J J i u

JPRS-SSA-87-039

24 APRIL 1987

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

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SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

JPRS-SSA-87-039

24 APRIL 1987

CONTENTS

BENIN

Cooperation Agreements Signed With Mauritania

(Cotonou Domestic Service, 31 Mar 87)

GHANA

Military 'Exercise Full Impact' Ends

(Accra Domestic Service, 29 Mar 87)

Radio Commentary Hails Planned Stock Exchange

(Walter Dzokoto; Accra Domestic Service, 29 Mar 87)

LIBERIA

Monrovia Teachers Situation Updated

(BBC World Service, 27, 30 Mar 87; Radio ELWA, 27 Mar 87

Vow Strike Over Back Pay

Reportedly To Be Paid 'Next Week'

Refuse To Return to Classes ,

Agreement Signed To Strengthen Banking System

(Radio ELWA, 31 Mar 87)

Briefs

Ministers Dismissed for Embezzlement

MOZAMBIQUE

Prime Minister Leaves for Geneva Aid Conference

(Maputo Domestic Service, 31 Mar, 4 Apr 87; PANA,

1 Apr 87) .,

Appeals for Aid at Talks

Cites RSA Military, Economic Aggression

- a -

5

6

6

9

9
Returns Home 10

Views Geneva Meeting in Lisbon Stopover 10

Niassa Province Receives Military, Economic Aid

(Maputo Domestic Service, 2 Apr 87) 12

NOTICIAS Urges Hard Work To Aid Recovery

(Maputo Domestic Service, 2 Apr 87) 13

Armed Forces Kill 23 'Bandits' in Zambezia

(Maputo in English to Southern Africa, 3 Apr 87) 14

Briefs

Health Cooperation Accord With GDR 15

NAMIBIA

SWAPO Says Republic of South Africa Plans UDI

(PANA, 26 Mar 87) 16

Organizations React to UN Recommendation

(Johannesburg Domestic Service, 4 Apr 87) 17

SWATF Announces 'Sharp Increase' in SWAPO Deaths

(SAPA, 2 Apr 87) 18

NPP 435 Group Backs UN Independence Plan

(SAPA, 2 Apr 87) 19

NIGERIA

Radio on Africa as Foreign Policy Focus

(Lagos International Service, 3 Apr 87) 20

New Auction System Used in SFEM Bidding

(Lagos Domestic Service, 2 Apr 87) 22

Briefs

Cultural Agreement With Tanzania 23

SAO TOME AND PRINCIPE

Briefs

Cooperation With Portugal 24

UGANDA

Raiding Continues Among Karimojong

(AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL, 18 Mar 87) 25

Trade Increasingly Routed Through Kisumu

(THE ETHIOPIAN HERALD, 14 Mar 87) 28

- b -
Briefs

Manpower Survey Launched 30

ZIMBABWE

FINANCIAL GAZETTE Demands Apology From Minister

(Editorial; THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE, 20 Mar 87) 31

Briefs

Zimbabwe Government Introduces Resettlement Policy 33

Warning of Foreign Currency Shortage 33

Beira Corridor Chairman on Security 33

SOUTH AFRICA

AFRIKANER/GOVERNMENT

ARMSCOR Chief on Alleged Israeli Weapons Link

(Piet Marais Interview; Johannesburg Television Service,

30 Mar 87 ) 34

Botha Stresses ANC's Refusal to Negotiate

(SAPA, 30 Mar 87) 36

Pik Botha on Namibia, Arms Deals, Land Sales

(Pik Botha Interview; Johannesburg Television Service,

2 Apr 87) 37

Minister Proposes New Indaba To Accommodate Buthelezi

(SAPA, 25 Mar 87) 39

Transport Minister Comments on SATS Strike

(SAPA, 2 Apr 87) 41

Heunis Says Change in Social Welfare

(SAPA, 3 Apr 87) 42

Former RAPPORT Editor on Afrikaner Journalism

(SAPA, 3 Apr 87) 44

Air Force's Long-Term Modernization Requirements Analyzed

(Helmoed-Romer Heitman; ARMED FORCES, Mar 87) 46

Briefs

Document Said To Discredit SADF 54

Malan Says Security Above Politics 54

Cubans Prevent Namibian Elections 54

c -
BLACKS

Author Analyses Necklace Phenomenon

(Wessel Ebersohn; LEADERSHIP, No 1, 1987) 55

First Stage of Old Crossroads Upgrading Begins

(Diane Cassere; CAPE TIMES, 12 Mar 87) 61

Philosophy, Influence of Black Consciousness Movement Reviewed

(AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL, 4 Feb 87) 62

Briefs

Sabta Criticizes Transport Deregulation 66

Mbeki Tipped as Next ANC Leader 66

SOCIOPOLITICAL/OTHER

Academic Terms Idea of Black City-States 'Ludicrous'

(Lester Venter; SUNDAY TIMES, 29 Mar 87) 67

Survey Finds Whites Favor Group Areas Act Repeal

(Colleen Ryan; THE STAR, 27 Mar 87) 69

Independents Deny Overseas Campaign Contributions

(SAPA, 28 Mar 87) 71

Natal/KwaZulu's Proposed Constitution Linked to Nation's Future

(Desmond Clarence; LEADERSHIP, No 1, 1987) 73

Non-Revolutionary Strategy Proposed To Steadily Unravel Apartheid

(Jonn Kane-Berman; LEADERSHIP, No 1, 1987) 77

Commentary Emphasizes Weapons Self-Sufficiency

(Johannesburg Domestic Service, 1 Apr 87) 82

Commentary Notes Readiness To Cooperate With Neighbors

(Johannesburg International Service, 28 Mar 87) 84

Commentary Views Savimbi's Offer to Open Benguela

(Johannesburg International Service, 30 Mar 87) 85

Commentary Notes Communist Domination of ANC

(Johannesburg International Service, 27 Mar 87) 86

Briefs

Stellenbosch Academics Support Dissidents 87

ECONOMIC

Belgian Firm Reportedly Evading Arms Sanctions

(THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER, 14 Mar 87) 88

d -
/7310

Business Leader Discusses Role of Business in Politics, Media

(Gordon Waddell Interview; LEADERSHIP, No 1, 1987) 89

Urban Foundation Director Discusses Role of Business in Reform

(Jan Steyn Interview; A WAY OF LIFE: A LEADERSHIP

CORPORATE PUBLICATION, Mar 87) 93

Western Cape Property Being Bought by Foreign Investors

(THE ARGUS, 5 Mar 87) 97

Lesotho Highlands Water Projects Work To Start

(Gerald Reilly; BUSINESS DAY, 23 Mar 87) 98

Unemployment in Port Elizabeth Reaching 'Alarming Proportions'

(THE CITIZEN, 23 Mar 87) "

Real GDP Rises Marginally Due to Improved Agriculture

(Gerald Reilly; BUSINESS DAY, 25 Mar 87) 100

Huge Farmers Debt Due to Extravagance

(Mick Collins; BUSINESS DAY, 25 Mar 87) 101

Property Market Gets Boost From New Sanctions-Busting Groups

(BUSINESS DAY, 24 Mar 87) 102

Granite Producing Company Assures High Demand

(Teigue Payne; THE STAR, 25 Mar 87) 103

Briefs

Gross Farming Income Rises 104

U.S. Insurer Buy-0ut 1°4

Sanctions Hit Natal Coal Mine 104

- e -
BENIN

COOPERATION AGREEMENTS SIGNED WITH MAURITANIA

AB011622 Cotonou Domestic Service in French 1930 GMT 31 Mar 87

[Text] This afternoon, Beninese and Mauritanian officials held talks at the

Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation. Comrade Guy Landry Hazoume, the

minister of foreign affairs, and Mohamed Lemine Ould N'Diayane, his

Mauritanian counterparty, signed two agreements on cooperation.

The first document was related to a cooperation agreement in technical,

economic, social, and cultural fields between the People's Republic of Benin

and the Islamic Republic of Mauritania.

As you can see, it is a global agreement which provides for a multifarious

cooperation. This multifarious cooperation is detailed in a document that was

signed to set up a joint commission for cooperation between Mauritania and

Benin.

The joint commission will meet every 2 years in ordinary sessions alternately

in Benin and in Mauritania and in extraordinary sessions upon the request of

one of the signatory parties and with the consent of the other.

It is therefore through the signing of these documents on cooperation that

the Beninese and Mauritanian ministers for foreign affairs and cooperation

committed their two countries to implement a policy for a more active and more

efficient cooperation.

/9599

CSO: 3400/480
GHANA

MILITARY 'EXERCISE FULL IMPACT' ENDS

AB291029 Accra Domestic Service in English 0600 GMT 29 Mar 87

[Text] The 10-day military operation codenamed "Exercise Full Impact" has

ended at the Akyease Jungle Warfare Training School. The exercise, which

involved 18 officers and 420 men, was carried out in two phases. It was aimed

at strengthening the troops in physical endurance, combat techniques, tactical

maneuvers and navigational and communication capabilities. The force

commander, Major General Arnold Quainoo and Brigadier Mensah-woode, both

members of the PNDC, were at the closing ceremony. Others included infantry

and service commanders.

The acting officer commanding the Akyease Jungle Warfare Training School,

Major David Quarshie, briefed the top military officers about the conduct of

the exercise. In the interservice formation competition, some of the units

undertook exercises in target observation, (?discharging) distance and fire

control orders. Exercises were also held to show how fractures and snakebites

could be treated at the battlefront. The units also demonstrated their

ability to use radio communication to locate the position of missing

compatriots during combat. Brig Mensah-woode, Commodore Ohene Kwapong, and

the deputy commandant of the Staff College, Colonel D. P. C. de Morgan

presented prizes to winning units.

In his closing address, the chief of naval staff, Commodore Ben Ohene Kwapong,

said "Exercise Full Impact" was designed to enable military commanders to

assess individual and group performances with a view to distilling team spirit

and discipline among them. He admitted that economic and logistic constraints

are posing problems to military exercise, however, he assured the troops of

the efforts being made by the government to arrest the situation.

/9599

CSO: 3400/479
GHANA

RADIO COMMENTARY HAILS PLANNED STOCK EXCHANGE

AB291750 Accra Domestic Service in English 1300 GMT 29 Mar 87

[Commentary by Walter Dzokoto]

[Text] At long last, Ghana is to have a stock exchange. Plans for its

establishment started as far back as 1961 when Section 280 of the companies'

code, Act 179, laid down the mode of establishing the exchange. Since then a

number of committees have been set up to examine the viability or otherwise of

the stock exchange and make recommendations.

In this connection, government delegations visited a number of countries with

stock markets to study their systems and mode of operations. This was also to

help in formulating appropriate rules and regulations for the proposed Accra

stock exchange. But all these preparations have had to be stopped because of

political and economic reasons. With the launching of the economic recovery

program, however, the need to mobilize all domestic capital has become more

urgent than before. It is common knowledge that about 60 percent of the

country's domestic savings is outside the banking system. Savings

mobilization for development and expansion of industries is thus placed in

serious jeopardy. And considering the fact that external grants and loans are

now difficult to come by, one cannot continue relying on external resources

for any meaningful growth and development. ^

It is against this background that the idea of the establishment of a stock

exchange is being welcomed. It will be a big relief to industrialists who are

seeking funds to develop and expand their businesses. Further, it will create

a market for the exchange of shares and other securities. It will also

encourage people to invest in shares and make share certificates acceptable as"

security for loans. The practice of directors or chief executives parading

the corridors of commercial banks in search of funds would be brought to an

end because, with the necessary government guarantee on stocks and their

eventual floating, adequate funds can be raised to carry out the viable

projects.

A word of caution is worth sounding here to ensure that the proposed market is

not [word indistinct] to stagnation. The interest of the general public,

especially business and farming communities, has to be aroused to effectively

participate in the markets.
Because most shares and stockholders seem to be somewhat satisfied with the

current returns on their investments, they will therefore be hesitant to risk

their bonds and other securities into a new venture without the assurance of

safety and continuity. It is, accordingly, expected that the proposed Accra

stock exchange would be devoid of undue government intervention and stock and

shares would be adequately made available through brokers to ensure a smooth,

efficient and with free operations of the markets, [sentence as heard] When

these and other equally important measures are given due consideration, the

nation will not only make some capital gains, but will release enormous

capital for further investment to accelerate the industrial develpoment of the

country and expand employment opportunities.

/9599

CSO: 3400/479
LIBERIA

MONROVIA TEACHERS SITUATION UPDATED

Vow Strike Over Back Pay

AB271748 London BBC World Service in English 1615 GMT 27 Mar 87

[From the "Focus on Africa" program]

[Text] For the past year, Liberia's teachers and students in the state

schools have been getting more and more militant. The teachers in particular

are demanding a number of changes in the way schools are being run and the

payment of substantial salary arrears. They have been on strike and in spite

of threats of tough action by^ the authorities, they have dug in their heels

and have said they'll stay away^from classes until their demands are met.

From Monrovia Isaac Bantu cabled this report.

[Begin recording] At an emergency meeting held yesterday at the G. W. Gibson

Junior High School campus in Monrovia, the teachers, who are members of the

MCSS [Monrovia Consolidated School System] Teachers Association, resolved to

remain absolute in their stance until all of their problems are satisfactorily

addressed. They vowed that: No radio or newspaper pronouncement by anyone

will carry us back to classes. The teachers are demanding among other things

the payment of 2 months salary arrears, improved teaching facilities, and

incentives for students. They also demand that due to growing overcrowing at

the Monrovia Central High School, the school be relocated from its present

building to J. F. K. Maternity Center. The statement also warned government

of the potential reoccurrence of another 18 March type of student uprising if

nothing is done to reopen schools this year.

Similar demands, including one to government to meet salary arrears, led to a

nationwide teachers stike last year. As a result, students throughout the

country staged a nationwide demonstration in support of teachers.

The vice president of the National Teachers Association of Liberia, Moses Ba,

told me that even though the MCSS Teachers Association was suspended 2 months

ago from the national association for not meeting its obligations, they are

doing everything possible to bring the situation under control, otherwise it

would spread throughout the country. A meeting is scheduled to be held with

the MCSS Teachers Association this afternoon at the headquarters of the

National Teachers Association head offices. [end recording]
Reportedly To Be Paid 'Next Week1

AB272200 Monrovia Radio ELWA in English 2000 GMT 27 Mar 87

[Text] According to a release issued tonight by the National Teachers'

Association of Liberia, NTAL, the organization has reportedly been informed

that the disbursement of January checks will begin next week. The release

quotes the executive committee of the association as saying, while

negotiations are going on with Education Ministry officials for suitable

conditions of service, all teachers are requested to continue normal duties.

Refuse to Return to Classes

AB310747 London BBC World Service in English 1709 GMT 30 Mar 87

[From the "Focus on Africa" program]

[Text] Today is the day the teachers in Monrovia were supposed to go back to

classes. They work in the Monrovia Consolidated School System, MCSS. Last

week, the teachers said they were not picking up their chalk again until

arrears of pay have been dealt with and other demands met. The minister of

education appealed to them to return and some concessions were made but it

seems they did not go far enough. From Monrovia, Isaac Bantu cabled this

report.

[Begin recording] Teachers in Monrovia today ignored the minister of

education's appeal. They have not gone back to school and maintained they

would not until their January and February salaries have been paid in full.

This decision was taken by the MCSS Teachers' Association at a meeting over

the weekend. The teachers have been demanding, among other things, a new

building for the Monrovia Central High School, improved teaching materials,

(?halfway) transport, and of course, payment of salary arrears.

At the weekend meeting, the chairman of the Teachers' Association, Mr (Kessely

Baniaba), told the hundreds of teachers who were there that some progress had

been made in talks with the education minister. Apparently, the minister of

education assured the teachers that a new building for the Monrovia Central

High School would be constructed shortly and that steps would be taken to

provide better teaching materials. On the issue of salaries, he said that the

ministry would start paying January salaries as from today and he urged the

teachers to return to classes.

