pretoria racist regime, are waging a

criminal war against the People's Republic of Angola with the aim of annihilating the people's revolutionary gains and hindering the construction of a

socialist motherland. It is under the threat of a permanent war, which is

wrecking the economic and social infrastructures of our country, that the

MPLA militants from Cabinda to Cunene are preparing to hold the congress.

The aim of the congress is to rigorously analyze the problems affecting all

spheres of life of Angolan society in the past 5 years. The party's second

national conference made a critical analysis of the economic, political, and

social activities in the last years, debated the selection of provincial delegates to the congress by the respective provincial and municipal party conferences, and discussed in a clear way the issues to be analyzed during the congress. This has shown the concern of MPLA-Labor Party members to realistically analyze the problems that are still affecting the well-being of the

Angolan people.

If we look at the Angolan reality, we must admit that profound changes have

occurred in our society. We must make more radical changes in our socioeconomic structures and progressively eliminate the private ownership of the

means of production and capitalist business connections in order to end the

exploitation of man by man. This is a characteristic stage of any society

changing from colonial capitalism to people's democracy. This process has led

to sharp divisions within Angolan society with struggles between revolutionary

and reactionary classes, between those who defend progress, people's democracy,

and socialism and those who support a capitalist society. In order for the

Angola revolutionary process to consolidate itself and change even more

[break in transmission] the need to change the economic structure of our

society to a more adequate structure that is capable of not only implementating the decisions reached and approving the laws for a democratic and popular

state, but also of creating the state apparatus to decide and implement the

will of the dominant classes; i.e., the working and peasant classes who will

be governed by their leading force—the MPLA-Labor Party. During the congress,

1
the highest body of the MPLA-Labor Party, measures, which will be implemented

over the next few years, will be decided on to solve several problems, which

are still a hindrance to our political, economic, and social development.

The delegates elected by the party grassroots to the congress have the responsibility of discussing openly and frankly the issues proposed, because only a

realistic discussion of the problems can lead to the implementation of correct

and efficient measures. It is necessary to consider the mistakes committed

and to find adequate solutions. In this analysis, criticism and self-criticism

play an important role and it is vital to correct mistakes and improve working

methods. Efficiency in adopting measures and in correctly solving national

issues will strengthen the leading role of the party, which must intervene in

all sectors of national life to supervise the implementation of its decisions

and the observance of revolutionary principles. The congress should strengthen

the leading role of the MPLA-Labor Party and take measures against internal and

external forces that aim to completely annihilate the Angolan revolution It

is imperative to reinforce revolutionary vigilance so that forces hostile to

the MPLA-Labor Party cannot create confusion with the objective of impairing

the importance of the congress. It is necessary to unite the Angolan people

from Cabmda to Cunene around the congress to strengthen the revolution which

continues its triumphant march toward people's democracy and socialism. United

under the leadership of the MPLA [break in transmission] the ordinary congress

of the party. The Angolan revolution will emerge strengthened from the congress and the future will be dedicated to building a new society free of the

vestiges of the colonialism and imperialism.

/8918

CSO: 3400/518
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

ANGOLA

COMMENTARY SAYS NO RETREAT FROM SOCIALISM

MB251513 Lusanda Domestic Service in Portuguese 1200 GMT 25 Nov 85

[ANGOP commentary: "We are on the Right Path"]

[Text] The date of 11 November 1975 is already far in the past. The People's

Republic of Angola is continuing to carry out the task of national reconstruction for the building of a socialist society. The first years of independence were hard, because Angola defined itself from the first as opposed

to apartheid, colonialism and neocolonialism. Because of this, Angola continues to suffer imperialist aggression channeled through [words indistinct]

due to the impasse facing its policy of domination in southern Africa.

Angolan territory became the target of various types of military aggression

from racist South Africa, whose objective is to destabilize the Angolan state

in all fields, thus creating the conditions for installing its own puppets

who support South Africa's racist regime. All pretexts used to justify

aggression have become [words indistinct] due to the proven invalidity of

those pretexts.

The Angolan people are not going to shirk their internationalist duties, and

they are going to continue supporting the struggle of their sister peoples in

South Africa and Namibia, whose struggle against apartheid and colonialism

has gained the support and recognition of the world. This also explains why

Angola continues to be the main victim of South African aggression against

neighboring countries. This idea, which was expressed a number of times by

Antonio Agostinho Neto, the founder of the People's Republic of Angola and the

MPLA-Labor Party [as heard] is at the heart of the nationalist (?feeling)

spurring on the Angolan people, who believe that our struggle continues in

(?South Africa) and Namibia. The Angolans know that as long as those territories are directly or indirectly controlled by the Pretoria regime, peace in

southern Africa will only be a dream. South Africa will also continue to carry

out its aggressive policy against Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Botswana,

Lesotho, and all states opposing its separate development policies. However,

they also know that the majority is right, and that the Botha regime governing

South Africa is becoming increasingly isolated from the international community.

Even if it lasts a while longer, the Botha regime will not exist forever because the majority of.South Africans opposes the laws of the country and seeks

the creation of a government that represents the majority of the people. The
social instability that is currently being experienced in South Africa is proof

of that.

Likewise, Angola is not going to retreat from its determination to build a

socialist society, and it will remain the fatherland of the workers who

created it when Angola achieved independence after an armed struggle which

lasted 14 years and in which many of our heroic soldiers lost their lives

The advantages of an egalitarian society, where there are no social ills like

unemployment and lack of medical assistance, and where the difficult and often

impossible problem of access to education is being dealt with, can already be

felt in the People's Republic of Angola.

The Angolan people have free medical assistance. To attend school is no longer

an impossible expense for the independent Angolan people. Schools and hospitals

are open to all without any charge whatsoever. It is the state that covers

social expenses. Also, contrary to what is seen in the so-called societies of

the free world—that is, the capitalist societies—unemployment has never

caused any headaches for the Angolan Government. As long as one is qualified

one can carry out work of his choice. [Words indistinct] that seek to stall '

the Angolan people's march to a better future, the march of the People's Republic of Angola is irreversible.

We are marching toward a future which represents the future choice of the

majority of mankind. Capitalism and apartheid are bound to disappear, because

they are unacceptable to modern man. Nobody will succeed in preventing us from

achieving our objective of building a socialist society, thus honoring the

memory of our heroes and our late President Agostinho Neto, who was our greatest

hero.

We will not turn back, because we are on the right path. The struggle continues. Victory is certain.

/8918

CSO: 3400/518
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

ANGOLA

LUANDA DESCRIBED BY MOZAMBICAN VISITOR

Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 6 Nov 85 p 8

/Article by Alexandre Zandamela; "First of All It Is Necessary to Win the

War^7

/Excerpt/ What a beautiful city Luanda is! Its inhabitants say that, starting

on the eve of the conference of ministers of the nonaligned countries, the

Angolan capital put on a new face and still continues to be beautified in

order to celebrate the 10th anniversary of national independence äs well

as the Second Congress of the MPLA-Labor Party in a fitting fashion.

The streets of Luanda for the most part are neither wide, nor long. For

example, there is no major artery that could compare to our Eduardo Mondlane

Avenue. But the city of Luanda as such is bigger than Maputo. In the Angolan

capital it is difficult to take a certain street as a reference point because

the streets intersect each other here and there, like a real net without end.

As in Maputo, the city's downtown section contains most of the commercial

establishments, offices, service facilities, hotels, restaurants, taxi stands,

public transportation terminals, etc. The city's higher portion on the other

hand comprises all of the residential areas and schools. As for motion picture theaters, the situation here is different from what it is in Maputo. The

movie houses are scattered throughout the city and are found even in the

suburban areas. The beach is in the down-town area and covers a large surface,

starting from the Island of Luanda inland.

For a driver who is in the downtown area and wants to get to the city's higher

section, it is not always easy to avoid long drives in order to get around the

"barriers" which are not as dense as those of Maxaquene in Maputo. Between the

"barriers" in the Angolan capital, there are streets but to drive on them, a

driver must have reasonable control of his car. Here we have a cluster of

streets, with curves that run to the right and to the left, like a real snake;

but the traffic pattern is very complicated because this happens to be a

simple lane. Even so, the streets are always preferred because they constitute shortcuts.

Many of the avenues in Luanda have sidewalks that are in rather poor condition

as far as the pavement goes. This is why there is widespread excavation work
going on in the city now with the objective of building new sidewalks and realigning the major arteries.

In view of this situation, traffic is quite complicated in Luanda—much more

so than one can say! Sometimes, traffic police officers try to untangle the

traffic jam. Even during the rush hour, they will order drivers to turn off

although there is no place to turn off; there is no intersection without a

traffic jam and the same is true of the sidewalks so that movement becomes

increasingly complicated. The Luanda driver, who already tends to drive like

a formula-1 driver, pushing the gas pedal all the way down to the floor until

the speedometer needle reaches the end of the dial, does not always turn when

the police officer tells him to turn. He goes up on the sidewalk, drives in

the opposite direction, crosses gardens and almost nobody checks anybody else.

This situation, as I was told, is complicated not only because of the potholes that can be found on almost all avenues. The central problem is that

the number of vehicles, persons, and motorcycles has increased considerably

and Luanda is turning out to be too small for all that movement. The traffic

volume undoubtedly is greater than that of our city. By way of information,

to the number of vehicles moving in the Angolan capital at this moment

(which is by no means small) will soon be increased by more than 3,000 cars

which presently are in the port of Luanda, waiting for "permits" to begin to

be driven. Traffic authorities are now facing a situation in which they do

not know whether to issues those "permits" since the number of vehicles on

the streets now is quite large. Besides, for a better understanding of the

situation, it suffices to realize that Angola is assembling French "Renault"

cars.aswell as Brazilian "Scania Keve" cars.

During the rush hour, you cannot get anywhere, neither by car, nor on foot.

Drivers become very nervous because they are in a hurry. They are hungry,

or they have to pick up the wife who works at the other end of the city, they

have to pick the kids up at the school or the kindergarten, and sometimes at

that same hour they also go to the market to purchase a few pounds of

vegetables which at this time are "flooding" all the markets. With all of

these things on his mind, the driver becomes increasingly nervous and that is

when he begins to lean on the horn, thus creating a deafening din.

What about the pedestrians? Well, they are in a miserable situation. Nobody

pays any attention to them. Children who go to school, workers who are on

their way to the factory—they all have difficulty in crossing the streets of

Luanda, primarily during the rush hour. They seem to be more nervous than the

drivers and sometimes it even seems that they close their eyes as they cross

the streets, as if to take their chances. What about sidewalks? They do not

run along all avenues and where they do exist, nobody pays any attention to

them, neither the pedestrians, nor the drivers. In Luanda, traffic is never

quiet, not even during so-called "dead" hours. In the downtown area it is

difficult to find a parking place during office hours. Drivers have to leave

their vehicles in the middle of the street and they have to hurry to take

care of some urgent affairs. But when that happens, the traffic police officers

are ready to pass out tickets for violation of article what-not in the

Highway Code.
All of this complicates traffic movement. Now, what do we do about that? An

Angolan friend told me that "we have to begin to think in terms of overhead and

underground passages and perhaps in that way we can solve the problem. Why not

a subway? Perhaps this would also help untangle the traffic mess and eliminate all of these delays, primarily for persons who use public transportation

to commute to and from work.

Public transportation? That is the main sore point in the dramatic traffic

situation which that bustling city is experiencing today. In spite of the

fact that many enterprises, factories, and service organizations have their

own vehicles for the purpose of transporting their workers, public transportation is increasingly less effective in meeting the city's growing

transportation needs. The EPT (Public Transportation Enterprise), which is

the same as our EPU, has a number of vehicles from Brazil in its fleet; they

are the articulated buses but even they cannot properly serve the riders who

are quite numerous.

Now, what are the solutions? Of course, there are solutions: You can

either walk or you can take a cab. But where are the cabs? A short time

ago, Luanda had 100 new cabs; they were Mercedes-Benz and they belonged to

a government enterprise. The drivers to whom the cars were turned over

always seemed to be in a great hurry and they would always push the

accelerate down to the floor as if life did not matter until they would

either wrap themselves around a tree or hit a wall or a truck. As a

result, all of the cabs were out of action in a short time. Now, the

government has turned this enterprise over to a private operator and the

latter is gradually repairing the vehicles which is why you can now and

then see one of those Mercedes.

But, so long as this situation has not been properly resolved, there is no

lack of "pirates." With a sign reading "private" in the vehicle, they turn

up all over the city and they are always busy. What about the fare? Well,

do not ask me, if you please. I know that, in Maputo, the rate is usually

100 meticals; but in Luanda it is much higher and you never pay less than

500 kwanzas, no matter how far you go. If by chance the passenger happens to

have a suitcase, he has to pay extra for that.

Health Problems

In spite of its beauty, the city of Luanda has a long way to go when it comes

to conservation. As a general rule, all streets are dirty and they are

filled with waste and dirty water at all hours of the day (not to mention the

stench); at every corner there is trash to be found and all of this together

constitutes a real threat to public health. The Angolans view this as an

affliction of their own; they realize that something has to be done to change

this situation. When you tell them that the city is dirty, they reply that

it is much cleaner today because the city has been cleaned more frequently

on account of the conference of ministers of nonaligned countries.

All of these problems obviously constitute grounds for great concern on the

part of the agencies responsible for the solutions to these problems. We
learned that various attempts were made to correct these problems; but, in a

country with the economic difficulties that Angola faces, caused primarily by

the war which has been going on for many years, priorities are different and,

the moment one obstacle is removed, another one springs up and this is something which an underdeveloped economy cannot take. The people of Luanda are

aware of these difficulties and appear to be looking at these matters with

indifference—although in fact they are not indifferent. They know that it

is necessary first of all to win the war.

The rest will come later. Of course there are also those who intentionally

sabotage the beauty of Luanda. But could it be that we here do not have

people who want to damage and are indeed damaging Maputo? Do we not also

have people who fight against the efforts of the city's executive council?

5058

CSO: 3442/43
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

ANGOLA

KMTORIAL CALLS CRITICISM OF PORTUGAL UNJUST

Lisbon TLHPO in Portuguese 15-21 Nov 85 p 2

[Editorial by Nuno kocha]

[Text! The 10th enniversaij' of Angolan independence gives us occasion to comment on relatioiis between our coimtiy and the Poituguese-speakiug African

countries. In an interview granted to the RTF [Portuguese Radio-Television

System], Mawete Joao Baptista, Angolan ambassador in Lisbon, expressed himtcli

in such a way as to give rise to some criticism and a closer analysis, of oui

future in Africa. The ambassador aid not hesitate to blame the Portuguese

colonization for the problems which hie country is expexieneing. QuiLe

articulate, an indication that ne is an intelligent man, the Angolan ambassador

committed a profound injustice. The Portuguese-speaking African countries

may complain about the way we went about decolonization, but nevei about out

colonization. In the histoxy of humanity, lew people have achieved as sincere

a fellowship as we created, both in firazil and in Africa and even in the Orient.

The Portuguese presence is desired in Timor even today, and out people left

an unblemished record of fraternity everywhere in the vroxld. Before anyone

else, we established the meaning of peaceful coexistence between different

races; we built not only cities, but countries. The Angolan ambassador knows

Luanda, Sa de Bandeira, Lobito ox >focameaes as well as we do, and he knows

that they are among the loveliest cities in Africa. If he cxiticizes oui colonization, we must tell him Irankly that we are pxouu of that colonization. We

beat a path into the impenetrable junfüt, we built dams, we marie roads, wt

created schools and universities, we transmitted culture and customs, we

organized the life and the society, and always, in all our relations, we maintained a sense of iegard, which is summed up in the birth of a beautilul mixen

race. When we left, we left adult nations behind us ana if we have anything

to regret, it is that we did not come away any richer. Kot even some Portuguese

who had produced an enormous amount of goods benefited, because on the day

of decolonization they returned to the mother country without tiny kinu of gain.

It all stayed there. After 400 years ol living and working together, Portugal

was left with more than a million refugees, who are now living in Portugal

with great difficulty and much sacrifice. Our legacy from Angola was the

returnees. Is it fail of the ambassador from Luanda to blame the Portuguese

colonizers for the dramas witnessed today in Angola?

The ingratitude of the Angolan ambassador grieves us cind particularly wounds

those who lived in Angola until 1975 and who left behind all their property

ami the traditions of family and country. We are not to blame fox the tact
that, the day alter decolonization, Angola chose new friends, leaving us to

ostracism and scorn. Anyone who read the report in last Tucsdav's DIARTO UP

MSBOA regarding the celebration of the 10th anniversarv of the' independence

of «lie great African country certainly observed that the major attention

went, not to the Portuguese, but to the Soviets. According to the report by

journalist Daniel Reis, the principal television news program on 11 November

referred only to the note from the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the

Soviet Union, which was read in its entirety. According to the journalist,

People's Television of Angola also gave special emphasis to the messages of

congratulation from countries of the socialist bloc. Angola asks for our

friendship from time to time, forgetting that it has not included us among

its friends since decolonization. Its friends are the Soviet Union and the

socialist bloc countries. This is a historical and proven fact, which no

policy can ignore. Angola cannot ask more sacrifices of us. If it is certain

that Portugal is interested in exporting certain products to Angola, it is

equally certain that Angola is interested in importing other products from

our country. In trade relations, tnere art no "favors; among socialist countries and Western countries alike, the prevailing rules are those of the market

economy. Let the ambassador tell us how much Angola pays Cuba every year for

the presence of the Cuban soldiers in Angola, or how much it pays the Soviet

Union annually for the war material which it constantly receives from that

country. Portugal has already concluded that it cannot expect favors or friendship from Angola and, on the contrary, wt may expect more unfounded and unjust

accusations. The Angolan Covernment insists that we give support to UNITA,

which is not true. There is absolutely no evidence that the Portuguese Government has provided support of any kind to the movement of Jonas Savimbi, who,

incidentally, has countless times expressed his appreciation of the Portuguese

ptple and of what they did for the civilization of Angola during 4 centuries.

Does the Angolan Government want the Government of Portugal to prosecute Portuguese citizens simply because the latter publish reports about UNITA activities,

or because they are friends of Jonas Savimbi or because Angolan citizens visit

our country? To measure how unjust Ambassador M»wete, the representative of

the Luanda government, has been, one need onlv ask: Can a Portugese who is

not a communist speak on Angolan television as the Angolan ambassador spoke

a few days ago on Portuguese television? How long has it been since Luanda

has made any declaration of friendship like those Mhich are constantly made

in Lisbon toward the Luanda government? Jose Kduardo dos Santos, the president

of Angola, has already humiliated us by passing over Lisbon on his way to Madrid

and not stopping over in our capital. For our part, onlv a few days ago,

forgetting grievances and slights, our foreign minister went to Luanda and

participated actively in an international conference.

The Portuguese press as a whole has been extremely kind to the Covernment of

Angola, although the latter has certainly been hostile to us. Any Angolan may

üisembark m Lisbon whenever he likes, without going through any formality

beyono presenting his passport, but a Portuguese cannot disembark in Luanda

unless he has a visa and credentials attesting to his friendship with the Portuguese Communist Party. Can a Portuguese journalist go to Luanda and visit

the country as he apprehends it? The Angolan ambassador knows better.

The problem of Angola, like the problem of all western Africa, is more than

a matter of Portuguese-Angolan relations. The issue goes very much deeper

1 0
and has to do with the two blocs whicft confront each other in today's world.

Portugal is not responsible for the attitudes or strategies of the United

States or of other Western countries. Nor is Portugal a communist country,

and it cannot submit to communist interests. Hence it must maintain independent relations with Angola. If Angola so wished, Portugal could simply serve

as an intermediary in the solution of international issues at the diplomatic

level, as it did with regard to Mozambique, at the request of Samora Machel.

Unfortunately, we do not hold out much hope of a peaceful solution to the

civil war which is tearing Angola apart. The president of the United Suates,

looking at the situation in Angola and Afghanistan, gave indications that we

are facing a lengthy war between the blocs, or another Vietnam. On one side,

we will have the Soviet Union, supported by Angola, and, on the other, we will

have UNITA supported by the United States. South Africa will have an important

role to play here, since this is a country threatened both with internal problems

because of its racist policy and with external problems because of the Soviet

influence in Luanda.

We are not happy to hear every day about the war being waged in Angola. We

would like to have left a peaceful country there and a people safe from the

brutality of a fratricidal and terrible war which is devastating the Angolan

people, with whom we shared our lives for 400 years and who are as dear to

us now as they have ever been. But neither the ambassador nor anyone else can

hold us responsible for this war, since we left Luanda in 1975, having brought

the various parties and political forces into agreement, through the Alvor

Accords. We did not invite the Soviets into Luanda; President Agostiuho Neto

did. Tt is said that he did it to prevent an attack by South Africa. South

Africa was not interested in taking on more problems than it already had, such

as the problem of racism, which is destro3*inp, the country. South Africa also

had the problem of Namibia to deal with and, on its eastern flank, it was

threatened by Mozambique, which had already been invaded by Soviets, Bulgarians

and Fast Germans. South Africa reacted as Spain would react if a Soviet or

Cuban force were permanently instaJled in Portugal. The Angolan Government

has not been able to create an independent country and this is the reason fox

the problems and the threats that continue; to hang over its future. Angola's

problems will not be solved until the day the Cubans and Soviets leave Angolan

territory. Then South Africa will no longer feel threatened ana will withdraw its troops so it can devote itself to solving its internal crisis,

because Angola-will cease to be a threat, given the obvious weakness of its

army. Would South Africa consider itself threatened by the FAPLA [People's

Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola], a weak and untrained army? Would

South Africa be interested in invading Angola when the [Pretoria] government

cannot manage to solve the problem of Soweto? We have direct knowledge of

Angola, Mozambique and South Africa, because we have traveled many times ana

at length in these countries, and we are convinced that the war in southern

Africa will go on as long as foreign troops are stationed in the countries

in the zone. South Africa lias enormous military power and its arm)- alone if:

enough to answer the threats of its neighbors. Greater involvement by the

Soviets in the area will lead the United States to retaliate, which will mean

a long martyrdom for the local peoples. We have no expectation that tne

Luanda government understands this reality. It will prefer the presence of

Cubans and Soviets to the presence of peaceful Portuguese emigrants who are

eager to return to work and to progress, to make Angola and Mozambique new

1 1
ami strong Brazils. The Luanda povt 1-nment if. mlcd by blind ideology, to

the point that it has forgotten its true friends, but neither the Luanda

povernment nor its ambassador in Lisbon can hold Portugal's biotherly colonization responsible fox the tragedy that daily afflicts the ooumiy." The Luanda

government must recognize how much it haE cost us not to give aid to Savimni,

who is. as Angolan as Kduaido dos Santo* and to whom we arc indebted fox hit

constant proofs of esteem. Savimbi has never said a narsh word against the

Portuguese people or apainst our government, and we cannot help him. As fox

the government of Lduardo dos Santos, among other unfriendly acts, we have

him to thank for denying PKTRANGOI. rAngola Petxoleum Compaiiy] the ripht to

petroleum exploration in his countiy.

There is no political rancor in these words. Today, Poxtugal is a democratic

and patient country, aware of the small (»art it plays in the peostratepy of

the world. For this reason, we are appiieved by the lack of understanding

that was evident in Ambassador Mawetc's remarks on our television. Angola

is not an independent country and it is a country at war, which limite our

capacity foi cooperation. The Luanda government should not expect to pain

much from our desire to help the Angolan people. Official visits will be

difficult, because they involve political risks which no serious povernment

could take. Angola must first solve its internal problems. What separates

us from Angola is not the sea; it is the political situation, which does not,

however, prevent us from continuing to offer Angola the cooperation and support

which its people deserve and which 400 yteie of fellowship dictate. We want

to help Angola, hut its government caimot continue to hola us responsible fox

its own acts and foi its own decisions and choices.

6362

CSO: 3442/49

1 2
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

BENIN

DIFFICULTIES WITH SWISS COMPANY

Oslo AFTENPOSTEN in Norwegian 29 Oct 85 p 40

[Article by Flemming Dahl: "After a Few Weeks' Cooperation: Benin-Pan

Ocean Strain"]

[Text] Pan Ocean, the Swiss-registered oil company, has developed a strained

relationship with the West African state of Benin just a few weeks after Pan

Ocean took over the role of the Norwegian firm Saga Petroleum as operator of

the Benin oil field of Seme, AFTENPOSTEN has learned. The principal reason

is that Pan Ocean did not discharge its promise to place a significant sum

of money at Benin's disposal.

For Saga, which worked under a service contract with Benin, and for Norwegian

authorities, who had been looking forward to around half a billion kroner

from Benin in connection with guarantees given on the oil project, there is

reason to wonder whether Benin will try to reestablish cooperation with Saga.

Norwegian authorities still believe that prospects for reobtaining their

credit balance will be greater with Saga as operator than if Pan Ocean

continues in its newly-acquired role. Agreements between Norwegian authorities and Benin have always implied that a change of operator could only occur

with Norwegian approval, and Norwegian approval of Pan Ocean as operator

has not been given.

"Defaulted"

Undersecretary Arne Synnes of the Ministry of Commerce told AFTENPOSTEN that

in the near future Norway will state that Benin has defaulted on its agreement

with Norway, unless new factors emerge and change Norway's view of the matter.

Even after Saga recently began bringing its people home from Benin, the company

said that it is disposed to returning to the role of operator if the relationship between the Norwegian authorities and Benin develops in a positive manner.

Immediately after Benin, without Norwegian approval, replaced Saga with Pan

Ocean, Norwegian authorities put forward an offer of more favorable refund

terms for the Beninese if they took Saga back.

13
This offer was not answered by the official deadline, but the Norwegian

authorities are still disposed to let Benin assess the offer before it is

possibly withdrawn. The reason for this is that the president of Benin

is on vacation and that the Norwegian authorities want to give him the

opportunity to provide his input.

Two Camps

Reports from Benin give the impression that the authorities there are divided

into two camps, one which wants to go with Pan Ocean and another which

wants to have Saga back.

Some weeks ago, when Pan Ocean was installed in Saga's earlier role, Benin

stated that Pan Ocean had offered the country a far more favorable agreement

than the one which had been established in its time between Norway and Saga.

As far as Norway is concerned, there has always been doubt as to Pan Ocean's

ability to live up to its expectations about a new and better future for

Benin. News that the relationship between Benin and Pan Ocean has become

strained thus does not come as a complete surprise to Norwegian interests.

Several weeks ago Benin's finance minister requested a meeting with Norwegian

authorities and creditors, and the situation is that such a meeting will be

held in Paris before the middle of November.

Saga has said that the company has 14 employees back in Benin out of a staff

which consisted of about 40 persons. Vibjorn Madsen, the company's press

spokesman, told AFTENPOSTEN that the 14 remained in order to conclude Saga's

financial commitment and that the last of them is expected home in December.

A few days ago three Saga employees were not permitted to leave Benin, but

Madsen said that they did leave, somewhat behind schedule, after the case

was taken up at the highest level in Benin. Madsen said that Saga chooses

to believe Beninese assurances that the departure problems were due to a

failure in communication.

12789/9435

CSO: 3639/45

u
jPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

BOTSWANA

DOUBTS EXPRESSED OVER BP SODA-ASH VENTURE

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES (Business) in English 22 Sep 85 pp'l, 3

[Article by Ciaran Ryan and Brendan Ryan]

[Text]

THERE is speculation

in the mining industry • on how committed

British Petroleum (BP)';

is to its soda-ash pro- •

ject at Sua Pan in Bo^»

tswana.

However, BP and the Botswana Ministry of Mineral

Resources and Water deny.,

that development of the project has been postponed. '.'

A BP South Africa spokes- ' man told Business Times:

"We have completed our

study which shows the pro*

ject is technically feasible. ;

We are assessing financing of '

the project.

