JPRS-SSA~85-065
23 July 1985

REUNION

BRIEFS

POLITICIANS UNITE--Representatives of Reunion's regional council showed them-
selves united on measures that should be taken to help the island when they
met French government officials in Paris from May 22 to 30. Despite belonging
to different political tendencies, five local leaders in the delegation led by
council chairman Mario Hoareau (Paul Verges of the Communist Party, Gilbert
Bourhis and Auguste Legros of the right-wing UDRP and RPR respectively) said
they were unanimous on the priorities which must be met to avoid a "social
explosion" on Reunion before 1990. The delegation put forward two demands: an
end to the requirement for recipients of family and housing allowances to be
in paid work, and the organisation on "youndtable" discussions between Reunion
and government representatives. [Text] [Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in
English 8 Jun 85 p 4]

FRENCH MINISTERS VISIT--No fewer.than eight French ministers or their under-
lings will be visiting Reunion one after the other in the coming weeks. There
is speculation whether it is the first results of the visit to Paris by a dele-
gation from the island's governing council, or unofficial opening shots in .
France's 1986 general election campaign. The ministers and junior ministers
due from July onwards are Georges Lemoine (overseas territories), Michel
Crepeau and Jean-Michel Bockel (trade, small business and tourism), Guy Lengagne
(the sea), Michel Delabarre (labour and’ training); Jean Auroux (town planning,
transport and housing), Christian Nucci (cooperation) and Jean Laurain (war
veterans). [Text] [Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in English 15 Jun 85 p 5]

cso: 3400/572

56



CSO:

lemocratic state which would recognise the independence of Eritrea,
while the other movements opposing the Dergue seem more concerned with
the defence of their rights as representatives of distinct
nationalities. The Afars, who recently boosted their military capacity
with the re-emergence of an Afar Liberation Front, are also the cause
of friction between the TPLF and the EPLF, due to their presence in
Eritrea, Tigray and Wollo provinces. While the two movements have both
fought armed Afar groups during the past three months, they do not
have the same conception of the legitimacy of the Afar claims.

3400/572

22



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Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets
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mation was summarized or extracted.

Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are
enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a ques-
tion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the
original but have been supplied as appropriate in context.
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item originate with the source. Times within items are as
given by source.

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JPRS-SSA-85~065
23 July 1985

ZIMBABWE

HERALD URGES SUPPORT FOR MAPUTO AGAINST MNR
MBO21542 Harare THE HERALD in English 25 Jun 85 p 12
{Editorial: "Ten Years On"]

[Text] The independence of Mozambique 10 years ago today brought to an end
centuries of Portuguese colonial rule.

It also meant an end to Frelimo's war of liberation which it had launched and
pursued since 1964,

Using the tactics of people's war Frelimo gradually wore down the Portuguese
colonial army in Mozambique and contributed to its uprising in Lisbon which
brought down Portuguese fascism.

The Frelimo war of liberation was part and parcel of the African struggle
against colonialism, for national independence and sovereignty.

The anti-imperialist character of that struggle was reflected in the revolu-
tionary and prosocialist ideology of the Frelimo party.

In practice the Government of Mozambique pursued a policy of active identity
and solidarity when the progressive liberation movements of Africa and other
parts of the world. Thus no sooner than Mozambique hoisted its national flag
than it threw its weight behind the struggle for the liberation of Zimbabwe,
strategically cutting off any outlets of meaningful survival for the Smith
regime.

The latter mounted harsh military attacks on the independent state, which
refused to be intimidated until Zimbabwe was liberated. It is this militant
policy characterised by consistent opposition to colonialism and racism which
has earned for Mozambique the profound and undying hatred of the rascist South
African regime in particular and that of imperialism in general,

The South African Government regrouped the. MNR which had been put in disarray

by the victory of the people of Zimbabwe over the Smith regime and unleashed
it against the Government of Mozambique, threatening its very existence.

116



abolished as soon as ossible and,
second, as far as remaining emigrants
are concerned, the limits on the ac-
counts that may be transferred should
be doubled from R100 000 to R200 000.
Other recommendations:

(The Reserve Bank should reintroduce
bank rate as the banks’ rediscount rate
but the commercial banks’ prime rate
would be free to move as bankers felt fit;
DO Bank rate would be flexible;

JPRS~SSA~85~-065
23 July 1985

(1 The Reserve Bank should conduct ac-
tive open market operations in both the ‘

‘money market and the bond market;

CSupervision of banks and building so-
cieties should be transferred to the Re-
serve Bank from the office of the Regis-
trar of Financial Institutions; and
OThe Reserve Bank should withdraw
from the forward foreign exchange mar-
ket and the banks should be given great-
er freedom to participate .

Streamlining Monetarism

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 19 Jun 85 p 6

[Editorial]

[Text]

he rand was firmer yester-

day. There were a number of

reasons why. But not insig-

nificant among them was
probably news of the final rec-
ommendations of the De Kock
Commission.

Simply put, the outcome of the
policies and reforms spelled out
by the commission should mean
that the general price level in SA
will see greater stability in the
years ahead. That has to be good
for the currency.

The report rightly identifies ;

too much money creation an
spending as the cause of 25 years
of rising domestic prices. And it
sets the country firmly towards a
monetarist solution to that prob-
Jem, recommending a monetary
policy and monetary system
better to enable more timely dis-
ciplines to prevail in the future.
Essentially, it means that in-
creasingly the key prices in the
economy will be determined by

market forces of supply and de- ,
mand. The economically waste- ;

ful distortions that past direct
controls and government inter-
ference nearly entrenched will
now be whittled away. The re-
port is a commitment to freedom
through the application of sensi-
ble, classical policies of demand
management.

In practical terms it does not
mean that the exchange rate, in-
terest rates and other important

65

and related prices will be let rip.
It does mean that they will be
subject not to arbitrary — and
often suspect — controls of bu-
reaucrats and politicians, but to °
the more telling disciplines of the
market place. :

One measure of the influence
and importance of the commis-
sion’s chairman, Gerhard de
Kock, who is also Governor of the
Reserve Bank, is that debate on
the report’s final recommenda-
tions began long before its re-
lease last night.

For in fact the main thrust of -{
the recommendations has al- ;
ready been implemented. They
are implicit in the creating of a
foreign exchange market in Jo-
hannesburg, in the rise and de-
politisation of the mortgage rate
and the rise in prime rate to re-
cord heights.

The monetary system that the
report envisages — and which is
largely in place already — recog-
nises the economic advantages of =
having spohisticated financial
markets. it simply puts forward
more streamlined means of ap-
plying money creating restraints |
through them to greater effect.

The improved. technical
mechanisms and introduction of
monetary aggregate targetting
will make it more difficult for
the monetary authorities not to
take appropriate action when
danger signals flash. Politicians -:



system to ensure mass-loyalty, engender meaning and integrate disparate interests. The
South African state, its political institutions, and the white Political leaders in power, fail to
command support in the black population for its policy of entrenched ethnicity and
enforced ethnic political entities. Adam (1982:2) is correct when he states that “instead of
the politicised integration practiced in advanced liberal capitalism, South Africa politicises
its majority by denationalisation”.

SURVEY OF ETHNIC IDENTITY

There is a fallacy among the white power holders in South Africa that the politicisation of
ethnicity was the wish of the black population and that this process has convinced the
respective black ethnicities of the validity and correctness thereof. It is also a wrong
assumption that the process of ethnic identification has succeeded, and that ethnic identity
precedes national identity. When the question was put to students at some black Southern
African universities in the “homelands” whether in their political thinking they primarily
think in ethnic terms or in terms of South Africa, the overwhelming reply was that national
identity precedes ethnic identity.! (See table 1).

TABLE I
In your political thinking do you think primarily in ethnic terms
or in terms of South Africa?
wp

Terms Unitra Unive Unibo Uniqwa Fort Hare?

%— % % % %
Primarily
ethnic 19 33 22 14 20
Primarily
South Africa 81 67 78 86 80

This question was succeeded by a more elaborate ‘question on the identification either with
Africa, South Africa, homeland/ethnic state, or ethnic group. The various replies are
explicated in Table 2.

76



JPRS~SSA~85~065
_ _ 23 July 1985
/as heard/ UNITA bandits, 1,057 light weapons and other war mareries were
captured. More than 5,000 civilians, who had been abducted by the counter-
revolutionary groups, were released, and about 1,300 heads of cattle recovered.
The document from the Ministry of Defense also gives a breakdown of reconnaissance
flights carried out by South Africa over several areas of southern Angola in a
total of 71 violations of the Angolan airspace during 6 months.

LUANDA-MALANJE RAILROAD REPAIRS--N'Dalatando--The railroad line connecting the
nation's capital with the provinces of Kwanza-Norte and Malange is due to under-
go repairs soon, something that will guarantee improvements in the circulation
of rail transport in those regions. The director of the Luanda Railroad Enter-
prise, Manuel Pedro de Carvalho, who gave this report to the local news media,
during the visit that the minister of transportation, Bernardo de Sousa, paid
to Kwanza-Norte, said that the track repair work, covered in two phases, would
be carried out by the Portuguese firm Ferbritas. According to that official,
the repair work was supposed to start by September of last year, which did not
occur, owing to the politico-military situation then prevailing in certain
areas surrounding the line. It should be noted that the operations of that
antiquated railroad, which dates back several dozen years, had become irregular
during the past 5 months, primarily because of the lack of technical maintenance
which caused several train derailments. [Text] [Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in
Portuguese 22 May 85 p 3] 2909 ‘

OFFICIAL VISITS SOUTHERN BENGUELA--The deputy provincial commissar for the
economic and social sector, Eugenio Daka Ya Sunga, recently engaged in intensive
government activity in the municipalities located in the southern part of the
province. Eugenio Daka Ya Sunga, who was accompanied by several provincial
officials, visited the municipality of Chongoroi, where he met with the govern-
ment authorities of that locality, and was informed of the current operation of
the state agencies with headquarters there. Also in Chongoroi, that official
held a meeting with the population of the Casingiriti commune, where he stated
his steadfasteness in annihilating the puppet gangs. As a final phase of his
journey, Eugenio Daka Ya Sunga visited the municipalities of Ganda and Caimbanbo,
having introduced in the former the new deputy of the Benguela Provincial
People's Assembly, Afonso Tchicanha. [Text] [Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in
Portuguese 22 May 85 p 3] 2909

ARMED FORCES OFFICIAL VISITS BIE--Kuito--The chairman of the Regional Military
Council of the Fourth Politico-Military Region, Lt Col Joao Ernesto dos Santos
(Liberdade), who is visiting Bie Province, traveled to the municipality of
Chitembo, where he held meetings with the combatants from the defense and
security forces of the 48th Brigade. Also in that locality, the chairman of
the Fourth Region Military Council met with local authorities, reviewing with
them the socioeconomic situation of the municipality, and held a meeting with

12



WHAT DE KOCK RECOMMENDS DETALLED

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 19 Jun 85 p 6

[Text]

HESE are the commission’s
: [ recommendations, point by

point:
FINANCIAL MARKETS

Many of the commission’s
recommendation affecting the mon-
ey markets have already been imple-
mented. These include:
OThe tender system for Treasury
bills (TB);
OThe Treasury bill rate be deter-
mined largely by private tenderers;

‘COThe amount of the TB tender be

varied according to the Treasury's

needs as well as the needs of mone-

tary policy;

Othe issuing of tax-anticipation

TBs;

0 The Reserve Bank should be a buy-

er and seller of TBs,
GOVERNMENT BONDS

The commission recommends that

the prescribed investment regula-

tions be withdrawn.

This might create transitional
problems if the institutions decide to
reduce the proportion of their assets
held in public sector stock, but the
commission suggests the Depart-
ment of Finance and the Reserve
Bank ‘hold prior negotiations with
the Life Offices’ Association and the
Association of Pension and Provi-
dent Funds to obviate such prob-
lems.

This recommendation about the

‘abolition of prescribed investments

depends on government adopting re-
lated reforms in such areas as credit
control, money market management
and exchange rate policy.

Without these reforms a distortion
of the structure and level of interest
rates could again hamstring the pub-
lic sector’s borrowing and the Re-
serve Bank’s operations in an open
capital market.

O The issuing of government bonds
by means of tender is welcomed but

this should be discussed with the

major institutions; . one;

.. paper market but this ,requives+

OWith each issue of government

bonds there should be a draw-down
period not exceeding three months;
OThe issuing of non-marketable
government bonds such as loans lev-
ies, tax-free bonds, and bills should
be kept down to a minimum;

BAs, TRADE BILLS and PROMIS-

SORY BILLS

The commission takes the view that
financial claims of any nature, such
as bankers acceptances, accommo-
dation paper, trade bills and promis-
sory notes should be traded in the
markets with a minimum of regula-
tion,

fi

S casing bankers’ accep-
tances drawn for the movement of
goods would qualify — as they do at
present — as liquid assets but
accommodation paper drawn for
bridging finance for capital projects
would not qualify as a liquid asset.

As banks’ cash reserve bases be-
come more adquately controlled by
open market operations, discount
policy and exchange market inter-
vention, the ratio on certain types of
liquid assets can be disper with
and the market’s capacity to absorb
bankers acceptances will fall away.

The commission recommends that
building societies should be permit-
ted to hold BAs as liquid assets.

It also considers that the local bill
market has the potential to expand
along the lines of the US comm

71

JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



cso:

Madagascar, which is less dependent on the commodity than the
Comoros, has_1,500 tonnes prepared vanilla unsold, and gould produce a
further 1,200 tonnes this year. But it has not approached the EEC.
There is no doubt that, notwithstanding official rhetoric, Madagascar
has_been shipping some of its production on to the black_market_at
prices below 70 Tlars a kilo; it te not known if the "yanilla trial”
Tast August, when heavy fines were imposed on a score of smugglers,
put an end to this traffic.

As for the purchasers of vanilla, they refuse to go along with a
price of 70 dollars, and seem reluctant to go beyond 55 dollars. The
main importers, including MeCovmik and Zink & Trieste in the United
States, and Gervais-Danone in Europe, are waiting for a slump in the
price. Some of them predict that it could go as low gs_20 dollars a

kilo within siz months.

3400/572

29



body which would facilitate close Co-operation between the state, employers and
employees in processes related to the formulation of labour policy, and emphasised that the
state should play a more ‘active’ and ‘dynamic’ role in the “designing and planning” of
labour policy, including the training and retraining of workers, the creation of employment
Opportunities, the provision of labour market facilities and the Preservation and promotion
of industrial peace (Pretorius, 1982:20-21).

‘The creation of the NMC, as a product of “political crisis of participation and control”,
plays an important part in the Government’s attempt to re-organise bases of political
support,'® and to legitimise its reformist activities and the capitalist system itself. The
significance of the NMC as an institution lies in the fact that it provides, for the first time,
Opportunities for the direct representation of black. and specifically African, functional
interest organisations in key national policy-making bodies. This fact is particularly
important when seen against the background of the more general developments in the field
of labour policy. These developments entail strategies designed to involve African trade
unions in the statutory system of industrial reconciliation by means of registration and
Participation in the highly bureaucratised and centralised industrial councils, and strategies
designed to rationalise the geographical flow and regalation of black labour through
streamlined administration and influx control (Pretorius, 1982:23). This indicates that,
just as the EAC was created to incorporate white (mnainly capitalist) interest organisations
in 1960, the NMC was created to incorporate black (mainly labour) functional interest
Organisations. And again, this could not, in terms of NP Policy and ideology, be achieved
through party political and parliamentary forms of representation. Moreover, the creation
of the NMC was a corporatist institution has another important function — it helps to
legitimise policy-making by making the organisations active Participants in the process of
government, and again it helps to ‘depoliticise’ issues as the bargaining takes place in
camera (Pretorius, 1982:25).

POLITICAL REFORM AND CONDITIONS FOR CORPORATISM IN
SOUTH-AFRICA ~

Despite the development of ‘corporatist forms of representation, we do not suggest that the
mode of interest group representation in South Africa is already ‘corporatist’. The white
functional organisations ‘enjoy a high degree of freedom of association and of ‘organisational
autonomy, so that its mode of representation can be described as pluralist. In contrast, the
black functional organisations are subject to generalised state control — ranging from influx
control which affects the very conditions of associational life to executive action under the
guise of security legislation - which may even make the label ‘state corporatism’
inappropriate (Pretorius, 1982:26). Itis, however, important to note that the development
of consociational forms of political representation has been in consort with an increase in
corporatism and other extra-parliamentary responses to political conflict management in
South Africa.

The general decline of the party political and parliamentary form of representation had the
effect of increasing the independence of the executive branch of the state. This tendency
‘was enhanced by the Botha-government who:

1 Deprived the NP party conferences of the power to determine policy — they are now
Testricted to the discussion of matters of principle, not of policy;

2. by the ‘rationalisation’ of the Public service, which included severing Parliamentary
control over the executive by the establishment of ‘cabinet committees responsible to the
prime minister, the creation of the multi-racial president's council over which
Parliament had no control, and the use of‘expert’ commissions of inquiry tomake policy
recommendations;

100



Mr Ambassador: You have just been accredited as ambassador to a country which
for more than 20 years has had constant war imposed upon it, a country which
has won its independence by the force of arms. You are in an African country
which is the uncompromising defender of the values and ideals of African
unity, a nonaligned and socialist country which loves peace, freedom, equality
and justice.

Your accreditation comes at a moment of particular importance both to our
country and to all the southern zone of Africa.

The people and the government of the People's Republic of Mozambique are
profoundly committed to the battle to eliminate armed banditry and to the
struggle for economic development, a necessary condition for the well-being of
our working people.

This struggle represents the most profound commitment of the Mozambican people
to the conquest of peace and the advancement of socioeconomic development.

In southern Africa, apartheid is the factor causing this instability and
violence. Its elimination is a basic condition for the achievement of peace
and tranquility in the zone, above all an enduring peace.

As a Front Line country, we are fighting tirelessly for the independence of
Namibia and for full equality for all South Africans in South Africa,
independent of their race, skin color, sex or religious belief.

Despite the efforts pursued by the international community, Namibia continues
to be subject to colonial occupation. South Africa continues adamantly to
refuse to implement United Nations Security Council Resolution No 435.

Within the framework of the SADCC, we are searching for cooperative economic
actions which will promote interdependence among the member nations and
independence from South Africa.

Mozambique, as a country which loves peace and liberty, has always evidenced
an open and constructive attitude toward the possibility of using the path of
negotiation and dialogue as a way of resolving conflict among nations. Within
this context, the People's Republic of Mozambique has spared no effort in the
search for peaceful solutions to eliminate the violence and efforts to destroy
stability of which the countries in this region are the targets.

There are various centers of tension and violence which threaten international
peace and security. War continues to tear Africa and the Middle East apart.
The threat of a nuclear war with unforeseeable consequences hovers over our
Planet. However, the imbalance in the economic development of the North and
the South makes the waste of the resources so needed by the underdeveloped
countries in order to eliminate their desperate need for food and clothing,
their underdevelopment and poverty, intolerable.

The People's Republic of Mozambique favors general and complete disarmament.

We support all of the undertakings designed to reduce international tension
and to eliminate armed conflict among nations.

36



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

SOUTH AFRECA

COMPLEXITIES OF LOCAL, PROVINCIAL FUTURE GOVERNMENTS EXPLAINED

Durban DAILY NEWS in English 10 Jun 85 p 8

{Article by Bruce_Cameron]

[Text] “I LOVE it when a plan comes to- '
gether,” Minister of Constitutional
Development, Mr Chris Heunis,
must be saying as he puts the fin- '
ishing touches to one of the. most ;
intricate constitutional blueprints
ever devised.

And it is not a plan that has *
come easily, stretching back to!
that first abortive effort in 1977. 7

Having started the reconstruc-
tion from the top, the new trica- *
meral Parliament is now finalising -
the lower levels of Government ,
and should be operational by next
year. : .

It has been like watching a jig-

saw being put together with all the 4

pieces being left upside down until

being fitted into place. ;

As with the central level of Gov- +
ernment the new lower levels are
constructed on a racial basis with |
the division into common (general) ;
or racially exclusive (own) affairs /
being even more finely balanced ;
than at the central level.

As the plan has unfolded at local ‘
and provincial level it has become. ;
clear that once again the Govern- }
ment has made major changes to :
include and improve the position of *:
other race groups but at the same
time has ensured that the white
majority party in Parliament will
maintain the ultimate control.

But there has been one major .
shift this has been to include blacks
at the local government level and
“the possibility of them even being ~
drawn in at provincial level (this is :

‘one of the jigsaw pieces that is still
missing).

The whole local government and
provincial system cross-pollinates
all the way up the line because of
the division of functions and
powers into own and general af-
fairs.

, Starting at the bottom are the
iprimary local authorities, which
‘could be fully-fledged local auth-
orities or management and local
affairs committees with limited -
powers or other groupings repre-
senting “non-viable communities,
‘farmers and even farm workers.”

These primary authorities will -

‘concern themselves with “own” af- .
‘fairs such as community halls and °
swimming pools.

. Although the latest legislation
establishing the new lower tiers of
Government does not mention
; race, in terms of the Constitution
ithe bodies and their territories
must be based on race. The strin-
gent segregation of the past has”
however been eased and it will be
possible for people of different
race groups to own property in
areas designated for other race
groups, particularly in the case of
industrial and commercial proper- -
ties. .
/ The Government has also moved

/ deliberately to ensure that white

61

municipalities will no longer auto-
matically be entitled to all the
major income generating areas
and has given notice that they will
now be more fairly divided.



The treaty of friendship and cooperation signed by our two nations provides a
vital framework for the consolidation and development of the relations of
friendship, solidarity and economic cooperation on various levels.

We are certain that your appointment to undertake this task, as difficult as
it is noble, will contribute in decisive fashion to further improving the
political relations existing between the People's Republic of Mozambique and
the People's Republic of the Congo, giving substance to these relations in the
realm of economic cooperation.

Mr Ambassador: It has been 20 years now that our people have not known one
moment of peace.

Twenty years of aggression and continuing warfare have forged in our people a
spirit of combativity and unflagging certainty of triumph.

The struggle against the imperialist conspiracy organized against the People's
Republic of Mozambique continues to constitute a front for the achievement of
stability and peace with a view to economic development and the elimination of
the burdensome colonial heritage of our fatherland.

Destroying stability in southern Africa is a weapon developed by the enemies
of our peoples for the purpose of perpetuating racial discrimination,
dependence and colonialism in the region.

Armed banditry, in its terrorist form and its death agony, barbarously murders
defenseless old people, women and children and destroys economic and social
infrastructures. Incapable of facing up to the glorious Armed Forces of
Mozambique (FPLM [Popular Forces for the Liberation of Mozambique]), the armed
branch of the people, the terrorists are revealing their true nature and their
goals.

It is with great satisfaction that our people are seeing increasing support
throughout Africa, and in particular, the active solidarity of the People's
Republic of the Congo.

The People's Republic of Mozambique is pleased by the success of the 20th OAU
summit meeting. Our organization has returned to its historic role with the
admission of the Saharan Democratic Arab Republic to membership in it, and
with the analysis of and decisions concerning the economic situation on our
continent.

The analysis of the effects of the natural disasters and aid to the countries
victimized, including Mozambique, was another important decision made by this
last summit meeting.

The international situation continues to demand the greatest attention on the
part of our nations.

Namibia still lacks independence, despite the pertinent decisions by the OAU

and the United Nations, particularly the adoption of Security Council
Resolution No 435.

32



JPRS~SSA~85~-065
23 July 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

DE KOCK CALLS FOR MONEY TARGETS

Recommendations Listed

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 19 Jun 85 p 1

{Article by Harold Fridjhon]

{Text]

alread:
‘serve

GRADUAL abolition of almost all
exchange controls on residents, the
removal of prescribed investment
requirements on financial institu-
tions and the setting of money su
ply growth targets are among the
main recommendations of the final
report of the De Kock Commission
which is released today.

The main thrust of the report is that
inflation over the past 25 years has been
caused by excessive money creation and
spending. Its recommendations are
aimed at enhancing market-orientated
controls to inhibit these factors.

The commission, appointed in 1977,
submitted two interim reports. The first,
Exchange Rates in South Africa, was

resented in 1978. The second on build-
ing societies was released in 1982. The
final report covers the entire monetary
system and monetary policy in the coun-

'y.
Many of the recommendations have
been implemented by the Re-
nk, But there are other wide-
sweeping recommendations which could
make considerable positive changes to
the financial structure of South, Africa
and enable the maintenance of more
stable prices.

Of wide interest are De. Kock’s recom-
mendations on exchange control. The
commission urges relaxation of ex-
change controls on portfolio investment,

. but recommends that the remaining ex-

change control over residents be sub-
stantially relaxed and simplified as part
of an orderly cvolntlonary process:
The alternative of completely aholish-
ing exchange control, as was done in the
United Kingdom, would have important

64

advantages but this is not recommended
by the commission at this stage,

The commission envisages that its
recommendations would in due course
lead to either the complete phasing out
of exchange control or the retention of
only a limited set of precautionary con-
trols involving a minimum of red tape.

In reaching its decision not to recom-
‘mend the complete abolition of ex-
change control at this stage, the com-.
mission took special note of the political
uncertainties in the country.

The commission recommends that the
present liberal application of exchange
contri on direct foreign investment by
South Africans be continued and pro-
gressively extended until approval be-
comes automatic for foreign invest-
ments that could promote South African
exports or protect strategic imports.

A big step forward is the recommen-
dation that exchange control over port-
folio foreign investments by South Afri-
can residents be relaxed. This would
start with the granting of permission to
registered insurers, pension funds and
mutual funds to invest about 10% of the
net annual addition to their funds in,
foreign securities approved by the Reg-
istrar of Financial Institutions.

In due course similar provisions could
be applied to other financial institutions
and corporate bodies such as the inining
houses. Naturally, the timing of sucl
liberalisation would depend on the state
of both the balance of payments and the
domestic economy.

The commission recommends that
control over emigrants’ blocked funds
be relaxed in two ways: first, control
over the assets of emigrants who left the
country before January 1975 should be



3 through the involvement of the military in the State Security Council, which is regarded
as the key decision-making body of the executive, and which deals with ‘national
security management’ — covering matters ranging from political action, economic
planning, manpower management to telecommunications and ‘cultural action’; and,

4 by the inclusion of representatives of big business in a number of state apparatuses.”

The development of the South African state into a Bonapartist-type of state has been
consolidated with the acceptance of the proposed new constitution by the white electorate
in November 1983. The new constitution entails an independent executive presidency,
the creation of a triracial-tricameral legislative assembly for whites, coloureds and asians
with each chamber responsible for legislation dealing with “own affairs” according to the
consociational principle of ‘segmental autonomy’, and finally, the creation of a partially
elected president’s council which will act as the final arbiter when conflict arises among the
three chambers (Hugo and Kotze, 1983:100-112).

Although the proposed new constitution provides ample opportunity for the representation
and management of “own affairs” (e.g cultural and religious affairs, education, community
politics and certain welfare functions), the representation and management of “mutual
affairs” is largely undefined and problematic. And as these “mutual affairs” are largely
economic and functional in character — and concern the African population as well- one
may well expect the further development of corporatist institutions to deal with the
problems of functional and economic interest representation and state intervention. This
idea seems to attract some support from representatives of capital, for during the 1981
Good Hope conference, the president of the Federated Chamber of Industries (FCI) urged
the Government to “formalise an on-going debate between the social partners of business,
labour and government in a tripartite alliance” which, it seems, must run “parallel to the
political system” and “could successfully weld anational consensus on many of the critical
choices facing South Africa” (Pretorius, 1982:26).

Many of the conditions associated with “state corporatism” are already present in the
South African social formation, ‘and could be built upon to create further corporatist
institutions as a partial solution to problems of ‘political representation and the legitimation
of capitalist relations, and to. provide a stable framework for an accummulation strategy
favouring monopoly capital. These conditions include:

1 ‘The dominant classes and political forces have rejected a liberal-democratic state form
with a‘Westminster-style’ of parliamentary representation as an inadequate solution to
the political problems of South Africa — and for that matter, the problem of capital, as
black, socialist-oriented parties could endanger the capitalist system itself?

2 The form of the state, the articulation of state apparatuses and forms of political
representation have already been transformed towards a Bonapartist-type of state; the
niilitary is the key force in national policy determination and is backed up by a large
eval , and elaborate state technocratic planning and control agencies (Grundy,
L

3 ‘The interaction between party political and functional interest representation is already
severely restricted and disaggregated. The Industrial Conciliation Act (28/1956) and
Labour Relations Amendment Act (59/1981) restricted the opportunities for formal...
and overt co-operation between political parties and employers’ organisations and trade
unions, Trade unions and employers’ organisations are prohibited to affiliate with any
political party. to grant financial assistance to a political party or candidate for political
office, and to influence their members with the object of giving assistance to parties or to
persons seeking positions within parties (Pretorius, 1982:11).

4 There is extremely tight bureaucratic and administrative control over large policy

101



IJPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

PUNITIVE ACTION TAKEN AGAINST INHAMBANE PROVINCIAL DIRECTORS
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 12 Jun 85 p 8

[Text] The government of Inhambane has decided to punish the provincial direc-
tors for home trade and transportation. and communications, as well as the
chairman of the Inhambane City Executive Council, with the penalty of recorded
reprimand, for allowing negligence among workers in their sectors.

The measure was recently announced by the governor of Inhambane, Jose Pascoal
Zandamela, during the holding of the provincial government's first special
session, which studied the decisions from the last session of the Council of
Ministers.

Directors Jossias Nhate, of home trade, and Alberto Mahoque, of transport and
communications, failed to act for the purpose of allowing for rapid removal of
products from Maputo to supply the population. The chairman of the Inhambane
City Executive Council, Vitorino Mucavele, failed to take action against the
negligence of the workers responsible for controlling the activity of the
fishermen.

The Inhambane provincial government also decided to demote for 6 months the
chiefs of the Highway Transport Department, attached to the Provincial Direc-
torate of Transport and Communications, and of the Marketing Department,
attached to the Provincial Directorate of Home. Trade, Bernardo Andre and
Manuel Teixeira Taula, respectively. These two workers did not carry out a
mission that they had received, namely, to coordinate transportation facilities
for the removal of products held in Maputo. The agent from COGROPA [Wholesale
Trade of Foodstuffs], Manuel Peula, who also contributed to the lack of coordi-
nation which led to the failure to remove the products, was punished with the
penalty of 15 days' reduction in his salary.