But the teachers rejected their minister's appeal, claiming that they had been

deceived in the past with similar diplomacy and insisted that the 2 months'

salary arrears should be paid immediately, [end recording]

/9599

CSO: 3400/475
LIBERIA

AGREEMENT SIGNED TO STRENGTHEN BANKING SYSTEM

AB312256 Monrovia Radio ELWA in English 2000 GMT 31 Mar 87

[Text] A memorandum of understanding to restore confidence in the Liberian

banking system has been signed between the government and commercial banks in

the country. Outgoing Finance Minister Robert Tubman and former National Bank

of Liberia, NBL, Governor John Bestman signed on behalf of the Liberian

Government, while the heads of the various commercial banks in the country

signed on behalf of their institutions. Under the agreement, the Interbank

Clearing House Arrangement will be revived to facilitate greater use of checks

by deposit holders and the flow of currency into the banking system in the

country.

The agreement also called for the drawing down on the excess reserves of the

banks with the National Bank so as to liquidate them within a specific period.

Under the agreement, the indebtedness of government to the NBL will be reduced

in accordance with the schedule of repayments. According to the agreement,

government will allocate $8 million in local currency beginning this fiscal

year to the banks to reduce the excess balances of the banks with the NBL.

The government will also repay outstanding domestic loans and those

nonsyndicated [word indistinct] loans not covered by the London Club that

certain banks may elect to have repaid in Liberian currency.

The government will make budgetary allocations to reduce the outstanding

balance of their medium-term loans to the NBL by transferring to the NBL every

month, beginning this July, an amount of up to $500 million [sum as heard] in

Liberian currency.

/9599

CSO: 3400/476
LIBERIA

BRIEFS

MINISTERS DISMISSED FOR EMBEZZLEMENT—Two deputy ministers have been fired

from the Ministry of Internal Affairs by President Samuel Kanyon Doe for

embezzlement. They are deputy minister of administration, John Temba, and

deputy minister for operations, Vanny Homes. LINA [Liberian National News

Agency] quoted an Executive Mansion press release as saying that the men were

relieved as a result of an investigation which revealed that the two were

involved in the embezzlement of nearly a quarter of a million dollars of

government funds. Mr Homes and Mr Temba have meanwhile been turned over to

the Justice Ministry for prosecution. [Text] [Monrovia Radio ELWA in English

1200 GMT 5 Apr 87] /9599

CSO: 3400/476
MOZAMBIQUE

PRIME MINISTER LEAVES FOR GENEVA AID CONFERENCE

Appeals for Aid at Talks

MB311653 Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1400 GMT 31 Mar 87

[Text] Mozambican Prime Minister Mario Machungo has expressed his belief

that the delegations attending the international donor conference being held

in Geneva will know how to respond to the appeal made by the UN Secretary

General aimed at supporting our country in view of drought and the criminal

actions by the armed bandits. Addressing the opening session of the Geneva

conference, Mario Machungo gave an account of the situation in Mozambique

since the launching of the Rhodesian aggression up to the terrorist war

which is being waged against us by the South African regime through the

armed bandits, including the grave effects of the drought. Prime Minister

Machungo then remarked that over 4,5 million people need Immediate aid

either because they have lost all their property and abandoned their residential areas due to armed bandit action, or because they (?lack water) as

a result of the drought afflicting the country over the past few years.

In order to cope with this situation, the Mozambican Government once again

appeals to the international community to provide material aid, said the prime

minister. In his speech, which was delivered in English Mario Machungo added

that the emergency aid program to Mozambique comes at a time when our

government has embarked on an economic rehabilitation program which, he

stressed, is designed to stop the decline in economic activity and to reactivate production, as well as to correct financial imbalances.

Cites RSA Military, Economic Aggression

MB0120Q7 Dakar PANA in English 1630 GMT 1 Apr 87

[Text] Geneva, 1 Apr (AIM^PANA)^-Mozambican Prime Minister Mario Machungo has

refuted suggestions that the conflict in Mozambique can be described as a civil

war.

Speaking in an interview in Geneva with Suisse Romande television, Mr

Machungo said) We do not have a civil war in Mozambique. What we have is a

situation of destabilization and aggression waged by the South African racist

regime.
The prime minister also spoke of Mozambique's military cooperation with

Zimbabwe and Tanzania, the purpose of which, he said, was to defend

Mozambican sovereignty and to ensure peace and stability in the region.

Hachungo pointed out that South Africa's aggression against Mozambique also

took economic forms. South Africa, he said, has imposed economic sanctions

against Mozambique in the fields of labour and rail transport.

South African sanctions began shortly after Mozambique's independence in 1975,

he continued. At that time there were about 120,000 Mozambican migrant workers on the South African gold and coal mines. That number has been cut back

by Pretoria to about 60,000, and is set to be halved again, to 30,000, he

said.

Machungo also pointed to the sharp decline in South African use of the Port

of Maputo, Before independence more than six million tonnes of South African

traffic was handled by the port per year. The figure has now fallen to less

than one million tonnes.

South Africa is not interested in promoting cooperation. Instead, it clung

to the hope of creating a constellation of states that would be obedient to

its will, he said.

Machungo headed the Mozambican delegation to Tuesday's donors conference in

Geneva, called by United Nations Secretary General Javier Perez de Cuellar,

to mobilise emergency assistance for Mozambique, Aid totalling 207 million

U.S. dollars was pledged at the conference.

Returns Home

MB040602 Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 0500 GMT 4 Apr 87

[Text] Mario Machungo, head of the Mozambican Government, returned home

today from Geneva where he had participated in the international conference

for humanitarian assistance to Mozambique. Aid for Mozambique totalling over

$200 million was announced at the conference. The assistance from different

countries and organizations includes foodstuffs, logistics, supply of production materials, and medicine.

Views Geneva Meeting in Lisbon Stopover

MB041258 Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1030 GMT 4 Apr 87

[Excerpt] Prime Minister Mario Machungo returned home this morning. Speaking to newsmen yesterday during a brief stopover in Lisbon, Mario Machungo

noted that it was in Malawi's interest to ensure security along the common

border with Mozambique to guarantee the normal operation of Nacala railroad

through which that country has access to the sea. Machungo was answering a

question from Portuguese newsmen on whether Malawi had sent military forces

to Mozambique,

10
On the results obtained at the Geneva meeting, the prime minister expressed

his satisfaction and thanked the Portuguese people and government for what he

described as the positive response in Switzerland to the appeal for emergency

aid to Mozambique. The prime minister described our country's economic situation as grave, but pointed out that we are optimistic about the Implementation of the economic rehabilitation program. He also said that Mozambique

was expecting to receive replies from the IMF and the World Bank soon on financial assistance to Mozambique, During his stopover in Lisbon, Mario

Machungo was welcomed by Azevedo Soares, Portuguese secretary for foreign

affairs and cooperation, who represented Cavato Silva, whose government was

brought down yesterday,

/9274

CSO: 3400/482

11
MOZAMBIQUE

NIASSA PROVINCE RECEIVES MILITARY, ECONOMIC AID

MB022040 Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1730 GMT 2 Apr 87

[Text] In September 1986 the huge and fertile Niassa Province in northern

Mozambique was declared an emergency area due to the growing shortage of

foodstuffs and basic ommodlties, which has already caused a number of

deaths. Over 443,000 people now need aid. The present shortages are felt

particularly in Majune, Mecanhelas, Mandimba, Cuamba, Mecula, and (Ngauma)

districts, and in Lichinga city itself.

The successive rains that fell in Niassa in late 1985 and early 1986 and a

considerable restriction in the use of communication routes and means of

transportation are among the factors that contribute to this state of affairs. However, the main reason for the famine currently afflicting Niassa

is armed bandit action, which has forced the local residents to move continuously. Thus, they are left with no chance of engaging in agricultural activities. About half of Niassa's population is permamently on the move, and agricultural activity by the family sector has virtually come to a halt.

As if this was not enough, the armed bandits have done their best to prevent

the supply of emergency aid to the needy. As in other parts of Mozambique,

in Niassa Province the armed bandits have sabotaged communication routesroads and railroads—with the aim of isolating the province from the rest of

the country. Therefore, large quantities of goods for Niassa have been

stranded for a long time at the ports of Nacala in Nampula Province, and

Pemba in Cabo Delgado Province. It is through these ports that Niassa receives soap, salt, medicine, and clothing, fuel and fertilizers.

In addition to the military operations by the Mozambique Armed Forces, the

relevant organs have been doing all they can to ensure assistance to the

needy. Important airlift operations have been carried out and will continue

to take place to supply goods and medicine to Niassa; a fertile province,

which, under normal conditions, exports surplus produce to other provinces

of Mozambique. But today it is plagued by famine due to armed bandit action.

Aware of the improvement in the security situation, the agricultural department in Niassa Province has been taking action to supply seeds to all interested farmers. Although planting is still far off, the agriculture department

is already busy, because it wants to avoid delays. Once the security situation

has stabilized, Niassa, a province of fertile valleys and plateaus, will once

again feed itself and export to other provinces of Mozambique.

/9274

CSOi 3400/482 12
MOZAMBIQUE

NOTICIAS URGES HARD WORK TO AID RECOVERY

MB022022 Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1730 GMT 2 Apr 87

[Text] We are all aware of the great demands imposed upon each one of us by

the economic rehabilitation program [PRE] in the present phase of our history.

The application of this program demands a great deal of effort and hardship,

particularly in the battle for production. This is the beginning of today's

NOTICIAS newspaper editorial: Time To Sow, Rather Than To Reap.

The commentator then says that now is not the time to reap the benefits, but

to create, with our effort and knowledge, the conditions that will gradually

permit an improvement in our standard of living. One must not expect immediate results, much less spectacular ones in a society like ours, which is

profoundly tormented by natural disasters and the war of aggression of which

our young nation has been victim.

The editorial adds that one must not dream of overnight abundance at a time

when our factories and farms do not even produce enough to pay the salaries

of their workers.

The NOTICIAS editorial continues by stating that a change in the material

conditions of our lives will only come about after a change in our approach

to the work that one does or should do. We must realize that the country is

experiencing a very serious economic crisis and that we will come out victorious if we accept the hardships demanded by the PRE.

Finally, the editorial says that there will not be the longed for abundance

as long as hard work is not part of our way of life. Only serious and unselfish work by all will bring about comfort and progress. We will then be

proud of having taken part in the building of our own future.

/9274

CSO: 3400/482

13
MOZAMBIQUE

ARMED FORCES KILL 23 »BANDITS' IN ZAMBEZIA

MB031935 Maputo in English to Southern Africa 1800 GMT 3 Apr 87

[Text] The Mozambiean armed forces killed 23 bandits of the South Africanbacked MNR in two clashes in the central province of Zambezia in late March

and early April, This brings to 373 the number of bandits killed in

Zambezia since November last year. According to a military spokesman,

on the morning of t29 March, Mozambiean units clashed with a bandit gang

in a region known as (Sezero) in Morrumbala District, They killed 19 of

the bandits and a spokesman said that 3 of them were white. On Thursday,

a bandit group which tried to infiltrate the locality of Micaune in the

coastal district of Chinde was repulsed and suffered six losses. In operations on Wednesday and Thursday, the armed forces rescued 5,500 people

from bandit control. Some 3,200 of these are now on the banks of the river

(Lingue) in Inhassunge District near the provincial capital, Quelimane,

According to a military source there are still many people living in the

bush at the risk of death from starvation.

/9274

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14
MOZAMBIQUE

BRIEFS

HEALTH COOPERATION ACCORD WITH GDR--Under the terms of an accord just signed

between Mozambique and the GDR, 10 doctors will be contracted to work in the

Chimoio and Tete hospitals, the areas where Mozambique-GDR health cooperation

is concentrated. The accord also provides for free assistance to Mozambican

patients whose ailments cannot be treated in Mozambique. The GDR will also

give study bursaries in the field of maintaining medical equipment. Delegation exchanges with the aim of exchanging views and publications are also

expected. The accord was signed by Mozambican Health Minister Fernando Vaz

and the GDR deputy minister for public health, who has been in Mozambique

for a week, [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1030 GMT 1 Apr

87 MB] /9274

CSO: 3400/482

15
NAMIBIA

SWAPO SAYS REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA PLANS UDI

MB260942 Dakar PANA in English 0837 GMT 26 Mar 87

[Text] Lusaka, 26 Mar [PANA]—The South West Africa People's Organisation

(SWAPO) assistant secretary general for information, Kandidima Nehova, has

said the Pretoria regime is planning for a Unilateral Declaration of

Independence (UDI) in Namibia.

Early this month the racist regime through its Namibian administrator-general,

Louis Pienaar, directed the so-called interim government to expand their

bases.

In an exclusive interview with PANA, Nehova said by expanding bases the socalled interim government wants to co-opt in Peter Kalangula who is the head

of Ovambo bantustan and Justus Joroeb the head for the Davuy bantustan to

create an impression that all people of Namibia were represented in interim

government.

The SWAPO spokesman said the Boers were desperately creating bantustans to put

puppets together in order to oppose SWAPO adding that SWAPO's strategy was to

politicise people of Namibia to reject neo-colonial plans of interim

government.

He called on the people of Namibia, regardless of colour to rally behind SWAPO

which is the main force of struggle toward a free Namibia.

He said SWAPO will not relent in efforts to mobilise the international

community to support it by giving it correct material assistance and by

applying sanctions against the apartheid regime in Pretoria.

/9599

CSO: 3400/478

16
NAMIBIA

ORGANIZATIONS REACT TO UN RECOMMENDATION

MB040652 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 4 Apr 87

[Text] All the internal parties in Southwest Africa have reacted to the

recommendation by the United Nations secretary general, Dr Perez de Cuellar,

that the territory be placed under UN transitional administration this year.

The SWAPO Democrats say that while the endeavors of the world body to achieve

independence for Southwest Africa are welcomed, it cannot be accepted that an

election under the control of and under the conditions stipulated by the

United Nations will not be fair and free. The SWAPO Democrats also question

the impartiality of the UN because it still recognizes SWAPO as the only true

representative of the people of Southwest Africa.

The Southwest African National Union faction of Mr (Kuziko Kangoyike) has

welcomed the recommendation by Dr De Cuellar, saying that it could end the

deadlock over independence.

The Study Group for Peace and Contact in Windhoek has reaffirmed its

standpoint that the UN Security Council Resolution 435 should be implemented

as soon as possible. The chairman of the group, Mr (Brian Olin), said that

his group was prepared to talk to any party about the implementation of the

resolution.

/9599

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17
NAMIBIA

SWATF ANNOUNCES 'SHARP INCREASE' IN SWAPO DEATHS

MB021606 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1553 GMT 2 Apr 87

[Text] Windhoek, 2 Apr (SAPA)—South African-led security forces in northern

SWA/Namibia killed 51 SWAPO insurgents in the last 15 days, bringing to 402

the number of insurgents killed to date this year, a spokesman for the SWA

Territory Force said in Windhoek today. The figure "represents a sharp

increase compared to last year when a total of 198 terrorists were eliminated

in the first quarter of the year," the spokesman said. "A total of 221

terrorists were killed in the same period in 1985."

The spokesman said the rise in the number of SWAPO losses was attributed to an

effort by SWAPO's armed wing, PLAN, to engage in more actions to promote

SWAPO's international image, which had been badly damaged by the security

forces sustained successes.

A considerable percentage of SWAPO's fatalities were suffered in southern

Angola in preemptive strikes by the security forces from SWA/Namibia, the

spokesman said.

Losses suffered by the security forces were considered to be on a "normal"

level for the wet season infiltration by PLAN.

The effective combating of insurgency emerged clearly from the attempt this

week by a special unit of PLAN, the People's Liberation Army of Namibia, to

penetrate the farming area south of the "red line" which separates the

northern commercial farming areas from the Ovambo communal land. "PLAN

attempts through this action to overcome the wide publicity given last year to

the special unit's absence from the operational area."

"A characteristic of this year's infiltration effort by SWAPO is increased

intimidation of headmen through stand-off bomardments on their kraals," the

spokesman said.

A group of three insurgents killed three bushmen, assaulted two others and

wounded a bushman about 25 km northwest of Omauni in northern SWA/Namibia on

Monday night.