London cool

"When that is done we will

finish negotiations with the • Botswana and South African

governments.

"We hope to present the

feasibility study to the Bo- <

tswana Government by the

end of the year.

"If all goes well things ,

could get started next year." .

Charles Tibone, permanent .

secretary for the Botswana ;'

Ministry of Mineral Re- -

sources and Water, said: "The <

project is under investigation

by BP and we expect their

findings to be sent to us in a

matter of months."

However, it is said BP's

head office in London has

turned cool on the project because of political-economic.

- developments in South Africa.

' which will be the major con-,

sumer of the soda ash. '.'

> If this is correct, an invest-

: ment in Botswana of more-.

i than R200-million is at stake.>

j There is also a risk that if BP;

does not go ahead with the'

project the brine deposits at

i Sua Pan may never be ex-,'

« plotted. *

f Nkomati

A delay by BP might tip

; the scales in favour of a decf-'

•; slon by the SA Government to]

- let the proposed AECI-IDC-'.

Anglovaal synthetic soda-ash-

.: project at Saldanha Bay go

: ahead. » •

'■■ The SA market can sup-.'

port only one of the two pro- ]

posed projects. Soda ash is.

classified as a strategic commodity and all supplies are

: imported.

; After the Nkomati Accord

: it appeared the Government

; had decided in favour of the

Botswana project as part of

..the move to improve rela-!

tlonships between SA and Its

neighbours.

AECI announced last November that it had shelved

plans for its project pending

clarification on the status of

the BP project.

BP Is the second group to'

consider producing soda ash

from the brine deposits

^underlying Sua Pan, west of _

Francistown in Northern Bo-.?*

tswana.

The first was Botswana :

RST (Botrest), which runs the

copper-nickel mine at SelebiPhikwe.

Botrest originally held the;

mineral rights to the area*:

and In 1974 put together a -

feasibility study which

showed that a plant to pro- i

duce 180 000 tons a year of

soda ash could be set up at a

' cost of about R55-million. !

Morass

» The development did not -

take place for two reasons.

Botrest major shareholders

Amax and Anglo American

Corporation saw the edge of

the financial morass Into

which Botrest was to slide.

.Botrest's accumulated losses'

totalled P749-million at June

130 this year.

Secondly, the Botswana

(Government Intended at-;

taching several infrastructural developments to the

! soda-ash project, such as an

abattoir, a railway line and

townships.

As with the inf»structural

developments around SeleblPhlkwe, Botrest would be required to guarantee the Government loans raised to fund

the developments.

Amax-Anglo American,

seeing the writing on the

I wall, backed out and dropped

' the mineral rights which

, were picked up by BP In 1980

; when it came into Botswana

looking for a large mlnlny

' project <

/8309

CSO: 3400/581 15
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

BOTSWANA

COOPERATIVES DESCRIBED AS INSTRUMENT FOR DEVELOPMENT

Gaborone BOTSWANA DAILY NEWS in English 28 Oct 85 p 3

[Article by Daphne Moalosi]

[Text ] By Daphne Moalosi

FRANCISTOWN: The

: Government of Botswana

I regards the establishment

and growth of co-operatives

! as one of the most important

[ instruments for

| socio-economic and cultural

j development in the country.

This was said by Councillor

Iqbal Ebrahim when officially

opening the Francistown

Co-operative SocietyAnnual

General Meeting held at the

Francistown Teachers'

Training College last week

Saturday.

Mr Ebrahim explained that

-{he movement has registered

130 different primary

co-operative societies

entirely owned and managed

by Batswana, and has created

employment for some 1 000

people in the urban and rural

areas throughout the country.

/8309

CSO: 3400/581

He pointed out that the

Co-operative Movement was

one of the largest business

concerns in the country with

a current annual turnover of

about P50 million.

Mr Ebrahim told the

audience that the consumer

co-operatives have been

formed in many parts of the

country to facilitate the

supply of essentials,

particularly goods at

reasonable prices.

Councillor Ebrahim added

that in some areas, the

movement has bought foreign

trading companies to provide

shopping and banking

services.

He explained that about 70

marketing co-operative

societies in the country

handle about 22 per cent of

the total cattle supply to the

BMC and controll a total of

about P13 million.

Mr Ebrahim noted that cooperative societies were

capable of running business

profitably. He cited as an

example the society's 1983

sales amounting to

PI 018 434 and that resulted

in a net surplus of P43 145.

In 1984, the society made

sales of P938 681,41 and the

result was a net surplus of

P56 514,58. "This means that

the society is improving

daily," he said.

The participants were told

that, for a business to survive,

it has to import Its products

and attract higher sales, thus

it was Imperative for

co-operatives to continually

upgrade its services and staff.

Councillor Ebrahim further

called upon the Francistown

residents to join the society

to improve their lives. BOPA

1 6
JPRS<*SSA«85-128

27 December 1985

BURUNDI

BAGAZA DECLARES 1986 'YEAR OF JUSTICE IN BURUNDI'

AB292029 Paris AFP in French 1226 GMT 29 Nov 85

[Text] Bujumbura, 29 Nov (AFP)—The year 1986 will be proclaimed "Year of

Justice in Burundi," Burundian President Colonel Jean-Baptiste Bagaza announced on Thursday while opening a 3-day seminar for officials of the magistrature, public services, and the judicial police. Col Bagaza also warned public

servants and judges against corruption, asking them to "stop thinking that

bribes are a legal act and a part of their salary," Rather, he said, it is

"an unacceptable practice" which should warrant "the vigilance of all." The

president called on the National Judicial Inspection Commission to see to the

correct execution of verdicts given and the Higher Council of the Magistrature

to "severely" sanction judges found guilty of corruption. The justice minister

should implement the real estate code, the married couples property management

system, and the succession regulation to bring an end to family conflicts, he

said. Col Bagaza also stated that "the best judicial policy is that which

protects and guarantees the fundamental freedoms of each individual and the

property of citizens."

/7358

CSO: 3400/553

17
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

COMMENTARY DISCUSSES SOUTH AFRICAN THREAT TO REGION

MB211322 Maputo in English to Southern Africa 1100 GMT 21 Nov 85

[Station commentary]

[Text] The world's attention has been focused this week on the summit

meeting in Geneva and the prospects for world peace. Here in southern

Africa, however, a threat to world peace is growing by the day. The

threat comes from South Africa, where the apartheid regime is responding

to a widespread and violent popular revolt with increased repression

internally and a menacingly hostile stance toward other countries in

the region.

All the signs are that Pretoria is paving the way for a new phase of

regional aggression. There has been a revival of the old propaganda

campaign aimed at presenting the South African regime as the victim, or

the potential victim, of foreign aggression.

The hoary old myth about a Soviet threat to South Africa coming through

Mozambique and Angola has been dredged out, and has been tabled by

Pretoria's friends in the Western media. Inside South Africa, this

stale propaganda aard is being played alongside an army recruitment

campaign glamorizing life in the armed forces.

The threat to other countries in the region is not imaginary. Despite

the Nkomati nonaggression accord, the South African military are continuing

to provide vital support for the terrorists in Mozambique. Angola faces

the threat of a new invasion, with thousands of South African troops, and

tanks, artillery, and war planes massed along its southern border.

Zimbabwe this week saw its high court attacked by men who left behind clear

indications that they belong to the dissident gang which is based in

South Africa. Lesotho, totally surrounded by South African territory,

recently had the unpleasant experience of witnessing large-scale South

African troop maneuvers near its borders. In Botswana, a mysterious car

bomb exploded last weekend, killing four people.

None of these countries causes any military threat to South Africa. The

Pretoria regime does face a threat, but it comes from the South African

people, and no amount of intimidation or aggression against neighboring

states will make that threat go away.

/12640

CSO: 3400/510

18
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

ALGERIAN AMBASSADOR PRAISES NATION'S ROLE IN REGION

Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 2 Nov 85 p 8

/Article by Abdul Carimo: "Mozambique Plays Preponderant Role"7

/Text/ Abdelhamid Bereksi, the ambassador of the People's

Democratic Republic of Algeria, accredited to Mozambique,

said in Maputo that the Mozambican government has been playing

a preponderant role in the establishment of peace in

eastern Africa; he also said that the solution of problems deriving from the situation prevailing in the region

necessarily involves the elimination of the "apartheid"

system. He declared that cooperation relations between

Mozambique and Algeria are excellent and both countries

are at this time making every effort to develop the

important existing links further.

Ambassador Abdelhamid Bereksi said that the Algerian government is in favor of

the application of mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa; it also

considers even more aid to the ANC and the Frontline Countries to be of

extreme importance; these countries have been the victims of destabilization

by the Pretoria government.

According to the diplomat, the government of Algeria stands side-by-side with

Mozambique in its efforts to establish peace in the region and to defend

national independence.

He said that cooperation relations between Mozambique and Algeria, which dates

back to the time of the armed national liberation struggle, have already

reached a very high level. "We are countries that have taken up arms to fight

colonialism."

A few days ago, delegations of Mozambique and Algeria met for the second session

of the mixed commission between both countries to review what was done in terms

of bilateral cooperation and also to plan programs in the context of cooperation relations. The Mozambican delegation to that meeting, which took place

in Algiers, was headed by Jacinto Veloso, minister in the office of the

president for economic affairs.

19
At the end of the meeting, the delegations of both countries stated their

satisfaction with the fact that they obtained positive results and because

it was also possible to take up questions that will make it possible to

strengthen cooperation relations even further. The main areas of cooperation between both countries at this time are forestry and agriculture.

The second session of the mixed Mozambique-Algeria Commission also studied

the possibility of further stepping up bilateral relations and there are

already prospects for cooperation in the areas of coal mining in the Moatize

region and marble in Montepuez, province of Cabo Delgado.

In an interview given to EL MOUDJAHID, an Algerian daily, Minister Jacinto

Veloso said that prospects for greater cooperation between Mozambique and

Algeria look encouraging and that the second session of the mixed commission

identified areas for broader bilateral relations.

Minister Jacinto Veloso also took up questions pertaining to the criminal

activities of the armed bandits and the support they continue to get from

South Africa as proved by documents found in Gorongosa.

Other important areas are being contemplated in cooperation relations between

Mozambique and Algeria, such as the training of cadres through the grant of

study scholarships to Mozambican cadres, as well as programs that can be

carried out in the cultural field, particularly as regards exchange between

the African Studies Center and the Algerian universities, agreements between

the mass media of both countries, along other activities.

National Day of Algeria

The interview given to NOTICIAS by Ambassador Abdelhamid Bereksi took place on

the eve of the celebration of Algerian National Day yesterday, a date that

also marks the beginning of the armed liberation struggle of that country in

1954.

With a population of more than 20.8 million, Algeria has defined itself as a

country that follows the road of nonalignment and supports the principles that

guide the OAU.

Ambassador Abdelhamid Bereksi said that the latest summits of the OAU proved

that it is possible to solve a series of problems that still exist on the

African continent. The government of Algeria supports the African peace plan

adopted by the OAU with respect to the process of liberation of the Sahara.

5058

CSO: 3442/45

20
JPRS-sSA-85-123

27 December 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

SWITZERLAND TO FINANCE TRAINING OF HYDRAULICS WORKERS

Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 5 Nov 85 pi

/Text/ Starting next year, the Swiss government will finance

two projects for training Mozambicans employed in the water

industry. For this purpose, it has already made available

a total of 1,600,000 francs (about $800,000) to pay, over

a period of 2 years for the costs of training basic and

middle-level technicians to be instructed in domestic

institutions, according to officials in charge of the

coordination of cooperation programs with Mozambique.

To carry out these projects, documents are now being prepared on the agreements

that will formalize the start of cooperation between Mozambique and Switzerland

in the vocational training field, The coordinator of cooperation programs with

the RPM /People's Republic of Mozambique? in Switzerland, Armon Hartmann,

arrived last week in Maputo for the submission and discussion of these

documents; he will stay here about 2 weeks.

The training of Mozambicans with Swiss financing marks the first stage of relations in the area of vocational training and is the continuation of

cooperation which Mozambique and Switzerland have been maintaining in the

water industry area for more than 7 years. The Swiss project for training

Mozambicans in this field also calls for study scholarships that will permit

refresher courses and the training of Mozambican workers abroad.

For basic-level training, the Swiss government, through its mission in Maputo,

will sign agreements with the water industry sector which already has a technician training school at that level. As for the middle-level technicians,

agreements will be worked out with the Secretariat Of State For Technical and

Vocational Training and its oversight agencies.

According to information received from the coordinator of Mozambique-Switzerland cooperation programs in Maputo, Herbert Schmid, this financing will

permit the equipment of the schools that will provide this training, especially

the vocational training school of the DNA /expansion unknown/ and the

Industrial Institute of Maputo. In addition to the supply of teaching equipment, the Swiss party says that it will make instructors available to those

establishments.

21
Positive Cooperation

In briefly reviewing the cooperation programs with Mozambique, which cover

other areas, such as health, domestic trade, and industry and energy,

Armon Hartmann said that this positive cooperation has been developing over

the past 6 years.

He disclosed that one of the main areas in which relations are developing

satisfactorily is the water industry sector "where we think that giving water

to the peasants is a priority we must take care of." In this way, through a

nongovernment organization, Switzerland is participating in projects to

supply this precious liquid to four districts in Cabo Delgado.

Swiss financing for other water supply projects was channeled to Mozambique

through UNICEF, such as, for example, the Mueda highlands project, likewise

in Cabo Delgado.

Mozambique enjoys exceptional prestige in Switzerland among the group of the

other four countries in East Africa with which Switzerland cooperates,

specifically, Tanzania, Ruanda, Kenya, and Madagascar. For this year, about

$4 million will be spent for the various projects now underway, according to

Herbert Schmid.

5058

CSO: 3442/45

2 2
JPRS-SSA-85-128

11 December 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

ITALIAN EXPERT DISCUSSES NATION'S AGRICULTURAL ISSUES

Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 6 Nov 85 p 3

/Interview with Loreto Bartolini, representative of the League Of Italian

Cooperatives, by Antonio Souto: "Development Is Not Tied To Dogmatic

Ideological Schemes"; date and place not given/

/Text/ "Democratic and progressive development in the RPM

/People's Republic of Mozambique/ cannot be tied to any

dogmatic ideological schemes which, as a matter of fact,

did exist but which did not produce the desired results."

This is one of the main points made in the analysis of the

Mozambican economic experience by Loreto Bartolini. This

51-year-old Italian spent more than two-thirds of his life

in the Italian Communist Party; he was in Mozambique 4 years

ago as representative of the League of Italian Cooperatives

on whose board of directors he serves. In this capacity

he kept himself informed on the problems connected with

the complex and vast agricultural question in Mozambique.

Together with Mozambican officials, he tried to provide

the cooperation of the organization he represents and in

his practical work, especially in an experiment to support

the family sector now in progress in Salamanga, he advocates

development perspectives which could turn out to be interesting in a broad debate on the country's agricultural development

alternatives. On the basis of this political and career

background, we talked to Loreto Bartolini, just as we did

on earlier occasions with other persons interested in the

country's agricultural problems. This dialogue produced

divergent positions precisely in comparison to one of our

most recent interview subjects, the Soviet Professor Nikolai

Grib. To promote a broader debate, we reproduce here the

essence of the positions adopted by this Italian citizen who,

through the above-mentioned League of Cooperatives, is very

familiar with the country's history and struggle. In addition,

we keep an open mind for other opinions and perspectives.

NOTICIAS: As a member of an organization closely tied to the rural development process both in Italy and in other countries and as a person who in

Mozambique followed the experience that is shaping up here with particular

23
attention, how do you view the agricultural changes that took place in

Mozambique?

Loreto Bartolini: First of all, I want to say that agriculture is not just

any production sector. It is a sector that produces food and that makes the

survival of human beings possible; it is a sector that permitted and continues

to permit primary accumulation which therefore is the basis of development.

For the countries of the Third World, especially the African countries, agriculture is the fundamental sector in their economy and therefore it is the

only sector that represents . hope for development.

On all continents and during all historical epochs the land use process aroused

great interest on the part of the population and the various states sense the

survival of communities has to this very day been tied to the capacity of the

land to produce in sufficient quantity to guarantee the food needs of the human

individual. Through the land, man was the protagonist of social and geographic

gains and advances. But the land very often also expressed the rule of one

category over another, of one state over another.

Because of all of this, agriculture is not just any sector of a country's

economy but is indeed a very important sector and also the only sector capable

of guaranteeing not only the people's food supply but also the promotion of a

state's growth.

But this sort of thing does not happen always and the historical causes for

the most part are documented and also examined from different viewpoints. It

does not seem to me however that it should be the objective of this conversation to go back into history in order to find justifications. What seems

important to me to assert is that quite a few mistakes in analysis and management can be found in a large part of the world and particularly here, in

Africa, therefore including Mozambique.

We should certainly not forget what colonialism was, nor must we underestimate

the current international situation which has destructive repercussions on the

economies of the poor countries and also on the agricultural sector. In

countries with a capitalist structure, agriculture is the victim of the

interests of the ruling groups, the big agricultural business operators, the

multinationals who give preference to the development of investments in the

modern infrastructure in order to produce goods that are sold above all abroad.

The agricultural policy of those countries forced the vast masses of peasants

to become a disadvantaged category, thus causing their progressive pauperization and shifting them to the marginal land where they were able at best to

produce only enough to support themselves. The achievement of independence

many times represented the frustration of hopes for these masses with

consequences that were not at all beneficial. We are now witnessing the progressive decline of food by production also caused by a price mechanism

concerning some agricultural products that proves to be very disadvantageous

to the growers. In other cases we can see diabolical mechanisms at work

against the peasants with the idea that the peasant sector can produce for

2 4
accumulation which for the most part will be shared among the central interests

of the state and the privileged categories and groups that are in power, in

some cases to finance activities and business deals abroad; but the peasant

sector gets none of the benefits deriving from the accumulation of the output.

These countries consequently continue to move on the road of development

charted by colonialism and by dependence on raw material exports. The peasant

masses, who represent the vast majority of the population, find themselves

automatically excluded from the benefits and react to the various stimuli with

passivity.

Passive resistance is nothing but the expression of protest against unacceptable living conditions and treatment. In these countries of the Third World,

with a capitalist structure, which means that the peasants are barred from

the production processes and from the benefits of development, the crisis

manifests itself through growing dependence on food imports and through an

agriculture which is far from representing the primary accumulation sector.

Following the achievement of independence, some African countries chose a

noncapitalist way of development. The RPM made the choice of building

socialism on the basis of Marxist-Leninist ideology.

Colonial agriculture has kept changing as a result of the nationalization of

land; state enterprises were created; a process of socialization of the rural

areas was launched with the establishment of communal villages, collective

farms, as well as agricultural precooperatives and cooperatives.

The vast mass of peasants was given the opportunity of being "socialized"

because collective production is the best way to meet the needs of the people

and the state which at last was free and independent; collective production,

it was said, is the format that once and for all breaks up feudal relationships and any other form of underdevelopment existing in the rural areas;

collective production, finally, is the most socialist form and necessarily

the best.

In the interview published in NOTICIAS on 27 September 1985, Professor Nikolai

Grib very well expressed his opinion on what a socialist agriculture is and

what it must be. For him, the priority of socialization and collection production represents the highest degree of agricultural organization in

Mozambique.

From the purely ideological and didactic viewpoint, Professor Grib's approach

can also be interesting if we look at the binomial of socialism and collectivism which can be implemented anywhere in the world and also here in

Mozambique. But the wise policy pursued by this country's leaders seem to me

to make it clear that democratic and progressive development in the RPM cannot

be tied to any dogmatic ideological schemes which in reality were certainly

present but which did not produce the hoped-for results.

25
NOTICIAS: What results were not attained and why?

L. Bartolini: I would prefer to answer that by first of all asking other

questions, such as, for example: Why was the process of socialization, which

was mentioned in that interview given by Dr Grib, not speeded up? For what

reason were and are the Mozambican peasant masses underdeveloped? Why were

the available apparatus and technical resources insufficient? Why did the

war create sizable obstacles to the implementation of the programs?

Many of these questions certainly require positive answers but the total

default of "socialization" certainly was not the cause of the agricultural

crisis in the RPM. Other elements also influenced this outcome. First of

all there was the lack of a policy designed to benefit the peasant-family

sector which in Mozambique represents the main base of the agricultural

economy.

As I see it, the nationalization of the land therefore was a highly positive

historical event; the establishment of the agricultural state enterprises was

a necessity not only to replace the settlers who had fled but also to assert

the presence of the state in the economy's most important sector and to

manage enterprises which would immediately be able to use the modern production equipment and to guarantee the workers their jobs and wages.

The creation of cooperatives and other forms of collective labor was also a

necessary form above all because the FRELIMO had a positive experience with

this form of work during the armed struggle in the liberated zones. Following

the achievement of independence and the subsequent nationalization of the land,

vast organized peasant masses were able to occupy the land and to work

collectively.

The peasant family sector was considered to be in a "holding situation," to be

socialized, and it was therefore considered unable to play a positive role in

a socialist agriculture system. The resolutions of the Third Congress of the

FRELIMO Party and those of the Fourth Congress restored the role of the

peasant family economy; in particular, the Fourth Congress asserted that the

agricultural economy of the RPM was based on the existence of state enterprises, cooperatives, and the family and private sector. Each of these sectors

has a role to play but in my opinion, in the future, it will be necessary and

fundamental to reshape the function of the state enterprises in the process of

agricultural development in the RPM.

Family Sector Not Inefficient

NOTICIAS: Are you emphasizing the role of the family sector in contrast to

other viewpoints? Why?

L. Bartolini: I do in fact want to underscore the role of the family sector

which in Mozambique is represented by about 1.5 million families who are

involved in agriculture. The truth is that family agriculture is remote,

scattered, and disorganized. So long as it remains just that at this time,

26
it will be unable to make efficient use of the modern technical production

equipment. The truth is that the productivity of the family farm is very low

but this does not mean that the peasants must be blamed for inefficiency or

inability. This is not a valid reason for stating that the sector should be

pushed to the sidelines because it does not represent a modern and socialist

format. I want to challenge this opinion for two good reasons:

First of all, any type of nonspeculative agriculture, which is not based on

exploitation, is compatible with socialism and in cases where one can prove

exploitation and speculation, it is up to the state to eliminate the causes

and to limit the effects; but I consider it to be particularly important to

call attention to the mistaken view which seeks to eliminate the sector or

the peasants as a social category.

Second, the family peasant sector is backward for the simple reason that it

was never helped in developing itself in the past, it was always left at the

very fringes of survival.

Finding itself in expectation of collectivization, there was not only a lack

of good cultivated land but the necessary production equipment and factors,

technical assistance,-and above all motivation for change were missing.

During these past years, the family sector quite frankly could not have done

more than it did!

The present policy pursued by the FRELIMO and the RPM government assigns to

the peasant family sector a correct direction in society, earmarking it to

being a protagonistic force in building a democratic and progressive

agriculture capable first of all of eliminating hunger and achieving the

primary accumulation which is so necessary to the country's growth.

NOTICIAS: Getting back to the previous question, you felt that the "total

default of socialization was not the cause of the agricultural crisis in the

RPM." You also asked a series of questions and stated some problems with a

view to the recovery of agricultural activities. Do you have any responses

or solutions for them?

L. Bartolini: First of all, it must be emphasized that there is one fundamental obstacle to development and that is the war. But in addition to this,

which of course disturbs any national life, there are specific aspects in

development that must be taken into account and, as I see it, those aspects

contain important answers to these questions:

First of all, the peasant families must be given fertile land, with an area

large enough to be able to produce enough food for themselves and for the

market.

It is necessary to supply them with the production equipment and factors, to

given them technical assistance, and to provide incentives for the sale of

these products.

27
It is necessary to create supporting facilities which would make it possible

to increase productivity (irrigation) and to improve the rural population's

living conditions.

Rural development based on peasant family participation seeks to propose

organized forms that allow the efficient use of technical equipment, the

introduction of improved techniques, and the performance of all possible

activities aimed at attaining the rural community's social objectives.

The creation of a peasant agriculture organized in associations and in service

cooperatives as forms of democratic self-management, with the support of the

state and with international cooperation, can be the answer to the sector's

current disadvantaged situation.

In conclusion, it is necessary to upgrade the social status of the peasants

if we want to restore the value of their agricultural activity.

/Illegible/ Perspective And Peasant Organizations

NOTICIAS: Both in this conversation and on earlier occasions, you talked

about the organization of peasant agriculture through associations. What

does your viewpoint consist of specifically?

L. Bartolinl: As I see it, the associations are an important perspective but

here again we must be careful; we must avoid once again becoming the victims

of an excessively schematic approach; the associations or cooperatives must

enable the simple peasant to do, together with others, that which he cannot

do by himself. There are many different reasons that stimulate the interest

of the peasants when it comes to establishing associations or service

cooperatives. Here is an example: The association is the first and simplest

level of peasant organization; it can operate in a certain area to recover

the land which the peasants divide, taking the family's work capacity as

basis. The associated peasants can restore the support facilities (wells,

irrigation ditches, roads); they can manage the use of a motor pump, a tractor,

etc. With the democratic participation of the partners themselves, the

associations prepare the production plans for the daily necessities; they try

to develop animal traction, for example, to distribute seeds as well as production equipment and factors to the partners; they concern themselves with

the dissemination of improved techniques by mobilizing the partners who learn

those techniques before the others and better than the others; they develop a

spirit of solidarity among the members; they check on the member's land to

make sure that it is properly used; they organize a watch against thieves and

bandits by first of all mobilizing the members; they organize the harvest

phase and the storage of products.

In other words, case by case, problem by problem, it will be the members who

will determine the functions of their association which will be directed by a

management commission that will be freely elected and that can be renewed each

year.

2 8
The association can propose the implementation of small projects and it can

get aid from the state: The association's assembly can decide to open a

collective farm to produce that which the Individual cannot produce in the

field, for example, rice; in this case, the collective farm is only a

continuation of the peasant farm and does not conflict with the private

initatives because it will be the members themselves who will do the work;

the products and the results deriving from the sale of these products will be

divided on the basis of work done by each family.

The association will concern itself above all with production aspects, while

its action will be confined to supporting its members so that they can produce

more and better; the association can decide to increase the number of members

or expel undisciplined members who create discord or who raise obstacles to

the normal devolpment of farming activities. In addition to that, it is the

association's duty to transform the family farm into a family agricultural

enterprise and manage it in a normal fashion.

According to the structure of the state administration, it can occupy new

agricultural areas to increase the size of the members' farms. In my

opinion, the associations should not be large and numerous in the first

phase; they should be made up of persons who know each other because that

facilitates the election of the leading groups and their performance in

office.

NOTICIAS: And what are the "service cooperatives" you mentioned and how can

they spring up?

L. Bartolini: In a certain area or region, we can have many associations that

establish a "service cooperative" which has the job of coordinating the

activities of the associations and providing support for the development of

associated agriculture in its area of influence.

The service cooperatives should be made up of peasant associations of the

family sector and of the agricultural producer cooperatives in the agricultural

region and in the particular locality; the assembly is made up of all peasants

or elected delegates in proportion to each association and cooperative.

Its function will be to carry out all possible activities which the associations and producer cooperatives cannot perform by themselves. I am thinking

here, for example, of the supply of technical equipment and production factors

to be distributed by the peasants in collaboration with the associations and

producer cooperatives, the supply of daily necessities to individuals and homes,

so that it will work like a rural consumer cooperative; it will be concerned

with the transportation, sale, technical assistance, and management of small

processing facilities (mills, brick factory, etc.); it will collaborate with

the state's administrative agency to put up and improve the sanitary and

school facilities, the kindergartens, the adult literacy training drive, as

well as cultural and recreational activities; it will collaborate with the

state enterprises in the area to promote the balanced development of the agricultural sector and to program the aid which the state enterprises must give to

the other sectors.