The agent from PESCOM [Wholesale Trade of Fish], Pedro Justino Munguno, and
the director of fishing for Inhambane City, Jose Bata, were each punished with
the penalty of 15 days' reduction in wages for showing negligence in control-
ling the fishermen's activities.

The agent from AGRICOM [Agricultural Products Marketing Company], Artur Laisse,
was punished with the penalty of 20 days’ reduction in wages for going to

42



REFERENCES:
Adam, H.

Agyeman, D.K.
Beckett, P. & O’Connell

Cohen, R.

Enloe, CH.

Glazer, N. & Moynihan, D.P.

Hanna, W.J.
Horowitz, D.L.
Huntington, S.P.

Isaacs, H.R.

Kaufert, J.M.

Klineberg, O. & Zavalloni, M.

Kofele-Kale, N.
Nnoli, O.
Paden, J.N. (ed.)

Totemeyer, G.

Uchendu, V.C. (ed.)

Van der Merwe, H.W. &
Schrire, R.

Van Zyl Slabbert,

F. & Welsh, D.
Vilakazi, A.

csO: 3400/623

Engineering Legitimacy and the Politization of Ethnicity.
Conference Paper, University of Natal, Durban, 20-23
April 1982.

Erziehung und Nationwerdung in Ghana, IFO, Welt-
forum Verlag, Miinchen, 1974.

Education and Power in Nigeria - A study of
University Students. African Publ. Co., New York,
1977.

Epilogue — Integration, Ethnicity, and Stratification:
Focus and Fashion in African Studies.” In: Paden,
1980: 361-372.

Ethnic Conflict and Political Development. Little,
Brown & Co. Boston, 1973.

Ethnicity - Theory and Experience, Harvard University
Press, Cambridge, 1976.

“University Students and African politics - a research
review and preview.” In: Uchendu, 1979: 126-147.
“Ethnic identity”. in: Glazer & Moynihan, 1976: 111-
140,

“Reform and Stability in the South African Context”
Paper, Political Science Association of South Africa, 17
September 1981, 40p.

“Basic Group Identity: The Idols of the Tribe”, In:
Glazer & Moynihan, 1976: 29-52.

“Ethnic Unit Definition in Ghana: A Survey of
University Students”. In: Paden, 1980:41-52.
Nationalism and Tribalism among African Students —
@ Study of Social Identity. Mouton, Paris, 1969.
“The impact of Environment on National Political
Culture in Cameroon”. In: Paden, 1980:151-172.
“Ethnicity as a counter revolutionary force”. In: The
African Review, Vol. 7(3) & (4), 1977: 1-12.

Values, Identities and National Integration - Em-
pirical Research in Africa. Northwestern University
Press, Evanston, 1980.

“Uniting and Distributing Forces in Political Orga-
nisations in Namibia”. In: Van der Merwe & Schrire,
1980: 168-181.

Education and Politics in Tropical Africa. Coach
Magazine Ltd (Publ.), New York, 1979. .

Race and Ethnicity — South African and international
perspectives, David Philip, Cape Town, 1980.

South Africa’s options ~ Strategies for Sharing Power.
David Philip, Cape Town, 1979.

“The dilemmas of African education”. In: Energos
1983 Eight: 11-16.

84



JPRS-SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

ANGOLA

UNITA COMMUNIQUE CITES 18-22 JUNE ACTIVITIES

TMMB030900 [Clandestine/ Voice of Resistance of the Black Cockerel in Portuguese
to Angola 0430 GMT 3 Jul 85

fwar communique issued by Brig Alberto Joaquim_Chendovava, FALA chief of general
Staff at UNITA central base at Jamba on 23 Jun/

[Text/ UNITA is determined to pursue the war in Angola for as long as the

Russians and Cubans, who support the MPLA government, remain intransigent.

Over ‘a 5-day period, from 18 to 22 June, our forces carried out a series of
actions including the following:

A train was attacked on the Luanda-Malanje railroad line along the /word
indistinct/-Ndalatando railroad section in Luanda Province on 18 June 1985 and
many human and material losses were inflicted on the enemy.. On the same date
a bridge over the Luenha River in the same railroad section was destroyed. On
19 June our forces destroyed nine trucks on the Camabatela-(Zombo) -Quisseque
road and seized enormous quantities of war equipment. Some three trucks and
one BRDM armored car were destroyed on the railroad between Cacuso, (Fazenda)
and (?Malanje) on 20 June.

A MiG-21 aircraft with registration C-645 was sabotaged and destroyed at the
airport in Huambo town on 23 June.

Our forces attacked and destroyed a detachment of the eighth brigade on the
Menongue-cuito Cuanavale road in Cuando Cubango Province on 21 June, destroying
12 trucks, 1 tank and 2 BRDM's. ‘The enemy suffered 53 FAPLA soldiers dead,
while 5 Cubans and 2 FAPLA soldiers were captured, and an immense quantity of
war equipment and documents seized. A MiG-21 aircraft was shot down near
Menonque town on 22 June 1985.

During this period 187 FAPLA men and 11 Cubans were killed. Fifteen FAPLA men
and 243 weapons were captured, and 33 trucks, 2 BRDM's and 1 tank were destroyed,
1 MiG-21 was shot down, and 2 trains were destroyed.

UNTIA lost (73) men, had 35 wounded and 2 went missing.

Kwacha /long live/ Africa.



MAURITIUS

Briefs
PMSD Supported

MOZAMBIQUE

President Machel Welcomes Congolese, FRG Ambassadors
(NOTICIAS, 23 Apr 85) csseccccccccccccccrcccscescsevessee

Veloso Reportedly Happy With Nkomati
(THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER, 15 Jun 85) ..ccecesceeceere

Punitive Action Taken Against Imhambane Provincial Directors
(NOTICIAS, 12 Jun 85) ceeceececccceceesccsersecescecaeees

Private Farmers Applaud Government Liberalization
(NOTICIAS, 12 Jun 85) ceeceeccceececcevencececcseseseeses

New Specialists Trained in Chemical Fields
(NOTICIAS, 12 Jun 85) .ceeeseeeseeceesceens

New Contemporary Portuguese Grammar Introduced
(NOTICIAS, 7 Jun 85) ..eeeeee

Parents Visit Children Studying in Cuba
(NOTICIAS, 6 Jun 85) ..

Briefs
Cuban Workers Hail 10th Anniversary
Gas Pump for Beira Cooperative
Various Defense Spending Figures
Soviets Help Small Farmers
Car Thieves Fight Police
Cahora Bassa Power Pylon Repair

NAMIBIA

REUNION

SEYCHEL:

Briefs
Alleged SWAPO Camps Investigated

Briefs ‘
Politicians Unite
French Ministers Visit
‘LES

‘dard' Bargaining Over Satellite Tracking Station Reported

(THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER, 15 Jun 85) ..ceeeeeeeceeees

-e-

30

31

41

42

44

46

48

55

56
56

57



We oppose the transfer of the East-West antagonism to Africa, since this would
create new types of dependence and new probabilities of conflict.

The East-West confrontation has fatally marked the destiny of our own country,
causing its division. Working to establish a situation of peace in Europe in
which the German people, in free self-determination, can recover their unity
continues to be a goal of the German policy.

Mr President, we are aware that the economy of your country has in past years
been subjected to very excessive burdens.

The government of the Federal Republic of Germany is committed to contributing
to overcoming the existing difficulties, through economic cooperation. It is
pleased by the efforts undertaken by Mozambique to improve its economic
situation. The law protecting foreign investments in Mozambique, the
association of the country with the International Monetary Fund and the World
Bank, as well as the signing of the Lome Convention, represent important steps
contributing to providing Mozambique with better access to the financial
resources its economy urgently needs.

The government of the Federal Republic of Germany is following the efforts
made by the SADCC nations to intensify regional cooperation in southern Africa
with great sympathy. The awareness that international economic cooperation
leads to a better use of their own resources and to greater political
independence for all is increasing in the southern African nations.
Mozambique is playing an important role in this launching of economic
association among various African nations.

I am convinced that in the future, the Federal Republic of Germany and the
People's Republic of Mozambique, Europe and Africa, will depend increasingly
one upon the other. We are neighbors.

The fate of Africa is our fate, the progress of Africa is our progress. The
peace in Africa is our peace.

In conelusion, allow me, Mr President, to pass on to you, on the instructions
and on behalf of the president of the Federal Republic of Germany, his
sincerest wishes for your personal well-being and a happy and peaceful future
for the People's Republic of Mozambique and its citizens.

Profile of the Ambassador

Wilfried Noelle, the new ambassador of the Federal Republic of Germany to our
country, was born in Berlin on 6 July 1925. He completed his studies in
Oriental languages, ethnology and the science of comparative religion, which
he pursued in Marburg, Frankfurt and Tubingen, in 1950.

A doctor of philosophy, he engaged in journalistic and scientific activities
in Tubingen, in the FRG, and in Chicago, in the United States, until 1960.

His diplomatic career began in that year, when he served as press attache at
the embassy of the FRG in New Delhi. From 1965 to 1970, he served as first

39



CSO;

3400/568

charging the bank to regulate the
money supply and the availability of
credit with a view to influencing the
total money demand in the economy.
@ The Governor of the bank should
be required to submit an annual re-
port to the State President to be
tabled in Parliament.

This would entrench a high degree
of independence for the bank and
assure a corresponding degree of ac-
countability, reinforced by the sug-
gestion that the Governor or a Depu-
ty Governor testifies in Parliament
to the finance committee.

@The Reserve Bank’s board of di-
rectors should be nominated or
elected on a non-political basis.

@ It is also suggested that an effort
should be made to entrench the tra-
dition that the Reserve Bank is the
main channel through which banks,
discount houses, building societies
and, at times, other financial institu-
tions make representations to the
Finance Minister and ultimately to
the State President and the Cabinet.
@ To fill the void left by the dissolu-
tion of the National Finance Cor-
poration, the commission recom-
mends that a consultative body with
a composition similar to the NFC
board should be appointed.

Named the Reserve Bank Consul-
tative Council it should meet at least
twice a year.

70



TABLE 4

How government should act about ethnic loyalties.

Action Unitra Unive Unibo Uniqwa Fort Hare
% % % % %

Ignore them 16 ll 14 12 7

Abolish them 29 30 25 42 28

Conciliste them 55 59 61 46 55

Only a minority indicated that their social life would follow ethnic lines in ten or fifteen
years from now, while the majority is either not sure (can’t say) or adamant that it will not
be. It seems that students want at least to diminish and if possible eliminate ethnic identity
from national life. Against the background of their previous statements on ethnicity this is
not surprising. This does not do away with the acknowledgement or the reality of the
existence of ethnic values and any personal feelings towards it. What is rejected is any
enforced and imposed loyalty towards a particular ethnic identity. The students are critical
towards ethnic values and cultural premises but have to acknowledge the reality of it both in
society and in themselves. (See Table 5). These findings coincide to a large extent with
those by Beckett and O’Connell (1978:80) among Nigerian students.

TABLE 5

Whether in 10 or 15 years the student's closest friendship and social life
will tend to follow ‘ethnic’ lines.

Tendency Unitra Unive Unibo Uniqwa Fort Hare
% % % % %

Yes 10 23 6 8 6

No 42 46 44 51 47

Can’t say 48 31 50 41 47

79



249026

JPRS-SSA-85-065
23 July 1985

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

un 18

FBIS| FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE

(RepRODUCED BY ~~
| NATIONAL TECHNICAL |
INFORMATION SERVICE |

US. DEPARTMENT Of, COMMERCE

SPRINGFIELD, VA. 2216)

4.



BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Ariovich, G. 1979. “The Comparative Advantage of South Africa as Revealed by
Export Shares”. South African Journal of Economics, 47(2).

Berger, S. 1981. Organizing Interest in Western Europe. London: CUP.

Bierman, W. 1980. “U.S. Policy Towards Southem Africa in the Framework of
Global Empire”. Review of African Political Economy, 17.

Bronner, P. 1983. “Independent Trade Unions since Wiehahn”. South African
Labour Bulletin, 8(4).

Buthelezi Commission - The Requirement for Stability and Development in
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Callinicos, A. 1981. Southern Africa After Zimbabwe. London: Pluto Press.

Clarke, S. 1978. “Capital, Fractions of Capital and the State”. Capital and Class, 5.
Crouch, C. (ed). 1979. State and Economy in Contemporary Capitalism, London:
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Du Plessis, P.G. 1979. “An International Comparison of Economic Concentration”.
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Geldenhuys, D. and Kotzé, H. 1983. “Aspects of Political Decision-making in South
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Gencorama, 2(8). September 1983.

Grundy, K. 1983. The Rise of the South Africa Security Establishment. Johannes-
burg: South. African Institute of International Affairs.

Hugo, P. and Kotzé, H. 1983. Suid Afrika: Oorlewing in Politieke Perspektief:
Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball:

Innes, D. 1983. “Monopoly Capitalism in South Africa” in the South African
Research Service’s South African Review. Johannesburg: Ravan Press.

Jessop, B. 1978. “Capitalismrand Democracy: The Best Political Shell” in Littlejohn,
G., et al. (eds.). Power and the State. London: Croom Helm.

Jessop, B. 1979. “Corporatism, Parliamentarism and Social Democracy” in Schmitter,
P.C. and Lehmbruch, G. (eds.). Trends Towards Corporatist Intermediation.
London: Sage.

Jessop, B. 1982. The Capitalist State. Oxford: Martin Robertson.

Jessop, B. 1983. “Business Organisations and the Rule of Capital: Some Theoretical
Problems”. Western European Politics, 6(2).

Kaufman, R.P. 1976. “Transition to Stable Authoritarian Corporate Regimes: The
Chilean Case?” Sage Professional Papers in Contemporary Politics, 1(01-060).
Kieve, RA. 1981. “Pillars of Sand: A Marxist Critique of Consociational Democracy
in the Netherlands”. Comparative Politics, 13(3).

Lehmbruch, G. “Consociational Democracy, Class Conflict, and the New Cor-
poratism”, in Schmitter, P.C. en Lehmbruch, G. (eds,). 1979. Trends Towards
Corporatist Intermediation, London: Sage.

Linz, J. 1975. “Totalitarian and Authoratarian Regimes” in Polsby, N.W. and
Greenstein, F. (eds.). Handbook of Political Science, Vol. 3, Reading, Mass:
Addison-Wesley.

Littlejohn, G. et ai. (eds.). 1978. Power and the State. London: Croom Helm.

Lodge, T. 1983. Black Politics in South Africa Since 1945. London: Longman.

105



BENIN

EHUZU Sees No Possibility of Coup in Benin
(EHUZU, 14 Jum 85) cececccccccccccccencscceccscecccceseces

BURKINA

New Functions Assigned to AIB
(Quagadougou Domestic Service, 11 Jul 85) wssseeceeseeeeee

COMOROS

Briefs
Mayotte Rejects Tourist Project

CONGO

AAPSO To Hold Peace Conference in Congo April 1986
(PANA, 7 Jul 85) wccecccccccccceecesceenccceeccscencseeees

DJIBOUTI

Briefs
President's Guard Planned

ETHIOPIA

TPLF Proposal for United Resistance Noted
(THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER, 8 Jun 85) .ecececececscecees

GHANA

Japan Presents Vehicles, Agricultural Equipment
(Accra Domestic Service, 2 Jul 85) ..scccecccceccecceesnce

IVORY COAST

Briefs
Friendship Association With ROK

LESOTHO

Radio Cites Desire for ‘Peaceful Coexistence’
(Maseru Domestic Service, 1 Jul 85) ..cccccscceccccecvccee

Briefs
Delimitation Commission Report

MADAGASCAR

Impact of Vanilla Price War Reported
(THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER, 8 Jun 85) ..

-b-

14

16

18

19

20

21

23

24

25

27

28



Maier, C.S. 1981. “Fictitious Bonds ... of the Wealth and Law”: On the Theory and

Practice of Interest Representation’ in Berger, S. Organising Interests in Western

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Malloy, J.M. (ed.). 1977. Authoritarianism and Corporatism in Latin America,

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McRae, K.D. 1979. “Comment: Federation, Consociation, Corporatism”. Canadian

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Nolutshungu, $.C. 1982. Changing South Africa. Manchester. M U P.

O'Donnell, G. 1977. “Corporatism and the Question of the State”. In Malloy, J.M.

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Offe, C. 1981. “The Attribution of Public Status to Interest Groups: Observations on

the West German Case”, in Berger, S. (ed.). Organizing Interests in Western

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Pal and Winkler, J. 1974. “The Coming Corporatism”. New Society, October

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Panitch, L. 1979. “The Development of Corporatism in Liberal Democracies”, in

Schmitter, P.C. and Lehmbruch, G. (eds.). Trends Towards Corporatist Inter-

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Panitch, L. 1980, “Recent Theorizations of Corporatism: Reflections on a Growth

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Panitch, L. 1981. “Trade Unions and the Capitalist State”. New Left Review, Jan. -

Feb.

Polsby, N.W. and Greenstein, F. (eds.). 1975. Handbook of Political Science, Vol.

3, Reading, Mass: Addison-Wesley.

Pretorius, L. 1982. “Interaction Between Interest Organisations and Government in

South Africa”. Politeia, 1(1).

Saul, J. and Gelb, S. 1981. The Crisis in South Africa: Class Defence, Class

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Scheepers, C.F. 1982. “The International Trade Strategy of South Africa”. South

African Journal of Economics, 50(1).

Schmitter, P.C. 1974. “Still The Century of Corporatism”. Review of Politics, 36(1).

Schmitter, P.C. 1976. Corporatism and Public Policy in Authoritarian Portugal”.

Sage Professional Papers in Contemporary Political Sociology, 1(06-011).

Schmitter, P.C. and Lehmbruch, G. (eds.), 1979. Trends Towards Corporatist

Intermediation. London: Sage.

Schmitter, P.C. 1981. “Interest Intermediation and Regime Governability in Con-

temporary Western Europe and North America”, in Berger, S. (ed.). Organizing

Interest in Western Europe, London: C U P.

Sirianni, C. 1983. “Councils and Parliaments: The Problems of Dual Power and

Democracy in Comparative Perspective”. Politics and Society, 12(2).

Slabbert, F. and Welsh, D. 1979. South Africa’s Options — Strategies for Sharing

Power. Cape Town: David Phillip.

South African Labour Bulletin, 8(3), 1982.

Southall, R.- 1983. “Consociationalism in South Africa: The Buthelezi Commission

and Beyond”. Journal of Modern African Studies, 21(1).

Spaldin, R.J. 1981. “State Power and its Limits: Corporatism in Mexico”. Com-
parative Political Studies, 14(2).

Sor J. 1981. “The Consociational Theory and Beyond”. Comparative Politics,
Strinati, D. 1979. “Capitalism, the State and Industrial Relations” in Crouch, C. (ed.).
State’ and Economy in Contemporary Capitalism. London: Croom Helm.

Viljoen, S.P. 1983. “The Industrial Achievement of South Africa”. South African
Journal of Economics, 51(1).

Wolpe, H. 1983. “Apartheid’s Deepencing Crisis”. Marxism Today, January.

CSO: 3400/623 106



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

LESOTHO

BRIEFS

DELIMIATION COMMISSION REPORT--The constituency delimitation commission, which
was appointed by his majesty the king on the advice of the prime minister, the
Right Honorable Dr Leabua Jonathan, has submitted its report to the prime
minister in his capacity as minister of constitutional affairs. In a radio
broadcast yesterday, Dr Jonathan said that after accepting the report and having
briefed the cabinet, he submitted the constituency delimitation commission's
report to his majesty and also tendered appropriate advice to him. The prime
minister said that the report of the commission is currently being published

by the government printer, and said the main thrust of the report is a delimita—
tion of constituencies for purposes of the coming election. Once the report

is available for the public, we shall proceed into the other statutory stages
leading to elections, the prime minister added. In the meantime, he said,
administrative “preparations are continuing smoothly.

cso: 3400/614

27



CRITICISMS OF CONSOCIATIONALISM

Various political groups in South Africa, including the ruling National Party (NP), the
white opposition Progressive Federal Party (PFP), and the Zulu-based Inkatha movement,
base and / or present their policies and alternative models for constitutional and political
reform explicitly on consociational theory. And although their specific articulation of
consociational political reform differ significantly, their proposals all share most of the
basic principles of consociational theory.1 But as consociationalism in the South African
context has been the focus of many recent academic studies, I shall, for the purpose of the
arguments in this article, only highlight some of the most pertinent criticisms of
consociationalism.

The most frequent and pertinent criticisms of consociational theories of democratic
representation can briefly be stated as follows. First, consociational theory, and especially
Lijphart’s writings, constitutes a highly conservative definition of democracy as a form of
elite rule — democracy is seen as a system of government in which the role of the people is
limited to the selection of their leadership. Furthermore, it can be argued that the principles
of grand coalitions, entrenched plural divisions and proportional represeitation violate the
democratic requirements of competition and equality, and severely restrict opportunities
for popular participation in decision-making and leadership accountability to the
electorate. These factors greatly hamper collaboration across cleavage lines by the dis-
privileged to alter their condition. But the most serious flaw in consociational theory and
representation is that it is not ‘developmental’: it denigrates questions of economic
difference and structures in the process of large-scale change, and is silent on issues
involving economic-corporate demands and class conflict (Nolutshungu, 1982:30-32).

Moreover, the most serious obstacle to the application of consociationalism to political
arrangements in South Africa— whatever form it takes and groups it involves is the grossly
unequal distribution of economic resources in South Africa. And as we have indicated,
consociational theory does not address itself to economic-corporate issues, class conflict
and distributional mechanisms. On the contrary, consociationalism is frequently presented
as an ideological and analytical alternative to class-based societies and analyses. It is this
aspect of consociationalism which gives credibility to radical and Marxist criticisms that
the consociational proposals for political reform in ‘South Africa is essentially involving the
refurbishing of traditional segregationist ideology into internationally acceptable forms by
emphasising ‘group plurality’ rather than race as basis for continuing white dominance.
They argue furthermore that it forms a deliberate and significant part of a ruling class
strategy for co-opting subordinate racial elites within a profoundly conservative, yet
deracialised and ‘power-sharing’ framework which would work to shore up the essential
characteristics of South African capitalism (Southall, 1983:77-78).

One possible way in which the theoretical void regarding economic-corporate issues
characteristic of consociational theory in general, and political reformist ideas and
practices in South Africa in particular, can be remedied, is by exploiting the correlation
between consociationalisnt and corporatism. Several writers have commented on this
association, and the following arguments and characteristics serve to demonstrate the
‘structural isomorphy’ and complementarity of consociationalism and corporatism.?

THE CORRELATION BETWEEN CONSOCIATIONALISM AND
CORPORATISM

Just as consociationalism is based on elite representation, co-operation and concordance
over ideologically (cultural, linguistic, ethnic, etc.) issues and leadership control over their

86



grid of cross-cutting loyalties and multiple potential foci for ethnic identity and loyalty. He
says that a person’s identity as a member of his kin group, town, region and ethnic group
may be cross-cut by his affiliation with a situationally created ethnic group in the city.
Simultaneously supertribal clusters have emerged as a more significant focus for identity
and interaction among both the educated and the general population. Regionalism rather than
tribalism has emerged as the focus of group identity and exclusiveness below the nation-
state level in Ghana, according to Kaufert (1980:62). The responses of the tested students
in Southern Africa indicate a stronger nation-state (South Africa) orientation and
belonging than identification with a regional (Transkei, Ciskei, Bophuthatswana, Venda)
or ethnic (Xhosa, Tswana, Venda) entities. The urge is strong to be primarily identified in
terms of the national entity South Africa and not within the context of ethnicity or ethnic
homelands.

Research done by Kofele-Kale (1980:21, 170-171) in Cameroon has shown that people
were able to retain their attachment to certain ethnic group values and institutions and
simultaneously maintain a fairly high level of identification with the nation-state. Ethnic
ties and loyalty did not detract from national orientations, neither did ethnic identity
contradict national identity. What is important about the findings of Kaufert, Horowitz and
Kofele-Kale, is that Africans do not define loyalty as a zero-sum phenomenon in which the
new national loyalty necessarily detracts from ethnic group loyalty, and vice versa Kofele-
Kale is correct in his statement that it is wrong to assess the African as a one-dimensional
man incapable of relating concurrently to the ethnic group and the nation-state. Most
African students are ethnic and national depending upon the issue and particular
circumstances. National integration can, however, not succeed if people consider
themselves as belonging primarily to an ethnic group and only secondarily to the nation.
The research findings in other African countries seem to indicate that if the South African
government should decide to do away with the ethnic homeland policy and instead enable
homelands to join forces with the black majority to work for an integrated and unfragmented
South Africa, ethnic groups may wish to retain their attachment with certain ethnic group
values and institutions, but will simultaneously pursue a fairly high level of identification
with the nation state. Such a development would have distinct implications for a national
integration. Myron Weiner (as quoted by Kofele-Kale, 1980:170) has defined national
integration as ‘the process of bringing together culturally and socially discrete groups into a
single territorial unit and the establishment of a national identity’. In an ethnically
pluralistic, but united society national integration will involve “the interplay between ethnic
group atachments and national loyalties” (Kofele-Kale, 1980:170). One can fully agree
with Kofele-Kale’s assessment that the solution is not in exorcising tribalism (or ethnicity)
for its putative dysfunctional aspects, “but depoliticising ethnic groups — that is, creating
other agencies and institutions for articulating political demands, in which criteria for
participation and recruitment are not ascriptively defined”. To the detriment of
developments in Southern Africa, the South African Government still continues with its
policy of politicising ethnicity.

The factual situation that salience of ethnicity does exist as a cleavage in the broader
Southem African society cannot be ignored. The ethnic variable as an empirical
determinant in the structure of the South African society is omnipresent and entrenched in
laws. Ethnic alignment has been enforced by the South African government and any study
of the South African society cannot ignore the interactive nature of the ethnic variable.

Van Zy! Slabbert and Welsh (1982:167) consider it as a fact that in any conflict resolution
within the South African context the cultural and ethnic dimensions of society cannot be
left out- without underplaying or ignoring the importance of structural or underlying factors
of conflict in society. They agree that the nature of conflict can be defined as structural

81



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

ANGOLA

DEFICIENT HUAMBO TRANSPORT SYSTEM HAMPERS SONANGOL DELIVERIES
Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 22 May 85 p 3

[Text] Humabo--In an interview with JORNAL DE ANGOLA, Manuel Joao Cangombe
(Piriquito), provincial agent of SONANGOL [National Angolan Fuel Company ]-
Huambo, declared that the work on the large fuel storage facility that has
been under construction since January 1984 in this city, under the direction
of the Romanian company, ROMPETROL, has been progressing at a satisfactory
pace, and it is expected to be completed this year.

These structures will have a capacity for 10,000 cubic meters, aimed at storing
a larger quantity of the four products distributed by SONANGOL; and they will
make it possible to improve the fuel supply to consumers in this region, as
Manuel Cangombe subsequently claimed.

In fact, in giving an explanation of the general features of fuel transportation,
that official remarked: "The largest volume of this product has reached the
province by means of the Benguela Railway, but a certain amount of irregularity
has been noted in this process."

As Manuel Canbombe reports, "This year, SONANGOL, with a fleet consisting of 15
trucks with a 200 cubic meter capacity, received nearly 1.4 million cubic meters
of various fuels by highway, and 1.7 million by rail."

Although it has acquired 1.1 million cubic meters of fuel, the SONANGOL agent
claimed that, "The products were insufficient to meet the needs of this region's
consumers."

As that official remarked, meanwhile, to surmount this situation so as to provide
better service to its customers, it has obviously become necessary to increase
the number of tank vehicles, as well as that of the SONANGOL cars on the railway
trains.

Butane Gas Distribution

Insofar as the distribution of butane gas is concerned, Manuel Cangombe explain-
ed that "the quantities received have nevertheless not been satisfactory,”
justifying this assertion by noting that only 177 tons were received during the
first quarter, whereas the province's needs indicated 350 tons.



receive our children and make them future technicians for our country. The
relations between ourselves and the Cubans were good."

The second person with whom we talked was Adriano Maponde, from Gaza Province,
who, after making an assessment of the relations between the Mozambican students
and their instructors, remarked: "The Cuban teachers treat our children with
love and affection, as if they were their own children. There is no distinc-
tion between a teacher and a student. But there are no hesitations when it is
a matter of work. That is the feature which I admired greatly. I enjoyed the
trip very much; I consider it a good initiative, because it enables us to

learn about our children's daily activities."

The conversation took place in a friendly manner, and everyone wanted to tell
what impressed him most.

Luisa Joao Sitoe expressed her emotion: "I enjoyed the visit greatly; I thank
the party and the government of our country which gave us the opportunity to
go and visit our children. I liked very much the way in which the Cuban
government structures received us. It was a festive, happy atmosphere. It
was very good in my view and, besides, this was the first time that I have
traveled by plane."

Among various opinions on the visit to Cuba, particularly in the educational
area, Jose Naene, from Inhambane Province, commented: "I enjoyed the trip
immensely; I was able to see my son, whom I had not seen for a long time.

I found him already grown up; I almost didn't recognize him. The visit was
very interesting for me; it helped me to dispel many doubts about things that
many people were saying about our children in that country. They are really
there to study and to specialize. This year, my son has prospects for attend-
ing the ninth grade," he claimed.

The discipline and good achievement are the most dominant features of the
Mozambican students in Cuba, as we were told by the ‘parents who visited there.
This conduct was stressed by the Mozambican and Cuban instructors everywhere
they went, as they emphasized.

When our conversation had nearly ended, they declared: "Our children complain
about the lack of correspondence from their relatives. They write to them
only when there are unhappy times in the family. This is the message that we
take to our provinces, to the parents who have children in Cuba."

2909
CSO: 3442/315

51



formulation and implementation of policies concerned with. accumulation — policies dealing
with the re-organisation of the labour process and industrial relations, welfare planning,
infrastructural provision, industrial regeneration, income policies and economic planning
= rather than trusting in the mediation of altemative forms of representation and
administration. Second, as participation is conditional on the ‘corporations’ concerned
accepting the legitimacy of the overall system within which they operate and confine
themselves to an ‘economic-corporate’ role, it means that their participation also involves
accepting the imperatives of capital accumulation and consequently the subordination of
all policies to those imperatives (Jessop,1983:32-35).

