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JPRS 84723

10 November 1983

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

No. 2869

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JPRS 84723

10 November 1983

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

No. 2869

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JPRS 84723

10 November 1983

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

Np. 2869

CONTENTS

INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

Soviet Cultural Penetration of Africa Described

(Dominique Bendo-Soupou; LE MOIS EN AFRIQUE,

Aug-Sep 83) 1

ETHIOPIA

Briefs

Bendjedid Message to Mengistu 24

Castro Message to Mengistu 24

NIGER

Minister 'Explains' Nation's Austerity Budget

(SAHEL HEBDO, No 376, 26 Sep 83).. 25

Sonichar's Financial Problems, Prospects Noted

(Oumarou Ali; SAHEL HEBDO, No 376, 26 Sep 83) 27

SEYCHELLES

SPU Starts Important Cross-Isle Road Project

(NATION, 7 Oct 83) 30

PLO Youth Delegation Reported Impressed With NYS

(NATION, 7 Oct 83) 32

Analysis of Retained Imports Use

(NATION, 4 Oct 83) 34

Briefs

President's Office Reorganized 36

- a - ill! - NE & A - 120]
SOUTH AFRICA

Reagan Administration Foreign Policy Discussed

(Editorial; DIE TRANSVALER, 26 Sep 83) 37

Relations Between Lesotho, South Africa Discussed

(Editorial; DIE VOLKSBLAD, 13 Sep 83) 38

Business With Sri Lanka Reported

(THE CITIZEN, 20 Oct 83) 39

NP May Receive American Funds for Referendum

(DIE AFRIKANER, 21 Sep 83) 40

Slabbert, Buthelezi Meeting To Discuss Referendum

(DIE VOLKSBLAD, 23 Sep 83, DIE BURGER, 24 Sep 83).. 42

Meeting Called Intimidation Attempt, Editorial

Buthelezi Allegedly Being Used, by Dawie

Referendum Vote Suggestion To Spoil Ballots Rejected

(Janet Levine; THE STAR, 14 Oct 83) 46

Business Vote in Referendum Examined

(Editorial; SUNDAY TIMES, 16 Oct 83) 48

Referendum Debate Overlooks Issue of Local Government

(Brian Pattinger; SUNDAY TIMES, 16 Oct 83) 49

Reform Not Dependent on New Constitution, Says Slabbert

(Chris Steyn; THE CITIZEN, 20 Oct 83) 52

Policies and Attitudes of UDF Discussed

(DIE BURGER, 27 Sep 83) 55

On UDF Policies, by Leopold Scholtz

UDF Attitude Toward PFP, Editorial

Effect of Constitution on Civil Service

(Editorial; DIE TRANSVALER, 21 Sep 83) 57

Church Voice in Politics Discussed at Historical Meeting

(Editorial; DIE AFRIKANER, 14 Sep 83) 58

PM Reveals Secret Meetings With Other Leaders

(SUNDAY TIMES, 16 Oct 83) 60

Nat Victory in Middelburg Predicted

(Jaap Theron; THE CITIZEN, 20 Oct 83).. 62

- b -
Professor Lombaard Addresses Assocom Congress

(Fred DeLange; THE CITIZEN, 20 Oct 83) 64

Natal Neglected: PFP, NRP Agree

(B. Cameron; THE STAR, 17 Oct 83) 65

'Yes' Vote Comes as Difficult Decision, Says Lawyer

(Johan Van Der Vyver; SUNDAY TIMES, 16 Oct 83) 66

Disruptions to Nation's Economy Predicted

(Lynn Carlisle; INDUSTRIAL WEEK, 11 Oct 83) 68

Economists Foresee Promising Financial Prospects

(Fred de Lange; THE CITIZEN, 20 Oct 83) 70

Finance Minister Says Personal Savings Rate Unsatisfactory

(Keith Abendroth; THE CITIZEN, 20 Oct 83) 71

Hendrickse Denies Labour Ranks Split Threat

(Chris Steyn; THE CITIZEN, 21 Oct 83) 72

Taiwanese-Black Business Ties Undertaken

(Julian Kraft; SUNDAY TIMES), 16 Oct 83) 73

More SATS Staff Cuts Planned

(THE STAR, 14 Oct 83) 74

Increased Banning of Rallies, Meetings Hit

(Editorial; SOWETAN, 21 Oct 83)..., 75

Government Out of Touch With Afrikaners

(Editorial; DIE AFRIKANER, 21 Sep 83) 77

Government Policy Toward Universities Discussed

(DIE PATRIOT, 9 Sep 83) 79

Hilton College To Train 'Future Leaders'

(THE CITIZEN, 21 Oct 83) 81

Reportage on Violence at University of Zululand

(Umtala Capital Radio, 31 Oct 83) 82

Four Reported Dead

Buthelezi Comments on Violence

AZAPO Blames Inkatha

Verligte Revolt Against Morals Laws Reported

(Sylvia Vollenhoven; SUNDAY TIMES, 16 Oct 83) 84

- c -
Kwazulu Chief Urges Peaceful Liberation of RSA

(SUNDAY TIMES, 30 Oct 83)

Leading Afrikaner Thinker Backs Areas Act Change

(Sylvia Vollenhoven; SUNDAY TIMES, 16 Oct 83)

ZAIRE

Natal South Coast Expansion Reported

(THE STAR, 17 Oct 83)

Orange Free State To Decide on Indians' Residence Rights

(M. van Wijk; DIE VOLKSBLAD, 23 Sep 83)

86

88

Cultural Contributions of Coloreds Discussed

(DIE BURGER, 22 Sep 83) 92

Projected Resettlement of Kwangema Scored

(Editorial; SOWETAN, 18 Oct 83) 94

96

Situation of Farmers on Qwaqwa Border Discussed

(Editorial; DIE VOLKSBLAD, 21 Sep 83) 97

98

Decline in Harbour Traffic Stemmed

(Elizabeth Rouse; SUNDAY TIMES, 16 Oct 83) 99

Good Rainfall Reported for Many Areas

(THE CITIZEN, 20 Oct 83) • 100

Heavy Rains Hit Transvaal, OFS, Natal, N. Cape

(THE CITIZEN, 21 Oct 83) 102

103

Briefs

SAA Deficit

Energy Industry 103

Vista University Opens 103

Kotze Slammed 104

SASOL in W Transvaal 104

Survey of Students 104

Police Disperse Kwazulu University Protestors 105

Bophuthatswana Leader on Nonrecognition 105

Strategic Role in Africa 105

'Communist Onslaught' Scored 106

Mobutu Gives Strict Warning to Agitators

(ELIMA, 26 Sep 83) 107

Text of Speech

Editorial Weighs Message, Editorial by

Essolomwa Nkoy ea Linganga

Copper May Be Withheld From Belgian Refineries

(Collette Braeckman; LE S0IR, 6, 7 Aug 83) 115

- d -
INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

SOVIET CULTURAL PENETRATION OF AFRICA DISCRIBED

Paris LE MOIS EN AFRIQUE in French Aug-Sep 83 pp 21-46

[Article by Dr Dominique Bendo-Soupou, doctor of political sociology, research

fellow from the CNRI [presumably National Center for International Research]

at the Institute of Public Law of Naples; research conducted with aid of the

National Research Council and the Institute of Public Law of Naples]

[Text] The African policies of Western countries explain changes in Africa

by economistic-type schemes that deviate from cultural considerations.

The African cultural policy of the USSR and the strategy of penetration on

which it is based place particular emphasis on the expansion of the communist

culture and its dominant ideology: Marxism-Leninism in Africa. These two

types of cultures consider that economic phenomena are essentially of a purely

cultural nature and their manifestations are at the root of the social conflicts and ratios of forces that affect the world in general and Africa in

particular.

The USSR therefore views every united or multipolar social dimension as a

cultural reality that must be shaped in order to modify those conflictive

s oc ia1 condit ions.

In the West, the acerbic criticisms of the Soviet Union in its relations with

Africa are essentially directed at the form of its policy, often labeled as a

"policy of delivering arms and subversion" against the West and the so-called

friendly African nations.

Although partially realistic, these criticisms do not take into account the

normal logic motivating types of policy and strategy that respond properly to

the individual nature of the socioeconomic and political situation of Africa.

Actually, the African cultural policy of the USSR is in many ways identical

to that of the Western nations which justified their penetration of precolonial

Africa by the bringing of civilization.1The purposes of that Soviet policy

are two in number.

The clearly admitted objective is the reversal of the ratio of forces favorable

to the West, which exploits the economy of Africa after having established,

even imposed, its cultural values on it. The unavowed objective is control

over new ratios of forces to the detriment of the West and probably Africa.
The introduction and utilization of a culture in that Africa deemed permeable

thus turn out to be necessary, whatever the difficulties it might encounter.

Is it a question of a "political culture" of liberation and subsequent domination of Africa by the USSR? Of this there can be no doubt, even with respect

to the parts of that culture which one might wrongly label as neutral.

The conditions of the drafting and execution of such a policy foreshadow the

results anticipated by the USSR from its penetration of Africa by its culture.

I. Drafting of the USSR's African Cultural Policy

A. Origins

At the outset, let us point out the paradox marking the African cultural

policy of the Soviets. That policy is in fact specifically inspired by the

policy of the penetration of Africa followed by Russia under Nicolas II, who

granted cultural aid to Ethiopia when it was at war with Italy in 1896. That

Russian presence in Africa constitutes a historic strategic precedent used as

a reference by the drafters of the African policy of the USSR.

Although little inclined to praise the Russia of the Czars, the Academy of

Sciences (African Institute) of the USSR preserves and utilizes the details

of the Ethiopian campaign, during which the medical courses given to the Ethiopians permitted the establishment of the first Red Cross center in that country.

In the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Soviet Russia is the

letter of thanks dated 22 October 1896 and sent by Emperor Menelik II, who

writes: "Today, during these cruel times, when people are divided into friends

and enemies, the Russian Government, unlike all others, responds to our old

friendship with the sending of doctors from your Red Cross. The work accomplished thanks to your assistance...is visible to everyone in our country. The

example you have set is engraved in the hearts of the Ethiopian people. We

hope that this work of good Christians—will live forever and grow stronger.

May the friendship of our two nations grow throughout the ages."2

The historic precedent enables Soviet authorities to recall the presence of

Russia and the USSR in the tragic past of Africa, marked by colonial and world

wars and wars of secession in the Congo (Kinshasa), Ethiopia and Nigeria and

wars of liberation in Algeria, Angola, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and

today in South Africa and Namibia. In other words, it makes it possible to

underline the continuity of the Soviet presence in defending Africa against

threats from imperialist powers. Following the example of certain nations:

Switzerland, Sweden, Finland...arid Russia, the continuity of whose African

policy it ensures, the Soviet Union tries to expose the humanistic cultural

side of its penetration, while endeavoring to follow Lenin's directives.

Actually, after the Ethiopian campaign of 1896, Africa and Russia were affected by colonization and revolution respectively. Russia was integrated into

the Soviet Federation, which, until the 1950's, could not establish official

contact with Africa.

In 1917, Lenin took power. A fervent defender of all nations' right to selfdetermination since 1915, Lenin laid down the foundations for a cultural
policy that stresses a universal-type culture, without a doubt, in the name

of proletarian internationalism and the spreading of socialism in the countries

of Africa now entirely colonized.-* Its budding policy consisted of the creation of a new culture: "socialist culture," whose essence is determined by a

progressive conception of the world. This Marxist conception of the world is

the only accurate expression of the interests, views and revolutionary proletarian culture.

For the USSR, Lenin proposed a "cultural revolution" that was to embrace the

positive points of the old culture. But he also emphasizes that the link between these two cultures had to depend on the perfect knowledge of culture

created throughout the course of mankind. The latter is the "world culture"

which, linked to that of the USSR, would permit the creation of the "proletarian culture." Lenin concluded very clearly that "the proletarian culture must

be the logical development of the sum of knowledge that mankind has accumulated."4

This concept of Lenin questions the monopolistic tendencies of the state over

culture and claims respect for and reconciliation of the diverse national cultures that could be sources of inspiration. It also brings out Lenin's attachment to a policy considering the international cultural situation, a situation

that manifestly affected the systematic drafting of the USSR's cultural policy

on Africa.

B. Systematic Drafting

Lenin's ideas were taken up as directives, particularly developed after Stalin,

under whom the VOKS was set up in 1925. It is an autonomous organization for

the dissemination of Soviet culture abroad and of foreign cultures in the USSR

and whose activity has been slim.

The Soviet cultural policy experienced a prodigious boom after the first 30

years of the Soviet state. The opening to the outside is at the root of the

development of this policy.-*

Stalin's death and the de-Stalinization led by Khrushchev in 1953 enabled

the USSR to insert itself into international relations. The goal was to shed

light on the accomplishments of the "cultural revolution," which the Soviet

Union would also like to compare with the cultural potential of other countries. 6 But at the time, the USSR was also thinking of the "struggling peoples"

of Africa driven by the wind of self-determination.

The 20th and 22d congresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU),

held in 1956 and 1961, were a historic turning point in the drafting of this

policy and its strategy and granted an important place to international cultural relations. The 22d Congress stated forcefully that "it is important to

create an authentic resource of spiritual culture."' The party, which is the

main driving force behind Soviet society "drafted and formulated" the basic

principles of the "cultural policy" expressing the interests and aspirations

of the people. Government organizations expressed these principles in practice

and ensured constant leadership of the development of culture in the country.
In keeping with Lenin's teachings, general principles on the universality of

culture were drawn up by Soviet sages. The general trend of these principles

emphasize the double role which the socialist and communist culture should

play. One the one hand, it must enable the great masses of workers to become

familiar with the accomplishments of world culture and participate actively

in the new culture. On the other hand, it would encourage the gradual and

permanent merger of the culture of mankind and classes into a single whole

based on the socialist content of the different forms of national cultures.

The Marxist-Leninist ideology is the dominant theme of communist culture.

The concept of global culture put up by the 22d Congress and which was to

motivate the spirit of Soviet international cultural policy has no place for

the differentiation of other national cultures, even primitive. It therefore

rejects the concept of a "culture of growth and fulfillment" considered as the

monopoly of a state or a community and based on a given race that is to impose

it or deny it to other peoples because of their geographic or racial origins

and the nature of their culture.8

As for Marxism-Leninism, the 22d Congress proposed that its negative political

aspects be purged in order to develop the humanistic side, which should be

the dominant aspect of that ideology and of communist culture."

At these particular times of the congresses of the CPSU that were beginning to

open that country up to the outside and enrich the Soviet cultural policy by

principles of the universalization of culture, the USSR was thinking of the

African territories that were acceding to independence and coming into international life.

C. Drafting of Cultural Policy of USSR in Terms of African Independence

The independence of emerging African nations greatly motivated the drafters of

Soviet foreign policy to develop points relative to the expansion of the

culture of the USSR in Africa. Actually, at the time of de-Stalinization in

1953, Africa had only four independent nations: Ethiopia, Libya, Egypt and

Liberia, which were still under the authority of monarchs very hostile to

communist culture. The political neutralism of Egypt did not prevent it from

distrusting the USSR, with which it established diplomatic relations on

26 August 1943.^ The same was true of Libya and Ethiopia, which established

relations on 4 September 1955, 21 April 1948 and 2 January 1956 respectively.

By 1958, the effort made since the USSR since 1953 to make its cultural revolution known had produced meager results, even if the type of culture it displayed did hold great attraction for many Africans going to study in the country. The reticence of anticommunist Western and Latin American nations

strongly linked to the United States led the USSR to choose the newcomers to

the international scene, which seemed easier to entice. The strategy was more

credible and profitable immediately, given the great number of countries aspiring to independence. But the problem facing Soviet strategists was to find the

country possessing geo-strategic and political conditions favorable to real

penetration.
In 1958, the USSR penetrated Africa through Guinea, which it chose and which

had made an appeal to it. There are two reasons for the choice: the resounding break with France, whose cultural agreements and culture of assimilation

proposed through the French Community it rejected.H Guinea is neither a

trouble zone nor a region under the control of a power that could have hindered

the USSR's penetration of Africa. At that time, the USSR thought (erroneously)

that a cultural vacuum would emerge, to be filled by Soviet culture.

In its careful choice and despite the political importance of Ghana and its

leader in Africa, the Soviet Union discarded Ghana, still linked to the Commonwealth. It also neglected American-leaning Liberia, which it had recognized

since 5 August 1924; Egypt, which it aided in 1956 with the ultimatum sent to

the British and French troops that invaded the Suez Canal; and finally, Libya,

Morocco and Tunisia, still closed to communist culture, and even Sudan, which

already had the largest Communist Party in Africa.

Between 1960 and 1961, 20 African territories gained independence but remained •

under the thumb of the former colonial powers hostile to the Marxist-Leninist

and communist culture. This Western vigilance did not prevent the USSR from

proposing semi-official cultural relations, attracting several Africans going

beyond the anticommunism of their nations. Such was the case of the natives

of all the non-autonomous English-, French- and Portuguese-speaking states and

territories, with the exclusion of the Congo (Kinshasa), Egypt, Ethiopia,

Guinea, Ghana and Mali, which had entered the bloc of progressive, nonaligned

countries.

These relations would be extended to natives of countries acceding to independence during the 1962-1968 period: Burundi, Botswana, Gambia, Equatorial

Guinea, Malawi, Mauritania, Uganda, Rwanda and Zambia. They were also

strengthened to benefit those relying on Liberation Fronts: Algeria (FLN),

1954-1962; Angola (MPLA), 1961-1975; the Congo (Kinshasa) (APL [expansion

unknown]), 1964; Guinea Bissau (PAIGC), 1966-1974; Mozambique (FRELIMO),

1962-1974; and Zimbabwe (ZANU), 1965-1980.

In 1963, following the "glorious days of 13, 14 and 15 August" which brought

about the fall of President Fulbert Youlou, an anticommunist Francophile, the

Congo (Brazzaville) would take the path of the other progressive countries and

actually replace the Congo (Kinshasa), whose cultural relations were quite

cool with the USSR. Because of its inclination to scientific socialism and

Marxism-Leninism,^2the creation of a people's republic in 1969 and its strategic position, the Congo (Brazzaville) enjoyed remarkable cultural advantages.

Starting in 1964, most English- and French-speaking countries noted the limited

means of France and Great Britain, the indecisive interest of the United

States and the growing importance in the world of the USSR, with which they

were timidly beginning to establish cultural, scientific, economic and military aid relations having a cultural effect. This was the case of Gabon, the

Ivory Coast, Nigeria during the Biafran war of secession (1967),13 Somalia

(1969) and Ethiopia (1974), which alternately opted for the USSR.1^
It should be noted that for the most part, except for its difficulties in

Egypt (1976) and Somalia (1977), the period of the 1960's and 1970's witnessed

high popularity of the USSR in Africa. This popularity is due to insistence

on its policy of liberation of Africa, whose liberation movements it recruited

as they triumphed over colonial control.

The objective of the 1980's is still the liberation of Africa in particular

from the last bastions of colonialism: South Africa and Namibia, the rampart

of the former. In order to achieve its objective, the USSR is bent on training

in its territory and in the countries bordering on southern Africa the members

of liberation organizations: the African National Congress (ANC), the

South-West African People's Organization (SWAPO), officered by experts already

sent to the field of operations.

And yet, the Soviet Union is aware that the liberation of Africa by military

culture is but the first phase in the process. The second phase should be the

systematic destruction of Western culture and the mentality it has engendered

on the continent.

This double operation requires a strategy of maximum utilization of Soviet

advisers who would clearly understand the contradictory requirements of the

two poles of power and give preference to those of the USSR, while making them

conform to those of Africa to the extent possible. This explains, at least

partially, the presence of thousands of Africans in the USSR, who are in contact with the Soviet institutions that draft and execute the African cultural

policy of that socialist state.

D. Institutions for Drafting the African Cultural Policy of the USSR

Because of the importance of Africa in the strategy of building the power of

and expanding Soviet culture, the drafting and execution of the African cultural policy of the USSR is the responsibility of numerous institutions, all

controlled by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). These institutions handle the distribution of scholarships to Africans, the coordination of

scientific and technical research, even in the fields of sociology and African

political history, the dissemination of journals, brochures and works published

in several African regional languages, the distribution and rental of films and

the organization of film festivals in Africa on the subject of the Soviet and

African revolutions.

Among these institutions, the universities, institutes and schools play a decisive role. The Patrice Lumumba University in Moscow, set up in 1960, is a

meeting place for African students and trainees who find there the structures

they need to know Africa better. Every year, the eight schools of the university make a considerable number of scholarships available to Africans. The

Lenin Institute in Moscow mainly takes in candidates proposed by brother parties in Africa and who will hold high government posts. Like Patrice Lumumba

University, it responds to strategic imperatives. Special attention must be

paid to the 24 military academies and schools reserved for African soldiers

and the 6 civilian schools specializing in strategy, management and the operation of military services.
It should be emphasized in passing that these institutions enable authorities

to determine the level of dissemination:of African culture in the USSR and of

Soviet culture in Africa, where some of them are responsible for execution of

this cultural policy.

II. Execution of the African Cultural Policy of the USSR

Execution of the African cultural policy of the USSR emphasizes the strategy

and objectives underlying it since the 1950's: the drain of African students

to the Soviet Union and the sending of Soviets to Africa as advisers. These

two objectives are the current fundamental bases of the policy, whose impact

is clearly remarkable in the USSR and Africa.

A. Student Drain

Since the 1950's, the USSR has endeavored to attract to its civilian and military educational establishments the most permeable African youth on guard

against Western "cultural imperialism."

The first students to go to the USSR were from Algeria, Egypt and Sudan (1956),

Morocco and Tunisia (1957), Cameroon, Guinea, Kenya, Uganda and Somalia (1959),

where information circulated on the role of Soviet culture in national liberation. Between 1956 and 1960, the number of Africans in the USSR was 5,844,

including 5,000 in 1957 for all colonized territories. In 1960-1961, there

would be an increase of 933 from 22 countries. It was the period of the recent

establishment of Patrice Lumumba University in Moscow, which received over

1,000 Africans 15 out of 3,500 Soviets and foreigners. During the period of

the great openness of the USSR to the outside and the irresistible attraction

it exerted on the Africans that flowed to it (1956-1957), there were 6,593.16

After 1967, their number would increase and reach 11,500 individuals in 1974-

1975 and from 17,000 to 17,500 in 1979-1980 from 53 countries.17The latest

estimates of JEUNE AFRIQUE emphasize the number of 25,000 Africans from Black

Africa which reportedly studied in the USSR in 1981.18

If one considers that out of 10,000 applications sent to Patrice Lumumba University every year, 600 are chosen, their number had to be over 26,000 in 1982

and 27,000 in 1983 at the very least.

Although Dollot maintains that with respect to the drain of Africans to the

USSR, it has not achieved its objectives, probably because of the competition

from Western countries in particular, the following table presents a situation

resulting from the efforts made by the Soviet Union during the early years of

its opening to Africa.
Students Educated in Institutions of Higher Education From 1956 to 1973

(including candidates for doctorate in research)

Country 1st Year Number Country 1st Year Number

Algeria 1956 150 Libya 1966 4

Angola 1961 70 Madagascar 1960 10

Benin 1960 75 Mali 1960 253

Botswana 1966 14 Morocco 1957 140

Burundi 1964 76 Mauritania 1961 23

Cameroon 1959 169 Mozambique 1963 19

Central Africa 1966 54 Namibia 1964 8

Comoro Islands 1964 5 Niger 1960 49

Congo (Brazzaville) 1961 299 Nigeria 1960 657

Congo (Kinshasa) 1960 90 Uganda 1959 181

Ivory Coast 1960 67 Rep. South Africa 1960 78

Egypt 1956 712 Reunion 1964 22

Ethiopia 1960 112 Rwanda 1960 78

Gabon 1964 6 Senegal 1960 36

Gambia 1965 17 Sierra Leone 1960 256

Ghana 1960 571 Somalia 1959 478

Guinea 1959 146 Sudan 1956 434

Guinea Bissau 1960 111 Tanzania 1960 300

Equatorial Guinea 1967 4 Chad 1960 34

Upper Volta 1966 5 Togo 1960 75

Mauritius 1960 84 Tunisia 1957 81

Kenya 1959 456 Zambia 1961 37

Lesotho 1961 18 Zimbabwe 1962 38

Total: 6,56319

Under what conditions are these Africans welcomes, supported and integrated

into the USSR if one considers that they are one of the major concerns of the

Soviet Union and the African nations?

1. Africans generally arrive in the USSR by plane. The traditional and essentially time of their arrival is the month of August. At the airport, newcomers

are greeted by officials from the department that granted them the scholarship.

They are next taken to the university hotel, where they can receive visits

from their diplomatic representatives and Soviet authorities. Private visits

to this category of Africans are somewhat prohibited. This quarantine is

justified by preventive medical measures which are very strict in the USSR.

After completing all health and administrative formalities and after university

officials have decided to assign them to the different university centers, the

future students are sent to the regions and dormitories where they will live.

Leaving the university hotel marks the beginning of their integration into

Soviet social life.
2. Integration of African Students

At the time of their departure for the USSR, the Africans expect rather negative treatment because they are aware of racial discrimination practiced by

European and American Whites. For them, the Soviets are not different. But

this is where the Africans are very surprised: the absence of systematic

racial discrimination.

At the universities, Africans have particularly friendly relations with the

professors. The attention of the latter results from a moral obligation and

one imposed by the party, which leads them to learn.about the reasons for

absences of their students, whom they then visit in order to help them catch

up. The same is true when students either cannot do their lessons or do not

understand them and go to the professors on purpose. Professors then either

invite them into their homes or remain with them in the classroom for additional explanations.

This type of relationship makes it possible to integrate Africans, who find

an opportunity to develop their culture and increase contacts even with Soviets

of high society. In addition, there are particular favors: school supplies,

instruction and the different preparatory classes enabling Africans to catch

up with their Soviet colleagues, medical visits, vacations in Sanatoriums

where they meet Soviets from different backgrounds. All these favors are

means of integration that determine the high percentage of success obtained

by Africans at university centers and at Patrice Lumumba University, about

which there have been defamatory remarks, such as "the courses and education

are inferior and success is due to the professors."^0

In the well-organized dormitories, difficulties with integration begin. Africans are housed in rooms of three to five students, at least one or two of

whom are responsible, it would appear, for aiding and guiding foreigners.

Here, imaginary or real complaints repeatedly emerge from foreigners (Africans

also). "The Soviets watch us, spy on us and file their reports. Baggage and

rooms are searched. It is difficult to organize meetings between students in

the absence of university authorities. It is not possible to speak freely.

They imagine that we are plotting against them."^1

The distrust of the African for his Soviet neighbor does not ease integration

into the dormitory. His placement among Soviets is regarded as a police limitation and a form of organization limiting his freedom to choose those with whom

he would live. Conflicts arising out of this cohabitation often result in the

transfer of Africans or Soviets to other rooms. It has been confirmed that,

at least in the beginning, Africans prefer to live with their African comrades.

The conflicts caused by this difficult coexistence are problems that the Soviets

Soviets have a great deal of difficulty overcoming in the early school years.

The different dormitories, institutes and organizations of solidarity do organize parties, events and excursions to get Africa and the Soviet Union to know

one another and reduce the isolation of the Africans, who end up meeting with

their fellow countrymen during these functions.
As they travel around the country, Africans discover that the discrimination one

finds in the United States and other European nations does not exist. In their

relations with young men and women, they find particular cordiality. In the

stores and at the bus stops, they are not hassled. Rather, they are questioned

in a friendly manner, with such phrases as "Go ahead and come up in front. Do

not wait."

The statement of one Ghanaian sums up the general reaction of the Africans with

regard to the Soviets. "Our black skin is our passport.""

Consequently, "Hey boy!" type remarks are interpreted by Africans as the acts

of hoods without animosity. A ban on going to a hotel is attributed to the

misconduct of an African brother.