"The terrorists were still using the defence shield of FAPLA (the Angolan

Government Army) by fleeing back into Angola after they have committed their

deeds of terror," the statement said.

/9599

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18
NAMIBIA

NPP 435 GROUP BACKS UN INDEPENDENCE PLAN

MB021620 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1402 GMT 2 Apr 87

[Text] Windhoek, 2 Apr (SAPA)—Peace and national reconciliation in

SWA/Namibia was not possible outside the framework of United Nations Security

Council Resolution 435 concerning the territory's independence, the Namibia

Peace Plan Study and Contact Group (NPP 435) said in Windhoek today.

The group said in a statement that reconciliation in SWA/Namibia was not

possible by South Africa's appointment of the transitional government "in

defiance and contempt of Namibians, international opinion and the negotiated

peace plan known as Resolution 435 of 1978."

The SWA/Namibian transitional government was seemingly in connivance with

South Africa to conscript "Namibians to kill and maim each other on the

battlefields" in an attempt to defeat SWAPO militarily.

"Even if SWAPO is defeated on the battlefields, that will not lead to a just,

honourable and lasting peace and true reconciliation," the statement said.

"This should be remembered by those waiting in the wings to take SWAPO's place

once South Africa has made the kill."

The NPP 435 was formed last year under the chairmanship of a senior Windhoek

lawyer, Mr Bryan 01inn.

The statement said the administrator-general, Mr Louis Pienaar, and

representatives of the transitional government actively discouraged

SWA/Namibians from meeting, discussing and negotiating with the SWAPO

leadership.

Their "hate campaign" against SWAPO could not succeed if people from

SWA/Namibia defied the wishes of the government representatives, the statement

said.

"As in the case of the cry by the South African and the interim government for

peaceful negotiation, the actions of representatives of these governments

demonstrate that their commitment to peaceful negotiation and reconciliation

is superficial and insincere.

"Our NPP 435 group is committed to contact, discussion and negotiation with

any party and group, including parties participating in the interim

government" provided that such contact was aimed at implementation of UN

Resolution 435.

/9599

CSO: 3400/478

19
NIGERIA

RADIO ON AFRICA AS FOREIGN POLICY FOCUS

AB031629 Lagos International Service in English 0950 GMT 3 Apr 87

["Viewpoint"]

[Text] The minister of external affairs has briefed diplomats in Nigeria on

the outcome of the meeting of the Lagos forum. Viewpoint asserts that despite

the initiative for the formulation of the new forum, Africa still remains the

centerpiece of Nigeria's foreign policy.

A consultative meeting of senior Foreign Ministry officials from 16 countries

from Africa, Asia, Europe, and Latin America was held in Lagos the middle of

last month. The main objective of that gathering was to explore Nigeria's

idea of a concert of medium powers in all its ramifications in the interest of

fostering greater international dialogue and cooperation. It is very

('imperative) to explain the reasons why Nigeria hosted such a meeting, in

order to clear any misunderstanding which might arise about its objective.

In the first place, the Nigerian initiative on the concert of medium powers is

motivated by the deep concern at the lack of progress in the resolution of

pressing global economic and political issues. What [words indistinct] is the

deteriorating environment from which [words indistinct] multilateral cooperation and action had been largely ('permeated) and paralyzed, even as many of

the major problems of our times have been coming to a head. For example, the

rule today is marked unwillingness by states to adhere to many of the rules,

principles, and objectives which were negotiated in the early post-war years

to regulate international interaction and behavior. Instead, new rules are

being given by member states of the international system for the inability to

work for genuine solutions to such burning global issues as the continuing

arms race, militarization of outer space, apartheid in South Africa, and a

host of others. These tendencies have brought the marginalization of the

small and medium powers in world affairs. They generated new (?fears) and

uncertainties in international relations. Last year, they had ('implored) the

ability of multilateral institutions, and in particular the United Nations, to

resolve pressing global problems and crisis situations. [Words indistinct]

statement on the conduct of international relations had created gaps in the

systems which would now necessitate the building of bridges through

reinvigoration of a collective effort. This is why Nigeria has sought to

explore, with a number of countries, the concert of medium powers as a new

20
approach designed to restore confidence in the international peace process

and to complement ongoing efforts at international cooperation.

Besides, it should be made very clear that the new initiative does not

represent any change in Nigeria's foreign policy. Africa still remains the

centerpiece of the nation's foreign policy. Not only that, Nigeria's

membership of the OPEC, the Commonwealth, or the Nonaligned [Movement] still

remains unaffected. In addition, the Lagos forum was not intended to

challenge or duplicate the Nonaligned Movement in particular.

The Nonaligned Movement is a southern organization, while the concert of

medium powers overlaps south (?forum).

One third of the countries which attended the Lagos meeting do not belong to

the Nonaligned Movement. While Nigeria believes in the solidarity of Third

World, we also recognize that diplomacy and concrete resolution do not depend

on preaching exclusively to the converted. This is why Nigeria believes that

what we need for a forum [words indistinct] a bridge between the north and

south.

/9599

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21
NIGERIA

NEW AUCTION SYSTEM USED IN SFEM BIDDING

AB022155 Lagos Domestic Service in English 1500 GMT 2 Apr 87

[Text] The (dutch) auction system was used today by the Central Bank to sell

foreign exchange to dealers on the Second-Tier Foreign Exchange Market [SFEM].

Under the system, dealers are made to buy their foreign exchange at rates

quoted by them regardless of the marginal rate arrived at. The system was

adopted after the 23d bidding session 2 weeks ago. The Central Bank hoped

that it would help to check excessively high bidding by dealers, thereby

enhancing the establishment of the true value of the naira.

It was believed that under the previous system, banks quoted unreasonably high

just to succeed in knowing that at the end of the session they would buy at a

low rate. Eighty million dollars was offered for sale today, and our

correspondent gathered that the naira appreciated against the U.S. dollar by

about 30 kobo compared with the exchange rate of 4 naira to the dollar arrived

at during the 23d bidding 2 weeks ago. This means that the dollar will

exchange for naira 70 kobo. Forty-four banks participated and 34 were

successful. There were no disqualifications. The next session will be held

on the 16th of this month.

Journalists were barred from witnessing the bidding today for the first time

since the commencement of SFEM last year.

/9599

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22
NIGERIA

BRIEFS

CULTURAL AGREEMENT WITH TANZANIA—Lagos—Nigeria and Tanzania have signed an

agreement to promote cultural cooperation between the two countries. The

agreement will make possible an exchange of visits by newsmen, scholarships

and sports visits. Swahili teachers will be able to visit Nigeria. The

agreement was signed in Lagos by Ndugu Fatuma Said Ali, minister for community

development, culture, youth and sports, and Mr Tony Momoh, Nigerian minister

for information and culture. [Text] [Har es Salaam Domestic Service in

Swahili 1900 GMT 26 Mar 87 EA] /9599

CSO: 3400/477 ^

23
SAO TOME AND PRINCIPE

BRIEFS

COOPERATION WITH PORTUGAL—Portuguese Labor Minister Mira Amaral signed a

cooperation agreement yesterday in Sao Tome involving 15 million contos. Mira

Amaral has been in Sao Tome since Saturday at the invitation of his Sao Tomean

counterpart, Celestiho-Costa. Yesterday the Portuguese minister was received

by President Manuel Pinto da Costa. The agreement signed by the labor

minister and the Sao Tomean authorities covers labor, employment, professional

training, and social security. The money is for the purchase of equipment.

[Text] [Lisbon International Service in Portuguese 0600 GMT 31 Mar 87 LD]

/9599

CSO: 3400/469

24
UGANDA

RAIDING CONTINUES AMONG KARIMOJONG

London AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL in English 18 Mar 87 p 7

1 J Among the government's many problems.is,cattleraiding by Karimojong p'^storalists in the north-east

and by the free-booters who infest the region. The

main victims of the raids, in Lango and Teso, are

in fear of what one.yictim terms 'these human

locusts', whose raids have reached unprecedented

proportions. Some people in the Soroti region are

defying the government by taking up weapons in

self-defence (AC Vbl 28 No 5). Many people in

Kampala have little, sympathy for the plight of northerners and easterners in general, whom they hold

responsible for the sins of former Presidents Idi

Amin, Milton Obote and Basilio Okello.

i Cattle-raiding is a way of life for the Karimojong,

who have stolen herds from their neighbours and

each oth^er for.centuries. But the raids have.become

increasingly violent and audacious in the last ten

years because of the growing number of guns, impoverishment and.thevrecruitment of Karimojong into

the Obote and Okello armies. Many ex-soldiers are

now back in Karamoja with guns, military expertise,

and a taste for looting. Guns first proliferated,in

1979 when soldiers from Idi Amin's army abandoned

the barracks.at MorOtpas Amin fell. The Karimojong hfelped themselves to the armoury and systematically stripped formerObote and Okello soldiers of

their weapons; as they fled from President Yoweri

Museveni's National Resistance Army (NRA) in

1985:6..The Karimojong how raid'with self-loading,

rifles, machine guns and even, grenade launchers. ...

Karimojong raids are especially heavy in the dry

season, from August to Marcli. This was the case'

in the first raiding season after Museveni's takeover.

In August 1986. the raids began as usual, and were

made worse because, NRA troops were moved to

Acholi to deal with the rebellion there (AC Vol

28 No.3). The raids continued almost daily until'

December, striking into the six districts that border

Karamoja:. Kitgum,. Lira, Soroti, Kumi, Mbale and

Kapchorwa. ■■■■■■■... <

25
Initially the NRA could not stop the raids while

also dealing with the revolt in the neighbouring

Acholi region. Even those battalions left in Karamoja - the 23rd in Moroto and the 31st in Kotido -

had to concentrate on the rebels in Acholi, who were

infiltrating Karamoja from Sudan and from Kitgum

district. The victims in Lango and Teso began to

say that the NRA was deliberately withholding protection as a punishment for their former political

allegiances. They were strongholds of Obote's

Uganda People's Congress, and Lira is Obote's home

district. There were even rumours that local NRA

officials including Soroti Special District Administrator Amooti Kwakatalc were conniving in the cattlestealing. The following examples give an idea of the

heaviness of the raids:

• Obalonga, November 1986. The primary school was overrun

by raiders who killed the headmaster and lour children.

• Toroma, November 1986. 105 people killed in a raid bv over

1,000 raiders.

• Owora, cast of Soroti, October 1986. Raiders stopped a bus

and killed seven passengers.

The raids began to subside in November as the

NRA moved in more troops under Eastern Brigade

Commander Tom Kyaligonza. By January, Museveni claimed that the NRA had eliminated all but

two bands of cattle-rustlers, and also that the NRA

had killed no less than 250 raiders at Nabilatuk.

The government's political wing, the National

Resistance Movement (NRM), claims to have a threepronged policy for dealing with the 400,000 people

of Karamoja:

• Military: to disarm the Karimojong while protecting them

from their traditional enemies in Sudan and Kenya.

• Economic: development will be co-ordinated by the Karamoja

Development Authority. Animal health facilities will be improved. The government considers that Karimojong will cease

. raiding once their herds have recovered, giving them a source

of income. There is also a programme of creating roads,

boreholes, dams, health posts and schools.

• Political: the Karimojong are to run their own affairs through

the NRM's local committees, which will help restrain the

raiders. . These well-meaning plans are facing serious obstacles. A disarming sweep in July and August picked

up about 1,600 guns, but thousands more are hidden

in villages. And the operation gave rise to allegations

that government troops had used a gruesome torture,

the so-called three-piece tying, to acquire information about arms caches. Above all, the NRM does

not have the money or soldiers to implement its plan.

Furthermore the NRM appears to underestimate the

role of cattle-raiding in the culture and economy of

the Karimojong. The NRM's stated aim of settling

the Karimojong would be ecologically disastrous.

Karimojong women and children live in permanent

villages but men and boys roam with their herds in

search of water and grazing. It is the only way of

26
/9317

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exploiting the arid region, where the rains fail once

in every four years on average. If the NRM does try

to stop Karimojong cattle movements altogether,

famine may strike again as it did in 1972-3 and 1979-

80»

KARIMOJONG RAIDS

The Karimojong traditionally raid lor cattle. They believe that

all cattle belong to them by divine ordinance. Cattle confer

status on men.provide bridewealth, and provide the blood and

milk which are essential I'or the Karimojong diet.

The raids involve killing, including of women and children.

But guns have made raids more lethal. In 1958, when the

Karimojong had only spears, 50 people died in 200 reported

raids. In 1986 one raid in Mbale resulted in the deaths of nine

soldiers and 13 raiders. In the same week raiders killed 10 people

in Ewal and Akio villages in Lira.

Raids are well organised, and arc directed by a supreme

commander. In the early 1980s the commander was "General

.Oleng', imprisoned under Okello and now thought to be living

in his village again. Diviners advise on when to raid, and they

bless the raiders, who smear themselves with chyme - secretions

from a cow's stomach - for good luck. They leave their villages

in groups of five to ten, and then meet up to form parties of

200-400 men. Some wait inside Karamoja for the raiders to

return, and help to carry off the spoils.

27
UGANDA

TRADE INCREASINGLY ROUTED THROUGH KISUMU

Addis Ababa THE ETHIOPIAN HERALD in English 14 Mar 87 p 4

[Text] Nairobi (Reuter)—Although Uganda has a direct rail link with Kenya,

long border delays have led the country to divert 90 percent of its rail

traffic to the port of Mombasa via a ferry link across Lake Victoria,

Ugandan officials based in Kenya said yesterday.

About 70 percent of Uganda's external trade is conducted through Mombasa

and the problems of hauling cargoes to and from the port are compounded by

a chronic shortage of railway wagons, they added.

"We have a serious shortage of wagons and depend on Kenya most of the time.

Our existing fleet meets only 70 percent of our wagon requirements. Kenya

gives us wagons and we pay for them," a local representative of Uganda

railways said.

Uganda developed a preference for the lake route because customs formalities at the Kenyan lake port of Kisumu take less than a day, compared to

two or three days at the rail crossing at Malaba, he added.

"Malaba is now handling only 10 percent of the trade and all the coffee and

oil goes through Kisumu," the official said.

However, an accident recently damaged the wagon ferry which plies between

Kisumu and the Ugandan port of Jinja, causing bottlenecks on the lake

route too.

One of the consequences was a two-week petrol shortage in Kampala as a

result of tanker wagons being held up.

"We could not transport fuel through the inland line because it was already

in Kisumu when the accident occurred," the Uganda railways official said.

Sources at the coffee marketing board in Kampala also reported delays

in coffee export shipments last January due to congestion on the lake

ferries.

28
Coffee accounts for about 95 percent of Uganda's export earnings and last

November President Yoweri Museveni ordered all coffee shipments to be

carried by rail in order to avoid the higher costs of road haulage.

Most of Uganda's external trade which is not channeled through Mombasa

goes via another lake ferry to the Tanzanian lake port of Mwanza, from

where it is railfreighted to the Indian Ocean ports of Dar es Salaam and

Tanga.

A spokesman for the Uganda High Commission in Nairobi said the increased

use of Kisumu had helped speed up the delivery of Ugandan imports.

/9317

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29
UGANDA

BRIEFS

MANPOWER SURVEY LAUNCHED—The; government has launched a comprehensive

manpower survey, the first of its kind since 1967. This project which

has come out of government's recognition of the fact that trained manpower

is the prerequisite to accelerate economic recovery and sustain development

is being implemented through the Ministry of Planning and Economic Development. The project is jointly financed by the Uganda government and

UNDP/ILO with the latter providing technical assistance and other facilities

like vehicles. The overall long term objectives of the national manpower

survey are to provide the government and its planning and executing agencies with a realistic assessment of the human resources position in the

country both in terms of their development and utilization. The second

objective is to lay foundation for establishing infrastructure for systematic

evaluation and collection of information in this area and its subsequent

use in the country's development plans have failed because of overlooking the

manpower implications [as published]. Because of the importance attached to

this project, government is mobilising the participation of all departments,

institutions and agencies in the public and private sectors involved in

labour manpower and employment activities. The project will also assess

the manpower situation in the rural areas and the urban informal sector.