29
The service cooperative will have to be managed by a management commission

elected by the membership assembly; it will have to adopt bylaws and in-house

regulations; it will have to be assisted by a support and control commission

which is also elected by the membership assembly but which also consists of

nonmembers.

The cost of operating the service cooperative must be borne by the members

(associations, producer cooperatives) or it can be recovered through an

increase in the percentage charged for services rendered. An estimated and a

final balance sheet must be prepared and approved by the membership assembly.

Peasant Organizations Without Red Tape

NOTICIAS: What is the difference between the service cooperatives, which you

mentioned, and the government agencies currently existing both in Mozambique

and in other countries, in other words, outfits that manage this peasant

organization activity?

L. Bartolini: The "service cooperative" is an enterprise that produces

services; it cannot become entangled in red tape and it cannot be overstaffed;

it can take skilled technical personnel onboard in order to perform certain

activities that require high-level skills.

The cooperative is not an organ of the government machinery; it belongs to the

peasants. In substance, I believe that it is possible to have rural development on the basis of the family sector's associations which can also be joined

by small private farmers and by agricultural-livestock producer cooperatives

who, together, will find a center for the management of common interests in

the service cooperative.

The service cooperatives and the producer cooperatives of a province can

establish the provincial union of agricultural-livestock cooperatives. In my

opinion, the cooperative movement must find unitary forms of leadership and

management so that promotion and growth will be faster, more efficient, and

more effective and so as to make sure that duplication of effort will be

awarded as much as possible; red tape is the worst enemy of the management and

development of the cooperative movement. Therefore, the possible establishment

of the provincial unions should not add to the costs or to the management

effort as bodies which sooner or later could sieze power away from the peasants.

NOTICIAS: Do you believe that the promotion of agriculture is enough to achieve

development in the rural areas?

L. Bartolini: Rural development is achieved not only through efforts in

support of agriculture.

Coordinated actions are necessary between various sectors of Mozambican society,

such as, for example, health, education, social and cultural services, the

government's closest possible civilian and administrative agencies and therefore the agencies that are most decentralized so that services may be rendered

quickly and efficiently and so that the people's control may manifest itself

in the best possible form.

30
It is very important and sometimes decisive to organize the erafts in rural

areas either in a private form or in a cooperative form. The craftsmen, the

carpenters, the bricklayers, and shoemakers are the men who can take care of

minor and sometimes decisive needs of the peasant family. In addition to

that they participate in the revival of the trade and barter network which is

currently almost nonexistent. On the basis of my experience, I believe that

it is wrong to overload the agricultural cooperative with tasks different

from those of producing food. It is good for each production sector to have

its own organization. We must not forget that the cooperative is a production or service enterprise which has to be managed in keeping with the

special features of the sector within which it operates, the special aspects

of the job categories, and the different requirements of the market.

In the RPM the development of the crafts, particularly rural crafts, creates

conditions for utilizing the trades which many workers learned during periods

of emigration abroad.

It is certainly necessary also to introduce production equipment and raw

materials for the craftsmen. International cooperation can be involved much

more effectively in this sector also for the purpose of training skilled

manpower and it can increasingly participate in the creation of solid foundations for development as the need arises for specific efforts in the

territory but also in the support of population groups who live, work, and

produce in that territory. A territory that is disorganized when it comes to

producing needs to be reorganized through different measures; a population

group that is disorganized when it comes to producing and living a better

life must be organized, the forms of organization to be selected must never be

schematic or imported; instead they must always take into account the traditions , necessities, possibilities, and capacity of the population of a

certain locality or region.

My answers are nothing more than a contribution to the debate and to the

search for better solutions; they are the fruit of the lessons I learned in

other countries but also in the RPM; I can assure you that these past

experiences produced good results. These analyses, ideals, and proposals

therefore must not be taken as strict rules, otherwise one might run the risk

of making mistakes. Instead, one should experiment them with a certain degree

of gradual and flexible approach; in that case I am sure that positive results

can be achieved.

5058

CSO: 3442/45

31
JPRS-sSA-85-128

27 December 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

BRIEFS

FRENCH FUND COOPERATION AGREEMENT—A complementary agreement to establish

a branch of the French Central Fund in our country was signed in Maputo

yesterday. The agreement was signed by Antonio Sumbana, the secretary of

state for international cooperation, and Jean-Pierre (Guneau), the

director of the French Central Fund. The agreement was signed as a

result of a 10-day visit to Mozambique by the director of that French

financing organization. The French Central Fund is taking part in

various development projects in Mozambique, including the reconstruction

of the railroad linking Nampula to Cuamba, the production of copra, and

assistance to Maputo green zones. [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service in

Portuguese 1030 GMT 22 Nov 85 MB] /12640

CSO: 3400/510

32
SWAPO'S ARMED WING MAY BECOME NUISANCE FACTOR

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 16 Nov 85 p 11

[Text]

JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

NAMABIA

WINDHOEK. —Swa- \

po's armed wing would

eventually be reduced

from a fighting force tö

a "nuisance factor"

and when that happened the organisation

would have to revert to

an ordinary political

party in the SWA

democratic process,

the officer commanding the SWA Territory

Force, Major-General

George Meiring, said

in Windhoek.

According to a report

published yesterday in the '

Namibian newspaper,

Gen Meiring said he did

not think the SWA bush

war, which has been

carrying on for more than

19 years, was an unwinnable situation.

"Any war of this nature

is a very protracted one,

certainly, because you are

fighting for the hearts and

minds of the poeple," he

said.

"They (Swapo) are losing because they are losing manpower, losing the

fighting soldiers.

"Now they are down to

8 000 (men under arms),

maybe 7 500 next year

and 7 000 the year after.

"They have to do so

many things with these

troops that the number of

troops available to fight

' this country will be less

land less.

! "And thereafter they

| become more of a nuii sance factor than a fighting force."

Gen Meiring said Swapo had two mechanised

brigades which concentrated mainly on fighting

the Angola rebel movement. Unita, and guarding the southern railway

line between Namiba and

' Monogue in Angola.

Altogether more' than

3 500 Swapo insurgents

were deployed against

Unita.

"Only about 1500

(Swapo insurgents) are

available at any time to

fight against SWA and

only half of them would

come down during the

rainy season when Swapo

embarks on its infiltration

campaign in SWA," he

said.

Swapo was presently

mustering its forces in

preparation for its annual

offensive expected from

December 1 onwards.

"The intensity has gone

down over the years but it

always happens," Gen

Meiring said.

"The past three years,

there was infiltration into

Ovambo and not to any

other place. We foresee

the same thing happening"

The General said that

in talks earlier this year at

Cape Verde, Swapo's

President, Mr Sam Nujo-.

3 3
ma, had indicated that

Swapo would not stop its

military effort.

"Nevertheless," Gen

Meiring said, "the SWA

security forces would

carry on with the war to '

persuade Swapo to abandon its military campaign

because the price will become too high."

The security forces

were also hoping for victory of the Unita leader,

Dr Jonas Savimbi, who is

fighting Luanda's MPLA

government.

"If he wins, we are in

the pound seats," Gen

Meiring said.

"He will not allow Swapo to fight from his territory, because they are

fighting him."

If Dr Savimbi applied

pressure in Angola long

enough, he would be able

to enforce a negotiated

settlement which would

give him a political victory-

"If they start talking to

him, he will have a landslide and they know it,"

Gen Meiring said.

Gen Meiring said Swa-

• po's military command

was sending insurgents

into battle against Unita

partly to let them gain

combat experience.

"They are not seasoned

fighters, so they give

them a little more experience before they send

them down here."

Gen Meiring said that

apart from SWA independence, the causes that had

called Swapo into armed

warfare no longer existed.

"Everything else has

been achieved in Namibia," he said. There is no

discrimination. There is

freedom of movement.

The reasons for launching

the armed warfare, apart

from independence, are

no longer there." —Sapa.

/8309

CSO: 3400/579

34
NEARLY TWO-THIRDS OF TROOPS IN NATION ARE NON-WHITE

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 15 Nov 85 p 5

[Text] HOEDSPRUIT. -«-Nearly two thirds of the soldiers deployed in the

South West African operational area are nonWhites, according to the

Minister of Defence, Gen

Magnus Malan. '•' ' Gen Malan told a National Party public meeting in the north-eastern

Transvaal town of Hoedspruit that the SA Defence Force guaranteed

the safety of all the

people in South Africa

and was also representative of all the country's

people.

"According to the latest figures, which I received yesterday, 66,16

percent of all the soldiers

that are deployed against

terrorism in SWA are

people whose skin colour

differs from yours and

mine," Gen Malan said,

adding that the figures included support forces.

/Gen Malan said few

South Africans realised

further that 34,2 percent

of all local troops, the

SWA territorial force ex-

: eluded, were non-White.

/8309

CSO: 3400/580

"Now you must not

blame me if I laugh at the '

rightist radicals, namely

the GPs (Conservative

Party Supporters) about

their amazing and unrealistic congress decision

that only Whites should

be used in the operational

area.

"Maybe the CP is

thinking of sending its

bedfellows, the AWB

(Afrikaanse Weerstandbeweging) to fill this

gap"Gen Malan said he was

1 not prepared to deny non-

' White South Africans the

right to defend their

country, and then have to

tell the business sector

that he was going to withdraw even more Whites

from their jobs. — Sapa.

JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

NAMIBIA

35
STUDY BY HUMAN RIGHTS GROUP DESCRIBES SWAPO SAVAGERY

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 17 Oct 85 p 9

[Text] Citizen Reporter j

A WEST GERMAN

based international body

on human rights has

struck a blow for a more

objective approach in

Europe to South Africa's

predicament in South

West Africa with the publication of a documentary

study on Swapo.

Feedback from West

Germany reaching South

Africa indicates that there

has been widespread interest in the report, by the ,

International Association

for Human Rights which

pulls no punches in its description of the savagery

and inhumanity of Swa- (

po.

Sources say that what

has given the report par- ;

ticular impact is that

among the eyewitnesses

to the "horror" of Swapo

is Mrs Hilda Tjongarero,

a close relative of the former deputy chairman of

Swapo, Daniel Tjpngare-,

ro.

The preface to the

study was written by the

Rev Ndabezinhle Musa, a

former guerrilla fighter in

Joshua ' Nkomo's Zapu ' movement in Zimbab- <

we/Rhodesia.

Mr Musa received his

military training in the .

Soviet Union and other

East Bloc countries between 1965 and 1969.

/8309

CSO: 3400/580

He is quoted in the

study as saying "It is my

urgent desire that all concerned with South West

Africa/Nabimia draw a

lesson from what has happened in Zimbabwe — to

save the people of SWA

from suffering the same

fate."

Mrs Tjongarero says in

the study she went

through hell in a Swapo

campo at Nyongo in Zambia.

"You can't say 'No' to

a commander or camp officer if he wants you.

Ihere were 14-year-old

girls who had children

with Swapo officers," she

said.

At the age of three children were separated from

their mothers and after

completing school — a

period in which they were

brain-washed daily on the

aims of Swapo — they

were taken .in for military

training.

She said dissatisfied

Swapo members who

wanted to leave found

themselves in a desperate

situation.

"The so-called dissidents either disappear or

are put in deep holes in

the ground. Those who

manage to escape arc.

hunted down by a special.

'dicipline' squad," she

said.

JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

NAMIBIA

36
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

NAMIBIA

HUMAN TIES SAID TO MATTER MORE THAN CONSTITUTIONS

Windhoek THE WINDHOEK ADVERTISERS in English 4 Nov 85 p 3

[Text] Neither the implementation of United Nations Resolution 435 nor the

scrapping of Proclamation AG 8 would solve Namibia's problems, the Minister of

Justice, Mr Fanuel Kozonguizi, said in the National Assembly on Friday.

Speaking during the

debate on improving

human relations, Mr

Kozonguizi also stressed

that until the aspirations of]

the black man were fulfilled there would never be,

peace.

"The struggle in this,

country has been the struggle of the black man." : Mr Kozonguizi said, people were preoccupied with

two things: AG 8 and Res

435. But one of the main

problems, that of human

relations, had nothing to

do with AG 8 or Res 435.

"It doesn't matter what

political or constitutional

dispensation you have, we

need a programme of how

people in this country

should live together.*'

Further, human relations

was not a question of black

and white only.

There was also a

problem between the dif-1

ferent communities in

Katutura, for instance.

/13104

CSO: 3400/555

' "Because we regard it as

abominable, as something

not nice to see, we tend to

ignore the violation of

good relations in

Katutura," he said.

. Mr Kozonguizi said this

did not mean overlooking

that the system had been

wrong in the past and had

led to many of the divisions

"but now we have to take

things into our own

hands".

Even if homelands were

abolished and Res 435

implemented, "we will not

avoid tribal voting, if I as a

black discriminate against

fellow blacks of a different

background".

"Voting according to

political, philosophical or

ideological considerations

is only possible if we put

human relations right."

Otherwise, if Swapo, for

example, was to win an

election it would immediately be labelled "an

Owambo government".

Turning to the role ofthe

whites, Mr Kozonguizi

said that the whites had

know-how was a reality

"we cannot run away

from".

But, he emphasized, it

had to be understood "that

at this stage in the political

development of this

country, a white-led

government is not going to

be an acceptable government".

This was because of the

deep-rooted suspicion

against the white man.

"I am not being racist, I

am stating a fact," he added.

"I cannot think of a

white man in this country

who can really interpret the

aspirations of the black

man.

And there would never

be peace until black aspirations were fulfilled.

"But these aspirations

have to go with the realisation that our aspirations as

black people cannot be

achieved without the cooperation of the white

man," Mr Kozonguizi said.

37
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

NAMIBIA

ffiCURITY FORCES CLAIM INSURGENCY UNDER CONTROL

544 SWAPO Insurgents Killed This Year

Windhoek THE WINDHOEK ADVERTISER in English 31 Oct 85 p 1

[Text] Security forces in Northern Namibia have shot and killed six Swapo

insurgents in the last 14 days, bringings to 544 the number killed so far this

year, the SWA Territory Force said in Windhoek yesterday

It said ih a statement an A total of 40 civilians

Owambo-speaking civilian were killed and 58 others

Mr Hititus Ngwena, was mairrfed in Swapp.laid

stabbed to death with a landmine blasts,

bayonet by insurgents on since the beginning of

Sunday. tne bush war in ' 1966,

The incident happened gwap0( had been responsi-'

four kilometres south-east b)e for the deaths of 1 483

•of Oshikango. The security civi|jans and tne maiming

forces followed the tracks of , 563 civilians, the stateof the insurgents to the ment sa^ ',

border with Angola, the Two children were abatement said. ducted by a small group of

On the same night, jnsurgents from their home

another civilian, Mr abou, ,2km north-west of

Erasmus Bonifacius Nkongo |ast Monday.

Anoowa, was shot dead

with a Makarov pistol "The group was under

about eight kilimetres west the leadership of Toxwike,

of Ombalantu in northern the recconhaisance cornNamibia, ander of (Swapo's) far east

The insurgent escaped detachement,11 the

on a bicyle. SWATF said. - Sapa

Politicians Given Scope To Work

Windhoek THE WINDHOEK ADVERTISER in English 4 Nov 85 p 3

[Text] The security forces in Namibia have captured 1128kg of explosives and

9 276 tons of ammunition from Swapo insurgents to date this year, the Officer

Commanding the SWA Territory Force, Major-General George Meiring, said in

Windhoek at the weekend.

38
The number of insurgents killed so far this

year was 544, he told a

medal parade.

Reviewing the year, Gen,

Meiring said the Kavango

region had been cleared of

insurgents while

Kaokoland was now free

of a permanent presence of

insurgents and "only a

handful" of insurgents

were left in the Owambo,

region. i

These successes by the

security forces had given

the politicians scope to

work in a democratic

process toward good

government in Namibia.

, "It must be stressed that

this time that has been

bought for the politicians

must be utilised to its Tul-'

lest," Gen Meiring said.

Control of Southern

Africa remained the objective of the Soviet Union,

Gen Meiring said.

"In South Africa, the SÄ

Communist Party used the

ANC and the UDF to

make the country ungovernable through unrest and

rioting," he said.

"In Angola, the Russians through direct aid to

FAPLA, the armed forces

of the Marxist MPLA,

launched a large-scale attack on Unita.

; "This direct aid included

» command and control of

combat elements, specialist

advisers and pilots of war

i planes;"

Gen Meiring said that in

Namibia, Swapo had

j. launched a full-scale

! onslaught on the Territory

. in May to prevent or dis-

> rupt the inauguration of

" the Transitional Govern-

; ment,

"They did not succeed ..-

. but that unfortunately is

: not the end," he said, -r:.

' Sapa

/13104

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39
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

NAMIBIA

COMPENSATION TO VAN DER BYL SPARKS CONTROVERSY

Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in English 10 Nov 85 p 11

[Article by Brendan Seery]

[Text]

WINDHOEK — Pieter

van der Byl, a mild-man-^

nered, bespectacled former South African GoVr;

ernment legal expert,,

Will pack his bags and

leave Windhoek soon, ;

R180 000 better off than

when he first became em-';

broiled in Namibia's in-t

ternal political bickering ]

less than two months ago. ?

The amount will be paid;

to him by the "Government'

of National Unity" as com-(>

fiensation for his loss of of- -

Ice as chairman of the ter- *

;

ritory's constitutional coun- ^

cil and his seat on the South ',',

West Africa Bench of the i

Supreme Court.

The payment is believed to

be without precedent In the history of the territory.

"In addition to' the golden '

handshake for Mr'Van der Byl,

Namibian taxpayers will also ;

probably have to pay hundreds

of thousands of rands in legal'!

fees incurred in the protracted '

legal and political tussle. ' .*.

• • When Mr Van der Byl's ap- '\

pointment was announced in £

P- late September, it spawned a ,

bitter dispute among members

; of Windhoek's Multi-party Con-

. ference (MPC), which at times

I threatened to tear asunder the

fledgling alliance.

I The left-of-centre members

of the eight-man Cabinet — Mr

''Moses Katjiuohgua (Swanu)

/8309

CSO: 3400/577

ränd Mr Andreas' Shipanga

w

(Swapo-Democrats) - came

out against the appointment,

accusing their Cabinet colleague and DTA strongman Mr

I Dirk Mudge of bulldozing It

; through behind their backs.

Mr Mudge denied the accu-

> sation and the deadlock threatened to split the Government,

particularly after Mr Katjiuongua and Mr Shipanga had given

•notice that they would challenge the appointment in court.

Papers served in the Windhoek 'Supreme Court called on

V Mr Mudge and two other Ministers to show cause why the

appointment should not be set

aside. Also named as co-re-

. spondents in the action were

Mr Van der Byl himself and

South Africa's AdministratorGeneral, Mr Louis Pienaar.

After intensive behind-thescenes lobbying, a court action

— with its implied threat of exposing "sensitive Cabinet documents" — was averted. Highr powered legal teams, including top South African senior

counsel, then sat down in Wind-

; hoek's Tintenpalast Governi ment building to thrash out an

.agreement.

Much of the discussion

: centred on the amount of com- ;

i pensation to be paid to Mr Van

' der Byl, who surrendered his

job as South African State deputy legal adviser to take up the

constitutional council chair-',

, manship.

Mr Katjiuongua and Mr Shil panga were noticeably elated

. by the outcome of the tussle

which they believed to have

, been over a "matter of great

' principle". They felt that if

- they did not make a stand,

. there would be occasions in fu1

ture when Mr Mudge would

again "try to get his own way".

However, Mr Mudge has consistently denied the allegations

; against him and hinted that his

f opponents were merely playing

i to the political gallery.

While the wrangle over the'

Van der Byl affair certainly

has left its mark on the Government and damaged Cabinet

• relationships, there is confi-

, dence here in official circles

that, with the difficulties behind them, the Internal politicians can now go ahead with

taking Namibia down the road

to independence.

There is speculation that the

new year might see renewed

efforts to reach an internationally acceptable solution, and

,. once again extend an invitation ,

- to Swapo to join the negotia-.

tions in Windhoek.

40
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

NAMIBIA

CONSTITUTIONAL COUNCIL CHAIRMAN APPOINTED

MB271444 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1437 GMT 27 Nov 85

[Text] Windhoek, 27 Nov, SAPA—The administrator-general of SWA/NAMIBIA,

Mr Louis Pienaar, has decided to appoint a former Transvaal judge, Mr Justice

Victor Hiemstra, as chairman of the proposed Constitutional Council in the

territory.

The decision to appoint Mr Justice Hiemstra, which was seen as a mere formality, was taken after a recommendation by the SWA/NAMIBIAN transitional cabinet

made at a regular weekly meeting in Windhoek today.

Official sources said the appointment would be effective from the beginning of

next month.

The transitional cabinet said in a statement on 8 November that it had decided

to nominate Mr Justice Hiemstra for the office, and a week later the retired

judge announced from Johannesburg that he had decided to accept the nomination,

subject to certain undisclosed conditions.

Mr Justice Hiemstra became a judge of the Transvaal division of the supreme

court in January 1957 and was seconded to Bophuthatswana as chief justice in

1977 where he served until his retirement in June last year.

By law the proposed SWA/NAMIBIAN Constitutional Council has to be chaired by

a judge or retired judge of the supreme court.

The 16-member council is expected to begin its work in closed session early

next year.

It is assigned with the drawing up of constitution for SWA/NAMIBIA within two

years after which the council will disband.

/7358

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41
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

NAMIBIA

VOICE OF NAMIBIA RADIO CRITICIZES MULTIPARTY CONFERENCE PLAN

EA131202 Dar Es Salaam Voice of Namibia in English 1830 GMT 12 Nov 85

[From the "Spotlight on Namibia" program]

[Excerpts] The South African racist regime devoted its naive commitment

of knocking together a strong anti-SWAPO front attempts after the (?demise)

of the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance to revive this reactionary group and

give it a more presentable form that could food the Namibian people and the

international community [sentence as heard]. For this reason, the multiparty conference was created. Naturally, the question that arises through

one s mind here is that the multiparty conference is all a (?bluff). Since

South Africa's coming to power in Namibia the regime has been trying to

maintain a political and socioeconomic system in our country that suits

its own interest. All changes that have taken place in its political administrative structures in Namibia are largely the result of the changes in

the perspective of South Africa. That is how it safeguards its interests.

Meanwhile, in an attempt to win time, the racist regime of Pretoria [words

indistinct] of imperialists such as West Germany, France, Canada, Britain,

and spearheaded by the Reagan administration in Washington, (?began) to lay

one obstacle after another in the path of Namibia's independence. We recall here how South Africa was claiming Walvis Bay to be part of South Africa,

We recall, too, the question of the so-called UN impartiality, the question

of electoral process, the question of the Cuban internationalist forces and,

lately, the creation of the so-called multiparty conference. All these have

been well-circulated obstacles on a timetable, not only in delaying Namibia's

independence, maintaining the sufferings and exploitation of the Namibian

masses and their resources, but to completely sidestep un-supervised elections. The creation of the multiparty conference should also be seen from

this end. The multiparty conference is, therefore, nothing other than the

revival of the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (?headed by) diehard reactionaries and CIA representatives such as (Kachon), (Sipanga), Longwe) and many

others. The struggle waged by SWAPO is (?tough). It must be carried

on until Namibia is totally liberated. Everyting for the struggle and all

for final victory!

/6662

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42
DRAFT LABOR BILL WOULD BE STEP FORWARD FOR WORKERS

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 21 Oct 85 p 4

JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

NAMIBIA

[Text]

A draft labour Bill presented to,

, Namibians earlier this month by."

I self-proclaimed Marxist, Mr

. Moses Katjiuorigua, who is Minis'^)

i ter of Health and Welfare in the

interim government, did not spur

i workers to take to the streets sing-f

ing his praises. : ";''' " •',-' ';''' ;

,(>

Flamboyantly dressed in flowing "Afro" robes and hat, Mr Kat-'l

jiuongua — sometimes referred tp!?

K in Windhoek as "Chairman Mo" i

-' — told the assembled Press that*

*the proposed legislation did not'.

: cover agricultural Workers or'.

i, domestic employee^ two of the I

• largest employment categories in i

>: the country. Nor, he added, did the-'

-draft lay down any minimum^

wages, because the economy of the';,

:•: territory was in ain ''extremely in}-^

healthy" state. . , l'!v.'!;.;.0 ;>;,

'' As a "non-independent country

' belonging to the Third.World", (to *,

^ use Mr Katjiuongua's own words),'

Namibia is barely out of the 19th--

:' century as far as its -labour laws V

; and practices are concerned.. Ex- •

', isting legislation only, covers a^

j small minority öf workers,.,

primarily in the building,„

,-manüfacturing and mining '

sectors. Even then, while workers.,

i. may have some forni of statutory .

protection as far as their jobs are,"

concerned, the scope of the laws is j

[limited and many employees are'

still vulnerable to "unfair labour,

practices". i"..."r

"'•In the areas of agriculture,!

'transport, the hotel and tourist

^industry and in private households,-

' workers, have no legal rights at <

all. Trade unions to safeguard the

' interests of workers are few and •

; far between.' > \'"' '[ •

"i'. While it excludes domestic and

farm workers, the,new bill proposesthat: .;'. ..

,' < • Workers should work no more

than 46 hours a week, or between

f 8-9V* hours daily,'depending on

, whether a Jive or six-day week,

i,isworked. ..:•'•

(* -'•Workers should have at least

5 one hour off daily as a meal time -

?

(but this may be altered by agree-

' ment between both sides).

,/..?.• Overtime should be paid at

the rate of one-and-a-third times

; the normal rate of pay, and that

overtime should be paid for work;

on Sundays and public holidays. •..:",

•>; •There should be set provisions

w for annual leave for all employees.-

•There should be a fixed provisionfor sick leave.;.

•Written contracts of employ-'^

ment should be signed between1

'.: both parties; and written notice of.

I- termination either way will be re-- -f.

quired. .7

,'.. • The employment of anyone,

;'. under the age of 15 years, will be'

prohibited. ".[':;

Having been placed before the1

i eigt-man cabinet of ther«

l. Multi-Party Conference (MPC)

»Government and been approved in

.'principle by them, the draft bill'

will now be presented to the

National Assembly for debate and

>ratification.<: :; "

:

>•' " ;/•:•:?

/8309

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43
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

NAMIBIA

BUSINESS LEADERS SEE NO END TO RECESSION

Debt Rescheduling Holds Promise

Windhoek THE WINDHOEK ADVERTISER in English 16 Oct 85 pp 1, 4

[Article by Joe Putz]

[Text] There are at present no growth factors in sight which could propel the

Namibian economy out of the stranglehold of one of the worst recessions in

decades. At this stage a rescheduling of the national debt and the promotion

of the informal sector seem to be the only practicable avenues for

job-creation and the rescue of a steadily rupturing budget.

While rumours are doing

the rounds in Windhoek

that Finance Minister Dirk

Mudge is in South Africa

to reschedule the Namibian

national debt, the consensus amongst prominent

businessmen canvassed by

The Advertiser in a wide-]

ranging survey betrays an

underlying pessimism.

In fact, a significant!

number of businessmen felt

the recession—far from being over—could actually

get worse.

The most ominous news

emanated from the mining

industry in the words of

Tsumeb Corporation MD

and President of the

Chamber of Mines, Mr

Bob Meiring.

Asked whether the weak

Rand and the resultant

high Rand prices' for the

Territory's minerals exports foreshadowed a

recovery led by the mining

sector, Mr Meiring!

described the boom as I

"welcome but shortlived." j

"We are in full production and full employment

at the moment and are

repairing our balance

sheets which suffered in recent years under falling

metals prices," he said.

"But in spite of our expectation that the Rand

will remain weak for the

foreseeable future, the pre-

. sent boom will probably

come to an end in about six

i months."