And yet, the integration sought by Soviet authorities meets with the hostility

of many Soviets with respect to Africans who seek to go out with their fellow

citizens. The suspicious death of a Ghanaian student in 1963 illustrates these

acts of veiled intolerance confirmed by the positions of university authorities.ZJ

Actually, although proud of the integration of their students into social life,

universities do not encourage marriage between Africans (foreigners) and

Soviets. The reasons given are the "cultural differences," which is one of the

arguments close to those of the "South African Boers" and is in blatant contradiction with the principles of the dominant communist culture and ideology as

Lenin preached them.

In the light of the preceding observations, a reasonable question must be asked.

Do these numerous subtle factors intervening in relations with the Soviets not

give Africans the impression of racial prejudice? The answer comes from an

American Black, identical to those given by Africans: "These acts could be

discrimination, but are not clearly considered as acts of racial discrimination." This observation is then met by another question. Can one logically

distinguish "discrimination" (in the broader sense) from "racial discrimination" which, for Africans, seems nonexistent in the USSR because of prohibition

by strict laws? The answer comes from the interpretation of the objection of

the Ghanaian student previously quoted. Discrimination accompanied by positive

conduct (excessive favors to Africans) in order to respond to customs of Soviet

hospitality and negative facts (sacrifices of Soviets) is a negative phenomenon,

especially in a country in which the principle of the equality of races is part

of the strictest legislation.

The introduction of discrimination that one could wrongly term "positive" helps

the integration of Africans into Soviet social life. The 1966 remarks of a

Nigerian according to which "since the demonstrations (over the death of the

Ghanaian), they have taken the trouble to be nice to us," emphasizes this preferential treatment used as an element of strategy toward these Africans on

whom the reputation of the USSR in Africa could depend.

Nevertheless, this preferential treatment and the integration of the Africans

who are the ostensible target experiences restrictions, which to a large extent

are common to the Soviets.

10
The main restrictions have to do with their traveling inside and outside the

USSR, engaging in lucrative activities and the use of written works and slogans

of writers or political leaders.

The ban on traveling is attributed by Africans to the wish of authorities to

set up expeditions in order to prevent foreigners from going to other regions,

undoubtedly for reasons of military security or to prevent meetings between

Africans and Soviets in rural areas whose social conditions surprised certain

Nigerians.24 Limitations on traveling abroad are due to the desire to prevent

Africans from comparising models of Western societies with that of the USSR,

which they might then leave before completing their studies.

Denial of the right to work is justified by the requirements of a plan which

determines the number of jobs and the best living conditions reserved for

African students.

As for the last restrictions which considerably affect freedom of opinion, they

are for the purpose of preventing antisocialist (or anti-Soviet) positions that

would question foreign policy and Soviet ideological views and tend to prove

the alignment of their authors with political leaders such as Mao Tse-tung and

Enver Hodja (Albania).

Opposite these restrictions and special treatment are the obligations, family

rights and political exile which contribute to the integration of the African,

whose living conditions: change in residence, personal status and obtention

of a job, still remain better than those of the Soviets.

B. Support of African Students

Support for the African who studies in the USSR begins as soon as he receives

his ticket in Africa. Actual support begins upon his arrival in the Soviet

Union. It consists of all preventive and general medical care and hospitalization if deemed necessary, housing in student dormitories and issuance of school

supplies: books and clothes. This is an automatic right which any student

may demand in the USSR.

The scholarship is given to any student entering the Soviet Union with or without authorization from his government or the invitation from authorities of

the USSR. The only condition required by Soviets is the admission of the

student in order to stay for a period of studies.

The amount of the scholarship is 80 rubles a month during the preparatory

phase of studies. It is 90 rubles during the regular course of higher studies.

Students who have good grades are rewarded and can receive up to 125 rubles,

while the average wage in the Soviet Union is 100 rubles a month. Students with

degrees are even more pampered, receiving 150 rubles a month plus the benefits

already mentioned. Free traveling expenditures are added to these advantages.

All African students think they are well supported and are grateful for the

treatment they receive, which is undeniably the reason for the high percentage

of success they have.

11
African students are more favored than their Soviet colleagues, who receive

50 rubles, plus 20 for the more advanced students. This difference in treatment results in ill feelings and friction between African and Soviet students.

While the Africans bring up racial prejudice they feel, which does not exist

among university officials, university authorities calmly deny the existence

of such tension due to the system of scholarships which the Soviets find unfair. But the response of one official at Patrice Lumumba University denying

the existence of such tension clearly exposes the causes for the tension in

these terms: "Come here at 1700 hours on a Saturday and you will see the number of African students with Russian girlfriends." This statement relates

exact facts which point out the higher standard of living of Africans, who

then become more attractive for girls seeking the things the latter can buy

them. The resentment of Soviet students toward these foreigners can be attributed to the difference in financial means in competing for the favors of

Russian girls.

And yet, the financial position of the Africans does no harm to their total

satisfaction. Their fundamental needs have to do with products lacking on the

Soviet market. It was probably not because of a whom that one Ghanaian said:

"We don't have much in Ghana. I thought that here it would be much better.

When I left Accra, I gave away all my shirts. I thought they would be much

better here. I arrived and saw that my shirts were much better than what they

have here!" Other students added that they "thought they were headed for

'paradise'" andithat they were disappointed by the quantity and quality of

the food, clothing, cigarettes and scarcity of consumer goods in general."25

The disappointment of these students largely explains the trips they take at

least once every two years to visit their relatives and friends and take the

money sent to them from home or in order to get a part time job on the sly

in England, France, and so on. The purpose of the trips is to buy different

things: mainly clothes, which they wear, resell in the USSR or give to their

Soviet girlfriends. This disappointment also explains the departure of some

from the USSR for the West, where they think they can better satisfy their

aspirations. This departure amounts to the end of their studies in the USSR.

C. End of Studies in USSR

The end of studies comes with the obtention of the diploma following at least

4 years, revocation of the scholarship because of repeated failure, inability

to integrate, lack of motivation or bad conduct. It may also result from antiSovietism^" and the commission of crimes causing the student to be sent back

to his country or desertion by Africans who go home or continue their studies

in the West or another Eastern bloc country.

Outside of these conditions, there is nothing to justify extension of the

stay except preparations for the return trip home, family problems in the

case of a consummated marriage and political exile. Political exile is now

particularly the prerogative of South Africans and Namibians, following the

Angolans, Algerians, Guineans and Cape Verdians, Mozambicans, Zimbabweans and

those from countries marked by their anticommunism: the Ivory Coast, Gabon,

Malawi, and so on.

12
Most students indicate that Soviet authorities strongly encourage that they

return home for two reasons: The first is that the graduate student offers

proof of the efforts made by the USSR to stimulate cultural development in

Africa. The second is that such a return would mean the insertion of an

African into his society where, in carrying out his duties, he could represent

Soviet culture and, subconsciously, the USSR.

If the USSR is proud of the good results obtained by the majority of the Africans, it considers those who return unsuccessfully as persons not capable of

taking advantage of the considerable means made available to them for their

cultural development. Strategically speaking, it believes that the "failures"

are potential enemies of the USSR, to which they do not even owe thanks.

Most students who leave the Soviet Union emphasize the Soviets' insistence

on a direct return to their native country of all Africans, whether or not

they were successful in school. This attitude of the Soviets can be verified

by the issuance of tickets without stopovers in capitalist countries. It is

aimed at preventing any stay for study in the latter countries, where the

African student might take the myth out of Soviet culture and go back to his

former cultural complexes.

However, this vigilance on the part of the Soviets does not prevent Africans,

even those having performed brilliantly in school, from going to the West

during or after their return trip home. Actually, during their stay in the

USSR, many of them go to Western capitals and gain information about the

equivalence of diplomas and their university or postgraduate studies. The

goal they pursue is the obtention of an equivalent degree automatically recognized by their governments and people.^'

Following what are often quite advanced studies, they go to the West using

the excuse of visiting relatives.

Upon leaving the USSR, they all undergo an inspection to see the academic

files in their possession, files which can be taken away if they are of some

importance. This inspection after the fact makes it possible to better appreciate the intentions and limitations of the "conversion" of the African, on

whom the USSR hopes to rely in order to widen the scope of its action in

Africa.

III. Cultural Action of USSR in Africa

The second important aspect of the African cultural policy and the strategy

underlying it concerns the action of the USSR in Africa. This action consists

of carrying out the policy and evaluating its development in and impact on

Africa. Whence the need to establish cultural departments, send missions and

civilian and military agents in order to train, discover and recontact Africans

"in the field." This presence in Africa makes it possible to determine the

level of cultural penetration on the basis of the warmth of the welcome reserved for Soviets, Russian-speaking individuals, Sovietophiles and Sovietophobes.

13
A. Establishment of Soviet Diplomatic Services in Africa

The greatest effort undertaken by the USSR since its penetration in Africa

via Guinea in 1958 is the establishment of diplomatic services handling cultural affairs in the countries it recognizes during their national liberation

struggle or on the eve or day of their independence. The often hasty recognition is the very effective means used by this government to attract the

sympathy of African countries which could establish diplomatic relations with

it in order to exchange their students with Soviet technicians.

The diplomatic services used as early as the 1940's (during the colonial

period) are those set up in Western countries where certain Africans (members

of parliament) or those close to communists gained information on the Soviet

cultural revolution. It is from these services, backed by the VOKS, the

organization responsible for cultural relations with other countries, that the

first works, brochures and ideological pamphlets went to Africa. These instruments of political culture are distributed and used by African leaders looking

for the independence of what the USSR still calls "peoples in struggle." Thus,

after the years following World War II, Soviet cultural penetration in Africa

was undertaken by natives foreign to the USSR.

After the resounding events of Guinea and the succession of African independences, the Soviet Union moved to set up diplomatic services which detected

the best elements to study in the USSR, elements it could first of all train at

home, after first supplying all information on studies, scholarships and social

life in the USSR, where the services in question back applications for scholarships and admission to educational, ministerial and party institutions. In

Africa, they renewed contact with those who studied in the USSR, evaluated the

evolution of Soviet, Western and African cultures and oversaw Soviets integrated into the circuit of cultural cooperation.

B. Soviet Cultural Cooperation in Africa

Soviet cooperation in Africa generally consists of sending personnel made up

of professors, technicians, experts and military and civilian advisers who

are "technical assistants in culture," covering many domains. This cooperation can be analyzed through agreements which the Soviet Government makes on

precise points. Based on 120 agreements set up with 51 nations, "the USSR

must send a specific number of professors, technicians, experts, instructors

and advisers," responsibility for which belongs to the African nations. The

length of their cooperation stay in Africa is 5 years. It can be renewed

with or without the addition of new persons in the operational quotas.

These agreements show that even if the Africans received by the USSR are the

object of cooperation exchanges, only the Soviets are considered as technical

assistants [cooperants]. Whence the question: Who are the Soviet technical

assistants in culture, how many are there and what are they doing in Africa?

14
1. Who Soviet Technical Assistants in Culture Are

It is difficult at the outset to say who the Soviet cultural assistants are

because of the lack of any definition and the discretion imposed by the Soviet

strategy, which prevents one from knowing how many such cultural agents the

USSR has in Africa.

Actually, they are Soviets with all kinds of duties and posts who go to Africa

periodically to improve or correct Soviet-African relations, and Africans, to

the extent they intervene, even subconsciously, on behalf of Soviet interests.28

In other words, they are many persons who, on the basis of agreements or orders

received from the USSR, teach, organize, inform and advise Africans and thereby

convey some type of political, economic, legal, military, artistic, cinematographic or other culture in Africa.

2. Number and Activities of Soviets in Africa-"

Penetration by Soviet technical assistants in Africa began at the end of the

1950's with the entry into Guinea. They number over 10,000, including 10 generals, 318 intelligence agents and 918 other civil servnats whose presence may

have military implications. They are backed by some 40,000 to 50,000 Cubans,

6,000 East Germans and a few hundred Czechs and North Koreans, mainly in the

progressive or nonaligned countries: Algeria, Angola, the Congo, Ethiopia,

Libya, Guinea and Cape Verde, Madagascar, Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia.

The tasks of the Soviets are many and consist of training Africans in different scientific, technical and military fields and social sciences.

Professors and teachers are sent to the universities, higher institutes,

classic and technical secondary schools, centers linked to production and

cultural centers for the teaching of Russian and Soviet civilization, without

forgetting party schools which the USSR builds, mainly in the Congo.

In Algeria, a contingent of 1,200 professors are found in 80 establishments

and teach over 40,000 students and pupils. The Algerian Government uses them

to draft measures in order to reform secondary education. They are also included in the commission on the reform of higher education.

In Zambia, nearly 100 are found in 27 cities giving courses in biology, physics, chemistry and mathematics in the highest classes of the secondary schools.

In the Congo, they cooperate with Congolese teachers and professors. They

have developed programs, three manuals and textbooks of chemistry and physics

for secondary and higher education. They have drafted programs on the basis

of the Marxist-Leninist philosophy and political economics for schools of

administration and the union.

In Mali, they have made up new programs of study for 30 mathematics students.

A group of these professors has put together a French-Russian dictionary for

the students and pupils. These groups, which also exist in the Central African

Republic, Uganda, Somalia, Tanzania, Benin and Chad, are responsible for training national cadres for education.

15
It should be pointed out in passing that the moderate countries do not use

these technical assistants in the social sciences in which education on ideologies comes in.

In their work, the Soviets emphasize the principle of the polytechnlcal nature

of instruction (grouping of technical branches), which consists of developing

the intellectual activity of Africans by connecting theory and practice. In

order to force success, they take into consideration the local conditions to

which they try to apply their teachings.

The military experts, instructors and advisers appear to be the most numerous

in Africa because of the USSR's insistence on military aid concentrated in

progressive countries and troubled zones: Angola, Ethiopia, Libya-Chad,

Mozambique, Somalia and Egypt, before the expulsion of the Soivets in 1976

and 1977.

These assistants train and organize militias, liberation movements and cadres

who have studied in the Soviet military academies. Their instruction essentially has to do with theory and drills in conventional combat and guerrilla

fighting. Their courses and advise in military strategy and tactics are also

reserved for officers and statesmen, most of whom are military men. In 1981,

the Soviet ambassador advised Mozambican authorities to send away the South

Africans employed at the Maputo port and airport on the pretext that they were

engaging in espionage and sabotage. In is in order to prevent such action,

which they label as "imperialist aggression," that the Soviets, through the

used of Cuban and East German middlemen, offer protection for the territories

and political regimes that seem to them to be pro-Soviet. The objective is

to maintain the political status quo making it possible to ensure lasting

cultural influence established by the USSR in Africa.

3. Use of Other Socialist and African Countries

The use of other countries is an important point in the Soviet strategy on

Africa. In order to ensure the continuity of its cultural action, the USSR

calls on East Germany, Bulgaria, Cuba, Poland and Czechoslovakia, which accept

the principle of limited sovereignty and the alignment of their ideological

and political views with those of the USSR. It rejects Albania, the People's

Republic of China, Romania and Yugoslavia, which follow incompatible ideological views and strategy. This explains why, in 1980, the USSR proposed to

Ethiopia to rally the progressive countries: Angola, Mozambique, Tanzania,

Zimbabwe and, curiously enough, Liberia, to intervene in threatened friendly

countries.30 The two Guineas, the Congo, Algeria and Libya were excluded

from the Soviet-Ethiopian choice.

The conditions of the war in Angola in 1975 clearly reveal the application of

this strategy, which led Mao's China into the camp of the National Front for

the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), the Union for Total Independence of Angola

(UNITA), the United States and South Africa, defeated by the USSR, backed

by Cuba, the Congo^ East Germany and the Popular Movement for the Liberation

of Angola which it formed.

16
That victory increased the popularity of the USSR's military culture and brought

about the decline of that of China, the United States and South Africa in Africa

in the 1970's.

Today, the strategy of using other states is inadequate because it leads to

interventions regarded as imperialistic. It is being replaced by a strategy

of the training of Africans who are to take the place of the many Cuban, Soviet

and other socialist bloc instructors and advisers. This is what explains the

presence in Cuba of 10,000 African children sent for long-term training and to

become more permeable to foreign culture. As certain African and Western governments maintain, the objective of the USSR and its allies is to obtain cadres

and soldiers who cannot be influenced by Western culture.

Whatever the case, the successes of the Soviet military culture in Angola,

Guinea Bissau, Mozambique and Zimbabwe in particular are fleeting. Those having

to do with cultural relations as a whole: the presence of Africans in the USSR

and of Soviets in Africa, are obvious. But the new strategy of using Africans

in order to achieve objectives in Africa exposes the known and anticipated

difficulties of this policy and its underlying strategy.

IV. Difficulties of the Soviet Cultural Policy in Africa

Although Soviet cultural penetration is evident in almost all African countries

and opposing the South African bastion, considered by the USSR to be the representative of Western cultural interests, the policy of expanding its culture in

Africa experiences serious setbacks due to the resistance of African and Western

cultures and cool nature of diplomatic, cultural and military relations.

A. Resistance of African and Western Cultures

African and Western cultures constitute the first obstacle to Soviet culture.

Because of their co-existence — albeit stormy — for at least two centuries,

these cultures tend to form a single front whose solidity does not always depend on political Imperatives affecting Soviet policy and the culture it uses

as a subtle means of penetration. This front tends to be consolidated, not

only because of the hostility of nations ideologically linked with the West, but

also because of proposals to rebuild cultural zones such as the French-speaking

sphere and the Commonwealth (existing institutionally), whose strength is revealed in the expansion of their instrument of cultural expression: English,

to the French-, Portuguese, Arabic- and Spanish-speaking areas of Africa.

These difficulties are intensified because of the persistance of so-called traditional African cultures which the nations tend to rehabilitate. The various

slogans of a return to authenticity or African cultural values, the slogan of

"Africa for Africans" and the repeated condemnations of cultural imperialism,32

social imperialism and modern revisionism directly affecting the USSR,-" illustrate the importance which Africans attach to promotion of the development of

their own cultures and the difficulties affecting the force of Soviet cultural

penetration in Africa. The statement by Leopold Sedar Senghor to the effect

that "if you send Africans to Moscow, they will be capitalists," confirms these

difficulties.

17
Among the dominant elements of these African cultures, one must place the regional languages: Arabic, Swahili and Haoussa, which are studied in the academies and universities of the USSR and the West. Arabic is progressing more

than Russian in UN organizations and, along with English and French, is viewed

as a working language of the Pan-African institutions.

These considerations show that Russian as an instrument of penetration in Africa

remains a language occasionally useful for studies in the USSR. The study done

in 1979 and 1980 with 100 African students in the USSR confirms this observation. Only one saw any probability of using Russian as a working language in

Africa. The rest considered that English, French, Arabic and the other African

languages would have priority.

To these problems posed by Africans confronting the USSR directly through their

countries one must add the resistance of the older generations of some tribes to

all outside cultural values.

Finally, it should be noted that although since 1917 the Soviet culture pitted

its humanistic side, it came too late to a continent where, as Jen Kou-pin

stated on 16 May 1977, "the African peoples are aware of being the masters of

the destiny of Africa."3^ This tardy penetration exposes the fact that it is

still poorly known in Africa and partially explains the lack of warmth in

Soviet-African cultural relations.

B. Coolness of Soviet-African Cultural Relations

The difficulties of this policy began in 1961 because of the unilateral suspension of cultural relations by the Congo (Kinshasa) following the death of

Patrice Lumumba. In 1969, the Ivory Coast also broke off its relations unilaterally, denouncing the Soivet-Ivorian cultural agreement. Probably at the instigation of Belgium and the United States for the Congo and of France for the

Ivory Coast, the Soviet agents were sent back to the USSR. The causes of these

breaks were attributed by both African nations to the subversion organized by

the USSR, which was training Congolese underground fighters and Ivorian socialist nationals.

In the 1970's, these difficulties grew because of the unilateral abrogation of

treaties of friendship and cooperation that also organize cultural relations.

These abrogations by Egypt on 15 March 1976 and Somalia on 13 November 1977

resulted in the departure of 6,000 military advisers and instructors, part of

which were transferred to Ethiopia, which initially refused to receive them.35

In other countries, these problems had other dimensions. Some 150 experts

left the Sudan following the attempted coup d'etat in 1971, clearly imputed to

the diligence of the USSR. In addition to this was the imprisonment and execution of many Sudanese communists, accused of unproven relations with the USSR.36

In Nigeria, following the Biafran war of secession, the military aviation instructors who aided the federal army during the hostilities were sent back for

negligence and condescension in their activity.

18
Guinea, on the other hand, began by kicking out the Soviet ambassador, who was

followed, in 1980, by the two last military advisers assigned there.37 After

the stay of the American instructors in May 1981, Liberia took a similar measure

against all Soviet military advisers. In addition, as in Guinea, there was an

immediate reduction in personnel at the Soviet Embassy in the Liberian capital. 38

Starting in the early 1980's, the USSR encountered the resistance and alienation

of progressive and Marxist-Leninist countries: Angola, the Congo, Ethiopia and

Mozambique, which opened up to the Western nations. The reason for this opening

to the West is the search for adequate civilian and military aid and for a

balance in cultural relations in particular.

The Congo, which agreed to conclude a treaty of friendship and cooperation in

1981, rejected the inclusion of clauses with military implications. Furthermore, it tends more and more to draw closer to France for the organization of

its army and security. Since 1980, Ethiopia has sought economic aid and advisers for the development of its agriculture and has not set up the MarxistLeninist party advised by the Soviets. And, at the time he took office as

president of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1983, the Ethiopian

chief of state undoubtedly pointed out to the USSR as well his opposition to any

foreign intervention in African affairs.

Mozambican authorities explain their disappointment by the facts that at the

"Nampula Academy, the Soviet instructors train tank personnel based on methods

used by the Warsaw Pact. For 7 years, Mozambican officer candidates have not

studied close combat or bush survival techniques in order to fight the RNM

[Mozambican National Resistance] guerrillas. The Soivets require the purchase

of sophisticated weapons that are ineffective for bush fighting. It is as if

they (the Soviets) wanted that war to continue." Mozambique's current objective is to have its people trained in other countries that would also be willing

to help Mozambique in other areas.39 North Korea was the first country to

agree to train 60 Mozambican guerrilla experts. The United States regrets not

accepting immediately that country's proposals for cooperation and, as Portugal

has done for the training of guerrilla specialists, anticipates examining those

proposals. Brazil, France, the Federal Republic of Germany and Italy were

consulted and are already active in the economic field, where cultural considerations also come into play.

Following the example of the Congo, Angola is trying to establish relations with

the United States, even if the initial contacts were negative because the American Government demands, as a precondition, the departure of the Cubans and other

military advisers from the East now stationed on Angolan territory.

All these unfavorable attitudes toward the USSR on the part of African nations

are strengthened by the rejection of many Africans not interested in the works

of Lenin and the posters of Marx, Engels and Lenin plastered on the main capital

squares and who refuse to cooperate with the Soviets who act as if they were

in a conquered territory.

19
Conclusion

Although the Soviet cultural aid still valued by the Africans justifies the

strategy of the penetration of Africa by the USSR, its humanitarian nature and

conformity with the objectives of the liberation and development of Africa are

questions which Africans ask themselves.

The requirement imposed on Africans in the USSR to study Marxism-Leninism and

to conform to the political and ideological views of the Soviet Union is a form

of cultural indoctrination reminiscent of that of the colonial period. Scientific research questioning the Western ideologies of the domination and exploitation of Africa are highly appreciated by Africans. However, it reveals that

the USSR has understood and believes that the strategy of the penetration of

Africa depends on "the occupation of minds" in order to create African Soviet

agents better accepted by the local populations.

Whatever the case, the form of penetration now used by the USSR contradicts

the principles it set for itself.

In 1975, in the statement by Soviet officials following the victory of the MPLA

in Angola, Africa is considered as the extension of the imperialist West: It

must be liberated and the USSR was going about it. This is a rejection of the

principle of peaceful coexistence.

During the 25th Congress of the CPSU in 1976, Brezhnev affirmed that "in a

world conceived in two blocs, even positive neutrality cannot be tolerated."

There is consequently an obligation to take sides.

On 7 July 1976, Brezhnev declared: "The USSR has no interests of its own in

Africa, but it deems it its duty to give moral and material support to the

real soldiers of freedom there." In his speech delivered on the occasion of

the visit of Carrillo, secretary general of the Spanish Communist Party (PCE),

to Moscow in 1976, Brezhnev hinted that "even if peaceful coexistence demands

nonintervention in the domestic affairs of nations, the USSR will respond to

the appeal of any revolution in the world." Nor was there any need to wait for

proof: First came the intervention in Afghanistan and the confirmation of

Soviet intentions in Angola, Mozambique and Zimbabwe in the 1970's, and today,

in Namibia, for its future penetration of South Africa with which it has

secret agreements for the sale of diamonds. This is also the clear affirmation

of its obligation for or against ratios of forces affecting culture in general

and the dominant ideology of the USSR in particular.

Even if the complexity of its cultural policy and the strategy of penetration

underlying it prevent hasty conclusions on permanent results, one can nevertheless point up the ambiguity of the liberating attitude of the Soviet Union with

regard to Africa. The undeniable interest in African culture and the search

for ways to overcome the colonial impasse rouse, however, the vigilance of

Africans concerning any form of penetration, even inspired by the (ideal)

directives of Lenin.

20
FOOTNOTES

1. Civilization must be considered as a set of cultural values used to subjudate Africa for economic reasons. South Africa still uses this argument

of the contribution of Western civilization to justify apartheid.

2. See my article: "A Soviet Strategy, the Bases for a Cultural Policy,"

AFRIQUE, July 1980, No 37, pp 40-41. See: "Documents of the Academy of

Sciences," African Institute, Moscow, 1975.

3. A. Gromyko, "Lenin and Africa," AFRIQUE ET ASIE AUJOURD'HUI, July-August

1980, No 4, pp 2-3.

4. V. Lenin, "Oeuvres Choisies," Vol 3, Ed. du Progres, Moscow, 1962, pp 574

and 908.

5. L. Dollot, "International Cultural Relations," PUF, Paris, 1968, pp 88-89.

6. L. Dollot, op. cit., p 88.

7. See: A. A. Zvorkyne, "Cultural Policy in the USSR," ETUDES ET DOCUMENTS,

UNESCO,' Paris 1970. See: "Program of the CPSU," Moscow, 1967.

8. The cultures of growth and fulfillment are those imposed by England, Belgium, Spain, France and Portugal in Africa and that had to be assimilated.

The South African Boers considered, on the other hand, that the natives:

the Blacks, Indians and Colored, do not need cultural assimilation, that is,

to adopt Western culture.

9. A. A. Zvorkyne, op. cit.

10. The political neutralism of Egypt went from 1922 to 1956. It was broken

when the United States refused to grant Egypt a loan for construction of

the Aswan Dam and the nationalization of the Suez Canal, which led to the

intervention of English and French troops.

11. M. Duverger, "Constitutions and Political Documents," PUF, Paris, 1981,

p 271. The French Constitution (still in effect) of the Fifth Republic

provides, in Article 78, for control of higher education by the French

Community, which Guinea rejected.

12. In the Congo, the borders between Marxism-Leninism and scientific socialism are not defined.

13. Unlike in the Western countries, the USSR immediately took a position

against the Biafran secession and supplied arms and military instructors

to the Nigerian Federation.

14. Somalia tried to use the USSR against Ethiopia, which controls part of

Somali territory and Eritrea. In 1974, Ethiopia became a progressive

21
State and asked for Soviet military assistance, which was granted. In

1976, Somalia tried to make war on Ethiopia, but was defeated. In the

face of the failure of its objectives and the insistence of the Arab

countries of the Middle East, it broke with the USSR in 1977, which had

tried to reconcile them in order to better control the Horn of Africa.

C. Wauthier and H. Bourges, "The 50 Africas," Vol 2, Ed. Seuil, Paris,

1979, p 118.

15. "Articles and Documents," No 01891, DOCUMENTATION FRANCAISE, Paris,

16 February 1968, p 2.

16. In 1967, the USSR had 14,000 African and Asian students and over half were

African. According to Dollot, op cit., p 58, France had only 4,000

African students at that time and that number is declining because of

the increasing number of universities in Africa.