However, this will be done on sample basis and is meant to shed more light

on the behaviour of the labour market in as far as utilisation of human

resources is concerned. [Text] [Kampala FINANCIAL TIMES in English

23 Feb 87 pp 1, 6] /9317

CSO: 3400/494

30
ZIMBABWE

FINANCIAL GAZETTE DEMANDS APOLOGY FROM MINISTER

MB011734 Harare THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE in English 20 Mar 87 p 4

[Editorial: "Minister's Comments Were a Gross Slander"]

[Text] The Minister of Information, Posts and Telecommunications, Dr Nathan

Shamuyarira, this week deliberately slandered the reputation of this newspaper

by stating that we were supporters of Ian Smith and the Conservative Alliance

of Zimbabwe, and by implication that we were supporters of apartheid.

These accusations, that are manifestly untrue, are extremely serious and could

only have been made as a desperate attempt to discredit THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE

in Zimbabwe and internationally.

The minister, forgetting perhaps that he was outside Parliament and could not

claim immunity, made his remarks at a public meeting. What he had to say was

subsequently repeated by the daily press and the national news service.

The occasion of his misrepresentation of well-known facts was particularly

inappropriate—-a congress organised by the Zimbabwe Institute of Public Relations in Harare [ZIPR], It was ironic, also, that in his speech, much of

which was devoted to encouraging everyone to project a positive picture of

Zimbabwe abroad, the minister was once again responsible for damaging the

country's reputation,

A few months ago, Dr Shamuyarira threatened unspecified action against this

newspaper, calling into question, albeit briefly, the country's freedom of

the press. This was widely reported abroad, to Zimbabwe's detriment.

More recently, the minister dismissed the costs of Zimbabwe's military involvement in Mozambique as being only $10 million a year. The figure is so inaccurate that his use of it could have been for propaganda purposes only. By doing

so he compromised his own reputation as a minister in Zimbabwe's government,

both here and abroad.

Now Dr Shamuyarira has descended to a distortion of the truth that is so absurd

that one can only guess at his motives.

31
His remarks, associating this newspaper with Ian Smith and the Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe, with an implication that THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE

supports apartheid, are nothing more than defamation.

Nothing written in this newspaper since Independence, when the present

editor took office, can be construed*—directly or indirectly—as supporting

the minister's accusations.

The minister knew this when he addressed the ZIPR conference this week, and

has therefore exposed himself as having such a disregard for the truth that

his portfolio might be more accurately described as the Ministry of Disinformation,

This newspaper is accustomed to period charges from certain quarters that

it does not support the government. We are weary of reiterating our support

for the broad thrust of government policy, and restating that we believe that

there are more than enough praise-singers in the media, thus justifying our

role as one of critical support,

Dr Shamuyarira knows that the government ultimately controls four radio

channels, two television channels, two daily and two Sunday newspapers,

and the national news service. With this barrage of "friendly" media, is

the minister so concerned at the existence of THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE that he

needs to attack us as he did this week?

We realise that we are not perfect, and are subject to criticism, but let

this be specific and honest, as our criticism of the minister, on this and

other occasions, has been.

As for his opinion that THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE does not have a future in

Zimbabwe, that judgment should be left to our 90,000 readers—more than

twice the number of people, incidentally, than voted for Dr Shamuyarira in

the last general election.

Dr Shamuyarira owes THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE a retraction and an apology. So

do the HERALD and ZIANA for publishing the slander (their lawyers will confirm our claim). This is the least this paper can rightfully expect, and

much less than it might yet legally demand,

/9274

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32
ZIMBABWE

BRIEFS

ZIMBABWE GOVERNMENT INTRODUCES RESETTLEMENT POLICY—The government has introduced a new resettlement policy aimed at ensuring equitable distribution of

resources to raise the standard of living in communal areas. The minister of

local government, rural, and urban development, Comrade Enos Chikowore, whose

ministry is now responsible for all resettlement projects, said overcrowded

villages will be reorganized under the new policy. He told resettlement

farmers at (Dzikamayi) scheme near Chegutu yesterday, bhat land will be reallocated to remaining villagers, in cases where people are moved out for resettlement elsewhere. Comrade Chikowore said under the new policy the government will develop more infrastructures to encourage modern farming methods

and establish new land use plans to raise agricultural production in these

areas. [Text] [Harare Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 27 Mar 87 MB]

/9274

WARNING OF FOREIGN CURRENCY SHORTAGE—The minister of trade and commerce,

Comrade Oliver Munyaradzi, said Zimbabweans must be prepared to face a period

of extreme hardships in as far as foreign currency availability is concerned.

Addressing the Mutare branch of the Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce

yesterday the minister stressed that the period of hardships will not be a

permanent one, adding that his ministry is doing all it can to impfjove the

situation. On the Beira corridor, he urged small-scale businessmen to play

a significant role by operating transport haulage between the Port of Beira

and Mutare, Comrade Munyaradzi disclosed that the government has set aside

5 million dollars for the importation of commercial vehicles, which can be

bought by small-scale businessmen for that purpose. [Text] [Harare Domestic

Service in English 0500 GMT 27 Mar 87 MB] /9274

BEIRA CORRIDOR CHAIRMAN ON SECURITY—The chairman of the Beira corridor, Mr

Denis Norman, says the security situation in the corridor is satisfactory.

Addressing the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association in Harare yesterday, Mr

Norman said there is concentration of troops along the road and the railway

line. He added that repairs on the railway line will be completed next month

and road repairs will start in July while dredging of the Beira port continues.

Mr Norman urged politicians to support the rehabilitation of the corridor as

it is one of the biggest joint regional and international ventures. [Text]

[Harare Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 2 Apr 87 MB] /9274

CS0: 3400/481

33
SOUTH AFRICA

ARMSCOR CHIEF ON ALLEGED ISRAELI WEAPONS LINK

MB302026 Johannesburg Television Service in Afrikaans 1830 GMT 30 Mar 87

[Interview with Commandant Piet Marais, chairman of the Armaments Development

and Production Corp. of South Africa, ARMSCOR, by Kolie van Koller on the

—^Network" program, introduced by Betty Kemp]

[Text] [Kemp] This past weekend the minister of defence, General Magnus

Malan, spoke about the alleged cooperation between South Africa and Israel in

the development of weapons systems. He also called on certain press groups to

be more responsible. This follows recent press reports directly linking

Israel and South Africa in the development of the G-5 cannon. Kolie van

Koller discussed these allegations and other issues surrounding so-called

Israel involvement.

[Begin video recording] [Van Koller] What is the background to this issue?

[Marais] Well, to begin with, you probably know that our policy here at

ARMSCOR for many years now—we were forced into such a policy by the arms

boycott—is that we never say from whom we buy and to whom we sei]. But I can

tell you, though, that I believe the speculation that South Africa is so very

dependent on Israel for its arms is exaggerated. There is no truth in that at

all.

[Van Koller] What about the G-5 cannon?

[Marais] That was given as an example that Israel has assisted this country

to develop such a cannon. I can assure you that that could not be further

from the truth. There has never been any Israeli involvement, nor an Israeli

license or model, for the simple reason that they do not have a cannon like

the G-5. It is unique, one of a kind.

[Van Koller] Why do people then write such reports, commandant? There have

been such extensive reports on the matter.

[Marais] I believe it does not please certain governments, particularly in

the West and elsewhere, that South Africa has become so independent in arms

production. They do not like to hear how we have achieved our independence,

because that is an example of yet another failure of a sanctions campaign.

34
[Van Koller] You refer to a sanctions campaign which did not succeed. It

seems to me that the present campaign against ARMSCOR has not succeeded.

[Marais] Right. We have neutralized the arms boycott, up to now. We will

have to see how things go in the future, but I am certain we will continue

succeeding. We will continue to neutralize that campaign. It is interesting,

though, that this campaign against ARMSCOR is one of 95 kinds of sanctions

applied in the world since World War II, between 1946 and 1984, against one

country or another. The United States was involved in no less than 64 of

those 95. But the arms boycott is unique in the sense that it is the most

comprehensive sanctions ever drawn up, because all 150 member states of the

United Nations were compelled to abide by it. And it is the only case on

record where the Russians and the United States agreed on sanctions. In all

other cases they normally oppose each other.

[Van Koller] Do you think there will be a problem for ARMSCOR if Israel no

longer signs arms agreements, in the future, as the press has said?

[Marais] No. South Africa has very few problems in that regard, because for

one thing we are totally independent of the United States. In fact, where

ARMSCOR is concerned, we are completely independent of all countries. We do

not depend on any country for our military preparedness. That is one of the

most important things we have achieved, our own weapons industry. Can you

imagine what our position would be if our government had to go hat in hand to

some other country, with our circumstances being what they are at present,

and beg for munitions for our protection? We are totally self-sufficient in

that regard. The United States is busy pressing Israel for various reasons,

as reported in the press, over the espionage incident. If there has to be a

loser, it might be Israel, but it is definitely not South Africa.

[Van Koller] Commandant, it is not every day I get an opportunity to talk to

you. Let me ask you about the future of ARMSCOR. Is there any new

technology, are there any new products in the pipeline, if I may use that

word?

[Marais] Oh, yes. You see, it is part of the arms industry that first of all

you must be able to provide munitions so that your armed forces can maintain

the image of a strongman. That is an assurance that you will not be attacked.

In order to do that we must always remain ahead of what the Russians are

sending to Africa. So the munitions industry is involved in a game here where

there is no final whistle. We will persevere. We will have to develop new

weapons systems for our armed forces in order to stay ahead, [end video

recording]

/9599

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35
SOUTH AFRICA

BOTHA STRESSES ANC'S REFUSAL TO NEGOTIATE

MB310446 Johannesburg SAPA in English 2349 GMT 30 Mar 87

[Text] Johannesburg, 30 Mar (SAPA)—The independents and the Progressive

Federal Party were making a "basic and historic" mistake in believing that the

ANC would ever take part in negotiations, the minister of foreign affairs,

Mr Pik Botha said at an election meeting tonight.

"How do you negotiate with a party or with leaders who have stated

categorically and arrogantly that they are not interested in negotiations,"

Mr Botha told about 500 people in Robertsham, in Langlaagte constituency.

He said the African National Congress knew that negotiations would prevent

them achieving their objectives by violent means.

It would hold out on negotiating because it believed that Europe and that

"moral policeman," the United States, would cripple the economy in the hope

that it would lead to South Africa eventually being weakened militarily and

enable it to take over.

That would leave Moscow in control of South Africa's coal, gold, diamonds,

platinum-based minerals, and its infrastructure; and then the United States

would wake up and say "what a tragedy."

"There is no consolation for me or for South Africa to say then that we were

right. I am not interested in that kind of tragedy."

He said the voters of South Africa should give a clear signal to the world

that they were only prepared to change on the basis of certain principles.

If the world did not find these principles acceptable then "we will fight it

There was a preception overseas that whites in South Africa could be

pressurised by sanctions and boycotts and if an impression was created that

white unity was crumbling, it would encourage the World Council of Churches

and people like Senator Edward Kennedy to "hammer us until we are finished."

He said South Africa's future existence was far more important than the small

political arguments now taking place.

/9599

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36
SOUTH AFRICA

PIK BOTHA ON NAMIBIA, ARMS DEALS, LAND SALES

MB022001 Johannesburg Television Service in English 1800 GMT 2 Apr 87

[Report on interview with RSA Minister of Foreign Affairs Pik Botha by Freek

Robinson; introduced by announcer Michael de Morgan; time and place not given]

[Text] [De Morgan] The minister of foreign affairs, Mr Pik Botha, says the

presence of 40,000 Cuban troops north of the Southwest African border who are

assisting SWAP0 makes nonsense of the idea of free and fair elections in the

territory. This follows a request by the secretary general of the United

Nations, Mr Perez de Cuellar, that South Africa reconsider its linkage of a

Cuban withdrawal with the implementation of Resolution 435. Mr Botha spoke to

Freed Robinson.

[Begin video recording] [Botha] We have made it clear, and the United States

Government has also thus far stood very strongly on this point, namely that

there can be no settlement unless the vast number of Cubans Withdraw from

Angola. It is a fact that a very important element of Resolution 435 is

the requirement that there should be free and fair elections in the territory.

Now the idea of 40,000 Cuban troops north of the border assisting SWAPO and

harboring SWAPO just makes nonsense of any idea of free and fair elections.

[Robinson] A debate on the SWA-Namibia issue is expected soon in the United

Nations and the additional charge is being made that South Africa is delaying

the process of the implementation of Resolution 435.

[Botha] We will make our position very clear, namely that it is not our

fault that there is this delay in moving towards independence in Southwest

Africa. This delay must be laid four-square at the door of SWAPO. SWAPO

does not want a democratic solution, and they are very much like the ANC. As

a matter of fact they insist on continuing their campaign of violence in order

to achieve power in that territory. We cannot be part to such a solution.

All of this will be made clear at the moment this debate starts. You are

quite right. I expect the debate to start this week.

[Robinson] Minister, the other international issue affecting South Africa

currently is the report of the American secretary of state, Mr George Shultz,

to Congress. It is reported that in that particular report it is stated South

37
Africa has had arms deals with Israel as well as with a number of Western

European countries.

[Botha] We have made it clear that in the light of the arms embargo that has

been enforced against this country unjustly, very unjustly for so many years,

that we do not make any comment on allegations of that nature, [end video

recording]

[De Morgan] Mr Botha was also asked if he was considering Mr Louis Nel's

offer to sell diplomatic land in Tokyo.

[Begin Botha video recording] No. No. We cannot consider Mr Nel's offer or

any other offer, because what we are doing now is to investigate all the

aspects and facets of this proposition, [end video recording]

/9599

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38
SOUTH AFRICA

MINISTER PROPOSES NEW INDABA TO ACCOMMODATE BUTHELEZI

MB260845 Johannesburg SAPA in English 2239 GMT 25 Mar 87

[Text] Pietermaritzburg, 25 Mar (SAPA)—The Indaba could be reopened or

another Indaba created to accommodate black, leaders such as Chief Mangosuthu

Buthelezi who would not participate in the national statutory council, the

minister of agricultural economics, Mr Greyling Wentzel said tonight.

Speaking at a public meeting in Modi River in support of Mr David Bruce, the

NP candidate there, Mr Wentze said that while the statutory council was the

medium for negotiation, it was not the absolute medium and "we could even

reopen the Indaba."

Chief Buthelezi, chief minister of KwaZulu, has said that he could not take

part in the statutory council unless the ANC was unbanned and Nelson Mandela

released.

"The fact that the NP does not support certain facets of the Indaba does not

mean that we cannot have another Indaba," Mr Wentzel said.

"The NP stands for negotiation, and we want to talk to blacks around the table

to give them a say in joint decisionmaking in South Africa," he said.

The proposed national satutory council would be followed by a council of state

which would have legislative functions and would supercede the tricameral

parliament, Mr Wentzel said. A new constitution would then have to beJLormed

and, as in 1983, the electorate consulted.

One of the reasons for the recent unrest was that in the 1983 Constitution

blacks were excluded, he said. He appealed for the NP to be returned with an

increased majority so that it could negotiate for the inclusion of blacks from

a basis of strength. "In the final analysis there is an imbalance in SA

because millions are not participating," he said. "The challenge facing us

is to rectify this without destroying the rights of others or allowing one

group to dominate the others."

The simple inclusion of blacks in a fourth chamber would create friction among

the different black groups and could come close to majority rule.

39
Mr Bruce, who left the New Republic Party to stand for the NP against his

former colleague, the sitting MP Mr Ralph Hardingham, said that the PFP/NRP

alliance's support for the Indaba was driving more and more people into the

Conservative Party. He said the NP could not accept the one-man-one-vote, or

the financial implications of the Indaba proposals.

/9599

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40
SOUTH AFRICA

TRANSPORT MINISTER COMMENTS ON SATS STRIKE

MB021836 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1827 GMT 2 Apr 87

[Text] Johannesburg, 2 Apr (SAPA)—The continuing strike by about 14,000

workers of the SA Transport Service [SATS] was being encouraged by "certain"

organisations like the united Democratic Front (UDF) and the Congress of South

African Trade Unions (COSATU), the minister of transport affairs, Mr Eli Louw,

said today.