Furthermore, the representation of organisations of capital and labour in corporatist
decision-making implies the mobilisation of political support for particular economic
strategies. This process is enhanced to the extent that the ‘corporations’ acquire greater
control over their members — a factor which favours capital. For corporatist forms of
representation and intervention, although involving the organisations of capital and labour
on formally the same basis, have unequal effects on those organisations and on the balance
of class forces in society. These outcomes have led many writers to conclude that present
forms of corporatist arrangements are specifically designed to impose more far-reaching
restrictions on labour than on capital, and form part of a deliberate strategy by ruling
political forces and dominant classes to ensure class collaboration on an unequal basis.!?

According to Offe (1981:146-147) the unequal effects of corporatism can be demonstrated
by an examination of the way in which social power is exercised by organisations of capital
and labour, and by pointing out the differential implications of legal requirements
(governing internal ‘democratisation’ and controls imposed on the leadership) on the
organisations of capital and labour. Offe argues that the social power of both capital and
labour rests on the ultimate sanction of econome obstruction or withdrawal. Capital, for
example, can threaten to stop investment and to discontinue its purchases of capital goods
and labour-power, while labour can threaten to withhold labour-power. But, argues Offe,
capital can be economic obstructive without being organised and mobilised as an interest
organisation, for a firm’s investment decision is governed by one standard of rationality —
that of calculations of individual profitability. Employers’ and investors’ associations thus
do not primarily function to create power via mobilisation. Their primary function is to
provide services to individual firms and to formulate and defend in the political arena those
individual interests (taxes, tariffs, regulation of industrial relations) that are common to all
or most member firms. Workers, on the other hand, are always simultaneously interested in
higher wages, continuity of employment, and improved working conditions — ends that
remain to some extent mutually exclusive under capitalist relations of production as labour
is treated as if it were.a commodity. In this respect an organisation is necessary to provide
both the quantitative aggregation of the means of power and the qualitative definition ofthe
ends to which power is to be applied by calculating the ‘optimal’ mix of those conflicting
ends and by enforcing it by means of such non-individualistic priticiples as ‘solidarity’ and
‘discipline’ (Offe, 1981:147).

However, Offe’s argument needs some qualification, for it applies only to the ‘obstructionist’
or ‘veto’ power of capital and labour. Furthermore, his argument is based on an implicit
conception of capitalism as an ‘automatic’ process of reproduction. This is not so; for
capital accumulation and the realisation of the value form require a constant struggle
between capital and labour, while it is also effected by the competition and conflicts of
interest among different individual units and fractions of capital according to their moment
in the circuit of capital (Jessop, 1983:10-17). Therefore, contrary to Offe’s assertion that
capitalist organisations “merely state power positions that are already established and
interest definitions that are already decided on” (Offe, 1981:148), it must be pointed out,

93



amendment to the Companies Act.
The commission recommends that
this be referred to the standing advi-
sory committee on company law to
consider the feasibility of the issue of
company paper to bearer.

BANKS

The commission recommends the
use of a cash reserve system of con-
trolling bank credit rather than a
liquid asset system.

The report says the minimum
basic liquid asset ratios laid down by
the Banks Act should be further re-
duced to 20% on short-term liabili-
ties to the public and 15% on medium
term. They are currently 22% and
16% respectively.

0... recommendations are:
OThe Reserve Bank’s powers to im-
pose supplementary liquid asset re-
quirements be revoked;

OThe banks’ minimum basic cash
reserve balance should be 8% of
short-term liabilities and 4% on
medium term;

O The Reserve Bank should have the
right to call for supplementary cash
reserve balances against both short-
and medium-term liabilities as well
as the power to reduce the basic cash
reserve requirements.

The commission endorses new leg-
islation which lays down that banks
must provide capital and unim-
paired reserves to cover domestic
and foreign contingent liabilities is-

rowings, as well as reserve asset
requirements for banks’ direct
foreign borrowings entered into
either in the banks’ names or on be-
half of clients.

The commisssion supports the
principle that minimum capital and
reserve fund requirements for banks
should make allowance for banks’
foreign operations conducted by
foreign subsidiaries, branches or
agencies.

An important recommendation is
that the Minister of Finance should
investigate the transfer of supervi-
sory powers over banks and building
societies from the Registrar of
Financial Institutions to the Reserve

Bank. :

LAND BANK
No problems are seen in the Land
Bank granting long-term mortgage
loans to farmers in certain categor-
ies at rates below free-market lev-
els,

B.. the commission warns that
these rates should be set close to
those in the market because unreal-
istic rates cause land values to be bid
up “so that the intended advantage of
low interest rates for purchasers
turns out to be largely illusory and in
time disappears altogether”.

Funds raised by the Land Bank by
bank advances or by bills should not
be used for mortgage lending or oth-
er forms of medium- to long-term

‘: sued against ‘clients’ overseas: bors~~financing: =» -~-—-—~

cso: 3400/568

72



The South African people continue to be subjected to the apartheid system,
which has been condemned internationally, and are waging the struggle for
equality, democracy, liberty and peace.

The Palestinian people, headed by the PLO, are continuing to struggle for
their sacred right to a fatherland.

In Chad, the bitter fratricidal war is continuing to decimate the population.

In the Middle East, the escalation in the war between two member nations of
the Movement of Nonaligned Countries concerns us.

The People's Republic of Mozambique continues firm in its struggle for peace,
equality, democracy and social progress, and for the right of the peoples to
self-determination and independence.

Welcome once again, Mr Ambassador, to the People's Republic of Mozambique.

Our government offers you full collaboration and support in the fulfillment of
your honorable mission.

I urge you to join me ina toast to the future friendship and cooperation
between our peoples and nations:

fo the health of His Excellency President Denis Sassou-Nguesso!

To fruitful friendship and cooperation between the people of Mozambique and
the people of the Congo!

To the health of the ambassador and his wonderful family!

To peace, democracy and social progress in Africa and throughout the world!
The struggle continues!

Thank you very much."

Congolese Ambassador's Response

The following is the full text of the speech delivered by the new ambassador
of the People's Republic of the Congo to our country.

"your Excellency, Comrade President:

On this solemn and memorable day on which I have the honor of presenting to
you the credentials by means of which Comrade Denis Sassou-Nguesso, president
of the Central Committee of the Congolese Labor Party and president of the
People's Republic of the Congo, has accredited me to Your Excellency as
ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary, allow me first of all to render
most profound and respectful homage to you for the historic role you have
played in liberating our continent from colonialism.

33



were director, I admit, sincerely, that I too would give priority to my own
enterprises and to the others later, in this instance, to the private ones.
it. is not fair for this to continue, to our detriment."

Previously, according to the explanation given by these farmers, they had ob-
tained their quotas of bran in MOBEIRA. Now, the State Hog Enterprise
controls all the activity and executes the distribution. They claimed: "This
not only harms us, but also gives rise to speculation which, we can attest
if necessary, is always caused by middlemen."

They added: "Speculators of that kind depend on our production and our lack of
control. It is easier and more fair for us to set up our own stalls or sell
on the market or on sites indicated by the structural agencies, so as to
market the products among the population. There would be no speculation to
challenge us."

Pork

In the view of breeder Americo Baptista da Costa, little has been said about
pork. "It was only noted that the prices are being maintained, but they are
doubtful and fluctuating in many locations at present. I think that this
matter of pork should have been considered in greater detail, because if the
production were well supported, it would more quickly solve the matter of
the meat shortage problem than would cattle raising, which takes more time."

2909
cso: 3442/315

45



regime and another vindication of the ANC's assertion that it is our con-
viction that this regime, which is dripping from head to foot with the blood
of thousands of people it has murdered throughout southern Africa, cannot be
an architect of justice and peace in our region. That invasion yet again ex-
poses the lies and distortions told by the Pretoria regime that it had with-
drawn its troops from southern Angola. And now, countrymen, only a week after
the invasion into Angola and hardly 10 days from Gaborone, the blood-dripping
fascist generals in Pretoria have ordered their bandits to strike in Zambia.
Apparently not quenched by the innocent blood of helpless babies and defense-
less pregnant women they have been gulping since (?yesterday) to Gaborone
{words indistinct] savage programs they have been carrying out on our people
and those of the region within a period of only 3 months.

As we pointed out, countrymen, even this latest savagery has come not as a
surprise to us of the ANC. Neither was the Gaborone terror a surprise.
Indeed we warned as far back as May that the Pretoria rulers were on the
verge of launching a series of invasions into neighboring states with the

aim of slaughtering defenseless and unarmed refugees there under the pretext
that they were ANC targets. The ANC has long been aware of the coming of
these premeditated acts of terror and intimidation aimed not only against the
peoples and governments of the neighboring states but also against the general
membership of the ANC itself and our courageous people at home,

Indeed, these barbarous acts are not inexplicable, countrymen, they are no
doubt the desperate acts of a dying beast. The Pretoria regime has never
found itself in such a serious and confounded crisis, crisis of continuing
its illegal rule over our people and country, It is now in a serious stage
of chaos as it lurches from side to side, fumbling for an equilibrium it knows
it can no longer regain.

Our people have become and are daily becoming more and more ungovernable and
the criminal and inhuman system of apartheid more and more unworkable and all
attempts by it find alternative solutions have landed on rocks. These un-
ending acts of terror and sadism only demonstrate that no doubt even to the
racist rulers themselves it has finally dawned to their dull minds that they
can no longer rule in the same old way. Their bankrupt and dying regime can
now only survive through those who carry arms in its defense and are ready to
eliminate women and school children indiscriminately in the dusty streets of
our townships and (?gunbearers) to plant deadly bombs and slaughter defense-
less and unarmed civilians in their sleep.

Compatriots, there is no doubt also that the bomb blast at our offices in
Lusaka yesterday was merely just out from frustration and desperation by the
apartheid killers in their [word indistinct]. The closeness of this [word
indistinct] dastardly act to the historic Second National Consultative Con-
ference of our vanguard movement, the ANC, which has just ended in Zambia,
clearly points that the office was actually not the intended target, but the
conference itself. We were quite aware that even the savage act prepetrated
in Gaborone a few days ago, just on the eve of the convening of the confer-
ence, was not just a coincidence of date. These are all part of the enemy's
desperate attempts to intimidate us into submission, to cow us down into

114



JPRS-SSA~85-065
23 July 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

PARENTS VISIT CHILDREN STUDYING IN CUBA
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 6 Jun 85 p 2

[Text] "The visit that we paid to the Mozambican schools in Cuba enabled us

to view close at hand the manner in which our children's studies are progress-
ing in that socialist country of Central America. They are living in a family
environment with good comradeship. We also visited some centers of technical
and economic interest, and we exchanged views with Cuban workers." This is
the mutual opinion expressed to our reporter by the parents who recently
returned to the country after having visited their children who have been
studying in the Republic of Cuba since 1982.

With a total of eight persons representing the provinces of Niassa, Nampula,
Sofala, Inhambane, Manica, Gaza, Maputo and City of Maputo, with the exception
of the provinces of Cabo Delgado, Tete and Zambezia which, because of communi-
cation and transportation difficulties, could not send anyone on time to the
nation's capital, the parents of the Mozambican students in Cuba remained in
that country for 2 weeks.

In a talk with our reporter, the parents voiced their joy at having visited
that socialist country for the first time and having had the opportunity to
see the children whom they had not seen for 3 years.

How the Visit Happened

In a first contact, we spoke with the group chief, Jose Teodoro, from the
Ministry of Education's Foreign Relations Department, who stated: "This visit
is the follow-up of the work started last year by the Ministry of Education
aimed at informing the parents of the activities being carried out by their
children in that country. It is also an incentive for the Mozambican students
in Cuba, and in a way contributed to the improvement of the student's learning
achievement." \

The Joy of Traveling \
At our request, the parents described how the trip took place. Mario Fortes,
from Manica Province, said: “It was a very pleasant visit for me. I was very

happy about that initiative of the Ministry of Education, sponsoring annual
visits to Cuba. I greatly admired the Cuban people, who are always willing to

50



~85-065
JPRS~SSA~85~0
23 July 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

NEW SPECIALISTS TRAINED IN CHEMICAL FIELDS
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 12 Jun 85 p 2

[Text] A total of 430 technicians in various branches of the field of chemistry
have been graduated in Mozambique since the revision of the course, with two
more branches added to the only field, general chemistry, offered during the
colonial regime, namely, laboratory chemistry and technological chemistry.
Sources from the State Secretariat of Technical-Professional Education express-
ed the opinion that the introduction of the two branches is being aimed at
creating conditions to address the problems of the various sectors existing

in the country.

Up until 1975, only the specialty of general chemistry was offered in the
country, the provision for which was directed toward the training of cadres

to ensure the operation of the only specialized company existing in Mozambique,
the one for general chemistry, as well as other sectors which the regime
considered essential.

As occurred in connection with several other sectors, the question of the
country's overall development was not taken into consideration. Hence, the
technicians for other fields either had to come from abroad, or they also had
to be trained abroad.

The revision of the course, which took place after independence, emerged as a
response to the need to create foundations for the training of the necessary
technicians for the country.

At present, the training is being given on four levels, with two basic, one
intermediate and another for the training of instructors.

The basic level courses are given in the Matola and May Day Industrial Schools
in Maputo. The one on the intermediate level is given at the Maputo Industrial
Institute, and the same holds true for the one in pedagogical chemistry. It
should be noted that this course had been given at the Umbeluzi Pedagogical
Institute but, owing to the lack of instructors, the classes in this special
field had to be transferred to the Maputo Industrial Institute.

Information provided by the Planning Directorate of the State Secretariat of
Technical -Professional Education indicates that, at the present time,there are

46



people, erasing the earlier lines of tribe, language, religion, national origin, and that
thereafter, these class divisions will disappear: “Thus Kar] Marx and his followers reacted
with impatience to the heritage of the past, as they saw it, in the form of ethnic attachments.
Interest should guide rational men — or drive them — in social action; and interest was
determined by economic position”.

Glazer and Moynihan comment (1977:15) that ethnic differences, are indeed differences,
or are at least seen as such. Marxists thought they would disappear. But they did not.
Ethnicity remains a reality despite it being at odds with Marxist-Leninist theory. Ethnicity
will continue to remain based in group consciousness, in different groups with different sets
of social norms, values, and interests. What is new in the present situation is “that interest is
pursued effectively by ethnic groups today as well as by interest-defined groups” (Glazer and
Moynihan, 1977:7). In general Glazer and Moynihan (1977:20-25) believe that ethnic
identity has become more salient, ethnic self-assertion stronger, ethnic conflict more
marked and that “as a political idea, as a mobilising principle, ethnicity has spread around
the world with other such phenomena.” Concepts such as ethnic pluralism, ethnic
solidarity, ethnic conflict, ethnic tension, ethnic consciousness and awareness have gained
relevance in social research.

Cohen (1980:365) reiterates that ethnicity is a powerful factor in modern African life: As
an entity with variable boundaries, it becomes salient and effective once it is triggered or
activated by devices that intensify it. Public policies and their outcomes can also be used to
ameloriate its disintegrative or tension-creating capabilit Cohen (1980:366) maintains
that African leaders know ethnicity is to be correlated with internal inequity; and, that for
reasons of both morality and political wisdom, such inequities must be countered.

ETHNICITY AND LEGITIMATION IN SOUTH AFRICA

Enloe (1973:24-25) refers to the concept racial ethnicity which is largely applicable in the
South African situation. It is according to Enloe characterised by values and bonds
stemming from physical and biological distinctions. Racial ethnic groups are the result of
someone else’s prejudice, Enloe maintains, more than either tribal or nationality groups.

In the South African situation the racialization and politicization of ethnicity have become
a normative political pattem (Adam, 1982:3). Ethnicity, culture and identity function
primarily according to Adam, to lay claims, rather than as an intrinsic value in themselves:
“Ethnicity in the sense of who belongs and who is excluded is also permanently redefined
according to tactical needs of the power holders and their challengers”. Adam accuses the
white South African leaders of manipulation of ethnicity which adds to ideological instability
and possible resulting conflict. In South Africa a minority ethnicity wields the power while
the majority is disenfranchised on an ethnic basis. Adam stresses that whatever furthers the
ethnic group in power seems to be legitimate — it is a matter of self-preservation of a white
minority group which is not prepared to risk its power base and existence. Illegitimacy then
becomes the norm.

The legitimacy and morality of the South African government's policy of divisive ethnic
politics are challenged by the black population. It is a policy of ascribing attributes to
particular groups which are expected to live and exist socially, economically and politically
apart. Cultural and racial attributes are assigned to particular groups to serve as
legitimation for political compartmentalisation and geographic separateness. Ethnicity has
become central to the political culture dimension of authority. But this policy lacks
Icgitimacy and is therefore constantly exposed to a legitimation crisis which, according to
Jurgen Habermas (as quoted by Adam, 1982:1), is characterised by the inability of a

75



JPRS~SSA~85-065
23 July 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

CORRELATION BETWEEN CONSOCIATIONALISM, CORPORATISM EXPLORED
Johannesburg POLITIKON in English Jun 84 pp 20-42

[Text]

M.W. PRINSLOO*
ABSTRACT

This article explores the theoretical correlation between consociationalism and corporatism,
and relates recent tendencies in the political economy and the restructuring, along
consociational lines, of forms of political representation and state intervention in South
Africa with corporatist developments. Different dimensions of the concept corporatism are
analysed, and the author emphasises the way in which corporatist arrangements effect the
balance of.class forces in social formations. The author concludes by arguing that
consociationalism and corporatism are complementary modes of political domination, and
suggests that corporatism can be used to secure conditions for capital accumulation and to
legitimate the social reproduction of capitalist relations in South Africa.

INTRODUCTION

Recently a seasoned observer of the South African political scene, Heribert Adam, has
argued that ‘consociationalism’, in the form of a deracialised ‘bourgeois democracy’,
constitutes a second best solution to the problem of political representation in South Africa.
This solution, argues Adam, is preferable to no democracy at all, and is certainly better
than either the “present seeial authoritarianism or the repressive, Latin American style
corporatist state that South Africa threatens to become” (Adam in Southall, 1983:83).

In the light of the possible realisation of the “coming corporatism” onto the South African
political terrain, this article first of all briefly highlights some of the most important
limitations of consociationalism as a solution to the problem of political representation;
explores the theoretical correlation between consociationalism and corporatism; and
relates recent tendencies in the political economy, and changes, along consociational lines,
in the forms of political representation, state intervention and interest intermediation with
corporatist developments. The emphasis of this article is on the way in which corporatist
arrangements effect the balance of class forces in social formations. Finally, and by
challenging Adam’s implicit contra-positioning of the concepts ‘consociationalism’ and
‘corporatism’, I shall argue that consociationalism and corporatism are complementary
modes of political domination, and suggest that corporatist arrangements can function to
secure conditions for capitalist accumulation, and perhaps more importantly in the South
African context, can function to legitimate the social reproduction of capitalist relations.

*Withelm Prinsloo is a Ph.D student at the University of Essex. This article is based on
Prinsloo M. W., Political Reform, Capital Accumulation, and Conditions for Corporatism
in South Africa: Some Theoretical Considerations (Unpublished M.A. dissertation,
University of Essex, Colchester, 1983).

85



secretary at the embassy of the FRG in La Paz, and from 1970 to 1974, he was
first secretary at the embassy in Kuala-Lumpur.

From 1974 to 1977, he served as an adviser on Latin American affairs at his
country's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and as a ministerial adviser at the
embassy in Ankara.

From 1980 until his appointment as ambassador to the People's Republic of
Mozambique, Wilfried Noelle served as the permanent representative of the
ambassador at the embassy in Beijing, in the People's Republic of China.

Wilfried Noelle is an honorary professor of Oriental languages and ethnology,
and is a corresponding member of various European and South American
academies, including the Spanish Royal Academy of History. He is the author
of a number of books on historic and Oriental subjects, and has been awarded a
number of civilian and military decorations.

The new ambassador of the FRG to our country is married and has one child.

5157
CSO: 8142/1536

40



lagging behind Christians in
education, the latter almost
monopolised the government at the
time of independence. So from 1971
until now more than two-thirds of
government and party posts are in
Christian hands. Most of the Muslims
are at the lower rungs in offices and
other establishments.

Secular education, the only means of
getting a decent job in this country is
scarce among Muslims. Historically this
type of education was first introduced to
Tanzania by churches at the end of the
18th century as a prologue for the
establishment of colonial rule. The
schools, therefore, admitted only
Christians and those Muslims who were
ready to embrace Christianity. This
being the case, Muslims refrained from
joining these widespread schools.

After independence, the government
policy of free education for all was
announced. In 1964 few selected church
mission schools and other private
schools, including all Muslim schools,
were nationalised. The struggle for
independence against colonialism
made Muslims acutely conscious of
their situation. They realised the need to
set up schools of their own as the
Christians did. Unless they did so, they
realised, they would remain subject to
the discrimination and control of
Christian educational establishments.

In colonial days missionary schools
were directly sponsored by the
government, something which would
have caused an uprising had it become
obvious to the Muslims in the post-
independence era. Concealing this fact
was necessary for continuing the
colonial policy of education without
Muslim resentment.

By 1964 Muslims were doing very well
in running Muslim primary schools. But
their newly-acquired confidence was
soon to be tried. For just as they were
starting to set up secondary schools, the
government intervened, making all
schools public. The Muslims were the
only group to be affected by this
legislation, which was tantamount to
academic suppression.

In contrast, few Christian schools
were made public and many church
schools were left.untouched. This left
the churches with an ample opportunity
to carry out their objectives, which
include the conversion of the shaky and
ideologically ‘uprooted Muslim,
together with animists, using every
conceivable means toattain their goals.
They have started, for example, to
broadcast programmes from
Seychelles to people in East Africa. The

programmes are recorded at Marangu,
Moshi and Dodoma (Tanzania). Other
tempting means include providing
social services such as water, hospitals,
orphanages, centres for the disabled
and schools for the blind, all with the
strings of cultural manipulation
attached.

Their ‘schools, which emphasise
Biblical studies and __ religious
education, provide the public sector
with more than 50 per cent of its
employees. Another 40 per cent of the
civil service are Christians who come
from public schools, compared with
about 10 per cent of Muslims. To make
things worse, the state is tending to
adopt a church law and abolish Islamic
Shariah, dismissing it as “traditional
law." A glaring example of this is the
marriage code of 1970 which states that
the state recognises monogamous
marriages only.

It is clear that the leftists in command
of the affairs of this country are intent on
severing the young from their cultural
traditions and religious values.
Materialism and Marxist thought is
propounded in all the colleges. The
ministry of culture seems to give
unfailing support to this orientation.
Sad to say, it is Iskam which suffers since
churches are capable of wooing the
sympathy and favour of whatever
system comes to power.

Another burden weighing on
Tanzanian Muslims is the Qadianiah
movement which despatches its agents
to cause confusion among Muslims and
floods the community with its literature.
Qadianis give presents and money to
encourage people to join their sect.

As for cultural activity, the Muslims
have established the National Muslim
Council (Bakwata) in 1969 following the
closure of the East African Muslim
Society. This Council used to be the sole
Muslim body representing all Muslims.
However, it was only in 1981-82 that the
council approved the formation of an
autonomous Muslim youth movement
in the country.

These small groups are insignificant,
lacking manpower, education, facilities
and funds. Many of these poor groups
are led by sincere Muslims, young
devoted spirited activists. One such
group is Msaud, a body of Muslim
students at the University of Dar-es-
Salaam whose twin objectives are to
educate themselves and to propagate
Islam.

Msaud has played an important role
in checking the influence of Marxism at
the university. It organises bi-annual

110



JPRS-SSA-85-065

23 July 1985

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

CoNTENTS
INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

Briefs
Coca-Cola Hurts Vanilla Growers
PTA Gets New Bank

ANGOLA

Former UNITA Member Cites Portuguese, RSA Links
(Luanda Domestic Service, 29 Jun 85) sceseccecsccccecere

JMPLA Meets in Lubango, MINCI Official Visits Region
(JORNAL DE ANGOLA, 26 May 85) ..sceccecccccecerersceeeee

Czechoslovakian Credit Extended Through 1986
(JORNAL DE ANGOLA, 19 May 85) cesceecescecccceescscesecs

UNITA Communique Cites 18-22 June Activities
(Alberto Joaquim Chendovava; Voice of Resistance of the
Black Cockerel in Portuguese to Angola, 3 Jul 85)-......

Production, Export of Handicrafts To Increase
(JORNAL DE ANGOLA, 19 May 85) ..ccccscccccccccccccereees

Deficient Huambo Transport System Hampers Sonangol Deliveries
(JORNAL DE ANGOLA, 22 May 85) .scccccecceescecsscecveces

Briefs
Twenty-Seven Surrender for 'Reintegration'
FAPLA Offensives Kill 99 UNITA
1,486 UNITA 'Criminals' Killed
Luanda-Malanje Railroad Reparis
Official Visits Southern Benguela
Armed Forces Official Visits Bie
Official Visits Lunda-Sul
Cabinda MPLA-PT Expansion Campaign

PR



of economic concessions accruing to the black proletariat in the corporatist bloc, on to
‘unproductive’ and ‘overpaid’ sections such as state employees, white workers, small
businessmen, and the rural blacks. Such a “corporatist bloc’, based on co-operation
between state, employers and trade unions at the macro-, meso- and micro-levels and
regulated through material concessions and market forces, can reproduce itself under
conditions of high profits, good wages, secure employment, stable competition and skilled
labour at the expense of the marginal and marginalisable economic and social groups for
whom intensified world competition means a deteriorating economic position. The latter
will be — as it is the case at present— subject to political control, administrative regulation
and judicial and police repression and isolated in the impoverished black ‘national states’.
This suggests that ‘mature’ corporatism, South African-style, will not so much resemble
Pahl and Winkler’s celebrated vision of the new corporatism as ‘fascism with a human
face’ (Pah! and Winkler, 1974), but that it will more likely be the case of the apartheid
Emperor’s fashionable new clothes.

CONCLUDING REMARKS

By way of conclusion some of the main arguments will be restated. Basically, I have
argued that there is a close theoretical association between consociational and
corporatist forms of political representation and conflict management and have
indicated how they can complement each other. T have also pointed out that recent
changes in the form of the state along cosociational lines in South Africa were
accompanied by, and partially accomplished through, increased corporatisation of
functional interest group intermediation. This development suggests that conso-
ciational and corporatist forms of political representation in South Africa cannot be
counterposed, and I have speculated that both forms of representation will in the future
be extended as part of a reformist strategy in South Africa. This speculation is based on
‘an analysis of state and societal forms of corporatism as responses to accumulation
crises, in which I have isolated the conditions associated with the introduction of
corporatist structures by reformist authoritarian regimes.

Finally, I have tried to indicate how corporatist forms of political representation and
state intervention can benefit an accumulation strategy pursued by monopoly capital in
South Africa. This is not to deny that there are numerous serious obstacles and
contradictory forces facing such a strategy ~ the most obvious of these are the
persistence of racial practices in society, and the efforts of political forces, both within
and outside that the country, opposing any reformist ives. However, the reformist
changes have to some extent becn successful in mobilising support and disorganising
opposition forces, and corporatist institutions would seem to serve the long-term
economic and political interests of monopoly capital better than exclusive reliance on
political repression under the control of a white parliament propped up by military
force. On the other hand, the creation of corporatist structures would not only be a
threat to the black working class, but could also provide new opportunities to the black
trade union movement to take the struggle for socialist-orientated reform into the heart
of the state apparatus, thereby enlarging the scope for popular mass struggle —
opportunites that need not be opposed in terms of essentialist arguments without
evaluating their transformatory potential. .

103



STRUCTURES FOR LOCAL. GOVERNMENT

GENERAL MATTERS OWN MATTERS
PARLIAMENT (Lown House ]
DEPARTMENT OF ADMINISTRATION
¢ CONSTITUTIONAL FOR OWN
OEVELOPMENT
9) AND PLANNING AFFAIRS
PROVINCIAL, onrice FOR
a ADMINISTRATION
He Ons i
ATIVE
NAL SERVICES| LOCAL [MANAGEMENT] | REPRESENT:
eaten {rsc) AUTHORITIES! BODIES BO0IES
FARO
a a oe ad
cet

sumption of services the system is
loaded in favour of whites.

However in an attempt to ease
this the Government has written
into the legislation that the RSCs
will have to favour the less deve-
loped regions under their control.

This will help prevent the situa-
tion which has occurred in many
areas in the past where white mu-
nicipalities spent the bare mini-
mum on facilities and services for
their non-white communities.

The RSCs will have no control
over the primary authorities which
will be answerable to a regional
own affairs office. ‘

The RSCs will in turn be respon-
sible to the Government-appointed
provincial administrators in execu-
tive committee.

The Government obviously
struck a problem at provincial
level.

It could not repeat its tricameral
system at this level because of the,
expense and the sheer volume of !
people who would have to be in- |
volved. {

CSO: 3400/574

“At the same time there was
: clearly no way it would accept uni-

cameral, multiracial provincial
councils, even if elected on sepa-
rate rolls.

The only answer it could find
was to scrap elected provincial
councils with legislative powers.

Instead they have created Ad-
ministrators with executive com-
mittees which will-have enormous

jowers — but only in general af-

fairs.

Unlike public representatives at
the first and third tiers of govern-

* ment the second tier of govern-

ment will no longer be
accountable to the
electorate but only to
the State President.
There will be special
councils to advise the
rovincial executives
ut they will also be
appointed by the gov-
ernment and will have
no powers. The Gov-
ernment has however
committed itself to in-
cluding Indians and
Coloureds on the pro-

63

“vincial executives and
has left the door open
for black appoint-
ments.

The checks and bal-
ances, the increased
number of people in-

ivolved and the fact
{ that town hall politics
|have always been
‘more controversial
; will make the task of
| getting the system
i working difficult.

| There is still wide-
iepread opposition to
ithe system but Mr
‘Heunis is using his
, well-known persuasive
powers to get it off the
ground.

The opposition is to
the extra taxes to fi-
nance the system and
the loading in favour
of whites.

But Mr Heunis
argues that it is a mas-
sive change in Govern-
ment attitude because
for the first time
blacks are being in-
cluded there is a finan-
cial bias in favour of
less affluent communi-
ties.

This is virtually, a
repeat of the “step-in-
the right-direction” ar-
gument used so suc-
cessfully to get the
new central govern-
ment system going de--
spite its massive flaws,



and fittingly defined, whereas that of the other countries which use the same
language is still far removed from acceptance.