17. Figure given by official of the House of Friendship with the Peoples of

Africa.

18. JEUNE AFRIQUE, No 1052, 4 March 1981, p 73.

19. Figure given by an official of the House of Friendship with Peoples of

Africa.

20. "Articles and Documents," op cit.

21. "Articles and Documents," No 01415, DOCUMENTATION FRANCAISE, Paris, 1968,

P 2.

22. "Articles and Documents," No 01415, op cit.

23. "Articles and Documents," No 01891, op cit., p 3.

24. The Nigerians said that they were surprised to see that the USSR has huts

reminding them of those in Kano (northern Nigeria).

25. "Articles and Documents," No 01415, op cit.

26. Anti-Sovietism means talking modern revisionism and social imperialism.

The use of these terms, created by the China of Mao Tse-tung and adopted

by Albania, by student Felix Tchicaya in the 1970's cost him his diploma.

27. Soviet diplomas questioned in Africa are those in medicine, mainly because

of errors in terminology committed: in practice by certain Africans, who

considered themselves to be doctors of medicine although their diplomas

stated that they were medical assistants.

28. Pro-Soviets who contribute to the expansion of the USSR, which they use for

their own interests: takeover or maintenance of power or a post.

22
29. "Political and Social Problems," No 320, DOCUMENTATION FRANCAISE, Paris,

30 September 1977, pp 9-10. JEUNE AFRIQUE, No 1010, 14 May 1980, p 33.

JEUNE AFRIQUE, No 1033, 22 October 1980, p 49. JEUNE AFRIQUE, No 1060,

29 April 1981, pp 42-46. BULLETIN D'AFRIQUE, No 10288, AGENCE -FRANCE-.

PRESSE, Paris, 4 October 1980. LE MONDE, 13 July 1983, p 3. "The USSR

and the Countries of Africa," Ed. La Pensee, Moscow, 1977, p 311.

30. JEUNE AFRIQUE, No 1037, 19 November 1980, p 41.

31. This defeat had grave political consequences in China, where the strategy

consisting of allying with American imperialism to counter (the so-called

growing social imperialism) the USSR has been seriously questioned by

many Chinese.

32. LE MONDE DIPLOMATIQUE, March 1977, pp 29-30.

33. These political and ideological concepts are also cultural because they

are used within the framework of a form of culture (political and ideological) : Marxism-Leninism.

34. Jen Kou-Ping, PEKIN INFORMATION, No 20, 16 May 1977.

35. BULLETIN D*AFRIQUE,'op cit.

36. LE MONDE, 9-10 August 1971.

37. JEUNE AFRIQUE, No 1006, 16 Apr 1980, p 32.

38. LE MONDE, 13 May 1981, p 4.

39. LE MONDE, 17 May 1983, p 5.

11,464

CSO: 3419/75

23
ETHIOPIA

BRIEFS

BENDJEDID MESSAGE TO MENGISTU—Comrade Mengistu Haile Mariam, OAU chairman,

today received a message from Chadli Bendjedid of Algeria. The message

was delivered by Comrade Abdelaziz Khellef, Central Committee member of

the Algerian National Liberation Front Party and minister of commerce, in

a ceremony held at the COPWE office. President Bendjedid's message centred

on prevailing African problems and in particular on the Chad and Western

Sahara issues. [Summary] [EA310659 Addis Ababa Domestic Service in Amharic

1700 GMT 26 Oct 83 EA]

CASTRO MESSAGE TO MENGISTU—Mengistu Haile Mariam this afternoon received

a message from Fidel Castro. The message was delivered by Major General

Sixto Batista Santana, alternate member of the Politbureau of the Communist

Party of Cuba and head of the political affairs department of the armed

forces. [Summary] [EA310659 Addis Ababa Domestic Service in Amharic 1700

GMT 25 Oct 83 EA]

CSO: 3403/5

24
NIGER

MINISTER 'EXPLAINS' NATION'S AUSTERITY BUDGET

Niamey SAHEL HEBDO in French No 376, 26 Sep 83 p 5

/Text/ Following the adoption of the 1984 austerity budget by the Council of Ministers~at meetings held on 11, 12, 13 and 14 September, Dr Annou Mahamane, minister of

plan, commerce and transportation, and Hamid Algabid, minister delegate of finance,

"explained" the budget.

This budget balances receipts and payments in the amount of 80,234,985,000 francs

CFA. It is lower primarily by reason of the collapse of uranium prices but also

due to the repercussions of the international economic and financial crisis on our

economy that is, moreover, subject to climatic ups and downs.

The slow-down of investments and the maladjustment of our fiscal system are among

the factors that explain the drop in the 1984 budget. Nobody considers it a recovery budget; in other words it is based entirely on assured government revenues.

Faithful to their austerity policy, the government authorities estimate that the improvement in tax revenues might generate new resources.

The minister delegate of finance enumerated the various measures adopted by the government to improve our financial situation:

— The institution of a tax on certain business overheads;

— The institution of a provisional anticipated tax payment with respect to industrial and commercial earnings (BIC);

— A raise in the ceiling of the flat rate for taxpayers. The scope of application

of this measure will be widened and thereby support, in particular, the reform recommended for the scope of application of the flat rate tax on profits. In the

view of Minister Hamid Algabid, this will result in the improved assessment of taxpayers by individualizing fiscal files, the revaluation of tax bases of benefits in

kind with respect to income taxes on salaries and wages and general income tax (IGR),

Other measures are proposed to refill the treasury: The extension of the scope of

the apprenticeship tax to taxpayers anticipating IC /expansion unknown/ on noncommercial benefits, an increase in the tax on the provision of services invoiced

by the Posts and Telecommunications Office, a rise in the rounding-off tax, the

25
complete reform of the IGR, the expansion of the powers of the finance minister,

especially with respect to fiscal approval and exemptions.

The measures concerning property and registration are characterized by an increase

in some charges (stamp duty, car licenses, drivers' licenses, passports, and so on),

the adjustment of the tax on stock and share dividends.

With regard to customs duty, the minister delegate of finance indicated the following: "We expect to transform the special tax on hydrocarbon to an ad valorem tax,

increase demurrage charges, transportation and toll charges and standardize the computation of production tax."

It is assumed that these measures will effectively meet the situation. Austerity

will be pursued with even greater rigor, and the checks on consumption and borrowing will be stricter than in the past.

Dr Annou Mahamane, minister of state, minister of plan, commerce and transportation,

for his part dwelt at length on the resources of the National Investment Fund (FNI),

identical to those of the previous administration: 7 billion francs CFA.

As Dr Annou explained, „the fund is distinguished by the large proportion earmarked

for the other parties to the projects. The remaining part is devoted to such sectors as education, training, health, communication and administrative infrastructures .

11698

CSO: 3419/56

26
NIGER

SONICHAR'S FINANCIAL PROBLEMS, PROSPECTS NOTED

Niamey SAHEL HEBDO in French No 376, 26 Sep 83 pp 9, 10

/Article by Oumarou Ali: "Standard Production Until 1988V

/Excerpts/ Sonichar is a Nigerien mixed economy company. The

Nigerien state holds 62.40 percent of the capital. Other shares

are held by various Nigerien companies, and a single foreign

stockholder owns 10 percent of the capital. Established in 1975

and operating since 1981, Sonichar has already scored some successes, but the international situation has not left it unscathed.

Niger is a country that fits the rhythm of its evolution. Aware that energy is the

main element of progress, it devoted great efforts to it in past years—the purchase of electric generators, the Niamey II power plant, transmission of electricity

from Kaindji and important projects still proceeding in this field.

Still, these electric generators and the Kaindji transmission line are not enough,

and the proposed projects rather too far in the future in face of the urgent need,

emphasized since 1973 by the oil crisis and its consequences for the supply of oil

products. It was imperative to find energy that would cost little money, energy

based on a domestic product—coal; an energy source that would reduce our dependence on the outside.

That B why the Nigerien Coal Company was established in the Niger mining region—

Anou Araren at Agades. General Seyni Kountche welcomed this establishment in one

of his messages to the nation: "The coal of Anou Araren represents one of the great

energetic opportunities in the region. It will allow us to reduce our energetic

dependence that makes our economy so vulnerable and costs us so much."

Taken into service in April 1981, the heating plant at Anou Araren was designed to

rapidly meet its objective. In 1981 and 1982, the years of the respective start of

operations in the first and second blocks, Sonichar produced more than 100 million

kilowatt hours, representing more than 30 million tons of gas-oil equivalent. It

also supplies electricity to the entire mining region, including the cities of

Arlit and Agades. Mahamane Ouhoumondou, general manager of the power plant, is

therefore quite justified in saying that Niamey and Agades consume almost 80 percent of electric energy in the Niger,

27
Founded in 1975 and officially inaugurated in 1981, Sonichar has not had an easy beginning. Actually the idea of such a corporation had been around since 1964, when

the Commission on Atomic Energy (CEA) discovered the coal deposit while carrying on

geological explorations aimed at finding uranium. However, in view of the low caloric power (50 percent ash) cf the coal discovered and the (then) reasonable price of

hydrocarbons, exploitation was considered uneconomic. It had to wait until the

aftermath of 1973, when more accurate studies were made; the first meeting in 1974

was decisive because it led to the establishment of Sonichar in 1975 and, in 1980,

lenders were forthcoming (the Nigerien s_tate, international financial institutions_

such as BAO /expansion unknown/> BADEA /Arab Bank for African Economic Development/,

IDB /Islamic Development Bank/, WADB /West African Development Bank/, CCE /Central

Fund"for Economic Cooperation/, Kuwait Fund, and so on) to finance the first block

by making available 40 billion francs CFA, The second block, in 1982, was to cost

26 billion.

Because of the peak capacities required and the coal reserves available, the net

capacity of the plant amounts to 32 megawatt. That is one of the reasons why it is

operating in two blocks. Each of the two blocks operates autonomously so as to permit the greatest possible flexibility. In case of a breakdown, the complex is

equipped with two sets of generators of 2.2 megawatt, so that it can maintain emergency supplies.

The volume of coal definitely available is 6 million tons on a surface of almost

2 square kilometers. These reserves will allow the plant to operate for about

25 years. At the same time studies carried out in 1975 and confirmed in 1982 indicate the presence of supplementary reserves capable of exploitation and estimated

at 13.7 million tons. Nine millions of these may be mined without undue difficulty.

Exploitation proceeds in steps of 10 meters. The rock is pulverized by explosives.

The main mining equipment expected to be used in the first 5 years of operations is

made up of 3 drills with mobile compressors, 2 light compressors and hammers,

10 32-ton trucks, 5 loaders of 5 cubic meters, 4 pushers, 1 grader, 1 compactor and

1 sprinkler.

The work is organized in two shifts per day.

In the coal stockpile, the mineral is reduced to a granular condition suitable for

the boiler at the plant. This is done by stages: Primary crushing, manual sifting,

piling it up again and finally crushing and screening once more. The hourly volume

of piling is 350 tons. However, the plant has circuits that require water to function. A sweet water deposit was located 28 km west of the plant site. (incidentally, for security reasons several boreholes were sunk). The pumping station is supplied with 20 kw of energy from Anou Araren, and the water can be pumped directly to

two reservoirs on the site, holding 5,000 cubic meters.

Once of Sonichar's great merits is its policy of Nigerizing the management. Almost

1% billion francs CFA were devoted to training Nigeriens for 2 years at the time

of production. Many jobs are also held by young Nigeriens who have little professional experience.

Sonichar's current situation is not easy. Since 1981 the difficulties on the uranium market have had repercussions on its progress. Along with the drop in the

28
production of the existing mines and the slow-down in the construction of the other

projects (SMTT /expansion unknown/, Imouraren, Afasto), it is unable to sell more

than the output of one block, although two are now in operation. The supervisor

explained to us that this is due to financial problems, but that a plan for adjustments has now been worked out and will be implemented from 1984 on.

Still, in the coming years output will be standard until 1988. Incidentally, it is

hoped that the situation will improve once the SMTT starts operations. Assuming,

of course, that the uranium market does not worsen.

11698

CSO: 3419/56

29
SEYCHELLES

SPU STARTS IMPORTANT CROSS-ISLE ROAD PROJECT

Victoria NATION in English 7 Oct 83 pp 1, 2

[Text] WORK started this

week on a major crossisland project that will

see Bougainville on

Mahe's east coast linked

to Baie Lazare on the

west coast in one-and-ahalfyears time by a hard

surface road.

The project is being carried

out by the Special Projects

Unit (SPU) whose workers

started this week to improve

an existing earth road to form a

proper base for an all-weather

reinforced concrete surface.

The road from Bougainville

that is being upgraded branches into two at Val d'Andorre,

joining the West Coast Road

at Anse Gaulettes and near the

Baie Lazare Police Station.

Agricultural

development

An SPU spokesman said

yesterday that the upgrading

of the six-kilometre-long road

would open up the Val d'Andorre farming area to more

agricultural development as

weir äs provide speedier

communication with the coasts

for the people living in the

I hills.

In another road project,

SPU workers will also start

improving the 1.5-kilometre

Labäti earth road at Mare

Anglaise next month.

As for materials for its

projects, the SPU recently

opened a stone quarry on state

land at Anse aux Pins. This will

supply stones and aggregate to

be used in two month's time to

repair and reinforce a sea wall

from Anse aux Pins to Anse

Faure.

Recreational

complex

A sand quarry which is

selling construction material to

the public as well as supplying

SPU projects, has also been

opened at Beau Vallon, while

at La Gogue the capacity of a

third quarry to produce stones

and aggregate has been

doubled.

30
In Victoria, work has resumed on the playing field

along La Promenade which is J

already in constant use by

footballers and other sportsmen from the districts that

make up the capital.

Special Projects Unit

workers are unblocking drains

around the football pitch

which they will later widen by

five metres. The SPU also

hopes to build a terrace for

spectators between the field

and 5th June Avenue and

plans to build another bridge

over the Moosa River which

runs between the field and the

School Meals Centre. Nets to

stop balls from falling into the

river or going on the other side

will be set up.

The area between the south

end of the pitch and the

Mainstry River or the entrance

to La Promenade will be levelled and converted into

another sports ground.

Eventually, the whole area

between the Moosa and St.

Louis Rivers, including that

now used for fun fairs behind

Oceangate House, will be

turned into a sports and

recreational complex.

The Schools Meals Centre

already doubles as an indoor

volleyball, basketball, badminton and netball court.

CSO: 3400/131

31
SEYCHELLES

PLO YOUTH DELEGATION REPORTED IMPRESSED WITH NYS

Victoria NATION in English 7 Oct 83 pp 1, 2

[Text]

A TWO-MAN youth delegation from the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO)

held talks yesterday with

Youth and Defence Minister

Ogilvy Berlouis after meeting

other leading Seychelles People's Progressive Front and

youth officials this week.

The delegation, which is

touring several African states

on a twofold mission, consists

of Mr. Ruuhi Fatouh, a Tunisian-based member of the

PLO Central Executive Committee and a secretary of the

General Union of Palestinian

Students (GUPS), and Mr.

Abdelaziz Abougosh, a member of the GUPS Administrative Council and PLO representative in Dar-esSalaam.

They said after their

meeting with Colonel Berlouis

that they were bringing the

countries they visited up to

date on the present stage of the

Palestinian Revolution and

strengthening relations between GUPS and African

youth and students' organisations.

Earlier this week, the

delegation called on SPPF

Secretary-General Guy Sinon

at the Maison du Peuple,

Youth and Defence Principal

Secretary Ralph Adam, and

Seychelles Women's Association Chairman Rita Sinon.

Yesterday afternoon they

called on Education and Information Principal Secretary

Jeremie Bonnelame.

The delegation told the

government information services that with the youth officials

they discussed the set up of the

two sides' respective youth

movements and the progress

they are making.

Impressed

The delegation was very

impressed with the National

Youth Service after visiting the

32
Ste. Anne village and believed

that the future of Seychelles

would depend on the militants

produced by the Service.

Speaking for the delegation,

Mr. Abougosh said that it had

been very interesting to compare the progress of the Palestinian and Seychelles revolutions, to exchange views on

the situation in both Palestine

and Seychelles and to examine

the problems and destabilization attempts against the

PLO and other revolutionary

movements.

"We consider ourselves, the

Palestinians, as brothers and

frontline comrades of all liberation movements and progressive forces," Mr. Abougosh said.

He added that it was

essential that PLO/Seychellois

youth relations be "pushed

forward".

"By strengthening relations

between the youth, we strengthen relations between countries," Mr. Abougosh said.

The PLO delegation left

Seychelles last night hoping

that this visit would be

followed by more exchanges of

views and experiences in

future.

SAP

CSO: 3400/131

33
ANALYSIS OF RETAINED IMPORTS USE

Victoria NATION in English 4 Oct 83 p 2

[Text]

SEYCHELLES

OVER 18 per cent or nearly

R104 million worth of

Seychelles' retained imports

last year consisted of food and

beverages consumed by

households, according to a

Statistics Division analysis of

how imports are used here.

Retained imports are those

foreign goods that are used in

Seychelles and not reexported, as in the case of

imported fuel sold to passing

foreign ships and aircraft.

In all, 20.4 per cent of the

value of retained imports in

1982 were for foods and

beverages, but 2.1 per cent of

this was for industrial use —

for example, flour for making

bread and hops for making

beer.

Other consumer goods

used by the public at large

amounted to 19.6 per cent or

Rill million worth of retained

imports.

Industrial supplies took up

26 per cent, and fuels and

lubricants 11.9 per cent.

However, part of the latter —

motor spirit, kerosene,

lubricating oils — was used by

households, and the rest by

industry. In fact all kerosene,

20 per cent of motor spirit and

five per cent of lubricating oil

is assumed to have been used

by households.

Capital goods— that is fixed

assets such as machinery and

equipment for industrial use

— excluding transport equipment, comprised 14 per cent.

Transport equipment for

both household — cars

bicycles, boats, outboard

engines, etc. — and industrial

use came to 3.7 per cent.

Thirty per cent of the value of

cars imported, 90 per cent of

motor cycles and bicycles and

10 per cent of outboard

34
engines are believed to have

been bought by households.

In all, the Statistics Division

analysis suggests that in 1982,

45.1 per cent of Seychelles'

retained imports were intermediate goods for local

industry and used by

producers of goods and

services or as parts and

accessories for capital and

consumer goods. This includes

import used by hotels and

restaurants. Another 37.6 per

cent or R213 million worth of

retained imports were

consumed by households, and

17.3 per cent were capital

goods.

Looking especially at hotels

and restaurants, the Statistics

Division says that these used

R9.4 million worth of imported beverages and

R400,000 of imported cigarettes.

In all, compared to 1980, the

proportion of imports consisting of consumer goods

increased from 34.2 per cent to

37.6 per cent last year, a rise of

nearly R32 million. The

proportions contributed by

capital and intermediate goods

went down. SAP

CSO: 3400/131

35
SEYCHELLES

BRIEFS

PRESIDENT'S OFFICE REORGANIZED—With the appointment of the Principal

Secretary for Administration, Mrs Simone Testa, as Principal Secretary

in the President's Office also, the President's Office has been reorganised

into two main Divisions. As Principal Secretary in the President's Office,

Mrs Testa is now responsible for the Personnel and Management Division and

the President's Private Office Division. Mrs Testa and the Personnel and

Management Division, the successor to the Department of Administration,

remain based at National House, Le Chantier. The Division will continue

to deal with th& management of the public service, including manpower

planning, administrative policy and all personnel matters. All communications on these matters should be addressed to the Principal Secretary,

President's Office, P.O. Box 56, National House. The President's Private

Office Division, which deals with electoral matters, portfolio allocation,

international agreements and relations with the public and the judiciary

among other duties, remains based at State House. SAP [Text] [Victoria

NATION in English 7 Oct 83 p 1]

CSO: 3400/131

36
SOUTH AFRICA

REAGAN ADMINISTRATION FOREIGN POLICY DISCUSSED

Pretoria DIE TRANSVALER in Afrikaans 26 Sep 83 p 10

[Editorial: "The New America"]

[Text] The America of the Reagan era will he set aside by historians as the

America which pulled itself out of the pacifist role and no longer shrank away

from asserting itself as leader.

Numerous actions in the recent past testify to this.

When it became clear that Russia was firmly strengthening its position in

Central America, America, with a show of military strength of a seldom seen

scope, said as it were: up to here but no further.

- In spite of the Vietnam psychosis, President Reagan decided that his fleet

should hit back if the rebels in Lebanon threaten the American peacekeeping

force.

- Especially in the United Nations, the American representatives off and on

speak a kind of aggressive truth of which the country and its people can only

be proud. And which gives the small democracies in the world renewed hope.

Ten years ago, as the Nixon administration's ambassador to the United Nations,

Mr Daniel Moynihan labeled the organization's activities as "the theatre of

the absurd" — on another occasion, the sharp tongued Mr Moynihan referred to

the decline of democratic values in the United Nations and added "there is

blood in the water and the sharks are frenzied."

In the recent past, the current ambassador, Mrs Kirkpatrick, and her colleagues

have also attacked this kind of blood-thirstiness and cold-bloodedness in the

most aggressive language. This reached a high point last week when Mr Charles

Lichtenstein said: "If member states of the United Nations want to leave New

York, we will very gladly go say goodby to them at the harbor."

Truly a sharp contrast with the pitiful pacifism of Ambassador Andrew Young

of the Carter period.

The clear rejection of Mr Carter as president was undoubtedly the resurrection

of an America which is still proud of being a world leader and an anti-communist bastion.

8^63

CSO: 3^01/8 37
SOUTH AFRICA

RELATIONS BETWEEN LESOTHO, SOUTH AFRICA DISCUSSED

Bloemfontein DIE VOLKSBLAD in Afrikaans 13 Sep 83 p 8

[Editorial: "Lesotho's Game"]

[Text] Lesotho is a small and poor country which is very much dependent on

charity to keep going. It receives the largest contributions from countries

and bodies which are not sympathetic to South Africa and therefore it usually

joins the choir against the republic.

However, it is beginning to appear as if hard reality is dawning and Lesotho

realizes that the effects on the country of trying to turn a stiff back to

South Africa are too serious. Reports from that country indicate that South

Africa's pressure concerning the harboring of terrorists is beginning to bear

fruit.

After Lesotho backed down last week about the removal of so-called refugees

from the country, the latest reports state that those people have already left

the country voluntarily and with the help of the United Nations Organization.

In this respect it is said that nobody was forced to get out.

Lesotho will naturally deny that it put pressure on them to get out, because

it could dry up the sources of charity if it were to become evident that the

country is dancing to South Africa's tune. It is forced to continue to pretend that South Africa commits cruelties which makes people flee to Lesotho

and that Lesotho itself is also the victim of such cruelties.

On the other hand, Lesotho is aware of its strong dependence on South Africa

and it does not dare stubbornly to continue to harbor terrorists. The consequences of such action are painful for Lesotho and it has felt the full brunt

of it this spring.

The truth is that Lesotho has taken South Africa's warnings and the possible

consequences of its actions thoroughly to heart. If this were not the case,

not a single so-called refugee would have left the country, with or without

the help of the United Nations.

8463

CSO: 3^01/8

38
BUSINESS WITH SRI LANKA REPORTED

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 20 Oct 83 p 25

[Text]

SOUTH AFRICA

COLOMBO.—Trade between Sri Lanka and

South Africa has continued uninnterrupted for

decades, both in imports

and exports. Both State

and private sectors are

engaged in commercial

. activity.

Traditionally, South

Africa has been a big buyer of Lankan Tea, reaching an import figure of

R7,8-million, besides the

import of natural rubber,

coconut and agricultural

products, the Trade Ministry in Colombo announced.

Taiwan, another country that Sri Lanka politically continues to deny

existence, was allowed to

trade with Lanka and

trade between Taipei and

Colombo is confined to

the private sector only.

For years, there was no

trade link between the

two countries because Sri

Lanka continued to recognise politically only

mainland Communist

China and although communist China frowns on

Colombo's trading links

with Taiwan, as some

countries do about such

links with South Africa,

Sri Lanka continues, not

only expanding trade connections, but is now

working on linking the

countries by its national

carrier, Air Lanka.

Taiwan has acquired

quite a name in imports to

Sri Lanka following the

great liberalisation of imports by the ruling Righwing United National

Party Government in

1977 which led to the creation of what is popularly

called the "open market

economy".

Ready made garments,

the quality of which has

worried United States

markets, but which now

enjoy better quotas both

from the United States

and the EEC, are likely to

find new marketsin South

Africa soon, according to

top trade sources in Colombo.

The' South African

market for Lankan products is varied. In the last

two years Colombo has

been exporting to South

Africa desiccated coconut

(value R2,2-million), cashew nuts R400 000), tea

in packets (302 000)

chemical products

(R257 000), natural crepe

rubber (466 666), natural

latex rubber (R711 000)

scrape crepe rubber

(Rl,46-million), natural

sheet rubber (R48 000)

and industrial products

which reached a new

hight of value to R10,6-

million.

In 1981 Sri Lankan exports to South Africa

totalled R14,2-miliion,

but imported from South

Africa goods valued at

R29,4-million. In 1981

South Africa sold goods

to Sri Lanka valued at

R17,2-million and bought

from Sri Lnka goods

worth R13,8-million.—

Sapa.

CSO: 3400/30

39
SOUTH AFRICA

NP MAY RECEIVE AMERICAN FUNDS FOR REFERENDUM

Pretoria DIE AFRIKANER in Afrikaans 21 Sep 83 p 3

[Article: "Suspicion About NP Funds for Referendum Increases — Chiavelli's

Name Also Mentioned"]

[Text] Suspicion is rapidly increasing about the enormous amounts of money

the NP [National Party] is spending in its referendum campaign. Speculation

which has reached DIE AFRIKANER in recent weeks, centers on the idea that the

source of these funds may not be limited to English speaking and Jewish businessmen in South Africa, but that funds probably find their way to the coffers

of the NP from abroad. America is mentioned point-blank in this respect.

The close alliance between the NP and local money bases was demonstrated once

again last week when the executive vice president of Anglo-American-Lewens,

Mr Shlomo Peer, announced that he would resign at the end of the year in order

to devote himself fulltime to NP activities. Last year, Dr Peer, who is a

member of the executive committee of the NP in Transvaal, played a key role

in a secret meeting between NP leaders and representatives of big money interests .

It is thought that on that occasion the prime minister, Mr P.W. Botha, and

the NP leader in Transvaal, Mr F.W. de Klerk, asked the businessmen for a sum

of 3 million rand to carry out the government's constitutional plans. In addition to Dr Peer, Messrs Basil Landau and Louis Luyt were also present on

that occasion. Messrs Basil Hersov from Anglo-Vaal and Mike Rosholt from

Barlow Rand also received invitations, but did not accept them. A report to

this effect in DIE AFRIKANER was later denied by Dr Jannie Pieterse, chief

secretary of the NP in Transvaal.

According to rumors circulating last year, at that time the NP had already received 405,000 rand from the Anglo-American stable. That report was also

denied by Dr Pieterse. Last year, the NP also sent a circular letter to businessmen in which executives were asked for a 50|000 rand donation to the party.

A commotion arose in recent weeks when a Sunday newspaper from Natal, the

SUNDAY TRIBUNE, claimed that the Johannesburg millionaire, Dr Mario Chiavelli,

is the NP's secret guarantor. The TRIBUNE wrote that he thought he had donated

at least 2 million rand to the NP. The NP's chief information official, Dr

Jan Grobler, told the newspaper that Dr Chiavelli could be one of the contributors to the NP campaign. However, it is not true that Dr Chiavelli has contributed 2 million rand, he said.

40
According to the report, Dr Chiavelli was allegedly also involved in providing

monetary aid to the ruling People's National Party in Ghana in 1979• That

party was later overthrown in a coup.