; While income, in Rands,

• had risen dramatically, itr

j was just a matter of time

j until operating costs rose-

' also in Rand terms.

1 "The present boom is

merely a windfall which

will soon disappear when

costs start catching up with

the weak Rand," Mr Meiring said.

Well-informed observers

say a significant drop in

mining tax revenue and a

possible further shrinking

of mine payrolls could

squash any chances of an

imminent recovery.

Controversial businessman Eric Lang, un-;

hesitatingly warned that'

the recession had not nearly come to an end and that,

worse was in the ofilng.

"I expect the mines to

'come to the Governemnt

with complaints of increasing costs, but operating

icost increases should not

eliminate all of the massive'

'increases in revenue

(generated ,by the weak

IRand. -t v

[ "Economic mobility is key

to motivation.

! "To do this people have

to see the economy opening up-thcre are still too

many people who don't

have access," he said,

referring especially to the

black population.

, The volatile political

situation in South Africa

and uncertainty about

Namibia's own future was

touched on by everyone.

;' "If the political situation

doesn't change, things will

stay as they are," Mr

u
Konrad Woermann of

Woermann and Brock

said. ,

This was underlined by

Mr Prägt. "Would you in-'

vest in a volcano which

could erupt tomorrow," he

said, referring to South

Africa.

"And we are completely

dependent on SA for. an

upswing."

JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SA Still Dominates Economy

Windhoek THE WINDHOEK ADVERTISER in English 16 Oct 85 pp 1, 4

[Article by Jean Sutherland]

[Text] The extent to which South Africa still dominates the local economy was

overwhelmingly evident in the factors given by local businessman as key to the

current recession and any possible upswing.

Political uncertainty, the

state of the Rand, the inability to generate investment, the grey area of unemployment and a

burgeoning bureacracy,

were high on their list. '

. While most busines-;

smen approached by .The'

Advertiser for an opinion"

on where the economy was

heading displayed an op-i

timistic, let's make the best '

of a bad situation attitude,;

an underlying current of>

uncertainty prevailed. j

Where an economic up-;

swing was going to come;

from was a very good

question, Mr Frank Pragt

of Stellenbosch Farmers'

Wineries said. "But I don't

think you'll get a correct

answer from anyone—

everything is a big question <

mark."

Without' -exception,'

everyone felt the recession

had not bottomed out,

! while the most optimistic

"cautious" forecast on a

possible upswing was mid1986. " •. ■■■'

One of the few positive

areas touched on was the

potential of small businesses, which many people felt

could give some punch to

the economy.

The role of government

and the need to tackle the

unemployment situation.

also came under strong

scrutiny.

Estate ägent Christo van

Niekerk said the fact that

government was looking

into privatisation, incentives for industries and the

lifting of excessive regulations was a positive step.'

"Once we get an upswing this will help it—but a

big pre-condition for all

these things is employment."

A crucial factor underlined by architect Kerry

McNamara was access to

the economy.

r- ' .'»

"All that we can do is to

inform South Africa that

we cannot continue. to

.repay the debts they ac-,

cumulated for us during.

the AG governments.

"That is the only immediate way open to

significantly cut government spending," he said.

Government would have

to stop political spending

and get down to sound

decisions based on

economic considerations

only.

A strengthening of the

small and informal sector

was one of the few possible

sources of new growth,

Sonnex MD, Mr Phillip

Bellingan, said.

Only deregulation and

an encouragement of the

ismall business and informal sector could create

new employment opportunities and a measure of

growth for relatively

moderate investments.

Strong support for small

1 sector development also

came from the Private Sector Foundation.

• PSF Chairman, Charles

Truebody, told The Advertiser, the PSF had' made

. about 150 loans of

R2 000 to small businessmen. /

45
He said a recent trend

which was encouraging

was the number of people

in this sector who were

showing an interest in how

to develop what they had.

"Bearing in mind that

98% of businesses in this

country would be classified

as small businesses by

South Africa, they are a

very important sector," he

I added.

/13104

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46
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

NAMIBIA

COMMITTEE PROPOSES TO DESEGREGATE EDUCATION

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 8 Oct 85 p 11

[Article by Brendan Seery]

[Text]

WINDHOEK — On the outskirts of Windhoek, Alongside the road that winds through the Gamsberg moun-.

tains to Walvis Bay, stands a multi-million rand ;

monument to apartheid.

The Windhoek College of Education, which trains

teachers at the tertiary level, has every modern facil- ,

ity. Yet, while it is capable of catering for more than

. 1200 students, at present, less than a fifth of that i

. number are being trained. The reason: it is a whitesonly institution.

Six years after Namibia's internal politicians

, began dismantling petty aparthied by outlawing ra- .

cial discrimination, the grand scheme of separate development is unshaken, enshrined as it is in a South . African Government proclamation which gives each ,

population group responsibility for its own affairs.

And diehard right-wing whites have no desire to

change the status quo.

The dust is still flying over far-reaching recom- ;

mendations contained in a report released last week :

by a special government committee which investigat- !

ed the education system.

Chaired by Professor Attl Buitendacht, Rector of

the academy in Windhoek, the committe proposed

that all education matters should fall under one central authority. It also suggested that existing facilities be fully utilised and pointed to the Windhoek

college which, if it was operating to capacity, would

go a long way towards alleviating the critical teacher

. shortage in the country.

The report noted that an analysis of the "difficulties

and deficiencies" in the present educational set-up

showed the "inability of the majority of representa- <

tive authorities to bring about visible improvement in

the inequality of educational opportunities" and the

large backlogs which had built up.'

However, two officials from the Education Department in the white administration submitted a minority dissenting opinion in the report which called for .

the control of key aspects of education to remain in (

• the hands of the ethnic authorities and also opposed a.,

move to integrate the teachers' college.

The leader of the National Party of South West

Africa, Mr Kosie Pretorius, said the release of the

report would lead to "further politicisation" of educa-,

, tion which was a constitutional issue. Many whites, |

\ even those who do not support the NP, feel that .

the report's suggestions are the thin end of the wedge ,

of total school integration.

For Windhoek's three-month-old Multi-Party Con-.

ference (MPC) administration — of which the NP is a

member — the issue is a prickly one.

Installed by the South Africans in the hope that it

would become a viable alternative to a radical

Swapo, The "Government of National Unity" will not

t make noticable popularity gains among the non-

' white groups until it takes steps to elminiate apartheid and to redress the social imbalances between the

main population groups. *

For blacks particuarly, the thirst for education is

obvious. While Namibia does have, by African stan-

, drads anyway, a high total school enrolment and high

' teacher/pupil ratios, many pupils nevertheless fail to'

i progress past the most basic standards.

Facilities in non-white schools are inferior to their

white counterparts. Recently, two Swapo insurgents '

' on trial for murder, told the Supreme Court in Windhoek that they had originally fled to Angola with

hopes of furthering their education under Swapo.

Even Mr Dirk Mudge, prime mover among the territory's internal leaders, recognises that the privileged position enjoyed by whites cannot continue indefinitely. However, He reflects the feelings of many

whites when he says there is a fear that uncontrolled

' expansion, or opening up of educational facilities to

i all, will result "in the lowering of standards".

Although it has upset many whites, the report of

the investigating committee is still a long way from

' being implemented. Many of its suggestions pose .

1

legal questions which will have to be dealt with by

. the constitutional council, which begins work shortly

' on formulating a constitution for the territory.

Interested parties have been asked by the Educa-

: tion Minister, Mr Andrew Matjila, to submit critical

analyses of the report's recommendations. That in

Itself could take months.

/8309

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JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

NAMIBIA

RESISTANCE WHIPPED UP TO GOVERNMENT EDUCATION REPORT

Windhoek THE WINDHOEK ADVERTISER in English 31 Oct 85 pp 1, 7

[Text] Resistance was being whipped up to the recent government report on

education in different parts of the country, the Minister of Finance and

Governmental Affairs, Mr Dirk Mudge, said in the National Assembly yesterday.

Speaking during the

debate on national unity,

Mr Mudge said people'

were being urged to sign

petitions, or write protest'

letters. •,

The report has been

strongly criticised by the,

leader of the National

Party, Mr Kosie Pretorius,

and, according to articles

in a local newspaper and

reports received by The

Advertiser, it sparked

strong feelings amongst

[certain' sections of , the

white population. >

A majority view in the

report, drawn up by a committee of Namibian experts

appointed by the Minister

of Education, Mr Andrew

IMatjila, calls for the control and management of

education to be taken away

from Representative

Authorities and placed under a central ministry or

department with regional

and local bodies on a second and third level.

' Normally reliable

sources told The Adver-,

tiser yesterday that

meetings were being arranged throughout the

country under the guise of

various organisations, but'

allegedly initiated by the

National Party, to try and

create the impression of

"spontaneous resistance"

7

to.the report.

People were apparently

being told "if you don't

sign immediately, they will

take our schools away

from us".

On the other hand, it is

' believed the report has

been described as

"eyewash" in certain black,

circles.

And it appears as if this

was what Mr Mudge was i

referring to yesterday.

He said just as he did

not expect the National

; Party to be satisfied with

the report, he did nbt expect Mr Appolus of

• Swapo D to be satisfied.

"It is our right to differ

with the report."

But parties should use it

as a basis for discussion,

talk to one another about

it, ask questions and make

suggestions.

"Let's stop the politicking about this exceptionally

sensitive matter,? he said.

But if the NP started to

circulate a petition

amongst its people and Mr

' Appolus amongst his, they

were looking for trouble

and would be digging a

grave for education.

Mr Mudge said the

report did not have all the

answers on important mat-'

ters and concentrated more

on principles with very few

concrete proposals, but it

was only the first step.

To many people the

matter seemed to revolve

solely around what had

become a highly emotional

and symbolic issue, that of

open of closed schools.

"I am not speaking for

or against open schools,"

Mr Mudge said.

"But it would be as

wrong to say let's keep our

own schools as to say let's

open them all." <

Priorities needed to be

straightened out. "Even if

all schools ' are opened

tomorrow it will not solve

the basic problems we confront in education," he

said.

The most pressing need

was for more schools and

more teachers.

Mr Mudge said if a solution could be found to the

education question, no

other problem would be

too large.

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48
27 n_

6S^8S. ^1:^28

>ee

^85

NAMIBIA

CABINET CONSIDERS REPORT ON ALLEGED CORRUPTION

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 5 Nov 85 p 13

[Article by Brendan Seery]

[Text]

WINDHOEK — Hidden from public scrutiny behind

closed doors in Windhoek's colonial Tinetenpalast is .

a bulky document which has been described as a <

"political timebomb" which could bring about farreaching changes in the Namibian diamond industry.

The interim report of the Thirion Commission of

Inquiry into Alleged Government Corruption and

Maladministration — and the one which deals with

the mining industry — has been sitting for just over a

fortnight in the hands of the cabinet of the multiparty conference (MPC) administration; There have

been calls for it to be presented to the National

Assembly for debate during the current legislative

, session, which began last week. However, there is no

sign as yet of the debate taking place.

Mr Justice P W Thirion, of the Natal Bench of the

Supreme Court, was appointed almost three years

ago to probe the seamier side of the civil service in

Namibia. ' i

This report, about alleged government corruption

in relation to the mining industry, is the third to have

been completed. The other two covered questionable j

practices in the ethnic administrations.

After reading reports of sensational evidence and

sometimes stormy proceedings during the commission's hearings, many here believe Mr Justice

Thiriön's final report will make interesting reading.

LOST REVENUE

A special investigator appointed to probe the workings of the territory's Diamond Board in relation to

that industry, made startling submissions in his report and evidence to the commission.

Mr Martin Grote told the hearings that he had

evidence suggesting Namibia could have lost revenue on as much as Rl 000 million worth of diamonds

exported from the territory between 1978 and 1981.

Basing his conclusions on figures gleaned from i

the annual diamond prices published by the United ;

States' Department of Mines, Mr Grote surmised ;

that Namibia's diamonds may have fetched up to i

R214 a carat more than their locally-quoted prices.

Mr Grote also alleged that Namibia's diamond I

wealth was being stockpiled outside the territory, in

i centres like London, whereas normal practice was

' that surplus production be retained in the COISH- •

try of origin.

He also spoke of a time-honoured practice between De Beers in South Africa and its Namibian

subsidiary, Consolidated Diamond Mines (CDM) in

Which packages of up to 300 000 carats of Namibian

stones were exchanged for similar weights of South

African stones. In such exchanges, no accurate records of the quality or value of the "swopped" stones

were kept.

In addition, claimed Mr Grote, CDM and indepen- :

dent estimates of the life of the diamond mine at

> Oranjemund might be inflated. He guessed the mines

. might be worked out by 1991, in contrast to CDM »

ntS

other estimates which put its life at between 10 and

! 50 years. ' >

,' An official reply by CDM to the allegations levelled by Mr Grote was rejected by Mr Justice Thirion

| as "an insult to even the lowest intelligence".

CDM decided, shortly after the hearings opened,

that it would not give evidence to the commission.'

The company felt that the judge was exceeding his

terms of reference in launching what was a general

probe into the whole Namibian diamond industry. '

VISIT TO LONDON

CDM also believed that the publication of highly

sensitive information about its production and marketing procedures would have damaging effects not

only on the company but on the whole Namibian

mining industry.

The company indicated, however, that it would be

willing to give evidence to a properly constituted

commission of inquiry into the mining industry.

- At the time the completed report was presented to

49
the cabinet in Windhoek, Mines Minister Mr Andreas

Shipanga and senior government financial officials

visted London briefly to look at the De Beers Central Selling Organisation (CSO). Non-commital on

his return to Windhoek about the results of the trip,

Mr Shipanga pointed out that the visit had been paid

for by the authorities in Windhoek and had not been

organised by De Beers.

. Speculation about the recommendations In the re-

! port has been prevalent but, under the Commissions

Act, it is an offence to anticipate or comment upon

the findings of any commission of inquiry.

It was repoted late lasti month that police had

opened an investigation docket concerning possible

charges against the Diamond Board chairman, Mr

Piet Malherbe, under the provisions of the Commissions Act.

Mr Malherbe was alleged to have made a number

of comments about Mr Justice Thirion and the commission's hearings in an Interview he gave to a

SWABC reporter.

/8309

CSO: 3400/579

50
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

NAMIBIA

NATURE CONSERVATION AGENCY IN MIDDLE OF GAME WAR

Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in English 3 Nov 85 p 13

[Article by Brendan Seery]

[Text]

WINDHOEK - Strychnine? cyanide and arsenic,

plus high-powered rifles, are the weapons of choibo

in the "other" bitterly fought war raging across

Namibia's hot, dry veld. „';

On the one side — farmers, some whose roots 'in

the territory go back generations, struggling

against often impossible conditions to make monev

: in a harsh land. :; ;

On the other side -the "problem" animals, the

lion, cheetah, hyena, jackal and elephant who find

easy pickings on man's ranches. >\

In the middle — the territory's Directorate of

Nature Conservation, trying to convince farmers

that in the long run conservation of wildlife is in

their own interests and that of the country. -! •,

And, for the game rangers and wardens, the constant struggle of trying to confine free-roaming animals to man-made "detention camps''. ' ' . Each year hundreds of animals fall victim to the

onslaught of the farmers. • : ;

' Often, the farmers' actions leave them with the '

Image of having little regard for Namibia's im- ' mensely valuable wildlife resources. :

Last lion shot

Earlier this year, an angry farmer on a farm

bordering the Etosha National Park shot the sole

surviving member of a pride of 15 lions which was

being studied by researchers in the park. .-.. :«

A radio collar, placed on the animal for tracking

purposes, was found in place when its carcass was

• recovered by game wardens. The others in the

pride had all met similar deaths - either by shooting, poisoning or trapping. And, in one case, a lion .

was run over by an angry farmer in a bakkie.;, I ••; '

/8309

CSO: 3400/579

' In 1980, researchers estimated that there were

about 500 lions in Etosha. Lion expert Dr H Berfy

'said that now barely, half that number remains.

Many died at the hands of farmers. !

In the Waterberg Plateau Park, between the

Otjiwarongo and Grootforttein farming areas, the

' only remaining Namibian population of Cape vultures has declined from around 300 birds just be-

'jfore World War 2 to just 13 today. One of the

reasons for the population plunge is that many

birds have died after feeding on poisoned calr-

. casses put out deliberately by farmers. >

I'-"-Namibia has the world's largest and healthiest

population of cheetah. Researcher Mr Dieter Moiisbach said that of the estimated 6 000 animals in

the territory, 98 percent were in the farming areas.

Each year, about 800 cheetahs were killed, but

despite that farm stock losses were increasing

and now stood at R2,5 million a year. !

.. Damage caused by lions and elephants was al$o

high. It was particularly severe in the northern

• peasant farming areas of Owambo, Kavango and

Caprivii ' ' ' - • '" •' " ' •'

51
FOREIGN TRAWLERS PLUNDER NATION'S FISHING RESOURCES

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 19 Nov 85 p 22

[Article by Brendan Seery]

JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

NAMIBIA

[Text]

WINDHOEK - Western capitalist multinational mining

giants are often accused by socialist activists of stripping Namibia of its mineral wealth.

However, in the heavy swells !

of the south Atlantic, close to

Namibia's coastline, the vast

fishing grounds of the nutrient- <

rich Benguela current are being ;

systematically plundered by Soviet-bloc trawlers.

While the Soviets and East..

Europeans are the major culprits in over-exploiting a vital

', resource of a fairly poor Third •

1 World country, other countries

, also find the pickings easy off

. the arid coast of the sub-conti-

' nent.

,' Trawlers from South Africa,

[ Israel, Spain, Germany, Japan

) and Korea have been seen taki ing advantage of what is one of

the world's richest fish larders. I

At any given time, according

to air and sea observations,

there are between 120 and 180]

foreign vessels off the Namibian

coast.

COMPENSATION

A Namibian delegation will

hammer home their feelings

about the issue next month in

Spain, when they take part in a

meeting of the International

Conference on Southeast Atlantic Fisheries (Icseaf). Windhoek's new Minister of Agricul- J

: ture and Sea Fisheries, Mr Eben

'van Zijl, intends to put across

strongly the case for preserving

, Namibia's fishing resources.

Mr van Zijl said this week the

possibility of securing compen-

, sation for Namibia would also

' be discussed at the meeting. A ;

fund to compensate the territory

had been set up by Icseaf, but so

far only South Africa had made

any contributions to it, he said.

The Icseaf countries — with

. the exception of South Africa — '

i refuse to recognise the 320-km

economic zone along the Nami-

'. bian coast, declared by the nowdisbanded National Assembly in

1981.

In addition, the foreigners

trawling off the Namibian coast

are often no respecters of the

22-km nautical exclusion zone —

Namibia's territorial waters.

At present there are two

types of fishing, excluding lobster catching, off the Namibian

coast. The pelagic industry —

anchovies, pilchards and similar

fish — is virtually monopolised

by South African trawlers,

which fish close inshore. Because the traditional fishing

grounds of the pelagic industry

are inside the territorial waters

of Namibia and the South African enclave of Walvis Bay,

I strict control of catches and

• fishing methods is exercised.

There are controls on the

length of the fishing season and

on the size of catches.

However, the damage appears to have been done in the

white fish trawling grounds,

where hake, maasbanker and

horse mnckerel are caught.

QUOTA

A United Nations Food and

Agriculture Organisation (FAO)

study on fishing off the Namibian coast said that the catches

of hake and maasbanker had

begun to decline rapidly after

the deployment of the modern

international trawler fleet in the

late 1960s. From a peak of

around 600 000 tons in 1972, the

catches of hake had dropped to

around 100 000 tons annually, the

report said.

Under the Icseaf quota system for hake, Namibia (through

South African trawlers) gets allocated only 6,5 percent of the

catch, or about 46000 tons an- .

nually. This compares with

52
375 000 tons of fish hauled out

each year by Soviet vessels and

the 107 000 tons of hake and

horse mackerel harvested by

Polish trawlers. ' !

In addition to over-fishing,

foreign trawlers are also accused of contravening hake-fishing regulations by using nets of

smaller than minimum size to

catch smaller fish and boost

harvests.

The waters off the Namibian

• coast are regularly patrolled by

boats reporting to the Department of Economic Affairs in

Windhoek. These patrol boats

are empowered under the Icseaf

agreements to ask vessels to

stop and undergo examination.

However, on a number of occasions, foreign trawlers have refused to heave to and have

hauled in their nets and sailed

away. Others fishing illegally

within Namibian territorial

waters have likewise hauled in

. their nets and fled out to sea at

the approach of the patrol boats.

/8309

CSO: 3400/579

53
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

NAMIBIA

BRIEFS

TRANSITIONAL CABINET RECEIVES NEW POWERS—Windhoek—The SWA National Assembly

has approved a Bill empowering the transitional Cabinet to control the entry

into the territory of people and to order people to leave if they threatened

public order. The minister of civic affairs, Mr Hans Diergaardt, said in the

Assembly on Friday the legislation was aimed at people who were exploiting

uncontrolled travelling between South Africa and SWA to interfere in local

politics. Such interference could cause animosity among the various population

groups which could endanger the maintenance of law and order. The residence

of certain persons in SWA Regulation Bill is not applicable to those born in

the territory. It provides for the issuing of permits to people who intend to

stay for longer than 30 days.—SAPA [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English

19 Nov 85 p 12] /8309

CSO: 3400/577

54
" December 1985

RWANDA

BRIEFS

JAPANESE AMBASSADOR DEPARTS—Kigali—Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana

received on Wednesday Tsuneo Oyake, Japanese ambassador to Rwanda with residence in Kinshasa, Zaire. The Japanese diplomat came to bid the Rwandan

president farewell as his mission to Rwanda has come to an end. [Text] [Paris

AFP in French 1848 GMT 27 Nov 85 AB] /7358

CSO: 3400/553

55
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

ANC SAID TO RECEIVE $10 MILLION FROM AMERICAN, MULTINATIONAL BANKS

Pretoria DIE AFRIKANER in Afrikaans 2 Oct 85 p 1

[Article: "Money Bosses Donate $10 Million to the ANC: Handed Over to Slovo

in Vienna"]

[Text] American bankers and multinational companies have

just donated the amount of $10 million to the ANC.

DIE AFRIKANER has learnt from reliable sources that this donation was made in

the Austrian capital, Vienna. The amount was handed over to Joe Slovo, leader

of the ANC's military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe, and deposited in the big

American bank Chase Manhattan. This bank recently shut off its credit to

South African institutions.

DIE AFRIKANER understands further that 30 trained urban terrorists simultaneously departed for Zambia on a flight of the West German airline, Lufthansa,

with South Africa as their final destination.

The donation of money to the ANC by big American companies is not unexpected.

In right-wing political circles it has already been predicted for some time

that this would occur, because multinational companies have in the past made

large financial contributions to terrorist movements elsewhere in Africa.

In intelligence circles it is, for example, a known fact that the American

Ford Foundation had a close connection with the Mozamibican terrorist organization Frelimo during the 1960s. Frelimo received millions of dollars from

the Ford Foundation.

In 1978 Mr Tiny Rowland, head of the British company Lonrho, was accused by a

former Rhodesian cabinet minister of financially supporting the terrorist

movements of Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo.

The role played by Chase Manhattan in the donation to the ANC is especially

significant. This bank, which is controlled by the American multimillionaire

Mr David Rockefeller, has in the past few months established close ties with

the communist Machel regime in Mozambique. Mr Rockefeller has twice visited

the country personally with an eye to oil exploitation by various large oil

companies that are also controlled by him.

56
Shortly after Chase Manhattan announced that it would freeze credit to South

African banks and companies, it was announced that this bank would provide

financial support to the Mozambican government. It is clear that the bank is

becoming increasingly involved with communist organizations and governments in

Africa.

The donation to the ANC follows shortly on the heels of the recent visit of a

number of business leaders to Zambia, where negotiations took place with the

ANC. The mission was led by the chairman of the Anglo American Corporation,

Mr Gavin Relly. The previous chairman of the company, Mr Harry Oppenheimer,

had already had consultations with the president of Mozambique, Samora Machel,

in London last year. This meeting laid the groundwork for the subsequent

Nkomati Accord between South Africa and Mozambique.

12906/12859

CSO: 3401/34

5 7
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

FORMER ANC MEMBERS JAILED FOR TREASON

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 23 Nov 85 p 4

[Text]

/9274

CSO:

TWO men who admitted being members

of the ANC and undergoing military

training abroad were given effective sentences of three and four years' imprisonment by a Rand Supreme Court

judge yesterday.

Sentences for treason range from a

fine to the death penalty, Mr Justice L

W H Ackermann, said, and found Joseph Biotomelo Leepile (26), and Justice Mafa Ngidi (31), were "rank-and

file" members of the ANC whose treasonable acts were not committed inside

the Republic.

The judge said he had to weigh the

interest of society against the factors

mitigating in the accuseds' favour.

The two men ceased to be part of the

ANC in May last year — almost a year

before the ANC took its decision to go

for "soft targets".

The judge said people who were

tempted to join the organisation now

knowing the targets include civilians,

would have to receive heavier sentences

than these accused.

Leepile's sentence was lighter than Nigidi's because he was only 17 in June

1986, compared to Ngidi who was 20.

, Leepile was trained in Angola and the

German 'Democratic'' Republic. Ngidi

"was trained in the Soviet Union. ;

By May last year both men were disillusioned with the ANC. I

Leepile, who has a wife and two chil- :

dren in Swaziland, felt the ANC had !

failed to provide for him and his dependants.

Ngidi felt the ANC hierarchy was corrupt and that money intended for ordinary members, was diverted and spent

by officials.

Ngidi married his wife by Swnzi cus- '

torn in 1983 and has two children. During the trial, on October 29, the couple

had a civil marriage recognised by South ' African law.

The judge said both men have good

prospects for rehabilitation because they '

have innate intelligence and personality;

are not revolutionary, and had not previously broken the law.

He also took into account they had

worked actively for the ANC for seven

years.

The judge sentenced Leepile to six

years, and Nigidi to eight years, with

half the sentence suspended in each

case.

The suspended sentences were an inducement to rehabilitation and because

of mitigating factors, he said!

3400/536

58
COMMANDO UNIT PLANNED TO PROTECT COLOREDS

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 22 Nov 85 p 2

JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text]

QUEENSTOWN. —

The vigilante factor in ,

the unrest at Queens- !

town has taken on a

new complexion with |

the resolution by

Coloured residents to '

form a commando unit

to protect their properties from attacks they

say emanate from the

Black areas.

The decision was taken

by several hundred residents, largely supporters

of the Coloured Management Committee, at a

meeting on Tuesday night

which was addressed by a"!

senior police officer. '

The meeting was called i

• by Mr Winston Jasson,

vigilante leader and Border regional chairman of

. the Association of Management Committees!

Mr Jasson said in an interview that Coloured

vigilante groups which

were reported to have

t clashed with Blacks earlier in the week would be'

" retained until the South

African Defence Force

sanctioned the formation

of the proposed commando unit. I

The vigilante groups

were formed at the weekend after claims that residents from Mlungisi

township had firebombed homes in the

Coloured area.

/9274

CSO: 3400/536

Mr Jasson said a police

' captain had addressed

residents at the meeting

on the legality of vigilante

groups and what thenrights were as residents.

i He said the manage- ,

fment committee needed j

; only 60 men to form the

unit but had been

approached by more volunteers than they could

' handle.

, An uneasy lull has re-

* turned to Mlungisi .

Township after four days .

of violence which, by

> some accounts, has

'claimed more than 14

; lives.

A spokesman for the

; SA Police directorate of

public relations yesterday

' said there had been no re- .

, ports on Wednesday of

violence in Mlungisi, nor

' in the neighbouring

Coloured area.