Without treating precisely the topic of the literature of the African countries
which have adopted the Portuguese language as official, Pires Aurelio noted
that they will achieve this only when they become capable of reflecting on the
realities of their societies, and do not confine themselves merely to well
prepared writings which, nevertheless, are not identified with their origins.

The launching of the "New Contemporary Portuguese Grammar" is an event that has
been surrounded by a great deal of affection on the part of the Mozambican
entities associated with the sector and. the audiences that have appeared, both
at the conferences and the lectures, have been people impassioned by the
subject of language. In short, one has the impression that the "Portuguese
Grammar" is something for which a need was sensed in our country. That every-
one should have access to it is a desire which reality has already shown.

2909
CSO: 3442/315

49



Africa’s stuctural position in the world. capitalist system and its trade dependent economy,
it has to compete successfully with other regions, especially the Far East (which already
provides cheaper skilled labour and greater political stability) in order to meet the
accumulation needs — extended consumer markets — of advanced industrial countries (Saul
and Gelb, 1981:27). This led Biermann. (1980:37) to argue that:
“The immanent capitalist contradictions will urge the South African settlers to
reform their system. The main contradiction is no longer free wage labour vs
apartheid, but peripheral South Africa vs the conditions of internationalised
accumulation”.

Thus, argue Marxist writers and spokesmen for monopoly capital in South Africa, if a
Political solution between blacks and whites can be achieved, and given her mineral wealth,
Cheap energy resources, the regional infrastructure and the implanted industrial technology,
a Southem African common market could be moulded on the basis of a greatly expanded
consumer market that could provide South African-based capital with a sphere of
accumulation protected against world market competition.

Since the early 1970s , but especailly after 1976, representatives of manufacturing capital
have used these arguments in their campaign to secure a export-promotion economic
growth strategy for South Africa. This new accumulation strategy, based on the argument
that import substitution as such could no longer provide the necessary growth stimulus to
the economy, entails the following elements: the systematic aiid deliberate development of
export-based industries; rapid expansion of the internal consumer market to enhance the
development of economies-of-scale in manufacturing; the adoption of market methods of
monetary control; less state intervention and restrictions on market forces; and, crucially,
changes in the policies regarding the social reproduction of labour-power and industrial
Telations. The latter aspect involves the abolition of. racial discrimination in employment
Practices, increased spending on black education, industrial training and urban housing: the
stabilisation of a permanent urbanised black labour force, and statutory recognition of
black trade unions. Furthermore, the living standards of black should be allowed to rise
substantially by the granting of wage hikes, and at the same time, by the inclusion of a
broader range of commodities in the wage basket. This implies an accumulation strategy
based on the development of economies-of-scale to Provide a basis for export- i

and with increased labour productivity rather than cheap labour as basis for exploitation.’

The acceptance of such an accumulation Strategy involves the rejection of the former
accumulation strategy which principally favoured small firms, the white working class, and
state employees, It also implies a substantial change in the way the political and. ideological
Preconditions for capitalist reproduction are secured. For the development of the CMP
requires not only accumulation opportunities, but has to be legitimised as well. And in the
1970s trends in black politics — the rise of ‘black consciousness’, the Soweto-riots of 1976,
the mobilisation of the black working class through trade union and strike action, and the
increase in ANC guerilla activities ~ have led to the articulation of political ideas and
Practices that not only threatend the legitimacy of the racial character of the State, but also
that of the capitalist system itself. Thus, the acceptance of this new accumulation strategy
would require the articulation of a new “hegemonic strategy’.

Since 1948 the dominant classes and political elite have implemented a ‘two nations’
hegemonic strategy (Jessop, 1982:244-246). This involves a limited form of. hegemony
aimed at the mobilisation of the Support of strategically significant sectors of the population
(especially the white working class) and the shifting of the costs of this project to other
sectors. The project was based on the containment and substantial repression of the ‘other’
nation, whilst at the same time selective access and concessions were provided for the

98



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

GHANA

JAPAN PRESENTS VEHICLES, AGRICULTURAL EQUIPMENT
ABO]}]]] Accra Domestic Service in English 1800 GMT 2 Jul 85

[Text] Japan today presented a number of vehicles and agricultural equip-
ment worth $1 million to the Food Production Corporation [FPC] in Accra.
The gift included 10 pick-ups, 7 trucks, 15 tractors, 3 jeeps, spareparts,
and fertilizers,

The general operations assistant of the Ministry of Agriculture, Colonel
Agyemfra, who received them, called on the management of the FPC to ensure
that the equipment are fully utilized. Ie said the provision of machinery
and other equipment to the corporation does not automatically ensure ef~
ficiency. What is important is the efficient management of production,
marketing, and distribution of the products. Colonel Agyemfra said the
Provisional National Defense Council will ensure increased production and
efficiency in parastatal organizations to justify their continued exis-
tence,

The charge d'affaires of the Japanese Embassy, Mr Yushiaki Kotaki, hoped
the gift would help to increase Ghana's food production.

CSO; 3400/590

23


JPRS-SSA~85~065

23 July 1985

CONGO

AAPSO TO HOLD PEACE CONFERENCE IN CONGO APRIL 1986
48081122 Dakar PANA in French 1731 GMT 7 Jul 85

[Text] Dar es Salaam, 5 Jul (PANA)--African delegates at the AAPSO inter-
national conference held on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the
Baudung Conference, decided at a consultative meeting to convene an inter-
national conference on peace and development in Africa, Vital Balla, chair-
man of the Congolese Association of Friendship with Peoples [ACAP] told
PANA,

Asked by PANA's special correspondent on the date and place of this confer-
ence, Mr Balla specified that the conference will be held in Brazzaville
sometime in April 1986 "on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the ACAP."
According to Mr Balla, an international preparatory committee has been set up.
"This committee, comprising the ANC, SWAPO, Algeria, Libya, Egypt, Ethiopia,
Tanzania, Zambia, Angola, Guinea, USSR, Congo, and the Permanent Secretariat
of AAPSO, will meet in September this year in Cairo to "fix the political
platform and organizational issues connected with this conference," he said.

cso: 3400/602

19



domains, regime levels and territorial units (especially in so far as the black population is
concerned) (Saul and Gelb, 1981:48-52).

5 With the changes in labour and industrial relations legislation since 1979, industrial
conflict has been institutionalised through labour courts and bureaucratic and
centralised industrial council bargaining mechanisms.

6 The Government has provided relative economic incentives, welfare benefits and urban
development schemes to urban Africans in order to re-inforce social divisions between
urban and rural blacks (Sau! and Gelb, 1981:63-83).

7 Despite introducing policies and making concessions to the black labour force which
have opened up new terrains of political struggle, the State continue to use security legi-
slation and repressive measures to suppress large-scale popular political and industrial
action (Saul and Gelb, 1981:84-90).

8 The realignment of white party political representation in class terms, reinforced by
divisions caused by the 1983 referendum, has served to demobilise Afrikanerdom as an
ethnic political force — regarded by observers as an essential precondition for political
reform in South Africa (Southall, 1983:81).

9 Capital in South Africa is highly concentrated, centralised and integrated at the
economic level, well organised in terms of employers’ organisations, and has greatly
enhanced its political power under the Botha government.”

10 A crucial factor shaping the effectiveness of corporatist structures is the presence of a
highly organised and bureaucratised trade union movement. In South Africa, capital
and the state was notoriously successful in incorporating and depoliticising the white
working class, and to some extent the coloured and asian workers through racial
privileges. By 1982 large numbers of economically active whites (470,000 or 27%),
and coloureds and asians (326,000 or 33%) were organised into trade unions (Gencorama,
September 1983:8). And the biggest trade union confederation, for example, is the
multracial TUCSA, whose policies and ideology are closest to the state’s views on trade
unionism. As far as African workers are concerned, by the end of 1982 approximately
400,000 (12%) were organised into trade unions — 90% of them belonging to registered
trade unions (Gencorama, September 1983:9). Black trade unions are also at present
negotiating to establish a national confederation in order to unify the ‘independent’ and
‘progressive’ unions which support socialist policies. Paradoxically, although a unified
black trade union movement is a sine qua non before blacks can challenge the state and
capital in any coherent and organised way, it could, under a corporatist system, more
easily lead to the adoption of reformist and ‘economistic’ policies, thus leading to a
decline in mass political struggles.

It is precisely this ability of corporatism to inhibit the development of revolutionary working
class action, that makes it an attractive option for monopoly capital. For not only could
corporatist structures of representation, extended to include urban Africans and dealing
with a broader range of issues than just industrial relations, help to legitimise capitalist
relations of production; it could also present blacks with a material interest in the system —
thereby defusing revolutionary goals and actions. And if recent tendencies in changes in the
form of the state in South Africa are anything to go by, one can reasonably expect to find
more corporatist structures of representation developing alongside, and to complement
consociational forms of representation. This can include, for example, a national corporate
body analogous to the present president’s council, with representation of economic-
corporate and functional, rather than racial or ethnic segmental, interests.

The development of a privileged ‘corporatist bloc’ is also compatible with an accumulatoin
strategy of monopoly capital that relies on higher productivity from skilled black labour in
capital intensive, internationally competitive industries, and on extended consumer
markets in manufactured goods, since monopoly capital may well be able to shift the costs

102



JPRS~SSA-85~-065
23 July 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

PRESIDENT MACHEL WELCOMES CONGOLESE, FRG AMBASSADORS
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 23 Apr 85 p 3
{Text] President Welcomes Congolese Ambassador

On accepting the credentials proffered to him by the new ambassador of the
People's Republic of the Congo to Mozambique on Saturday morning, Marshal
Samora Machel, president of the People's Republic of Mozambique, said the
following:

"It is with profound happiness that, on behalf of the people and the
government of the People's Republic of Mozambique, we accept the credentials
accrediting you as ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the
People's Republic of the Congo to the People's Republic of Mozambique.

We want, Mr Ambassador, to wish you the warmest welcome to Maputo, the capital
of the People's Republic of Mozambique. We hope that you will feel the same
warmth and friendship in Maputo as you do in your own homeland.

We have listened attentively, Mr Ambassador, to the words you have just
spoken. They go beyond the mere requirements of protocol, because they are
the offshoots and the product of the relations of true comradeship which
exist between our peoples, parties and governments. They bear witness to and
reassert the militant solidarity forged in the harsh years of the armed
national liberation struggle in Mozambique and Angola.

In the People's Republic of the Congo, the homeland of the late lamented
immortal hero and beloved son of Africa Marien N'Gouabi, we have always
encountered militant solidarity with our people and our cause.

In President Denis Sassou-Nguesso we see a consistent revolutionary militant,
a great friend of the people of Mozambique and a tireless defender of the
friendship and cooperation between our peoples and states for the mutual
benefit and the development of our countries.

The relations between our peoples and states have seen an ever-~intensifying
development.

31



JPRS~SSA-85~065
23 July 1985

TANZANIA

BRIEFS

WEAPONS SEIZED IN MARA-~Police in Mara (northwestern Tanzania) have seized 11
rifles, 129 rounds of ammunition and two handgrenades in a search carried out
in Tarime region. Regional Commissioner Ndugu Augustine Mwingira said the
search was undertaken to combat livestock thieves on the border area; 189 sus-
pects have been arrested and 41 of them had medical drugs (presumably stolen);
11 had rifles of assorted types, ammunition and hand grenades. Another 27 per-
sons were arrested after they were found in possession of uniforms of the
People's Defence Force, 12 had contraband goods which included more than 1,000
hides and skins which were being transported to a neighbouring country; another
12 had 92 head of cattle and 40 goats believed to have been stolen. [Text]
[Paris AFRICAN DEFENCE JOURNAL in English Jun 85 p 15]

DEVALUATION EFFECTS ON ZANZIBAR--Because of the devaluation of the Tanzania
shilling, Zanzibar will spend a total of 387m shillings more than was estimated
in the 1984/85 budget. The Zanzibar House of Representatives was informed that
the extra expenditure would force the prices of various commodities to rise by
35% so as to balance government estimates; the devaluation of the Tanzania
shilling by 26% last year had adverse real term effects on the Zanzibar Govern-
ment's efforts to meet requirements and expenditure envisaged in the budget.
[Text] [Paris AFRICAN DEFENCE JOURNAL in English Jun 85 p 15]

NORWEGIAN AID--Dar es Salaam, 4 Jul (SIITHATA/PANA)--Tanzania is to receive a
grant of US dollars 25 million from Monday to help alleviate its balance of
payment problems under an agreement signed in Dar es Salaam today. Under the
agreement on import support for 1985, the money will be used to import
machinery, spare parts, raw materials and other inputs for productive sectors.
According to an agreement, the agricultural sector had been earmarked as the
main priority, One-third of the amount earmarked is for the import of fertil-
izers. The grant was signed by the Norwegian Ambassador to Tanzania, Ola
Dorum, and the principal secretary in the Ministry of Finance, Gilman
Ritihinda, [Text] [Dakar PANA in English 1705 GMT 4 Jul 85 EA]

CSO: 3400/591

112



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

NAMIBIA

BRIEFS

ALLEGED SWAPO CAMPS INVESTIGATED--A spokesman for the West German Embassy in
Pretoria has confirmed that West German embassies in southern Africa are
investigating allegations that special SWAPO camps exist in Angola and Zambia.
However, the spokesman denied reports that the investigation was the result of

a special request by the West German Government. He said investigations such

as these were normal in the performance of duties by West German embassy per-
sonnel throughout the world, and that regular reports were sent to the government.
The spokesman said the embassies had been aware of the alleged SWAPO camps in
Angola and Zambia for a number of months already. /Text/ /Johannesburg Domestic
Service in English 0500 GMT 9 Jul 85/

CSO: 3400/616

55



JPRS-SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

TANZANIA

MUSLIM EFFORTS TO BROADEN ACCESS TO EDUCATION VIEWED

East Burnham ARABIA: THE ISLAMIC WORLD REVIEW in English May 85 pp 90-91

[Text]

The majority of Tonzania’s

population (about 70 per cent) are
Muslims, and Christians, mainly
Catholics, are the largest minority.
Almost all the people on the five islands
off Tanzania — Zanzibar, Pemba, Matia
Kilwa Kisiwani and Kilwa Kivinje—are
Muslim.

The demographic advantage of
Muslims has not, however, enhanced
their educational .and political position.
The system of education in Tanzanic
stresses secularism, religion being
considered a private affair. Although
only a few Muslims have had secular
education, the Tanzanian Muslim
community has no centralised form of
religious education except elementary
Quranic schools.

In many Muslim towns, small
children study in Quranic schools
called “chuo” in Swahili. They spend
about six years learning the Arabic
alphabet and all the surahs in the last
part of the Holy Quran. Then they goon
to more advanced Islamic studies
(slamiat) with emphasis on Salat
(prayer); Saum (fasting), _Nikah
(marriage), Khutba (sermon) on Friday,
Eid and other festivals.

Such courses do not on the whole
give the pupils an adequate level of
proficiency in Arabic as a language,
nor do they teach the history of Islam or
Fiqh (islamic jurisprudence) in the light
of the four Fiqh schools of thought.

Some of the madrasas (schools) in the
country are: .
© The Islamic Centre in Dar-es-Salaam,
established by the Egyptian
government in 1966.

@ Ghazal Muslim School in Ujiji Kigoma

in the west of Tanzania. Started in 1952,

this school enjoys the patronage of
some wealthy Muslims.

 Katoro Muslim School in Bukoba,
north west Tanzania.

Tanga Muslim School, a very famous
madrasa which has produced many
excellent students.

@ Kondoa Muslim School is a newly-
established madrasa which was started
by a group of devoted Tablighi Jamaat
people, who are keen on the
promulgation of Islam and the: revival of
traditional mosque education.

® A new college, “El-Haramain,”
sponsored by Saudi Arabia is being
established in Dar-es-Salaam for the
teaching of advanced Islamic studies.

There are several other small
madrasas run by individual Muslims in
their homes. It is estimated that there
are around 500 Maktabs (small
madrasas) in the country at present.

Muslim students are a minority in the
Tanzanian higher institutions of
learning. The majority of pupils in
Tanzanian primary schools are Muslim
(80 per cent), a percentage which
dwindles to 15-20 per cent in secondary
schools, sinking to a mere five per cent
at university level.

The so-called “secular” education
came to Tanzania with the onslaught of
European Christian missionaries who
nursed intense hostility against Islam
and Musliins. To acquire that.
prestigious western education a Muslim
student had, as a requirement of
admission, to repudiate his faith.

When the Tanzanians started fighting
for freedom, some Christians joined
with the Muslims to drive away the
colonialists. Independence. was
achieved in 1961. As Muslims were

109



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

CONCEPT OF ETHNICITY, NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION EXPLORED
Johannesburg POLITIKON in English Jun 84 pp 43-54
[Text]

GERHARD TOTEMEYER*

ABSTRACT

In this article the concept of ethnicity is fully explicated and attention is drawnto the way in
which the South African government uses “ethnicity” to legitimize its continuing
hegemony. The major component of the article is a comparative survey of black
university students on the theme of ethnic identification. A major finding is that students
predominantly identify with a South African or African identity — in preference to ethnic
identity. In addition, the author also explores the reality of ‘multiple loyalties in the South
African context.

The South African government's policy of separate development enforces decisions to be
loyal to ethnicity as a ‘manifestation of parochial practices and perspectives’ (Hanna,
1979:130) instead of identification with the national entity of South Africa, and
simultaneously enforces acceptance of the allocation of scarce resources in the ethnic
conceived “homelands” instead of participation in the affluence of the political entity South
Africa. The under-lying premise of the homeland policy as construed by the South African
government is that ethnic groups are homogeneous in cultural values and political
orientation, that these values and orientations af€ unchanging, and that separate
development is therefore the only viable policy to accommodate ethnic diversity (see Du
Pisani, in Totemeyer, 1980:168). The South African government feels justified to impose
this policy as defined by it on ethnic groups. Cohen (1980:365) considers South Africa a
“dramatic example of a situation in which ethnic diacratics plus power differences are
lumped together ... to clearly identify and mark ethnic divisions”.

CONCEPTUALIZING ETHNICITY

The concept ethnicity needs further clarification. Talcott Parsons (1976:53) refers to
ethnicity as a group concept with an own identity, that is “the organization of plural persons
into distinctive groups”. Hc also mentions the solidarity and the loyalties of individual
members to such groups. The ethnic group is considered to be a social phenomenon and
one primary example of a large genus of types of social collective organization which might
be called the diffusely solitary collectivity. Glazer and Moynihan (1976:15) concur with
Parsons that ethnicity consfitutes an organizing principle. It refers to different groups with
different norms and values and to a peculiar bond (the content of ‘which is shared culture)
among persons that causes them to consider themselves a group distinguishable from others
(Enloe, 1973:15). Ethnicity is thus made central to the identification of groups.

An ethnic group is composed of what has been called ‘primordial affinities and
attachments’ (Isaacs, 1976:30), a sense of belonging to a particular organised body.
According to Isaacs it is the identity made up of what a person is born with or acquires at
birth: “He acquires the history and origins of the group into which he is bom. The group’s

*Gerhard Tétemeyer is a former head of the Department of Political Science at the

University of Transkei. Presently he is a member of the Department of Political Studies at
the University of Cape Town.

73



JPRS~SSA~85-065
23 July 1985

LESOTHO

RADIO CITES DESIRE FOR 'PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE’
MBO11010 Maseru Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 1 Jul 85
(Station commentary: “Reflections: Matters of Peace"/

/Text/ A few days ago observers of developments in southern Africa expressed
puzzlement about perceptions which indicated a sense of confusion and bewilder-
ment about the government of the region. The cynicism that seems to be creeping
into the perceptions of what actually is at issue in southern Africa is a matter
that should.be of serious concern to our member states of the region.

What is obvious is that the parameters for peaceful coexistence have not been
clearly spelled out. Language has become a barrier to understanding of what
is the quintessense of human values. Barriers of culture are now being posed
as frontiers to seek to divide man from man, and to vitiate what should after
all be the goal of all peoples of southern Africa. That goal is the betterment
of man in respect of a climate in which women and children can live in peace.
The latest reports which come from South Africa indicate a preparedness of a
strategy that is obviously aimed at disruping the peaceful atmosphere in the
horizons of southern Africa.

Lesotho has clearly stated that it has a government that pursues a policy that
seeks the fulfillment of the betterment of human condition. In Lesotho, by
law and by statute, the King's government strives to seek an environment in
which everyone is enabled to live in peace and to achieve fulfillment in human
endeavor and satisfaction in self-realization. This policy reflects a method of
peace, and peace not only for Basotho. Undoubtedly, peace in Lesotho will con-
tribute to the establishment of a framework of this nation's attitudes towards
the welfare of other peoples in the region.

But it needs to be restated and reaffirmed in the strongest terms that Lesotho
does not as a matter of habit, traditions and customs allow anyone of any poli-
tical persuasion to agree to a policy that permits the use of Lesotho's soil
for unfriendly acts against any other state, nation or people. Again it has

to be reiterated, of only for the benefit of the deaf ears of those who con-
tinuously ascribe inability to act in a manner that prepares southern Africa
for the dignity of man, that they cannot use Lesotho as a pretext for their
failures to achieve what, after all, are the noble goals that mankind is
striving to achieve for human liberties and freedom.

25



revenue from taxation — the ruling elite has to:

1) Promote conditions favourable to accumulation, especially via the establishment of po-
litical control over labour-power, and,

2) try to establish greater control over capitalist investment.’

Simultaneously, due to the level of economic development, industrialisation and
urbanisation, class mobilisation is on the increase which can threaten political stability and
capital accumulation if it is organised for revolutionary ends. However, owing to the
increased sophistication of industrial production, the organisations of the producing classes
cannot simply be suppressed as this does not solve the problem of representation as such. It
is therefore necessary to develop new forms of representation that do not threaten the
political rule of capital and the legitimation of capitalist relations of production.
Accordingly, new forms of representation of the working class must be created that can
restrict their organisational autonomy, and control and depoliticise mobilisation in order to
maintain social stability under conditions of revolutionary threats or during short-term
economic crises.

One way of solving the problems of accumulation, representation and legitimation is
through the creation of corporatist structures. The classic example of this solution was the
Bonapartist regime in France which “represented the outlines of a coming cor-
poratism” (Naler in Berger, 1981:39), This “coming corporatism” was realised in the
20th century as state corporatist regimes.

The main features of state corporatist regimes include political systems in which territorial
sub-units are tightly subordinated to central bureaucratic power, singular, non-competitive,
hierarchically ordered, sectorally compartmentalised interest associations exercising
representational monopolies and accepting (de jure or de, » facto) governmentally imposed or
negotiated limitations on the type of leaders they elect and on the demands the routinely
make upon the state. Ideally, representation is achieved through multi-tier, indirect
elections within a series of constituencies based on grouping such primary units up to a
national chamber of corporations or a series of specialised chambers (Ling,1975:365).
Consequently, these corporate bodies attain, in the words of Schmitter:

“a quasi-legal status and a prescriptive right to speak for their segments of the

population. They influence the process of government directly, bypassing

parliament. They are agents of authority. They deputize for the state in whole

sectors of public life, and they have duties delegated to them that properly belong

to civil service” (Schmitter, 1974:100).*

Other features of society associated with state corporatism include formalised leadership
co-optation and bargaining practices; legalisation of group conflict through labour and
administrative counts; elaborate state technocratic planning and control agencies and
parastatal corporations; and symbiotic client and patrimonialist practices in certain issue
areas, regime levels and territorial units (Schmitter, 1974:100).

Asa mode of political domination, state corporatism is most effective when the state has a
high degree of ‘relative autonomy’ from the dominant classes; the military is the dominant
state apparatus, and when a three-fold domination strategy, incorporating institutional,
economic and repressive elements is pursued. First, institutional corporatist structures are
created to prevent spontaneous mass mobilisation and demand articulation from below.
This is effected by creating pre-emptive channels for interest representation; enacting
preventive policies to ensure normal participation; encouraging defensive actions by
corporate groups on behalf of their members; and by compartmentalising conflict potentials
within specialised, non-interacting ‘decisional orders’. Second, selective economic rewards

91



Kwacha Angola
Kwacha UNITA.

Jamba central base, 23 June 1985, year of the total mobilization against Cubans
for the defense of the territorial integrity of Angola.

[Signed] Brig Alberto Quoaquim Chendovava, chief of general staff.

CSO: 3400/616



culture-past automatically endows him, among other things, with his nationality or other
condition of national, regional, or tribal affiliation, his language, religion, and value system
~ the inherited clusters of mores, ethics, aesthetics, and the attributes that come out of the
geography or topography of his birthplace itself, all shaping the outlook and way of life upon
which the new individual centers from his first day”. The ethnic group is thus viewed as the
primary socialising agency in the individual’s maturation process (Kofele-Kale, 1980:171).

Parsons (1976:54) identifies language (linguistic uniformity) and common cultural
traditions (oral and written) as prominent aspects of ethnicity when considered as acultural
concept. To this Isaacs (1976:33) adds history, mythology, folklore, art, literature,
religious beliefs and practices. Ethnic units thus are cultural clusters which share common
beliefs and values. The term ethnicity then refers to a social group whose membership is
determined by similar basic cultural characteristics and an assumed common descent. It
can be a group based on real or putative kinship ties and it is used in preference to the
concept ‘tribal’ with its derogatory colonial associations.

It would be mistaken to assess ethnicity as a closed concept with definite boundaries.
Ethnic groups are not only subject to change but they also become networks of regular
communication and interaction (Enloe, 1973:18-19). Ethnicity, according to Cohen
(1980:365), is a set of descent based identifiers that can increase or decrease in number in
inverse relation to the degree of inclusiveness and exclusiveness of its members. This
assumption is in direct contrast to the belief of traditional ethnographers who refer to ethnic
groups as closed systems with hard and firm boundaries which relate to all other systems as
outgroups. For them in most cases, the ‘primary ethnic unit’ has been the ‘tribe’, which is
usually defined in terms of shared descent patterns from a real or mythical ancestor, a
telatively homogeneous cultural dnd linguistic base, and, in the framework of some
analysts, a shared political system (Kaufert, 1980:42).

Ethnicity as a social phenomenan and force in Africa.is harshly criticised by Marxists who
see it as a product of colonialism. According to Nnoli (1977:2) ethnicity in Africa was an
instrument for the perpetuation of imperialism and, therefore, a counter-revolutionary
force. Nnoli (1977:4) believes that ethnicity emerged as a mechanism for the colonised to
adapt to the colonial situation, contributing to the smooth functioning of the imperialist
structures, and could therefore not be antagonistic to the aims and objectives of
imperialism. Nnoli maintains (1977:5) that part of the relationship between ethnicity and
imperialism concerns the efforts of the colonailists to ensure efficient and inexpensive
colonial administration by indirect rule. Finally, he says that. ethnicity has emerged in part
as a mechanism employed by the colonialists to divide the colonised and therefore,
maintain domination over them. It was used by the colonisers to curb African nationalism
and to manipulate the prevalent fears of ethnic domination “exploiting regional imbalances
or preying on inter-ethnic hostility and tension” (1977:6).

In these various ways, the author maintains (1977:7), ethnicity in Africa emerged and
persisted either as a mechanism for adaptation to the imperialist system or as an instrument
for ensuring a more effective domination and exploitation of the colonised. He considers.
that in both cases, it served the reactionary purpose of the system: The inferiorisation of the
African in order to facilitate his own exploitation.

The thrust of Nnoli’s argument is that ethnicity has become a mask for class privilege and
an ‘opium for the oppressed masses’ (1977:10). The task of revolutionaries in Africa is
therefore, according to the author, (1977:11-12) to confront ethnic consciousness with
class consciousness. Nnoli and other Marxists believe as Glazer and Moynihan (1976:7)
Put it, that eventually class circumstances will become the main line of division between

74



THE RESULTS IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE

The replies to the question in tables 1-3 indicate a strong preference for national thinking
and identification as against identification with or belonging to a particular ethnic group.
The socio-political identification with the continent of Africa is even stronger than with the
nation-state South Africa. This overall tendency has also been confirmed in the questions
‘on social identity. Again ethnic identity figures very low against the preference for
urban/community, or South African identity. South African identity is preferred to
homeland identity and identification with the continent of Africa to South Africa.

The answers to the previous questions are somewhat in contradiction with the findings of
Klineberg and Zavalloni (1969:239) and those of Beckett and O’Connell (1978:6874)
among Nigerian students. A comparative study undertaken by Klineberg and Zavalloni
among students in Senegal, Ghana, Ethiopia, Zaire, Uganda has confirmed ethnic identity
to be higher among Nigerian students than among the others. A study by Agyeman (1974)
on education and nation-forming in Ghana has indicated that among pupils and students
the identification with the nation-state Ghana is overwhelmingly stronger than with
ethnicity. It seems then that the Nigerian students are an exception within Africa context.
Their identification with ethnicity figures much higher than among students in Souther
Africa. On the other hand, national identity is stronger than continental identity among
Nigerian students.

Beckett and O’Connell discovered among the Nigerian students that, on average, ethnic
identity is stronger than Nigerian identity; home state and home community identity
stronger than Nigerian identity; and home community by far stronger than ethnic identity.
In the Nigerian context with its more than two hundred languages and group identities,
historical and political developments such as the establishment of the Nigerian federation,
has to be taken into account. The growing of the federal states as intermediaries between
home community and the federation has nurtured over years a feeling of social identity and
allegiance — these facts have to be considered in the evaluation of the replies. Even so. these
historic and political reasons cannot possibiy be the only reason for the discrepancies in the
attitudes between Nigerian and South African students. Ethnicity in the South African
context is a(pre) loaded and overloaded concept and is highly ideologised and politicised. It
tries to justify separate and homeland development and has caused discrimination on the
basis of ascribed cultural and racial criteria. The black students’ attitude is one of emotional,
social, economic and political rejection of the concept ethnicity as defined and applied by
the South African government.

This does not exclude the possibility of a dual loyalty among black students in Southem
Africa. As Horowitz (1976:118) indicates, many old identities are in the process of slowly
being abandoned for new, and for this reason more than one identity are often claimed. He
states that even without such a transitional situation, multiple ascriptive identities are the
rule, particularly where the several identities are at different levels of generalisation. A
person, he says, who identifies himself as a member of a small kin-group or clan for some
purpose may also consider himself a member of a larger ethnic aggregation or ‘nationality’
or ‘race’ for others. According to Horowtiz there is always the strong possibility of a
spillover effect from the ethnic to the national level.