Campaign

Dr Chiavelli, whose income is thought to be 1 billion rand per year, rose to

notoriety because of the large sums of money he spends on the purchase of

houses and antiques. He is also frequently in the news because of his friendship with local beauty queens.

It has been estimated that the NP's nationwide advertising campaign in Sunday

and daily newspapers has already cost more than 5°°»0G0rand. It is expected

that the campaign will be continued and will culminate on election day, 2 November. This could ultimately cost millions of rand — between k and 6 million

rand.

Political observers completely disregard the possibility that such a large

amount could be collected from ordinary party members. Local businessmen undoubtedly contribute a large part of this amount. Nevertheless, it is considered a strong possibility that overseas money is also involved. The most

probable source is America, where the Reagan administration is very interested

in the implementation of the constitutional allocation. President Reagan's

policy toward South Africa is based precisely on the condition that "changes"

continue to occur.

It would not be altogether unusual for the American government to contribute

to the referendum campaign of the NP through secret channels. The South

African government did the same thing during the sixties to put Leabua Jona-than

in power in Lesotho. On that occasion, the Broederbond was used as a channel.

Mr Derek Carstens, the executive director of Klerck, Marais and Potgieter,

which handles the advertising campaign of the NP, was a PFP [Progressive Federal Party] candidate in the 1979 provincial elections. Last week Mr Carstens

told newspapers that he supports the new constitution and that he regrets the

fact that the PFP has taken a position against it.

8^63

CSO: 3^01/8

41
SOUTH AFRICA

SLABBERT, BUTHELEZI MEETING TO DISCUSS REFERENDUM

Meeting Called Intimidation Attempt

Bloemfontein DIE VOLKSBLAD in Afrikaans 23 Sep 83 p 10

[Editorial: "Politics of Intimidation"]

[Text] Threats and intimidation are common characteristics of politics as

conducted in Africa north of the Limpopo, but they are definitely not normal

election phenomena in South Africa. However, ominous signs of this have become visible recently and attempts are now being made to use them to further

a no vote in the referendum.

On the far right there are hints of violence, especially from the Afrikaner

Resistance Movement, and on the left Chief Minister Gatsha Buthelezi is supplementing the campaign of the PFP [Progressive Federal Party] by referring

to sanctions and to the withdrawal of investments in South Africa, while also

making warning noises in the direction of the Indian community in Natal.

The extent to which the PFP is using Chief Buthelezi in its campaign is made

clear by the party's challenge to Minister Owen Horwood and Mr Vause Raw to

appear on a platform with Chief Buthelezi to debate the advantages and disadvantages of the new constitutional allocation.

It is a matter of course that such a challenge will not be accepted, because

the leader of a black people is not involved in the draft constitution. The

constitution deals with recognition of the Coloreds and the Indians who currently have far fewer political rights than the black peoples. If Buthelezi

has to have a say in the matter, as the PFP would like, then why not also

Mugabe or Jonathan?

Dr Van Zyl Slabbert says that he has as much right to talk to Chief Buthelezi

as the government has to talk to the Reverend Allan Hendrickse. Absolutely

correct, if it is only talking — but this does not mean providing him with

a political voice outside his state. Because what the PFP is not talking

about is the fact that the government is continuing on the road toward giving

each black population group the right to self-determination, and that this

process has made much more progress than what has been achieved with the

Coloreds and the Asians.

42
The referendum involves a first step in the direction of a confederation in

which the right of minorities to self-determination will form the corner

stone. The government will not let itself "be intimidated into transferring

power to the most numerous group.

Buthelezi Allegedly Being Used

Capetown DIE BURGER in Afrikaans 2k Sep 83 p 10

[Article by Dawie in the column "From My Political Pen": "Van Now Takes Advantage of Blacks for his Flagging Boycotting"]

[Text] Sometimes Dr Van Zyl Slabbert can open up his eyes so wide with surprise to ask what he has done wrong this time. You would say that he is innocence personified and is being seriously wronged.

This is once again the case with his attempt to involve the Zulu leader, Chief

Gatsha Buthelezi, in the referendum.

What is so wrong with that, he wants to know. Doesn't the government also

talk to colored leaders?

No Understanding

Can you top that?

Dr Slabbert feels that it is the same thing to "talk" to a colored leader who

is about to become part of the constitutional system for the first time, as

it is to call up Zulu support for a no vote in the white referendum!

Just as he showed a complete lack of political intuition when he began his

boycott policy, he does not understand the sensitivity of calling on black

people to help him settle his battle against fellow whites ~ a battle he is

in the process of losing.

Does Dr Slabbert not understand what is happening in this referendum and how

his actions will be seen?

Change

It is strange that the Progressive Federal Party is not trying to determine

why so many people are turning their backs on it and will vote yes. After

all, they are not doing this because they are all stupid and ignorant.

One of their main motives is that they want to help prepare the country for

the future. They realize that something must be done and that they can no

longer reconcile themselves to boycotts, obstruction and negativism.

This change has also taken place across the color barrier. The colored Labor

Party has recognized the futility of the boycott, which it had accepted itself

in the past, and has experienced a dramatic change in mood.

43
Indeed, there must simply be an increasing number of people in the country who

are wondering what would happen if the medley of negative groups were to get

their way. Could it result in anything but confrontations and chaos?

While the process of hardening against the breakers in our politics is progressing, Dr Slabbert is setting off to look for help from the Zulus for his

languishing no campaign and for new breath for his boycott policy.

And what is the first thing the Zulu leader did to make Dr Slabbert happy?

He made direct use of Dr Slabbert's boycott idiom by saying that, if the yes

votes win, he will be forced to reconsider his position toward international

sanctions against South Africa.

Grasp Hands

If Dr Slabbert is laughing up his sleeve because he has managed to get the

Zulu leader to threaten South Africa that way, then he does not understand

that it is precisely against this kind of tendency that an increasing number

of people in South Africa are reacting.

There is another consideration. The process which is in progress in the

country proceeds from the need of reasonable people to grasp each other's

hands and to form a solid front against the challenges of the future. There

is no other way to obtain safety and security.

The lasting significance of the referendum will perhaps be the fact that a

start has been made in forming a base to which conditions can be added in the

future — a base made up of whites and coloreds, which will be as broad as

possible.

The voice of soberness will have to be clearly heard in this country if it

wants to have a voice in future adventures.

It is this base which the no votes want to sabotage and which Dr Slabbert

wants to kick to pieces. He cannot stand it that a plan in which he did not

participate, might be able to succeed.

He also has another motive. He has noticed how his own power base is crumbling

under him and he must, as the PFP posters correctly note, be worried about his

and his party's future. Now he is looking for another standing place, and it

looks as if he hopes to find it in black politics.

If he succeeds in his attempt, and with the help he is calling on, to wreck

the plans of the reasonable people, then serious difficulties will be in the

offing — not just for him, but for the country as a whole.

Matches

Dr Slabbert is an academic who has never truly shown that he has mastered the

subtleties and sensitivity of hard politics.

44
By taking advantage of "black people now in order to wreck the yes votes in

the referendum, he is "busy playing with matches and gunpowder. It looks as

if he does not altogether realize this.

Or is he very well aware of what he is doing?

8^63

GSO: 3^01/6

45
SOUTH AFRICA

REFERENDUM VOTE SUGGESTION TO SPOIL BALLOTS REJECTED

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 14 Oct 83 p 10

[Article by Janet Levine]

[Text] A third option, we are told, to voting

"no" or "yes" in the referendum is

to vote both "no" and "yes," in other

words, to spoil our ballot paper.

We are told, among much other

obfuscating illogic, that such a gesture will "satisfy the demands of

conscience" and that an "X"

marked across both options on the

ballot is "the best vote available for

effective progression to a workable

common society."

If it were all only so simple.

A "no" vote, it is said, if it is a

PFP "no," means "that it doesn't go

far enough," while a CP-HNP "no"

vote means "less mobility."

Yet a "yes" vote, we are told,

means "that the Nationalists are

going to see it as a vote for them"

and "black Africans are going to see

it as a vote against them."

And a spoilt paper is going to be

the best option for the ensuring our

progress to a stable, peaceful, integrated social order?

Come, come.

It is a remarkable fact of South

African political life as to how

many politicians and political commentators avoid direct contact with

the essence of current issues. In

fact, it has long been a game of

mine to earmark for "success"

those who develop the skills of the

"red herring" game.

In the context of this article the

"Third Option - Spoilt Paper" "red

herring" shows a great aptitude for

that game, putting it almost in the

same league as sucti other current

"red herrings" as a "yes" vote "will

be good for South Africa overseas'^

and that the changes embodied in

the proposed constitution herald reform. Let's start there.

If the new constitution "heralds

reform" (and for the life of me I can

find nothing in the document to

show me that it does so) then it

means exactly that "a heralding" is

"a heralding" and doesn't mean it is

reform.

Reform means the acceptance of

all South Africans whatever their

colour, by all other South Africans

whatever their colour, as full and

equal citizens of South Africa.

Reform means giving the vote to

all South African so that they can

all participate in the goverment of

their country in the same forums,

whether these be federally structured or decentralised or local or

national.

It does not mean entrenching

apartheid in a new constitution in

such a way that 70 percent of the

population of the country are excluded from government by virtue

of constitutional entrenchment

which cannot be repealed.

Why must we poor buffeted

voters, on top of everything else,

also be asked to cast our vote for

"what is good for South Africa overseas." Good for whom overseas?

Private sector South African interests? Foreign investors? What about

the interests of the many hundreds

46
ol tftousands of black employees of

that same private sector.

Is a "yes" vote not going to be

perceived by them as the acme of

rejection, a new mark of how the

attitudes and opinions of black

South Africans is of secondary consequence to white business interests?

And what about the moderate and

not so moderate South African leaders of colour who have called for a

"no" vote? Must their voice be ignored to placate uninterested and

misguided overseas opinion?

A spoilt paper in the current referendum is irresponsible at best. At

worst it displays a frightening inclination to voyeurism. I believe that

spoiling a paper is the action of effete, smug political dillententes.

It is their fight, they say, a fight

between the Right and the not so

Right Nationalists. Why should we

get into the gutter and dirty our

hands? If the PFP wants to be involved that's their business.

But it's not only the PFP. It's

other white opposition groups, it's

the United Democratic Front, it's a

spectrum of moderate and not-somoderate black leaders, it's Afrikaner academics, it's churches and

teachers and newspapers.

This is not a constitution for the

Nationalists or the Herstigtes alone.

It is your constitution. Your life will

be governed by it.

Your future is determined by it.

You must exercise your vote.

CSO: 3400/30

47
SOUTH AFRICA

BUSINESS VOTE IN REFERENDUM EXAMINED

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 16 Oct 83 p 35

[Editorial: "The Business Vote"]

[Text]

FEW things illustrate as clearly

the change in South Africa's

political climate as the role of the

business community in the coming

referendum.

Not many years ago businessmen — expressing a natural and

justifiable concern about their

country's political future — were

roughly told by Mr John Vorster to

leave politics to the politicians and

go home and play with their cash

registers.

Today, their opinions are

sought, their suppport assiduously

wooed by the very politicians who

once beüeved that South Africa's

business community should pay

the piper, but could never call the

tune.

Part of this metamorphosis in

our national life is undoubtedly

due to the free enterprise philosophy which has taken root in Pretoria.

But another — equally important — reason is that for the first

time in three decades the "English

vote" has emerged from the shadows of irrelevance to become a

possibly deciding factor in a poll

which could determine the future

of a Nationalist Government.

And so — aware of the effect of

peer group pressure or example

on a confused electorate — political parties have engaged in a lavish courtship which has exhausted

the wooers and bemused the

wooed.

In these circumstances it is not

surprising that, as the respected

doyen of South Africa's business

community, all eyes have long

been focused on Mr Harry Oppenheimer.

Neither should it surprise anyone that Mr Oppenheimer has

elected to say No. As a founder of

the PFP he could hardly have been

expected to take a decision which

could have deeply embarrassed

the party and its leadership.

But it should be noted that Mr

Oppenheimer's opinion was expressed in a characteristically

well-modulated tone and that he

paid graceful tribute to Mr PW

Botha's courage even as he said

that the new constitution was a

small step for*the NP, but not a

giant leap for South Africa.

And it should also be noted that

many business leaders of equal integrity find it possible to differ

with his position.

Which should show those who

are filled with a sense of moral

righteousness about their policy of

rejection, just how hazy is the line

between right and wrong in the

decision which faces them on November 2.

CSO: 3400/30

48
SOUTH AFRICA

REFERENDUM DEBATE OVERLOOKS ISSUE OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 16 Oct 83 p 35

[Article by Brian Pattinger: "Look What's Missing from the Great Referendum

Race"]

[Text]

HE future of local government is the National Party's wibblywobbly doll. The more it is pushed flat the more a natural balance

of forces pulls it erect.

, Logically it should be part of the package before the white electorate on

November 2. The average South African, after all, should be as interested in

.who sits on his town council as who shares his parliamentary benches.

But second and third-tier government is off the Government's referendum agenda

for two reasons. The first is that technical committees are investigating the "how" of

a new dispensation. And the second is that it would be politically suicidal in the present swirl of events for the Government to broach the issue in anything but the

broadest terms.

Neither reason succeeds in preventing the persistent intrusion of second and thirdtier government issues into the referendum debate.

It is a tough balancing act for Pretoria. For the Government to endorse a phasing

out of provincial authorities — as the pragmatists argue — would be the kiss of death

to the flourishing NP-New Republic Party alliance. Worse still, it would put scores

of loyal and ambitious NP MPCs on the fast train to rebellion.

Spelling out concisely how black local authorities will slot into

the proposed metropolitan services boards

would be handy ammunition for the belea- A clear exposition of the

guered black local au- new financing proposals for

thority elections in local authorities would help

November. But it offset charges that the prcwould also be a weapon iÄJ^ÄJLS HT J- *-u« k„„j„ „* „ <„„ thonties are economic ch- in the hands of a far sasters But it would als0

right ever suspicious of

any signs of the "hidden

agenda" of black

rights.

T

certainly get up the backs

of the bigger municipalities

who are destined to help

carry the burden.

o indicate unambiguously the direction of

Government policy about

Indian and coloured municipal status — racially

autonomous local authorities — would placate the

jittery NP right wing, but

could chill the Labour Party out of participation in

the bicameral legislature.

49
And so the fiercest constitutional road show in the

country's history rolls on

with only half the cast at

centre stage.

The rest— the thousands

of town councillors, management, local affairs and

consultative committee

members, the municipal

associations, MPCs, executive committees and even

administrators— wait in

the shadows for the cue that

will either dismiss them to

the dressing rooms, or

bring them before the spotlights.

The President's Council

proposals suggested as one

option the phasing out of

provincial level government, to be replaced by

executive authorities. It

also raised the possibility of

the country's four provinces being reshaped into

eight regions corresponding to the regional economic development areas.

It is no secret that in the

corridors of power the neat

simplicity of the plan has

found favour, but political

expediency has cautioned

otherwise. Ihe New Republic Party's sole power base is

Natal. With the Natal Provincial Council gone, so

also is the NRP.

Professor Lawrence

Schlemmer of Natal University's Centre for Applied

Social Sciences puts it ina

nutshell: "Whatever damage the NRP might have

done to itself by enlisting in a joint Yes campaign with

the Government would be

as nothing compared to the

damage they would do if

they endorsed the phasing

out of provincial authorities."

In the new atmosphere

forced by the PretoriaPietermaritzburg referendum axis, caution is the

watchword.

But there is another

problem even nearer to

home for the National Party. For years the provincial

councils have been the

training grounds for aspirant NP parliamentarians

and— in some cases— retirement cloisters. Scrapping the system would put

many ambitious and frustrated loyalists on the

streets ata time of particular confusion in white politics.

All of which goes to explain in some way why the

Government has gone to

great lengths to assure that

provincial authorities will

not be scrapped in the short

term and why the proposed

new constitution does not

even address the issue.

The crucial dilemma

now facing the Government

is how to lock urban black

local authorities into the

vaguely mooted consultative bodies which are to

serve the third tier of Government.

The President's Council

has proposed metropolitan

hard-service boards which

will have representatives

from all local authorities

and handle such issues as

sewage disposal, water

and electricity reticulation,

ambulance and fire services.

Prime MinisterPW

Botha has referred to these

structures only vaguely.

Two months ago in the

third reading debate on the

constitution he said: "We

shall acknowledge the need

for liaison to take place between them and white town

and city councils in regard

to matters of common interest."

But already the warning

lights are flashing in far

right circles which see the

development as the precursor of integrated councils

and the dreaded "thin edge

of the wedge".

The interests of the black

local authority elections in

November demand Government clarity on the issue. The pressures of white

right wing referendum

politics counsel silence. The

Government— arguing the

issue is the subject of Cabinet and technical committee inquiries — keeps its

powder dry.

A,In even heavier question mark now hangs over

the exact intentions of Government in its third tier

proposals. The only concrete suggestion on the

table at present is the

President's Council proposal parentage NRP, vintage 1978 — which proposes, where possible,

racially autonomous local

authorities, direct representation of coloured or

Indian wards on the same

council where this is not

possible and, where the minority group is very small,

integration at ward level

but on separate voters'

rolls.

From the turgid mass of

the first two PC reports the

local government recommendations shone like

some beacon of hope presenting the first real suggestions of inter-racial

political permeability.

Government's broad acceptance of the principles

brightened the beacon.

But since then, bya slow

process of attrition, Government "acceptance" has

been revealed most clearly

for what it is; insistence on

the inviolable principle of

racially autonomous local

authorities.

This direction was illustrated in the Prime Minister's address to the Transvaal Province Municipal

Association congress this

week. The prepared text refers broadly to the need for

the decentralisation and

division of power, re-allocation of resources and the

creation of co-ordinating

bodies.

But the delivered speech

was peppered with references to developing minorities "in their own spheres",

retention of the existing

"own identity" of local authorities, individual and

group rights protected

through strong local 'authorities and development

in accordance with the

principle that South Africa

isa land of minorities.

50
In other words, the whole

pantheon of National Party

jargon spelling basically

the same message; strict

segregation at local government level.

The point — not missed

by conservative delegates

who hear-heared him on

several occasions — is unlikely to be missed by the

coloured and Indian communities who through their

representative bodies have

made their voice known

quite clearly on separate

racial local authorities.

Six years ago Natal Indians and coloureds were

telling the Slatter and Yeld

committees of their opposition to separate racial local

authorities. The President's

Council heard it as well.

And both the Labour Party and the Association of

Management Committees

have rejected "dummy

councils" and demanded direct representation on

councils.

I ndeed feelings on separate local authorities are so

high that the Government's

first tenative steps through

the Promotion of Local

Government Bill to co-ordinate local government affairs was nearly aborted

earlier this year when ASSOMAC, the Labour Party

and the NRP suspected the

Government of trying to

entrench the principle of

racially autonomous local

authorities into the wording

of the Bill..

It is a delicate line the

Government treads; on the

one hand signalling the

white right wing that segregated local authorities are

assured while at the same

time hinting to the Labour

Party that all things are

still possible at local authority level.

The dilemma is repeated

in one of the most pressing

and increasingly politicised

issues facing Government

third tier proposals — finding the cash to underwrite

dormitory town black local

authorities and the plethora

of coloured and Indian

councils which will be a

logical consequence of Government local authority

thinking.

Proposals for a sloughing

of wealth from the bigger

and richer municipalities

to the poorer ones are now

on the table, under discussion with the municipal associations, to be considered

by the Cabinet and likely to

see legislative form next

session.

I t is certain to spark another major political controversy. Big cities like Johannesburg have objected

to the principle and the

right wing parties have revealed ample proof of their

lack of sympathy for the

development needs of other

communities.

Again, the interests of

particularly the black local

authority elections beg for

clarification on how the

proposed new municipalities will survive economically. Party politicking

again raises the prospects

of heavy clashes. And again

— arguing investigation by

technical committee — the

Government keeps its powder dry.

The referendum on November 2 is a fierce and

sprawling debate about the

way the country should be

governed at central level.

An equally fierce one — its

dimensions already known,

its dilemmas apparent, its

major actors on stage —

awaits post-referendum.

(Report by B C Pottlnger, Vin der

Stel BuHding, Pretoria).

CSO: 3400/30

51
SOUTH AFRICA

REFORM NOT DEPENDENT ON NEW CONSTITUTION, SAYS SLABBERT

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 20 Oct 83 p 9

[Article by Chris Steyn]

[Text] South Africa does not need a new Constitution to bring about real

reform.

This was one of the points made by the leader of the Progressive Federal

Party, Dr Van Zyl Slabbert, during a political debate held at the Press

Club in Johannesburg yesterday.

The Conservative Party MP for Brakpan, Mr Frank le Roux, and the National

Party MP for Randburg, Mr Wynand Malan were the other participants in the

debate.

Dr Van Zyl Slabbert referred to the Government's decision to introduce

drastic legislation to deal with Indians and Coloureds living illegally

in White areas in Johannesburg as an example of "tightening" discriminatory

laws—unaided by a constitutional guideline in this regard.

"Just as the Government does not need a Constitution to tighten up the Group

Areas Act, it does not need a Constitution for reform. Reform can take place

without a Constitution," he said.

Apartheid

However, the Government also did not need a Constitution to start the process

of the real reform now. Unaided by a Constitution the Government could bring

about some very important changes, like removing discriminatory laws which

formed the real basis of apartheid.

Dr Van Zyl Slabbert warned that the new Constitution had the potential to

increase racial friction to such an extent that cooperation between Indian,

Coloured and White would be "irrelevant."

For the first time in history, racially discriminatory acts, like the Mixed

Marriages Act, the Race Classification Act, and the Group Areas Act, could

not be scrapped or even changed without the Constitution itself being changed.

52
"The proposed Constitution is less flexible and more rigid than the Present

Constitution," he said. "It is badly constructed and essentially unworkable.

Manv South Africans who intended voting "Yes" because they hoped the ConstiSSon could bring about some measure of reform, or because they belxeved

there was some hidden agenda written into the Constitution, would find themselves utterly disillusioned a couple of years after the implementatxon of

the proposals.

"This Constitution is no wonder-formula; problems will not be solved quickly

and reform won't take place any sooner," Dr Van Zyl Slabbert said.

Mr Frank le Roux, however, expressed fear that the Mixed Marriages Act and

the Group Areas let would eventually be dissolved in the new Resident's

Council which he referred to as the "final conflict resolving mechanism m

the new Constitution.

Conflicts

"This body will be called upon to resolve the conflicts which go to the root

of politics in South Africa, matters in respect of which ^ »*£tOT-

ate have the deepest and strongest feelings, for example, the Group Areas

let, the inclusion of the urban-Blacks into the system, the Mixed Marriages

Act.

"It is unreasonable to place such a burden on such an «a-incvolyed body and

it is unpardonable to expect the electorate to acquiesce to this, he said.

He further argued the constitution should be rejected because vital provisions of the Act could not be amended without the consent of all three

houses.

"A populations group is denied the right to opt out of the whole dispensation

without thTothL groups consenting thereto. If this most B«toua «^^

fails, like a boomerang it will continue flying back at you, Mr Le Roux

said.

He said there was no logic in introducing Coloureds and Indians into the

White political "stream" while witholding that right from urban Blacks.

"In fact, what the Act seeks to ensure fails to materialise. What happens

is that the Whites are called upon to forsake their freedom while at the

same time no meaningful freedom is gained by either the Coloureds or the

Indians."

Mr Wynand Malan made it clear that a fourth Black chamber and a one-man

one-Jote majoritarian system were non-options in South Africa's political

future.

53
However, he told the audience there would be "no end" to the process of

constitutional reform "until such a time as a system or systems have been

developed that will enable every individual to have an effective say in the

decision-making that affects his or her life."

Mr Malan said he was not in favour of a fourth Black chamber but believed

the accommodation of groups in the political process was a prerequisite

for the building of true South Africanism.

When asked if Coloureds and Indians would be liable to do military service

once the new constitution had been implemented, Mr Malan said he believed

that legislation in this regard would be changed.

"I believed that Indians and Coloureds will become liable to do military

service—but it would be bad policy and a bad approach to introduce legislation immediately. We must first prove to them that something has been

done for them," he said.

News by Chris Steyn, 28 Height Street, Doornfontein, Johannesburg.

CSO: 3400/30

54
SOUTH AFRICA

POLICIES AND ATTITUDES OF UDF DISCUSSED

On UDF Policies

Capetown DIE BURGER in Afrikaans 27 Sep 83 p 15

[Article "by Leopold Scholtz: "UDF Will Ask for Boycott Later"]

[Text] It is "logical" for the UDF (United Democratic Front) to advise its

colored and Indian supporters to "boycott possible referendums on the new constitution rather than to vote no, said Mr Terror Lekota, press secretary of

the UDF, yesterday during an interview with DIE BURGER.

He also indicated that the UDF is not at all inclined to conclude an alliance

with the PFP (Progressive Federal Party).

Mr Lekota made it clear that the UDF is simply opposed to the whole constitutional reform process taking place today. "This was thought up unilaterally

by the white parliament and does not involve the black people. It is nothing

but a trick to give apartheid an acceptable appearance."

However, the UDF has not yet made a final decision on the matter. Therefore

it is "logical" that it advise its supporters to boycott a referendum rather

than to vote no, he said.

Mr Lekota also killed any idea of the PFP being acceptable as a member organization for the UDF. "We are a non-racial organization which wants a united

South Africa. Unless the PFP abandons its ideal of a geographic federation,

it will not be acceptable to us at all."

"The PFP will first have to endorse our policy before we can think about this

again," he said.

"Moreover, its link with an ethnic body, such as Captain Gatsha Buthelezi's

Inkatha, could create serious problems," thinks Mr Lekota.

55
UDF Attitude Toward PFP

Capetown DIE BURGER in Afrikaans 27 Sep 83 p 1A

[Editorial: "PFP in Pincers"]

[Text] The attitude of the UDF (United Democratic Front), a newly established boycott movement with a primarily colored following, with regard to the PFP (Progressive Federal Party provides a good indication of why the PFP has landed in

such a serious dilemma in South African politics.

According to the press secretary of the UDF, this "non-racial" organization

is skeptical about the PFP's link with an "ethnic body" such as Captain Gatsha

Buthelezi 's Inkatha. Furthermore, the UDF advocates a unitary state, and is

thus opposed to the PFP policy of geographic federation. He is not at all

inclined to admit the PFP as a member organization; the PFP will first have

to accept the UDF policy before such a possibility can be "thought" about.

This opinion about the PFP by the UDF must have felt like a dash of cold water

in the face by those progressives who cheered so much about the creation of

this new movement.

However, this is only one side of the pincer situation the PFP finds itself

in.

On the other side, it faces a growing defection of people who can simply no

longer stand its boycott approach. They are apparently willing to disregard

the party's instruction about the referendum and to vote "yes" on 2 November.

The pincer which presses on the PFP from both sides undoubtedly provides a

logical explanation for the recent actions of the progressives.

On the one hand, the PFP must still desperately try to hang on to its white

support; indeed, it is still active in white politics. This is why the PFP

leader must plead in referendum advertisements that his future and that of

the party are at stake. Hence, as far as the PFP is concerned the referendum

does not involve plans for the future of South Africa, but it is a question

of saving the party and it's leader's hide.

On the other hand, the PFP is trying to drum up black support, which it apparently lost through the UDF, but which it wants to make use of in white politics anyhow. This is why the leader of the progressives went to KwaZulu to

involve Inkatha and Captain Buthelezi in his campaign.

A party which in its despair acts with such opportunism deserves to be pulverized in South African politics.

&A63

CSO: 3^-01/6

56
SOUTH AFRICA

EFFECT OF CONSTITUTION ON CIVIL SERVICE

Pretoria DIE TRANSVALER in Afrikaans 21 Sep 83 p 12

[Editorial: "Civil Servants and the Constitution"]

[Text] Constitutional reform cannot be achieved in practice unless it is

hacked by an effective public administration, said Mr Jimmy van der Merwe,

chairman of the Committee for Administration, at this week's yearly meeting

of the Organization of Civil Servants.