In interviews with SABC's radio and television services, Mr Louw said it was

the intention of these organisations to take the crisis from the schools and

townships to the workplace.

The strike entered in 20th day today with no sign of an early settlement to

the dispute.

Mr Louw denied allegations by the SA Railways and Harbors Workers Union—a

COSATU affiliate—that SATS management was not prepared to negotiate.

He said allegations that SATS did not allow freedom of association were also

not true. Workers were allowed to join any union they wanted, but SATS would

negotiate only with the union to which the "vast majority" of SATS workers

belonged.

He also said there were indications that some of the strikers were returning

to work. He claimed a "few hundred people had returned to work today, and

more are expected to do so tomorrow."

The minister said transport in South Africa was a strategic service and

strikes were illegal.

/9599

CSO: 3400/491

41
SOUTH AFRICA

HEUNIS SAYS CHANGE IN SOCIAL WELFARE

MB031104 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1052 GMT 3 Apr 87

[Text] Pretoria, 3 Apr (SAPA)—The minister of constitutional development and

planning, Mr Chris Heunis, today officially opened the R6.2 million Tsosoloso

Place of Safety near Pretoria—the first of four phases of the Rietgat welfare

project.

He said the inauguration took place at a time when the government was in the

midst of a programme in which the total development of South Africa was being

viewed "afresh and creatively."

"This process of change and renewal is already visible in the field of social

welfare," he said.

Mr Heunis said black leaders in the social welfare field already cooperated

with the government "in various forums."

"In a dynamic manner" the government constantly succeeded in securing the

cooperation of communities in spite of intimidation and unrest, he said.

Regional welfare councils for black communities consisted essentially of

leaders nominated by their own communities and who wished to meet the future

through peaceful means, he said.

"Although the political viewpoints of some members of regional welfare

councils differ from that of the government they have been bold enough to

come forward and make a contribution to their communities and progress," Mr

Heunis said.

He expressed appreciation for the role which these members of black

communities played in the activities of regional welfare councils and liaison

committees.

Mr Heunis said it was policy that local communities, through their own welfare

organisations and churches, should accept co-responsibility for the provision

of welfare services and the establishment of institutions.

42
"The state, however, accepts responsibility for the rendering of certain

statutory services and caring for certain categories of cases which are

difficult to accommodate in institutions of private organisations," he said.

The Tsosoloso Place of Safety also provided a central kitchen, laundry and

administrative buildings. The initial planning for the completion of the

entire complex was R20 million. This institution was manned by a well-trained

team consisting of social workers, teachers, nurses, and other personnel.

In the next phases a rehabilitation centre for drug and alcohol dependents, a

state children's home and homes for the physically disabled and the frail aged

will be provided for.

A training centre for social and welfare personnel will be erected as part of

the last phase.

/9599

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43
SOUTH AFRICA

FORMER RAPPORT EDITOR ON AFRIKANER JOURNALISM

MB031701 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1555 GMT 3 Apr 87

[Text] Cape Town, 3 Apr (SAPA)—Dr Wimpie de Klerk, who resigned as editor of

RAPPORT recently, said that he noted that he was not alone in his protest

resignation and told the Cape Town Press Club that he had just been informed

that the editor and assistant editor of FAIR LADY, Dene Smuts and Erica

Platter, had resigned, "for the same type of protests for which I resigned."

Dr De Klerk who was the creator of the terms "verlig" [enlightened] and

"verkramp" [ultra conservative] said he pleaded with the government to "temper

its style on Afrikaner journalism because it needs to retain its political

credility."

The Afrikaner press should, as in the 1970's, pave the way for further reform,

just as it had prepared and paved the way for Mr P. W. Botha's reform

initiatives.

"We must accept that there is no other way in the messianic sense. The press

must continue questioning and exploring." It had to retain its political

credibility.

Dr De Klerk said that the pressures on the Afrikaner press, which with the

SABC reached monstrous proportions, fortunately did not underscore an

undermining of democracy.

"It is perhaps a nervousness on the part of government members in respect of

their own reform politics. They are saying ABC... and if someone wants to

spell out D they want to retreat to the middle road of duplicity. This toethe-line commandment can also be accompained by an aggressive sensitivity

that stemmed from a what-have-we-not-done-for-the-country-and you're-notaccepting-it mortification."

Dr De Klerk said that the autocratic manner in which the authorities were

treating the friendly media amounted to an insult to Afrikaner journalism.

There had been an emancipation of Afrikaner newspaper from a too narrow

connection to the NP during the 1970's but in the past 2 years there had been

a significant shift.

44
The atmosphere between the government and its sympathetic media had become

more strained and the demand that Afrikaner journalism become the National

Party's mouthpiece had grown. This had come about through a questioning of

so-called "leftist and non-kosher" rightists against whom steps needed to be

taken.

"Pressure had mounted in the past 2 years to make Afrikaner journalism march

in the National Party's squad (NP se gelid te laat marsjeer). There followed

a continuous criticism and blatant intervention which brought mounting

tensions. All my friends in the press and SABC know this," Dr De Klerk said.

"This toe-the-line syndrome which they will recall is just like the three

little monkeys—it was a never-seen, never-heard and never-spoke-of toeing of

the line.

"Our credibility and function is impaired by these attitudes and inhibits and

reduces us to propaganda institutions."

Dr De Klerk said that those who were dissatisfied with the status quo could do

what he and the so-called independents had done and resign in protest, or they

could remain and attempt changes from within. Both these options were valid

and actually complimented each other. In his own case, he pointed out, the

situation had built up to a point where he had no other option but to resign

in protest.

Responding to a question as the author of the 1960's terms "verlig and

verkramp," he said that the Verkramptes of today identified themselves but he

believed that he represented the thinking of the 22 percent of Afrikaner

verligtes who in the 1990's would start to concentrate their political

thinking on what he termed "federative concepts" which were directed at

territority-based models rather than on the four-race groups which the

National Party presently considered the essential building blocks of a

constitutional solution.

These verligtes also believed in the "final suspension" of the remaining

institutionalised apartheid measures where no compromise was possible. They

rejected the race group model because they believed it would end in eternal

confrontation, a non-solution and eternal non-negotiation.

/9599

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45
SOUTH AFRICA

AIR FORCE'S LONG-TERM MODERNIZATION REQUIREMENTS ANALYZED

Pretoria ARMED FORCES in English Mar 87 pp 22, 23, 25, 27

[Article by Helmoed-Romer Heitman]

[Text]

A previous article addressed the matter of supplementing and then replacing

our present fighter and attack forces

with indigenously developed aircraft.

This article will consider some other

areas in which local development and/or

production could address the requirements of the SAAF.

Where the complexity or the costs of

such a project rule out local development

and/or production, we could look to cooperative ventures with other countries

facing similar armament procurement

problems.

There are five basic areas which

should be considered in this regard:

1. Helicopters;

2. Transport aircraft;

3. Maritime patrol aircraft;

4. Light aircraft;

5. Light aircraft (COIN) aircraft.

A sixth area would be that of a primary

trainer, but the SAAF appears still to be

happy with the Havard and there would

not appear to be a shortage of these aircraft yet. Miscellaneous types such as

VIP aircraft will never be needed in

numbers which would justify local

development or even simply licenced

production, and are therefore not addressed here.

Helicopters

The element most obviously demanding

early attention is the helicopter fleet.

There are six basic "mission packages"

which can be identified within the overall

helicopter fleet:

1. Attack;

2. Utility;

3. Assault transport;

4. Heavy lift;

5. Light naval;

6. Heavy naval;

Attack Helicopter

The most urgent requirement is for a

true attack helicopter. Themodern attack

helicopter is potentially one of the most

flexible and effective means of attacking

enemy mechanised forces. It offers excellent operational and tactical mobility

as well as extreme battlefield

agility/mobility, and combines these with

the devastating punch of very large

calibre HEAT warheads delivered accurately to the thinly protected sides and

tops of armoured vehicles from well out

of the range of most self-defence antiaircraft weaponry. It is thus an ideal

weapons system to employ against ad46
vancing enemy forces which have broken

through — or have yet to encounter —

own ground forces. Properly employed,

the attack helicopter will be an ideal

complement to our very mobile ground

forces operating according to our doctrine of mobile, flexible operations.

Southern Africa is a region offering

almost unlimited opportunities for the

employment of attack helicopters in conventional or semi-conventional operations. This results largely from the very

low force : space ratios which will

characterise almost any clash in the

region. Attack helicopters will therefore

not be faced with the nearly continuous

and deep belt of air defences which they

would encounter in Europe. They will

thus frequently be able to engage enemy

forces from the flank or rear without having had to overfly his air defence assets.

The thin ground coverage on both sides

will also allow attack helicopters to be

rearmed and refueled at "one-off" HAAs

in the enemy's rear, thereby making extended attacks on enemy forces possible

despite the generally short endurance of

helicopters and the small number of

ATGMs which they can carry.

The Armys new long-range artillery

equipment suggests that a further

development of the USAF "JAWS" concept to combine the employment of G-5,

G-6 and Valkiri with attack helicopters

and light attack aircraft could offer very

promising results, the artillery taking on

a major share of the air-defence suppression role in addition to engaging other

targets.

The deep, open flanks of forces involved in conventional or semi-conventional

operations in this region suggest further

opportunities for the employment of attack helicopters. One would be immediate reaction to any enemy force

detected while attempting to penetrate

between friendly forces into our rear

areas. Another might lie in hitting the forward ends of the enemy's lines of communication. Their extreme length will ensure that only limited air defence assets

will be available to protect them, and will

ensure that there will be a surfeit of softskin vehicles on which cannon fire and

rockets can be usefully expended. The

necessary intelligence could readily be

provided by special forces "road watchers", or be derived from SAAF reconnaissance sorties. Concentration on the

forward ends will allow the attack

helicopters to carry out the operation on

internal fuel or with rearming and refueling at "one-off" HAAs. While this would

not be a high priority mission for attack

helicopters, it would usefully complement the operations of SAAF Fighters

and attack aircraft "working" the

enemy's lines of communication, allowing them to concentrate on the more distant sections.

An attack helicopter optimised for the

conventional role will still have considerable potential in COIN operations,

using cannon fire and unguided rockets

and/or machine gun pods in place of the

ATGWs. Even the ATGWs will have an

application, being well suited to "bunker

busting" and to the suppression of well

concealed and protected anti-tank

weapons or AAA being used against our

ground forces in the course of external

operations.

The attack helicopter developed for

the SAAF will not need the same level of

sophistication being built into those intended for operations in Europe. Not only

will it be able to avoid many of the

threats facing those machines, it will

also not have to cope with the often very

poor weather of that theatre. Nevertheless, we should look towards giving

our attack helicopter at least the ability

to deploy forward at night and to make

its approach to the target are at first

light, if not a full "night fightingcapability. Apart from its long-range

ATGWs, the helicopter should also carry

a cannon with which to engage softer

targets and should be able to use unguided rockets. A twin-engine layout recommends itself from the viewpoints of

power, damage absorption and safety

considerations.

The attack helicopter should be kept

to a size where it can be transported

without dissembly (ie folding rotor

blades and tail rotor mounting) in aC-160

or C-130 or, ideally, even in the Dakota

successor (see below). This would

facilitate the fast deployment and

redeployment of attack helicopters to

match operational requirements.

The overall design should make the

maximum use of the Line Replaceable

Unit (LRU) concept to ease the burden of

forward maintenance and to facilitate the

forward repair of even major damage. A

damaged engine or transmission, for instance, should be replaceable in the

47
field. This concept should, of course, apply to all of the helicopter types.

Utility Helicopter

The utility helicopter that will one day

have to supplement and then replace the

existing Alouette Ills, should ideally be

developed around the dynamic system of

the attack helicopter. This will limit the

additional work essentially to the

development and production of a new

fuselage suited to the roles of a utility

helicopter — liaison, light transport,

reconnaissance and armed support for

counter-insurgency forces. While it

would be possible to develop a singleengine helicopter for this role, there

seems to be no reason for the additional

complexity by comparison with simply

taking over 1he twin-engine dynamic

system of the attack helicopter. This

would also result in a safer and more

widely useful utility machine. The utility

helicopter should ideally meet the same

air-transportability requirement as the attack helicopter.

Assault Transport

Second in urgency to the attack

helicopter is the development of an

assault transport to take over that role

from the Pumas and later to replace

them in the medium lift role. This would

ideally be a helicopter in the Super

Puma/Blackhawk class. In contrast to

these helicopters, however, it should

have a tail ramp to simplify cargo handling and to allow the transport of light

vehicles — motorcycles, "tricycles",

jeeps, etc — and heavy weapons for

special forces elements being inserted in

enemy or contested territory. A tail ramp

will also allow cargo being delivered to

forward elements to be delivered packed

in a trailer which can be speedily unloaded and removed from the LZ — which

might well also be "hot" on some occasions.

A tail ramp would also ideally suit this

helicopter to the support of attack and

assault helicopters from temporary or

"one off" forward HAAs, allowing special

arming and fueling trailers to be

delivered. In some cases a "tricycle"

could also be flown in to assist in moving

these trailers around the rearming/refueling area. Where there is felt

to be a danger of interference by enemy

aircraft despite the temporary nature o£,

such a HAA, some light air-defence

weaponry could also be conveniently

delivered by such a helicopter.

Apart from its assault transport and

medium lift roles, this helicopter would

also be the basic means of transport for

special forces elements operating

against the enemy's rear areas. Such

operations could involve the insertion of

ATGW or mortar teams to ambush supply columns, deploying artillery elements

and similar targets. Another example

would be the insertion of motorcycle

mounted reconnaissance, FAC or artillery spotting teams. A version more

heavily armed and armoured than the

assault transport, could also be

developed for aircrew recovery and for

the "hot" extraction of special forces

elements. The helicopter will therefore

have to offer good speed, agility and considerable range.

Ideally, the assault transport should

be transportable in a C-130 or O160

without any or with the minimum of

dissembly. It will almost certainly be too

large to be readily transportable in the

Dakota successor (see below), but at

least the possibility of transporting it this

aircraft in a partially dismantled form,

should be kept in view during the design

stage.

Heavy Lift Helicopter

Should we choose to develop a heavy

lift helicopter, it will have to offer a considerable margin of cargo capacity in

terms of both weight and volume over

the assault transport if it is to justify the

expense of its development and of taking

up the "two engines" option. Particularly

because the assault transport will offer

considerably enhanced cargo capability

over the Puma. We would therefore be

looking at a helicopter closer in its

capabilites to the large Sikorsky S-80

tnan our present Super Frelons. At a

minimum we should look to a cargo lift

of around 10 tonnes. The cargo compartment should obviously have a tail ramp

and should be compatible in section and

cargo handling equipment and fittings

with those the Dakota successor (see

below) to facilitate cargo transfer between them.

The heavy lift helicopter would be

employed primarily in the role of logistic

48
support to fast-moving forces which

have 'outstripped their road-bound supplies. It could also find a useful role in

the quick deployment and redeployment

'of G-5s and their ammunition and,

similarly, of AM and SAMs. Other roles

would include the insertion of light armoured vehicles into the enemy's rear

areas; the delivery of fuel in bulk to such

forces and to helicopters operating from

forward areas; the speedy delivery of major components such as power-packs

and gun barrels to ground forces; the

delivery of engines and rotor blades to

helicopters damaged in forward areas

and the recovery of downed helicopters.

Naval Helicopters

When the funds to expand the South

African Navy become available, there will

be a requirement for two types of naval

helicopter. One will be a light helicopter

for operation from frigates or corvettes,

the other a heavier one for operation

from small helicopter carriers and from

shore bases. Both will need to be multirole, all-weather aircraft.

The light naval helicopter should be

developed from the basic utility

helicopter, albeit with twin engines for

safety. Its primary roles will be ASW,

target acquisition and mid-course

guidance for long-range anti-ship

missiles, anti-infiltration patrols in conjunction with its parent ship, anti-FAC

defence of its parent ship, and reconnaissance. Ideally, it should be able to

operate autonomously in the ASW role,

using sonobuoys or dunking sonar or

both, rather than merely being a

weapons delivery platform for its parent

ship.