MULTIPLICITY OF LOYALITIES
Mulitiple loyalities, loyalty to ethnicity or homeland and simultaneously loyalty to the

larger entity, South Africa or Africa, are certainly not unique. Kaufert (1980:43) observes
in the Ghanaian situation that an elite member or an urban migrant will frequently have a

80



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

ANGOLA

FORMER UNITA MEMBER CITES PORTUGUESE, RSA LINKS
MB291220 Luanda Domestic Service in Portuguese 0500 GMT 29 Jun 85

/Text/ A former commando of the UNITA Puppet group has confirmed in Lisbon

the existence of more than 2,000 special Portuguese commandos trained by the
South African forces to serve the Angolan counterrevolutionary gang. According
to ANGOP, 25-year-old Artur Agostinho Pinto Mateus, had been directly connected
with UNITA officials. ‘He said that one of the main objectives of Savimbi is
to totally conquer southern Angola with South African aid and form a tribal-
based government which would not include Angolans from northern Angola. Artur
Pinto Mateus, who took part in operations with Pretoria forces in Cahama and
Ongiva, said that he had often transported South African manufactured weapons
to puppet bases in Angola from Namibia.

The former UNITA commando acknowledged that there were serious contradictions
within the ranks of the gang's leadership as a result of the failure of UNITA
operations, which are only maintained with international imperialism's direct
support. The Angolan citizen, who left UNITA, told ANGOP that the puppet
organization has contacts with certain individuals in Portugal, and he identified
Antonio Alves, popularly known as Banana, Victor Rodrigues who work in Oporto
and Roland Marques, who is currently in Namibia collaborating with the leaders
of the UNITA gang.

Explaining his reasons for leaving UNITA, Artur Agostinho Pinto Mateus said

that it was due to the fact that the counterremolutionary organization had
murdered his parents in a farm near the Umpata mission. He was severely tor-
tured for publicly condemning members of UNITA, the former commando of the
armed gang said, stressing that on orders of the chieftains of the gang, anybody
opposing certain criminal actions is tortured and killed.

Concluding his interview with ANGOP, Pinto Mateus confirmed that the UNITA
bandits are waging a campaign of false propaganda in the countryside. He
expressed certainty that in our country heads of people returning home are not
cut off. He also expressed certainty that no other atrocities are committed,
as claimed by the gang chieftains.

CSO: 3400/616



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

SWAZILAND

BRIEFS

NEW RADIO SERVICE BEGINNING--The Swaziland Broadcasting Service will open a
new broadcasting service as from next Monday, 1 July 1985. This new channel
will be known as the English Service of Radio Swaziland. This new daily ser-
vice will start at 0530 in the morning and it will close down at 2000 in the
evenings. Listeners are invited to tune to the English Service of Radio
Swaziland on 954 khz and 882 khz on medium wave. /Text/ [Mbabane Domestic
Service in English 0459 GMT 30 Jun 85/

CSO: 3400/614

108



TABLE 3

South African identity is stronger than homestate (homeland)

identity. -
Unitra Unive Unibo Uniqwa Fort Hare
% % % % %
Yes 89 81 91 92 89
No ul 19 9 8 lt

African identity is stronger than South African identity.

Yes 80 57 63 45 16
[No 20 43 37 i 55 _ 24

Home (urban/rural) community identity is stronger than ¢ ethnic

identity.

Yes T 65 52 79 ~~ 6 mt

No 35 Tr 48 21 35 29

South African identity is stronger than ethnic identity.

Yes 69 10 89 84 16
| No 31 ” 30 iW | 16 24 |
Home (urban/rural) community identity is stronger than South
African identity.
Yes 33 20 37 25 30
No 67 80 - 63 15 a) |

‘When the students were asked how a government should act about ethnic loyalties, the
replies reflected similarities with the observations made by researchers on students’
attitudes elsewhere in Africa. Except for the University of Qwa Qwa- strongly in favour of
abolishing ethnic loyalties — the majority of the students at the other universities in Southern
Africa expressed the wish that the government should conciliate ethnic loyalties. Probably
for most of them ethnic loyalty and national (South African) identity are not considered to
be mutually exclusive but complementary instead. (See Table 4),

78



NOTES

1 See in this respect Hugo and Kotzé (1983: 96-112); Slabbert and Welsh (1979); and Buthelezi
Commission ~ The Requirement for Stability and Development in KwaZulu and Natal: for a general
discussion see Nolutshungu (1982).

See Lehmbruch (in Schmitter en Lehmbruch, 1979); McRae (1979: 517-522); Kieve (1981: 313-338).

Nolutshungu (1982: 91) for instance, argues that it is a ‘counter insurgency’, rather than a ‘reform’

strategy.

See also O'Donnell (in Malloy, 1977: 47-48).

CMP = Capitalist mode of production.

See Kaufman (1976); and also Schmitter (1976: 107).

See O'Donnell (1977: 63): and Jessop (1978: 29-30).

See also Kaufman (1976); Malloy (1974).

See also Kaufman (1976); Spaldin (1981: 41).

On these conditions, see Jessop (1979); Panitch (in Schmitter and Lehmbruch, 1979); and Crouch

(1979).

11 See Jessop (1978: 40-43); and Jessop (1979: 198-199).

12 See. inter alia, Panitch (1981: 21-43); Strinati (in Crouch, 1979); and Offe (1981: 146).

13 Pretorius’ work is by far the most useful account of interest organisation representation in South Africa.

14 See also Clarke (1978: 32-77). -

15 This conclusion is based on the following work: Ariovich (1979: 188-197); Schepers (1982: 13-25);
Viljoen (1983: 43); and Saul and Gelb (1981: 28-31).

16 For the most comprehensive recent account of black politics, see Lodge (1983); on developments in the
1970s, see Lodge (1983: 321-362). On class consciousness and anti-capitalist ideas, see Nolutshungu
(1982: 187-201),

17 See Grundy (1983); and Geldenbuys and Kotzé (1983: 33-45).

18 On the creation of a black middle class, see Nolutshungu T7982: 116-145).

19 In this respect itis imteresting to note that the multiracial Trade Union Council of Sovth Aftica (TUCSA)
has been granted representation on the NMC, whilst the all-white, conservative South African
Confederation of Labour (SACOL) is excluded.

20 Africans are represented through the African Federated Chamber of Commerce (NAFCOC), and the
National Union of Clothing Workers (NUCW) (Pretorius, 1982: 22).

21 See Grundy (1983: 9-21); Geldenhuys and Kotzé (1983: 37-42): and Wolpe (1983: 11), :

22 Inthe referendum, 1 360 223 voted for, and 691 577 against the new constitution (South African Digest,
November 4, 1983).

23 Attacks on the viability and functionality of the‘ Westrainister’ system is a constant theme of NP reformist

thetoric. For example, the Afrikaans Sunday paper Rapport on 30.10.83 praised the NP and its leaders

“for having obeyed the’deep responsibility to save South Africa from the foolishness and the debacle

towards which the Westminster system was heading”.

For a discussion of the implications of the new labour legishation, see Bronner (1983: 16-36).

On the concentration of capital in South Africa, see Du Plessis (1979:303-309); Innes (1983).

TUCSA supports the Government's ideology of tripartite labour relations: close collaboration between

labour, management and the state; the belief that all three essentially have strong common interests: the

neutrality of the state, and no trade union participation in politics. TUSCA’s strength lies in its large
bureaucratic organisation and extensive closed shop arrangements. It is currently involved in a fierce
ideological and organisational battle with the black Federation of South Africa, Trade Unions

(FOSATU) over the recruitment of African workers. See South African Labour Bulletin 8(3), 1982:4-

6).

wn

mem AMaHA
se

R&S

104



describe a situation but rather an ‘axis’ of development or a set of dimensions. This implies
that a political system can be more or less corporatist, more or less advanced in the process
of‘corporatisation’ depending on the extent to which public status is attributed to organised
interest groups. Empirically, approximation to the ‘ideal type’ of corporatism depends on
the number of groups affected and the number of dimensions — in terms of resource,
representational, organisational and procedural status — in which they are affected. By
status is meant the specifically attributed formal status of a group. Formal status is based on
legal statute and formally adopted procedural rules that give the interest group more claim
on a specific status,

Accordingly, corporatisation increases with the extent to which:

1 The resources of an interest organisation are supplied by the state;

2. the range of representation is defined through political decision — including for example,
a public definition of the range of substantive areas in which an interest organisation
may operate and/or the potential membership, and;

3. internal relations between rank-and-file members and executive members are licenced,
recognised and invited to assume, together with a specified set of other participants, a
role in legislation, the judicial system, policy planning and implementation, or even the
right to self administration (Offe, 1981:136-137).

Secondly, the ‘bifrontal’ functions and ‘segmentary’ effects of corporatist structures should
be recognised. Corporatism is bifrontal to the extent that restrictions are imposed on the
power base of some groups, while other groups gain in autonomy. Thus, ‘statisation’ refers
to the conquest and sub-ordination by the state of some organisations of civil society.
Usually this applies to working class organisations, and what is to be achieved is restraint,
discipline, responsibility and the greater predictability of conflict behaviour that results
from bureaucratisation. The second, ‘privatist’ component involves the ‘contracting out’ of
state power to private groups, and entails the opening of institutional areas of the state to the
representation of otganised interests of civil society. In this case the right to seif-
administration is granted, and the dominant motive (or achievement) is the delegation,
devolution and transfer of political issues and demands into an arena that in which they do
not directly effect the-stability of the central government (Offe, 1981:140).*

As corporatism involves the delegation of state power to quasi-governmental and private
associations, it can also be conceptualised as a state form, in contradistinction to
clientelism and parliamentarism. As a state form, corporatism involves the “institutional
fusion of political representation - mediated through a system of public ‘corporations’
which are constituted on the basis of their members’ function within the division of labour,
and state intervention through these same corporations and for administrative agencies
formally accountable to them” (Jessop in Schmitter and Lehmbruch, 1979:194-195).
The institutional fusion of representation and intervention in corporatism is in contrast to
the institutional separation of representation and intervention characteristic of parlia-
mentarism. Parliamentarism involves the fusion of political representation, based on the
suffrage and related political rights enjoyed by individual citizens who participate ini policy-
making indirectly through the election of members of a legislative assembly and/of through
the exercise of their rights of free speech and association, and state intervention in the form
of legislation or general policies enforced by a permanent rational-legal administration
(bureaucracy) in accordance with the rule of law (Jessop, 1983:35).

It is along the axis of intervention and representation, contro! and autonomy, that a further
analytic distinction of corporatism in terms of ‘societal’ and ‘state’ corporatism can be
made. The difference between societal and state corporatism is largely explained in terms
of changes in the CMP,’ the balance of class forces, accumulation strategies and changing

89



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

SEYCHELLES

'HARD' BARGAINING OVER SATELLITE TRACKING STATION REPORTED
Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in English 15 Jun 85 pl

[Text]

The agreement renewed in 1981 which authorised the United States to
maintain a satellite tracking station at La Misére on Mahé island in the
Seychelles for a further five yeare expires next year, and ts currently
at the centre of intense diplomatic activity. Washington ie presently
paying 2.5 million dollare a year for the station, and while president
France Albert RENE is not opposed to the agreement being renewed once
again he is demanding a much higher "nent".

It ie true that the station, which belonge to the U.S. air force and
employs 290 people, is constantly growing in importance, particularly in
the context of the "star wars” programme. In October 1983 the organ of
‘the MPR, the Seychelles opposition movement, published a photograph of a
U.S.A.P. transport which had just delivered a large amount of equipment
for the station.

According to information obtained from senior officials by THE INDIAN
OCEAN NEWSLETTER, the Seychelles tracking station played a eapital role
in monitoring data during the secret military mission of the U.S. space
shuttle Discovery in January this year. Washington's ambassador in
Victoria, David FISCHER, pereonally delivered the results obtained to
the Pentagon shortly after the mission ended, the officials said.

In parallel with the negotiations currently under way with the
Seychelles for the renewal of the contract, Washington hae made a number
of approaches to other countries in the region. It appears very unlikely
that the Americans are seriously envisaging transporting the station
elsewhere, given the cost that thie would involve, but they are both
hedging their bets and bringing pressure on the Seychelles authorities
80 that they do not demand too high a rent. It is noteworthy, however,
that whereas in 1978 the payment for the station of 6.7 million rupees
was the equivalent of 23 per cent of the Seychelles state revenue, today
it represents less than five per cent.

Among the countries approached wae Kenya, where the station would be ~
sited at Mombasa. More recently the U.S. ambassador to the Comoros,
Robert KEATING, who is based in Antananarivo, raised the question with

57



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

stemming from a constant increase in members of the cooperative, because the
three stations which exist at present lack the capacity for serving the 3,750
members. As for the fish market, which will also be opened at the "People's
Power" consumer cooperative, there are reports claiming that it will make use
of a cold storage facility which has been abandoned and which is close to the
three sales stations. According to the officials of the "People's Power"
consumer cooperative, the integration of the workers in a permanent, and full-
time system, will make it possible to solve many of the problems now besetting
several cooperatives, the results of which are having negative repercussions

on their growth. This problem, combined with the constant changes in members
of the management commissions and the disproportionate, improper selection of
the respective technical complement, has also been discussed several times at
meetings with the members of this cooperative and also with the overseeing
structures, but without positive results, at least to date. These officials
claim that there has been a certain amount of disorganization in the consumer
cooperatives because their heads have not concerned themselves with the
organizational aspects, claiming that, a year from now, they will leave the
cooperative. Moreover, the selection and assignment of the members for the
management and control commissions have not been done with the proper stringency,
much less investigating the extent to which these individuals would be equipped
to direct the process of managing the cooperatives. "There have been times
when responsibilities have been given to certain individuals in the cooperatives
who are not familiar with certain principles of management. How can these
individuals ensure the operation of the establishments under those conditions
without at least undergoing a refresher course?” they inquire. [Text] [Maputo
NOTICIAS in Portuguese 6 Jun 85 p 2]2909

VARIOUS DEFENSE SPENDING FIGURES--During April and May of this year, the Admin-
istration and Finance Department of the Presidency of the Republic took in a
total of 5,542,071.50 meticals, a contribution from the population and national
institutions to reinforce our country's defense capacity. A note from that
department which reached our editorial offices yesterday specifies that the
contributions were made by vigilance groups from the TEXTAFRICA enterprise of
Chimoio (10,000.00 meticals), officers and petty officers from Manhica (6,593.00
meticals), residents of the communal village of Bocodane (1,000 meticals), the
government of Manica Province (11,076.00 meticals),the People's Development Bank
(3,650.00 meticals) teachers and students from the Maputo Business School (10,000
and 425.00 meticals), vanguard combatants (10,000.00 meticals), the population
of Morrumbala (207,820.00 meticals), the Ministry of National Defense (5,000
meticals), the population and workers of Nampula Province (277,000 meticals) and
students from the first course for training assistants for the district of
Manica (4,507.50 meticals). [Text] [Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 6 Jun 85 p 1]
2909

SOVIETS HELP SMALL FARMERS--The Soviet Union is to provide Mozambique with aid
worth 11.5 million dollars inthe form of an assortment of consumer goods to be
used in agricultural campaigns, being exchanged with peasants for their produce.
This is the second such assistance given to Mozambique in less than a year.
[Text] [Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in English 8 Jun 85 p 2)

53



materialism, for he will break his neck like the bird which lost the use of its
wings in midair, That is what happened to our anarcholeftists that Monday,
6 May, 1985,

The revolution remains convinced that the mass of students who were cynically
used as guinea-pigs in the experiment of the theory of general insurrection
will be able to draw the indispensable lessons once and for all.

It has already been said that the equation of a strike in Cotonou and in
Porto Novo matched with a putsch can no longer be used in solving the politi-
cal problems of our country. The time is gone when any embittered fellow
could get up one morning to overthrow the regime by a putch. This is because
no major change is now possible without the consent of our people who are now
politically organized in our 3,500 villages and city wards.

Halt the deception and whimsical rumors!! Ready for the revolution! The strug-
gle continues!

CSO: 3400/602

15



JPRS~SSA~85~-065
23 July 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

PRIVATE FARMERS APPLAUD GOVERNMENT LIBERALIZATION

Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 12 Jun 85 p 8

[Text] "The small producers should sell directly to the population, while the
large ones market their products in hotels, among food factories and in other
places. It sufficed to have control. What is required is to prompt the
producers to challenge the speculators and not let the latter set prices."
This is the opinion of the two largest private farmers in Sofala, namely,
Carlos Nobre and Americo Baptista da Costa, regarding the Council of Ministers’
communique on liberalization of prices and free circulation of products to
give an incentive to producers.

When approached by our reporter in the city of Beira, these private producers,
one of whom, Americo Baptista da Costa, is the largest hog raiser, said that
the position adopted by the Council of Ministers was encouraging for production
because it offers an incentive and gives more confidence for advancement,

Americo da Costa remarked: "When I heard the communique, I was very gratified
because we have waited a long time for the competent structural agencies to

adopt measures concerning what was happening to production. But they must be
put into practice immediately, so that the matter will not languish on paper."

Carlos Nobre corroborated this opinion: "There were, actually, activities that
could not function in this way, and we had already said so. How can a state
enterprise in the same category market the products of others?’ Americo
Baptista da Costa, who holds an area of 588 hectares on which he raises hogs
and cattle, and engages in farming, notes that, under these conditions, the
benefits from production did not go to the producer, but rather made the
parallel state enterprises rich.

Speculation
The existence of many intermediate enterprises, some of which have production
obligations, has, in the opinion of these farmers and livestock raisers, caused

the diversion of raw materials and even of products to speculation.

Americo da Costa comments: "In the distribution of feed and other materials,
we cannot be subjugated to the state enterprise in the same category. If I

44



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

NEW CONTEMPORARY PORTUGUESE GRAMMAR INTRODUCED
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 7 Jun 85 p 8

[Text] On Wednesday night, the Portuguese professor, literary critic, journalist
and poet, Pires Aurelio, delivered a lecture devoted to the topic "Contemporary
Portuguese Literature." These lectures are being held in connection with the
launching of the "New Contemporary Portuguese Grammar" in Mozambique. For

this purpose, a Portuguese delegation headed by the roving ambassador for cul-
tural relations with countries having Portuguese as an official language,
Fernandez Fafe, traveled to our country.

In attendance at Wednesday's lecture were the vice minister of education, Dr
Carlos Beirao; the state secretary of culture, Luis Bernardo Honwane; the
minister of industry and power, Antonio Branco; the Portuguese ambassador to
Mozambique, Dr Palouro das Neves; and other prominent persons, both Mozambican
and Portuguese.

“Contemporary Portuguese Literature" was the subject discussed by lecturer
Pires Aurelio who, in a brilliant! manner, provided the audience with important
information for understanding the present status of literature in Portugal.
The meager amount of Portuguese literature that has succeeded in entering
Mozambique by way of those traveling or through persons sending books to
relatives and friends has not afforded us an updated knowledge concerning it.

For obvious reasons, Portuguese literary production stopped being available in
Mozambique after 1974. Pires Aurelio stressed this point, in introducing us
to the subject, and then discussed works of Portuguese authors who have become
prominent in recent years and have helped to raise the international prestige
of Portuguese literature.

Jose Cardoso Pires, Jose Saramago and Augustina Beca were the authors through
whom the lecturer put the Mozambican audience in contact with contemporary
Portuguese literature, because they are individuals who, during the past few
years, have earned a fame transcending the borders of Portuguese territory.

Since this was a lecture given in a country where Portuguese is the official

language,.the lecturer did not fail to explain the fact that, on the interna-
tional level, Portuguese and Brazilian literature has already been introduced

48



TABLE 2

If you were asked to reckon you own sense of socio-political identity,

in what order would you place the a

(number in order of importance)

Identification

with * Unitra Unive Unibo Uniqwa | Fort Hare
% % % % %

Africa 63 46 46 34 58
(11) (41) (19) (17) (10)

South Africa 20 21 35 42 30
(18) (9) (12) (9) (8)

Homeland/

ethnic national 8 14 8 14 3

state (44) (14) (31) (37) (61)

Ethnic group 9 19 W 10 9
(27) (36) (38) (37) (21)

_. ~
(*the figures in brackets reflect the fourth choice).

‘The choice for either the continent Africa or the nation-state South Africa dominates. It is
assumed that when the students made their choice they were acquainted with the most
important denominators of a nation-state, such as a sovereign territorial area, political
independence, cohesiveness, legitimation, autonomy, and national identity.

A third question aimed to identify preferences in the respondent's social identity. The
question was put: How would you compare the following as elements of your own social

identity (sense of belonging to social categories)? The five preferences which the students
were asked to judge are listed in Table 3.

77



He continued: "At the present time, owing to the power shortage in the province,
SONANGOL has also undertaken the sale of ‘cylinders of gas for oil lamps, in
rather small amounts in comparison with the number of consumers."

For the process of distributing butane gas, the oil company's agent reports:
"The city of Huambo has 10 resale stations, as well as supplying direct
consumers, such as the hotel industry, hospitals, military units, prisons,
food serving establishments and various enterprises."

Also in this connection, and as a positive note, that official explained that
there are resellers too, in the 12 municipalities comprising the province.

However, insofar as lubricants are concerned, as Manuel Cangombe disclosed,
Huambo Province is experiencing enormous difficulties, owing to the meager
transportation capacity out of Luanda.

In this respect, he cited the effort which the agency that he directs has
undertaken with its own resources, as well as backing from certain local
structures, with a view toward minimizing this situation.

On this occasion, Manuel Cangombe announced that the situation appears quite
worrisome at present because, as he emphasized, there are large amounts of
lubricants in Luanda awaiting removal.

Nevertheless, with regard to the distribution of fuel, the SONANGOL agent
explained that the consumers in this province have supply cards with which
they can purchase gasoline or gas oil in amounts consistent with the activity
of each individual.

Also in this connection, he noted that a sales station was recently set up in
this city for small consumers, whose monthly use is under 5 cubic meters. In
this way, he added, the flow of customers observed in these facilities will be
avoided.

2909
CSO: 3442/325

10



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

BRIEFS

CUBAN WORKERS HAIL 10TH ANNIVERSARY--Last Saturday and Sunday, the Cuban
internationalists serving in the various socioeconomic sectors of the nation's
capital held their second sports festival, marking the 10th anniversary of
national independence and the 12th World Festival of Youth and Students, to

be held during July of this year in the city of Moscow, capital of the USSR.
Led by the Cuban ambassador to Maputo, Manuel Torres Muniz, the’ opening ceremony
for the festival took place on Saturday afternoon, in the basketball court of
the Costa do Sol Sport Club, with the participation of several youth officials
and officials from the Cuban Communist Party, in addition to scores of athletes
and other Cuban workers and Mozambican enthusiasts who went to the site.
Participating in the festival were athletes who represented various work groups
of Cuban internationalists serving in the capital in the areas of fishing,
agriculture, construction, health, and intermediate and higher education,
engaging in the sports of handball, basketball, gymnastics, volleyball, ping-
pong and baseball. Speaking at the event, an official from the Communist Party
of Cuba, who also took part in the ceremony, declared that the Cuban interna-
tionalists serving in the RPM hail the 10th anniversary of Mozambican indepen-
dence, which is also a victory for the Cuban people and for all peace-loving
peoples and those struggling against colonialism and for a better future for
all mankind. [Text] [Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 6 Jun 85 p 2] 2909

GAS PUMP FOR BEIRA COOPERATIVE--A gas pump for the monthly supply of 1,000
liters will soon be opened at the "People's Power" consumer cooperative in the
city of Beira, with the installation of the respective tank currently being
completed, the work for which had been assigned to Metalotecnica. This coope-
rative also intends to open a sales station and a fish market, in activities
which are a part of its development programs. Furthermore, officials from this
popular association uphold the permanent full time integration of workers in
the consumer cooperatives, so as to avoid a series of prob: ms the consequences
of which would impede their growth. Information provided to NOTICIAS indicates
that steps will be taken with the Home Trade Directorate to procure authoriza-
tion enabling the "People's Power" consumer cooperative to install the pump
and to engage in the sale of gas to its members. This cooperative is located
in the 12th Maraza District of the city of Beira, and to date has 3,750
members. With the provision of certain amounts of fuel, it will be possible
for the cooperative members to surmount some difficulties that they are facing
in purchasing this product. Moreover, the opening of the new sales station,
which will be located at the "E" communal unit, will solve other problems

52



Briefs
Agreement With Spain

SOUTH AFRICA

Commentary Discusses Need for Cross~Border Raids
(Johannesburg International Service, 28 Jun 85) .sceceeces

Complexities of Local, Provincial Future Governments Explained
(Bruce Cameron; DAILY NEWS, 10 Jun 85) ..ccccecececececcce

De Kock Calls for Money Targets
(BUSINESS DAY, 19 Jun 85) ...ccsseccccccceeeeessceeeeeees

Recommendations Listed, by Harold Fridjhon
Streamlining Moneratism, Editorial

Government, Business React Favorably to De Kock Report
(Paul Bell; BUSINESS DAY, 19 Jun 85) ...cseseseeeeeeeveecs

Government Advised To Stay in Market Place
(Harold Fridjhon; BUSINESS DAY, 19 Jun 85) vescesesccecees

What De Kock Recommends Detailed
(BUSINESS DAY, 19 Jun 85) ..cccceccccceecccesceccesccceces

Concept of Ethnicity, National Identification Explored
(POLITIKON, Jun 84) ..ceesccceccecsececcecceceseseseceeees

Correlation Between Consociationalism, Corporatism Explored
CPOLITIKON, Jun 84) .eeseeeceeceessceceeceesesessenseeeees

Briefs
Trade Statistics
Sweden Halting Coal Imports
SWAZILAND

Briefs
New Radio Service Beginning

TANZANIA

Muslim Efforts To Broaden Access to Education Viewed
(ARABIA: THE ISLAMIC WORLD REVIEW, May 85) ..

Briefs
Weapons Seized in Mara
Devaluation Effects on Zanzibar
Norwegian Aid

59

60

61

64

64

65

67

68

71

73

85

107

107

108

109

112
112
112



Ultimate Monetary Aim Is Stability

MONETARY policy as defined by

: the commission specifically in-
cludes intervention by the Re-
serve Bank and the Treasury in
financial markets, including the
foreign exchange market.

“A decision by the monetary
authorities to permit natural eco-
nomic forces to bring about, say,
a depreciation of the currency or
a rise in interest rates, is just as
much the implementation of
monetary policy as intervention
in the markets concerned to coun-
teract such developments,

The long-term objective of
monetary policy should be the
maintenance of reasonable sta-
bility of the domestic price level
with an effective measure of
freedom for relative prices to
change. .

Onc important recommenda-
tion is that the Reserve Bank
adopt specific intermediate ob-

es of monetary policy in the

form of target rates of growth for
one or more selected monetary
ay tes. It is realised that the
joption of such money supply
targets would strictly limit the
number of combinations on the

exchange rates that could be
he for simultaneously.

rigid over-riding money rule
that leaves interest rates and ex-
change rates completely free to
find their own levels is not recom-
mended.

‘Targetting should be applied in
South Africa with a “fair measure
a flexibility and with a low pro-

le.

‘One method of doing this would
be to use three-months moving
average for the monetary a
gates and to announce in Febru-
ary each year, the target ranges
for the increases between the
fourth quarter of the previous
year and the fourth quarter of the
current year. Provision should be
made for a revision of the pre-
vailing targets between normal
reviewing dates if considered de-
sirable.

The commission recommends
that the target rates should be
publically announced but from
the outset it should be made
known that the targets are not
sacrosanct and that failure to
meet them on any specific date
should not be viewed in a serious

devel and structure of interest

Hight, .
rates and on spot and forward .

Bank's Functions Need Closer Definition

WHILE the responsibility for broad functions in carrying out official eco-
-Monetary policy should rest jointly nomic policy, but the Reserve Bank
with the Reserve Bank andthe Trea- should be primarily charged with
sury acting together as “the mone- maintaining monetary stability and
tary authorities”, the commission protecting the internal and external
considers this close co-ordination as —_value of the currency.
essential. “The bank should be ensured of
This applies particularly in plan- considerable independence in mat-
ning the strategy for public debt ters of monetary policy — subject
management (including the financ- only to the constraints of the broad
ing of the budget deficit before bor- policy framework laid down by the
rowing), open market operations and —_ government.”
both exchange rate and.control. There is a need to define the re-
. It recommends the bank be en- sponsibility of the Reserve Bank
‘trusted with considerable indepen- . more closely. :
dence in initiating, formulating and The commission recommends:
implementing monetary policy. @A section should be added to the
The Treasury has a variety of Reserve Bank Act specifically

69



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

IVORY COAST

BRIEFS

FRIENDSHIP ASSOCIATION WITH ROK--An Ivory Coast-Republic of Korea friendship
association, whose objective is to favor cultural exchanges and to foster
bonds of friendship between both countries, has been set up in Abidjan, it

was learned Thursday in the Ivorian economic capital. The new association

is chaired by Edmond Zegbehi Bouazo, deputy speaker of the Ivorian National
Assembly. Diplomatic relations between Korea and the Ivory Coast, where
Korean nationals (?reside), were established in 1961, a year after the Ivorian
state achieved its independence. [Text] [Paris AFP in French 1441 GMT

4 Jul 85]

csO: 3400/579

24


JPRS-SSA~85-065
23 July 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

GOVERNMENT, BUSINESS REACT FAVORABLY TO DE KOCK REPORT

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 19 Jun 85 p 6

{Article by Paul Bell]

{Text ]

GOVERNMENT would give imme-
diate attention to the De Kock Com-
mission’s recommendation that offi-
cial targets for the growth of the
mone’ supply be introduced, Presi-
dent P W Botha said yoptercay.
Botha said some of the commis-
sion’s recommendations had already
been implemented by the Reserve
Bank and the Treasury. ‘
Others were on the point of being
implemented: for example, the
Financial Institutions Amendment

Bill now before Parliament provided
for a number of changes to the Banks
Act recommended by the commis-
sion.

Botha said he was gratified to note
that the commission had found that
South Africa had a well-functioning,
sophisticated and sound banking and
financial system.

The report also illustrated the im-
portance attached in South Africa to
the achievement and maintenance of
internal and external monetary sta-

iility.