With this statement, Mr Van der Merwe hit the heart of one more of the many

important aspects of the new national system being contemplated, specifically

that one will have to strive for full cooperation with the civil service.

This basically involves two requirements:

- The first one is that in the changeover toward the new allocation the civil

service be assured that its status, independence and effectiveness will not

be hampered.

- Secondly, that the expected introduction of coloreds and Asians will be

arranged in such a way that it will cause the fewest possible opportunities

for friction.

This week, the president of the organization, Dr Colin Cameron, specifically

asked for assurances in this regard, so that the civil service will not loose

its attraction as an employer for the whites.

DIE TRANSVALER believes that it is the civil service's right to receive clarification on such major issues before they can support the new allocation

with an open mind.

Therefore we should welcome the fact that the minister of internal affairs,

Mr De KLerk, immediately provided assurances in this regard.

The intention to discuss the implications of the constitutional plan for the

civil service with representatives of the civil service is also in good order.

As a matter of fact, this could not have been delayed much longer.

It is logical that in the future, as far as the administration of one's affairs is concerned, one will increasingly have to use coloreds and Asians.

White experience and skill will be necessary for the training of these people.

This emphasizes all the more the need for the broadest cooperation between

the state and the civil service.

8463

CSO: 3401/6 57
SOUTH AFRICA

CHURCH VOICE IN POLITICS DISCUSSED AT HISTORICAL MEETING

Pretoria DIE AFRIKANER in Afrikaans Ik Sep 83 p 6

[Editorial: "Crisis in the Churches"]

[Text] The meeting of clergymen of the three African sister churches, where

the proposed constitutional allocation was rejected outright, is of special

historical significance. It demonstrated that there is a large group of conservative clergymen within the three churches who are ready to let their voice

he heard clearly.

It is particularly gladdening that this group of clergymen is willing to express an opinion on a vital issue which touches "both the state and the church,

"because in recent years we have become accustomed to leftwing elements setting

the tone on topical matters. Let us admit it, the silence of many conservative clergymen has already led to considerable distress among thousands of

ordinary members.

The laudable action by the 197 clergymen is a clear reflection of the serious

division which currently prevails among the Afrikaner people. The three sister churches will not be able to escape this division because they are too

closely intertwined with the life of our people. Therefore it can be expected

that as the political struggle becomes more fierce this will also have an increasing effect within the Afrikaner churches.

What was particularly significant at the recent meeting, was the unanimity

which prevailed there among the clergymen in spite of the fact that they belong to three different churches. The common striving for the maintenance of

a white fatherland was clearly more significant than any mutual differences

which may exist.

This phenomenon shows that in the troubled times ahead, a reorganization of

the churches can definitely not be left out of account. As a matter of fact,

does the real division in our church life not precisely run along a conservative/liberal line rather than any other? It is difficult to see how conservative and liberal clergymen in the three churches can be accomodated together

in their different churches in the long run -- the differences are simply too

great for that.

58
Those in leadership positions in all three churches will have to take note of

the ferment and the agitation within the churches. As for others, the time

for decisions has also arrived for the church, and clear leadership will he

necessary on topical positions on topical matters. The Silverton meeting was

a promising first step in that direction.

8^63

GSO: 3WI/8

59
SOUTH AFRICA

PM REVEALS SECRET MEETINGS WITH OTHER LEADERS

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 16 Oct 83 p 17

[Text]

THE Prime Minister, Mr P W Botha, has had secret meetings in South

Africa with various foreign heads of government.

He has also made secret visits to a number of foreign countries!

Mr Botha makes these startling disclosures in a lengthy exclusive interview in

the latest issue of Leadership SA. But he does not reveal where he went or who he

met.

Interviewed by the editor

of the prestigious current affairs magazine, Mr Hugh

Murray, the Prime Minister

makes frequent hints of secret visits both here and

abroad.

"In some instances our interests demand that I should

not disclose the identities of

the leaders with whom I have

had discussions," he said.

"I have been to Taiwan and

I have been to other countries

which I won't even mention

because I don't believe in

publicising every step I take.

"If it is an embarrassment

to those countries, I keep

quiet, go there, do my job and

come back.

Protected

"I sometimes meet witn

heads of government over

here in a quiet and secret

way and we protect them.

'They know they can come

here and have discussions.

They have come here unannounced on occasions and we

have met for hours. I think

we produce the necessary results doing it that way". '

The Prime Minister adds,

however, that he is not interested in going to other countries simply for the sake of

going there.

"I will visit any government if it is necessary, provided they don't do a Camp

David on me

"If I can go there as a free

man, I am prepared to go."

Saying that leaders in the

international community

were free to visit South

Africa and that he was prepared to travel abroad to

meet them if it was in the

interests of South Africa, the

Prime Minister recalls an incident during the Carter

Administration.

The former US president

had invited Mr Botha to meet

him, but not until South

Africa had indicated its

readiness to comply with UN

resolutuon 435 on Namibia.

Unacceptable

"At the time conditions

were added to Resolution 435

which 'we simply could not

accept.

"I was therefore invited to

a meeting as long as I accepted conditions which we considered unacceptable."

The Prime Minister also

concedes that South Africa

had been "on a collision

course" with the United

States daring the Carter

Administration. ";„L

60
"They were threatening us,

and South Africans are not

inclined to be threatened.

"That would have led to

calamity in our relationship."

Mr Botha admits however

that "under President Reagan things are different"; and

says that although neither

owaitry is entirely satisfied

with the other, "the basic ap;

proaches are correct".

The^ Prime Minister also

reveals that:

• He was looking for a formula to accomodate urban

blacks in the confederal system.

• The Nationalist Government had "made a mistake"

when it came to power in

1948 by concentrating on the

negative aspects of apartheid

and not concentrating

enough on development

schemes.

"If we had started on a

large scale at that stage as

we should have done — on

development schemes, housing, social upliftment, trade

and land development —

then we would have had a

different picture. I think we

made a mistake in the process."

•There is a strong feeling

that the name of the Department of Foreign Affairs and

Information should be

changed, and that there are

"different views" on whether

the amalgamation of the two

departments had been a success.

• South Africa wanted defence agreements and nonaggression pacts with all its

neighbours.

• Under the new constitution the President may make

greater use of private sector

expertise in public sector appointments.

Mr Botha also reiterated

that the constitution was not

"final".

"In a virile country surely

no constitution can be final

We will always have to be

developing." . And he emphasises the

need for a broad South Africanism.

"The idea of Afrikaner unity at the expense of a united

South Africa is out

"The idea of an Afrikaner

people as a cultural entity

and religious group with a

special language will be retained in South Africa as long

as civilisation stands. But politically a new orientation is

taking place.

"Being a good and proud

Afrikaner is not incompatible with South Africanism.

"Our present differences

with certain radical rightist

organisations can, among

other things, be attributed to

the fact that these bodies present a wrong image of the

Afrikaner."

CSO: 3400/30

61
SOUTH AFRICA

NAT VICTORY IN MIDDELBURG PREDICTED

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 20 Oct 83 pp 1, 2

[Article by Jaap Theron]

[Text]

THE THREE parties in

the Middelburg provincial by-election—which

takes place on Referendum Day, November 2

— namely the NP, the

CP and the HNP, agree

that the NP is likely to

retain the seat mainly

because the CP and

HNP will divide the opposition votes.

But the two Rightwing parties appear to

stand a good chance oi

getting more votes between them than the

NP. -A7

Barometer«

All eyes in South

Africa wül be on this byelection, as it will be the

only place where the

votes will be counted on

a constituency basis on

Referendum Day and

the only constituency to

give an indication as to

how the electorate feel

about the new Constitution.

The referendum votes

as such will be counted

in 15 main centres countrywide and it will not

be possible to evaluate

which parties win in

specific constituencies.

Spokesmen for all

three provincial candidates in Middelburg

yesterday told The Citizen that provincial matters did not figure at all

in the by-election and

that their campaigns

were linked with the referendum campaigns

and that only the new

Constitution was at

Stake; ?:;-?;_'; ... . Middelburg, which

had 14 537 voters in the

1981 general election

now has 22 365 voters

for the provincial byelection. It will be the

first time the new voters' roll, which has been

compiled from the population register, will be

used in Middelburg.

Untraced

All people who have

received their identity

books and are recorded

as Middelburg residents

are on the roll.

All three parties

agree that about 5 000

or as much as 25 percent

of the voters cannot be

traced because they

have moved out of the

constituency.

The general estimate

is that about 65 percent

of the 22 365 voters will

cast their ballots in both

the provincial by-election and in the referendum in Middleburg.

62

There will be two separate' polling booths at

every polling station on

election day — one for

the by-election and one

for the referendum voters.

Good chance

It is thus estimated

that about 14 537 voters

wül vote in the by-election — about equal to

the total numberofvoters registered in the last

general elections.

Mr Nico Lichthelm,

Nat MPfor Middleburg,

said yesterday the NP's

chances of retaining the

seat were good. In 1981

. the NP's provincial majority was just over

1000.

Mr Louis Stofberg,

general secretary of the

HNP, who was the HNP

parliamentary candidate

in 1981 in Middleburg,

is now the HNFs provincial candidate.

Mr Lichthelm said the

referendum theme

totally dominated the

provincial by-election,

so much so that both

campaigns were being

handled as a single one

for the new Constitution.

He expected a

reasonably high poll

even though more than

5 000 voters could not

be traced.
Indicöon

He said this by-election could have been

unimportant against the

background ofthe referendum, but great interest was now being

shown because it would

givea definite indication as to how the voters

of Middelburg felt

about the new Constitution.

Mr Lichthelm said the

NP's canvassing showed

that about 60 percent of

Middelburg's voters

would vote "Yes" in the

referendum.

He expected more or

less the same number of

voters would also support the NP in the byelection.

Outsider

He said there wasa

very tow "lie-factor" in

both the provincial and

referendum canvassing

campaign in Middelburg. "People tell you

where they will vote in

either case," he said.

MrAC Van Wyk,

general secretary of the

CP, who is in charge of

the CP's campaign in

Middelburg, yesterday

admitted the NP stooda

good chance of retaining the provincial seat.

But simply because the

conservative votes were

split between the HNP

and the CP.

He said the CP nevertheless stood an outside

chance of winning the

by-election.

Mr Van Wyk said an

interesting fact to

emerge from their canvassing was that "about

65 percent of new voters

added to the 1981 voters* roll promised their

support to the CP in

both the provincial and

referedumelections".

He said the CP's

chances ofa win in the

by-election depended

on whethera reasonably

high number of voters

turn up on polling day.

Doubtful

Only about 13 percent of all voters canvassed could be listed as

so-called "doubtful

votes".

He said it was quite

difficult to win the support of hardliner HNP

and NP supporters. This

will be the first CP participation in an election

in Middelburg, while

the HNP candidate, Mr

Stofberg, will stand for

the fifth consecutive

time in the constituency.

Mr Van Wyk confirmed that the CP was

not fighting two battles,

but only one, namely on

the main referendum

theme.

He said, even if the

CP did not win,a combined majority of conservative votes in the

by-election— against

the background of it being fought on the new

constitution— would be

asimportant to all con-\

servatives in South Afri-{

ca asa win in the by-e

election.

Mr Kobus Louw of

the HNP said the NP

should win. He said the

HNP would definitely

have won this seat from

the NP if the CP had not

participated.

Postal votes

He predicteda neckand-neck result with the

NPthe winner.

He said the provincial

aspects did not play any

part in their campaigning and that only

the new constitution figured.

Mr Louw said the

HNP at present led the

field regarding postal

and special votes in the

by-election. Until yesterday the HNP applied

for 330 postal votes, the

NP for 32 and the CP

forthree.

Mr Louw said voters

who were no longer living in Middelburg were a problem in the byelection. A random test at the

addresses of 100 voters

"showed that 92 of them

cannot be traced inside

the Middelburg constituency," he said.

He predicted that the

percentage poll in the

by-election would not

exceed 40 percent.

According to both the

CP and HNP spokesmen, an interesting aspect of the by-election-

/referendum campaign

was thata large number

of Nat supporters, who

said they would support

the Nat provincial candidate, have also said

they would vote "No".

This claim was, however, discounted by NP

observers.

The Nat provincial

candidate is Mr Dries

Terblanche, the CP's

man is Mr Piet Bezuidenhout, while Mr Stofberg represents the

HNP.

News byJ Theroo, 161 Mitchell

St, Pretoria.

CS0: 3400/30

63
SOUTH AFRICA

PROFESSOR LOMBAARD ADDRESSES ASSOCOM CONGRESS

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 20 Oct 83 p 4

[Article by Fred deLange]

[Text]

THE well-known economist

and parliamentary adviser,

Professor Jan Lombaard of the

University of Pretoria, yesterday made it plain he did not

see the new constitution as an

answer to the economic and

political problems of South

Africa.

Speaking at the annual congress of the Association of

Chambers of Commerce of

South Africa (Assocom), Prof

Lombaard said South Africa

would inevitably regain its

legitimacy, but only as a federationofregionalstates.

He said South Africa would

have to find a democratic process within which Blacks, who

will make up most ofthe population ofthe country in the 21st

century, could participate in

the resolution of future problems ofGovernment.

"This process may be found

in the philosophy of political

co-operation under federalism

rather than the philosophy of

political integrationjn^a unitary state," Prof Lombaard

Prof Lombaard stressed the

only question was whether the

road to legitimacy could be

one of peaceful reform, or

whether the process had to be

one ofviolent conflicts.

"I would say the choice is

still oursto make," he said.

Saying that he did not want

to take a public stand on the

referendum, Prof Lombaard

said a constitution was not an j

expression of political power

but rather a restraint upon the

exercise ofsuchpower.

He said a well-known English philosopher of the seventeenth century had said the

best way of restraining political infringements upon basic

human rights was when the

powers of government were

restrained in such a way that

the legislative and executive

powers of government could

never fall into the same hands.

He said federalism was the

decentralisation of power in.

the first place, with decentra-!

lised administration as a sec-'.

ondary consideration.

"But among the greatest of

all the federal ideas are the

principles that govern the process of developing co-operation between the constituent

states of a federation. This is

the one area of political economy where South Africans can

become world leaders," Prof

Lombaard said.

He said if a federation was

to be implemented the present

sovereign powers of the South

African Parliament would

have to remain intact until the

federalist procedures had covered the main areas of co-operation.

"If providence has, accordingly, given us a rather complicated political responsibility, it

has certainly also provided us

with economic potential to discharge that responsibility in a

manner that could place South

Africa back amongst its traditional peers in the system of international relationships,"

ProfLombaard concluded.

News by F de Lange, 161 Mitchell St,

Pretoria.

CSO: 3400/30

64
SOUTH AFRICA

NATAL NEGLECTED: PFP, NRP AGREE

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 17 Oct 83 p 5

[Article by B. Cameron]

[Text]

DURBAN - Accusations

made by the chairman of

the giant Tongaat Hulett

group, Mr Chris

Saunders, that Natal has

been neglected by the

Government for political

reasons, have been supported by the Progressive Federal and New Republic parties.

The National Party did

not want to comment on

the accusations but

claimed, "If Natal has

been neglected it is not

for political reasons."

The NRP, while supporting the accusations

that Natal was neglected,

did not agree that the

reasons were political.

Mr Derihg Stainbank,

the acting senior MEC,

said the pressures applied on the authorities

by Natal may not have

been as great as those

applied by other areas.

Mr Saunders said at a

conference in Durban

earlier this week that

Government planning of

Natal's two greatest

assets, water and people,

had been very poor,

largely politically motivated and could lead to

chaos in the region.

Mr Peter Gastrow, MP

and deputy chairman of

the PFP, said the history

of Government development of Natal supported

Mr Saunders' arguments.

"The current water crisis can be partly blamed

on the Government. The

appalling mess at Louis

Botha Airport, the lack of

development of La

Mercy, the state of Natal

roads and delays in opening the Field's Hill bypass, and the total nondevelopment of the Tugela Basin for use by Natal

and kwaZulu, are just

some of the examples."

Mr Gastrow warned

that all the back-slapping

and wooing of English

voters would disappear

after the referendum on

November 2. The Government would continue to

show the same attitude it

had for so many years.

"The Government

seems to think Natal consists of tame English,

whose complacency they

can exploit at their

whim."

(Report by B Cameron, 85 Field

Street, Durban.)

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65
SOUTH AFRICA

'YES' VOTE COMES AS DIFFICULT DECISION, SAYS LAWYER

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 16 Oct 83 p 35

[Article by Johan Van Der Vyver: "Yes to Change No to Cowardice"]

[Text]

YES, I am going

to vote Yes;

and yes, it does

make me,feel terribly schizophrenic.

Because, I cannot

possibly endorse the

new constitution, but I

also cannot withhold

my support for the

broadening — however

minute — of the base of

representative government; and, to be absolutely frank, I simply

cannot bring myself to

side with the right wing

defeatists whose No

vote is clearly inspired

by profound racism.

I could never understand

the subtlety of a Frenchman's logic when he said: "I

voted for De Gaulle but I

did not support him." I

think I now begin to grasp

the true meaning of his

words.

Fortunately, the question

to be answered in the referendum does not require one

to endorse the constitution;

it leaves one with the

choice of opting for its implementation.

One's option, as I see it, is

therefore not focused upon

one's approval or disapproval of the proposed constitution, but should in the

final analysis be influenced

by the vexing question whether or not the new dispensation would, in relation to

the status quo, constitute an

improvement.

It is important to note

that one's choice is not between the new constitution

and what could or should

have been, but between the

proposed dispensation and

the status quo.

Looking at the new constitution more closely, one

must at once concede that

its patent defects are manifold and of a radical nature.

In this regard I particularly found four basic arguments of left wing protagonists of a No vote, if not

entirely convincing, then at

least above the standard of

point scoring on the level of

a high school debate.

Those arguments deserve careful and serious

consideration.

The first such argument

concerns the unfortunate

exclusion of blacks from

the new constitutional dispensation, their understandable frustration and

anger, and the to-be-expected escalation of racial

tension in South Africa.

I he fact is, though, that

the proposed constitution

does not, one way or the

other, affect the status of

blacks. It needs little

imagination to realise that,

unless those in authority

enter into negotiations and

come to terms with the

Blacks, race relations will

rapidly deteriorate, but the

present constitution is as

tauch a cause of racial tension as would be the pro-

'posed dispensation.

The new constitution is

consequently not a sine qua

non of the current conflict

potential in South Africa

though, admittedly, it

might provide additional

justification for the prevailing and progressive racial animosity.

The second credible argument in favour of a No

vote concerns the entrenchment of apartheid in the

new constitution.

It is indeed regrettable

that an undertaking "to respect, to further and to protect the self-determination

of population groups and

peoples" has been included

in the statement of intent

contained in the preamble

of the constitution; and by

virtue of section 99(3) the

system, including its ethnic

foundation, has clearly

been entrenched in the

sense that the repeal or

66
amendment of the structure of representation shall

requirea majority of the

total number of its members in every house of the

legislature.

But do these provisions,

in relation to the status quo,

really make any difference? The statement of intent is not binding, and

whereas the power of abolishing racial discrimination is presently entirely in

the hands of an all-white

parliament, the balance of

power will under the proposed constitution still vest

in th'i white chamber of the

legislature. I simply cannot conceive

the coloured and Indian

Houses obstructing reform

of racial legislation, and in

the final analysis any move

towards normalising race

relations will still substantially depend on white support.

There is also no denying

that the new constitution

will create an executive

dictatorship. I his truism appears not

so much from the executive

powers of the Government — in this respect National

Party spokesmen might be

quite correct in maintaining that in the new dispensation the powers of the

State President will not exceed those of the Prime

Minister under the present

regime— as from the statutory competence of the

executive to manipulate

the power of legislation. ' This it could do, for instance, by deciding what

matters are to be dealt with

as "own affairs" or as "general affairs" (sec 16); and in

the case of "general affairs" by constituting the

President's Council, packed

with State President appointees, as the substitute

legislature with the power

of finally resolving legislation on which the different

houses could not come to an

agreement (sec 32).

Dictatorial powers of the

executive are also evidenced by the exclusion or

restriction of judicial control in relation to executive

acts (sec 18(2)).

It should be noted that

whereas under the Westminster system of government the power of courts of

law to question the legality

of parliamentary legislation has always been subject to drastic restrictions,

Westminster is particularly

opposed to curtailment of

the courts' jurisdiction to

\est executive acts.

Here, again, analysis will

s \ow that under the present

South African caricature of

Westminster the basic

norm of that system was

never upheld.

Over the years the sovereignty of Parliament —

perhaps the most fundamental cornerstone of the

Westminster system of

government— has been

converted into excessive

and even arbitrary executive powers, and tie practice of setting the executive

above the law has also become a regular feature of

South African security legislation.

What we're in for is

therefore simply what

we've already got. But the

new constitution does entail a move towards representative government,

which in my opinion is the

one overriding positive ingredient of the proposed

system.

Finally,I wish to respond

to the argument '±ata majority No vote would compel the Government to return to the drawing board

and come up with something better.

It is reasonable to assume that if the Government were compelled to reconsider the issues it would

compromise to the right

and not to the left.

Two considerations are

of special significance in

this regard: first, the fact

that right wing support for a No vote constitutes a

clear majority in the ranks

of the opposing side; and,

second, the fact that reuniting cf the Afrikaner

laager remains high on the

list of priorities of the present regime.

An alternative constitutional proposal of those in

authority can therefore

only be worse than the one

presently in issue.

And let it not be forgotten that right wing opposition to the present constitutional proposal is largely

based on racial intolerance,

coupled with the notion of

ethnic superiority anda fanatic sense of religious selfrighteousness.

Not insignificant in numbers and in influence

amongst the rank and file

of right wing obstructionists are the "hensoppers":

those who argue that the

days of the white man in

Africa are numbered, and

so let's hang on to what

we've got as long as we can.

Those who have given up

all hope of peaceful change

and of survival are the suicidal fatalists who, through

their No vote, also signifya

readiness to pronounce the

death sentence of their

children. I would not want to be

seen to associate myself

with such cowardice.

w, _ J hites in South Africa

must realise that one cannot, simply wish away, or

disregard the political aspirations of, the black majority in this country; and if

whites are, politically

speaking, to maintaina

place in the South African

sun,a system of powersharing seems to be the

only alternative.

I, for one, shall support

every step towards that

end. The significance, in the

context of power-sharing,

of taking the first step towards ending exclusive

white control of the political instruments of government, must not be underestimated.

And soI shall note Yes,

butI wjll continue to voice

my strong opposition to tta , constitution.

CSO: 3400/30

67
DISRUPTIONS TO NATION'S ECONOMY PREDICTED

Johannesburg INDUSTRIAL WEEK in English 11 Oct 83 p 1

[Article by Lynn Carlisle]

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text]

DISRUPTIONS to

the South African

economy are

predicted after the

Referendum — no

matter what the outcome..

In a whistle-stop opinion survey of

business and political

leaders, Industrial

Week found conflicting

and perturbing views

on how a Yes or No

vote would affect the

workforce and outside

investments.

Against a backdrop of

impending Black worker

backlash to be expected

from a Yes vote come warnings, equally serious,

that a No vote would stifle

overseas investment in

the country and encourage boycotts against

the SA economy.

Chief Minister Gatsha

Buthelezi of KwaZulu has

indicated that a Yes vote

will batter all the hope

that his Inkatha Movement and massive Zulu

worker following have for

partnership with Whites.

"Blacks together will

destroy the new Constitution — around your factories and your homes."

He says that this is

because it entrenches

racialism, fires anger and

above all can turn ordinary people seriously to

contemplate the value of

killing for political purposes.

"I believe it would be irresponsible of

businessmen, who do not

bother too much about

politics, to vote Yes as it

will be seen as cutting

Blacks out of planning

their future along with the

other South Africans,"

Chief Buthelezi tells Industrial Week.

He remains strongly in

favour of investment in SA

but Inkatha operated on

democratic lines and if it

wanted disinvestment

because of exclusion of

Blacks from the new Constitution then he would

have to go along with

them.

As Gencor's chairman

Ted Pavitt (he is also

president of the SA Foundation) was not prepared

to comment on Chief

Buthelezi's stand, he

stated he intended

meeting with him this

week or next.

"I have just returned

from overseas where I

learnt that if it is a No

vote, people in the US will

68
see this as a clear sign

that South Africa is not

prepared to move forward

on the road to reform.

"This indicates that

there will a US backlash and trade boycotts

against SA can then be

expected," says Pavitt.

Vause Raw, Leader of

the NRP, met two US

State senators and a congressman last week.

"They told me a No vote

would be absolutely fatal

for South Africa's

friends."

A Yes vote is a step in a

new direction which is

vital and will lead to an improvement in relationships among the race

groups here and with our

friends abroad, he says.

"As a result of Chief

Buthelezi's latest statement, where he says a

Yes vote could lead to killings, I have appealed to

him not to alienate people

who are unsympathetic to

his aspirations," Raw

adds.

Andrew Savage, the

PFP's spokesman on

commerce and industry,

says Raw is "talking rubbish" when he warns that

a No vote will seriously affect overseas confidence

in the South African

economy.

"Within two weeks

after a Yes Referendum

vote, if there is one, the

Blacks will become bitter

and hostile, while the Coloureds will realise that

they are still to be discriminated against," says

Savage.

These feelings, he says,

will produce an unstable

political, social and

economic situation in SA

which will be bad for overseas investors.

Savage uses SA's

sports policy as an

analogy of what will take

place if it is Yes. He says

the inclusion of the "odd

Black" in any system is "a

pathetic" effort towards

the removal of discrimination and seeking recognition.

"They won't be fooled

by the new Constitution

for one minute. It will inevitably lead to violent

reaction here. We are at a

turning point where the

English-speaking South

Africans, who are known

to complain against

violence, must realise that

if they turn the vote to Yes

then they will be party to

the cause of Blacks

violently rejecting the new

Constitution.

Dr Albert "Wessels,

chairman of Wesco, says

a No vote will be bad for

business and could lead

to a change in Government and a slowing down

of the development process. A Yes vote would

entourage the Government to proceed with its

policy of reform.

Just back from two

weeks in Germany, Achim

Stracke, executive director of the SA-German

Chamber of Trade and Industry, says that, based

on his limited information

from normal business

circles in Germany, he did

not think the Referendum

outcome would prove

"crucial" over there.

"They are too busy

looking after their own

problems over there right

now," says Stracke.

Assocom's Ray Parsons, JCI's Gordon Waddell, Rembrandt's Dr Anton Rupert, Seifsa's Sam

van- Coller and Dr Ben

Vosloo of the Small

Business Development

Corporation were not

prepared to comment in

the Referendum/business

issue.

• Report by L Carlisle, Thomson

House, Hendrik Verwoerd Drive,

Randburg.

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69
ECONOMISTS FORESEE PROMISING FINANCIAL PROSPECTS

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 20 Oct 83 p 4

[Article by Fred de Lange]

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text]

ECONOMISTS at the

annual congress of Assocom all agreed that

hard times in South

Africa were nearing an

end and that financial

prospects for next year

were promising.

Addressing the con;

gress, the managing director of the Industrial Development Corporation

of South Africa, Mr Marius de Waal, said the

South African economy

would start with a gradual

improvement in 1984 and

then gather momentum in

1985.

"Next year is going to

be one of change, a

change for the better, so

we will see political and

social reform following

the same pattern," Mr De

Waalsaid.

He said the South African economy had been in

a downward phase of the

business cycle for the past

two years, brought about

by the international recession, but that the international economy was

already picking up.

Mr De Waal also expressed his and commerce

and" industry's concern

about inflation.

He said the moderation

of inflation in the industrial countries of the

Western world and the

appeciation of the rand

from the middle of 1983

caused the rate of increase in import prices to

slow down considerably.

"This, together with

domestic factors such as a

dlowdown in salaries and

waes and unit labour

costs, has resulted in the

12-month average of the

inflation rate decliing

from 14 percent at the

. end of 1981 to a 12 pern

cent average at present,"

he said.