The police spokesman

: in Pretoria said five bod-

. ies with bullet wounds,

j found during police oper- ,

I ations in Queenstown on

f Sunday, were mistakenly'-

; "overlooked" when a re-

: port on unrest in the area

. was compiled on Monday

- morning.

The spokesman said .

\ other errors had appar- ;

ently been made in police

reports on unrest in the

Queenstown area, comt. piled by officers at the .

; division. j

; He said the official I

death toll for the area"

l since Sunday morning,

was 14.

However, when the

five new deaths reported

were added to deaths

already reported by the j

division since Sunday, it

: appeared that 16 people

had been killed.

In incidents of unrest in

the Cape yesterday a softdrink truck was looted of

empty bottles in Bellville '

South and a construction

company's bakkie was reported burned out in

Corssroads.

A witness said the first

incident took place near

Kasselsvlei road about

.10 am.

And, in other incidents

small groups of people

caused extensive damage

to two private and one delivery vehicles in Soweto

when they set them on

. fire in three separate incidents.

In Bonguletho Town-"

ship near Oudsthoorn,

groups of people on two

occasions yesterday • morning stoned police ve- '

hides. In one incident a

youth was slightly

wounded when police

fired birdshot at the attackers. Police arrested a ,

second man in the same

incident. — Sapa.

59
OPPOSITION TO CONSCRIPTION INCREASES FOR VARIOUS REASONS

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 19 Nov 85 p 22

[Article by Claire Robertson]

[Text]

Conscientious objection has a

history as long as war itself but,

in South Africa, steps were

taken only this decade to find

some sort of accommodation for

those who object to conscription

on religious grounds.

Those who object from the

moral or ethical point of view

are still out in the cold — or

: behind bars.

But, contrary to public

opinion, there are not hordes of

young men sitting in prison

because their religion prohibits

them from fighting.

So where have.all the young

men gone?

Of the 438 who applied to the

Board for Religous Objection

"between January last year and

^ June this year, 353 were granted

the status of religious objector

— the only kind of conscientious

objection recognised by the

Defence Force.

Four were refused religious

objector status and 81 were still

. awaiting classification when the

latest figures became available.

, ' CATEGORIES

-. Those classified fall into yet

( another set of categories:

•Category 1: Non-combatancy

in the SADF: men who object to

bearing arms themselves but

not to others doing so. They

Ospend their time cooking,

• shuffling papers, driving

lOfficers around, or even handing

weapons to others.

• Category 2: Non-combatant

maintenance not in uniform:

those who refuse to wear a

uniform or handle weapons or

perform "combatant

maintenance duties" but do not

object to being in the Defence

Force.

• Category 3: Alternative

service outside the SADF: these

men are the "true"

conscientious objectors —

whether refusing conscription

because they do not recognise

the authority of the State to

conscript them, as in the case of

Jehovah's Witnesses, or because

they believe all war is wrong.

• The unspoken Category 4: The

young men who leave South

Africa rather than face the

call-up or a board that is

strictly regimented ip what it

will accept as bona fide

religious objection.

The End Conscription

Campaign estimates that

between 3 000 and 4 000 young

men left the country to avoid '

the call-up from 1979 up to last

year.

The second, and most

nebulous objection, has found

only one proponent in the past

year. Forty-eight applied for

and received the non-combatant

status of Category 1, but the

largest group, 277, fell in

Category 3.

The law makes provisibrt for

JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

60
Category 3 religious objectors to • do their national service outside ,

the army in posts found for ,

them by the Department of '.

Manpower. The law also

increases their duty to a period

of about six years, based on the

formula of one and a half times

national srvice, plus 720 days of , camps, all rolled into one;

That is the theory. In \.

practice, some are left in limbo

for almost a year because the • department neglects to notify :

them of their new postings. Of *

the 277 in Category 3 last year, 1

only 11 have actually started :'

alternative service. !

In their case, the department

seems to have gone out of its

way to find suitable posts.

Teachers stay on as teachers; an |j

engineer was posted to a local j

authority as an engineer.

This was not the case for • Quaker Robin Hamilton who has |

a background in welfare work I

and now stamps documents in ;

the Deeds Office in:

Johannesburg.

He completed his national

service as a Category 1 objector

- but "after seeing what went on

in the SADF, I could not go back *

for camps". He was given '

Category 3 status for his j

remaining term in the Defence '

Force — three years of camps, j

He will be 29 when he leaves \

the "banal, basic" job that, like <

all Category 3 postings, pays'

R406 a month to

non-professionals (which seems I

to include teachers) and R562 a

month to professionals.

But, however boring his job,

"it is better than being in the

Defence Force", says Mr

Hamilton.

There are three Jehovah's

Witness objectors with him in

the Deeds Office. Of the 277 in

Category 3, 239 are Witnesses.

The rest belong to churches

ranging from the Catholic

Church to the Vineyard

Fellowship.

The confusion surrounding the

•* fate of conscientious objectors is

due in a large measure to the

, attitude of Jehovah's Witnesses

to the State.

When Witnesses are granted

Category 3 status, they refuse

! the alternative community

service on principle, not

recognising the State's right to

conscript them. Usually they

negotiate a position with the

Department of Manpower

' before being prosecuted. They

are sentenced to 2175 days in

detention barracks or jail but

are immediately offered the

same community service on

'parole — which they do as an

alternative to the jail sentence.

The courts cannot reduce the

sentence, but it may be reduced

at the discretion of the Minister,

'of Defence.

As far as is known, only one

person, professing to be a

Jehovah's Witness but not

recognised by the board, is in

i jail at present.

; Apart from the objectors who

| are prepared to fight some wars

i and those not prepared to fight,

but undisturbed about others

j going to war, is the total pacifist

' movement.

Chief proponent in South

', Africa is the Rev Rob Robertson

. of the Conscientious Objectors

Support Group which aims at

the abolition of all war.

"The other forms of objection

are merely intermediate steps

to this end," says Mr Robertson,

adding that the high cost of war

must be compared with the low

cost of non-violent resistance.

i Pacifists used simply to go to

! jail, says Mr Robertson, but, in

1983, the Government changed

its position, allowing

community service.

But the law makes no

provison for the total pacifist

: stand. Objectors must be

members of a recognised church

in which the central deity

forbids war.

NOT RECOGNISED

And the law does not

recognise moral or ethical

objections. According to Mr

Robertson, the rationale is that

a moral compulsion is not

superior to the requirements of

the State; nor can a moral

objection be "tested" like a

religious belief.

/9274

CSO: 3400/536

61
/Text/ The South African Defence Force has"

denied that the number of draft,'

dodgers is on the increase. • Responding to allegations from,

among others, the Committee on South

African War Resisters (Coswar) in London, a spokesman said the SADF could

find no figures to prove this.

Coswar has alleged that there are

now "thousands" of draft dodgers, and

that the number has been boosted since

the start of army action in quelling

township unrest.

. One Coswar spokesman said about

400 people had been granted asylum in

Holland alone m the past 10 years and

at least another 100 cases were in the

pipeline. j

' The locally-based End Conscription

Campaign has estimated that,between

3 000 and 4 000 people have left South

Africa since 1979 to avoid call-up.

But an SADF spokesman said Coswar and similar organisations were

"quick to juggle with figures to produce an argument which supports their

.ajms". .'.

According to " the

: SADF's experience, the

' picture is completely difi ferent.

The - spokesman said

JPRS-SSA-85-128

*' December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

SADF DENIES DRAFT DODGING ON INCREASE

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 21 Nov 85 p 22

^Article by Pretoria Bureau/

"merely failing to report

for duty did not make

someone a draft dodger.

He said it had been

claimed earlier this year

that more than 7 000 men

failed to report for service in January. This was

true — but not because

these people were draft

dodgers'.

"More than 6 000 were

students who were automatically allocated to the

July intake, or received

deferment on study

grounds.

"A final total of 1 321

people failed to report,

890 of whom failed to notify us of change of address. These cases have

been followed up and

reallocated to later callups."

The spokesman said

the final balance of 431

people was made up

mostly of people who had

failed matric and returned to school.

/12851

CSO: 3^00/535

62
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH WITHDRAWS FROM FAK

Pretoria DIE AFRIKANER in Afrikaans 2 Oct 85 p 1

[Article: "NHK Out of the FAK: Final Decision in '86"]

[Text] The Dutch Reformed Church [NHK] has provisionally

suspended its affiliation with the FAK [Federation of

Afrikaans Culture Unions]. A final decision about this

will be taken at the next meeting of the church's highest

governing body, the General Church Meeting. This meeting

takes place next year.

DIE AFRIKANER has ascertained that the NHK had already taken this decision

earlier this year. It was, however, not made public.

Even though it is provisional, the withdrawal of the NHK is the most serious

reverse that the FAK has suffered to date. The NHK is the second biggest of

the three Afrikaans sister churches and known for its conservative standpoint.

The provisional disaffiliation of the NHK follows the decision of the FAK

earlier this year to reject an application from the Afrikanervolkswag [AV]

for affiliation. Leading figures in the NHK also occupy important positions

in the Volkswag. Among them are the vice-chairman of the Commission of the

General Church Meeting, Rev C. L. (Mossie) van den Berg, who is a member of

the central executive of the AV, and the well-known NHK theologian at the

University of Pretoria, Professor A. D. Pont, who is a vice-chairman of the

Volkswag.

Rev Van den Berg was one of the conservative members of the central executive

of the FAK who was defeated in an election at last year's congress of the FAK.

This election was preceded by nationwide organizing against conservatives in

the FAK's central executive.

The provisional withdrawal of the NHK confirms the serious damage that the

FAK has done itself by its willingness to allow itself to be misused by the

NP [National Party] for political ends. Various important and influential

Afrikaner organizations have severed their ties with the FAK since last year.

The first was SABRA [South African Bureau of Racial Affairs], which was

shortly afterward followed by the Union of Orange Workers. In August this

year the Pretoria Afrikaans Culture Council decided by an overwhelming

63
majority to disaffiliate. DIE AFRIKANER understands that a large number of

NHK congregations in Pretoria remain affiliated to the Culture Council.

At the FAK congress earlier this year it was stated that a total of 1,735

members and organizations had resigned from the FAK in the preceding year.

The vast majority of these resignations were apparently the result of the

FAK's enmity to the Volkswag. At the congress in question it was also stated

that the FAK had suffered a loss of 62,000 rands in the preceding financial

year.

12906/12859

CSO: 3401/34

64
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

FOUR MONTHS OF EMERGENCY EXAMINED

STAR Introduction

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 21 Nov 85 p 6

TTextl At the beginning of this month the Minister of Law and Order by Procla-;

1 J mation 10004, banned the taking or publication of any photographs or

films of unrest situations in any emergency areas, except with specitic

police permission. The media were warned that this permission would

r&relv if ever be civen* r> Yesterday, on the front page of The Star, there were four major reports

dealing with unrest situations. , , •_«„„„„

Today, symbolically, The Star tries to show what insights andI information are being kept from the public. Each of the four blank spaces represents a photograph that could not, by decree, be taken in the preceding 24

hours. Such photographs would have helped to bring home more forcefully

to readers what was happening in their own country.

.f Proclamation 10004 is so wide and vague that legal advisors believe it

may be difficult to enforce strictly. This creates two additional dangers for

the media. The first is that, wittingly or unwittingly, they will break the

law. The second is that they will practise unnecessary self-censorship.

The Star is studying legal opinion to ensure that its readers are not

needlessly deprived of a full and proper picture of what is happening in

their country during the state of emergency.

Details Given

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 21 Nov 85 p 6

[Article by Jo-Anne Collinge]

[Text] Four months ago " today"

emergency rule was imposed

on the Eastern Cape and the '

Transvaal's industrial heart

'— a measure calculated to

douse political violence

(which had claimed about 330

lives since January) and a

move which the State President asserted would not hurt

law-abiding citizens.

In the 122 days since the start

of the emergency on July 21, at

least 380 people have died in political violence, according to

The Star's records — a death

rate significantly higher than

the 334 deaths recorded by the

South African Institute of Race

Relations in the 200 days leading

up to the emergency.

In recent weeks phrases such

as "the necklace" and the "Tro65
jan Horse" have crept Into use I

as a sinister shorthand for par- •!

ticular forms of attack. The ex- '

amples used denote, respective- \

ly, mob execution by burning of

those branded as traitors and a

security force ambush of civilians in Cape Town.

EASTERN CAPE i

Many of the 380 deaths since

July 21 occurred in Natal, which i

has not been touched by the ;

emergency, and in the Western )

Cape before the emergency was '

extended to that area. These regions together accounted for

about 190 deaths since July 21.

But the region with the highest number of political fatalities

for the last four months has re- "

mained the Eastern Cape, which

has been solidly under emergency conditions and where 105 :

people lost their lives.

In the Transvaal at least 75 ;,

people have died since July 21,

with 14 in the Free State and \

Northern Cape.

Fatalities in most parts,

dropped dramatically in early

November, rising somewhat,

mid-month. But the statistical'.

;

picture suggests that the state

of emergency has not quelled

political resistance nor ended j

the violence arising from it. j

Government spokesman . maintain, however, that the i

emergency has checked the tide

of violence. For instance, Minis- ■■

ter of Law and Order Mr Louis

le Grange asserted that inci- ' dents in the Western Cape had ":

dropped by 80 percent within '

three weeks of the extension of

the emergency there.

There is little dispute that ;

President Botha's promise that

the rights of law-abiding people :

would be left intact by emergen- •

cy rule has long been broken. !

Restrictions on freedom of

movement, expression and asso- '

ciation have become wide-rang- >\

ing as the Government has exer- '1

cised more and more of the'

powers held in store since the

start of the emergency. ,

• Since July 21 about 6000 peo- ' !

pie have been detained under j

the emergency regulations.)

They include large numbers of

schoolchildren, some reportedly

as young as seven-years-old.

Most of the detainees have been

released but a number have

spent four full months in detention without automatic access to

family or lawyers.

»Since July 31 the Government

has stipulated the form that funerals may take in emergency

i; areas.

. »Since August 15 the total population of Soweto, the largest

township in the land, has been

subject to a nightly curfew. Cur-

, fews have also been imposed in

other townships on the Reef and

in the Cape.

•Also since August 15 various

townships — including Soweto>

and the townships of Port Eliza-'

beth and Uitenhage — have

been forbidden territory to those

who do not live there unless

they get written permission to

enter.

Since mid-August children in

23 towns in the Transvaal and

Eastern Cape have been legally

J required to be on school prem- \

i'jses pursuing their studies during given hours.

There have been zealous efforts by the security forces to

enforce this bid to break the

school boycott. In Soweto there

have repeatedly been mass arrests of up to 700 youngsters at

a time. Sometimes these swoops

nave been accompanied by

shooting, as in the case of a middle-aged white woman teacher

who was shot in Soweto.

• Since October 30 courts

throughout South Africa have

been prevented from judging

any members of Government

and the security forces in respect of actions carried out in •

. good faith in pursuit of the ends •

of the emergency.

• Since November 2 the public, in South Africa and abroad

has been totally denied any film '

or photographic accounts of '

any public disturbance, disorder riot, public violence, strike

or boycott, or any damaging of

*"y.Pr°Perty °r any assault on

or killing of a person".

•In the last week of October

the state of emergency was ex-

. tended to include several Cape

I Peninsula and Boland towns, in-

! eluding Cape Town. Some weeks

earlier it had been lifted in respect of half a dozen small

towns in the Eastern Cape.

The police and the Defence

Force have faced repeated

claims that unwarranted force.'

has been used to get people to :

[comply with emergency provisions. They say that they have

been unjustly protrayed as bul1

lies and callous people. 1

There have been two major ;

submissions to the Supreme:

I Court concerning the possible

assault/torture of emergency

detainees held at prisons and

police stations in Port Elizabeth

and Johannesburg.

I The Port Elizabeth case, in

! which district surgeon Dr

j Wendy Orr said she had treated

.' scores of injured detainees, an

i interim order was granted to

( protect detainees.

The torture claims in Johannesburg, made by a smaller

number of detainees but arguably concerning more severe as-'

i sault, were disputed in court

, without being resolved. The

: judge ruled that the matter was

j not urgent enough to warrant an

j interim order restraining the •

I police.

Unusual use of the Internal

Security Act has paralleled the

enforcement of emergency mea- .

sures. Before the emergency the • Act was used to outlaw meet- '

ings of the UDF and virtually

i all its affiliates in major unrest'

areas until 1986. 4

Subsequently, it was used to

ban the Congress of South Afri- •

can Students — the first banning

i of an organisation since 1977. \

' Thirdly, the Act has been used '

extensively to detain people in

areas where the emergency

docs not apply. These kinds of

detentions alone already outstrip total security detentions

for 1984 by about 40 percent.

The last State of Emergency,

imposed in the aftermath of the

Sharpeville shootings of I960,

lasted a little more than five

months. It is an open question

whether the pattern will be repeated and the new year will

66
ring in release from emergency

restrictions — or whether unresolved political issues, an uncertain start to the school year and

the threat of evictions in tense

townships will lead to a continuation of the measures.

JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

Consumer Boycotts Continue

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 21 Nov 85 p 6

[Article by Gary van Staden]

[Text]

When President Botha declared a state of emergency

on July 21, most of the Eastern Cape, some parts of Natal

and. Transvaal and certain

towns in the Free State were

already under a black consumer boycott.

If one of the reasons for imposing the emergency was to

break those boycotts, it backfired badly, jeopardising delicate negotiations between

boycott leaders and white

businessmen.

Under powers granted

them by the state of emergency, police:

•Detained most of the boycott leaders in massive

swoops.

• Declared all meetings, literature and campaigns in

support of a consumer boyI cott to be illegal.

• Forced most of the second

and third-tier boycott committee leaders to go into hiding.

Yet, despite this, the boycotts went on, almost unaffected by the emergency regs ulations.

* While it be true the emer-

; gency regulations assisted pol lice and businessmen to break

! consumer boycotts in some

Transvaal and Free State

towns, it is equally true that

Uhe boycott movement never

really got off the ground in

those provinces anyway.

The well-organised and effective boycott which was in

! «peration in the Eastern Cape

i continued.

Despite the detention of

most Eastern Cape boycott

leaders, the boycotts had

enough impetus to keep going.

; They still do, four months into

; the state of emergency.

The hardest hit areas are

East London, Queenstown,

Uitenhage, Port Elizabeth,

Cradock and Grahamstown,

with many other smaller

towns also feeling the effects.

How 380 Victims Died

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 21 Nov 85 p 6

[Text]

The bald figure of 380 unrest-related"

deaths in four months tells only half

the painful story. Who were they and

how did they die?

' About half the victims since July 21

were killed by security forces, according to research released by the Institute of Race Relations.

Another 107 civilians, it says, died at .

the hands of their "neighbours" — * many of them in mob violence — and i

seven policemen were killed by mobs.

It is too simple to see the physical

conflict as a clash between security

forces and township residents.

"It is also false to oversimplify "black

' on black" conflict and to regard violence within the townships largely as a

power struggle between rival groups.

The overwhelming evidence is that

the battle is between those fighting

apartheid and those who support or

! compromise with the system. And the

) anti-apartheid forces are clearly not

always on the defensive.

Policemen's charred bodies have

been found dumped.in the veld and

members of the force have been hauled

from their homes and murdered.

According to official figures, 14 policemen have died in the past 18 months

and 500 had their homes damaged.

67
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

Recently, from the Western Cape,

there have been reports that the act of

writing exams is seen as sufficient betrayal to warrant "the necklace" treatment — that is, being burnt alive by

having a blazing, petrol-soaked car

tyre placed round the neck.

Damage to development board offices, beerhalls and the homes of councillors and policemen has been wide- 1 spread.

Damage to schools has been low in

' comparison with the 1976 uprising, say

, officials.

In the 1984/85 cycle of violence 126

: schools have been damaged, only 13 of

: them beyond use.

The property of private companies

has been a specific target for mobs and

the townships are littered with the

charred skeletons of cars and delivery

1

trucks. With looting a prevalent feature it has been widely suggested that

' thugs are making hay while the activists are on the move.

Troops, Armored Vehicles

Johannesburg THE STAR In English 21 Nov 85 p 6

[Article by Phil Mtlmkulu]

[Text]

The state of emergency has

brought about change in Soweto

and other black townships.

Before the state of emergency

was declared, while unrest was

at its height in the East Rand

townships of Duduza, Tsakane

and kwaThema, in Soweto It

was sporadic.

The activities of the police

and youths in the East Rand

townships dominated the news.

Funerals of unrest victims

were the order of the day on the

East Rand, on weekends and

weekdays.

Soweto had not exploded, and '

never did. Everybody was pre- ; dieting that once it did, it would

be worse than in other areas.

The sporadic incidents of unrest in Soweto were not on the

same scale as in other areas. It

was among the few areas where,

before the state of emergency

was declared, there was a semblance of normal schooling.

Police had been keeping a low

profile in many areas of Soweto

but the declaration of the state

of emergency signalled an obvious presence and the arrival of

the army. The men in khaki or

brown arrived in full force.

They were there to stay — not

to quell unrest and move out

again.

Büffels, Casspirs and troop

carriers became a common

sight in the townships. Troops '

became part and parcel of the

population of Soweto. "

Their vehicles have become

such a common sight that they

are no longer frightening. They

are ignored by the residents, or

treated like any other vehicle.

Children now wave at the soldiers while boys playing football

no longer scamper out of the

way when the military vehicles

approach.

Fears were expressed that the

soldiers would become a law

unto themselves and not be ans-,

werable to anyone. This was

denied by the authorities.

But soon after troops arrived

in the townships, complaints

about their conduct were

voiced.

Their arrival coincided with

the start of class boycotts and

disruptions. While the pupils

were confused as to what they

should do, the soldiers added to

the confusion by entering the

school premises.

Many children who were not

part of boycotts or disruptions

became victims of the soldiers.

" A number of pupils alleged _

they were assaulted by soldiers

while in their classrooms.

About 900 pupils and students,

some aged 12, were arrested i

and spent a night at Diepkloof j

Prison. • .

The sight of soldiers march-'

ing in the narrow township.

' streets has now become com-,

mon. At other times the soldiers

manned roadblocks and conducted house-to-house raids.

To complaints from residents,

police gave the stock response

that whoever had been badly

treated or assaulted by any

member of the Defence Force

could lodge a complaint at a police station.

This was followed by the establishment of complaint centres in the townships. Residents

were invited to air their grievances there. Nobody bothered.

The state of emergency

brought in its wake widespread

detention of activists and many

others.

But if the state of emergency

changed life in the townships,

the curfew which was imposed

about two months later has

made it worse. The night life of

Soweto has been stifled.

68
Tough Measures Taken To Break School Boycott

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 21 Nov 85 p 6

JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

[Text]

Tough measures have been taken in the last four

months to break the education boycott- the mammoth

pupils' organisation, the Congress of South African Students, has been declared unlawful and it has become an

offence for pupils to be anywhere other than at their

school desks during normal school hours.

Parents, pupils and teachers claim that the Defence

Force is a constant presence at certain schools — allegations that have in some instances been confirmed by

the authorities. Mass arrests of up to 700 pupils at a

time have taken place.

Has this got the pupils back to school?

Not according to figures supplied by the Department of Education and Training which reveal that

there was zero attendance at 172 high schools a month

! after the emergency was declared. This figure stood at

165 a month later and rose to 208 by October 21 when

55 Soweto schools joined the boycott. By mid-November, DET said, 166 high schools were standing empty.

The proportion of pupils writing the matric exam

in major trouble spots reflects the boycott pattern.

According to reports at the beginning of November, 25 percent of Soweto candidates began writing

exams, five percent of those in the Eastern Cape and

none in black schools in the Western Cape.

It is believed that figures dropped after the first

papers were written due to pressure put on candidates and as the option of sitting the exams in June

next year was offered. It has been reported that only

420 of Soweto's 6 000 marries — seven percent — ended

up writing under guard at exam centres in the township.

' The deadline for candidates to enrol for the June

sitting was last Friday, but the Department of Education and Training had not yet counted the number

who had registered, the spokesman said this week.

While boycotts had been an almost constant feature

of township life in the Eastern Cape, the East Rand

and areas of Pretoria between January and July this

year, in Soweto such action had been sporadic.

The banning of Cosas in September triggered further stayaway action by pupils.

The actions of the security forces attempting to enforce the back-to-school law led to confrontations and

loss of life — to the extent that a group of parents

rallied behind the children. Perhaps their most frequently heard precondition for a return to the schoolrooms )s that the SADF be withdrawn from the townships. '< '* •

Captions of Banned Pictures

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 21 Nov 85 p 6

[Texti]

Women weep as Lieutenant L. de Vries of the SA Police addresses a crowd in

Leandra township, telling them: "There was no need for people to go on the

rampage... My men came here only after the rioting began...I am sorry people

were shot... We shall raise funds to help bury the victims."

A policeman fires as youths attack. Thirteen have died of gunshot wounds after

police were called in to prevent violent confrontation between black youths

and coloured residents of Queenstown. Tension in the township remains high.

Pondos gather to launch an attack on Zulu homes. Riot police arrived on this

scene shortly after about 2,000 Pondo and Zulu faction-fighters clashed following the injury of Pondo Chief Chelisa. Six men are dead from stab wounds.

A police Casspir stands in the grounds of Baragwanath Hospital where student

nurses and other hospital staff are on strike. The men in brown uniforms

milling in the background are SA Defence Force soldiers who are doing the

work of porters and nursing aids.

/9274

CSO: 3400/330

69
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

CITY'S CONSUMER BOYCOTT COMMITTEE SPOKESMAN SPEAKS ON ISSUES

Port Elizabeth WEEKEND POST in English 16 Nov 85 p 15

[Article by Ken Bentley]

[Text] THE spokesman for the

Port Elizabeth Consumer

Boycott Committee, Mr

Mkhuseli Jack, said this

week that he had a "positive feeling" that before

the end of "the two-week

suspension of the boycott,

"the army will be out (of

the townships) and the Government will have addressed some easy demands". I

Speaking after his re- :

lease from detention he I

said: "It needs goodwill

from both sides. We're prepared to deliver our side." |

The four-month-old boy-;

cott was suspended for two I

weeks yesterday, giving

the Government and local

bodies time to address

several demands.

There have been indications that concessions , might be made at a "vital" \

meeting between the PE

Chamber of Commerce and

black community leaders

on Tuesday, which could

see an indefihite suspen- j

sion of the boycott. I

* Weekend Post spoke to !

28-year-old Mr Jack, who is 1

also president of the UDF- -.1

affiliated PE Youth Con-'

gress (Peyco), and two

other youthful Peyco

executive members re-,

leased on Monday with

him, Mr Mzimasi

Mangcotywa and Mr

Michael Xhego, in an attempt to learn their aims. '

' Mr Jack said the fact (

that he and 16 other com-,

munity leaders had been

released meant one of their

demands had already been

met. However, there were

other people still in detention.

' Calling for a lifting of the

ban on meetings, he said it

Was inhibiting them from

getting through to the

people, adding that since

Monday, the boycott committee had been walking

the streets, informing as

many people as possible of

the reasons for the suspension.

( Mr Jack said he believed

in opening up channels of

communication. Having already met with the former

' Divisional Commissioner

of Police in the Eastern

Cape, Brigadier C Swart,

he said he and other lead-.

cfrs hoped to meet again

soon with representatives

of the South African Police

to discuss the state of

emergency.

'All three men stressed

they were not calling for

the total withdrawal of the

police from the townships.

"We've never said that."

»They believed much of

the violence in the townships was the work of

criminals and that a normal police presence to j

maintain law and order

should be retained. Any

criminal acts should be

reported to the police in the

normal manner.

• However, said Mr Jack,

the reaction unit of the SAP

and the SADF should be

Withdrawn.

Mr Jack said the suspension of the boycott could be

used by businessmen to

show their "honesty", by

addressing certain issues

which were "within their

scope". They could apply

pressure at local level for

the scrapping of separate

amenities and job reservation and the reemployment

of political detainees who

had been released.