Parsons Welcomes ‘Overall Thrust' of Final Report

cso:

' ORGANISED commerce has wel- >
comed “the overall thrust” of the »
final report of the De Kock Commis-
sion, with its emphasis on market _
related economic policies whenever -
possible.

‘Assocom’s chief executive Ray-
mond Parsons said yesterday while
much of the thinking in the report
was incorporated in existing’ policy,
the report remained an incisive for-
ward-looking document cast in an
+ evolutionary mould.

Assocom hoped government would
accept the basic findings of the com-
mission.

“The recommendations must be
seen as a total policy ‘package’, as
the underlying economic philosophy
is interdependent. If the report —

3400/ 568

67

with its commitment to financial dis-
cipline — is accepted by govern-
ment, it will further enhance South
Africa’s international credit worthi-
ness compared with most other de-
veloping nations.” Parsons said or-
ganised commerce also welcomed
fhe commission’s flexible and prag-
matic approach to the use of mone-
tary aggregates as a policy yard-
stick.

“Monetary policy will now none-
theless be placed in an identifiable
framework of financial discipline,
with clear ‘warning lights’ to signal
departures from the norm. ile
there will undoubtedly be a process
of trial and error, it is evident that
monetary targets will only remain
credible in the longer term if mone-
tary and fiscal discipline is main-

ined.”



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY DISCUSSES NEED FOR CROSS-BORDER RAIDS
MB280930 Johannesburg International Service in English 0630 GMT 28 Jun 85
[Station commentary: "Terrorism and Regional Development"]

{Text] There is a clear warning contained in the terrorist incidents that
occurred in South Africa and Transkei this week. In one incident on the

East Rand near Johannesburg eight people who were evidently members of the ANC
died when attempts to attack houses of policemen failed. The eight were all
killed when hand grenades exploded too soon and went off in their hands. In
the other incidents, damage was caused to an electricity substation and fuel
tanks when limpet mines placed by ANC members went off at Umtata, the capital
of Transkei.

The acts in which the eight destroyed themselves on the East Rand provide the
strong proof of the information that led the SADF to strike at ANC bases in
Gaborone in Botswana recently. It was found at that time that small groups of
ANC members were being trained in Gaborone as so-called suicide squads to
attack civilian targets in South Africa with hand grenades. The background
to the Umtata attack is less clear.

It was reported earlier this week that intelligence sources had discovered
that ANC terrorist groups were now being controlled from Maseru in Lesotho,
as well as Botswana, It is known that on previous occasions the ANC has
launched terrorist attacks at states which were close to the countries from
which they were operating, like the attacks that were launched in earlier
years against Kwazulu from Mozambique, and against Ciskei from Lesotho.

Whatever the facts are, there must be no doubt about the South African
response to terrorism. The South African Government has stated repeatedly
that it wishes.to cooperate peacefully with all southern African countries,
and it is willing to provide assistance to others in developing their econ-
omies. It is up to the governments of other southern African countries to
decide where they stand in this regard. Those who reject peaceful relations
and assist the ANC in its campaign of terrorism against whites and black
South Africans must expect that South Africa will act to defend itself.
Where necessary, it will cross borders to eliminate ANC terrorist bases. It
is up to each country in the region to choose its stand, and of course those
who choose to resist peace must realize that any country which is attacked
will defend itself.

cso: 3400/518
60



From a political point of view, such a vision of AIB departs from the reactionary
conception of the agency which consisted in performing a routine task without
knowing whether the product effectively served the Burkinabe people. We can
therefore hope that already, this new mission assigned to the AIB will enable
sincere militants employed in all the structures of the agency to be really
useful to the Burkinabe people thanks to whose effort the AIB was created and

for whom it must commit its existence.

CSO: 3400/626

7



In entrusting this important and very delicate mission to me, the chief
executive of the Congolese revolution, stressed very forcefully the absolute
need to develop and consolidate, through concrete actions, the indestructible
and active solidarity between the Mozambican Congolese peoples, who are
courageously waging the battle for the same cause.

The shining ideal to which the heroic Mozambican people have freely committed
themselves, despite a geographic and political situation which up to the
present has continued to be one of the most hostile on our continent, this
ideal incorporating the building of a fatherland of peace in the heart of
Africa, with freedom, social justice, true democracy and fraternal friendship
among all the sons of the country, converges in every aspect with the ideal of.
the People's Republic of the Congo.

Therefore the high esteem and great admiration any citizen of the Congo feels
with regard to the Mozambican revolution and its most illustrious helmsman can
easily be understood. Your most recent stay in Brazzaville and the historic
speech to the cadres and militants of the Congolese Labor Party on that
occasion, which was carried on radio and television, remains engraved forever
in letters of gold in the history of the militant relations which so
satisfactorily link our two peoples.

All of these considerations brilliantly emphasize the extreme delicacy of my
mission. Called upon to work in a friendly country, the guarantee which
comforts me is that I find in Your Excellency, as well as your glorious party
and government, all of the concern I need to carry out my most important
mission.

I for my part promise to spare no effort in the search for ways and means
which can contribute to the continuous development of the friendship,
cooperation and solidarity which already exist between the People's Republic
of Mozambique and the People's Republic of the Congo.

I am happy to pass on to Your Excellency the wishes for happiness in your
noble and historic task of leading the Mozambican revolution sent to you with
all his heart by your brother and friend, President Denis Sassou-Nguesso. The
head of the Congolese revolution instructed me with particular insistence to
reiterate to Your Excellency what he himself has already had an opportunity to
tell you of personally, to wit the unending existence of total, militant and
effective solidarity in every aspect of experience between the Mozambican
revolution and the Congolese revolution--total, militant and active solidarity
with the triumph of our two revolutions.

In conclusion, allow me to submit, most respectfully, the credentials
informing you of the appointment henceforth of my predecessor, Ambassador
Malela, to other duties, and accrediting me to Your Excellency as ambassador
extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the People's Republic of the Congo."

34



JPRS~SSA~85-065
23 July 1985

CAR THIEVES FIGHT POLICE--Armed men have been attacking cars belonging to
Mozambican miners returning from work in South Africa, though police say the
only motive is robbery. Attacks have occurred in Matola and in Maputo itself,
where on May 27 there was a shootout between police and robbers and three men
were arrested. This battle was so fierce that local residents thought that
guerrilla warfare had reached the centre of the capital. Police have since
increased roadside checks and night patrols in the area. [Text] [Paris THE
INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in English 1 Jun 85 p 3]

CAHORA BASSA POWER PYLON REPAIR--Mozambican sourffective [as received]
security caused by the deployment of security on too many fronts, poor roads,
and inadequate aerial surveillance have prevented repair teams from restoring
the number of Cahora Bassa. power pylons blasted by RENAMO. According to the
sources, the Mozambican Government has given no time limit for the restoration
of the power flow to South Africa. The pylons are being repaired by Mozambi-
can technicians, with material and equipment supplied fo ESCOM [Electricity
Supply Commission]. Our Johannesburg staff reports that about 30 pylons in
rugged areas have been damaged in the past year. Last month Mozambique aban-
doned a plan to recruit a mercenary force to guard the power line. There is
speculation now that the Mozambican Government is trying to recruit a pan-
African force, but that it is unlikely to get off the ground because of logis-

tical problems. [Text] [Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 1115 GMT
21 Jun 85]

cso: 3400/518

54



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

DJIBOUTI

BRIEFS

PRESIDENT'S GUARD PLANNED--President Hassan Gouled is preparing to set up a
personal guard of between 120 and 150 men, whose commander will reportedly

be Major Mahdi Cheikh, of the same Mamassan ethnic group as the president.

The decision comes as the commander of the gendarmerie, Hoch Robleh, prepares
to retire, handing over his office to Major Ahmed Yoniss. The future presi-
dential guard will be composed of the same gendarmes who currently ensure the
protection of the president, but it will be an autonomous unit. Major Cheikh
will notably be on a par with the gendarmerie commander as far as powers and
prerogatives are concerned. It is not yet known who will train the guard, but
it is noteworthy that three gendarmes who will belong to it returned to
Djibouti a few weeks ago after undergoing a six-week weapons course in Austria.
[Text] [Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in English 15 Jun 85 p 3]

CsO: 3400/572

20



various segmental constituencies, the essential characteristics of corporatism are leadership
accommodation, and leadership control and discipline over the members of their
functionally organised constituencies. In this respect Schmitter’s concept of ‘inter-
mediation’, with its dual functions of representation and control, is crucial for any
understanding of corporatism. It implies that the leaders of interest organisations do not
only express and represent the interests and members of their organisations, but assume, or
are forced to acquire, private governmental functions of resource allocation and social
control (Schmitter in Berger, 1981:285). .

It is further important to note that both consociationalism and corporatism are political
concepts denoting actual political structures which are to be deliberately constructed by
dominant political groups and economic classes as a response to popular, mass-based
pressures (Schmitter, Sage: 58). Both systems conform to what Offe (1981:125) identifies
as a specific type or mode of political rationality with its corresponding form of policy-
making. For consociationalism and corporatism are not based on the function of political
parties to aggregate and reconcile demands; do not involve the making of ‘conjunctural’
policies which seek to maximise the adequacy of policy responses to problems as they
emerge on the political agenda; and tend to bypass electoral politics and parliamentary
Tepresentation. On the contrary, both conform to that mode of political rationality which is
based on the imperative of keeping policy output constant while channelling demand inputs
in a way that appears compatible with available resources. As matters of ‘political design’,
they involve the construction of systems of interest representation and modes of conflict
resolution. Accordingly, they involve the making of structural policies which are adopted in
response to conditions of economic and institutional crisis. In response to such crises, the
Physical and economic parameters of production, and the institutional parameters of
interest representation, which together constitute the nature of the problem, become subject
to redesign (Offe, 1981:125-127). Thus, the central features of corporatist and
consociational institutional devices are the removal of certain issues and areas of decision-
making from the party-political and parliamentary arena, and the entrustment of major
elements of policy-making to negotiations among the interest groups most directly
concemed (McRae, 1979:519).

Consociationalism and corporatism also conform to the same mode of decision-making.
First, as the major aim of these arrangements is consensus-building, the basic decisional
tule involved is that of Unanimity. In both bargaining and log-rolling it serves to reconcile the
conflicting interests of highly cohesive groups which cannot be adjusted by electoral
competition and majority devices. Bargaining power is concentrated in the hands of top
level leadership which forms a sort of interlocking directorate of the competing groups
(Lehmbruch, 1979:59). Second, decisions are legitimated in terms of functional and
pragmatic considerations that purport to be in the ‘public’ or ‘national’ interest, usually
about issues concerning national security and economic growth and prosperity (Anderson,
1977:134 and 143). Third, support for, and implementation of, these decisions are based
on leadership control over interest groups — groups that exhibit strong vertical integration
aoa little communication among the lower levels of the groups (Lehmbruch,
1979:59).

A very important characteristic of these modes of representation. decision-making and
conflict resolution is that it amounts to a mode of political domination. For example, the
need to maintain linkages between different arenas or sites of decision-making produces
additional responsibilites and opportunites for the elites in each arena and thus reinforces
their position in their own respective interest groups (McRae, 1979:529). Furthermore,
the principle of unanimity inhibits open competition and gives rise to ‘decision by
repression’, For example, although there may be a conflict between groups, no competition

87



JPRS-SSA~85~-065
23 July 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

VELOSO REPORTEDLY HAPPY WITH NKOMATI
Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in English 15 Jun 85 p 2

[Text] General Jacinto Veloso, Mozambique's minister for economic affairs,
began a week-long visit to France on June 8, mainly devoted to preparing for
the meeting of the joint Franco-Mozambican economic commission planned for
July.

Referring to international assistance for Mozambique, General Veloso told a
press conference in the French capital on June 13 that "if global aid is not
increased, it will not enable the living conditions of Mozambicans to be
improved." He acknowledged, however, that France, Italy and the Nordic states
were making particular efforts in this direction.

Speaking of relations with South Africa, the minister said the joint operational
centre which it was recently decided to establish had begun to operate at
Nkomati, on the border, but "in limited fashion." He also said that for the
moment Maputo did not envisage requesting military assistance from Pretoria
“even though several members of the South African Government are said to be in
favor of it."

General Veloso, one of the architects of the Nkomati accord, said the past was
a success, even if at present its results were "difficult to perceive." He
said the world would only really appreciate it in "five of ten years." He
added that to combat the Mozambique National Resistance the government had
distributed arms to the people, and "terrorism had disappeared" in areas where
this was done."

The minister also said that if general elections, already postponed to the end
of 1985, had to be put off once more, it would be because the government
wanted to concentrate on reviving the economy.

CSO: 3400/547

4l



inequality of wealth, status and power. However, they insist that “in a racially divided or
plural society there is a very strong tendency to articulate the structural inequalities in racial
or ethnic terms and South Africa is no exception in this respect”.

The study among the students at the five researched universities has proved that they will
not condone ethnic partisanship. The expressed attitudes subscribe to a statement by
Young(1981:148) that as a moral universe, the values of higher education, universalism,
national engagement, developmentalism, are profoundly antithetic to granting ethnicity
any legitimate place.

The study was unable to discern any kind of aversion among the students to any ethnic
group in Souther Africa. It has, however, to be noted that with the exception of the
University of Fort Hare with its strong multi-ethnic student body, all the other researched
universities are frequented predominantly by a particular ethnic group. Members of other
ethnic groups are minorites at these universities. But even at the University of Fort Hare no
ethnic group aversion among the black students could be traced. One reason which makes it
unlikely that the ethnic group variable will even in the future be of any significance or a
matter of contention among the students, is their total antipathy towards the South African
government’s policy of ethnic separation. The noted attitude of condemnation will rather
unite than divide the black student population. The black student body is nearly totally
united in its commitment to prove the incorrectness of the South African government’s
policy of ethnic separation and that it is devoid of a defendable moral basis. In the struggle
for a rightful and fair share in the running of South Africa, black unity will continue to enjoy
a higher premium and relevance than ethnicity and ethnic group consciousness.

National affinity is predominantly directed towards South Africa and not towards the
homelands as ethnic entities. This political attitude is clearly separated from cultural
attachment to the own environment, the predominant language spoken, family and
tradition, The students want to be at liberty to decide for themselves which cultural values
to adhere to. If they decide to express attachment to a particular ethnic group this is to be
seen as a cultural decision and should not be mistaken as a political affinity to the peer
group. A distinct and definite distinction is made between ethnic and political affinity, of
which the latter is considered by the students as of far more importance to them.

CONCLUSION

The South African government’s declared policy to entrench ethnic criteria in the black
universities of South Africa (e.g. University of Zululand, University of the North,
University of Westville, University of Westem Cape) has provoked reaction at the
universities in the homelands. It has become the declared policy of the universities in these
areas to strictly adhere to the principle of non-racialism and non-ethnicity when admitting
‘students or appointing lecturers. This goes without denying that there is always a possibility
that even “fervent support for universalistic criteria may not be devoid of ethnic (or class)
interest” (Young, 1981:162), how undesirable it may be. There is no evidence that
ethnicity, especially in its cultural content, will gradually disappear from the scene. Young,
claims it will always be a latent element which becomes manifest in particular
circumstances. He rightly states that the other side of the coin is that moments of ethnic
crisis in a university are not necessarily permanent, but merely episodes which can clarify
issues.

Something which universities in greater South Africa cannot afford and have to contain is

any kind of ethnic (“tribal”) chauvinism, by which ethnicity (“tribalism”) is used as an
instrument for attaining personal ends. To exploit parochial and clannish sentiments

82



IPRS~SSA-85~065
23 July 1985

SEYCHELLES

BRIEFS

ACREEMENT WITH SPAIN--The Seychelles minister for national development, Jacques
Hodoul, has said his visit to Europe to settle various problems connected with
fishing had positive results. According to Mr Hodoul, the third session of the
joint commission of the Seychelles and Spain was able to reach a compromise on
the cost of licences owing to the Victoria government by Spanish boatowners who
have had 15 seine-netters operating in Seychelles waters for the past year.
Victoria was demanding five percent of the total value of each catch, which
the fishermen were refusing to pay. After discussions this tax was reduced to
3.5 percent, the difference being made up by the Spanish government in the
form of technical aid. Mr Hodoul has also announced that the Seychelles will
start operating its first tuna boat, owned by the Societe Thoniere Seychelloise,
in September, while the archipelago's first tuna cannery will start up in March
next year. [Text] [Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in English 8 Jun 85 p 7]

cso: 3400/572

59



instead of promoting national integration will only please those in South Africa who have
divised a policy of separate development, and thus also ethnic based universities. It would
be wiser to heed the advice of Absolom Vilakazi (1983:16) that African education, for its
part, must reject all attempts to develop away from that common destiny into small ethnic
enclaves which will have neither meaning nor relevance for the future of our children.

Samuel Huntington in his paper on ‘Reform and Stability in the South African Context’
(1981:35) concludes that the issues of reform and stability in the multi-ethnic society of
South Africa are fraught with irony and paradox, opportunity and danger. He forecasts that
the days of minority dominated vertical multi-ethnic societies are numbered. The
transformation from a plural (vertically structured) to a pluralistic (horizontally structured)
society will undoubtedly not be an easy one and will be sown with many obstacles. It can also
be expected that a period of transition will be marked be severe tension and conflict. Even so,
it would be preferable to an uncontrollable revolutionary ‘solution’, bloody and self-
defeating.

NOTES:

1 The questions have been answered by 242 students (14.5% of the total student body in 1982) at the
University of Transkei in all five faculties (Arts, Science, Economics, Law, Education) on a basis of an
equal percentage in each faculty from first year to post-graduate level. Part-time and full-time students,
male and female students, are proportionally represented in the sample, to the total student body. The
‘questions were also put to students at the University of Qwa Qwa (established in 1982 asa branch of the
University of the North) and at the University of Venda (established in 1981). Altogether 59 respondents
(30% of the total student body in 1982) completed the questionnaire in Qwa Qwa and 70 students (18%
of the total student number in 1982) in Venda. Utmost care was taken to make the sample at the
universities as representative as possible.

During late 1982 and early 1983 the questions were completed by 38 students (8% of the total student
number of 1982/83) at the University of Bophuthatswana. As only Political Science and Law students
could be included in the sample, it cannot be considered to be fully representative of the total student
community at this university. Circumstances beyond the control of the author made it also impossible to
make the samples at the University of Fort Hare fully representative of the total student community. Only
students in the departments of Political Science and Public Administration were asked to complete the
questionaire early in 1983. A total of 159 students (8% of the total student body) of this university
responded.

2° ‘Unitra — University of Transkei
Unive — University of Venda
Unibo = University of Bophuthatswana
Uniqwa ~ University of Qwa Qwa
Fort Hare ~ University of Fort Hare (Ciskei)

83



JPRS~SSA~g5,
~0
23 July 1995.

MADAGASCAR

IMPACT OF VANILLA PRICE WAR REPORTED

Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in English 8 Jun 85 p 6

[Text]

Madagascar and the Comoros will maintain their 1985 vanilla prices at
the level that was fixed at the Nosy Be conference of March 1984, i.e. 70

dollars a kilo for Malagasy prepared vanilla, and 69.5 dollars for the
Comorian product. The agreement was reached at Antananarivo on May 19 by
Madagascar's trade minister, Georges SOLOFOSON, and the Comorian minister
for finance and the budget, Ali NASSOR. These prices will also remain
unaltered for 1986, pending "Nosy Be II" in March of that year.

I.0.N.- 4 veritable trial of strength appears to be under way between
producers and purchasers of vanilla as the new season begins.
Madagascar, whose annual average production of 1,000 tonnes represents
80 per cent of world output, wante to prevent a fall in the world
price, even if it has to adjust ite production in line with demand. As
for the Comoros, whose average vanilla output is of the order of 150
tonnes a year, it_is obliged to shelter under the Malagasy "umbrella",
particularly since Antananarivo has mended its fences with Moroni and
seems ready for increased trade. The composition of the Comorian
delegation at last month's talke in the Malagasy capital is revealing
in this respect: the three families who monopolise all the
archipelago's imports and exports, the KALFANEs, the ABDALLAHs and the
MOHAMED AHMEDs, each sent a son or other important representative.
Some sources said that if the prospects of increased trade with
Madagascar were not so attractive the Comorians woutd have been ready
to lower their vanilla prices.

For indeed the situation is especially eritical for Moroni. Up to
now only 50 tonnes of vanilla from the 1984 season have been sold out
of a total production of 200 tonnes. And there ts no guarantee that
the 170 tonnes harvested in the present season will not be added to
the 150 tonnes now in stock. Moroni has asked. for compensation from
the European Economic Community's Stabex fund, but EEC officials are

very reluctant to pay up, given that the problem is one of marketing
and not of production.

28



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

ANGOLA

CZECHOSLOVAKIAN CREDIT EXTENDED THROUGH 1986
Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 19 May 85 pp 1, 12

[Text] Prague (ANGOP)--The third session of the Joint Angolan-Czechoslovakian
Commission for Economic and Scientific-Technical Cooperation concluded on
Friday in Prague, with the signing of a protocol and the extension until
December 1986 of the credit granted to Angola 5 years ago by Czechoslovakia.

Signing the protocol on behalf of Angola was the minister of industry and
chairman of the commission, Henrique Santos "Onambwe," and Bohumil Urban,
the minister of foreign trade, signed for the Czechoslovakian side.

The spokesman for the Angolan group, Joao de Freitas, director of the Socialist
Countries Department of the State Secretariat. of Cooperation, disclosed to
ANGOP that, in the investment area, Czechoslovakia will be setting up two
tanning and shoe factories in Angola, a brewery and also a furniture manufactur-
ing industry.

It was also agreed that Czechoslovakia would lend its support to forest explora-
tion and increase the technical assistance, most likely in the areas of health
and education. Workers from the power, shoe and tannery, glass and brewery
industries will be sent to this country to train Angolan cadres.

These important accords now signed are the prelude to an intensification of
economic relations between Angola and Czechoslovakia, which were delighted
at the end of the session by the results accrued.

A new phase has started and better prospects have been opened up for the
bilateral commercial exchange. Although nothing has been said publicly,
there is every indication that Angola has the opportunity to provide its
partners with ornamental stones, hemp and coffee.

2909
CSO: 3442/326



Maputo unnecessarily, to the detriment of the work that he should have been
doing on the agricultural marketing campaign.

The first special session of the provincial government of Inhambane discussed,
among other matters, the change in prices of certain agricultural-livestock
products, and recommended. the formation of brigades to explain and publicize
the new prices among the populace. It charged the Provincial Government with
the responsibility for making proposals for new product prices.

In the area of making the enterprises profitable, the Inhambane: provincial
government observed the need for reflecting on the Mangoro mining unit in
the district of Inhatrime, from the standpoint of its conversion into a
cooperative, in view of the instructions from the Council of Ministers.

In analyzing the cashew nut marketing campaign, the government was of the
opinion that some districts would fulfill their goals. As for agricultural
production, the consensus of the members of the Inhambane provincial govern-
ment was that the production indexes for cassava, corn and beans in this
agricultural campaign are satisfactory.

2909
CSO: 3442/315

43



JPRS~SSA~85-065
23 July 1985

ANGOLA

JMPLA MEETS IN LUBANGO, MINCI OFFICIAL VISITS REGION
Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 26 May 85 p 3

[Excerpt] Lubango--The participants in the fourth meeting of the social and
productive work department of the Huila Provincial Secretariat's JMPLA [Youth
of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola]-Party Youth, which
concluded recently, noted the existence of organizational difficulties on the
local level caused by the lack of coordination among the other state agencies.

In the final conclusions, the youth organization's social and productive work
department issued instructions to the youth production details and the peasant
brigades, and increased the field work with a view toward heightening production
in the enterprises.

The consolidation of the youth production details and the young peasant brigades,
as well as the signing of protocols aimed at preparing the vacation plan, were
other recommendations emerging at the end of that department's methodological
meeting.

Visit by MINCI Vice Minister

During his visit to Lubango, the vice minister of home trade, Guerreiro Dias,
noted the under-utilization of the shops for sales to the public, the lack of
industrial goods storage facilities and the deterioration of the hotel units
belonging to the state.

That leader, who was in Huila on a working visit for 3 days, toured the struc-
tural agencies of the ministry that he heads, and observed that, after 6 months,
the interval since his last visit to the province, the state hotel units are
still continuing to deteriorate.

Guerreiro Dias, who spoke at a meeting which marked the conclusion of his visit,
said that the public shops are under-utilized and that there are people's
stores which have not yet. benefited from products of prime necessity since

the beginning of the year.

2909
CSO: 3442/326



We hope that the current talks between the Soviet Union and the United States
of America will produce the results desired by all mankind--peace and social
progress for the welfare of man.

Mr Ambassador, it is the responsibility of Your Excellency to promote and
develop relations between our two nations. We hope that fruitful cooperation
will develop between our two countries on all levels, based on mutual
benefits.

With a view to this cooperation, I ask you to join me in a toast.

To the health of the president of the Federal Republic of Germany, Dr Richard
von Weizsacker!

To the health of Helmut Kohl, the chancellor of the Federal Republic of
Germany!

To friendship and cooperation between the peoples of Mozambique and the
Federal Republic of Germany!

To the health of Your Excellency and your wonderful family!
To peace and international security!

To progress for the peoples!

The struggle continues!

Many thanks."

Response of the German Ambassador

The following is the full text of the speech by the new ambassador of the FRG
to Mozambique.

ir President:

It is a special honor for me to submit to Your Excellency the credentials with
which the president of the Federal Republic of Germany, Dr Richard von
Weizsacker, has seen fit to accredit me as ambassador extraordinary and
plenipotentiary to your country.

Let me take the liberty of submitting to you at the same time the letter of
resignation from his post drafted by my predecessor, Ambassador Hasso
Buchrucker.

I regard the fact that the president of the FRG has entrusted to me the noble
task of representing our country in the People's Republic of Mozambique and
continuing to develop and deepen the relations of friendship existing between
our two countries as a great honor. I am happy to be able to undertake to

37



The downfall of Frelimo, which South Africa is seeking, would herald an era of
the reconquest of Africa by the forces of neocolonialism. It would mean the
beginning of the reversal of all the political achievements Africa has made
since 1960.

That cannot be allowed to happen. Africa must stand shoulder to shoulder
with Frelimo to defeat the MNR, as Frelimo has stood with Africa and defeated
Smith and the Portuguese colonialists.

During his recent visit to Belgrade, the prime minister, Cde Mugabe, put the
case for active solidarity with the Frelimo government as a priority for all
progressive forces without mincing words.

He said that as the apartheid regime was receiving assistance from its
imperialist allies in its policies of destabilization in southern Africa the
frontline states also looked to their friends to assist them in the struggle
against the apartheid regime.

It goes without saying that the struggle against Pretoria from an international
perspective can be successfully prosecuted only in conjunction with a policy
of active support for Mozambique under Frelimo to defeat the MNR.

Such a policy would represent a fitting and legitimate countermeasure to
Pretoria's strategy in southern Africa which aims at weakening all the front-
line states and forcing them to undertake the morally and politically inde-
fensible position of fighting the liberation movements of South Africa to
avoid South Africa's wrath.

This is what the Zionist state of Israel has achieved with some Arab regimes
in the Middle East with regards to the Palestine Liberation Organisation.

CsO: 3400/518 END

117



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

BURKINA

NEW FUNCTIONS ASSIGNED TO AIB
AB111658 Ouagadougou Domestic Service in French 1300 GMT 11 Jul 85

/Text/ The BURKINA NEWS AGENCY, AIB, will henceforth be at the service of the
toiling masses. In fact, the AIB daily news bulletin, commonly called DEKI,
will cease to circulate as of tomorrow, 12 July 1985. According to the editorial
board of the AIB, this is in immediate implementation of the reorganization of
the national press organs adopted by yesterday's cabinet meeting to make the
national media more functional and more committed to the struggle for control
and mobilizing information. The AIB editorial board will henceforth concentrate
its efforts on the teleprinted service for foreign consumption. To this end
and pending the equipping of the agency for the full-range diffusion of new
centered on the execution of the popular development program which should be
fully completed during the first 5-year development plan of the people's demo-
cratic revolution, and while waiting for all the equipment, the new mission of
the AIB will be to sustain Burkina's opendoor policy by ensuring the link with
the outside world mainly through the PAN-AFRICAN NEWS AGENCY, the pool of
agencies of the nonaligned countries, and the Islamic agency. These agencies
constitute a stepping-board for a wider diffusion of our news and the AIB will
also select national news which it will distribute to agencies of countries
that are friends of Burkina so as to assist our anti-imperialist struggle.

It will also send healthy and objective news to our diplomatic representatives
abroad every week. Such an approach will help to boost the image of Burkina by
disproving the biased news diffused by foreign press institutions. This new
option of the agency has come to put a halt to the unfair competition between
the AIB and the state-owned organs which are better equipped. As from now, it
will rather complement these national organs. That is why its new mission will
be to carry the voice of the militant people of Burkina to places where our
radio station and our daily SIDWAYA and CARREFOUR AFRICAIN cannot go.

On the national front and in keeping with the wish of the National Council for
the Revolution which wishes that news should no longer be a catalogue of reports
from major centers--and particularly from the capital--the agency will collect
news about the life of our toiling masses now mobilized behind the CNR, through
provincial bureaus to be made available to the other press organs. Finally

it will produce detailed articles on important events which it will supply to
national colleagues for publication.

16



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

ANGOLA

BRIEFS

TWENTY-SEVEN SURRENDER FOR ‘REINTEGRATION'--Some 12 armed individuals and

15 civilians have given themselves up to the authorities of Mucaba municipality
to be reintegrated into the Angolan society. This was reported by the Uige
regional radio station, citing a source in the provincial reintegration
commission. Civilian compatriots will be reintegrated into various sectors of
the country's socioeconomic life and former FNLA members will be reintegrated
into the armed forces, as happened with the first batch of deserters. Their
reintegration will be part of the second phase of reintegration begun in April
1985 in (Dansi D-sse) where more than 150 former FNLA soldiers were sent.