He said there were a

few major factors which

prevented the inflation

rate from reducing more

meaningfully.

The first was the big increase in the money supply due to large increases

in bank credit especially

to the private sector, but

to some extent also to the

Governmentsector.

The second reason was

the after-effects of the

large depreciation of the

effective exchange rates

of the rand from the first

quarter of 1981 to the second half of 1982.

Electricity

Large wage and salary

increases given in 1982

were not commensurated

with productivity and recessionary conditions and

substantial increases in a

range of Government administered prices such as

electricity tariffs as well as

housing, transport and

other costs of consumer

services.

The Deputy Governor

of the South African Reserve Bank, Dr Chris

Stals, quoted the presidnt

of the World Bank, Mr A

W Clausen, as saying

there were welcomig signs

that the shadows were beginning to recede.

With recovery under

way here and in North

America and in several

countries of Western

Europe, there were indications that the worst global recession since the depression of the 1930s

might be approaching its

end.

He said it was unavoidable that the domestic

economy of a primary

producing and exporting

country such as South

Africa would be affected

by the economic developments in the major industrial countries of the

world. "Traditional monetary and fiscal restraints

can initiate and assist the

adjustment process, and

produce a new situation

of equilibrium."

Mr Stals stressed that

such measures would not

be without cost to the

economy but that adjustments in these circumstances could only be

made through sacrifice.

He said South Africa

could not borrow itself

out of a recession.

CSO: 3400/30

70
FINANCE MINISTER SAYS PERSONAL SAVINGS RATE UNSATISFACTORY

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 20 Oct 83 p 12

[Article by Keith Abendroth]

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text]

THE Minister of Finance, Mr Owen Horwood, said yesterday

that South Africans

were not saving

enough.

And, he said, he regretted to say that the

country's personal savings

rate "leaves a good deal

to be desired."

However, such as it

was, it was made up mainly of "contractual" savings, a field in which the

insurance industry excelled.

Addressing the 75th anniversary celebrations in

Johannesburg of the General Accident Insurance

Company, Mr Horwood

announced that planned

amendments to the Insurance Act would no longer

come before the next ses;

sion ofparliament.

The amendments are

intended to give a wider

distribution of shareholding and increased shareholding by South African

investors in the insurance

field.

Mr Horwood said insurers had before them

details of the planned

amendments, but it had

been decided to postpone

parliamentary consideration of the legislation for a

time to allow more time

to consider the amendments and to receive proposals.

The proposals appeared to have been construed by some insurers as

an indication of diminished importance to be

attached to foreign insurers.

But this was not tha

case. Foreign insurers

were still appreciated.

Statistics indicated that

South Africa was still a

netimporter ofshort term

insurance cover. This was

largely due to historical

Knks and to "jumbo"

risks which, in any case,

could not be retained entirely by the localmarket.

But the country still exported an average of

about 25 percent of all

locally-generated short

term premiums — in the

case of fire as much as 50

percent — and these

could be reduced if local

capacity was more fully

used.

CSO: 3400/30

71
SOUTH AFRICA

HENDRICKSE DENIES LABOUR RANKS SPLIT THREAT

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 21 Oct 83 p 3

[Article by Chris Steyn]

[Text]

THREATS of a split in

the Labour Party,

should it not pull out of

the new constitutional

system, were yesterday

vehemently denied by

its leader, the Rev

Alan Hendrickse.

However, the Labour

Party was still reconsidering its support of the new

constitutional proposals,

after the Minister oi

Community Development, Mr Pen Kotze's announcement this week of

the Government's intention to introduce drastic

legislation to deal with

Coloureds and Indians

living in White areas.

Speaking from Cape

Town, yesterday, Mr

Hendrickse said he was in

the process of negotiating

a meeting with the Prime

Minister, Mr P W Botha.

The Labour Party

would make a final decision regarding its participation in the new constitutional system, once

talks with Mr Botha had

• been completed.

Meanwhile, an English

daily newspaper reported

yesterday that the Labour

Party was told by its Natal

leadership to pull out of

the new constitutional

system, or face a split.

The newspaper reported that the threat of a

split developing in the Labour Party came from its

Natal leader, Mr Albie

Stowman.

However, Mr Stowman

pledged his full support

for the Labour Party and

its leader, Mr Hendrickse, in a telephone

conversation that took

place between them on

Wednesday night.

This telephone conversation was yesterday confirmed by Mr Hendrickse.

He said the purpose of

Mr Stowman's statement

to the daily newspaper

was to declare his support

of the Labour Party and

to express dissatisfaction

with Mr Kotze's- announcement. "But words

were obviously put into

his mouth," he said.

Mr Stowman was reported to have said that

he had changed his mind

over his qualified support

of the proposals, and that

there had existed serious

divisions of opinion in the

party on whether or not

to participate in the new

dispensation from the

start.

Shortly after Mr

Kotzd's announcement

earlier this week, Mr

Hendrickse told The Citizen that the Government

would have to bear the responsibility for "destorying that which some of us,

despite cirticisms and

condemnations, are trying to establish".

"If this attitude, towards Coloured people,

as expressed by Mr

Kotze, is representative

of the Government's attitude to change, the Labour Party will have to review its position regarding participation in the

new _ constitution," he

said.

News by Chris Steyn, 28 Height

Street, Doorafontein, Johanne«-

burz.

CSO: 3400/30

72
SOUTH AFRICA

TAIWANESE-BLACK BUSINESS TIES UNDERTAKEN

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 16 Oct 83 p 10

[Article by Julian Kraft]

[Text]

STANDARD Bank's smallbusiness unit has taken the

first steps to establish joint

ventures with Taiwanese

manufacturers and black entrepreneurs in Sooth Africa.

The initiative has the twofold purpose of providing

South African blacks with the

opportunity of setting up viable and competitive small

manufacturing ventures —

and of bringing down the

prices of imported merchandise to reasonable levels to

the benefit of local consumers.

"It is no secret that many

Far East manufacturers regard South Africa as a sitting

duck for their products, regardless of quality, as the

quality vetting for imports in

South Africa is poor/' says

Brian Tresidder, the bank's

senior manager, retail market, responsible for the

bank's small-business development unit.

Consequently, many imported consumer goods from

such countries were highly

inflationary, with only the

middleman gaining the benefit while the South African

consumer had to bear the

cost.

Mr Tresidder, who visited

several Far East coontries

recently when he attended an

international small-business

congress in Singapore, has

written to the head of the

medium and small business

administration body in

Taiwan proposing that joint

ventures be undertaken

which would reduce costs of

goods imported to South

Africa to more acceptable

levels.

In terms of the proposal,

local small manufacturers,

chiefly black, could undertake the final manufacture

and assembly operations of

goods.

"This could apply to a radio, for example, where the

high-technology manufacturing would be done in Taiwan

and the local entrepreneur

could look after the manufacture of the casings and final wiring and assembly.

"This would achieve some

import replacement and

bring down the final cost of

the product to the consumer,

as the import duties applying

to components are much

lower than those for finished

products," Mr Tresidder said.

From a low technology

base the manufacturer could

then progress to higher levels

as the expertise in the factory improved.

CSO: 3400/30

73
SOUTH AFRICA

MORE SATS STAFF CUTS PLANNED

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 14 Oct 83 p 10M

[Text]

DURBAN - The South African

Transport Services has reduced

staff by 35 000 in 16 months, the

Minister of Transport, Mr Hendrik Schoeman, said today when

he officially opened the new

Durban railway station.

He said staff had dropped

from 279 000 in June 1982 to

244 000 in September this year.

He warned "the total staff establishment will be reduced

even further, although traffic is

already above the very low

levels of late last year."

The aim was a smaller, better

selected and better trained, but

also better paid, work force.

SATS 10 years ago had more

than half the land transport

market, now only 33 percent.

Of the passenger services, Mr

Schoeman said SATS expected a

R750 million loss for the 1983/84

financial year. Without steps to

cut back, this could soar to

R2 000 million by 1999..

To regain a larger share in

transport, SATS had adopted a

"more client-oriented marketing approach". This also applied

to the pässenger services.

; SATS general manager Dr

E L (Bart) Grove has told Assocom that for SATS to get back

into the black, productivity and

market share must be raised

and uneconomic services eliminated.

Standards could be lowered

and maintenance costs cut

(using more sophisticated methods) without sacrificing safety.

Operating costs could also be

trimmed. Research had brought

big savings on the Saldanha Bay

line and the lessons learnt there

were being applied to the Richards Bay coal line.

Winning back market share

for SATS was imperative, Dr

Grove said. He was not unhappy

about legal competition, but

concerned about illegal carTiers.He intended pressing the

Department Of Transport to ensure the law was adhered to.

At present about 25 percent of

commercial traffic between

Johannesburg and Durban was

being carried illegally.

On the need to eliminate un

economic business, Dr Grove

said the railways were losing

R750 million a year on uneconomic services, to which the Government was contributing only

R450 million.

The railways should be com:

pensated fuHy for services

which were uneconomic but

which had to be supplied. This

applied to township services and

certain long-distance routes. '

Uneconomic lines would have

to be closed down and alternative road services provided.

These would be more efficient.

CSO: 3400/30

74
SOUTH AFRICA

INCREASED BANNING OF RALLIES, MEETINGS HIT

Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 21 Oct 83 p 6

[Editorial: "Illogical Affront"]

[Text]

THE EVIDENT increase in the

number of meetings, rallies and services that are being banned these

few weeks, is causing concern and

even anger amongst blacks and their

leaders.

The anger is caused by the fact

that a ban on services to commemorate the death of a leader like Steve

Biko seems like a deliberate affront

to black sensibilities. There are people who wish to remember these occasions, not only for political reasons, but because it is in keeping

with their traditional beliefs.

The fact that many others need

such services to reaffirm their commitment to views deeply held also

caused great disquiet. Indeed there

seems a definite pattern to put a stop

to all black political meetings in the

townships, something that has to be

viewed rather carefully for those responsible.

What immediately springs to

mind is if this kind of act continues

people are likely to sublimate their

pent-up emotions and we can only

hazard the kind of channel through

which they might eventually burst.

It is important to note that most people hold views that have touched

them deeply in their lives and the

democratic process — which has

proven its success in western countries — allows for these feelings to

be vented.

The alternative is often most

grave. Even the most moderate of

people are likely to be swept along

by the radicals who would just be

waiting for this kind of situation to

reach combustible level.

Already there are people who are

looking at taking the Government to

court for the bannings. Their approach is that even if this fails,

which is all too likely, they will at

least be showing the world that all

avenues to express their peoplehood

are b°ing pursued.

This country cannot afford a situation that might arise when people

decide these meetings in ways that

are not legal. Surely the sensible

thing is to have them vent their emotions openly — the police are always

there to keep an eye on law and

order — so that the Government itself can monitor grievances and even

gauge the mood of the people. It

really seems immature to exercise

this kind of autocratic act at a time

when the world has its eyes on us.

This kind of rule by decree is the

very antithesis of freedom of speech

75
and association. And for it to come

at the time when the Government is

telling the world it is following a

progressive trend towards reform is

perhaps the height of illogicality.

Silencing people in this manner is

not only undemocratic but is in the

final analysis counter-productive.

We cannot remember any meetings

that have caused so many problems

that they have disrupted law and

order. What frequently happens is

that the presence of the police inflames otherwise peaceful services

and the blame is then ironically put

on agitators and even more dangerously on the Press. The Press is also

the conduit through which various

civil liberties are expressed.

CSO: 3400/30

76
SOUTH AFRICA

GOVERNMENT OUT OF TOUGH WITH AFRIKANERS

Pretoria DIE AFRIKANER in Afrikaans 21 Sep 83 p 6

[Editorial: "Lost Identity"]

[Text] In a point of discussion, which was raised at the congress of the National Party [NP] of Transvaal, the NP was asked once again to try harder to

understand the Afrikaners, and it was requested that it should not be a rich

man's party. A delegate also complained that the Afrikaner voters have problems identifying with the NP.

With these positions, they of course hit the nail on the head, and the delegates involved gave evidence that they too are beginning to understand what

has been obvious to other Afrikaners for years. That is the fact that in allying itself with its former enemies, the NP has become estranged from itself

and from many thousands of its supporters.

Even though this was a lengthy process which started small, over the years

the party has directed its friendship increasingly toward those who were traditional enemies of the Afrikaners, while it began to be more and more hostile

toward the real core of Afrikaner nationalism.

This process has experienced a new momentum in recent months with the developments surrounding the new constitutional allocation. Even though the NP has

long been in the process of shifting its power base to big money interests,

this is being visibly demonstrated especially now.

In recent weeks, the general public has had to watch one institution and person after another in the world of finance take a position in favor of the planned allocation. Among these were several English speaking newspapers and business publications and other sworn enemies of Afrikaner nationalism. We were

even treated to the spectacle of a former leader of the defunct United Party

and lifelong opponent of separate development, promising his support for the

new constitution.

Throughout their history, the Afrikaner nationalist could recognize his enemies as those with close ties first to British and later to American monetary

interests. Those are the powers which have always sought their downfall

through submission to British imperialism and next to black numerical supremacy.

77
The NP is proceeding toward the referendum in alliance with a motley collection of bodies and individuals who "betray its very nature. A political movement which finds its friends among the traditional enemies of its people has

no further right to exist. Afrikaners cannot identify with the NP, because

the party has lost its identity.

8^63

CSO: 3^01/8

78
SOUTH AFRICA

GOVERNMENT POLICY TOWARD UNIVERSITIES DISCUSSED

Pretoria DIE PATRIOT in Afrikaans 9 Sep 83 p 10

[Article: "Open Universities: the Government Yields"]

[Text] For the umpteenth time the government has yielded to the PFP [Progressive Federal Party] and has "normalized." This time it was the opening up of

the universities.

After a bill was passed, in spite of heavy costs and strong opposition,

Minister Viljoen blithely announced that the time and money had been wasted:

the law will not be implemented; for all practical purposes the universities

will become open (integrated) institutions.

The minister took great trouble to argue that, due to practical barriers, the

number of black students will not be able to increase much in the foreseeable

future. The long term shift to black apparently does not bother him. And if

the government is not disturbed in terms of the universities, what is there

left that doss disturb it? Does it not feel morally obligated to say openly

that its policy is one of black supremacy in the long term?

The government's position has solved a moral crisis for the universities: now

they do not have to refuse people admission on the basis of race. However,

this does not mean the end of their troubles.

The Student Council at the RAU [Rand African University] was quick to add that

non-white students who are admitted will have to have all the rights and privileges of white students. This affects the implementation of the Group

Areas Act. And how will the university president, Dr Dawie de Villiers,

manage to reconcile his conscience and his anxiety about the prohibition of

love across the color line?

Once you have started with integration, there is no turning back. Now the

government has set foot on the path which leads to the elimination of all separation measures. Could the lifting of the prohibition of the so-called

"immoral" films — "Country Lovers" and "City Lovers" — possibly be an indication of the direction of the government's thinking?

79
Some universities will want to maintain their national character, others will

not. However, there will be fewer white students in the future, and universities will have to struggle with the harrowing question of a few more nonwhite students or economic depression? Experience abroad has taught us that

competition for students has turned the universities into centers of activism

and has lowered their standards.

At this stage, the future for the maintenance by universities of their community character seems oppressive.

Finally, there is a little of the characteristic liberalistic racial superiority in the minister and in his newspaper argument that the number of nonwhites will not increase unpleasantly. Academic performance will be the criterion, they said, and government subsidies will not just be given to every

student, irrespective of how he performs!

The minister will be surprised about how black students can perform and about

what will happen to a university if it rejects more non-white than white students .

8^63

GSO: 3^01/8

80
HILTON COLLEGE TO TRAIN 'FUTURE LEADERS'

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 21 Oct 83 p 9

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text]

SOUTH AFRICA is facing a serious shortage of

talented young leaders

and therefore a major

new programme to play

an important role in the

development of future

leaders has been launched

by Hilton College in Natal.

The chairman of the

Board of Governors, Mr

Deryk Franklin, and the

headmaster Mr Richard

Todd, have announced

that up to 160 more children with extraordinary

scholastic aptitude and

marked leadership qualities will be admitted to

the school for their

matriculation years.

"Our school had the

experience of admitting

boys and girls from other

schools to its postmatriculation class and

we also had a number of

Black pupils enrolled,"

he said.

"This experience and

the findings of leading

American and British private schools which have

successfully introduced

similar programmes,

leads us to believe that

the system will work very

well indeed," Mr Todd

said.

"Selection will be entirely based on merit. We

hope to be able to accept

80 of these selected pupils

into Standard 9 every

year for a two-year course

leading to the Natal

Senior Certificate," Mr

Todd said.

Both he and Mr Franklin felt that South Africa

is facing a serious shortage of talented young

* leaders and that this situa-

' tion could deteriorate fur-

* ther.

"This would be bad

enough in a First World

country but in a country

like ours, with its very

special set of problems

and varied cultures, such

a shortage could be catastrophic," Mr Todd said.

Mr Franklin said after a

speech by Mr Nicholas

Oppenheimer, the school

was challenged and they

were encouraged to seek

a new and more meaningful way of serving South

African education. "We

have confidence that the

new programme will

work," he said.

CSO: 3400/30

81
SOUTH AFRICA

REPORTAGE ON VIOLENCE AT UNIVERSITY OF ZULULAND

Four Reported Dead

MB310940 Umtata Capital Radio in English 0600 GMT 31 Oct 83

[Text] Four people are now officially known to have been killed in violence

at the University of Zululand at the weekend, but students on the campus

last night claimed the death toll had risen to six—five students and a

member of Inkatha. About a dozen students are still in hospital in a

critical condition, and more than 100 others had to receive hospital treatment.

The violence comes in the wake of 3 days of unrest on the campus, which

reached a peak on Saturday before an Inkatha rally commemorating Zulu King

Cetshwayo. Students had been opposed to the rally, saying it would lead

to violence. Before the rally a group of Inkatha supporters entered the

hostels and allegedly attacked students. The Inkatha supporters seemed

to concentrate their attention on student supporters of the United Democratic

Front. That is the view of a member of Zululand University's interim

committee, (Robinson Manzi):

[Begin recording] [Manzi]: The situation here is terribly vague. People

are [words indistinct]. We are asking you to be with us. We don't know

what you are going to do for us. But one thing we have noticed since [words

indistinct] that is our hostels after this mish-mash. We could see that all

the rooms with the UDF posters were—the doors were broken down and the

sheets were full of blood. Therefore it is very simple that the struggle

is used against the students. The struggle is not against Chief Cetshwayo

because people are not against Chief Cetshwayo. But the struggle is against

the United Democratic Front. [end recording]

The Azanian Students' Movement [AZASM] has condemned the violence. AZASM

President (Kabelo Lingani) says he is disgusted at the alleged attack on

students:

[Begin recording] [Lingani] What is most despicable about the whole incident is that it is also alleged that at the forefront of the puppet aggressors

was an academician who is employed as a lecturer with the same university.

We, of the AZASM are left with no option but to, in the light of this, call

82
for the immediate dismissal of that lackey lecturer. We also want to warn

Gatsha Buthelezi, who apparently cannot tolerate opposition to his illegitimacy, that to shift the blame to the so-called instigators is just to create

a red herring, and shall not help solve the crisis, [end recording]

Buthelezi Comments on Violence

MB311834 Umtata Capital Radio in English 1500 GMT 31 Oct 83

[Text] The Kwazulu chief minister and Inkatha head, Gatsha Buthelezi, has

commented on the violence at the university of Zululand which left five

people dead at the weekend. As Carmen Ricard reports Buthelezi says

Saturday's violence might be the start of what he called a black civil war.

[Ricard] Buthelezi, who was speaking today in the Kwazulu Legislative

Assembly, said the violence was not of Inkatha's making, but according to

a Durban afternoon paper he added [words indistinct] the ANC and its surrogates in an unholy alliance [words indistinct] continued to denigrate

Inkatha and the king of the Zulus and continued to call Buthelezi himself

a sellout, than the (?youth) of Inkatha would demonstrate their strength

and their prowess more than they did on Saturday. [Words indistinct] he

added, did no more than defend my honor and the honor of the king.

Buthelezi also said that in the degenerating situation on campus dagga was

freely available, shebeens operated, and some residents were there simply

to play political roles. He also said he had warned on a number of occasions

that no one should provoke Inkatha.

AZAPO Blames Inkatha

MB311828 Umtata Capital Radio in English 1500 GMT 31 Oct 83

[Text] The Azanian People's Organization [AZAPO] says it blames Inkatha

for the deaths on the University of Zululand Campus. AZAPO publicity

secretary (Ishmael Makhabela): [Begin recording] Inkatha seems to be

following the cruel and dangerous example of racist and fascist Pretoria

and resorting to violence in order to win some semblance of legitimacy.

History is littered with skeletons of tyrants and dictatorships. The

political murder at Ongoye constitutes a national scandal and an affront

to the conscience of humanity. No political maneuvering shall remove the

stain of blood from the hand of the murderers. No amount of brutalities,

suppression or repression can make ethnicity, tribalism, or racism acceptable.

We are gravely distressed and we grieve with the families of the deceased,

[end recording]

CSO: 3400/156

83
SOUTH AFRICA

VERLIGTE REVOLT AGAINST MORALS LAWS REPORTED

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 16 Oct 83 p 2

[Article by Sylvia Vollenhoven]

[Text] The big guns of Nationalist Afrikanerdom have launched a two-pronged

attack on a key element in South Africa's apartheid society—the Immorality

and Mixed Marriages Acts.

In two dramatic developments:

• The Western Cape regional synod of the NG Kerk

could revolt against the general synod's conservative

stance on the two race laws.

• A damning indictment of

the laws by a group of influential Afrikaner academics

will be handed in as evidence

to the Parliamentary Select

Committee established in ——

June to examine the two acts.

The book, to be published

next month by Tafelberg, is

the first in a series of scientifically researched publications by a group of Stellenbosch academics which set

out to prove that South

Africa never needed the

Mixed Marriages Act or the

race clause in the Immorality Act.

The investigation is being

led by Dr Johan Kinghorn of

the Department of Biblical

studies at Stellenbosch University who says: "It's no use

criticising in vague terms,

something concrete must be

done".

Devastating

attack

The book includes:

• A devastating attack on

the two acts by one of Afrikanerdom's most influential

thinkers, Professor Willie Esterhuyse of Stellenbosch University.

• A personal view of the

race legislation by Professor

R E van der Ross, principal

of the University of the Westren Cape.

O A historical perspective

by Leopold Scholtz, an Afrikaans journalist and son of a

former editor of the Transvaler.

• A section by Professor

Andreas van Wyk, dean of

Stellenbosch University's

law faculty, on the legal implications of the repeal of the

two laws.

• An article by Dr Charles

Boyd. a Tygerberg geneticist

debunks the early apartheid

miscegenation theory.

• A chapter by ethicist Dr

Etienne de Villiers of the Hugenot College and Dr Kinghorn on the moral and theological aspects.

Dr Kinghorn anticipates a

"hostile and reactionary" response to the book's uncompromising stand from certain

right wing quarters.

Meanwhile on the eve of

the controversial Western

Cape synod which starts in

Cape Town this week, Professor Esterhuyse has launched

another stinging attack on

the two laws claiming that

they had created a "moral

crisis" in Afrikanerdom, and

warning that they could lead

to "political instability and

confrontation".

84
In an interview with the

Sunday Times, Professor Esterhuyse said heated discussion on the issues could be

expected at the synod.

He said the two laws hada

very definite "destabilisation

function" politically "in the

sense that the acceptance

and legitimacy of the South

African political system is

questioned among 'coloured'

people."

The 1974 NGK general synod decided that marriage

across the "colour line was

"prohibited by scripture".

After the Western Cape region asked for the decision to

be changed, the wording was

later altered to read that

these marriages were "undesirable in the complicated

South African society".

But this conservative

stance was dealta blow recently when the Northern

Cape synod rejected the

statement because it could

not be substantiated by scripture.

Now the Stellenbosch Moedergemeente, on whose

church council Professor Esterhuyse serves, is at the centre of a drive for drastic reform. ~

After the NGK general

synod's verkrampte decision

last year that mixed marriages were "undesirable",

parishioners in the Western

Cape wrote to their church

councils, expressing dissatisfaction with the synod's stand

and asking for their councils'

guidance.

The councils held meetings

with the five congregations

at Stellenbosch anda final

report compiled by the Moedergemeente will be handed

in at the Western Cape Synod.

The meetings were among

the most stimulating experiences he had ever had. Professor Esterhuyse said.

"There wasa strong feeling that we shouldn't allow

our political convictions to

influence our interpretation

of the Bible.

"The most important aspect is that the regional synod of the Northern Cape at

the beginning of October took

an explicit stand against the

motions adopted by the general synod.

Feelings of

uncertainty

"It isa very good pointer to

what could happen at the

Western Cape synod.

"I was not surprised at

what happened in the Northern Cape. There is a new generation of Dutch Reformed

ministers who are playinga

more important role.

"People are trying to leave

politics aside and listen to

what the Bible says about

certain issues.

"The Bible does not try to

justify any social, economic

or political system. Amonga

lot of Afrikaners there are

feelings of uncertainty and

even of uneasiness....a very

strong moral sensitivity,"

said Professor Esterhuyse.

Contrary to popular belief,

he said, it was not the decision of the World Alliance of

Reformed Churches to declare apartheid a heresy that

sparked off the soul searching and debate within the

NGK.

"Belhar, not Ottawa,

playeda very important

role," he said, referring to the

subsequent Sendingkerk general synod in Belhar, Bellville.

"The Sendingkerk is so

closely related to the Dutch

Reformed Church. If they

make decisions, we can't ignore them.

"The whole system (of

apartheid) must go but that is

politically not possible. We

need piecemeal engineering

and the best place to start is

with these laws."

Asked whether he would

condone the Sendingkerk's

move towards civil disobedience and their decision to

marry people regardless of

race, he said: "I have problems with that. I want

wrongs to be righted without

being provocative.<

"However, the Sendingkerk stand is not provocative, I don't think they had any

other choice."

Exciting

conclusions

Every item on the Western

Cape Synod's agenda is embargoed until it comes up for

discussion but there is no

doubt discrimination based

on race will receive intense

attention, -according to

church leaders.

In addition,a comprehensive report compiled by Stellenbosch's Commission for

Church Doctrine and Current

Affairs— it runs into hundreds of pages — will be submitted to the synod for discussion.

Among other controversial

topics, the report deals with

the political position of the

coloured people, cremation,

occultism, the decisions and

policies of the Sendingkerk,

Sunday observance, the

death sentence for rapists, inflation, labour unrest, racially mixed worshipping and

"Ras, Volk en Nasie", the basis of the N G K's racial attitudes, which is currently under review.

"These problems are dealt

with theologically and in my

opinion there are some excitTng conclusions and I'm very

pleased with it," said the Rev

Tobie de Klerk, minister

in charge of the Stellenbosch

Moedergemeente. A commission for racial

affairs will also tablea report.

About 205 000 members

from 233 congregations-

from churches as far afield

as the Orange River and

stretching south from Victoria West and Calvinia — wül

be represented at the jsynod.

CSO: 3400/30

85
SOUTH AFRICA

KWAZULU CHIEF URGES PEACEFUL LIBERATION OF RSA

MB310608 Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 30 Oct 83 Extra Section p 1

[Text] Gatsha Buthelezi, chief minister of Kwazulu and president of Inkatha,

says he is deeply committed as a South African, to the total liberation of

South Africa through peaceful means.

He was guest speaker at a banquet in Johannesburg on Friday to celebrate

the 50th anniversary of the South African National Football Association

[SANFA].

Chief Buthelezi said: "I believe that violence is not an option available

to black South Africa.

"If we one day choose violence, it is because we will be forced to do so."

Chief Buthelezi went on: "We have not reached that point and violence as

a primary means of liberating a country is not one of the options now

available to us."

That was his stand and it was a stand which millions of black South Africans

supported.

"But I can at the same time say, and I have said publicly in this country

and abroad, that the threat of violence has a sobering effect on all South

Africans when they look towards the future.