The medium naval helicopter should

be developed from the assault transport,

albeit perhaps with a different fuselage

incorporating a boat hull. This would be a

safety measure for an aircraft which will

be operating far from its parent ship, and

would also be valuable in the SAR role.

This helicopter's primary roles would be

essentially the same as those of the light

naval helicopter, except that the antiFAC defence role would only be taken on

in the absence of a more suitable aircraft. An additional role would be the actual delivery of anti-ship missiles as opposed to merely providing over-thehorizon targeting. The medium

helicopter would certainly have to be

autonomous in the ASW role and would

ideally employ a combination of dunking

sonar and sonobuoys. A secondary role

would be that of vertrep from the carrier

to its accompanying ships.

The actual vertrep role from RAS ships

could be handled by a simpler derivative

of the assault transport, which would

have the same navigational equipment

as the "full house" naval helicopter, but

would lack the ASW and mid-course

guidance equipment. A helicopter of this

type would also offer a useful capability

to insert specail forces teams "over the

beach", not having its cabin cluttered

with electronics. It would also be ideally

suited to SAR operations. On the other

hand, using the standard medium naval

helicopter in the vertrep role would endow the RAS ship with a good measure

of ASW capability, if only in self-defence.

The choice here will have to be taken

largely on financial grounds, the "stripped down" vertrep helicopter naturally

being considerably cheaper.

Helicopter Engines and Dynamic

Systems

Fortunately, we will be able to redress

these requirements with a small number

of engine/dynamic system combinations:

Option 1

Develop one turboshaft in the 1 500

shp class and two dynamic systems, a

"light system" using two of these

engines and a "medium system" using

three. The "light system" would power

the attack, utility and light naval

helicopters. The "medium system"

would power the assault transport and

heavy naval helicopters.

The disadvantages of this approach

would lie in the utility helicopter perhaps

being overpowered and too expensive for

its roles — although it is not easy to

visualise any helicopter pilot admitting

that there is such a thing as an overpowered helicopter, and in that it would

not readily allow for a heavy lift

helicopter.

Option 1a

The same engine, but three dynamic

systems, one of them built around only

one engine and intended for the utility

helicopter. This would result in a rather

cheaper and simpler utility helicopter,

49
but only at the expense of having

developed an additional dynamic

system, which would reduce the

economies of scale inherent in the basic

option. The two- and three-engined

systems would remain as above.

Option 2

Develop two turboshafts, one of 1 500

and one of around 3 000 shp. The latter

would then be used in two dynamic

systems, one with two engines for the

assault transport and heavy naval

helicopters, and one with three engines

for a heavy lift helicopter. The attack and

utility helicopters would be powered by

the 1500 shp engine as in option 1 or 1a

above.

This would be the most complex and

expensive option, resulting in three or

even four (1a) dynamic systems

developed around two different engines.

It would also, however, allow development of a heavy lift helicopter, and would

result in simpler assault transport and

heavy naval helicopters, as their dynamic

system would now only have two

engines rather than three.

Selection

The choice will have to be made largely on the basis of technological and

economic considerations. While the

"two engines" option certainly would appear to be the most attractive from the

user's viewpoint, its technological and

economic demands may be too great to

justify in the face of the many other

demands on the available base of expertise and funds. The SAAF/SADF input to

the decision process will have to centre

on two questions:

1. The balance between the advantages of only having one engine type

to service versus the advantages of

two rather than three-engined assault

transport and heavy naval helicopters;

2. The priority attached to fielding a

heavy lift helicopter.

Transport Aircraft

.' In the area of transport aircraft, it

would seem that we should be able to

produce an aircraft to take over the role

— note well, I do not say replace! — of

the Dakota. Heavier aircraft in the

C-130/160 category do not offer much

prospect of efficient local development

or production. An additional light

transport aircraft could be useful but not

sufficiently so to justify its development

in addition to the Dakota successor.

The Dakota successor should ideally

be four-engined and must have a tail

ramp and a cargo compartment compatible in width (if not if full section) and in

cargo handling equipment and fittings

with those of the C-130/160. This will

make it a true military transport and ease

cargo transfer between long-range and

battlefield or regional transports and will

allow the transport of light and some

medium vehicles. The tail ramp should

be designed to allow air drop and LAPES

delivery of heavy equipment. The aircraft

will naturally also have to have a jump

door on each side. The cargo compartment should be designed to take an attack helicopter without any dissembly

and, if possible, an assault transport with

the minimum of dissembly.

The requirement for four engines

serves the dual purpose of engine redundancy in an aircraft intended to operate

from forward semi-prepared airstrips and

roads, and of keeping the engine

development as simple as possible, as a

less powerful turboprop of around 2 500

shp will then suffice.

The aircraft's range will have to allow

non-stop missions over a distance of

1 600 km or more and unrefueled turnarounds to any point on our borders from

one of the major airbases, both with normal reserves. Its landing and take-off performance with full fuel and a payload of

around 10 tonnes should be such that it

can operate from semi-prepared strips of

less than 1 000 m under hot and high

conditions and from strips of around 500

m or less with a payload of around 5 tonnes.

Like the helicopters, the Dakota successor's design should be such that forward maintenance and repair are readily

possible up to the level of major component (eg engine) replacement. The

various design teams will have to liase

with the fuselage designer to ensure that

components such as the propellors can

be transported in the aircraft without

dissembly. Failure to achieve this would

seriously undermine its forward

operating capability.

50
Derivatives

Suitably equipped derivatives of this

transport could also be employed in

various EW and airborne command-post

roles. There would also seem to be some

potential for sales to civilian operators,

both as a cargo aircraft and as a "feederliner".

Maritime Patrol

The basic four-engined Dakota successor suggests itself as a replacement

for both the Albatross and the

"Dackleton" in the maritime patrol, SAR

and EEZ surveillance roles. Given that

the necessary electronics can be procured or developed, a further derivative

of this basic aircraft could also give the

SAAF a measure of ASW capability,

albeit not at the long ranges which a P-3

or a Nimrod would allow.

Airships

In this respect we should perhaps also

be giving some serious consideration to

the airship, which has in the past proven

very successful in the maritime patrol

and convoy escort roles. The US Navy,

the French Navy and the US Coastguard

have all recently conducted trials with

airships and are expressing serious interest in the "rebirth" of the airship.

The airship's primary advantage in

these roles lies in its efficient combination of speed, endurance on station and

the ability to hover. Thus it is able to

reach an operational area quickly, spend

enough time on station to be effective,

and effectively engage submarines, using dunking or towed-array sonar

systems and sonobuoys, and delivering

depth charges or torpedos as required by

the situation and in sufficient number to

handle an extended engagement or successive engagements. In essence, it

combines the most valuable ASW attributes of the patrol aircraft, the frigate

and the ASW helicopter without suffering from their particular disadvantages.

The airship can also lift a very powerful

radar inside its envelope or even to use

the skin to mount the elements of an

even more powerful radar. Its capability

in the surveillance role is unrivalled.

Another advantage to South Africa

would be that a suitable airship would be

less of a technology problem than a conventional maritime patrol aircraft of

anything approaching its capabilities,

which would far outstrip those of the

Dakota successor derivative outlined

above. The key question would seem to

be whether airships would remain effective under the sometimes very bad

weather — specifically wind — conditions off our coasts. The indications

seem to be that a properly designed and

suitably powerful airship would. The

other potential problem area could lie in

obtaining helium in the necessary quantities.

Other Possible Roles

The airship would also offer some interesting opportunities in the AWACS

role, being able to take a very powerful

radar aloft and keep it there for considerable periods of time at relatively low

operating costs. Given that we were to

develop an airship for the maritime and

AWACS roles, we should also consider

its potential in the long-range transport

role. The airship would be slower than

heavy transports and, in our forrh, might

not lift as much, but it would be cheaper

to develop and could deliver its load

almost anywhere, entirely independent

of airfield facilities.

Light Aircraft

In the area of light aircraft, we will

need to look towards supplementing and

then replacing the Bosbok and the Kudu.

Considerations of distances and safety

would seem to suggest adopting a twinengined layout for both roles, despite

this going against the general trend for

the AOP role at least. In that particular

role; however, the twin-engined layout

would also offer the considerable advantage of allowing a "glass nose" coupled

with a high-wing layout such as that of

the Partenavia Observer and several

more recent and more exotic aircraft.

This would give far better visibility than

can be attained by any single-engine

layout bar one with a "pusher" engine.

The major disadvantage of a twinengined layout in the AOP role would

seem to be the greater size of the aircraft, which might outweigh the advantages.

The greater cost would, of course be a

factor in both cases, although a twinengined Kudu successor would certainly

be more flexible in its employment. A

twin-engined Kudu successor should

also be able to find a profitable niche in

51
the civil market and would be a convenient multi-engine trainer, while the AOP

variant would suggest itself as a suitable

fisheries protection platform.

Counter-Insurgency Aircraft

A Pucara type counter-insurgency aircraft could prove very- valuable in the

patrol, night patrol/spotter and CAS

roles. In the latter role its endurance

would allow the maintenance of a "cab

rank" in critical areas, which would greatly reduce the time required to provide

CAS by comparison with ground-bound

jets. An aircraft of this type could also

usefully complement maritime patrol aircraft and naval units in coastal antiinfiltration operation, having the firepower and manoeuvrability lacking in the

larger maritime patrol aircraft, the endurance lacking in helicopters and the

speed lacking in surface vessels.

There would be two practical engine

options open to us in the development of

an aircraft of this type. If opt for the twinengined approach for our future light aircraft, these could share a common basic

turboprop in the 1 000 ehp class with this

aircraft. The power output of this basic

engine could then be fine-tuned to suit

the particular aircraft type for which the

particular version is intended. Alternatively, the COIN-attack aircraft could

be designed around two engines derived

from that developed for the transport.

This would result in a rather more powerful aircraft than Pucara, even allowing for

the engine being quite different from the

baseline transport engine. Developing an

engine specifically for the COIN attac

aircraft would not be a practical proposition on economic, technological ,and

maintenance grounds.

Given that we adopt a twin-engine

layout for the two light aircraft types and

use the same basic engine for the COIN

attack aircraft, these three types might

well also enjoy a good measure of airframe or at least airframe component

commonality.

Engines

The greatest difficulties facing us in

the various programmes discussed in

this and the previous article, seem likely

to be encountered in the development of

suitable engines. As in the case of the

two engines needed for the Mirage and

Impala successors, we should be able, at

a minimum, to reverse engineer the

Puma engine to provide an initial engine

for the attack and assault transports. The

latter would then probably have to adopt

a three-engined layout as suggested in

Option 1 in the helicopter section of this

article.

Expanding the SAAF to a realistic

force level, and replacing aircraft as they

reach the end of their useful service, will

demand enormous amounts of money.

Co-operative ventures with other countries needing similar aircraft would go a

long way towards reducing this problem

to manageable proportions. Such cooperation could take the form of cooperation on one or more projects and/or

assigning one or more projects to each

of the countries involved.

The latter approach might, however,

well encounter problems with regard to

the fighter programme because of reluctance by any of the countries to leave the

fate of their new fighter entirely in the

hands of the other partner or partners.

The answer here may lie in simultaneous

development of the fighter with participating countries taking responsibility

for particular components but with

overall development and actual production taking place in each country.

On the positive side, apart from

greater autonomy in our defence, any

projects of this nature would bring considerable spin-offs in the form of new

technology and capablities which can be

applied elsewhere in the economy.

Later development could then concentrate on a more powerful — and more

economical — fighter engine, probably a

turbofan; the more powerful turboshaft

for the heavy lift helicopter and a twinengined development of the assault

transport; and the turboprop for the

Dakota successor. The engine suitable

for the light aircraft types might be taken

into licence production or developed en

route to the transport's engine to gain

the necessary experience.

Despite seeking to make the widest

possible use of a small number of engine

types, we would still need to produce six

engines to power the primary aircraft

types:

Turbojets:

1 500 kg thrust (Impäla successor)

7 000 kg thrust (Mirage successoi

(later a turbofan) ')

: 52
Turboshafts:

1 500 shp (attack, utility) . 3 000 shp (assault transport, heavy lift

Turboprops:

1 000 shp (Bosbok/Kudu successors

COIN attack aircraft)

2 500 shp (Dakota successor)

This number of engines could b<

reduced by dropping the 3 000 shp tut

boshaft and the heavy lift helicoptei

Deciding to stay with single-enginec

light aircraft could, by contrast, add ;

seventh engine type if the 1 000 ehf

engine needed by the COIN attack air

craft is deemed to be too powerful for

such aircraft even in a downrated version.

Conclusion

While the absolute priority must go to

the new fighter/attack aircraft, second

and third places should fall to developing

a true multi-role attack helicopter out of

the existing Alpha XH1 programme, and

to developing a Puma successor. Only

then can we turn to a Dakota successor,

a light attack aircraft (COIN), Bosbok and

Kudu successors and, perhaps, a heavy

lift helicopter.

Fortunately several of the aircraft

types needed by the SAAF would also

find a place in several civil roles. The

utility and medium helicopters, the light

transport and the Dakota successor

should all find useful niches — particularly if their purchase by civilian

operators is encouraged by means such

as low prices, maintenance support by

the SAAF, and tax rebates. As these aircraft will have been optimised for the

SAAF's particular and rather harsh conditions, they should also find a useful export market. Exports of specifically

military aircraft types will be more difficult to secure, as these would face

political opposition from many areas.

The main hope in this regard would lie in

co-operative ventures with other countries.

/9317

CSO: 3400/465

53
SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

DOCUMENT SAID TO DISCREDIT SADF—The minister of defense, General Magnus

Malan, says documents released in Mozambique claiming that the South African

Defense Force had broken the Nkomati Accord by aiding the RENAMO movement as

part of a coordinated attempt to discredit the Defense Force in the eyes of

South African people. Gen Malan said in Bloemfontein that there should be

greater cooperation between the public and the authorities in the fight

against terrorism and the threat to the people of South Africa. [Text]

[Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 1 Apr 87] /9599

MALAN SAYS SECURITY ABOVE POLITICS—The minister for defense, General Magnus

Malan, says national interests and priorities, such as public security, should

be kept out of politics. Gen Malan was speaking in Cape Town at the parade of

the western province regiment. He said public security is not a matter for

political debate. There are state agencies such as the SADF where community

group loyalty is treasured above personal and political differences. Gen

Malan said South Africa is faced with a general attack, and this attack should

be repulsed by loyal South Africans. [Text] [Johannesburg Domestic Service

in Afrikaans 1400 GMT 1 Apr 87] /9599

CUBANS PREVENT NAMIBIAN ELECTIONS—Johannesburg, 2 Apr (SAPA)—The minister of

foreign affairs, Mr Pik Botha, says the presence of 40,000 Cuban troops north

of the SWA/Namibian border providing assistance to SWAPO simply makes nonsense

of any idea of free and fair elections in the territory, SABC radio news

reports. Mr Botha was reacting in a statement to the request by the secretary

general of the United Nations, Mr Perez de Cuellar, that South Africa should

reconsider its link of a Cuban withdrawal with the implementation of

Resolution 435. Mr Botha pointed out that one of the most important

requirements of Resolution 435 was that there should be free and fair

elections in the territory. [Text] [Johannesburg SAPA in English 0955 GMT

2 Apr 87] /9599

CSO: 3400/491

54
SOUTH AFRICA

AUTHOR ANALYSES NECKLACE PHENOMENON

Cape Town LEADERSHIP in English Volume 6 1987 Number One pp 39, 40, 42

[Article by Wessel Ebersohn]

[Text] Ramatsimela Sekonya did not know where she was

being taken. She was eighty years old and blind, and

went with her executioners willingly and without fear.

She knew the village so wellthat, despite herblindness,

she must have been aware thattheywere leading her up

the dry and rocky hillside behind the mud houses. She

would have felt the morning's first warmth on herskin

and known thatthe sun was rising. She probably did not

know what they intended until the tyres were forced

over hershoulders and they started pouring the petrol.