•They could also "alert

other businessmen to the

threat of apartheid", he

said.

! He said the boycott demands had not been addressed to businessmen as

such, but had been to draw

whites' attention to the suffering of blacks. "Our demands were made to keep

whites informed, otherwise

they would never know or

care that people disappear

and die due to their opposition to apartheid.

"We are trying to proi vide whites with con-

' sciences. We have only just

' succeeded now with our

own people. It's not impossible to do so for the white

community as well."

70
Aware of the limited impact of the boycott, he

: spoke of "other — non-vio-

: lent — methods" to "getthe

message to every white".

He did not elaborate.

Their aim was to get all

South Africans to approach

the country's problems

from a South African perspective. "We are trying to

point out to every South

African his responsibility

. to work together to fight

for justice.

"Our organisation does

not say whites should be

treated with discrimination, but that all the people

should come together to

fight the evil which is

apartheid, and to understand the dangers created

by apartheid."

, He said there was Vno

. doubt" the boycott had succeeded. He sympathised

with businessmen about

their hardships, but added

that the ball was "in the

Government's court".

"They must address the

people's demands which

are the cause of the unrest

in the country. The Government must realise this."

He said in all the years ■■!

apartheid had operated,

businessmen had kept

quiet. "Even during economic booms, they simply

sat back and enjoyed their

profits. Now that their

profits are suffering, they

are starting to see the real- !

ity and are concerned, and

we appreciate their concern."

He said he saw the "antiapartheid tide growing, internally and internationally". Businessmen,

academics and churchmen

were putting pressure on

the Government because i

"they also see the threat" «!

of apartheid.

Questioned on the call

for the scrapping of black

local authorities, he said

they believed in one municipality for each town.

However, he added,

/12828

CSO: 3400/547

national political issues

had to be determined at

national level.

"The UDF is a mere political front with 700 affiliates and is not a national

liberation movement.".

He saw the national

leaders of blacks as being

the likes of Mandela,

Sizulu, Mbeki and Tambo

— "but not necessarily only

them".

Drawing a distinction

between the UDF and the

ANC, Mr Jack said they

had "different guidelines".

A charge by the Government that the ANC and

UDF were attempting to

make certain areas of SA

"ungovernable" was a

"propaganda stunt to

clamp down on the UDF: a

scapegoat".

He added, however, that

by the Government saying

that the ANC had managed

to make some areas ungovernable, it was admitting

some ANC control. This

meant it would be "naive"

to think the problems of the

country could be sorted out

without the ANC.

They stressed that they

were not tied to the ANC,

which had its own internal

following in the country

and its own programmes.

Said Mr Mangcotywa:

"Apartheid, per se, is violent. Resistance of people

to apartheid is mistakenly

confused with violence. Everyone has a legal right to

defend himself against

apartheid violence."

Mr Jack said "fundamental issues" would have

to be met by the Government before negotiation at

a national level would be

possible.

"They should unban

organisations like the ANC

and release all political

prisoners and allow all exiles back." They should

then agree, he said, to

sorting out the country's

problems with the "relet. vant DeoDle".

Mr Jack said he sympathised with white fears

at being "swamped" in a

one man, one vote situation

in a unitary state. Such

people were "unfortunately the victims of Government indoctrination".

There had been "a lot of

propaganda against the

African, suggesting he

can't rule, isn't educated

enough, and so on. But our

leaders, locally and nationally, have these qualifi-

|: catons".

i "Apartheid has caused

the problems of polarisation. One race won't see the

other on equal terms. We

are calling for a non-racial

society in a unitary state in

which colour plays no

dominant role."

They wanted to see all

• "true leaders" coming to-

! gether to shape a new

i future.

"Blacks don't want everything changed overnight. We have reasonable,

| noble leaders who we

trust." All true leaders

should get together, in the

correct atmosphere and

hear each other out, Mr ! Jack said.

He said a commitment

had to come from the Govi ernment in which it conceded it was not the only

legitimate representative

of South Africa.

"What's the point of

scrapping apartheid if the

leaders detained due to

their opposition to apartheid are not released from

detention? The Government now realises it was

their opposition to apart-

, heid which led to their de-

; tention."

A constitution satisfaci tory to all South Africans

i could be thrashed out

based on, among other

things, the principles that

all the people should have a

vote and that the "doors of

learning and culture are

open to all. Money should

be poured into the advancement of every child.

This is a right, not a privilege."

Mr Jack said the desire

for "equal educational

rights for all" formed the

cornerstone of Peyco. „

71
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

FEW GERMAN FIRMS PLAN TO DIVEST DESPITE ECONOMIC SETBACKS

Hamburg DIE ZEIT in German 13 Sep 85 pp 25-26

[Article by Otto Eglau: "Balancing Act on the Powder Keg"]

[Text] Marcus Bierich, managing director of Robert Bosch GmbH, quickly let

the good news be known: the company head spread via press wire the

announcement that the predominantly Blank work force at Brits, his South

African plant near Johannesburg, had been granted the highest hourly wage in

the entire region in a wage agreement that had been negotiated only hours

earlier.

The settlement came about only after a tough struggle that turned dramatic in

its final phase early on the morning of 6 September. The negotiations between

the local Bosch management and the racially mixed "Metal and Allied Workers

Union" (MAWU), which had begun in July, threatened to collapse when the

Germans locked out the 500 outraged employees after two earlier walkouts, and

the group barricaded itself in the plant cafeteria in protest. Only on

instructions from Bosch headquarters in Stuttgart did the plant management

finally give way, rehiring all the workers while reliquishing disciplinary

measures, and restoring calm with a wage agreement that would scarcely be

conceivable in normal times.

The events at Bosch, occuring amidst a politically intensified situation that

has been further burdened by announcements of sanctions abroad and economic

emergency measures within South Africa, are not unique. Similar incidents

took place in the five South African Siemens plants. The background to this

was that the hard-to-predict MAWU, which is strongly influenced by

participatory democracy and is only one of a total of four unions active at

Siemens, insisted on direct wage negotiations with the German multinational

managers. However, Siemens belongs to the "Industrial Council," which

functions as the official wage negotiator for management, and with which

Siemens, the main supplier of telephone switchboards and other high-tech

products in the public domain, could break rank only with difficulty. In

order to limit the conflict, the plant management, which even well-meaning

observers consider to be overly rigid, dismissed nearly 1300 of the 6000

employees without notice—a perfectly common practice in Cape Province. Only

after lengthy negotiations and an arbitration procedure did the governors at

72
Siemens gradually rehire the dismissed workers, except for a solid core of 14

ringleaders.

Volkswagen, after Siemens the largest German employer in the apartheid state

and with its production right in the middle of the politically hot region

surrounding Port Elizabeth, also had to endure a strike in July. Some of the

Black shop stewards, who were elected by the work force as union negotiators,

were picked up in their townships by police for questioning before the start

of work. Large parts of the work force subsequently laid down their work in

protest.

The attempt by militant political groups to take their activities against the

Botha regime into the branches of multinational firms is presenting the shop

stewards with difficult problems. They are indeed generally at pains to keep

violent rioting away from their plants through cautious cooperation with the

plant managers. On the other hand, it is becoming increasingly impossible for

them to ignore the danger that they themselves could become the target of

attacks by radical Blacks as collaborators, should tension be heightened. One

outlet for draining off political pressure in the plants is the short-term

walkouts (stay-aways), which the plant managers, who are usually discretely

forewarned, allow to pass by without disciplinary measures as a sort of higher

violence.

At this point, no one has a better formula than the strategy of somehow

maneuvering through in hopes of calmer days. Even managers with decades of

experience in South Africa shrug helplessly when asked about further

developments. Not one of the German firms active in South Africa is thinking

about pulling out yet, at least not openly. At a gathering of representatives

of firms involved in South Africa held last week at the Federal Association of

German Industry (BDI) in Cologne, the sensitive topic of disinvestment was

taboo. The companies could also hardly waver in this position because of the

U.S. sanctions imposed by Ronald Reagan over the weekend, especially since

Bonn wants to continue holding back on concrete demands directed at the

economy.

It is true that the FRG, which with direct investments of over DM 2 billion,

283 company branches and the employer of nearly 50,000 people is after the

United States and Great Britain the third largest foreign economic factor in

South Africa, is being viewed with particular criticism in the worldwide

protest against segregation. And yet unlike in America, where black

organizations and the churches in particular are forcefully pressing the

government to action, public pressure in the FRG has thus far been held within

moderate limits. The small group of Protestant women who year after year lend

color to the general meeting of Dresdner Bank with their protest against

segregation was scarcely able to draw a notably large crowd this time, despite

the timeliness of the topic. The second largest German credit institution had

been kicked out of its position as the bank for the World Council of Churches

in Geneva in 1981 because of its financial ties to South Africa.

Even in the labor unions, the advocates of severe sanctions all the way up to

a total pullout by German industry have up to now remained a minority. The

fact that the line between hard-liners and pragmatists nevertheless even runs

73
through the national executive board of the DGB [German Federation of Labor]

became clear during the most recent session of the European Federation of

Labor when DGB chief Ernst Breit and the chairman of the Metalworkers Union,

Hans Mayr, who is restrained in this issue, fiercely locked horns.

The big individual unions, besides the Metalworkers in particular the Chemical

Workers, Paper Workers and Ceramics Workers Unions, prefer a silent, and for

that reason all the more efficient reform strategy to spectacular actions and

melodious resolutions. In close cooperation with the factory committees of

the German parent companies and with the local Black unions, they have in

recent years pushed unsuccessfully for the gradual elimination of racial

discrimination in the companies.

A means of pressure in this is available to them in particular in the form of

the code of behavior adopted in 1977 by EEC foreign ministers which encourages

South African branches of European companies to improve the work and living

conditions of Black employees. Especially in the plants of the large

corporations with worker comanagement in the FRG, differential treatment of

Whites and Blacks has in the meantime been noticeably dismantled as a result

of joint initiatives by industrial councils, labor unions and the head of

personnel at the German company headquarters. If the ratio between the

monthly income of Whites and Blacks was 4 to 1 only 6 years ago, this

difference has in the meantime shrunk to 3.6 to 1.

The new South African unions in particular are scarcely interested in a

withdrawal of German industry, an act that could at any rate have a less-thanhoped-for effect on the apartheid regime. Not only would thousands of Black

workers lose their jobs and hardly be able to find new ones; it is only

through international cooperation with their colleagues in the native

countries of the multinationals active in South Africa that they have the

chance to take successful action against racial discrimination in the

companies, make Black workers professionally competent in the modern workplace

and escape political roadblocks in their work erected by government

authorities.

In this way, Pretoria allowed two union leaders to travel in June to the FRG,

where, with the solicitous assistence of the Chemical Workers Union, they

lodged a complaint with the company management of the Norddeutsche Affinerie

in Hamburg concerning the discriminatory treatment of Black workers at its

Transvaal Alloys branch.

The fact that none of the leading German companies in South Africa want to

throw in the towel out of political reasons does not at all mean that

everything will procede as normal in the country that until only recently was

highly praised for its stability and promise for the future. The high level

of debt, the withdrawal of credit, especially by American banks, and not least

of all the poor state of the country's economy are taking South Africa out of

the circle of countries for investment. Having emerged from the shadow of the

worldwide recession much later than most national economies, South Africa

still records a rate of inflation of 16 percent, despite its government's

policy of austerity. Because many firms have accepted short-term credit in

foreign currency due to interest rates sometimes as high as 20 percent, the

Ik
latest erosion of the rand has put them in a particularly unpleasant

situation.

The situation in the overcrowded automobile market in particular has, in the

view of German investors, become threateningly worse. The number of licenses

fell in the first half of 1985 by 35 percent in comparison to the same period

last year. Practically no one in this branch of industry is making any money

any more because of the struggle for a share of the market, resulting in price

reductions of up to 30 percent. In order to somehow get by, BMW closed its

plant in Rosslyn, near Pretoria, for 5 weeks beginning 6 September.

Even stiffer is the competition below the luxury class of automobiles. To the

benefit of the Japanese in particular, the Volkwagen market share, which was

once 25 percent, has landed at about 15 percent after a historic low of 9

percent. Should German companies some day decide to pull out, it will

scarcely be out of political, but rather out of purely economic reasons.

12271

CSO: 3420/1

75
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BANK CHIEF SEES PERILS IN PRESENT SYSTEM

Port Elizabeth WEEKEND POST in English 16 Nov 85 p 15

[Text]

THE managing director

of Barclays Bank, Mr

Chris Bail, has called for

South Africa to acknowledge openly the inappropriateness of its racial

ideology and to accept the

need for better executive

government.

At the Financial Mail

conference this week, Mr

Ball delivered a scathing,'

but constructive, attack

on the political and economic stafus quo in SA. He

said that continued adherence to the myths and ideology of the present system would take the

country quickly down a

very slippery slope.

He lamented South -

Africa's poor economic

growth record of the past

13 years. He pointed out

that gross domestic product had grown at an annual average rate of only

2,7% which, excluding the

windfall years of 1974 and

1980, declined to 1,9%.

"This is an absurdly

poor performance compared with other countries," he said.

Mr Ball said: "We have

practised economic self-:

deception. The official approach trf economic management has been one of

washing the hands of the

underlying performance

/12828

CSO: 3400/547

in attempting to seem to

be attaining results. In addition, we have accepted

the cost of government

and its bureaucracies

without challenging the

degree of benefit."

He also decried the

myth that businessmen

:. should not get involved in

politics.

He said: "We must not

be bamboozled into allowing politics itself to become a sacred cow. We

have been bamboozled by

the politicians into letting

' them believe that they are

our masters and are enti-

' tied to behave as such

rather than as the temporary occupants of positions of trust for the community."

' Mr Ball argued that the

; quality of government

needed improving. He

said the consequences of

ideologies included nonaccountability, nepotism,

authoritarianism, bureaucracy and »sensitivity.

He noted comment

from overseas visitors

who regularly said there

were plenty of impressive

people in South Africa,

but not many in government.

Mr Ball said economic '

success in South Africa

'Was readily achievable .

and put forward a number

of proposals for a redesign of the existing situation:

The country, he said,

should:

• Purge society of the

apartheid ideology and its

corollaries.

' • Establish better

executive government.

• Think laterally about

economic needs and opportunities and hold serious and responsible debate on a wide front.

• Aim high. As a nation

South Africa faced an

enormous challenge and if

it wished to raise the standards of the communily to

those of some of the moderately successful nations

of the world it would need

a growth rate in excess of

5%.

• Examine the relevance of the successes

achieved in some developing countries;

• Establish an effective planning entity.

• Reduce the bureaucracy because South Africa

could not afford the fancy

layers of regional and

local government.

• Extend the application of free market practices.

• Set goals for the community. There were no

common goals in South

African society.

• Get private sector

people involved in government. While businessmen

might not appreciate the

full complexity of government, they were proficient in the techniques of

performance achievement.

• Be competitive and

efficient in politics and

economics.

• Change the tax regime, motivate savers and

encourage incentives

through the tax system.

• Use quantitative targeting of inflation and

money supply as a tool as

much as possible.

• Achieve Intei nationalisation in South African

society by attracting skill

and capital.

76
EXPANDED EXECUTIVE TO ADVISE CISKEI

East London DAILY DISPATCH in English 6 Nov 85 p k

/Text/ BISHÖ — The four-

*— -

1 member Ciskei executive committee has been

replaced by a new, expanded executive committee of ten members.

President Lennox

Sebe announced yesterday that the executive

committee (Iqoqo), previously called the "committee of four", had been

relieved of its duties

which were now going to

be handled by the enlarged committee.

The new members are

the Minister of Public

Works, Chief D. M. Jongilanga (chairman), the

Minister of Youth

Affairs, the Reverend V.

G. Ntshinga, the Minister

of Posts and Telecommunications, Mr A. A.

Hoyana, the Minister of

Social Welfare and Pensions, Mr A. M. Tapa, the

Minister of Manpower

Utilisation, Mr G. M.

Mpepo, the Minister of

Agriculture, Mr V. H.

Mafani, the Minister of

Defence, Chief D. N.

Mavuso, Chief M. E.

Mthembu, Chief H. M.,

Makinana and Chief S.

M. Mhlauli.

The former members

of the executive committee were Mr Ray Mali,

Mr J. Tokota, Chief H.

Zulu and Chief N. Hinana. They were appointed

earlier this year by President Sebe to act for him

while he was admitted to

the Frere Hospital.

President Sebe said

his government had

been ably and adequately served by the first executive committee.

They had carried out

the duties assigned to

them in addition to their

normal duties for almost

a year, and having regard to the magnitude of

this task he felt it expedient and fitting to release members of this

committee to concentrate on their normal

duties, which could be

considered as being

more than an adequate

load.

"I wish to thank these

members for the service

and support which they

have given to me and the

Ciskei nation, sometimes under most difficult and trying conditions," he said.

President Sebe said a

system of rotating members would also give

valuable experience to

persons charged with responsibilities and was in

keeping with the system

which was followed in

Switzerland.

Those charged with

the additional responsibilities should regard

the opportunity as a

challenge, and the excommittee would be

seen by the nation as

being a seedbed for budding leaders.

"Should I one day fade

from the scene, there

will be material to provide continuity in what I

have started.

"I have taken with me

on my overseas journeys

ministers of my government to introduce them

to the contacts I have

established."

JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

7 7
/12851

CSO: 3^00/53T

President Sebe said

contact had been made

with financial institutions which would, on

recognition of Ciskei, be

only too willing to render the monetary assistance Ciskei so urgently

needed.

"I have devoted my entire life to the upliftment

of my people, and the

opportunity of serving

ithe nation on the executive committee will be

seen by the nation as an

occasion of not serving

the ideals of an individual, but that of serving the nation."

President Sebe said

that the 'Iqoqo' would

remain as a supreme

body whose advice

would be sought on all

national issues. It would

reinforce the executive

committee on all such

matters as well as problems concerning traditional issues.

78
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BLACK LEADERS WANT SAY IN HOW TO SPEND DEVELOPMENT BONUS

Port Elizabeth EVENING POST in English 15 Nov 85 p 4

[Article by Jimmy Matyu]

[Text]

BLACK leaders have

called for a non-racial

committee to advise the

Government how to spend

the R43 million development bonus announced

. yesterday.

The amount is almost

half of a R100 million allocation for the upgrading

of black townships

throughout the country.

Mr Wallace Prince,

regional organiser of the

Steel, Engineering and

Allied Workers' Union,

said: "I appreciate this allocation as most of our ;

people need houses, elec- '

tricity, sewerage, water

reticulation and other

amenities to improve the _

quality of life."

He called for a non-racial body, including Government officials, to decide what to do with it.

Mr Prince said high

among the priorities

should be the provision of

housing for the thousands

of homeless people, some

of whom had been on the

waiting list for 20 years.

Mr Henry Fazzie, vicechairman of Pebco and

the UDF (Eastern Cape),

said the organisations he

represented were

pleased.

"I hope the Govern- :

ment will not tell us how

the money should be

spent. We are responsible

people and we know what

we want," said Mr Fazzie

in calling for a non-racial

committee to decide

priorities.

The upgrading of the

Red and White Locations

and shack areas in Kwazakele should receive priority and residents not

forced to move to Motherwell, he said.

The Minister of Constitutional Development and

Planning, Mr Chris

Heunis, last night handed

over a symbolic cheque

for the R43 million to

black community leaders

at a special ceremony at

H F Verwoerd Airport.

Mr Milford Sili, vice:

president of the Association of Eastern Cape

Councils, who was among

those who thanked Mr

Heünis, said that "the

feeling of the people is

that we are getting too

little too late".

Mr Sili said the money

would "serve no purpose

if we lack expertise and

know-how".

Mr Heunis said the R43

million was the "largest

amount ever allocated".

The Eastern Cape had

been identified as the

region most in need of aid

as a result of the economic downturn.

Mr Heunis said the

money could lead to the

creation of "some 48 000

jobs if properly used".

/12828

CSO: 3400/547

79
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AJb'KLUA

MIDRAND BACKS RESIDENTS IN FIGHT AGAINST COLORED AREA

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 21 Nov 85 p 22

/Article by Shirley Woodgate/

/Text/ Midrand town council has

unanimously agreed to

oppose, in the strongest

possible terms, the government plan to establish

a coloured group area in

the town.

This move by the council adds considerable

muscle to the storm of

angry protest that has

erupted among homeowners living near the

two 500 ha sites selected

for investigation into the

desirability of creating

the township.

Midrand town clerk,

Mr Philip Botha, said

yesterday the council had

decided to oppose the development on Cither port

tions of the farms Allan-'

dale 10IR or Waterval

5 IR because:

•It was contrary to the

Greater Pretoria Guide

Plan, scientifically:

drawn up by experts.

This important document

was statutory and could

not be changed. In terms

of the guide plan, the Al-i

landale land was designated rural residential

(for agricultural holdings) and Waterval for

tourism and recreational

purposes. ' ',-;

• This type of development would obviously

rely heavily on mass,

transport which was not

provided in either area

and would be expensive

to lay on.

• Both proposed areas

were too small to provide

full community services

and shopping areas. Libraries and sports facilities would have to be integrated with existing

services in Midrand.

• The development

would create a compact

community surrounded

by low density residential

housing — effectively establishing an island surrounded by a metropolitan sea of agricultural

holdings;

•The social implications

caused by lack of facilities and cultural differences would create uneasiness.

• Density in these areas

was planned for one

dwelling per hectare.

Provision of infrastructure of higher density

would be very expensive,

placing an undue strain

on Midrand's already

hard-pressed financial

resources.

Mr Botha said the

council believed there

were other suitable areas

for siting a coloured

township and these suggestions would relayed to

the Government.

A residents' protest

meeting was held last

night at the Halfway

House Primary School.

/12851

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JPRS*SSA-85»128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BLACK COMMUNITY OF BEAUFORT WEST BEGINNING TO SHOW STRENGTH

Cape Town CAPE TIMES In English 21 Nov 85 p 15

[Article by Tony Weaver]

[Text]

BEAUFORT WEST

could be any small South

African town caught up'

in the turmoil of politi-j

cal insurrection which is

sweeping the country.

As in other small

towns, a predominantly

Afrikaner Nationalist j white population are

discovering they have to)

negotiate or face econo- '.

mic ruin.

On August 17 this year, '

the residents ofBeaufort

West's "Bantu Location"

decided they had had

enough of living in squalor and poverty, of being

, treated like dirt in their

', own town and of being

ignored when it came to

filling jobs.

Boycott

They launched a blanket consumer boycott of

all white-owned businesses in the town. The

only exceptions were

white pharmacies where

essential medicines noil

available in the township could be bought.

Three months later, :

the Beaufort West Afrikaanse Sakekamer '

(BWAS) called on its

members immediately to

drop discriminatory employment practices, and

the local Administration

Board pledged more

than R4-million to upgrade the township, with

408 new site-and-service

! plots pegged out for development.

i The president of the

' BWAS, Mr Herman Erasmus, says of the boycott:

"It is definitely hitting

and hitting hard."

He says the call for an .,

r end to job discriminaJ

tion is "a direct result of

a meeting" the sakekamer had with the Zanokhanyo Civic Association (ZCA), an affiliate of

the United Democratic;

Front.

ZYO formed

Beaufort West has not

always been a stronghold of the UDF, or an

area known for its mili-j

tant action. The town-;

ship has always beenj

called simply "the Bantu

.Location". Towards the

end of 1984, a community

council was "elected"

with negligible township

support. It immediately

renamed the Bantu Location "Sidesaviwa",

which means "we havej

been heard".

On December 9, 1984,!

the black youth of Beaufort West called a mass

meeting at which the

Zanokhanyo Youth Organization (ZYO) was established.

Zanokhanyo literally

means "come with the

light". The driving force

behind the youth organization was a dynamic organizer and dedicated

political activist, Mandlenkosi Tshaka Kratshi.

In a tiny shack in the

township, a group of

youth leaders take up

the story of Beaufort

West: "On January 22 the

spark came when our

comrade was killed by

the cops."

'Attacked'

Behind that statement

lay part of the story be-*

hind the change in Beau-t .

fort West's "Bantu Location" from just another />

Platteland township to a

militant, well-organized :

community.

On January 22, Constable Pieter Andries de

Villiers went to arrest

Mandlenkosi Tshaka . Kratshi on a charge of

public violence.

The rest is history.

Constable De Villiers

said — and the Beaufort

West. Magistrate's Court

accepted his story—that

Mr Kratshi attacked him

with a table fork and bit

him on the shoulder.

, Constable De Villiers

said that as he backed

out of the house he

shouted he would shoot

ifthe attack did not stop.

He claimed Mr Kratshi

8 1
lunged aFTiim with the

fork, he opened fire, and

seconds later Constable

De Villiers had created

another political martyr,

in the annals of South

African resistance politics.

New name

The same day, four

community, councillors,

confronted by an angry

community which accused them of being collaborators with the system which had killed

their leader, resigned on

the spot.

"The other three carried on with their work

until their houses were

petrol-bombed, now they

have dropped out," one

of the ZYO members

says.

Immediately after the

shooting of Mandlenkosi

Kratshi by the police,

the people of the "Bantu

Location" took things

into their own hands.

Their first step of defiance was to rename the

township 'KwaMandlenkosi.

In the months that followed, the ZYO and the

ZCA launched an intensive campaign, canvassing door to door, establishing the needs of the

community, how many

people were unemployed and what assistance they needed, and

quietly building up support for the UDF.

When it was decided to

launch a consumer boycott, demands were already well-established

and based in the door-todoor work done by activists over a period of

months.

Conditions in KwaMandlenkosi are dreadful, even by South African ghetto standards.

The houses are, almost

without exception

crumbling brick hovels

which appear to have

had little or no maintenance in years.

Walking through KwaMandlenkosi is a little

like walking through the

aftermath of a war. The

streets are impassable,

every corner has been

barricaded by residents

to stop police coming in

— not barricades made

of tyres or barrels, but

massive boulders piled

up in low walls.

Houses sag, roofs collapsing. Derelict, semidemolished hovels

house up to 10 people.

Luckily it doesn't rain

that often in Beaufort

West.

Incongruity

Throughout the whole

township is the stench of

human detritus. The

residents have systematically destroyed 16

public toilets — stinking

cesspools situated next

to the only water supply

in the township, a network of public taps,

many of which deliver

only a feeble trickle of

water.

My guides point to an

incongruous sight — an

all-weather tennis court

and netball field, the

surfaces crumbling from

disuse. "While our

people are suffering and

starving, this is what the

community council did,

built us tennis courts.

Tennis courts? I don't

think anyone here could

even afford a tennis ball,

let alone a racquet," one

young man says.

October 18 is another

significant day for KwaMandlenkosi. The residents call it "Helicopter

Day". On Helicopter

Day, police were monitoring the township by

> helicopter. A young bpy

climbed on to the roof of

a house, armed with a

catapult.

He fired, and amid a

fearful clatter the chop-

' per staggered off, one of

its rotor blades damaged. The boy is now a

;

f

ilk hero, the "only miliint in South Africa to

bring down a helicopter

with a catapult", the

people say.

82
/9274

CSO: 3400/330

It doesn't take long to

walk around the township. There are only 600

hovels housing close to

6 000 people. As we walk

the grievances come

tumbling out, too many

to document, an endless

litany ofsuffering which,

until now, the people

have felt powerless to

fight against.

That changed with the

establishment of the , ZYO and the ZCA, the refusal of residents to pay

rent and the launching

ofthe consumer boycott.

Before that, the white

. town of Beaufort West

had refused to meet the'

ZCA, saying they would

deal only with the community council.

"Now they come to us

all the time, we don't

. have to call them, it is

beginning to hurt them."