"I think it is a simple and honest truth that were it not for the possible

eruption of violence in this country on an overwhelming scale the momentum

towards the normalisation of our society would have been considerable

reduced."

Chief Buthelezi said he did not believe in economic sanctions, simply

because they would not work and to base a strategy on something that would

not work was just not sensible politics.

"But I believe, as is the case with possible escalating violence, escalating

international isolation will have a sobering influence."

86
Chief Buthelezi, "sharing a slight jealousy with SANFA" said: "Inkatha

has a paid-up membership steadily advancing beyond the 750,000 and I think

black South Africans interests in Inkatha are very substantial.

"The twinges of jealousy I feel at times are that the black South African

soccer fraternity perhaps follows Inkatha in popularity."

Chief Buthelezi said he had met many people who were involved in the campaigns against South African sport, such as Chris de Broglio and Denis

Brutus.

He had crossed swords with Mr Brutus at a church conference in St. Louis

in the United States, but Mr Brutus complimented him for being principled

enough on the sports issue to be patron of the South African Soccer

Federation.

CSO: 3400/156

87
SOUTH AFRICA

LEADING AFRIKANER THINKER BACKS AREAS ACT CHANGE

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 16 Oct 83 p 2

[Article by Sylvia Vollenhoven]

[Text] One of Afrikanerdonm's most influential thinkers has called for

amendments to the Group Areas Act so that mixed race couples can live

together.

In a hard-hitting chapter in a new book to be published this week, Professor

Willie Esterhuyse of Stellenbosch University also says the Immorality and

Mixed Marriages Acts violate human dignity, are unworthy of South Africa and

could lead to dangerous confrontation.

This week he gave the Sunday Times an exclusive preview of his chapter in the

book which will be published by Tafelberg this week.

"The tension between a Biblical indefensibility of these laws and political

convictions is currently running like a rift through the crust (aardkors)

of Afrikaner ranks, and for some it has resulted in a moral crisis of great

intensity," he writes.

"A monster has been created over the years that can devour even people of

good intentions and leave those who are reform-minded somewhat defenceless."

These apartheid laws violated human dignity and attacked the basic rights

of black people.

He says the debate in black circles is not merely about the repeal of the

Mixed Marriages Act and Section 16 of the Immorality Act, but about a

complete "dismantling of the 'system' of apartheid."

Suggesting solutions to the problems mixed couples and their children could

face, Professor Esterhuyse calls for the provision of special residential

areas where people could freely choose to live, regardless of race.

"With regard to the lifestyle of mixed couples, it will be found that they

will live where they feel welcome and where, unhindered, they can make sense

of their marriage.

88
"There are enough segments of the South African society which are not ruled:

by colour and racial prejudices to such an extent that they would behave

intolerantly to mixed couples," he states.

The Group Areas Act could be amended to make the same provisions for local

black peoples as are presently made for black members of the diplomatic

corps, other foreign blacks and the Japanese.

But, according to Professor Esterhuyse, a permit system could be as

unacceptable as the present legislation.

"The fear that a wave of mixed marriages will take place that will assail

the identity of the Afrikaners ignores not only the role of social conventions and mechanisms, it also assumes that 'coloureds* want to marry whites

and vice-versa.

"(The coloureds) are not against this law because they want to marry white

people per se. They are opposed because it offends their human dignity.

"In any case the retention of this law will not lead to people who have

already chosen the HNP or CP for example, to return to the National Party

in droves.

What should serve as priority is not what is suitable for the far right

but what is reconcilable with the Christian conscience and what will combine

to bring people of moderate convictions closer to each other."

One of the fears of those who opposed mixed marriages was that they would

lead to an "open society" and would therefore be a step in the direction

of full political power sharing.

"(In fact) it is a statutory measure which is unworthy of South Africa and

which is contrary to the civilised and Christian standards we are trying to

maintain here."

He warns that the Mixed Marriages Act and racial clause of the Immorality

Act could lead to "dangerous confrontation" in the long run.

These laws, taken with other measures, made coloured people question "the

acceptibility and legitimacy of the existing socio-political order.

"The outspoken viewpoint of the N.G. Sendingkerk against apartheid is an

illustration of this.

"These opposing attitudes and perceptions undoubtedly represent a serious

conflict situation that will give rise to dangerous forms of confrontation

in the long run."

However, he predicts that drastic sweeping changes could also be the

"trigger mechanism of a revolution" and that step-by-step reforms are the

only alternative.

89
The Mixed Marriages Act and the Immorality Act's Section 16 could be the

"first credible step." These laws could not be improved but had to go.

It was unfortunately a misconception in this country that human behaviour

had to be "judicially regimented" in the finest detail.

"It is conveniently forgotten that the Afrikaners manage to hold their own

against English-speaking South Africans, without a law that prohibits

marriages between peoples who speak different languages."

Many Afrikaners found themselves in a situation of moral tension about these

laws and this in turn led to a crisis—especially among young people—about

the legitimacy of the South African socio-political order.

Emotionally

Many whites were beginning to look at race laws through the eyes of black

citizens.

"Compared to the past this represents a revolution. And what many Afrikaners

begin to see does not give them peace of mind."

"This shift (in thinking) is an indication of the crack that has come about,

especially in recent times, in the granite wall of the traditional apartheid

ideology," Professor Esterhuyse writes.

Professor Johan Kinghor, editor of the book, says his chapter will deal with

the whole concept of the interpretation of the Afrikaner's history "as a

creation of God, specially brought here by God and the image of the pious

Voortrekker who did nothing else but read his Bible all day and did not mix

with coloureds and blacks."

He said the book was aimed at the "centre of the Nationalist Party, the

average Dutch Reformed Church members, interested ministers and layment.

"We are not compromising, the standpoint is obvious right from the start that

these laws are unacceptable completely and should never have been there.

"But we are trying to write it in a conciliatory way and trying to be as

scientific as possible in our research and not be emotional about it.

"But I can appreciate the fact that it will probably be received very

emotionally by a number of people because we go into people's basic

motives.

"And they will become hostile and reactionary," said Dr Kinghorn.

He said the type of opinion expressed by Conservative Party leader Dr Andries

Treunricht this week—he accused fellow Afrikaners of rejecting the Kingship

of Christ—showed what they were up against.

90
In addition to the book, Dr Kinghom is also conducting further research

into the laws that prohibit sex and marriage across the colour line.

"I'm trying to find out what the religious, dogmatic arguments were which

supported the concept of apartheid," he said.

According to Dr Kinghorn, the debate among Afrikaners on race legislation

was "going to escalate.

"I can understand why the agitation (for these laws) was so religiously

based. It was the only way to motivate their actions adequately with the

public.

"But people will have to undergo a religious evolution," he said.

(Report by Sylvia van Vollenhoven, 77 Burg Street, Cape Town)

CSO: 3400/30

91
SOUTH AFRICA

CULTURAL CONTRIBUTIONS OF COLOREDS DISCUSSED

Capetown DIE BURGER in Afrikaans 22 Sep 83 p 20

[Letter from Dr Pieter ¥. Grobbelaar, chairman of the Department of African

Cultural History at the University of Stellenbosch: "Coloreds Also Creators

of our Culture"]

[Text] Dr Pieter ¥. Grobbelaar, chairman of the Department of African Cultural History at the University of Stellenbosch, writes:

It is really amusing to read in your opinion column that people are once again

arguing about the question of how much "white blood" the coloreds really have

in their veins. A few years ago, this percentage — based on independent

medical and genealogical research — was set at roughly 30 percent, but I considered this of so little importance that I did not even write down the reference .

However, the core of the question evidently is the fact that your correspondents believe that it will enable them to prove how little or how much claim

the coloreds can make on African culture — as if culture were something mystical which resides in the blood. A person's blood composition has basically

nothing to do with his culture. You can inherit certain abilities (or lack

of abilities) from your forebears; you can inherit certain ailments of the

body or mind, or a predisposition toward such ailments; you can inherit blue

eyes or frizzy hair. But culture must be acquired.

Delving

Culture is many things, and nobody has ever been able to grasp it completely

in a single definition. Yet, it can be said that it encompasses all the spiritual and material creations of man, as well as the manner in which man deals

with these creations and with his fellow man. Major cultural anchors are

language and religion. Every child that is born has to learn anew how to deal

with all those things, and if he is talented he will perhaps also create his

own piece of culture. Or are there people who thought that a French baby was

born speaking French? Or a Protestant baby Protestant and a catholic baby

catholic?

I have been thinking about these questions for a long time. I have read a

great deal about them and have delved into the national culture. And even

92
though, brought up with the color prejudice of our generation, it was not easy

for me to reach this point, it would he intellectual treason for me not to

testify to what I have discovered. And that is that the colored people are

just as much creators and carriers of the African culture as any white

Afrikaner (with his own 7 percent of non-white blood in his veins).

Dr Verwoerd

Let me mention a few examples for those who are not yet convinced that culture

is learned. Dr H.F. Verwoerd was born a Dutchman and spent a major part of

his early years in English Southern Rhodesia. And yet, today nobody would

dare to say that he was not an Afrikaner. He was an Afrikaner because he

wanted to be one.

Nobody would say that the German orphans, who were brought to South Africa

after the Second World War, did not become good Afrikaners (where they were

placed in good Afrikaner homes). A person can even go so far as to be able

to reject one culture and adhere to another within a single lifespan. Just

think about the anglicanization of our own people yesterday — and today. And

if you are gifted you can also make special contributions in your new cultural

group. There is, for example, the role played in our Afrikaner literature by

Jochem van Bruggen and J. van Meile, who were both born Dutchmen.

Miscegenation in itself has never yet led to cultural decline. This goes together with things such as economic factors and educational opportunities.

The proud, dignified Governor Simon van der Stel was 5®-5® mixed blood. The

great Western civilizations of the ancient Greeks and Romans developed after

reasonable barbarian invaders mixed with the native population groups. In

each case, however, there were first "dark ages" before the advent of the

great revival.

Lift Up Heads

Our white Afrikaners experienced our own "dark ages" before we were really

able to lift up our heads in the late 20th century. The end of the "dark

ages" of the coloreds is in sight, and we can expect a major period of revival.

8^63

GSO: 3401/6

93
SOUTH AFRICA

PROJECTED RESETTLEMENT OF KWANGEMA SCORED

Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 18 Oct 83 p 4

[Untitled Editorial]

[Text]

ANOTHER little settlement is facing

the spectre of being uprooted by the

government for the purpose of

building a dam, something that

strikes us as being especially shortsighted and insensitive.

It is amazing the kind of crude

reasons given for creating so much

bitterness among hundreds of blacks

by this government. It would seem

to us that the material benefits out of

the building of a dam are dwarfed

by the human suffering and attendant hate and bitterness caused to so

many people.

The residents of KwaNgema, a

place a stone's throw away from the

village of Driefontein, which was

shot into world headlines when its

black leader died from a bullet

wound, have vowed that they will

not leave their homes. There are

others, however, who instead of getting themselves embroiled in a long

and bitter struggle, have left for the

new settlement.

The residents of the farm in Wakkerstroom, near Piet Retief told a

representative of the Department of

Co-operation and Development that

they were not prepared to leave

their ancestral homes for Babanangu in Natal.

They bought their farm in 1904,

they told our reporters, and the

move to get them out for the building of a dam has infuriated them. It

has also led to disillusionment and

acute uncertainty about their future.

The removals of millions of blacks

from their homes has been going on

almost relentlessly for years and we

sometimes wonder if those who are

spurred by political motives ever

stop to think of the suffering caused

by such ploys. _. •

It seems that insult is added to injury when these people are moved to

arid outposts somewhere in the

homelands. Apart from the trauma

in being uprooted from homes families have built with sweat and tears,

there is the added fear of moving

into unknown non-viable outposts in

the homelands. Small wonder there

are brave families who say they are

not prepared to leave their present

homes.

The people of Driefontein who live

nearby were given some respite after

the tragedy of Mr Saul Mkhize's

death. As would happen, it was only

after this grim act that the world

took notice of these villagers. We are

hoping that the people of Kwa94
Ngema would receive an equal

amount of exposure and publicity in

their present plight.

The hope of their overcoming this

impending resettlement on their

own, is dim, for even with the world

shouting to the government to

change its plans and let the villagers

live in peace, if the resolve is to move

them, they will have to move. Whatever happens to them, however, we

believe it is the duty of every South

African to search his or her conscience and see if this kind of act can

be allowed to go on indefinitely.

We are dealing here with not only

the lives of people in their immediate

circumstances but with their future.

What kind offuture are the children

of this village looking forward to?

We wonder what their parents can

offer them as hope for a chance to

live normal steady lives in the future. If only for this we appeal to

those in charge to perhaps reconsider their plans, and scrap this diabolical shifting of whole villages

from one place to the other.

CSO: 3400/30

95
NATAL SOUTH COAST EXPANSION REPORTED

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 17 Oct 83 p 5

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text] DURBAN -" Development involving scores of

millions of rands is taking place on the Natal

-South Coast.

"We're expanding so

fast we're still trying to

catch our breath," said

Mr Duncan Collocott, the

Town Clerk of Margate.

The council" had approved building plans

worth R15.5 ~million in

the past five months.

This was nearly double

last year's total of R8,4

million.

The latest development

included 120 houses as

well as 173 flats.

At Uvongo building

plans worth R9,5 million

— including 133 flats and

92 houses — have been

approved in the last nine

months.

Last year 'a total of

K6,25 million was approved.

"It's really reached a

crescendo," Town Clerk

Mr Rodney Turner said

yesterday.

He said four blocks of

flats comprising about 40

units and worth R2,5 million were also envisaged

as well as a large shopping centre.

At Ramsgate two large

flat developments have

recently been completed,

and at Scottburgh R8,5

million worth of building

plans have been passed

since the beginning of the

year.

This was more than the

total for the whole of

1982, a spokesman said.

"So things are also hotting up here."

He said plans for 142

flats had been approved

and about 30 percent of

these were for holiday

purposes.

A large commercial

centre was also planned

and a shopping centre

worth R250 000 had been

built.

A bumper Christmas

season is expected on the

South Coast. An official

of the Margate Publicity

Association said there

was only a small amount

accommodation available at the beginning of

December.

The rest of the season

had been fully booked for

"a couple of months.''

She said booking had

gone better this year,

possibly because more

accommodation was now

available.

The recent introduction of a direct flight

from Jan Smuts Airport

to Margate was a drawcard for the coast, officials said.

CSO: 3400/30

96
SOUTH AFRICA

SITUATION OF FARMERS ON QWAQWA BORDER DISCUSSED

Bloemfontein DIE VOLKSBLAD in Afrikaans 21 Sep 83 p 12

[Editorial: "Border Farmers"]

[Text] The fears of the farmers affected "by the new Qwaqwa horders is understandahle, especially when you look at the problems encountered on and off by

the farmers along the borders of Lesotho. The grievances they expressed to

Dr Nak van der Merwe were not related to the principle of consolidation or

the need to provide land to the new state with its rapidly growing population

either. It is practical considerations which bother them, considerations

which are very closely related to good neighborliness.

To accept local border lines as the international borders is the simplest and

most obvious way to proceed, because to determine visual and natural topographical border lines everywhere would make the process of consolidation so

much more complicated and would probably affect more farms. Yet, this is a

possibility which cannot be completely rejected.

However, the costs must always be kept in mind, in view of the fact that the

government does not have unlimited sources of income and that, because of the

drought, it is compelled to provide quite a bit of aid to farmers all over

the country. The Qwaqwa government is also eager to keep white farmers on

their farms within Qwaqwa. The construction of a safety border with only a

few crossing points could make life inconvenient for them.

The much longer border of Ciskei, for example, was not transformed into a

Berlin wall, and the situation did not become untenable. All neighbors know

that a clear border is necessary, but the cost and the urgency of it must

constantly and in each case be weighed against other investments by the state

which would stimulate economic growth and production.

8^-63

CSO: 3^01/8

97
SOUTH AFRICA

ORANGE FREE STATE TO DEGIDE ON INDIANS' RESIDENCE RIGHTS

Bloemfontein DIE VOLKSBLAD in Afrikaans 23 Sep 83 p 2

[Article "by M. van Wijk: "OVS To Decide on Indians Itself"]

[Text] Reitz -- The inhabitants of the Orange Free State [OVS] will decide

for themselves whether Indians will be given residence rights in that province,

Minister of Law and Order Louis le Grange said here during a referendum

meeting.

He was responding to a question from the audience about whether, according to

the proposed new allocation, Indians would be given residence rights in the

Orange Free State.

High Standard

The minister called on all parties to maintain a high standard of debate about

the referendum. "In this debate, we must face each other with the truth and

not with lies," he said.

"People must consider the new constitution in a spirit of practical realism —

the same realism with which the National Party has tried all those years to

create a better system for all the population groups in the country," he said.

The minister reacted strongly against pamphlets being circulated now by the

Conservative Party to discourage people from voting yes in the referendum,

and he pointed to blatant lies in the pamphlets, such as the allegation that

the National Party is in the forefront of the attack against South Africa.

Warning

He also warned the audience against the increasingly leftist views of the Progressive Federal Party and said that the party leader, Dr F. Van Zyl Slabbert,

has admitted himself that implementation of his party's policy would lead to

a black majority government.

All the whites in the country now have the opportunity to work together for a

realistic new system in South Africa, Minister Le Grange said; and he made an

appeal to far left and far right individuals to move together now while there

is still a chance to do so peacefully and from a position of power.

A motion of confidence in the new constitution which was introduced at the

end of the meeting, was adopted nearly unanimously. Only about 10 people

voted against it.

8463

CSO: '34OI/8 98
SOUTH AFRICA

DECLINE IN HARBOUR TRAFFIC STEMMED

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 16 Oct 83 p 8

[Article by Elizabeth Rouse]

[Text]

SIGNS that the decline in harbour traffic has been

stemmed are apparent in the

'August figures of cargo tonnage handled.

However, preliminary

financial year-end figures

show that the SATS harbour

division, though still a profitearner, handled significantly

less cargo in the 1982-1983

year.

Preliminary figures reveal

that harbours, in tonnage

terms, handled 10,7% less

bulk cargo and 20,5% less

general cargo in the year to

March 1983 compared with

the previous financial year.

The biggest decline took

place in general cargo landed, reflecting the sharp fall in

imports. Total cargo was

down 28,2% to 9,8-million

tons from 13,6-million.

General cargo shipped fell

off by 11,4% to 10,3-million

from 11,6-million, bringing

total general cargo handled

down to just over 20-million

tons from 25,3-million tons.

However, bulk cargo handled, which provides harbours with the major part ot

their income, did not decline

by the same percentage'.

Bulk import cargo was

down 11% to 2,4-million tons

from April 1982 to March 1983

from 3,1-million in the previous financial year.

Bulk cargo shipped, niade

up mainly of coal and ore

shipments, fell by 10% to 50,5-

million from 56,2-million.

In total, bulk cargo handled

came off nearly 53-million

from 59,3-million tons.

While the number of oceangoing ships calling at South

! African ports were still diminishing — down at 462 in

August from 511 in August a

year ago — exports shipped

showed a small increase to

4,9-million tons from 4,7-million tons.

Imports were slightly below that of a year ago at near

1,18-million from 1,2-million

tons.

Total cargo handled, including coastwise trafffic,

moved up slightly to 6,45-million tons from 6,25-million

tons.

Ore exports from Richards

Bay have remained constant

at around 2,9-million tons a

month, but Saldanha Bay's

iron-ore shipments remain

poor at 807 576 tons a month.

Durban landed more than

it shipped — probably Christmas season goods coming in

— at 783113 tons landed compared with 725 945 tons

shipped.

Cape Town landed much

more than it shipped —

224782 tons against 100621

tons landed.

CSO: 3400/30

99
GOOD RAINFALL REPORTED FOR MANY AREAS

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 20 Oct 83 p 5

[Excerpts]

SOUTH AFRICA

REPORTS of good rainfalls.are still being received from many parts of the

country.

Large areas of Natal,

the Orange Free State,

Transvaal, the Northern

Cape, QwaQwa, Transkei, Ciskei and Lesotho

have received good soaking rains.

The Weather Bureu in

Pretoria reported that

more rain could be expected.

Rains have brought relief to the drought stricken areas of Natal. Up to

25mm was recorded at

places in the Midmar

Dam catchment area. The

Midmar Dam serves both

Pietermaritzburg and

Durban.

At St Lucia 82mm was

measured since Tuesday,

at Port Edward 54mm, at

Port Shepstome 29mm

and in Durban 21mm.

The Natal interior has

also had good rains. Rainfalls were reported in

Underberg, Kokstad,

Newcastle, Ladysmith,

Vryheid, Dundee, Harding, Cedarville and Estcourt.

impassable

In the Drakensberg

area, roads to the Injasuti

Nature Reserve are impassable.

Mr Ered Munro, engineer for the Department

of Water Affairs in Natal,

said for the first time this

year there was reason to

be optimistic about an improvement in the water

supply.

He said rivers were

flowing more strongly and

the inflow to all major

dams in the province had

improved slightly. He

added, however, that

even if good rains fell this

summer, it was unlikely

that water restrictions

would be completely lifted before the end of next

year.

The South African

Sugar Association said

rain has fallen over a

large part of the Natal

Cane Belt, but would primarly benefit only next

year's crop.

100
Drought

lie drought has

already resulted in the estimate of the cane crop

being reduced by 300 000

tons, although the rain

could result in an improvement in the cane to

be milled byFebruary.

In the Eastern Transvaal, where cane farmers

rely on irrigation, the position is precarious because of the drought and

hotweather conditions.

Good rains have also

fallen in large parts ofthe

Free state and the Northern Cape.

Rain fell at Harrismith,

Hertzogville, Trompsburg, Viljoenskrcon, Bothavflle, Villiers, Parys,

Edenville, Bethlehem,

Kroonstad, Reddersburg,

Winburg, Hoopstad,

Frankfort, Zaston, Kuruman, De Aar, Douglas,

Vryburg and Danielskuil.

In the Transvaal, the

highes rainfall was recorded at Piet Retief

where 20mm fell. Standerton, Ermelo, Potchefstroom and parts of the

Witwatersrand, Pretoria

and the Vaal Triangle

have also had good rains.

Reports of rain have

also come from as far

west as Ottosdal. In the

northern and north-western parts of the Transvaal

no rain had fallen.

A little rain has also

fallen at Witbank, Bronkhorstspruit and Marble

Hall.

Relief

Rain has brought relief

to the Transkei. Smaller

dams are overflowing and

there is now enough

drinking water for cattle

in many areas.

From the Ciskei it has

been reported that the

main dam supplying King

Williamstown is overflowing. It has been raining

there since Saturday.

Water restrictions would

remain in force, however,

until all the dams have

enough water.—Sapa.

CSO: 3400/30

101
SOUTH AFRICA

HEAVY RAINS HIT TRANSVAAL, OFS, NATAL, N. CAPE

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 21 Oct 83 pp 1, 2

[Excerpts] Five people, including two toddlers, died as hail and lightning

lashed the Transvaal on Wednesday night and early yesterday morning.

Hailstorms caused damage in the western and northern suburbs of Johannesburg

and homes and gardens in Pretoria as well as other parts of the Witwatersrand

were damaged by the hailstones which some residents reported as being as

large as golfballs.

Heavy downpours fell

over widespreasd areas of

Transvaal, the Free State,

Natal and the Northern

Cape with up to 40 mm

being recorded at some

places. In some areas

winds reached speeds of

up to 80 km/h and crops

were damaged by hail.

Motorists arriving in Johannesburg from Natal

say they drove in heavy

rain almost all the way.

Reports of soaking

rains have been received

from the drought-stricken

areas of Zululand and

Empangeni had 50 mm.

In Northern Natal 33 mm

was recorded at Newcastle. Earlier reports of

good rains were also received from the Natal

Midlands and the north

and south coasts.

Orchards

It also rained well over

the Free State, but reports of damage to buildings, crops and orchards

have been received from

the districts of Hanismith, Warden and Hertzogville. At Trompsburg

40 mm wasrecorded.

Thunderstorms have

also been experienced in

the Northern Cape and

several reports of hail

damage and power cuts

were received. Soaking

rains fell over the

drought-stricken areas of

Transkei and Ciskei.

The South African

Sugar Association says

good rains have started

falling over the Natal

sugar regions, but it has

come too late to have any

effect on this year's crops.

A spokesman for the

Department of Environmental Affairs in Pretoria

said that if the rains continued the prospects of

the drought breaking

would improve.

Mrs C Oosthuizen of

the department said: "If

the rains continue then of

course things will be better all round but we need

a good deal more rain before there is any real improvement."

Mrs Oosthuizen said

that the Vaal Dam increased its capacity slightly following the rains but

it would be a few days before the real figures were

available as it took some

time for the water to

reach the dam from catchment areas.

"There have been good

rains in the catchment

areas. The dams capacity

has risen from 21,77 percent to 21,91 percent

already," she said.

One of the rivers which

feeds the Vaal Dam, the

Wilge, has overflowed its

banks.

Over the Vaal Triangle

good rains have been reported, with 47 mm falling at Vereeniging, 39

mm at The Barrage and

25 mm at Sasolburg.

On the East Rand 46

mm was recorded at Benoni, 21 mm at Brakpan,

26 mm at Boksburg and

13 mm at Springs.

In Cape Town, the area

least affected by the

drought, Mr A Newton of

the Department of Environmental Affairs said

that most dams in the

Cape were 100 percent

full.

Fortunate

"We have been very

fortunate here and we

have enough water for the

coming year provided we

have our normal quota of

rainfall," he said.

Mr Newton said that

there was no real problem

in the Cape and even the

Karoo had enough water.

CSO: 3400/30

102
SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

SAA DEFICIT—South African Airways, which budgeted for an April-August

working deficit of R50,2 million, had an actual loss of R16,l million, the

Minister of Transport Affairs, Mr Hendrik Schoeman said in Pretoria today

During the same period last year the deficit was R27,5 million, against a

budgeted R22,6 million. In July and August this year the South African

Transport Services had budgeted for shortfalls of R5,3 million and R8,4

million respectively, but returned profits of R4,6 million and Rl,2 million

respectively. Regarding SATS as a whole, moves to curb spending instituted

last year were already showing dividends, Mr Schoeman said. Although a

deficit of R269,9 million was budgeted for April-August this year, the

actual loss was R102,5 million. During the same period last year, a loss

of R127,6 million was incurred against an estimated R27.9 million surplus.

A profit of Rl,6 million was achieved in June.—Sapa [Text] [Johannesburg

THE STAR in English 14 Oct 83 p 10M]

ENERGY INDUSTRY—South African industry, which draws its energy and chemical

feedstock from coal mines at controlled, artificially low prices, unrelated

to world markets, is in an ideal position to steal a march on the rest of

the world. Speaking at the Capex '84 Conference in Randburg today, Mr Alan

Howell, manager, colliery services, of the Transvaal Coal Owners' Association

said the rate of price increase of inland coal since 1978 had been consistently lower than that of the consumer price index, while the track of low

grade coal had been particularly good. The heady days of 1981 when coal

prices rose steeply and spot cargoes were sold at "exciting prices" to

consumers who left themselves short, appeared to have gone forever. Prices

had fallen by US$15, or 30 percent, and were now at a level which discouraged

investment in mines, railway facilities and harbours. But Mr Howell expects

prices to recover in five years. Entrepreneurs should be encouraged by

long-term trends of low inland coal prices. Beneficiation of aluminium,

ferro-alloys and stainless steel into finished goods and development in

other fields, could make South Africa a major supplier in energy-intensive

products. [Text] [Johannesburg THE STAR in English 14 Oct 83 p 11M]

VISTA UNIVERSITY OPENS—Vista University, with campuses in five major centres

of South Africa, was officially opened in Pretoria last night. Planning for

the university started five years ago with the idea of bringing education to

Blacks in all the major areas at fees which could be afforded. The

university already has 800 full-time and 2 000 part-time students throughout

the country. Campuses were established in Mamelodi, Bloemfontein, Soweto,

Port Elizabeth and Sebokeng. In his opening speech the Minister of Education

103
and Training, Mr Danie Steyn, said the university will provide a system of

higher education which would enable students of all ages, backgrounds and

levels of income to participate in the search for knowledge and individual

development. He said South Africa had enough people and it was unnecessary

to waste the human material of the country. "Vista will provide some of

these human material with the necessary university education," he said.