The old lady was one ofmore than 20 people, most of

them elderly and infirm, from the tiny village ofMakgadi

in the Sekhukuni hills, to die by the necklace in just on

24 hours. In the period immediately before and after that

day a further 11 aged members ofthe community were

executed in the same way. Their crime, according to

their killers, was that they were witches and had obstructed the forces ofunity at work among the villagers.

The police arrested ISOmurdersuspectsintheweeks

that followed, most ofthem young, all ofthem from the

same area and all convinced that they were liberating

theirpeople. Theseyoungpeople were not membersof

modem society. They had received little education and

had grown to adulthood or sub-adulthood on ideas and

beiiefs that until recently had not changed for a 1 (KK)

years. They lived in a world where witches broughtlightning down to kill theirenemies, wheresangomassought

the responsibility for fatal accidents among members of

the community and revenge for these was by burningor

stoning: it was a world where no place was safe from the

abathakathi, the witches and sorcerers.

Recently ,new words had entered the vocabulary of

the young in Makgadi. Termslike liberation, comrade,

oppression and necklace resounded with alien magicon

young tongues and found a ready echo in intensely frus55
trated young minds. The new words had formed a

strange amalgam with older, more deeply held beliefs,

die responsibility for present frustrations was imputed

to a far more ancient form of villainy. The witches of

Sekhukhuneland were required to pay for the evils of a

rulinggroupofwhich they could neverbe members and

had known only as servants.

Sometime in September 1984 the first necklace victims started to appear in the area around the Eastern

Cape town ofUitenhage. Itwasaphenomenonthatwas

to be instantly successful, enthusiastic protagonists in

townships throughout the country quickly adapting to

the mostsingular and spectacular form ofmurder in living memory.

Neitherthe killers northe victims, both almost exclusively black, came from only one part of the political

spectrum. The victims especially were as varied as they

were tragic. A few urban councillors paid with theirlives

for the anger of their constituents. Benjamin Kinikini,

the mayor of Kwa Nobuhle township near Uitenhage,

was burnt alive in his home with his entire family after

demonstrating againstthe African National Congressin

London. United Democratic Front and Azanian People's

Organization members had theirdeaths blamed on each

other by the police while spokesmen for the organizations

themselves accused conservative vigilante groups who,

in turn, lost members in the same way.

Policemen, both on duty and out of uniform, disappeared to be found later, burnt almost beyond recognition. A criminal who called himselfRambo paid for his

crimes in the same way as the Sekhukhuneland witches,

while a certain Sixololo of Khutsong died because he

had been seen paying too many visits to the local police

station.

A 73-year-old white man had both hands and feet

hacked offbefore being set alight. Dozens ofschool children, some barely in theirteens, were found guilty ofcrimes

against the people that were hideous enough to warrant

the ultimate penalty. Members ofthe black branch ofthe

Nederduitse Hervormde Kerk complain^ thattheywere

being forced to choose between life and pManism on the

one hand, and the cross and the necklace on the other. An

indunaofNkwana nearBurgersfortwentunresistingto his

death after witch doctors had decided that, although

he had not been anywhere near the accident, he was

responsible for the deaths ofthree children who were

crushed by a truck near his village.

Between September 1984 and the end ofApril 1985,

at least 508 people were burnt to death by other members of the communities in which they lived. By July

nearly 1 000 had been arrested for these crimes, clearly

only a small proportion of the number involved in the

killings.

56
During the two states ofemergency a cloud ofalmost

complete silence that continues to the presenttime descended on the townships, lightened only dimly by the

dubious pronouncements of the Department of Information. Accurate figures are now impossible to assemble and it is likely that no one knows the number of

people to have died in this way.

By the middle of 1986 more than 1 700 black-owned

businesses, over 4 000 homes ofmore successful members of the black community, 28 churches, 54 halls, a

few government offices and dozens of buses and cars

had been destroyed. A black doctor who possesses a

Mercedes Benz motorcartook to parking itin Johannesburg in order to safeguard its condition and travels the

township by bicycle to visit his patients.

Only one of the victims up to the present time has

been white. The necklace is wholly an African phenomenon, both perpetrators and victims being black. Itis the

result of an inward turning aggression, an aggression that

ignores the real enemy and looks inward to find the roots

ofweakness, deceit, disloyalty and disunity within the

oppressed community itself. It is not difficult to see

Freud's death wish at work here. The life force, continually frustrated, eventually finding no outlet for its dynamism, turns back on itself, seeking to destroy. Healthv

aggression, the vital force thatis the rootofeach species'

survival, having been suppressed forso long, is directed

inward to strike at any point where there is an available

target.

The black South African has simply been required to

sacrifice too much of himself in order to get through

each day: he has suffered too many humiliations, great

and small, too much governmental mendacity, too

much unnecessary anxiety and, above all, he has seen

too great a distance develop between himselfand hisAfrican roots. It was Jung who taught us that we dare not

sacrifice ourselves for the attainment ofour objectives.

His words, written halfa century ago and referringspecifically to the individual, seem at this point to be meant

for the South African generality: "The aspect ofthemselves which human beings sacrifice in the attainment

of a given objective in their lives is reborn and returns,

knife in hand, to sacrifice that which sacrificed it." All

the aspects of themselves that black South Africans

have been forced to sacrifice, their human dignity, their

freedom, their very masculinity and femininity, have

bullet, ratherthan get blown into a thousand fragments,

scattered over no-man's land. There have been Christian cultsthat denounced cremation because when atthe

last trump the dead shall rise there will be nothing leftto

rise ifyou have been burnt to ashes.

If a body has been burnt, no trace of identity that

means anything to the ordinary citizen can be discerned.

57
Not even finger prints remain. It is perhaps for this reason

that at Steenbok near Komatipoort, two wizards were recently thrown into a bonfire. No trace oftheirwickedness

was allowed to survive. In cases where the necklace itself

was used some victims have pleaded to be killed ifnecessary, butto be spared the burning.

Many of the victims of township burnings were already dead by the time theirbodies were set alight. The

criminal who called himself Rambo had been shot before he was burnt. Patric Marenene, an Oudtshoorn

community councillor, had been stoned, stabbed, hit

and kicked. The fire and its eradication of identity are

feared even ifthe victim is to die first.

Deep in the human subconscious lies the knowledge

that fire purifies. Steel placed in a flame is tempered, its

impurities consumed. Lesser materials are reduced to

nothing more than a handful of ash. Only the finestsurvive the flame. The impure and the corrupt are destroyed.

The fire ofthe necklace is the fire ofAfrica's own purgatory. Africa is purging and punishing itself, driving its

own life force inward upon itself, removing the ideological outsider, the informer, the vaccillator, the fearful,

even the overly loving and generous, from its innermost

soul, consigning them to the flames. Only the strong,

unforgiving and unquestioning are retained.

African society is notthe first to choose this sort ofoption. There is probably no society anywhere on earth

that has never found it necessary to excise the outsider

from its midst. Whether the conscious reason for purging a society is given as race, ideology, membership of

an ethnic orclass group, orwhatever reason, will suffice

to lull the sense ofjustice ofa majority intenton destroying a minority, it is always the same phenomenon. The

Nazis destroying the Jews, Stalin's security police or

China's Red Brigade, driving real or imagined ideological foes into prison, the good people of Salem rooting

out the witches that tormented them, Joe McCarthy

cleaningAmerica's entertainmentand communications

industries, the KuKlux Klan saving white women from

dangers they had never experienced, Hendrik van den

Bergh removing the cancer from South African universities, the current authorities' list of detainees: all are

part ofthe same determination to cleanse society ofthe

outsider, the impure.

Jung called ita collectiveinfection. Robert Ard rev found

in it the triumph ofthe reptilian brain, drawing the conclusion that no group of people, whether a political

party, a mob or the nation's cabinet is truly capable of

thought. Only individuals think.

The working ofthe reptilian brain is far simpler than

that ofthe human brain. Reptiles have no cerebral cortex. Their synaptic processes are occupied by only the

simplest survival needs, the quest forfood, procreation,

territory, and the opportunity for flight. We too possess

the evolutionary residue of the reptile's brain in the

58
form ofthe mid-brain. But original thinking is the province ofthe cortex.

The collective thought process, such as it is, filters

out all originality, leaving only a certain lowest common

denominator of all the individuals involved. What you

are left with is something that approximates the working ofthe mid-brain, the reptilian residue. The members ofpolitical parties of every shade ofopinion, social

pressure groups, homogeneous communities, religious

orders and revolutionary groupings all seem to hold precisely the same views. No one ever tells you that you

have to trade in your cerebral cortex when you join the

party.

Under circumstances of collective action the individual disappears. Only the partisan statementisseen to

be of any worth, and then only the partisan statement

that is altogether without qualification. These are the

circumstances that generate profundities like that uttered by the wife of the country's shadow State President when she said: "We have matches and we have

tyres and with ourburning necklaces we willliberate our

land." The enthusiasm with which her audience greeted

this pronouncement was reminiscent ofsimilar scenes at

National Party rallies, the eagerness with which young

cossackstook to theirtask ofburningJewish villages orthe

single mindedness of Arab folk heroes dynamiting

French nightclubs.

We have constructed a society in which neither

blacks nor whites are completely themselves. The

black man has sacrificed the assertive part ofhis nature

while the white hassacrificed his instinctforelementary

justice, too often denying thatthe humanity he possesses is held in common with all other human beings.

These are the sort ofsacrifices to which Jung referred.

And, as he prophesied, they have returned, knife in hand,

to sacrifice us all, just as we sacrificed them. Despite the

bland pronouncements of government's information

service, the purging will continue, possibly interrupted

by quietintervals, until the debtis paid.

Only in this century has the white man even tried to

understand Africa and ourunderstanding is still farshort

ofbeing a decentintroduction to the subject. We lookat

the circle offlame that engulfs the townships and see it

as some special African madness that cannot affect us,

deluding ourselves that we are impervious to the forces

to which it owes its existence.

For myself, the key to such small understanding as I

possess ofthe malady thattroublesthe soulofAfrica is to

be found in an incidentthattookplaceaquarterofacentury ago in the old Cato Manor township on the ridge

above Durban. A group ofyoung policemen, too ignorant forsuch a task and too arrogantto understand the de59
gree oftheirignorance, setabout breaking the torersttils

that flourished throughout the township. A mob set upon

them and all but one were killed.

Throughout the battle that cost the policemen their

lives a cry was heard thatwas immediately taken up and

echoed, again and again, until all other sounds were

swamped by the one insistent demand: "Come back,

Africa."

/13104

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SOUTH AFRICA

FIRST STAGE OF OLD CROSSROADS UPGRADING BEGINS

Cape Town CAPE TIMES in English 12 Mar 87 p 5

[Article by Diane Cassere]

[Text] THE bulldozers are

back at Crossroads —

but this time to give it a

R9,25-million facelift.

This is the first stage

of a planned three-part

upgrading of Old Crossroads by the Provincial

Administration's Office

for Community Services

to provide water sewers,

street lights and tar

roads for the area.

The project could

eventually go to R30 million if the government

releases the funds for

stage two and three,

which would entail creating more sites with

water facilities and community buildings, such

as schools and businesses. Sites have already been set aside for

the latter.

The first stage, which

will be completed in

May, comprises putting

in water-borne sewage,

tar roads and street

lights in a 30ha site

which is roughly onethird of the Old Crossroads site. It is on the

area which was devastated during the unrest

and is still surrounded

by barbed wire.

It will provide 1 347 stands on which

residents will be invited to put their

own structures.

'We will encourage them to put up a

dwelling of a higher standard there,

but people will be allowed to put up

their own house," said Mr Sampie

Steenkamp, liaison officer for the

Office for Community Services.

"Eventually there will be 5 000 similar sites at Crossroads."

Asked who will occupy the stands,

Mr Steenkamp said his office was negotiating with the committees for the

local squatters and the decision

would be made in conjunction with

the community.

Work is proceeding briskly at the

Old Crossroads sites. Contracts for the

work were given to several of the

Cape's big construction firms and the

many colours of the workers' hard

hats identify them with their companies.

Hundreds of concrete toilets are

standing side by side in the veld in

pairs, each with a tap at the back. In

the completed areas straw has been

thrown to keep the Cape Flats sand at

bay.

! The stark order of the construction

site is a startling contrast to the thousands of squatter shacks that stretch

back along the sand dunes.

Mr Neil Ross, PFP Party Organizer

and a divisional and city councillor,

said yesterday that "anybody would

welcome upgrading of the area".

"But will this eventually mean displacement of people? That is the pertinent question," he said.

Mrs Val Rose-Christie, head of the

PFP's township monitoring committee, said there had been no removals

as a result of the first stage of the

plan.

"We will be monitoring it closely in

the future," she added.

Mrs Maizie Madigani, an Old Crossroads resident who was walking

across the building site with her children, said the community was glad

about the advent of water-borne

sewage and tap water.

"Now we can keep clean," she said.

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SOUTH AFRICA

PHILOSOPHY, INFLUENCE OF BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS MOVEMENT REVIEWED

London AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL in English 4 Feb 87 pp 5-7

[Text] Black consciousness, the political philospohy of

black pride pioneered in South Africa by Sieve Biko,

who died in detention in 1977, has in recent years

surrendered its place in the forefront of black radicalism. It has lost ground to the ideology of nonracialism based on the Freedom Charter, as espoused

by the barely-legal United Democratic Front (UDF

— AC Vol 28 No 2) and its spiritual genitor, the

banned African National Congress (ANC — AC Vol

27 No 25).

But black consciousness leaders, including Nkosi

Molala and Salhs Cooper, respectively present and

immediate past president of the Azanian People's

Organisation (AZAPO), contend that black consciousness is stronger than is at first apparent. AZAPO

is the chief protagonist of black consciousness today.

There are grounds for taking their assertion

seriously, for just as state action against black consciousness organisations in 1977 created an opening for

the re-emergence of pro-ANC forces, known as

charterists after their allegiance to the ANC Freedom

Charter, so now the suppression of the UDF may

drive radicals once more towards the philosophies

of black consciousness and Africanism. The state is

aware of this and deliberately plays off the black

consciousness groups against UDF charterists. The

authorities are widely thought to have circulated

forged UDF leaflets encouraging UDF radicals to

kill their black consciousness rivals. Such government 'dirty tricks' are classic tactics of divide and

rule.

AZAPO has 86 branches throughout South

Africa, compared to more than 700 organisations

affiliated to the UDF. It was recently estimated to

have 110,000 registered members. Molala, jailed for

sabotage between 1976 and 1983, says of AZAPO

'we don't measure strength in terms of branches.

62
We believe we have supporters who may not be

members of branches.' It is certainly the case that

black consciousness has permeated the beliefs of

blacks who are not associated with AZAPO or any

of its allies, and that it has even influenced the

thinking of some pro-Freedom Charter organisations, creating a larger reservoir of potential support.

AZAPO is not the only organisation formally

affiliated to black consciousness. It has an autonomous student wing, the Azanian Students' Movement (AZASM) headed by Monde Ntswasa of the

University of Cape Town. AZASM claims a membership of 80,000 with 85 branches. The story of

AZASM is instructive. It was formed in 1983 to

replace the Azanian Students' Organisation

(AZASO) which had originally been pro-black consciousness but which defected to the charterists after

AZAPO President Curtis Nkondo had been unseated

for trying to take AZAPO into the charterist camp.

In late 1986 AZASO formalised its split from black

consciousness, ridding itself of the word 'Azanian,'

which carries Africanist and black consciousness

overtones, and re-naming itself the South African

National Students' Congress.

The AZAPO-AZASM axis has other allies in its

struggle against its charterist rivals. They include the

newly-formed CUSA-AZACTU federation of trade

unions. The new federation, a rival to the pro-UDF

Congress of South African Trade Unions, represents

an amalgamation of the Council of Trade Unions

of South Africa and the Azanian Confederation of

Trade Unions. Its key officials are General Secretary

Piroshaw Camay and First Assistant General Secretary Pandelani Nefolovhodwe. CUSA-AZACTU is

in theory a major extension of black consciousness

into the trade union field, but of the nearly 20

unions which comprise the new federation less than

a quarter are judged by labour experts to be effective.