'Please help'

The Friday night ofmy

visit, police moved into

the township. They blan-

, keted KwaMandlenkosi

ijvith teargas, sjambokked youths in the

streets, and wounded

three people. By the

Saturday morning, one

of those shot was dead.

Just before midday on

that Saturday, the residents smuggled my car

:and me out through a

back route and saw me

offon my journey back to

Cape Town.

The next morning my

' phone rang. It was a call

box in Beaufort West,

and the person at the

other end said: "Please,

man, we need help. After

you left, they moved in

and fired teargas, they

opened up on us and

| wounded fifteen people,

; one of our guys fired

back and wounded two

i cops, and now it's war."

The police in Pretoria

later confirmed that one

person had died and that

; five men and a woman

'were wounded when

police opened fire.

Asked to comment on

resident's reports that at

least 15 had been

.wounded, a police

. spokesman said "That is

,: quite possible".

Calls

He also confirmed that

• two policemen had been

shot and wounded and

another hit by a rock in

the confrontation with

about 200 residents on a

township soccer field.

Frequent calls are

made to me from Beaufort West, saying "the

police are here looking

• for Y" or "they have taken Z in for questioning"

or "A has gone into hiding because they beat

him up".

The business leaders

of Beaufort West have

decided to "zanokhanyo" — "come with

the light" — but until the

police do the same, this

Karoo town will contin-

. ue to be just another

paragraph in the daily

police unrest report.

83
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

MODEL TOWNSHIP IN CAPE FACES MASSIVE UNEMPLOYMENT

Johannesburg THE WEEKLY MAIL In English 22-28 Nov 85 p 4

[Article by Moira Levy]

[Text]

"HUNGRY TOWN" is the name

residents have given the latest housing

development scheme in the Cape west

coast township of Atlantis.

An Atlantis Advice Office worker

explained, "After paying up to R250 a

month for some of these houses, who

can still afford to eat?"

Very few of the local residents, it

would seem — with unemployment in

Atlantis running at an estimated 60.

percent and retrenchments continuing

daily. : Atlantis, once billed as the model of j

the government's decentralisation I

Strategy, is now being variously

described as a "ghost town", a'

"coloured homeland" and a "social

and economic disaster". !

Proposed as a possible solution to |

the chronic housing shortage on the I

Cape Flats, the planners behind I

Atlantis intended the development to

draw the surplus coloured population

out of Cape Town. Ten years later, in

the words of Advice Office worker

Fred Petcrsen, "The dream of Atlantis

is now collapsing".

Approximately 2 000 tenants and .

homeowners face eviction because

they have fallen behind with their

payments. More than 200 residents

have had their water supply cut to a

trickle because they cannot afford to I

pay their accounts.

The grievances of the Atlantis

community have come under the

spotlight at a series of mass meetings

held in the township during the past

two weeks. ,

Last weekend a 1 000-strong crowd

backed an Atlantis Residents'

Association (ARA) decision to seek an

urgent meeting with the Cape

Divisional Council to discuss the

community's plight.

"We demand, firstly, that all the

evictions be stopped, immediately and

forever," said Noel Williams,

Chairman of the ARA.

"We also want a new rent structure

•nd water must not be disconnected

under any circumstances^

"It is not only, the unemployed who

are having a hard time. Even the

employed find it expensive to stay in

Atlantis," he said.

Ten years ago, as an experiment in

deconcentration, the government:

attempted to lure industrialists away

from metropolitan Cape Town with

attractive incentives, including 40

percent of railage costs, 40 percent of

the wage bill, housing subsidies and

training grants.

The Divisional Council pumped

well over R100-million into

residential and industrial

development.

Residents came from all over the

Cape Peninsula, some from suburbs

like Sea Point and Wynberg, which'

were proclaimed white in terms of the

Group Areas Act. Mosf, however,

were squeezed out to Atlantis by the

chronic housing shortage in the

townships of the Cape Flats.

And in spite of clear s

:

gns of

impending economic collap-e, new

residents are still arriving in Atlantis,

lured by the prospect of a home of

their own.

Those who have jobs in Cape Town

hold on to them, opting to commute

the 45km to work each day, a joumev

which takes a total of three hours and

costs R5.38 return.

Unemployment in Atlantis rises

daily, Petcrsen said.

"There are huge factories with only

a handful of workers, and they have to

work twice as hard.

"They are doing the work of all

those who line up outside the factory

gates trying to get a job," he said.

"Workers will accept any casual

employment because they are so

desperate. Then they conic to the

Advice Office because they have not

been paid or have not received any

benefits. But they have no agreements

or pay slips. We have no legal leg to

stand on. I don't know which way to

turn." (

The social consequences of

repession and unemployment are

hitting the community hard, he said.

The Advice Office has been getting

appeals from'women whose husbands

are drinking heavily or who arc

selling their household goods to pay

tht'ir debts, i

/9274

CSO: 3400/532 84
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BLACK TOWNSHIP DISCONTENTED OVER WHITE APPOINTMENTS

Johannesburg THE WEEKLY MAIL in English 22-28 Nov 85 p 4

[Article by Jo-Ann Bekker]

[Text]

TOWN clerks of while municipalities

in two Eastern Cape towns have been

appointed to perform the functions of

the discredited African town councils

— and ultimately to prepare the

ground for new council elections,

following mass resignations by

councillors early this year.

This seemingly new development in

the government's black local

government policy has angered

residents of Cradock's Lingelihle

township, who heard of it only

through the media.

"The government has once again

made the mistake of taking decisions

without having the decency even to

inform the people affected," said

Gladwell Makhawula, president ofthe

Cradock Residents Association

(Cradora).

Minister of Constitutional

Development Chris Heunis recently

appointed Cradock Town Clerk

Johnny Landman as administrator of

the Lingelihle Town Council, and

former Uitenhage Town Clerk Barry

Erasmus as administrator of the

Kwanobuhle Town Council.

They are directly responsible to his

department and owe no allegiance to

the regional development boards,

which took over administration of

African townships in 1973.

The appointments came soon after

employer bodies from more than a

dozen Eastern Cape towns hit by

consumer boycotts resolved to send a

delegation to Heunis to ask for

African townships to revert to the

control of white • munctpalities,

believing they could give Africans a

better deal than would the development boards.

But the timing was coincidental,

according to George Reynolds, acting

regional representative of the

Department of Constitutional

Development and Planning in the

Eastern Cape.

Of the reasons for appointing the

hew Cradock administrator, he said:

"Johnny Landman was the best man on

the spot. He is well-known by the

blacks and we've got to win the hearts

and minds ofthe people."

Reynolds admitted elections for the

widely-discrrdited African town

councils were on the agenda.

"Elections are envisaged when

things calm down. They are a longterm object," he said.

Said Landman: "The main object is

to get the township properly

established as a fully-fledged local

authority. The first task is to establish

the needs of the people and then work

out priorities. Since the

administration boards were

established in 1973 we have had no

direct communication with the

townships.".

Cradock was one of the first 22

areas where community councils were

elevated to the -.tat-.-* of "fully-fledged

black local authorities" in 1984.

But in January this year, the

Lingelihle Town Council became the

first in the Eastern Cape to resign en

masse. Councillors said they had been

seen by their community as apartheid

civil servants and had lacked any

economic muscle to improve

conditions in the township.

85
/9274

CSO: 3400/532

AH but one member of the

Kwanobuhle Town Council, deputy

mayor PJ Kin'^'ni, resigned before

March this year. Kinikini was burnt to

death on the weekend after police shot

dead 20 funeral-goers at Langa on

March 21.

With the resignation of black local

authorities, civic bodies in Cradock

and Uitenhage have achieved a

measure of recognition from the

powers-that-be. Representatives for

residents of Langa were involved in

initial negotiations with the town clerk

of the Kwanobuhle Town Council, Jan

Coetzee, over the removal of

squatters.

Cradora has met top officials in the

Department of Educa'ion and training

over the school boycott and has taken

over the administration of the

payment of pensions.

But the authorities have frequently

chosen to remind residents of who is

really in control. .

Earlier this year, when Cradock

residents complained to Town Council

officials about delays in collecting

sanitation buckets, they were told to

"go and ask Matthew Goniwe", the

secretary general of Cradora, who

was subsequently murdered with three

ofthis colleagues.

And in the series of police raids on

African townships this year, when

townships were cordoned off and

houses searched, messages such as this

were broadcast by police:

"People of Lingelihle, think where

your water comes from. Think where

your electricity comes from, think

who provides these essential services.

People of Lingelihle, it is not

Goniwe."

86
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

PEACEFUL REMOVALS NEGOTIATIONS IN LEANDRA TOWNSHIP TURN VIOLENT

Johannesburg THE WEEKLY MAIL In English 22-28 Nov 85 p 3

[Article by Vivienne Walt]

[Text] THE township of Leandrä was in

' mourning on Tuesday morning. i

What had potentially been a peaceful'

negotiation over removals of shack-.

dwellers had become a bloody battle'

between residents and police. ü

Four people had been killed, and

three councillors' homes burnt. The i

main entrance was barricaded by'

youths at 2am that morning with three

Burnt-out cars, remnants of earlierprotests against threatened removals <

to Kwandebele.

On Tuesday, the community stayed :

• home from work to defend the'

demolition of their shacks.

• Groups of men leaned over fences,,

discussing the day's killings. Nelly ;

Masondcla, a school teacher and ' mother of three children, had died

early that morning, when a local white

cafe owner allegedly stood on the

bridge overlooking Leandra, and'

fired down on her while she collected

water from the communal tap.

' In the angry response which

followed, three boys were shot dead

by police after a group tried to set the

new beerhall alight. ''

"We can't control the people," said

.Abel Nkabinde, .who chairs the,

'Leandra Action Committee and is

"president of the township's Youth]

Congress. "People are 100 percent

against being moved to Kwandebele'

'. or any other homeland."

, The notices sent to the 116 families.

housed in the shacks alongside the,

. road warned theni to demolish their:

"illegal structures'1 before November

.13, although the people had been

moved .there from other parts of the

township by, the Highveld

Administration Board last October, to

await new housing.

Hundreds of residents gathered,

; outside the old beerhall next to the

, barricade later that morning, to meet

I security forces and board officials.

The Action Committee made it clear

that they would resist all further

attempts to move residents, and were

given assurances that there would be

no removals before the weekend.

Chief Mayisa of Leandra, who had

been in a meeting with the station

commander Lieutenant de Vries at the

police station when Madonsela's body

was brought in, said he told the

officials that no residents would move

"until they brought these dead people

back to life."

In June last year, the Department of

Cooperation and Development wrote

to the Leandra Action Committee

saying that the 116 families would be

reprieved. Just three months later,

however, the administration board

began evicting individual families. j

Since then, another reprieve ha<M

been offered, and this month's?

eviction notices brought the tension to

Tuesday's crisis point; ..;,,

f

"The situation is very dangerous:

right now," said Nkabinde after-.

•Tuesday's deaths, "because we feel

;that this place is our. place. We don't ,

like violence, but we've been;

; provoked " he said.:' ; '

/9274

CSO: 3400/532

87
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

COLORED VIGILANTE FORCE IN QUEENSTOWN ACCUSE;D OF FUELING VIOLENCE

Johannesburg THE WEEKLY MAIL in English 22-28 Nov 85 p 3

[Text]

A COLOURED vigilante "force

operating in Queenstown has been

accused of fuelling racially-tinged

violence in the town.

The force is managed by the Labour

Party-controlled Management

Committee (Mancorn), which claims it

consists of about 400 men aimed with

sticks, sickles, pangas and picks.

The vigilantes were formed in

response to an upsurge in violence in

Queenstown last weekend. Unrest

spilled across the borders of Mlungisi

and a number of businesses in the

white areas were petrol-bombed.

In response to petrol bomb attacks

on some coloured houses, a meeting

on Sunday resolved to set up the

vigilante group.

Winston Jasson, leader of the local

Labour Party branch and a senior

member of the Mancorn, said the

vigilantes were purely defensive.

"Their sole purpose is to protect

lives and property," he said. Jasson is

seen as the vigilante leader, although

he would admit to no more than being

responsible "with the others on the

Mancorn" for the control of the

troops.

He said there was a minority among

the black community who were trying

to intimidate coloureds into joining,

the consumer and school boycotts.

"Our people were assaulted and

threatened when the consumer boycott

started. When houses were burnt, we

decided this far and no further.

"Wc have shown these people that

violence can be countered with

violence."

However, a coloured minister in

New Rest said the vigilantes were

motivated by revenge and the conflict

was being artificially fuelled.

"At the meeting on Sunday, there

was virtually a declaration of war on

the black community," he said.

Residents of Mlungisi sec the

vigilantes as waging undeclared war

on them. Residents said petrol bombs

had been thrown at houses near the

boundary with New Rest and the other

coloured areas which are seperated by

only a road from Mlungisi.

Blacks who strayed into the

coloured areas were assaulted, they

said, making it impossible to move

through New Rest.

Jasson rejected the charges

categorically, but conceded there

might be individuals who were

motivated by revenge.

Asked whether there had been any

excesses, he said: "We put a stop to

them".

The vigilantes are not only seen as a

threat by black residents but also by

UDF supporters in the coloured areas.

The Reverncd Murphy Maart said a

group of vigilantes had stoned the

house of his neighbour, a teacher, and

he had also been threatened.

Jassocon conceded that some people

wanted to burn houses of UDF

suporters, "but we will not permit it".

What is seen as close co-operation

between the vigilantes and Security

Forces'has caused resentment in

Mlungisi.

- Jasson said there had to be close cooperation with the police. Senior local

police and army officers had

addressed a meeting of the vigilantes

on Tuesday night to urge them to stay

within the law.

A police official in Pretoria said

police were not aware of the.

vigilantes, although he did confirm a

meeting with coloured residents had

been held.

He said police would not prevent

anybody protecting themselves, but

would act if the law was broken.

Police themselves have acted

vigorously in Mlungisi. A residents',

meeting held in a Methodist Church

Hall on Sunday to discuss the

consumer boycott was broken up by

the police and at least 14 people have

died in clashes that erupted after the

incident.

/9274

CSO: 3400/532

88
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

CISKEI AUTHORITIES TAKE ACTION AGAINST VIGILANTES

Johannesburg THE WEEKLY MAIL in English 22-28 Nov 85 p 3

[Text]

IN A dramatic turnabout, Ciskci

authorities have taken action against

an alleged group (f vigilantes

established, apparently, in response to

a call by President Lennox Sebe.

The 54 men were arrested last

weekend and charged with murder, 27

counts of assault with iptent to do

grievous bodily harm, nine counts of

malicious damage to property and a

charge of arson.

The accused were allegedly,

operating in Zwelitsha after Sebe, in a

speech in early October, called for the

formation of vigilante groups. Police

would not enter areas where there

were no vigilantes to quell unrest, he

said, and "evildoers" would be hunted

"like animals".

Zwelitsha residents accused the men

of indiscriminate beatings. Vigilantes

were armed with sticks and sjamboks

and had imposed their own curfew,

residents claimed, beating anyone

found outside after dark.

During this week's court

appearance, an angry chanting crowd

of Zwelitsha residents gathered

outside the Magistrate's Court. The

gate was locked against them, as the

courtroom was already packed to

capacity.

The murder charge against the 54

arose out of the death of Zalisile

Matyolo. He was allegedly beaten to

death, after being accused of being the

leader of a group of people burning

houses in the township.

Bail for the 54 was opposed by the

State, which called the local station

commander, Lieutenant Mzuyanda

Vuse, to testify that police expected to

have to investigate more murders if

the accused men were released.

One of the accused, Jacson Nconco,

produced a document signed by

Lieutenant Vuso which said the men

were appointed as watchmen to guard

property.

Lieutenant Vuso denied, however,

that the men were a peacekeeping

force. A decision on bail was

postponed.

/9274

CSO: 3400/532

89
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

MOUTSE RESIDENTS PROTEST REMOVAL THREAT

Johannesburg THE WEEKLY MAIL in English 22-28 Nov 85 p 5

[Article by Jo-Ann Bekker]

[Text] TENSION is rising in Moutse, the <

huge North Sotho-speaking settlement

near Groblersdal in the Northern

Transvaal due to be incorporated into

the new KwaNdebele "homeland" in

January.

Hundreds of residents and youths

recently marched 3km to the house of

a Moutse man accused of practising

double standards by running a shop in

KwaNdebele. According to witnesses,

had he not been warned to take refuge

elsewhere, he would not be alive

today. Residents have since declared a

boycott on his business, as well as on

KwaNdebele-baked bread.

A meeting between 19 representatives of the Moutse community

and Minister of Constitutional Development and Planning Chris Heunis

this week did nothing to ease the

situation.

"We were told the decision to

redraw our boundaries to include us

I in KwaNdebele was final and we could

i only negotiate the implementation of

that decision," one of the Moutse

delegation, Manedi Cheueu, said

shortly after the meeting.

''For five years we have been

fighting incorporation. We told

Minister Heunis that our people

regard the issue as non-negotiable and

we as leaders would be signing our

death warrants if we participated in

incorporation. We left the meeting

deadlocked," he said.

' He said Heunis had also rejected the

suggestion that a referendum be held

so the people of Moutse could vote on

the question of incorporation. "This

! was the third time we have asked the

government for a referendum.

Minister Heunis said if he allowed us '

to have a referendum he would have

to give the same opportunity to all

communities."

A spokesman for the Minister of

Constitutional Development's office

said Heunis would be making no

statement about the meeting.

Cheueu was one of three Moutse :

leaders who were elected by huge

majorities to the Lebowa Parliament

in 1983 on a ticket opposing'

incorporation into KwaNdebele.

In recent years Moutse has been

shunted between governments. The

highly developed 66 000-hectare area '

formed part of Lebowa throughout

the '70s, but was excised against

Lebowa's will and placed under the

South African Department of Cooperation and Development in 1981,

although it still retained seats in the

Lebowa parliament.

Incorporation into KwaNdebele

(where women don't have the vote)

was on the agenda since the 1979, but

residents' vociferous opposition

caused the South African government

to put the plans on ice — until the final

consolidation proposals for

KwaNdebele were announced two

.months ago.

Professor John Dugard of the

University of the Witwatersrand's

Centre for Applied Legal Studies has

described the inclusion of Moutse in

Lebowa as nonsensical, even

according to the government's "logic"

of ethnic homelands.

"The case of the Moutse community

is without precedent. Its 100 000

North Sotho-speaking people will

make up a third of the KwaNdebele

90
population, of which 200 000 are

Ndebeles, so there is no way it can

become an ethnic homeland," he said:

"ft is not a case of traditional,

resettlement because borders and not

people are being moved," Dugard

added. "It's a case of old-fashioned

colonialism at its worst."

Cheueu said residents were happy to

remain in South Africa or under

Lebowa, which unlike KwaNdebele

had not opted for "independence".

They feared as non-Ndebeles they

would be discriminated against after

incorporation.

He said that although all six Moutse

chiefs had adamantly rejected

incorporation, this week for the first

time a headman and community

council chairman from the 19-

member Moutse delegation which met

Heunis had made noises in favour of

incorporation.

"After five years . Pretoria, .

according to its usual practice, has ' manipulated two people to accept

incorporation," Cheueu said.

The Moutse community has been

told they can move to two barren

settlements in Lebowa, Sallysloot and

Emmirpan, but they are unwilling to

leave behind the land owned by their

chiefs with its tarred roads and

hospital.

Last month, Prince C N Mahlangu,

the KwaNdebele Minister of Health,

was quoted as saying he was

desperately awaiting the inclusion of

Moutse into KwaNdebele so his

department could take over the 360-'

bed Philadelphia Hospital. At present

KwaNdebele has clinics, but no

hospital. \

A representative ofthe Black Sash's

Transvaal Rural Action Committee,

which has worked extensively in the'

area, said at a recent press conference:

"The addition of Moutse will almost

double KwaNdebele's size and

infrastructure — a prize indeed for

opting for independence? It is this

need for land and facilities that is the

rationale for this flouting of any

principles of ethnic unity."

'Consolidation' Plan Affects 143,000

ABOUT 143 000 people will be

affected by the Transvaal consolidation plans recently announced by

the South African government,

according to the Transvaal Rural

Action Committee (Trac).

' The largest community affected is at

Moutse near Groblersdal, where

approximately 120 000 people are

due to be incorporated into KwaNdebele.

At Bloedfontein and Geweerfontcin,

adjacent farms situated betwen

Bophuthatswana and KwaNdebele,

about 15 000 to 20 000 residents are

due to be incorporated into KwaNdebele, while their farms will revert

to Bophuthatswana.

At Mathopestad in the Western

Transvaal, about 2 000 people are

resisting their planned removal to

Bophuthatswana, as are 1 500 people

atMotlatla.

About 300 people at Machakaneng,

a "black spot" near Brits, are due to be

dispossessed of their land, which will

be handed to Bophuthatswana. Their

fate is unclear.

Trac said the total of 143 000 did

not include the people in the far

northern Transvaal areas who were

affected by the boundary changes, but

with whom Trac had no direct

contact;

/9274

CSO: 3400/532

91
JPRS-sSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

DEPUTY MINISTER PREDICTS END TO FORCED REMOVALS

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 21 Nov 85 p 22

^rticle by David Braun/

/Text/ The Government's homeland consolidation policy has by and large been a success story, says the Deputy Minister of

Development and of Land Affairs, Mr

Ben Wilkens.

And, in a recent interview in his Pretoria office, Mr Wilkens predicted that

South Africa would not again have a

situation in which large numbers of

people would be forced to resettle.

Mr Wilkens is responsible for the

consolidation and land development of

the homelands.

He said the decades-long process of

land transfer to the 10 homelands had

been almost completed. The land quota

for seven of the ethnic states had in

fact already been finalised.

All that remained were the final pro'

posals for the consolidation of Transkei, kwaZulu and kaNgwane; the settling of a number of regional and local

land disputes; the rate and manner of

handing over some of the land which

had been earmarked for transfer; and

legislation to enable property ownership in the non-independent (but selfgoverning) national states.

The Government hoped to finalise

the Transkei and kaNgwane land issues

in the first half of next year, while substantial progress had been made with

kwaZulu.

There were ongoing discussions and

negotiations with regard to localised

land problems with virtually all the

homelands, he said.

Where consolidation plans had been

finalised, concrete plans of action to

transfer the land were being negotiated with the various homeland Cabinets.

I Some national states wanted their,

'land immediately, others wanted a systematic transfer accompanied by a

plan for the best utilisation of land.

The legislation to provide for property rights in the self-governing states

would be introduced early in the next

session of Parliament.

On the subject of forced removals,

Mr Wilkens said that because South

Africa's constitutional proposals were

still being finalised, in theory it was

not possible to say there would be no

more compulsory resettlement.

However, the Government had decided to suspend forced removals and

had opted for negotiation with people

to get them to co-operate. The system

was more flexible now, and if people

did not want to move they would not be

forced to do so.

He did not foresee a situation again

in which people would be forced to

move. On the other hand, people who

wanted to take advantage of offers of

better land would not be allowed to do

so unless the entire community they

came from agreed to move, Mr Wilkens said.

On the question of the quality and

quantity of the land given to the homelands, Mr Wilkens said that what mattered was not so much the inherent

value of the land, but the way in which

it was managed.

"In the Transkei, Ciskei, kwaZulu

and kaNgwane they have the best fertile land with very high potential. And

in Bophuthatswana, where there is

good land but a low rainfall, the people

are producing enough to feed themselves.

"I am absolutely sure that we have

had success stories with the national

states. Their productivity would surprise the world."

A285I

CSO: 3^00/535

92
INDIANS PLANNING LAND STRATEGY FOR NATAL

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 25 Nov 85 p 11

JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text]

DURBAN. — The Minister of Housing, Agriculture and Local Govern- ' ment in the House of Delegates, Mr Baldeo Dookie, said yesterday he had

appointed consultants to

prepare a land and housing strategy plan for Indians initially in Natal.

Addressing the first

national congress of the

National Peoples Party,

ruling group in the House

of Delegates, at the

beachfront Malibu Hotel,

he said there was an urgent need to identify further areas of land for Indian housing in close

proximity to jobs.

"I feel an overall strategy plan should be drawn

up, and as most of the In-.

dian community are concentrated in Natal I have

deemed it expedient to

appoint consultants to'

prepare such a strategy

plan for this province,"

he said. .

Mr Dookie said that

with the approval of his

Ministers Council he had

appointed Vincent Leggo

and Associates as the con- f

sultants.

Similar strategy plans

would be undertaken for

Indians in other provinces

next year, he said, adding

he expected the Natal

plan to be ready before

the year end for submission to the Ministers

Council and to the Minister of Constitutional Affairs and Planning, Mr

Chris Heunis. ' Mr Dookie said ad-hoc

and piece-meal planning

,in the past had retarded

the progress in Indian

housing and he was not

prepared to let it con-.

tinue. There was a housing backlog of about

65 000 units for Indians

alone, he said.

,. Mr Dookie also ani nounced a guaranteed

home ownership plan for

., Indian tenants.

Mr Dookie said his department was at present

investigating the concept

of so-called "starter housing" which would bring

housing at affordable level to families hitherto

fated to remain as tenants, •. .. '.-. . .. •• ••

The idea, he said, was

to provide would-be

home owners with basic

facilities such as a living

room, kitchen and toilet

and allowing them to

complete their dwellings

at their own cost, time

and labour.

A number of site plans

together with passed

plans would be provided

to families for selection

according to their needs,

he said.

Mr Dookie said consideration was being made

with regards to the appointment of consultants

to produce a package plan

and to market the concept. — Sapa.

/12828

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93
CHANGE IN LANDHOLDING UNLIKELY TO IMPROVE HOMELAND CONDITIONS

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 23 Nov 85 p 8

/Text/ CAPE TOWN. — A.

change in the system of

land-holding in South

Africa's "bantustans"

from communal tenure to

freehold is unlikely by itself to have any major impact on the deterioration

in these areas, says researcher, Mr Peter Moll

in a newly-released paper

in the Carnegie Conference series.

Mr Moll, who is presently reading for a doctorate at Oxford University,'

writes that the introduction of freehold rights

could, in fact, result in

instability and unrest unless the State is willing to

first expend "considerable resources" on raising

agricultural productivity,

and to abolish influx control.

One disadvantage of

the introduction of freehold, he said, is that

women, who under the

present traditional system

are automatically entitled

to inherit their husband's

land, may lose this right if

freehold is introduced, as

a man would then be free

to name his heir.

"The problem is compounded by the migratory

labour system. Most men

are away from their families for large parts of their

working lives. Ties can

loosen, remittances some-.

times dry up, the migrant;

may set up another family

in the urban area.

"Granting freehold to

such migrants may result

in the virtual dispossession of rural families."

To prevent this, Mr

Moll argues, freehold

could be registered in the

name of both husband

and wife, or the law could

demand the written consent of the wife before allowing the husband to dis-

'pose of his land.

Mr Moll also fears the

introduction of freehold

would undermine the

authority of traditional

chiefs which may lead to

dislocation and unrest in

the countryside.

Chiefs could be expected to oppose freehold'

because they stand to lose

much of the power they

derive from allocating

land.

This might on the other

hand, says Mr Moll, facilitate the establishment

of "alternative structures

of democratic representation" in the countryside.

Another advantage

might be that, with at

least a fifth of arable land

in KwaZulu, Transkei

and Ciskei presently

unused, the opening up of

a market in land ownership for purchase by those

with knowledge and capital to invest might lead to

a "modest increase in

use" in the long run.

JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

n
It could also be argued ket

that over a long period

the possession of freehold "This picture of stagnacould help expand the op- tion may change if influx

erations of commercial control and other restrict

credit markets. lions on Black urbanisa-

„ , • tion were lifted. But, he says, it seems

that the major cause of "It is naive to label land

the absence of a flourish- tenure as the major limiing credit market should tation on productivity

be sought in the "general growth in the light of the

stagnation" in the rural past century of racial disreserve areas, rather than crimination in State

in the truncated land mar- spending. — Sapa.