The policy of clemency followed by the MPLA-Labor Party and the government of
the People's Republic of Angola in Uige Province, in particular, has had reper-
cussions in the municipalities of Ngaza, Songo and Mucaba, where it is expected
that people living in the bush may at any moment abandon that sort of life to
return to the authorities to be reintegrated so as to be able to participate in
the country's reconstruction, /Text/ /Luanda Domestic Service in Portuguese
0500 GMT 2 Jul 85/

FAPLA OFFENSIVES KILL 99 UNITA--Angolan national defense and security forces
of the 7th political and military region have annihilated 70 UNITA bandits in
offensives launched in Cubal, Calombo and Chongoroi municipalities in Benguela
Province. In these offensives FAPLA forces captured 2 other UNITA bandits and
destroyed 3 camps with 800 huts which used to shelter the criminals. A military
source told ANGOP that in Moxico and Huambo provinces, UNITA criminal bandits
are on the run as a result of the vigorous action of the national defense and
security forces who are fighting them. It has been reported that between

5 and 13 June FAPLA forces in the two provinces annihilated ’.29\UNITA :criminals
and captured 9 other criminals. /Text/ /Luanda Domestic Service in Portuguese
0500 GMT 26 Jun 85/

1,486 UNITA 'CRIMINALS' KILLED--A total of 1,486 UNITA criminals were annihilated
by the national defense and security forces in the last 6 months. In January
this year, a UNITA captain, leading 40 armed men and a group of 268 civilians
who had been kidnapped, surrendered to the authorities in the Nehone region,
Cunene Province. Captain (Geraldo Aldao Valiweya) is part of a group of more
than 111 members of that puppet gang who surrendered to the national defense

and security forces in several parts of the country in the past 6 months.

ANGOP, which disclosed this information citing authorized military sources,

added that during the operations which resulted in the death of about 2,500

11



ZAMBIA
Radio Freedom Blames Pretoria for Lusaka Bombing
(Inako Mayshor; Addis Ababa Radio Freedom in English to
South Africa, 3 Jul 85) cccccccececvccccvccvcvcccvcececer 113
ZIMBABWE

HERALD. Urges Support for Maputo Against MNR
(Editorial; THE HERALD, 25 Jun 85) ........

-e-



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

TRADE STATISTICS--The latest statistics from the Department of Trade and Indus-
try show that South Africa had a trade surplus of more than 1,000 million
rands for May this year. Figures show that exports totaled more than 2,966
million rands in May, an increase of 36 percent over May last year. Imports
amounted to nearly 1,950 million rands, representing a 5 percent increase
over last May's figure. The trade surplus for April was 765 million rands.
Imports were up more than 10 percent over the same period last year, and ex-
ports rose more than 43 percent. The head of SAFTA, the South African
Foreign Trade Association, Mr (Win Halters), says South African trade with
Africa rose about 70 percent in the first 5 months of this year over the same
period last year. Mr (falters) was commenting in Johannesburg on statistics
released by the department. He told the SABC that the increase in trade was
encouraging, because most African leaders rejected the South African Govern—
ment's policies. [Text] [Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT
29 Jun 85 MB]

SWEDEN HALTING COAL IMPORTS--The agreement [between the Swedish Government and
coal importers] is being upheld. The importing of coal from South Africa is
to be stopped, but there will be some transitional problems. This was said by
Energy Minister Birgitta Dahl on Wednesday [3 July] after a new conversation
with those firms who are importing coal to Sweden. After the first talks,
which took place in March, there were no South African imports during April.
But during May there were approximately 3,000 tons of coal of South African
origin, which is a little over one percent of that month's total coal import.
“This is not anything dramatic, since some firms are bound by longer contracts,"
said Dahl. If found necessary, we will make new contracts in the fall. [Text]
[Stockholm DAGENS NYHETER in Swedish 5 Jul 85 p 8]

cso: 3498/7

107



cso:

too wili have to take’ greater:
note. a

Under the old monetary sys-. -;
tem, it was too easy for the Re- ‘
serve Bank to succumb to pres- '
sure for excessive ‘money
creation. This was partly an in-
herent defect as contrary action
would have created destabilising
shocks, especially to agricultural
financing.

Some monetarists will argue
that the latest De Kock recom-
mendations do not go far enough
to remove these defects, The na-
ture of the proposed aggregate
targetting is one aspect where
there is some validity in this,
view. For while these targets
must command greater adher-
ence to a monetary rule than be-
fore, they will still be moving
targets,

Moreover, it is probably an il-
lusion for the commissioners to
believe that this targetting can
be low-key and avoid the glare of
publicity. If that happens, part of
the objective is defeated. And, as
the financial press gains in

- sophistication along with the

financial markets, it will not be
allowed to happen.

There is a robust rebuttal in
the report of those free-lunch
economists who believe inflation
is caused mainly by structural
rigidities — lack of competition,
low productivity and so on — and
that therein lies the key to its
cure.
~All those phenomenon certain-
ly rachet up general price rises,
but the cause remains too much
money chasing too few goods

3400/568

H

66

which is rooted in the creation of
too much credit. Until that is
adequately addressed, prices will
continue to rise regardless of
productivity gains or increased
competition.

The result is precisely the
same in any economy, be it de-
veloped or under-developed. And
the most effective means of curb-
ing money creation is through
market as opposed to direct con-
trols. In fact the less developed
the economy the more efficient
market controls operate. Part of
the problem in SA is that the;
financial markets, have become:
more sophisticated than the mar- |
ket controls devised so far.

To upgrade these mechanisims
it is clear that remaining ex--
change and other controls must
go and that new markets, such as

* one in forward rands, need to be
encouraged to complement what
already exists,

These and other technical
means recommended by the
commission to enhance existing ,
financial markets will mean.
greater not less monetary disci-
Pline in future. The degree to:

“ which the commission is pre-
pared to go in this res; may
be a matter of opinion. The direc-
tion is indisputably correct.

The heights to which interest
rates in this country have been
forced is not an indication of
“overkill” as some economists
would have us believe. It is a
restilt of the sophistication of
financial markets outstripping
earlier crude direct control mea-
sures,



JPRS~SSA~85-065
23 July 1985

ETHIOPIA

TPLF PROPOSAL FOR UNITED RESISTANCE NOTED

Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in English 8 Jun 85 p 5

[Text ]

The Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), in which a pro-Albanian
Marxist-Leninist League is to be officially formed during the last week
of June (see I.0.N. N°184), published in March a proposition to Ethiopian
opposition and Eritrean movements that a "United Resistance Front" should
be formed to co-ordinate the fight against the Addis Ababa regime.

In the view of the TPLF, the front's aim would be to overthrow the
Ethiopian "military junta" and end "Soviet interference". It would group
all Ethiopian and Eritrean national and multinational armed movements,

provided they recognised "the right of peoples to self-determination,
j i ; "

The reaction of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) to these
proposals, which was contained in a long statement published in May,
reflects the current tensions between the two organisations in spite of
the military assistance they provide each other. The EPLF lays down as a
condition for membership of the united front that each organisation
should have a common attitude with respect to two important points on
which the TPLF and EPLF do not appear to be in agreement at present,
namely the right of various Ethiopian ethnic groups to "secede" and the
treatment of the two superpowers. On the first point, the EPLF considers
that once a democratic state has been created in Ethiopie there will be
no_reason for certain groups (it names the Oromos and the Afars as
examples) to_seek_independence. On the second point, the EPLF considers

that the new front d_not accept bership of an anti-Soviet
movement which is openly supported by the United States. Ideologically

speaking, the EPLF also considers that the definition of the nature of
the Soviet regime as "social imperialist" should not be "a touchstone
that divides Ethiopian organisations and the EPLF into two antagonistic

camps".
I.0.N.- In short, the EPLF declares itself in favour of a united front
nly if the object of such a front is the creation g_unitar.

21



JPRS~SSA-85~065
23 July 1985

ANGOLA

PRODUCTION, EXPORT OF HANDICRAFTS TO INCREASE

Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 19 May 85 p 1

[Text] Cabinda--The Handicrafts Promotion and Marketing Enterprise of Angola
(ARTIANG-UEE) will soon be exporting to Japan a total of 10,000 handicraft
items of every type’ per year, as JORNAL DE ANGOLA was told by its general
director, Gilberto Ferreira de Passos.

Gilberto Passos, who is on a working visit to this province, where he was
apprised of the difficulties in the sector which he directs, assured us that
his enterprise would also export items, on a small scale, to the Kingdom of
Sweden and to Italy, as well as selling handicrafts in larger quantities to
the United States, which has recently requested this enterprise of the State
Secretariat of Culture that it might make purchases of the work of our handi-
craft artisans.

The official from the State Secretariat of Culture also remarked: "In the
international participation that we have had, we were widely accepted, because
we have had several contacts and we are requested to attend events associated
with this area."

He declared: "We are currently making contacts with EXPORTANG [Angolan Export
Enterprise] to consider the feasibility of making an order for export to Japan,
which will be followed by others. However, it so happens that we are also
beset by a problem of storing the items; because for the full execution of

our activity facilities would be needed, for example, providing the enterprise
with equipment that would make it possible to assess the degree of dampness in
the items for export, so as not to jeopardize future exports."

The importing of tools, anilines and other necessary materials used to make
the items was also a factor cited by the ARTIANG general director.

Like that official, we are of the opinion that our handicraft workers should
receive from the handicrafts control structure all possible support; because
this method will contribute to an improvement in the quality of the work done
in Angola.

The top-ranking head of the handicraft sector also commented: "The acceptance
of the handicraft work done by our artists is due partly to the criterion for



The king's government has on numerous occasions stated that the quintessense

of its policy is the ethos of peace. That quality contains the message of
humanity, friendship, respect of the dignity of man and the welfare and political
and social justice for all men, women and children. There are men in government
and regrettably officials who seem to think that the human condition itself is
a debatable matter. The dignity of man does not belong to any international
agenda. Basotho should know for their own good that in this country and in this
land the values of human dignity and basic rights are fundamental. If there
are threats from any quarter, whether domestic or foreign, for enjoyment of
those rights, the king's government and the nation are prepared to protect the
lives and property of Basotho. Government and sensible people shall continue
to champion the cause of peace and development and freedom. Despite anxieties
about security of life and foreign threats, the king's government sees no
reason to depart from its policy of friendship and not enmity or hostility
towards any state or nation.

This nation has the right to cherish their rights and customs and traditions
of peace and harmony. They have legitimate grounds for rejecting outright any
accusations from any quarter that Basotho by habit or practice have opted for
a path of hostility and no accommodation of common interest. The people who
are affected in grassroots demand the acess of that right as their own and
basic expression of human dignity.

csO: 3400/614

26



which would materially benefit them. Furthermore, institutional fusion of representation
and intervention in corporatism implies that representational crises can have repercussions
in the administrative field, thus hampering effective intervention. In addition, economic
issues do not exhaust politically relevant topics, and extra-economic issues are not readily
handled through corporatist institutions — issues that may generate conflicts cut across
economic divisions, This means that corporatism is not particularly effective in securing the
political pre-conditions for accumulation, or in mobilising. support and articulating
ideologies for unifying hegemonic projects. This explains why corporatism is usually part of
a hybrid state form, and is frequently organised in association with consociational and/or
social democratic parliamentary representation (Jessop, 1983:33-35). Finally, corporatism,
since it explicitly bases political representation on economic divisions, cannot eliminate
class conflict over the labour process, nor can it eliminate competition among capitals. For
corporatism institutionalises class conflict within the heart of the state apparatus itself, and
threatens to disrupt the continuing realisation of the political preconditions of accu-
mulation (Jessop, 1979:200-202).

This raises a very important question of political strategy - namely whether corporatist
institutions are essentially a form of capitalist domination, or whether labour can use the
new terrains of political struggle opened up by corporatist forms of representation and
exploit the contradictions in order to advance its own position. Panitch, arguing, against the
thesis that corporatist institutions ‘bring class struggle into the administrative heart of the
state apparatus’ maintains that the working class will not be able to promote a successful
socialist transformation by using corporatist structures, for:

“Long before power can be won on this terrain, the structures will either be

dismembered by the state and the bourgevisie, or they will be turned into

repressive facsimiles of their fascist counterparts” (Panitch, 1981:28).

Rebutting Panitch’s argument, Sirianni argues that first, short of a revolutionary crisis,
major sections of the organised working class will participate in corporatist political
structures if it offers relatively significant benefits; second, Panitch’s argument relies on
industrial class struggle as the only true index of socialist policies, thus ignoring the wider
socio-political struggle for socialist hegemony; and third, as participation in corporatist
political struggle provide opportunities for the implantation of left personnel, of democratic
networks, and of infrasturctures with the capacity to administer, plan, and contain sabotage
in such a way that permits rank-and-file initiatives to expand within a co-ordinated
framework, it cannot merely be dismissed as integrative for it can help to strengthen
working class mobilisation and enlarge the scope for popular mass struggle, the
democratisation of political institutions, and the promotion of socialist policies (Sirranni,
1983:115-116 and 122-125).

Finally, however, it has to be noted that although corporatist structures do provide potential
opportunities for the radical working class, this potential has seldom been realised. For, as
Schmitter, (1981:321) has recently pointed out, the evidence for ¢lass mobilisation has
been overestimated and the barriers to it underestimated, which indicates that corporatism
is far more stable than generally recognised by its critics. And despite corporatism’s short-
coming to mobilise political and ideological support on wide-ranging issues and thus to
facilitate hegemonic projects ~ an aspect that is of less importance in exceptional states— it
is wellstructured to promote capital accumulation in general, and accumulation strategies
of monopoly capital in particular. This factor can make corporatism a particularly
attractive solution as a form of political representation for a reforming authoritarian elite in
South Africa. For, as Jessop (1979:200) has argued, corporatism can bloc the growth of a
revolutionary movement through the fragmentation of trade unions along functional lines,
and through the institutionalisation of reformist policies — a not so insignificant political goal

95



in the form of an open vote takes place because the superordinate group is able to repress
the demands of the subordinate group. Consensus does not result from a mutual agreement,
but rather from the ability of the defenders of the status quo to keep certain issues out of the
political arena (Steiner, 1981:349).

This status quo bias of both consociationalist and corporatist arrangements is clearly
demonstrated in capitalist societies where both types of institutions has the effect of
maintaining existing class relations and institutionalising conflict, whilst privileging the
accumulation needs of capital and enhancing the legitimacy and stability of capitalist
relations of production (Panitch, 1979:127). It is in this context that the functional
complementarity of corporatism and consociationalism becomes clearly evident. For, as
corporatism deals with economic and functional issues, it remedies an aspect not dealt with
_ explicitly in consociationalism. On the other hand, economic issues do not exhaust
politically relevant topics, and extra-economic issues are not readily handled through
corporatist institutions. This deficiency complicates the efficient operation of a corporatist
system and calls into question its ability to secure the political and ideological conditions
necessary for accumulation (Jessop, 1983:139-162). In this respect consociationalist
institutions can complement corporatism. and can help to articulate extra-economic
political and ideological issues, ideas and practices into a coherent hegemonic project.

The close association and functional complementarity between corporatism and con-
sociationalism suggest that the political elite and dominant classes in South Africa, faced
by an institutional and economic crisis, can use corporatist structures to complement
political reform along consociational lines. Not only will it deracialise conflict in the society
and initiate social divisions along class lines, but can also legitimate capitalist relations of
production by moving away from the political repression of black working class
organisations to the incorporation of these organisations. Corporatist ideas can further-
more serve as an attractive ideological alternative to competitive democracy based on
individual participation and equality, as itis based on concepts such as ‘plural societies’ and
“group rights’ ~ concepts that dominate political discourse in South Africa.

These ideas and practices form an important component of the institutional pluralism of
regimes ruling over societies that have reached such a level of social and economic
complexity, and social and political mobilisation that they cannot be managed through
sheer administration and force, and therefore require some opportunities for political
participation.

Therefore, as Linz (in Polsby and Greenstein, 1975:310-311) has argued, the idea of
building political institutions through corporate interest representation is particularly
tempting to bureaucratic, military, and technocratic elites who reject the idea of open
conflict and who believe in a rational, ultimately administrative solution of conflict and who
are not guided by an utopian virsion of society, but by pragmatic considerations — ideas and
practices that play a central role in the very conservative and technocratic nature of the
governing elite’s reform strategy in South Africa. For corporatist and consociational
institutions allow the expression of the heterogeneity and plurality of interests, but can also
serve to limit the conflictual expression of interests. To show how corporatism can function
to secure conditions for accummulation and legitimate capitalist relations of production,
further elaboration is needed.

CONCEPTUALISATIONS OF ‘CORPORATISM’

In any study of corporatism it is important to note that the concept ‘corporatism’ does not

88



selection to which it is subjected. We have competitive prices, thanks to the
support from the National Directorate of Enterprise Financing, which has
cooperated extensively with us."

Angolan handicrafts, which find a very large number of artists in Cabinda
Province, have already shown sufficient evidence of their real value. The
items marketed to date, both in the country and abroad, have not only allowed
for the entry of foreign exchange into Angola, but also, and primarily, have
ensured them the position and acceptance which they, in fact, deserve.

The process of marketing handicrafts, which has recently been improving consi-
derably as a result of the memorandum from the state secretary of culture,
Boaventura Cardoso, dated 5 December 1983, could not be undertaken without
first organizing the handicraft activity inside the country.

In fact, for greater control of this activity, which is a source of wealth,
certain measures were adopted recently which will henceforth regulate the
handicrafts sector here in Cabinda Province.

As we were informed, sales of handicraft items are banned in unsuitable places,
such as book stores, tobacco shops, etc.; because it was decided at a meeting
held 3 days ago to create shops just for the sale of this "small" resource of
ours. Furthermore, the handicrafts sector in Cabinda will set up a handicraft
cooperative on a site to be ordered, in order to concentrate the artists and
the preparation of the items; inasmuch as this will be able to contribute to
an improvement in the quality thereof.

2909
cso: 3442/326



as Jessop (1983:25-26) has indicated, that the: organisations of capital do play an important
role in articulating specific accumulation strategies, and in mobilising economic and
political support for these strategies.

Nevertheless, it could be argued that labour is more dependent on collective action and
organisation than capital in order to use the withdrawal of labour-power as an intent of
Political power. For capital does not rely exclusively on employers’ associations to
enhance its social power, but also use mergers, monopolies and cartels to promote its
Position. As a result, restrictive Political regulation of the forms of association and
organisational activities have a stronger impact on labour than on employers’ or investors’
associations. For example, legal requirements of ‘internal democratisation’ effect labour
organisations negatively in that the absence of a single ‘calculus of optimization’ that could
be used to reconcile conflicting goals makes intra- or inter-organisational competition,
disunity and rivairy much more likely than in business organisations. Furthermore, legal
controls imposed on the leadership of interest organisations differs along class lines. In
business and investors’ organisations leaders do not have any substantial control over the
actions that their members choose to pursue. They have, for example, no control over
members’ investment decisions. Conversely, in the case of unions, institutionalisation
means an exchange transaction in which co-operation is traded for formal participation in
policy decisions or otherwise, moderation is achieved as a consequence of imposed
‘democratic’ organisational rules (Offe, 1981:148-150).

Another factor which undermines the position of labour is the way in which corporatist
representation articulates the collective mass organisations of labour with centralised state
apparatuses by encouraging the centralisation of the labour movement. As a result union.
policy is increasingly made by the permanent, bureaucratised apparatus of confederal
labour organisations — a tendency which enhances leadership control. This enhanced
leadership control serves to counterbalance the advantage in shori-term economic strike
power that labour gained under monopoly capitalism (owing to the socialisation of
Production, technological changes and increased capital intensity of production). Working
class organisation and mass Participation at the points of production is further weakened
through the transfer of bargaining right from shop stewards and rank-and-file movements
to national trade union leaders and from firm and industry to the national political level. In
addition, centralised corporatist participation encourages the introduction and acceptance
of capitalist growth criteria in the formulation of union wage policy — the central aspect
being the recognition that profit is the condition for future economic growth and wage
determination. Thus, to the extent that organised labour acquires rights or corporatist
political representation, it accepts an economic-corporate role and limits the use of
industria! action. Finally, it should also be Pointed out that corporatist institutions, to the
extent that it involves centralised decision-making, favours organised vis-a-vis un-
organised labour, and also monopoly ‘capital, with its greater concentration and
centralisation of capital, vis-a-vis small capital (Jessop, 1978:42 and Panitch, 1981).

The preceding arguments would seem to indicate that corporatism is undoubtedly the most
appropriate state form favouring capitalist interests. But this conclusion must be qualified,
for corporatism, just like parliamentarism, is prone to contradictions and instability. Faced
with rapid class mobilisation, corporatist forms of representation can either degenerate into
industrial and occupational particularism or result in splits between the leaders of peak
organisations and their members, The: potential for instability is further enhanced due to the
fact that the leaders of organisations representing capital and labour are faced with a
permanent organisational and ideological dilemma: Either to compromise the immediate
* interests of their members for the sake of agreement, thereby risking internal revolt; or give
in to the demands of militant members, thereby losing the opportunity for compromises

94



“favoured nation’. This was associated with the re-organisation of the bases of political
support and the structures of the state, to reflect a vertical antagonistic cleavage between the
‘civilised’ (white) and the ‘uncivilised’ (non-white) sections in civil society. After 1976 the
changing balance of class forces and accumulation needs required a substantail redefinition
of the hegemonic principle (race), and a re-organisation of the bases of political support: the
antagonistic cleavages must now be based on economic rather than racial categories ~
between the ‘productive’ (urban, industrial) vs the parasitic (homeland, traditional) sectors
in civil society. Such a redefinition of the hegemonic principle also requires appropriate
forms of political representation and state intervention to secure an adequate social base for
the exercise of state power and for the smooth operation of the capitalist mode of

production.

Since 1978 the Botha government has introduced political and economic reforms broadly,
but not wholly, along these lines. This is due to the fact that military competition interacted
with capital accumulation in mediating relations of domination and state intervention. The
increased military involvement of the South African state in regional conflicts not only
enhanced the military’s position as the dominant state apparatus and the key element in the
formulation of national policies,!’ but also effected the formulation of economic policies
which are not compatible and functional to the accumulation needs of monopoly capital.
This can be illustrated by noting that although the government has accepted that long term
economic growth can only come through an export-led strategy in the manufacturing
sector, it continues to press ahead, for strategic reasons and despite ‘unduly high costs’, with
import-substitution measures in such instances as consumer durables (motor cars), heavy
intermediate products (chemicals and petrol), and certain capital goods (armaments)
(Scheepers, 1982:23).

Nevertheless, since 1978 the Government and the NP itself have moved considerably
closer to accepting, articulating and implementing many of the recommendations proposed
by spokesmen of capital in order to secure the political conditions for accumulation. These
policies include the attempted political incorporation of the coloured and Asian groups
through the extension of formal parliamentary representation based on group interests: the
attempted political encadrement of the African bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie; and the
economic incorporation of tte urban African working class through extensions of trade
union rights, increased spending on education, training and urban housing, and the
Strengthening of influx control measures to create divisions between the urban and rural
‘icans."

The process of reform has been associated with, and in part accomplished, through the
increasing ‘corporatisation’ of functional interest organisations. This applies especially to
the reform of the form of state intervention in the economic and industrial relations sphere.
Ad hoc interaction between the Government and functional organisations increased when
the Government first invited representatives of organised labour and capital to participate
in the Wiehahn Commission of Inquiry into labour legislation, and later the De Lange
Commission of Inquiry into education and training ~ both which made important policy
recommendations. Secondly, prime minister P.W. Botha mobilised support of organised
capital and labour for his reformist policies at the 1979 Carlton and 1981 Good Hope
Conferences. This increased interaction was institutionalised with the establishment of the
National Manpower Commission (NMC) in 1979.

The NMC was established in response to the militant black worker and youth actions since
1973, foreign pressures and capital’s disenchantment with apartheid restrictions on the
use of black labour and as the outcome of the recommendations of the Wiehahn
Commission. The Commission argued for the establishment of a representative tripartite

99



surrender and to render our movement paralyzed with fear, confusion and confound-
ed to a situation where it will finally end up going cap in hand to the fascist
Botha and asking for talks.

The enemy failed to strike fear into the hearts of our galaxy of leaders and
elected delegates through the Gaborone attack, countrymen, let alone to even
disrupt the conference itself. [For out of that conference, instead, the ANC
emerged more united and strengthened than ever before, more determined and
poised to confront the enemy and deliver the final crushing blow on its en-
tire inhuman edifice and bring genuine liberation to our country. Instead

of frightening us through the massacre in Gaborone, the Pretoria's regime
only told us in action, countrymen, that whether we wanted war or not, the
only way we could stop this bloodletting was for us also to go to war, to take
to arms, countrymen. Indeed now this latest act of terror in Lusaka will do
nothing else but toughen our hearts, morale and determination to implement to
the letter and spirit the solutions of that historic conference,

We have resolved, countrymen, that from the venue of the conference, we are
moving forward to victory, we are moving forward to bring to a definite end
this bloodletting on our defenseless and unarmed civilians and those of the
regions, We are moving to an all-out war with the perpetrators of these un-
ending savage acts of brutality. The Gaborone massacre opened the way forward
and threw the gauntlet to our historic conference. Now this dastardly act has
put the barricade behind us, The enemy is telling us loudly and clearly that
there can be no going back, We either fight and win our freedom or perish as
slaves. This vicious circle of barbarism must be brought to an end once and
for all and the only way is for all of us to go to war, countrymen, Now is
the time, we must to arms.

CSO: 3400/590

115



PROPOSED PROVINCIAL REFORMS —

>| PARUAMENT
!
\
\ STATE PRESIDENT
| CABINET
\
ACCOUNTABILITY
'
t
OTHER A AFFECTED GENERAL
GENERAL ' bepalatme CO-ORDINATE
t DEPARTMENTS,
DEPARTMENTS Je IMPLEMENTATION
T i OF NATIONAL POLICY
y \ .
ADMINISTRATOR PROVINCIAL
IMPLEMENTATION Lb sonce 4 IeVIsGRY
OF FUNCTIONS = 4] EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE | SOAROS
DEPARTMENTAL DEPARTMENTAL
REGIONAL REGIONAL
OFFICES OFFICES
IMPLEMENTATION PROVINCIAL SECRETARY own Coens
OF FUNCTIONS TRANSFERRED
THROUGH PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION ansren
STATUTORY ADMINISTRATIONS
REGULATIONS
y y il y Y Y
RSC's | RDAC’s | HOSPITALS, | CULTURE, ENVIRONMENTAL] TRAFFIC,
(Regional | (Regional [CLINICS AND| MUSEUMS | PROTECTION |ROADS AND
Services | Development HEALTH ANO UBRARY| ANO NATURE | TRANSPORT
Couneits) | Advisory | SERVICES | SERVICES | CONSERVATION!
Committees) |

POSSIBLE GENERAL FUNCTIONAL AREAS

And the division of the spoils will
be done by multiracial demarca-
tion board albeit that it is to be
appointed by the Government.

The demarcation boards will not
have the final say but will have to
make recommendations to the pro-
vincial administrations who will be
able to make changes.

Although the Government would
dearly love to foist local govern-
ment autonomy on the larger In-
dian arid Coloured areas it appears
to have backed off and is leaving
events to take their course. This
could as a result of having greater
powers conferred on them be vir-
tually autonomous in all but name.

The carrot of course remains

that” by taking autonomy the

62

greater their powers will be. 4

The primary local authorities ‘
then have links in two directions.
One to the Regional Services Coun-
cils (RSCs) and to the regional of-
fices of central government own
affairs administrations. It is here
where black local authorities are
to be drawn, being given represen-
tation on the RSCs.

The RSCs will basically be re-
sponsible for the supply of common
services such as water, lights, sew-
age and fire fighting.

But the composition of RSC’s is
one of the stumbling blocks.

By deciding on representation
and voting power by the the con-



GOVERNMENT ADVISED TO STAY IN MARKET PLACE

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 19 Jun 85 p 6

{Article by Harold Fridjhon]

[Text]

“THE final report of the De Kock
commission which inquired into the

monetary system and monetary poli- }

cy, re-stat unambiguously the
basic principle enunciated in its first

interim report: that monetary policy —

must be market related.

“Tt is the commission’s conviction
that in South Africa’s sophisticated
financial system a market-orientat-
ed monetary strategy will serve the
national interest better than any set
of non-market-orientated or ‘direct’
monetary controls,” says the report.

Markets function best in the
national interest if they are reason-
ably free, competitive, active and
broad, and produce realistic market-
related interest and exchange rates.
Monetary policy should be applied so
that it does not undermine the effi-
client functioning of these markets.

One of the main findings of the
commission is that many of the defi-
ciencies of the past were the result of

controls on rates, controls on bank *

ceilings and inadequately monitored
and stabilised rates of increase in the
monetary aggregates.

The commission comes to the con-
clusion that the excessive and unsta-
ble growth of the monetary aggre-
gates not only permitted and
accommodated the relatively high
rate of price increases during the
past 20 years, but was also a major

68

cause of this inflation.

There were three major reasons
why market-related Pol icles were
not applied in the past:

@ An inadequate appreciation of the
significance of the rapidly develop-
ing markets and of their implica-
tions for monetary policy.
@A lack of faith in the ability of
these markets to produce optimal
economic results.

@The fear that an untrammelled
operation of the financial markets
would have certain socially unac-
ceptable consequences such as high
interest rates on housing and agri-
cultural finance.

The commission is satisfied that
South Africa has a relatively ad-
vanced monetary and banking sys-
tem and a set of reasonably broad,
active and expanding financial mar-

ets.

There had been a tendency in the

ast to equate monetary poli

rgely with the control of credit
extended by the banking sector to the
private sector, the report says.

“The weakness of this unduly nar-
row view ... was that it tended to
focus attention mainly on instru-
ments of monetary policy aimed at
controlling bank credit to the private
sector ... with insufficient attention
being given to ... public debt man-
agement, open market operations,

iscount policy and exchange rate
and exchange control policy.”