Mr Steyn said the university would provide the opportunity for all Black

students with the potential to study and develop themselves. He said

knowledge was important to increase the standard of living for Blacks and

that he hoped that Vista would be an inspiration to the youth to take this

opportunity. [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 21 Oct 83 p 3]

KOTZE SLAMMED—The Minister of Community Development, Mr Pen Kotze, was last

night accused of cynically using the Indians living in the Johannesburg

suburb of Mayfair as political pawns in the Referendum campaign. Speaking

at a house meeting in Craighall Park, Mr Peter Soal, Progressive Federal

Party MP for Johannesburg North, said Mr Kotze's warning to Coloureds and

Indians to immediately leave White residential areas "strips away the thin

mask of 'verligtheid' to reveal the ugly and brutal face of apartheid.

"Mr Kotze's statement has also ereated instability and uncertainty in a

multi-racial community which has lived happily side-by-side for many years,"

Mr Soal said. He called on the Minister to leave Mayfair alone and give

his full attention to the massive housing crisis in the country. [Text]

[Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 21 Oct 83 p 3]

SASOL IN W TRANSVAAL—SASOL fuel will soon be available in the Western

Transvaal and Bophuthatswana as part of the Sasol group's expansion programme

in those areas. The Managing Director of Sasol Fuel, Mr George Botha, will

launch the programme at an official ceremony in Lichtenburg today.—Sapa

iText] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 21 Oct 83 p 13]

SURVEY OF STUDENTS—A snap survey on the campus of Pretoria University has

led the campus newspaper to believe that many students "haven't a clue"

about the Referendum and what is going on in the political arena. Findings

of the survey, published in the student newspaper "Die Perdeby" reveal that

many students interviewed either did not know what was going on, or had very

little or faulty knowledge. However, the newspaper stressed that the survey

must not be taken as completely representative of the student body. A

number of interesting answers were obtained from students in the survey.

For instance, one student defined the President's Council as "a body in

which all people agree." One girl student asked about the planned new

pattern'of government said: "There is a new system of government. The

State President or whatever is elected out of the 'dinges' the bunch of

Cabinet Ministers made up out of three departments, or whatever." A number

of students sidestepped questions, "I am no politician." "You are trying

to get me involved in politics" and "I don't know what's going on in

politics." Nor, for some students, did the date of November 2 have much

significance—except possibly for one girl who commented that her birthday

was on the third. [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 21 Oct 83

P 4]

104
POLICE DISPERSE KWAZULU UNIVERSITY PROTESTORS--There is mounting tension

at the University of Zululand campus in Ngoye because of a planned Inkatha

rally tomorrow. As Carmen Ricard reports, more than 1,000 students are

boycotting classes today: [Ricard] There is a complete boycott of classes

at the university today, and on-campus witnesses told me that students

have spent the morning so far gathered in the area known as Freedom Square,

where they have been singing freedom songs. According to students, police

moved in shortly after 1000 and are using teargas to disperse the protestors.

Another source told me that most of the staff have left the campus because

of the unrest. The student protest is over a massive Inkatha rally to be

addressed by Inkatha leader, Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, scheduled to start

at 1000 tomorrow. Students have warned of their concern that if tomorrow's

meeting does go ahead, there could be trouble, as the majority on campus

are strongly opposed to Inkatha for allegedly promoting tribalism, and to

Buthelezi himself for being—in their words—part of the government's homeland system. [Text] [MB281240 Umtata Capital Radio in English 1000 GMT

28 Oct 83]

BOPHUTHATSWANA LEADER ON NONRECOGNITION--The president of the South African

Republic of Bophuthatswana, President Lucas Mangope, said nonrecognition

of his country by other countries is a serious problem because it blocks

access to international loans and other aid. But Mr Mangope, on a 3-day

visit to Paris to seek investment by French companies in Bophuthatswana,

said his country was less dependent on South Africa than some countries in

the region. South Africa provided aid, he said, equivalent to only 6 percent of his country's budget. He stressed the potential wealth of

Bophuthatswana, especially in strategic minerals. [Text] [MB281644

Johannesburg International Service in English 1500 GMT 28 Oct 83]

STRATEGIC ROLE IN AFRICA—The South African minister of constitutional

development and planning, Mr Chris Heunis, says South Africa would have

a decisive role to play in a final clash between the superpowers of the

world because of its strategic location and mineral riches. He told a

public meeting at Graaff-Reinet the Eastern Cape Province that South

Africa was one of the two treasure chambers in the world. He said the

world was looking with envy at South Africa because the country was important

for the stability of Africa. If the communist powers would gain control of

the natural resources of South Africa, the West could be brought to its

knees. Mr Heunis said the results of the referendum would determine if

it would be possible to increase the governing capacity of the country after

2 November. He said it was difficult to govern a country like South Africa

with its diverse populations according to democratic principles. The

minister said that if the white population voted "yes" for constitutional

change, it would increase the governing capacity of the country because

more than just the whites would be able to share in the process of governing.

[Text] [MB291217 Johannesburg International Service in English 0630 GMT

29 Oct 83]

105
'COMMUNIST ONSLAUGHT' SCORED—The minister of transport services, Mr Hendrik

Schoeman, says it appears as though the general population does not want

to accept the malicious and comprehensive nature of the communist onslaught

against South Africa. Unveiling a memorial plaque of the South African

Railways and Harbors Service Union at the new Durban Station, Mr Schoeman

said the onslaught was increasing daily, and all kinds of strategies were

being used over a wide spectrum with the final goal being total control

over the southern tip of Africa. Mr Schoeman said the onslaught was not

confined to acts of war, but also manifested itself in the economic, cultural, and religious fields. [Text] [MB291208 Johannesburg Domestic

Service in English 1115 GMT 29 Oct 83]

CSO: 3400/156

106
ZAIRE

MOBUTU GIVES STRICT WARNING TO AGITATORS

Text of Speech

Kinshasa ELIMA in French 26 Sep 83 pp 9-10

[Speech by President Mobutu Sese Seko to the MPR Central Committee in Kinshasa

on 24 September 1983]

[Text] Marshal Mobutu has urged all Zairians to exhibit a

sense of civic responsibility and revolutionary discipline

so as to ensure strict success with the economic and financial measures adopted by the Executive Council as part of

the effort to combat the crisis. He also issued a strict

warning to the agitators who are challenging the country's

political options and announced that they would be reduced

to impotence if they continued on that path.

The chairman-founder of the MPR was addressing the nation

as the Central Committee wound up its seventh session at

the Palace of the People on Saturday. He said that the

measures announced last 9 September concerning not only

the exchange rate of the zaire but also the price policy on

essential items fall within the framework of the agreement

expected with the IMF. The father of the nation acknowledged the hardships being imposed on the people by implementation of those measures, but he insisted that there was no

alternative for effectively combating the crisis. "The pill

is a bitter one, but there is no alternative except to swallow it," he emphasized before saying at another point: "Adjustments, accommodations, and corrective measures may be

considered if necessary, because I lead men, not sheep."

The constraints imposed by the IMF's austerity programs on

countries turning to it for help are unpopular above all

else. Their success depends basically on the confidence

placed by the people concerned in their leader. This is

the case in Zaire, where all the party members are complying

with their guide's watchwords concerning rigor.

107
During his speech, the chief of state also discussed the

lengthy educational process that the MPR has carried out

in the nation, which believes deeply in its rediscovered

unity and in the restored peace—factors enabling it to

devote itself in complete peace of mind to the tasks of

development.

The father of the nation promised exemplary punishment to

all the agitators trying to challenge those achievements

of the revolution of 24 November 1965: "All those who believe they can perpetually defy authority will find me in

their path."

The warning is clear and unambiguous, because the guide said:

"They are a gang of outlaws, and I promise you they will be

treated as such." And the marshal concluded with these words:

"The members of the MPR are, by and large, peaceable and hardworking. They must be protected from subversion, brainwashing, and discouragement."

Here is the complete text of the chief of state's speech.

Citizen members of the Central Committee,

We have reached the end of our work in this seventh regular session. For 5

days we have been evaluating the entire situation, both economic and political,

that currently prevails in our country.

Everyone remembers the Central Committee's sixth regular session. We devoted

that session to the reaffirmation of the MPR's leading role. We did so at a

time when the party seemed to be in a bad way—at a time when the spirit of the

MPR seemed to be dissolving slowly but surely.

We took that opportunity to proclaim, publicly and solemnly, our attachment

to all the values on which our current political system is based. And the importance of the sixth session did not escape anyone's attention.

The seventh session, which we will soon be concluding, is also occurring at a

time that I regard as critical to Zaire on two levels: economic and political.

Free Enterprise: Basic Option in Economic Plan

In the economic field, as you know, the basic option chosen by us is free enterprise. Decision No NR 07/CC-81 of 8 June 1981 of the Central Committee confirms that option. All economic activity since then has been in complete agreement with that new orientation.

Since the MPR's third regular congress in December 1982, moreover, we have

given a new look to our country's entire economic life. I announced at the

conclusion of that congress that 1983 would be characterized by rigor in all

our actions. And I think I can say that we have observed that rigor to date.

108
From January until now, rigor has remained the key word in the conduct of public affairs. It is enough to take a look at budget management in particular.

Aware of the scope, complexity, and constraints of the task before us, I also

issued a patriotic appeal to all my people, and I am quoting what I said;

"When the requirements for our economic recovery lead Us to adopt measures

which seem hard—indeed unpopular—I will ask each party member, whether a

cadre or not and regardless of the organization or sector to which he or she

belongs, to understand and militantly support those measures for the greatest

good of our country and for nothing but the good of the country." End of quotation.

Civic Responsibility and Revolutionary Discipline Urged

I believe the time has come to appeal once again to the sense of civic responsibility and revolutionary discipline in each member of the MPR.

The reason is that in view of our performance during the first 6 months of this

year, and with a view to concluding a new agreement with the IMF, a number of

economic and financial measures were adopted and announced by the Executive

Council on 9 September.

Those decisions, which form a unit within the framework of that agreement, affect not only the exchange rate of the zaire but also the price policy with

respect to essential items, fuel, and foreign exchange in particular.

Bitter Pill Must Be Swallowed

I am a responsible chief of state. I lead a people numbering 30 million souls:

fathers, mothers, children, young people, old people, workers, civil servants,

peasants, students, teachers and soldiers. In short, I lead men, not sheep,

as I have always reiterated.

I must admit that the terms of the agreements with the IMF are hard, although

it is also true that the program will last for only 15 months, and also even

though at the end of that period, the program, if correctly and rigorously implemented, will give sensational results for our economy and the social wellbeing of all our people.

Meanwhile, I admit that the pill is bitter, but there is no alternative except

to swallow it. When the time comes, we will join with our foreign partners engaged in the execution of this program in making a general and realistic evaluation of the situation. Adjustments, accommodations, and corrective measures

may be considered if necessary. Because, I repeat, I lead men, not sheep.

Very often, when we bow to the constraints of this type of unpopular program—

and they are unpopular—our foreign partners congratulate us and admire our

political courage. That is good! But it would be even better for them to know

that programs of this kind can only be contemplated in a country whose people

are behind their leader because they trust him: in a country where the people—

as is the case in Zaire—believe in the ideals adopted by their entire political

109
system thanks to lengthy and laborious work for permanent education, persuasion, and the constant dissemination of values that stir people to action—in

short, in a country where the people want to remain deeply attached to their

national unity and to the peace and security that constitute the only platform

and the best guarantee for all their activities.

I keenly hope, therefore, that we will be understood when we proclaim our intransigence concerning the political options and system of government that we

have freely chosen for implementing that platform.

Single Party: Platform for Zaire's National Unity and Peace

We have succeeded in doing so thanks to the single-party system established by

the MPR.

I don't want to philosophize concerning this concept of the single party. I

will simply note that thanks to the single-party system, we are better able to

exalt the virtues of unity and peace. That is why, in this respect, we will

always remain intransigent. And I take the liberty of emphasizing this forcefully.

Why must I emphasize it?

The "Convention" Is Having Fun

Last 19 May I decreed a general amnesty. I will tell you straight out that I

did so very freely in my soul and conscience and with the hope that a new page

would be turned in our country's political history.

Abroad, Zairian citizens renounced their exile and returned to the fold. Inside the country, the doors of the prisons were opened wide. For everyone, it

was the occasion for a big celebration.

All serious observers appreciated the great significance of our decision. And

4 months after taking that step, I still feel that I did the right thing.

Since then, I have been constantly listening and observing things and people.

But what has happened? Whereas some people understood the meaning of the

pardon, others, relying on alleged foreign support, made up their minds to

again follow the path of agitation in their own ways: some by creating an incident here, others by holding a thanksgiving mass there, and still others by

meeting in a bar or in small circles of friends. I followed all this with the

thought: the convention is having fun.

Strict Warning to Agitators

But beginning today, Saturday 24 September, I consider that the time for fun

has lasted long enough. The Manifesto of N'Sele, our basic charter, is clear.

And in one of its passages, it says: "The freedom of the individual must not

lead to anarchy in the state. The economic development of the nation and the

personal emancipation of the citizens are not possible except in a politically

110
structured state. The authority of the state cannot be disputed; the government does not yield to groups, be they special interest groups or groups of

opinion. The presidential system will assert its authority over all and throughout the country." End of quotation.

The MPR—the party-state—constitutes an organized power. It must govern,

safeguard its achievements, and not yield, much less capitulate. In view of

the vast program for our country's economic and financial recovery, we will not

accept the slightest distraction, regardless of its source. All those who believe they can perpetually defy authority will find me in their path.

I am firm when it comes to defending the basic values on which the survival of

the Zairian people depends.

Since 1965, in our joys and in our sorrows, in our difficulties and in our successes , we have always developed and maintained that deep feeling of national

unity—true unity, which is not simply the sum total of feelings or private

interests, but a fellowship of hearts and minds and a merging of interests in

an overall vision of shared objectives.

The framework par excellence that we all discovered as a means of achieving,

consolidating, and perpetuating that unity is none other than the MPR. And that

happened 18 years ago. My question is this: in which Zairians do some individuals want to inculcate now—18 years later—a new conception of union and social progress? What kind of union can there be when a few embittered individuals, who are tribalists to boot, get together to establish what is nothing

more than an association of common lawbreakers whose only goal is to do harm?

It is clear that they are a gang of outlaws, and I promise you that they will

be treated as such from now on.

The Zairian people have long memories. In our country's political history, they

know who their torturers were in the past—the same ones who occupied high political posts and left nothing but a mess behind them. Today the people are

able to recognize those torturers of yesterday. In the past, they occupied

high political positions and revealed themselves to be incapable of the slighttest brilliant act. Do those clever people think they are now capable of reinventing hot water or the steam engine? And of getting themselves taken seriously?

For my part, I say that none of that is responsible. The MPR Central Committee

has examined that entire situation during this seventh regular session. Clear

and vigorous decisions have been reached.

To Protect Party Members From Discouragement

The members of the MPR are, by and large, peaceable and hard-working. They must

be protected from subversion, brainwashing, and discouragement. All of the

country's appropriate departments, whether the party's specialized branches or

the departments responsible in particular for public security, have been given

the mission, effective today, of redoubling their vigilance, revising their

methods where necessary, and reducing criminals of all kinds to impotence so as

to jealously protect the invaluable achievements of the revolution.

Ill
As far as I personally, as constitutional guarantor of this country's peace and

unity, am concerned, I will put an end at all costs to any form of agitation

that is aimed at regaining ground in Zaire.

Democracy, freedom, and human rights will never serve as a pretext for anyone

to establish anarchy, license, and irresponsibility in our country. And as is

stated in article 28 of the Constitution, "Every Zairian is responsible for the

smooth operation of the activities of the Popular Movement of the Revolution

and therefore has the duty, through constant vigilance, to support the revolution, defend its achievements, and safeguard national unity and the integrity

of the territory." End of quotation.

Therefore—in defending our achievements, which are restored unity, dignity,

and peace—in the fervor of our revolutionary faith and in our firm determination to win the battle of economic recovery,

We will turn the Zaire of our ancestors into a great country, prosperous and

worthy of the best hopes.

The MPR having been heard,

Zaire having been heard,

I declare the work of the seventh regular session of the MPR Central Committee

ended.

Thank you.

Editorial Weighs Message

Kinshasa ELIMA in French 26 Sep 83 pp 1, 8

[Editorial by Essolomwa Nkoy ea Linganga: "The Meaning of an Appeal"]

[Text] In closing the seventh regular session of the MPR Central Committee,

the chairman-founder of the MPR and president of the republic, Marshal Mobutu

Sese Seko, delivered an important speech which had the merit of completely removing the ambiguity and confusion that some agitators were deliberately keeping

alive concerning our political system and the recent economic and monetary measures adopted by the Executive Council.

Last Saturday, as is true every time he has occasion to talk to his people, the

chief of state employed his usual frankness to inform the people concerning the

development of affairs of state and of all the problems requiring explanations

on his part. And the least one can say about the presidential speech is that

it was a powerful message which amply enlightened national and international

opinion, since it provided the necessary clarifications concerning all the disturbing issues of the moment.

All the burning issues—our political options, which certain fringe elements

are desperately trying to challenge, the economic and monetary measures adopted

112
by the Executive Council in agreement with the IMF, and, lastly, the insidious

subversion being actively engaged in by certain embittered individuals to undermine the authority of the state—were discussed with no beating around the bush

by the president of the republic, who provided all the necessary explanations.

But the thing that attracted the most attention was the severe and even "hardline" tone used by Marshal Mobutu to warn all the subversive elements trying

to challenge the peace and national unity achieved at the cost of tremendous

sacrifice.

The chief of state emphasized: "The members of the MPR are, by and large, peaceable and hard-working, and they must be protected from subversion, brainwashing,

and discouragement."

And Marshal Mobutu stated specifically: "As far as I personally, as constitutional guarantor of this country's peace and unity, am concerned, I will put an

end at all costs to any form of agitation aimed at regaining ground in Zaire."

What can one say about those remarks except that they reflect the chairmanfounder's concern to cast out forever the demons of subversion and tribalism

which, if not harshly stifled, threaten to demobilize the people and plunge

the country once again into an uncertain situation?

The chief of state also said: "The Zairian people have long memories. In the

history of our country, they know who their torturers were in the past—the

same ones who occupied high political posts and left nothing but a mess behind

them."

That reference to history by the father of the nation touched the Zairian people, who suddenly realized that many irresponsible persons seem to have forgotten what we have left behind. It also reminds us that for the Republic of

Zaire, which from 1960 to 1965 was considered the sick child of Africa, the

miracle performed by Marshal Mobutu to pacify and unite the country should in

no case be signed away.

In that respect, the appeal issued by the chief of state for a sense of civic

responsibility and revolutionary discipline on the part of the MPR's members

has the value of a symbol. It is the symbol of Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko's devotion to this country which he loves so much, which he has selflessly served

until now, and which he does not want to see sink into anarchy.

By calling on his people to display courage in this particularly crucial period,

when "unpopular" decisions dictated by the constraints imposed by the IMF's

austerity programs have been made by the Executive Council, the chairmanfounder's intention was to make the MPR's members face their responsibilities.

As we all know, those responsibilities consist of giving unfailing support to

the austerity policy being pursued by the Executive Council in managing public

affairs.

This is all the more clear in that the Executive Council's good performance

during the first 6 months of this year requires further sacrifices if it is to

be consolidated.

113
All this is a way of saying that Zaire is now engaged in the decisive phase of

its economic recovery. And it is a fact that the new directives issued to MPR

members by the chairman-founder last Saturday concerning both revolutionary

vigilance and enthusiasm for work are capable of mobilizing the indispensable

human and material potentialities for meeting the challenges and giving the

country new trump cards.

But all Zairians must understand that the economic and financial measures

adopted within the framework of economic recovery are everyone's business.

They must, once again, show political maturity and close ranks around Marshal

Mobutu Sese Seko to overcome the difficulties currently confronting the country.

Because the fact is that no crisis is insurmountable as long as the path to its

solution is wide open, as it is today, and as long as the political will to resolve that crisis is asserted with the necessary clarity and seriousness.

In another connection, the appeal by the Zairian chief of state on behalf of

the government of Chad must be understood as Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko's will to

defend the legitimacy of that brother country and remain faithful to the basic

principles governing international relations and morality.

Both nationally and internationally, therefore, Marshal Mobutu's appeal to public opinion derives from the Zairian chief of state's permanent concern to defend, at all times and in all circumstances, legitimacy, peace, justice, and

freedom.

11798

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114
ZAIRE

COPPER MAY BE WITHHELD FROM BELGIAN REFINERIES

Brussels LE SOIR in French 6/7 Aug 83 pp 1,8

[Article by Colette Braeckman: "Zaire Considering Depriving our Refineries

of Copper?j

[Text] In the future, will Belgium remain the first countryin

charge of refining the copper from Zaire? The question came

up during the recent trip of Mr Tindemans, minister of foreign affairs, to Africa.

As a matter of fact, during his tour of the Shaba copper

mines the officials of GECAMINES [General Quarries and Mines

Company] (the Zairian company in charge of the exploitation

of the copper mines) explained to the Belgian delegation

their desire to refine a larger quantity of copper locally,

but also — and especially — in the shorter term, their desire to diversify the countries in charge^ of the refining,

because prices in Belgium were considered too high.

If copper is vital for Zaire, its refining is also a very important economic

and social question for Belgium. Indeed, nearly half of the copper refined

in Belgium comes from Zaire.

The jobs of some 3»800 workers at the metallurgical plant of Hoboken-Overpelt

are directly dependent on this industry, and it is even estimated that overall

a total of 9,000 jobs (specifically in the transportation and insurance sectors) are dependent on the red metal from Zaire.

The copper mines make Zaire the 6th largest producer of copper in the world,

and the largest producer of cobalt. At the present time GECAMINES employs

37,000 workers, and provides 60 percent of the income of the state. For

Belgium, the copper and cobalt from Zaire are also of primary importance: of

the 470,000 tons produced each year, 250,000 are sent abroad, of which 200,000

are refined in Belgium at the Hoboken-Overpelt metallurgical plant in Olen,

near Herentals. At the present time, 45 percent of the copper refined in

Belgium and 100 percent of the cobalt come from Zaire. For how long? As a

matter of fact, GECAMINES no longer seems to be inclined to automatically renew the agreements which tie it to the Belgian factories. In Zaire they say

that if Belgium's relations with Zaire are no longer privileged, the reverse

is also true.

115
Hence, GECAMINES has the right to look for other possible partners, based on

the criterion of competitiveness.

Make Place for Market Economy

Encouraged by the IMF and the World Bank, Zaire has opted for what it calls

"concerted liberalism" (but it really is classic capitalism). The country is

more open to foreign investments than it used to be, the laws o f competition

fully apply, and businesses are managed according to the strictest rules of

the market economy.

In other words, companies such as GECAMINES and SNCZ [National Railroad Company of Zaire] no longer hesitate to dismiss expatriates, who are expensive

to them in terms of foreign currency, even after years of service, and try to

find the best sale and purchase conditions on the international market. Raiher

paradoxically, it is two Belgian chairmen and managing directors who, at the

head of GECAMINES AND SNCZ, have proven to be the most strict, scrupulously

defending the interests of their company and of the state of Zaire, if necessary at the expense of their expatriate compatriots and certain Belgian companies .

Thus Messrs Gunst at SNCZ and Crem at GECAMINES did not hesitate to replace

dozens of Belgians with Zairian counterparts, which has earned them the animosity of the European colony in Shaba province. And Mr Tindemans left

Lubumbashi, his pockets full of petitions and requests for intervention...

At the head of GECAMINES, Mr Robert Crem, a graduate from the ULB [Free University of Brussels] who left the Belgian Societe Generale in 197^. believes

that, even though he is a Belgian, he is first of all at the service of the

state of Zaire, his employer. And, enjoying the confidence of President

Mobutu and that of the governor of Shaba province, the very powerful and very

nationalistic Bula Mandungu, he gives priority to the interests of GECAMINES.

Last year, due to the drop in world prices, the proceeds from the copper were

quite a bit lower than had been expected: instead of the 2 billion zaires

it was counting on, the state of Zaire only received 700 million. And yet,

production went up; it went from 370,000 tons in 1979 to 4-70,000 tons today.

And yet Mr Crem is not satisfied: he has noted that the production equipment

has aged and that, since 197^, no piece of equipment has been replaced. In

addition, he said, in Chile as well as in Zambia 80 percent of the copper

produced is refined locally whereas in Zaire 250,000 tons are processed

abroad.

This presents specifically problems of transportation: at the present time,

at Ilebo — the old Port Francqui — k billion Belgian francs worth of copper

ingots are stored along the river. This is where the first transfer takes

place on the national route for the transportation of the copper from Shaba

to Matadi by railroad and water, and because at the moment the waters of the

river are too low, the copper ingots are waiting on the quays...

116
It is understandable that the chairman and managing director of GEGAMINES wants

to put an end product on the market and to refine the Shaba copper locally.

Plans to this effect are ready for implementation. All in all, GEGAMINES longs

for an investment plan intended to stimulate production. But who will finance

such projects, which some people have estimated at $4 "billion? In order for

the World Bank to provide its guarantee, it demands that the management of the

company be perfectly clear, in accordance with the rules of the market economy.

This is also the point of view of Mr Crem, who intends to manage his national

company according to the criteria of profitability of a private company. And

this is where the interests of Belgian companies are threatened.

Meeting with Mr Tindemans, Robert Crem did not mince his words: "We intend to

develop our own refining capacities, but we especially want to follow the

rules of competition in our relations with our Belgian partners. They must

conform to the line of international competition and the proposed conditions

must be advantageous to both partners." To put it plainly, Robert Crem believes

that the Hoboken-Overpelt factories refine the copper from Zaire at a price

30 percent higher than that of the competition. This is why a few weeks ago

he went to Canada and the FRG where, he said, more interesting offers were made.

He recalled that GECAMINES has paid all its debts to the Societe Generale of

Belgium, which controls the General Ores Company [SGM], and that since 1973

the SGM has known that it would have to diversify its supply sources. But,

said Robert Crem, this is 1983 and nothing has been done yet...

The Belgian company, whose officials we questioned, believes that its prices

are at the same level as those of the other countries of the European Community,

but that of course it cannot compete with countries such as Spain, Yugoslavia

and Canada which are protected by customs barriers.

Copper, Affair of State

As a matter of fact, as the Belgian president and managing director at the head

of the main Zairian company, Robert Crem has proven to be tougher toward

Belgium than even his Zairian predecessors who, for years, granted the Belgian

companies a veritable annuity. Robert Crem, on the other hand, intends to

force the Belgians to lower their prices. Otherwise, he threatens to go elsewhere. And to those who talk about unemployment in Belgium, about the economic

crisis, and about the danger of bankruptcies which the withdrawal of Zairian

copper would cause in the metallurgical industry, where it is estimated that

9,000 jobs are at stake, he responds that it is not up to Zaire, a developing

country, to solve the unemployment problem in Belgium or to subsidize Belgian

enterprises... And he seems to accuse the Belgian ministers of acting more as

defenders of private Belgian interests than as servants of the state.

But for Mr Tindemans, this is exactly an affair of state: "In Zaire," he said,

"I am not defending the interests of a Belgian company, but those of the workers

and unemployed in my country. And I do not approach those problems with the

officials of GECAMINES, but with the authorities of Zaire."

In other words, Belgium does not intend to let its companies be ousted from

the Zairian market under the pretext of free competition, and the stakes are

such that they are being discussed at the highest level. Why then, under such

conditions, would they not continue to talk about the privileged relations

between Belgium and Zaire for a long time to come?

8463 _ END

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