A285I

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9 5
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

FATE OF MOZAMBICAN REFUGEES IN BAIANCE

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 13 Nov 85 p 1

article by laul Bell/

/Text/ GOVERNMENT would have to consider

stepping up the rate of repatriation of!

Mozambican refugees — who continue to!

flood into the Lowveld — if the tide'

cannot be stemmed, Home Affairs Minis->

ter Stoffel Botha said yesterday. i

Botha added that he would be visiting

the area soon to investigate the situation

further and hold on-the-spot discussions,

with officials.

Recent estimates put the number of

illegal Mozambican entrants at more^

than 220 000, of whom about 63 000 are

registered "illegals".

■■;. The Department of Home Affairs has

soft-pedalled on the problem, apparently

because it recognises the difficulties thej

refugees face in Mozambique. ;

Botha said his department had for

some months been repatriating Mozambican refugees at the rate of about 1500 a

month, but that he had been unwilling to

step up the numbers because he was

aware of the enormous human problem

they faced. .......-,,

- Nevertheless, we must look after the,

interests of South African citizens first.

There is a distinct unemployment prob-l

lern in the Eastern Transvaal, so we'

can't leave the situation as it is. ' ' "I have gone out of my way to solve the

problem without harsher repatriation

measures, but I can't relax the principle

of repatriation.

"On the other hand, there have been

good rains in Mozambique and, although,

these people are also caught up in a war,

situation (between Mozambique government.forces and the Renamo rebels), it Is

Possible the rains may induce some of

i lern to go back and try to start again.

"But the influx is continuing. There has

been "no decision to step up the rate of

repatriation, but we will have to look into

the possibility if we can't stem this tide."

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96
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

MOZAMBIQUE REFUGEES COME DOWN FOR AID

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 23 Wov 85 p 8

/Text/ MAPUTO. — More than 10 000 people have come in

*- from remote hill country in the central district of Gorongosa to get help at Government centres since soldiers destroyed the headquarters of anti-Government

rebels in August, the official Mozambican news agency

has reported.

The agency said about 20 percent of the needy were

malnourished, and some lacked any clothing except bits

of tree bark or parachute cloth. The centres provide

food, clothing and soap.

Four rehabilitation centres have been set up near

Gorongosa from the rest of Mozambique for four

years.

The news agency quoted district administrator, Mr

Castigo Zandamela as saying: "The first people we

found in the bush ran away from us. They were afraid.

"In Mucodza Centre, we gave food to the first people

who came. In a little while, more began to trickle in and

then grew to 4 000. At Nhamadzi, in less than two

weeks we went from 36 to 2 800."

Tens-of-thousands of Mozambicans have been affected by drought and the inability of Government

forces in some areas to oust the rebels so that reliefsupplies can get through. — Sapa-AP.

/12851

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97
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

SABC COMMENTARY DISCUSSES TBVC SUMMIT

MB250642 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 25 Nov 85

[Station commentary]

[Text] Deliberation and negotiation is certainly the order of the day in

South Africa attested to not only by the ongoing debate over the country's

constitutional future, but also the regular consultation between South

Africa and the TBVC [Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda, Ciskei] countries

on matters of common interest.

Last week's summit conference in Pretoria between the heads of state

and government of South Africa and the four independent states within

greater South Africa—Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei—can be

seen as a symbol of growing cooperation between all South Africans,

white, brown and black, in building a new South Africa.

The goal is equal rights and opportunities for all individulas, irrespective

of race, colour or creed, but with guarantees for the protection of minoritv

rights. 3

In just 3 years this multilateral cooperation between South Africa and the

TBVC states has blossomed into a formal secretariat for multilateral cooperation in southern Africa, in which all are equal partners.

A network of permanent institutions for cooperation has been created,

of which the multialateral development council of ministers is the highest

policy-making body, overseeing and directing general development strategy

The highest executive body of state officials, the multilateral economic

and finance committee, in turn, has charge of nine technical committees.

They function full-time in areas such as agriculture, commerce and industry,

tourism, health and welfare, telecommunications, education, urban development, justice and economic matters.

This wide-ranging cooperation has already led to many benefits for the

five partners, including the joint regional development programme and

the establishment of the Development Bank of Southern Africa.

9 8
At the end of September this year the bank was involved in more than 400

development projects worth more than R3.3 billion.

The aim with the latest summit conference was to give the five leaders the

opportunity to discuss political and other developments at the highest

1evel.

Among matters to receive attention was the question of black citizenship

and other political issues which the state president raised earlier this

year: coordinated population and community development programs,

proposals for urban development, joint opposition to international

sanctions, regional industrial development, and improvement in the position

of workers from the TBVC countries in South Africa.

The impressive progress which has been made with this multilateral

dispensation in just 3 years, show what can be achieved with positive

cooperation as opposed to negative confrontation.

There can certainly be no doubt about the interdependence of the countries

comprising greater South Africa. And when decisions on matters of

common interest have to be taken and acted upon, there is no substitute

for consultation and joint decision-making.

Ends.

/12640

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9 9
LONG-TERM FARMING PLAN FOR LEBOWA

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 19 Nov 85 p oO

[Article by Claire Robertson]

[Text] Pink donkeys and black .

hills and tiny women

hefting more than their

own weight in fertiliser

... impressions of one of

the strangest rural communities in the world.

Strange because many

of the rural people of Lebowa are not farmers at

all. After decades of betrayal by nature with pitifully low yields from

poorly farmed, droughtbesieged plots; and betrayal by the white man

with resettled people

pouring into the dustbowl

of Africa, many had

given up on the land.

But with little or no

education, and little experience of the modern

world, there was no place

for them in the towns.

So they would have remained, caught between

the then, which was de-.

troyed by resettlement,

and the now, which had--''

passed them by. Trapped

in dusty Lebowa, in

sprawling, dehumanised [

villages, facing starva-!

tion.

But Operation Hunger,

stepped in. It brought

food to the dying children

and taught their mothers

how to feed them, which

solved some immediate

problems.

HEALTHY CROFS

Now the organisation,

has started long-range

projects to solve an essentially long-range

problem. Operation Hun- ' ger is giving the land

back to the people.

Rob Small, the Agricultural Project Manager,

i for Operation Hunger,;

works in the area teach

ing the people how to obtain what they considered

impossible — healthy

crops from the land.

, "Development must be

a long-term effort. In ten

years this will be a desert

if we don't do something," Mr Small says.

j The largest project to

date involves the ripping,

ploughing and planting of

500hectares of land

which, contrary to tradii tion, will come under a

single crop of maize. Op-

. eration Hunger will

, spend R90 000 on the

project.

After overcoming initial community resistance to the idea of all

the patchwork plots

being farmed together,

Operation Hunger hired

contractors to work the

land which is owned by

the Mogashoa tribe,

bought tons of fertiliser

1 and seed, and in the per-'

JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

102
/9274

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" son of the unflappable Mr

Small, sorted out the endless small problems associated with such a vast

project.

He believes in involving the community in de-

: velopment aid, rejecting

the Lady Bountiful attitude that left so much of

Africa with useless technology and only the

memory of full bellies i

, once the donors had ,

pulled out.

So as you read this the !

women of Mogashoa are

1 weeding their plots by

hand; yesterday they

emptied two trucks of

hundreds of 50 kg sacks

of fertiliser; tomorrow

they will be back in the ]

community garden,

! planting or weeding or

mending fences.

The Mogashoa maize

project has all the ingre- ;5

; dients for success if

enough rain falls. And if

it does succeed, "people

for hundreds of square '

kilometres will be clamouring for assistance.

They will have regained ,

their faith in this land,"

says Mr Small.

The project has to succeed: the positive effects :

,

of agricultural development are not as immedi-..

ate as feeding schemes

for malnourished babies.

Although grateful for

the understanding and

support of his backers, , Mr Small is aware of how

much of the future of this ,

sort of development aid

rides on the Mogashoa

project. What if early

rain ruins the fertiliser or .,

rots the seed... what if ' no rain falls later.

Belief in the land is

what motivates Mr

Small: "I am concerned

with reclamation of the

, earth because people are

part of that.

But development aid

must not;be forced on a

community. Use existing

structures such as community groups to achieve

your aims and they will

; be lasting, he says.

Not all of the tradition-

. al farming methods will

have to be relearned for

the land to thrive, said

1 Mr Small, pointing out

fences of sisal between

plots, a good method of

preventing soil erosion.

v And in some cases the

' old ways are the best.

i Eventually he hopes to

reintroduce ox ploughs,

: although there is resistance to this "because the

people think we are taking them backwards.

They want tractors instead of cheap animal

power which actually increases in value with

time, and has few running costs."

In 10 months the Mogashoa tribe could have a

great maize crop; in a

year the community gardens throughout Lebowa

could be producing

enough for each family,

with some to sell besides;

in five years "this land

could be a green and lush

as you want it to be", he

says, the sweep of his

arm taking in the barren,

harsh vista.

Meanwhile last week

the first good rains fell in

Mogashoa, washing the

donkeys clean of the red

dust, feeding the black

earth.

10 3
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

SOUTJI AFRICA

BRIEFS

POLITICAL PAMPHLETS BANNED--CAPE TOW—From today it is illegal to possess

six editions of the Workers Vanguard --a pamphlet published in New York --

and all copies should he destroyed, according to a Government notice published in Cape Town. Political pamphlets and newsletters dominate this

week's list of banned publications. It is now an offence to import or distribute the following: Free Exist -- No 2, August 1985 by Exit, Johannesburg;

Rubber Vibrator in Penis Form (producer not stated); State of the Nation --

October/November 1985, by Saspu Publications, Braamfontein; How Marxism

Works, by Chris Harman; Soya Bulletin by Soya, Salt River; Up Front No 2,

October 1985 by UDF, Claremont and Observatory. From today it will be an

offence to possess any of the following publications: Workers Vanguard No

362, 361, 363, 366, 368 and 376 by Spartacist Publishing Company, New York;

Workers Hammer No 62 and TO by Spartacist Publishing Company, New York;

Yesterday Tricameral, Today Emergency, What next? by MSA; Consumer Boycott

(not stated); Arise Vukani by Action Youth, Braamfontein; Don't Hang Ben,

by ANC; The Battle Lines are Drawn, by RMC, Cape Town. The following publications have, on appeal, been declared not undesirable. Crisis News No 1

By Western Province Council of Churches, Woodstock; Cosas Banned; by Media

Committee, UCT. The Directorate of Publications has appealed against a committee decision that the following are not undesirable: Camera Weekly Vol 6

No 2k, week ending October 12 by Haymarket Publishing Ltd, Middlesex; Amateur

Photographer -- Vol 172, No 15, October 1985 by Business Press International

Ltd, Surrey. The following have conditionally be declared not undesirable:

Camera Weekly Vol 6 No 2h week ending October 1985 by Haymarket Publishing'

Ltd, Middlesex; Amateur Photographer Vol 1172 No 15 October 12 1985 by

Business Press International Ltd, Surrey; Camera Weekly Vol 6 No 11 week

ending July 12 1985 by Haymarket Publishing Ltd, Middlesex. The following

have been declared not undesirable on review: South Africa and US Multinational Corporations by Ann and Neva Seidman; Letters from Zimbabwe, by

Andrew Wainwright. The directorate has appealed against a committee decision that Woman plus Woman: Attitudes towards Lesbianism, by Dolores Kliach,

is not undesirable. /EXCERPT/ /Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 23 Nov

85 p 8/ /12851

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104-
z

'

D

ecember l985

SWAZILAND

POLICE SEIZE PASSPORTS OF FORMER LIQOQO MEMBER MSIBI

MB240650 Mbabane THE SWAZI OBSERVER in English 23 Nov 85 pp 1, 3

[Excerpt] Police have seized four passports from ex-liqoqo member, Dr George

Msibi.

The passports, two diplomatic, one international and the other a local

travelling document, were taken from the doctor this week.

This was confirmed by the acting police PRO [Public Relations Officer]

Assistant Commissioner of Police Mr Mnguni Simelane. Mr Simelane said the

police would not disclose the reason for seizing the documents at this stage

as police investigations are still in progress.

Mr Simelane said reasons will be given after the completion of police

investigations.

Dr Msibi returned from Johannesburg on Monday and was told at his home in

Manzini that he should report to .the police.

When he went to present himself, he was told to surrender all his travelling

documents to police headquarters in Mbabane.

Since the police refused to disclose the reason for the seizure, it could not

be established whether it was for political reasons.

Dr Msibi was not at home when THE WEEKEND OBSERVER called in his home in Manzini yesterday.

A family member said he had gone out and did not know where he was.

Dr Msibi was kicked out of active politics in October 2 when the Queen

Regent also fired, from Liqoqo, Prince Mfanasibili and commissioner of

police, Mr Majaji Simelane.

/8918

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1 05
JPRS-SSA-85-128 27 December 1955

ZAIRE

MOBUTU SPEAKS TO WORLD PRESS ON IMF, OTHER TOPICS

AB282043 Kinshasa Domestic Service in French 1130 GMT 28 Nov 85

[Text] There was an international press conference yesterday evening at the

presidential gardens of the residence of the MPR founding chairman at Camp

Tshatshi. Once again, Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko wanted to give a chance to

members of the international press, who came to cover the festivities marking

the 20th anniversary of the Second Republic, to ask him all the questions

they wanted. Five categories of questions were put to the founding chairman,

namely, Zaire s economic prospects through the execution of the program concluded with the IMF; the state of relations between Zaire and Belgium, Portugal China and the United States of America; apartheid; and finally a question

on Zaire's agricultural problems.

Concerning the IMF, the founding chairman condemned the change of attitude of

this organization in its evaluation criteria. In 1984, said Marshal Mobutu

Sese Seko, the IMF took into consideration an element of evaluation which, at

the beginning, did not figure in the agreement as a criterion for performance

evaluation. The leader also revealed that in the current year the IMF has

again disrupted the program by introducing the oil bill as one of its performance evaluation criteria. The founding chairman, concluded his answer

to question on IMF by informing the pressmen that he had notified the IMF

authorities in Washington about his discontent. It was understood, he stated.

The head of state pointed out to the pressmen that he was worried about

Zaire s economic problems. The food deficit is not a new problem for Zaire

In the colonial era there was a deficit in rice, corn, meat and sugar production. The second Republic, in its program of self-sufficiency in food production, has accorded a lot of importance to the four products. According to a

World Bank report, the head of state stated, there is room in Zaire for 30

million heads of cattle, yet Zaire has only 5,000 at present. Concerning

A

C

t' m!! f°

undin

g

chalnnan mainl

y

s

aid that the Executive Council has appealed to Chinese technical assistants for help; the outcome is encouraging, but

at the present stage the country is still obliged to import rice in order to

meet the needs of the people. The same holds for corn for which a program is

being implemented with the help of the United States in order to reduce the

deficit over a medium-term period. The project for increasing the production

of sugar has been drawn up; we are now waiting for funds to implement it.

1 06
In answer to a question about relations between Zaire and Belgium, Marsbal

Mobutu Sese Seko did not bide tbe noble feelings be bas toward Belgium and tbe

Belgian people, but be complained about tbe ratber disrespectful and unfriendly attitude of the Belgian press toward Zaire and its bead. To tbe American

journalist wbo wanted to know tbe state of relations between bis country, the

United States, and Zaire, Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko replied that they are on a

sound footing; the proof of this being his recent visit to the United States,

and the presence of President Reagan's eldest daughter at the 20th anniversary

celebrations of the Second Republic at Kinshasa. As always, cooperation between China and Zaire was mentioned by the MPR founding chairman. He gave

precise examples of it. Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko also spoke of tbe dynamism

of Portuguese businessmen, a dynamism which has been concretized by tbe setting up of an urban transport company in Kinshasa, and the forthcoming opening

of a private commercial bank in Zaire.

/7358

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107
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

ZAIRE

PROGRESS MADE ON ZAMBIA-ZAIRE BORDER DISPUTE

AB282025 Dakar PANA in English 1730 GMT 28 Nov 85

[Text] Lusaka, 28 Nov (ZANA/PANA)—Considerable progress has been made towards

resolving border disputes between Zambia and Zaire, the Zambian Parliament was

told on Wednesday.

Minister of State for Civil Service Mr John Mwondela informed the House that a

joint committee of experts formed in 1982 to look into land problems between

Zambia and Zaire at Kaputa and other areas had made considerable progress and

had already submitted reports to the two governments on some parts of the borders under dispute.

The two governments are currently studying the reports of the committee, the

mxnister said. He urged the people of the two countries currently residing in

the affected areas not to engage in any activities that could jeopardise the

efforts of the two countries which both seek to resolve the matter peacefully.

Minister of State for Finance Mbambo Sianga told the House that re-scheduling

of loans was only giving the nation time to restructure the economy so as to

be able to fulfill her obligation. Such measures however had side effects.

/7358

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1 08
JPRS-SSA»85»128

27 December 1985

ZAIRE

MPR CENTRAL COMMITTEE ENDS 10TH REGULAR SESSION

AB292224 Kinshasa AZAP in French 1100 GMT 29 Nov 85

["Final report" of the 10th regular session of the MPR Central Committee

issued in Kinshasa on 29 November]

[Text] Kinshasa, 29 Nov (AZAP)—Deliberations of the 10th regular session of

the MPR Central Committee, which took place at the People's Palace from

30 September to 8 October 1985 under the chairmanship of the MPR founding

chairman and president of the Republic, was preceded by a review seminar held

at the historic party village of Nsele from 28 to 29 September 1985. The

agenda adopted for the session had two main topics, namely:

A. Internal Policy:

1. Preparations for the 20th anniversary of the Second Republic.

2. Reports of the Legislative and Executive Councils on the implementation

of State Decisions No 36/cc/85, EIXCC/85, E0XCC/85, 40/cc/85, and 41/CC/85 of

2 May 1985.

3. The permanent Commission of Studies and Research:

—Designation of members and composition of bureau.

—Draft amendment to the standing orders of the Central Committee.

4. The issue of national education.

5. Problems of public health.

6. Housing policy.

7. Economic situation of the country.

8. Problems of the Youth of the Popular Movement of the Revolution.

9. Permanent commission for discipline.

1 09
—Intersession report.

—The dossier Bangala versus Bile.

Before tackling the first point on the committee's agenda, the founding chairman of the MPR and president of the Republic informed the assembly of the meeting he held with members of the Permanent Bureau of the Central Committee to

discuss the review seminar held in Nsele, a meeting at the end of which the

following measures were taken:

—Expulsion by Ordinance No. 85/262 of 30 September 1985 of Citizen Weregemere

Bingwa as a member of the Central Committee.

—Suspension for a period of 6 months of Central Committee member Birere

Mufugungizi wa Mulamba.

B. External policy:

—Zaire's relations with the OAU.

On the first item on the agenda concerning the preparations for the 20th anniversary of the Second Republic which we have just celebrated, members of the

Central Committee expressed the wish—which has just been accomplished—that a

special character should be given to the festivities marking the occasion.

On the second item on internal policy, the chairman of the Legislative Council,

the first state commissioner and the state commissioner for youth of the Popular Movement of the Revolution presented their reports of activities to the

Central Committee. The reports of the first state commissioner and the state

commissioner for youth of the MPR were referred to a special commission for

further examination. Anxious to ensure and maintain an atmosphere conducive

for the continued search for the well-being of the Zairian people, the

Central Committee adopted on 7 October 1985 a declaration strongly reaffirming

not only that the MPR is the only institution of the republic of Zaire, but

also that the 1-party system remains the only political system in Zaire and

therefore any attempt to question this option is an unconstitutional and counterrevolutionary act.

Thereupon, the agenda of the session having undergone some modifications at

the proposal of the founding chairman of the MRP and president of the republic, deliberations continued with the examination of the issue of national

education presented by the sociocultural commision of the Central Committee.

Considering the importance of the item on the agenda and in view of the many

activities of the party leader and the various trips he had to make to Europe

and to the United States of America, deliberations of the 10th ordinary session of the Central Committee were suspended on 8 October 1985.

110
Resuming Friday, 29 November, 1985 at the People's Palace under the chairmanship of the founding chairman of the MPR and president of the republic, the

10th ordinary session closed its deliberations the same day to enable the

leader of the party-state to attend conferences of the Economic Community of

Countries of the Great Lakes in Gisenyi, and heads of state of Africa and

France in Paris.

All dossiers not discussed were referred to the 11th ordinary session of the

MPR Central Committee which will be held in March 1986.

Issued in Kinshasa on 29 November 1985

By the general rapporteur.

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1 1 1
z/ December i985

ZAIRE

AZAP MANAGER RECEIVES PRC JOURNALISTS DELEGATION

AB292011 Kinshasa AZAP in French 1405 GMT 28 Nov 85

[Text] Kinshasa, 28 November (AZAP)—Citizen Landu Lusaka Khasa, genera]

manager of the ZAIRIAN NEWS AGENCY [AZAP], received on Thursday in his office

the members of the delegation of the National Association of Chinese Journalists, ANJC, with whom he discussed the exemplary cooperation existing between

China and Zaire which the founding chairman of the MPR stressed so well on

Wednesday during the interview he granted to the foreign press at Mont Ngaliema

[where the presidential palace is located].

On this occasion, AZAP's general manager underlined the friendly and brotherly

relations existing between AZAP and the NEW CHINA NEWS AGENCY, XINHUA, before

informing his guests about the structures and objectives of AZAP.

The members of the ANJC later visited—under the guidance of the editor, Citizen Tukulu Ndomateso—AZAP's various services, notably the documentation, editorial, technical, and medical services as well as the PANA offices whose

Central African headquarters is in Zaire. Mr Bao Yujun, leader of the ANJC

delegation and member of the board of directors of the PEOPLE'S DAILY, said he

was very satisfied about the flow of information published within the framework

of the agreements concluded between AZAP and XINHUA.

This delegation, which has been visiting Zaire since 24 November within the

framework of the festivities marking the 20th anniversary of the Second Republic, will this afternoon visit the Kisantu botanical garden and the headquarters

of the Kwilu-Ngongo Sugar Company in Bas-Zaire.

/7358

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11 2
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

ZAIRE

UK TRADE MISSION ARRIVES FOR PROMOTION TOUR

ZB292234 Kinshasa AZAP in French 1500 GMT 29 Nov 85

[Excerpt] Kinshasa, 29 Nov (AZAP)—A British trade mission comprising about

20 member-firms of the Westminister Chamber of Commerce arrived Friday in

Kinshasa for a 3-day trade promotion tour in Zaire,

Speaking to AZAP on arrival at Beach, Ngobila M.P. Barret, leader of the

delegation, said his mission, with the help of the Department of Health, will

on Saturday organize an exhibition of pharmaceutical products and medical

materials at the Intercontinental Hotel and later meet with Zairian memberfirms of the Natonal Association of Zairian Enterprises.

V. Sessengnon, an Ivorian national and the only African member of the Westminister Chamber, said the British businessmen's interest in the Zairian market lies in the fact that it constitutes the biggest market of French-speaking

Africa.

/7358

CSO: 3400/553

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JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

ZAIRE

BRIEFS

ZAIRIAN AMBASSADOR—Citizen Ngange Kamanda, former ambassador extraordinary

and plenipotentiary of the Republic of Zaire to Togo, has just been appointed

to the same functions in Argentina, according to a statement issued by the

Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation. [Text] [Kinshasa

AZAP in French 1030 GMT 28 Nov 85 AB] /7358

AID FOR ZAIRE—Bonn, 28 Nov (DPA)—The Federal government has promised 57 million marks to Zaire as development assistance. Projects in the fields of railways, road construction and maintenance, provision of drinking water, veterinary training, and central administration will be promoted with this assistance,

the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation announced on Thursday in Bonn

following the conclusion of government talks. [Text] [Hamburg DPA in German

1534 GMT 28 Nov 85 LD] /7358

CSO: 3400/553

1U
JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

ZAMBIA

LABOR MINISTER URGES RECALLING WORKERS FROM RSA

MB200528 Lusaka TIMES OF ZAMBIA in English 8 Nov 85 p 1

[Text] Countries in Southern Africa have been urged to recall .their migrant

workers from South Africa to force the Pretoria regime to abandon its apartheid

system.

Labour and Social Services Minister Mr Frederick Hapunda who made the call

when he opened the seventh meeting of the Southern African Labour Commission

(SALC) at Mulungushi Hall in Lusaka yesterday, said it was an established

fact that South Africa's economy depended on the cheap labour provided by

migrant and indigenous black workers.

The wealth generated by the workers was a major contributor to the sustenance

of the evil system of apartheid.

It was saddening that the more wealthy migrant and indigenous workers produced for the apartheid regime, the more its economic and military might was

strengthened.

That led to more oppression for blacks in that country and Namibia—increasing the threat to the independence and the economies of neighbouring countries.

He said once SALC member states had absorbed migrant workers from sduth \

Africa into their economies, the indigenous workers' contribution to total

elimination of apartheid would be more felt than before.

The workers' power in South Africa could no longer be ignored because they

were capable of paralysing Pretoria's economy if they withdrew their labour.

Mr Hapunda added that SALC member states appeared to have no choice but to

recall their nationals from South Africa since the Pretoria regime had already threatened to expel them.

He hoped that SALC member countries would prepare for the possible eventuality. They could not compromise over apartheid because it was an evil

system which had to be dismantled.

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He implored the conference to find practical ways of reducing these countries'

economic dependence on South Africa. At present, some of them could not immediately stop relying on the regime.

Their economies had been adversely affected by the world recession and the

situation had been aggravated by three years of continuous and severe drought.

/6662

CSO: 3400/523

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JPRS-SSA-85-128

27 December 1985

ZAMBIA

TU GROUP CALLS FOR REVIEW OF SOCIALIST POLICY

MB061257 Lusaka TIMES OF ZAMBIA in English 26 Oct 85 p 1

[Text] The Zambia Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) has called on the party

and its Government ot review its socialist policy since it is no longer capable

of subsidising on goods and services for the people.

The congress has further pleaded with the Government to make life in the

country bearable.

The call was made in Ndola by ZCTU chairman Mr Frederick Chiluba when he

addressed the Zambia Federation of the Blind annual general meeting at

Kang'onga centre for the blind and handicapped.

Calling on the authorities to change socialist policies, Mr Chiluba noted

that life for the growing number of the less advantaged was literally becoming unbearable.

The crime wave had affected work and its motivation. Shift workers were

scared of even leaving their homes to the nearest pick up points for the fear

of their lives.

The ZCTU boss warned that industry could not succeed without motivated and

effective labour participation. He appealed to the Zambia Industrial and

Commercial Association (Zincom) and the Zambia Federation of Employers (ZFE)

to seize the opportunity and make friends with the labour movement despite

the fundamental class differences.

While he was aware that the country was going through difficult times this

was in fact the right moment for the leaders to "rise above scarcity and

defend for the less able. That is the essence of socialism."

The labour movement supported moves to rob from the rich to the poor.

"If this Government is truly caring for the common man in tribulation and

hardship now is the most opportune time to be with the poor for what is socialism if the party and its Government cannot subsidise life?"

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He noted that socialism was a bridge between the rich and the poor, it was

a bridge between wants and needs and also an umpire between the greedy and

the needy.

Mr Chiluba warned of confrontation and unless the Government moved in to

break the thick walls built between the business houses and ordinary citizens .

He reiterated that unless the government establishes the poverty datum line

workers will not "accept lofty claims of socialism any more".

"For genuine socialism entails coherent plan and belief in managing life.

Socialism is a subsidisation of life."

Earlier, welcoming his federation chairman Mr Kapisha Kamangala appealed to

the party and its government to consider concessional prices for the blind

and handicapped especially in state shops.

/6662

CSO: 3400/523 END

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