JPRS~SSA~85-065
23 July 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



JPRS~SSA~85~-065
23 July 1985

the population of that locality, urging them to redouble their vigilance. He
also visited the municipality of Cuemba, where he met with the combatants from
the defense and security forces and the military unit stationed at the Munhango
commune. It should be pointed out that, during this trip of his, the chairman
of the Military Council was accompanied by members of the party and government,
and officials from the defense and security forces. [Text] [Luanda JORNAL DE
ANGOLA in Portuguese 22 May 85 p 3] 2909

OFFICIAL VISITS LUNDA-SUL--Suarimo--Rodeth dos Santos, member of the MPLA-
Labor Party Central Committee and of the State Secretariat of Social Affairs,
paid a working visit to Lunda-Sul. The purpose of the visit was.to learn

"on the spot" about the most pressing problems besetting the Provincial Agency
for Social Affairs, mainly with regard to assistance for displaced persons and
refugees. During his stay, that official of our government held a meeting with
the members of the Executive Commission and with the physically disabled, also
making contact with the Zairean refugees and visiting the Children's Centers
of Luavur District. On a visit to the locality of Luachimo, he held a brief
meeting with the special troops stationed in a military unit, later meeting
with all the displaced persons at the Chicapa movie theater. [Text] [Luanda
JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 22 May 85 p 3] 2909

CABINDA MPLA-PT EXPANSION CAMPAIGN--Cabinda--The press was informed by the
coordinator of the department for the organization of the party committee,
Jose Emilio Homem, that the second national campaign to expand the MPLA-Labor
Party may be considered opened as of the first of this month, in this province,
after the formalities for its execution are met. According to that official
of the party in the province, as part of the preliminary work, four brigades
were set up, coordinated by members of the Provincial Committee, all over the
province, and a methodological meeting was also held regarding the event. It
is noteworthy that, after the holding of the first campaign for the party's
expansion, which included only the rank and file (cell) organizations which
had proven to be suitable from a functional standpoint, this campaign will be
extended to all cells, nevertheless not neglecting to preserve the social and
worker nature of the party. For example, it will affect mainly the worker and
peasant sectors, as well as the education and schooling sector, in view of

the importance attached to the transformation of the society and the training
of the younger generations. Since the MPLA-Labor Party is a selective organiza—
tion, its members must be the best representatives of the working class as well
as its allies. From this standpoint, the question of numbers should not cause
one to lose sight of the problem of the members' quality. There are, however,
social sectors which should receive greater attention from the party, and
party structures should be created in order to improve their production,

as that official stressed on this occasion; considering the process of forming
cooperatives and associations in the rural areas as one of the means of inten-
sifying the worker-peasant alliance, inextricably linked with the reinforcement
of the party's leadership role. [Text] [Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese
22 May 85 p 3]. 2909

CSO: 3442/325

13



in a society such as South Africa where the biggest internal political threat to the regime
comes from an antagonistic sector of the black working class.

ACCUMULATION STRATEGIES AND THE CREATION OF CORPORATIST
INSTITUTIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA

Inthe final part of this article the development of corporatist institutions in South Africa will
be analysed and discussed in terms of the relation between capital accumulation and state
forms. With this discussion I endeavour to illustrate the theoretical arguments developed in
the preceding sections, and in the subsequent sections I shall try to identify conditions
conducive to the further development of corporatist forms of political representation in
South Africa.

The system of functional interest group representation changed very little in the first decade
of NP rule. Interest organisation interaction with the state was of an ad hoc nature, and the
intermediation of functional and economic issues was done primarily indirectly through the
party- and parliamentary system. However, in the years 1958-1960 black political and
labour unrest posed a serious challenge to the government, and as a response to this
challenge and to capital’s doubts about the government's policy of ‘border areas
industrialisation’, the first ‘corporatisation’ of interest organisation intermediation took
place with the establishment of the prime minister’s Economic Advisory Council (EAC) in
March 1960. :

The rationale behind the establishment of the EAC was not only to provide opportunities for
consultation on, and co-ordination of the state’s economic policies as official explanations
would have it, but, as Pretorius (1982:11-13) has argued, to institutionalise the
incorporation of capitalist associations through the medium of interest representation “into
Processes related to the design of economic policies which themselves had a manifestly
political intent”. For the Government needed to mobilise the support of capital for its policy
of “border areas industrialisation” — an idea which attracted little enthusiasm from
industrialists. This policy was a central element in the Government's homeland policy, and
was also clearly linked by Government spokesmen to the unrest in the black townships,
who argued for greater co-operation from the private sector on issues such as black wages,
work reservation, black trade unions and economic decentralisation. It is against this
background that the EAC, a tripartite body consisting of representatives of the state, capital
and organised labour, was created (Pretorius, 1982:18).

The creation of this corporatist body was specifically designed to remedy certain
shortcomings in the party political and parliamentary forms of representation and state
intervention. For, as we have argued in the preceding section, corporatist institutions of
policy-making is particularly suited for state intervention in the economic sphere as it
attracts direct co-operation from capital and labour, and as the top-level bargaining process
‘depoliticise’ important issues and remove them from the emotive sphere of party politics.
‘The latter consideration was of particular importance in South Africa where the policy of
border area industrialisation, conceived by Afrikaner Nationalists, needed the active
support of big, mainly English, capital for its successful implementation. This involved
certain trade-offs and a degree of mutual accommodation between the publicly opposed
interests of capital and government. Accordingly, this process required a system of
interaction for which the ‘normal’ political process was particularly unsuited, for the
exclusionary nature and ideological structures of Afrikaner Nationalism could not allow
tpeaining between the NP government and big business to be seen (Pretorius, 1982:18-
19).

96



JPRS-SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

COMOROS

BRIEFS

MAYOTTE REJECTS TOURIST PROJECT--The planned tourist complex at Longoni put
forward by the French company Riss Reunion has been rejected by the Mayotte
local council, which wants to reserve the site for a deep-water port.
Besides, the financial contribution which the developers were asking from
the local authorities was considered exorbitant. In effect, Riss Reunion
was told it would have to find another site and make less extravagant demands
if it wanted its project to go through. [Text] [Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN
NEWSLETTER in English 15 Jun 85 p 6]

cso: 3400/572

18



110 attending the course in analytical (laboratory) chemistry in daytime
classes and 40 attending the industrial (technological) chemistry course in
nighttime classes.

Chemistry and Production

Urbano Gove, from the SETEP [State Secretariat of Technical-Professional Educa-
tion] Curricular Planning Department, explained: "Chemistry is a little known
but quite important field, particularly for production sectors. Its applica-
tions are extremely vast. The greater the development, the greater its appli-
cations. In the concrete instance of Mozambique, despite the existence of a
specialized (general chemistry) enterprise, there are chemical laboratories

in many production sectors which play a major role in the production process
itself."

According to that official, the application of chemistry in productive sectors
begins in the initial production process, because it is first necessary to
know the condition of the raw materials. He added: "The process continues
thereafter during the course of production and, finally in the quality control
of the product."

Sectors such as health, and enterprises such as the ones for water and petroleum
processing are among others which also have in the chemical field a component
that is important and essential for engaging in their activity.

It is in this context that the training of technicians for the various branches
of the chemical field in our country appears as one of the most important
areas of the educational programs.

Who Trains Our Cadres

In the course of the revision of this special field, which resulted in the
creation of two more branches (previously cited), two questions cropped up,
requiring an immediate solution: the creation of a teaching staff and the
supplying of schools which, among other specialties, would be devoted to the
training of cadres in this field.

On this topic, the subject of our interview announced that most of the first
courses were given by cooperant instructors, while at the same time the Ministry
of Education's structural agencies took action to train Mozambican instructors.
"In some instances,it was the students from the most advanced courses who gave
instruction to the lower-level classes, while others attended accelerated
courses and other types."

Despite the fact that the problem of instructors has not been completely solved,
the situation does not appear to be so critical as it was previously. There
are Mozambican instructors participating in the training of the future techni-
cians.

2909

CsO: 3442/315

47



and social welfare benefits are used as an “agelutinative agent” to bring favoured groups
into the state’s reward structure and to bind them loyally to the regime. Third, and most
crucially, the state employs coercive measures and make use of periodically used but
systematic physical repression and anticipatory intimidation to bolster the institutional and
economic measures (Schmitter, 1976:58).9

Corporatist institutions can also be a feature of democratic states. During the post-war era
liberal democracies in advanced capitalist societies have been characterised by a growth in

levels of employment, the state’s commitment through Keynesian fiscal and monetary
Policies, to full employment practices that reflect, to a large extent, the political strength of
the working classes and their political allies on this issue; the existence of a high degree of
union centralisation and a bureaucratised legal framework for collective bargaining, the
ideological dominance of ‘social democracy’ with its ideas of ‘consensus’, “co-operation
between classes’ and the notion of the ‘neutral state’; trends toward the centralisation of
Power within the state in the executive and administration, with the corresponding decline
in the importance of parliamentary power and Tepresentation,!®

FORMS OF POLITICAL REPRESENTATION AND CAPITAL
ACCUMULATION

Both state and societal forms of corporatism is associated with a growing autonomisation of
the state and a decline in parliamentarism as a form of political representation. This raises
interesting questions about the effects of different forms of-political representation and
intervention on capital accumulation, the balance of class forces in a society, and the
‘operation of class and functional interest organisations.

For example, the democratic republic and parliamentary form of representation can
seriously hamper capital accumulation and the rule of capital. In social formations where
the bourgeoisie is not politically and ideologically dominant, substantial penetration of
parliament by political forces committed to the radical transformation of the relations of
production and pattem of political and ideological domination can lead to the estabishment
ofa socialist republic. Such a threat to the rule of capital can frequently only be averted
through the institution of an ‘exceptional’ state in which the continued rule of capital is
secured through force and the suppression of popular representation. And even in ‘normal’
States, party political competition and the growing disarticulation of parliamentary
representation from: state intervention, especially in the economic sphere, can have
dysfunctional consequences for capital accumulation. These dysfunctional consequences
are introduced by factors such as the abuse of executive power to secure electoral
advantage at the expense of ‘accumulation; and representational and parliamentary crises
Producing a lack of party co-operation and/or unpredictable changes in goverment
Policies which render long term corporate planning difficult - problems that are aggravated
to the extent that parliament has effective control over significant means of economic
intervention,"

It is in this context that corporatism, with its institutional fusion of representation and
intervention, can prove to be a more adequate solution for the problems facing capital
accumulation than parliamentarism. And not only is corporatism advantageous to capital

Capitalist relations of production. First, corporatism is advantageous to capital accumulation

92



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

MAURITIUS

BRIEFS

PMSD SUPPORTED--The Interafrican Socialist movement, led by former Senegalese
president Leopold Sedar Senghor, gave its support during its 8th session, held
in Mauritius, to the PMSD party of deputy prime minister Gaetan Duval. Prime
minister Anerood Jugnauth's party, the MSM, was admitted as an observer, while
Sir Satcam Booleli's Labour Party, despite being a founder-member of Inter-
african Socialist, was not invited to the meeting. 1.0.N. This support for
the PMSD from a "socialist" institution is surprising. Gaetan Dubal has a
solid reputation as a right-winger, if not an extreme right-winger. Last
September he headed an impressive PMSD delegation to the 17th conference of the
World Anti-Communist League, held at San Diego, California. And it was a
member of that delegation, Monas Fakira, who was elected to head the league's
African branch. [Text] [Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in English 8 Jun 85

p 4]

CsO: 3400/572

30



JPRS~Ssa~gs..
23 July 1985°°

BENIN

EHUZU SEES NO POSSIBILITY OF COUP IN BENIN
AB091713 Cotonou EHUZU in French 14 Jun 85 pp 1, 8
[Unattributed commentary: "Spreading Rumors To Snatch Up Power"]

{Excerpts] To overthrow a revolutionary power one must organize a reactionary
psychological campaign among the popular masses to sap up their morale, iso-
late power, and then pick it up. This is the new tactic being employed in
the invariable strategy of imperialism and internal reaction to bring to
question the gains of the people and their revolution. This old rotten gun
can no longer be used in the present conditions. But reaction can never
understand the reality of the people. Reaction and anarcholeftists think
they are dealing with Kerekou's power and not the people's power. And that

is the whole misfortune of those who refuse to look reality in the face be~
cause they are blinded by their evil design which is inimical to the interests
of the people and of their revolution.

Having failed in their attempt to undermine the revolutionary regime by fire
and sword on that memorable Sunday, 16 January 1977, reaction is spending the
better part of its time orchestrating all sorts of rumors.

In the conditions under which the regime is resolutely struggling against the
evil effects of the crisis, one can easily understand why reaction wants to
fish in troubled waters, being ignorant of the fact that the popular masses in
democratic Benin are no. longer fish that will swallow any bait. But the
specialists of lies and untruths often become the victims of their own fanci-
ful creation.

This is exactly what has happened to reaction and its spearhead, the anarcho-
leftists of the National University of Benin who can now see the sociopolit-
ical reality of our country only through the truthless and unrealistic prism

of their shortsightedness, thus proving that their strategy of political
struggle has no connection with objective reality. By trying to cynically
deceive the people through a truncated interpretation of the reality because

of political demagogy, the reactionaries have fallen into their own trap.
Having thus become victims of their own vision and surfeited by their imaginary
link with the people and the imaginary support which the people would give then,
the anarcholeftists thought the time had come to put into practice their in-
famous theory of general insurrection. But woe betide anyone who approaches
social reality in ignorance or absolute disregard of the laws of historical

4



cso:

president Ahmed ABDALLAH and the minister of state for presidential
affairs and defence, Ahmed ABDOU.

It may be recalled that before erecting the station in the
Seychelles, the United States asked France permission to install it in
the Comoros, which was still a French possession at the time. Paris
refused, and suggested Madagascar, where there were important French
military facilities. However the fall of president Philibert TSIRANANA
put paid to the idea.

In the event that the Americans were obliged. to dismantle the station
in the Seychelles, there seems no doubt that +t moros would be the
most suitable alternative site. President ABDALLAH ts particularly
interested, and would be prepared to make substantial concessions to
conclude a deal, above all if the station ended up in his own island of
Anjouan. The president, who is having increasing difficulty in keeping
political control over the country, appears to be tempted once more by
seceding with Anjouan. "When the time comes, Anjouan must be isolated”,
he told close supporters some ten days ago. If necessary, Washington
could go along with that,

3400/572

58



seminars, the last of which was held in
June 198] on the theme of Zakat. The
organisation issues a quarterly journal
called Al-Islam, which is one of the two
Islamic magazines in the country, the
other being The Muslims (Muislamu)
published by the National Muslim
Couneil of Tanzania in Kiswahili.

Another landmark of Islamic cultural
activity in Tanzania is the Warsa or
Muslim Writers’ Workshop. It was
formed in 1975 by a few young men with
the objective of writing and translating
Islamic literature from Arabic or English
into Kiswahili, which is the lingua
franca in Tanzania and East Africa.

So far seven different titles have been
published dealing with themes mainly
concerned with the fundamentals of
Islam. But the workshop finds it hard to
fulfil expectations. It cannot afford what
itnow badly needs: full-time personnel,
a printing press and instructors. Msaud
and Warsha are desperately trying to
face up to these problems. It is sad. that
tich Muslim countries and individuals
do not come to their aid.

The work of propagating Islam in
Tanzania is usually done by
individuals. There is, however, an
organisation called Tabligh Jamaat of
Tanzania which has established a

cso: 3400/553

111

centre in central Tanzania. Some Asian
Muslims have started this organisation
to make African Muslims aware of their
faith and unity of purpose. .

As for preaching, some devoted
young men go to schools to talk to
pupils. There is also a radio
programme, the External Service of
Radio Tanzania, Dar-es-Salaam, every
Friday. In Dar-es-Salaam, there is a
pavilion where a display of Islamic
books and materials is held every year
during the national festivals. In some
regions there are Muslim: students
associations where students meet to
discuss affairs pertaining to their
welfare. They are not sufficiently
effective, however, because of their
lack of training, literature and funds.

Except for Msaud, Warsha and
Tablighi Jamaat, there are no other
active dawa organisations. The Shia
Muslims have set up a promulgation
jovement called Bilal Muslims
Mission, which publishes a bi-monthly
The Light, and has also published so far
about 20 booklets. According to their
journal they have converted several
hundred African families, and many
African students have been sent to the
Tranian city of Qom for higher religious
studies.



JPRS~SSA~85~065
23 July 1985

ZAMBIA

RADLO FREEDOM BLAMES PRETORIA FOR LUSAKA BOMBING
EA041653 Addis Ababa Radio Freedom in English to South Africa 1930 GMT 3 Jul 85
{Inako Mayshor commentary: "Yet Another Cowardly Act of Vandalism"]

[Text] Compatriots, it is only a few days since we laid our compatriots, our
dead friends and beloved ones to rest in the Botswana capital, Gaborone,
victims of a sadistic and dastardly act of terror carried out by heavily
armed thugs of the fascist Pretoria regime on defenseless and unarmed refugees
and Botswana citizens who were ruthlessly butchered while still asleep. And
yet, as we speak, only 10 days after that shameful criminal massacre on help-
less citizens, the banditry Pretoria regime has gone into action again, caus-
ing mayhen and havoc in yet another independent and sovereign state, As we
should all have heard by now, countrymen, hirelings of the criminal apartheid
regime yesterday planted a powerful bomb at the headquarters of our vanguard
liberation movement, the ANC in the Zambian capital, Lusaka, which nonethe-
less caused very minimal damage if any at all.

The large-scale damage intended by the intruders was prevented only by the
vigilant and intrepid security personnel at the office who were quick to re-
pulse the racist bombers before they could place their deadly weapon in a
position where it could have had devastating effects on civilians and build-
ings. This latest act of banditry and vandalism, countrymen, comes only a
few days or to be precise just in the wake of another warning issued by the
African National Congress to the international community and our embattled
people at large that the ANC has received reliable intelligence information
that the Pretoria regime is planning to carry out fresh acts of aggression
against one or more of the independent states of southern Africa following
the Botswana carnage,

The ANC's warning pointed out that this regime continues to make false allega-
tions that the ANC has military bases in such countries as Lesotho, Botswana
and others in the region and that we direct and control the armed struggle
fought in our country from these countries, as it was, only a day or two after
the ANC issued that warning, the fascist troops once again invaded the sovereign
territory of independent Angola under the old and worn out pretext that they
were pursuing so-called terrorists. This was yet not only a gross violation

of the territorial integrity of Angola but also an abrogation of the Lusaka
agreement on security signed between Angola and the same fascist Pretoria

113



JPRS-SSA-85-065
23 July 1985

INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

BRIEFS

COCA-COLA HURTS VANILLA GROWERS--The international vanilla market is in turmoil
and the problems of the Indian Ocean's producers (Madagascar, the Comoros and
Reunion) seem far from resolution. As half their combined 1984 output of 1,720
tonnes (1,500 for Madagascar, 180 for the Comoros and 40 for Reunion) remains
unsold, and the 1985 season promises to be excellent with a production of more
than 1,800 tonnes of processed vanilla, the world's largest consumer of the
commodity, the Coca-Cola Company, has just launched a new version of its drink
whose formula contains no vanilla whatsoever. As a result, the company is in
the process of selling off its entire stock of 180 tonnes of vanilla, the
equivalent of one year's output by the Comoros, at around 55 dollars a kilo,

as against the official price set by the producers of 70 dollars. The United
States Zink & Trieste concern has already bought up 50 tonnes which were stored
in the U.S., and the rest of the stock in various parts of the world will be
the object of similar deals. For this year, therefore, the producers have to
face up both to the unexpected arrival of an extra 180 tonnes of vanilla on

the market, and the loss of their most important customer. The vanilla dealers,
who since the beginning of the year have been bringing pressure to bear on the
Indian Ocean producers to lower their price by at least 20 dollars, will use
the Coca-Cola development to the full as ammunition to force them to negotiate
without waiting for the next price-fixing session at Nosy Be in March 1986.
[Text] [Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in English 15 Jun 85 p 6]

PTA GETS NEW BANK--The eastern and southern Africa preferential trade area
(PTA) will have its own development bank from January next year. The decision,
taken at the last PTA summit in Bujumbura, was confirmed this week by the
organisation's secretary-general, Bax Nomvote, following a meeting of PTA
officials which took place in Lusaka at the end of May. However, the move
still has to be ratified by the PTA's council of ministers in July. This new
financial institution, whose headquarters, after discussion, will eventually
be in Bujumbura, will have as its purpose the promotion of trade among the 15
PTA member countries and the provision of special assistance to the least-
developed members. The bank's capital, as envisaged by the officials at the
beginning, was to be 300 million dollars. There has been no indication of the
figure finally decided. The establishment of the bank will coincide with the
end of the two-year mandate given to the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe to act as a
clearing house for the PTA. [Text] [Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in
English 8 Jun 85 p 6]

cso: 3400/572



forms of the state (Schmitter, 1974:107-108). Societal corporatism is generally associated
with liberal democratic regimes in advanced capitalist societies, while state corporatism is
associated with authoritarian-bureaucratic regimes. Societal coporatism entails the
“opening of the institutional areas: of the state to the representation of organised interests in
civil society”, while state corporatism entails the “conquest and subordination by the state
of the organisations of civil society” (O’Donnell, 1977:48). In societal corporatism,
policy-making and conflict resolution proceed in a relatively democratic manner, with
heavy emphasis on the achievement of consensus through negotiation. Control of the
interest organisations is, mostly in exchange for the withdrawal of statutary regulation,
largely voluntarily accepted and self-imposed. According to Pretorius (1982:25) “In state
corporatism policy-making and ‘resolution’ of interest conflicts is relatively authoritarian
and control is imposed by the state”.

But despite these differences, it is worth re-emphasising the essential similarity in terms of
function and design of both societal and state corporatism. Both cases of corporatism is
closely associated with the needs of capital accumulation, and both form part of a strategy
of political domination in which the institutionalised management of class conflict is a
central feature.

Thus, under liberal-democratic regimes in advanced capitalist societies, societal corporatism.
is related to class pressures from ‘below’ and the need to associate or incorporate
dominated classes in the political process as the state expandsits facilitative, allocative and
regulative functions of capital accumulation (Jessop, 1979:181). This is done by the
creation of political structures which integrate organisations of socio-economic producer

through a system of representation and co-operative mutual interaction at the
leadership level, and social control at the mass level (Panitch, 1980:174).

Similarly, in fascist and other authoritarian-bureaucratic regimes, the forceful imposition of
state corporatism from ‘above’ serves as an instrument for rescuing and consolidating
capitalism through the repression and contro! of autonomous organisations of the
subordinate classes in situations where the bourgeoisie is too weak, internally divided,
externally dependent and / or short of resources to respond in an effective manner to their
demands within a liberal-democratic context (Jessop, 1979:187).

‘STATE’ AND ‘SOCIETAL’ CORPORATISM AS RESPONSES TO
ACCUMULATION CRISES

In order to cast more light on the possible development of corporatism in South Africa, and
given the high degree of unequal economic development in that social formation, itis worth
looking at the economic and social conditions, and state forms and political power bases
associated with both state and societal corporatism.

State corporatism is generally associated with social formations characterised by
dependent capitalist development, delayed industrialisation, non-hegemonic class re-
lations and conditions of extreme social inequality. In such circumstances modernising
authoritarian-bureaucratic regimes or ‘exceptional’ states such as Bonapartist or military
regimes, are faced with two problems. First, due to the institutional separation of the state
and economy in capitalist societies, the political elite is prohibited to organise production
according to its own criteria as property ~ labour-power as well as capital — is private. This
problem is aggravated by the economy’s dependence on international capital for
investment. And since state power, the political elite’s ability to engineer industrial
development, and the state’s ability to compete militarily in the international/regional
sphere rest indirectly on the rate and volume of private accumulation — the state depends on

90



Profile of the Ambassador

The new ambassador of the People's Republic of the Congo, Jacob Okanza, who is
a member of the Central Committee of the Congolese Labor Party, was born on 21
March 1936, and holds a bachelor's degree in literature, a master's degree in
comparative literature and a doctorate (third cycle) in literature.

From 1956 to 1957 and from 1957 to 1959, he worked in primary education as
director of the Ste-Radegonda and Ngamia Schools, in the districts of Owando
and Abala, respectively. In 1965, he took up his duties as head of the School
Planning Department.

A teacher at the Savorgan de Brazza Secondary School in Brazzaville from 1966
to 1967, he then went to the Higher Normal Training School of Central Africa
and the National School of Administration as a teacher in 1968. In that same
year he also served as Director of Secondary Education. In 1969, Jacob Okanza
was appointed secretary general for education.

From 1972 to 1977, he worked in the Presidency of the Republic, serving first
as cultural adviser and later as chief of staff of the Presidency of the
Republic.

In 1977 he was appointed minister of trade, and he worked in that sector until
1979. He also taught at Marien N'Gouabi University in 1978. In the period
between 1968 and 1973, the new Congolese ambassador to our country served as
secretary general of the National Congolese Teachers Union. As a member of
the Congolese Labor Party, he served as secretary of the Central Committee and
a permanent member of the Planning Commission and, finally, president of the
Planning Commission of the Central Committee of the Congolese Labor Party.

Jacob Okanza is married and is the father of 10 children.
President Welcomes German Ambassador

In response to the speech delivered by the new ambassador of the Federal
Republic of Germany (FRG) to our country, Marshal Samora Moises Machel,
president of the People's Republic of Mozambique, said the following:

"On behalf of the people and the government of the People's Republic of
Mozambique, we thank you for the words of appreciation and respect you have
just spoken to us at this solemn ceremony for the presentation of the
eredentials accrediting you as ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of
the Federal Republic of Germany to the People's Republic of Mozambique.

Your words express the will and the readiness to develop our bilateral
relations and raise them to an ever higher level.

Welcome to the People's Republic of Mozambique. Let us assure you of our

support in the execution of the noble task entrusted to you by the government
of the Federal Republic of Germany.

35



At the time, the creation of the EAC had two important immediate effects. It benefitted
capitalist organisations by providing them with much needed access to the highest councils
of national economic policy-making. It also benefitted the state in that it helped to restore
“business confidence” after Sharpeville, facilitate a stop to the ‘flight of capital’, and
attracted new foreign capital investment needed for the intensification of the state's import—
substitution economic growth strategy (Callionicos, 1981:79).

The NP government's political domination and economic strategy of import-substitution
producd mixed results. For while the South African economy had a high annual growth rate
of 8% in the 1960’s, it could not break South Africa’s continued dependence on primary
exports and capital imports for economic growth. And by the end of the 1960’s the import-
substitution policy had lost its momentum, so that expansion in the production of
intermediate and capital goods for the local market became the dominant growth factor
(Viljoen, 1983:42). This led to growing capital intensity in all sectors of the economy;
rapidly enhance the very high degree of economic concentration and centralisation;
expanded the economic role of the state - particularly in the manufacturing sector, and,
ulitimately stimulated the growing economic bargaining power of black workers
(Callincos, 1981:80-90).

Thus, while labour repression and rich mineral resources attracted multinational capital,
and while small-capital could achieve high profits due to Jow labour costs in the 1960s and
early 1970s, the development of ‘economies-of-scale in the manufacturing sector was too
small to make South African manufactured goods competitive on the international market.
Like other newly industrialising countries in a similar structural position in the world
capitalist system (Brazil, Argentina, Mexico, Hong Kong and Taiwan) South Africa is
dependant on primary exports and capital imports for ‘economic growth. But unlike
countries such as Brazil and some Southeast Asian countries, South Africa has not been
able to become a significant exporter of manufactured goods, Contributing to this problem
is the relatively low level of labour productivity, the tack of economies-of-scale due to a
small black consumer market, and the fact that South African manufacturers’ natural
markets in the rest of A frica Were severely restricted because of political reasons, Reinforced
by tendencies such as growing inflation, the economy’s vulnerability to fluctuations in the
international gold market, growing military expenditure, international political pressure
and ‘ severe lack of skilled labour, South Africa experienced a severe economic crisis in the
1970s.

A number of tendencies turned the threatening accumulation crisis into a full-scale organic
crisis. There were the intensification of the class struggle triggered by the 1973 strike waves
by black workers in Durban; the international oil crisis; the fundamental change in the
regional balance of power with the independence of Mozambique and Angola; and most
importantly, the Soweto riots and subsequent unrest among black townships in 1976-1977.
Again, this second organic crisis required formative action on the economic, political and
ideological levels - action which increased the degree of corporatisation of functional
interest group intermediation in South Africa (Callinicos, 1981:80-92)."

Capital’s ability to accumulate is dependent on securing and maintaining the realisation of
the value-form. In this process, the dual character of wages as variable capital and as
revenue poses a strategic dilemma for capital. Capital has to strike a balance between the
need to keep labour costs at a minimum whilst expanding demand and markets in order to
realise added value and profits. The outcome ‘of this balance favours some fractions of
capital more than others. This applies to capital accumulation both at the national and
international level of analysis. Moreover, accumulation requirements at the international
level ‘overdetermines’ accumulation struggles at the national level. Thus, given South

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continue the efficient work done by my predecessor, and I would at the same
time ask Your Excellency to grant me the confidence and support he enjoyed.

Mr President, the policy of our two governments is guided by the principles of
the United Nations Charter. These principles include the right of the peoples
to self-determination, the implementation of human rights, rejection of the
use of force, nonintervention and also respect for the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of nations.

Both our societies are based on the principle of equal rights for all men,
without distinctions of color, race, religion or origin, and we both seek to
encourage the recognition of this basic human right outside our frontiers as
well, through political means.

It is the highest goal of the foreign policy of the government of the FRG to
contribute to the establishment and maintenance of peace in the world. This
means that the government of the FRG, through a consistent policy in favor of
peace, is trying to contribute to the reduction of conflict and the creation
of the conditions necessary for a just and enduring order. It continues to
have as its primary goal the achievement soon of independence for Namibia, on
the basis of Security Council Resolution No 435, as well as the abolition of
the apartheid system in South Africa.

There is no place in our world for colonialism and racism, whatever their
form. We categorically reject the policy of apartheid, which is a violation
of human rights, and in particular the expulsion of individuals by means of
acts of violence. We are, moreover, also of the opinion that there is no
reasonable alternative to dialogue and negotiation. We have always been
committed to the rejection of the use of force on the international scene, and
we will continue to be.

The signing of the Nkomati Agreement strengthened the hopes of all of those
combatting violence and defending peace in southern Africa and the solution of
conflicts through negotiation. The government of the Federal Republic of
Germany hopes that this accord will establish an enduring basis for a good
relationship among the nations involved, and that in addition to this, it will
contribute to the resolution of the causes of the tensions existing in the
region in peaceful fashion.

Mr President, the government of the Federal Republic of Germany is committed
to continuing to expand and consolidate cooperation with Mozambique in all
fields, in a spirit of egalitarian cooperation and on the basis of equal
rights and mutual confidence. We respect the right of your country to
determine its own development on the political, economic and social levels in
full sovereignty.

The goal of our egalitarian cooperation with the African nations is to
strengthen their independence and their economic consolidation. We are trying
to provide the countries on this continent with the political and economic
strength needed to maintain and consolidate their independence. Therefore we
encourage these nations to pursue a policy of true nonalignment.

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