CUSA-AZACTU looks like a paper tiger.

AZAPO itself is not a paper tiger. It dominates

the National Forum, founded in 1983 as an alliance

of 200 or more anti-government organisations ranging from, in the words of Saths Cooper, who has

spent more than a quarter of his life in jail, the

'ultra-workerist' Cape Action League to the proAfricanist Azanian National Youth Unity. Apart

from opposition to the charterists, their sole common

denominator is a commitment to socialism in some

form or other. Since Biko's death, black consciousness has gradually evolved from a philosophy seeking

to help blacks overcome psychological oppression to

becoming a political movement championing socialism. 'The emphasis has changed', Molaia explains.

'Today the emphasis is on the economic structure.

63
The objective is to consolidate and understand what

socialism is all about. To expose the iniquities of

capitalism and to bring socialism into sharp focus

as the only relevant solution.' The majority of blacks

earn their living from the sale of their labour, so

'abolition of apartheid would not constitute a solution to their situation. If apartheid were abolished,

black people would still have to contend with the

problems of staff reductions, rising prices and (relatively) falling wages. Only an infinitesimal number of

blacks will be able to enjoy the fruits of capitalism.'

Hence class and race are mixed in the black consciousness analysis. Black consciousness intellectuals

recognise that there is a white working class, and a

black middle class whose future is crucial for black

politics.

UDF VERSUS AZAPO

UDF militants have often clashed with AZAPO and other black

consiousness activists. In Soweto, rival gangs have attacked each

other with guns, knives and whips, causing dozens of deaths.

AZAPO General Secretary George Wauchope has had his house

firebombed and several members of his family killed by UDF

supporters. Some AZAPO leaders believe that UDF thugs are

acting on ANC instructions to wipe out their black rivals. UDF

spokesman Murphy Morobe acknowledges that the UDF-AZAPO

feud serves only the ends of the government, whose agents have

almost certainly fuelled the vendetta by selective killings, such as

that of prominent AZAPO supporter Dr Fabian Ribeiro.

Cooper denies that the emphasis on class and

socialism can be attributed to Trotskyist influence

emanating from AZAPO's ally, the Cape Action

League. He points out that AZAPO moved decisively

leftwards two years before the formation of the

National Forum in 1983. Already in 1981 black

consciousness adherents proclaimed that, in South

Africa, race is the determinant of class and that the

oppressed class is black. Or as one AZAPO leader

told Africa Confidential, 'there are only two authentic South African ideologies: apartheid and black

consciousness.' He pointedly excludes the multiracialism of the ANC from this definition.

AZAPO is handicapped by a shortage of funds.

It obtains little from overseas, from membership

subscriptions and from black businessmen. The main

source of income is an annual donation from the

South African Council of Churches.

Although black consciousness groups define themselves by reference to the Azanian People's Manifesto, they are also in the long tradition of what is

known as 'Africanism'. Africanism is based on the

belief that black people must liberate themselves,

and that this may involve a rejection of non-African

philosophies or structures. Hence some Africanists

reject the ANC on the grounds that white and

Marxist influence is inappropriate to the blacks'

struggle to liberate themselves. Elements of Africanism have existed in black political debate for 100

years at least, and there has been an Africanist

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influence in the ANC since its creation in 1912.

Modern left-wing Africanism is associated with

the Pan-Africanist Congress ofAzania (PAC) which

broke away from the ANC in 1959 because it considered the ANC too Marxist but also insufficiently

radical once it had adopted the 1955 Freedom

Charter. The PAC's fundamental belief is that the

land of South Africa — to be called Azania after

its liberation — belongs to Africans. Throughout

the 1960s the PAC was in the vanguard of radicalism,

organising the Sharpeville demonstrations of 1963.

Up to a quarter of Robben Island political prisoners

are still PAC, and fiery PAC President Zephania

Mothopeng still enjoys a considerable reputation in

the townships despite having been in jail for 10

vears.

'The PAC's strategy differs from that of the ANC

in the following key respects:

• The PAC believes that the vehicle for change in the country

will be not the state but the people. Hence the PAC spurns

the ANC strategy of establishing itself as a government in

exile, although it also regards the ANC's success in this regard

with some envv.

• On the armed struggle, whereas the ANC espouses selective

violence, the PAC aims to increase the people's fighting

capacitv in order to leave the people the choice of tactics. The

PAC's armed wing, the Azunian People's Liberation Army is

much smaller than the ANC's Umkhoruo we Sizwc.

Without doubt the ANC is the leading liberation

movement. However growing violence in South

Africa generally, and the state's efforts to suppress

the ANC and the UDF in particular, could favourise

a radical Africanist or black consciousness movement. The PAC itseir, damaged by leadership disputes, looks incapable of a major revival, but there is a

real possibility that another left-wing force, rejecting

multiracialism and committed to violence, could take

its place. The worse conditions become for blacks,

the more compelling will be a populist creed of

unrestrained warfare directed against all institutions

of state. But that is largely in the hands of the

government. The biggest blow it could deliver to

radical Africanism would be to urban the ANC»

65
SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

SABTA CRITICIZES TRANSPORT DEREGULATION—Pretoria—A White Paper deregulating

transport has come under fire from the SA Black Taxi Association (Sabta),

which says it would enable subsidised white bus companies to "hijack" the

taxi market. Sabta national adviser James Chapman said the taxi industry's

45 000 black participants had "fought many years against all odds to

develop (the market) for ourselves." He said white bus companies would be

able to hijack the black transport sector because the White Paper did not

provide for the simultaneous deregulation of the "monopolised" white bus

companies, but afforded them even greater protection. He said government

ignored recommendations by the National Transport Policy Study group on

which Sabta served and accepted the all-white Competition Board's recommendations instead. "Sabta has made it clear it has much to offer in the process

of economic reform, but the relationship with government would have to be

one of partnership and not of master and servant," said Chapman.—Sapa

[Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 27 Mar 87 p 5] /9317

MBEKI TIPPED AS NEXT ANC LEADER—The ANC's chief publicist Thabo Mbeki has

been tipped by a West German magazine as the movement's next leader.

Dubbing 45-year-old Mbeki the "crown prince," Bonn's Afrika Post points

out that jailed ANC leader Nelson Mandela and the movement's president

Oliver Tambo are both nearly 70. [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in

English 27 Mar 87 p 5] /9317

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66
SOUTH AFRICA

ACADEMIC TERMS IDEA OF BLACK CITY-STATES 'LUDICROUS'

MB290850 Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 29 Mar 87 p 2

[Article by Lester Venter]

[Text] The Government's constitutional dream of independent black city

states has been dismissed as "ludicrous" by a former top constitutional adviser and leading academic Professor Willie Breytenback.

Professor Breytenback, once part of the think-tank of Mr Chris Heunis's

Department of Constitutional Development and Planning and an architext of

the tri-cameral constitution, says that even if the idea were workable it

could not accommodate even half the urban blacks.

The concept of black city states is an apartheid phoenix that has risen from

the ashes of earlier Government dilemmas.

Mr F.W. de Klerk, chairman of the Ministers' Council, said this week that

once the quandry of urban blacks was settled, South Africa's political problems

would be solved.

State President Mr P.W. Botha asked this week if states such as Luxembourg

or Monaco could be independent in Europe, why not Soweto, for example, in

South Africa?

The government has made clear its desire to introduce such city-statal

independence for urban blacks in terms of its "own affairs" concept—and to

superimpose a Council of State on a national level where "general affairs"

could be thrashed out.

Professor Breytenback says the defining characteristic of the European

examples Mr Botha hasi in mind is that they are "self-generating, viable units"

with a productive infrastructure and tax base.

He described South African black urban areas as "slaapstate"—dormitory townships that did little more than house workers for nearby industrial areas.

67
At most four black urban areas—Soweto, Natalspruit, Sebokeng and the Port

Elizabeth/Uitenhage/Despatch region—had the administrative infrastructure

and other requirements to be conveted into independent states, according to

Professor Breytenback.

This would leave the political future, of the majority of urban blacks

unsolved.

The concept of independent black city states had "loony" consequences, he

said. One had to start thinking in terms of the State President of Soweto

and the Republic of Mamelodi.

If Voortrekkerhoogte wanted "a major headache" and Minister of Defence

General Magnus Malan wanted to lose sleep, they should start contemplating an

independent Soweto with its own defence force, Professor Breytenback said.

Government's fix over black city states terms from its belated concession

that not all blacks would—or could—accept homeland independence.

Until only recently the. Government insisted that there was no permanency for

blacks in "white South Africa"—hence, no political solution beyond local

government was needed for them.

Then in the heady days of reform earlier this decade came the recognition of

the unavoidable: millions of blacks were here to stay. The landmark decision was made that they could be considered South African citizens.

But citizens are entitled to political rights.

At this point, however, Government stymied itself with its adamant refusal to

consider giving blacks a role in Parliament.

Re-enter the idea of black city states, for which former Cabinet Minister

and later Nationalist rebel Mr Theo Gerdner was slated when he first mentioned

it 10 years ago.

Government planners are now entranced with the idea, which seems to make

sense in their apartheid framework: if blacks cannot or will not take independence in their homelands, give it to them where they are.

President P.W. Botha has recently also dropped strong hints that black urban

elections are in the offing to find leaders with whom he can thrash out their

concept of independence.

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SOUTH AFRICA

SURVEY FINDS WHITES FAVOR GROUP AREAS ACT REPEAL

MB271901 Johannesburg THE STAR in English 27 Mar 87 p 13

[Article by political reporter Colleen Ryan]

[Excerpt] Most white voters in six key urban contituencies are in favour of

scrapping the Group Areas Act, opinion polls commissioned by THE STAR have

revealed.

Support for repealing this controversial law was only one of the several

surprising liberal views expressed by respondents, who were mainly supporters

of the National Partly.

Respondents were evenly split on whether the National Party had been in power

too long while the largest number (44 percent) said the Government had not

lived up to its reform promises.

The majority (44.6 percent) said they preferred a reformist National Party

Government, but a substantial 35.4 percent favoured an all-race, all-party

alliance of moderates in power. A total of 14.1 percent preferred a conservative pro-apartheid government.

Marketing & Media Research conducted six separate polls this month to determine voter trends and political views.

A total of 2,151 registered voters living in the relevant constituencies

was questioned and in five of the seats the majority said they would vote for

the National Party.

Constituencies polled were Bezuidenhout, Germiston District, Port Natal,

Waterkloof, Randburg and Helderberg.

The Government has recently expressed firm opposition to scrapping the Group

Areas Act, but still 51.2 percent of all respondents said it should be

abolished, 37 percent said it should be retained and 11.9 percent were

undecided.

69
Questioned more closely, 51.6 percent said people should live according to

what they could afford, 17.5 percent favoured some mixed and some segregated

areas, while 28.1 percent said the law should remain in force.

One startling finding was a widespread negative view of the tricameral

parliament. Asked whether the tricameral system had been successful, 45.3

percent said no, 30.7 percent said yes, 23.9 percent did not know.

The survey revealed strong support for Foreign Affairs Minister Mr Pik Botha.

Respondents were given a list of candidates and asked to choose the most

likely State President in five years' time.

The top contenders were Mr Botha (31.7 percent), President Botha (22.4 percent) , Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi (9 percent), Mr F.W. de Klerk (8 percent)

and Dr Andries Treurnicht (4 percent).

Top presidential contender Mr Chris Heunis received only 3.1 percent support,

while Dr Denis Worrall (whose name was added to the list by some respondents)

received 2.5 percent support, and Mr Colin Eglin was given 1.9 percent.

Asked whether the NP had been in power too long, 43,4 percent said yes,

42.9 percent said no and 13,7 percent said they did not know.

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SOUTH AFRICA

INDEPENDENTS DENY OVERSEAS CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS

MB281143 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1.142 GMT 28 Mar 87

[Text] Johannesburg, March 28, SAPA—The trio of independent candidates in the

election today [words indistinct] at the state president, Mr P.W. Botha, for

implying during an election speech in Ermelo last night their campaign was

funded from overseas.

Dr Denis Worrall, former ambassador to Britain, said in a statement to SAPA

he categorically denied insinuations by Mr Botha that the campaign was funded

from abroad. Dr Worrall also denied receiving money for his Helderberg

campaign from the Independents Reform Trust. "The Reform Trust was established by individual South Africans who were impressed with the point of view

of the independents, and felt that it should be promoted nationally," he said.

"All the money which has been received by the trust is being used for national

newspaper advertisements. None of the money is available to the three independents in their constituencies."

Dr Worrall said he has welcomed and received money for his campaign but this

has largely come from individuals within the Helderberg constituency, as well

as from corporations and small business concerns. Every constribution has

been received and deposited with a registered firm of chartered accountants

and Dr Worrall was happy for all records being scrutinised by an auditor,

[sentence as received] He said he would reveal the names of contributors to

his campaign if they gave their consent and on condition other parties did

the same.

Mr Wynand Malan, independent candidate for Randburg, told reporters at a

hastily convened press conference in Johannesburg a clear distrinction

had to be drawn between the Reform Trust and the independents. The trust was

put together by individual businessmen who were impressed with the political

approach of the independents and wanted to publicise their view nationwide.

The candidates were not involved in the formation of the trust or its actions

and received no money from the fund for their campaigns. He could not make

the names of the trustees known as they had not given their consent but

their auditor had assured him there was no foreign money involved. His own

election funds came from people within and around the Randburg constituency

and a small number fo cheques came from the rest of the country.

71
Mr Malan vowed that he would never take foreign money even if it was offered

to him. His chartered accountant, Mr Louis Kruger, handed out a statement

testifying that no money from overseas was involved in the campaign.

He said he would reveal the names of his donors only if they agreed to this.

Some of them had, however, asked for their names to be withheld as they

handle contracts for the state and semi-state organisations.

Mr Malan said the National Party received money from big business and multinational companies and he wondered if that involved any foreign money. He

was thankful for the attention the state president had given the independents

but would have preferred him to address the political issues involved.

Mr Henry Wiggins, campaign manager for Dr Esther Lategan, said in a statement

from Stellenbosch that her campaign was funded only by individuals living in

Stellenbosch and by former University of Stellenbosch students, "No money has

been received from anybody who does not have direct links with Stellenbosch,

no money has been received from a company, no money has been received from

overseas and no money has been received from a trust," the statement said.

"Fighting an election is costly. As an independent, Esther Lategan has to

fight with a limited budget compared to the great amount of money which the ^

governing party has in its coffers to use for tricks such as golden records.

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SOUTH AFRICA

NATAL/KWAZULU'S PROPOSED CONSTITUTION LINKED TO NATIONS'S FUTURE

Cape Town LEADERSHIP in English Volume 6, 1987 No 1 pp 58-61

[Article by Desmond Clarence]

[Text]

On April 3,1986, delegates to the Natal/KwaZulu Indaba

took theirseats in the auditorium ofthe Durban City Hall

with a sense of history in the making. The international

and local Press corps, with theirbrightlights and television

cameras, created an airofexpectation, ofexcitement, but

underneath was a realisation thatthis was the beginningof

a unique happening, possibly with great potential for the

future ofSouth Africa.

The Indaba began amid daily newspaper reports ofunrest throughout the country: the horrorofnecklaces, looting and violence. Yet here were men and women ofgoodwill, representing a wide spectrum ofopinion from some

37 organisations, showing their willingness to debate and

negotiate a new legislative dispensation, at second tier

level, fortheNatal/KwaZulu region; a dispensationwhich

they believed would herald peace and stability. The experiment was unique: never before had South Africans of

all colours and religions sat down to such a debate.

However, among the public that morning were people

who didn'tshare these sentiments. As the procession left

the City Hall, three memoranda from right-wing groups

were handed to me, urging that the proceedings be stopped because it was wrong for people of different races to

debate in this way.

But this was a challenge not to be missed. And in the

weeks to come, despite sharp differences at times, delegates always tried to understand the other man's point of

view and to compromise if possible.

The Indaba was the initiative ofthe then Natal Provincial Council and the KwaZulu government. Both authorities had realised the impossibilityofefficiently, butseparately, administrating two regions which were geographically and economically linked. After 11 years of negotiating, these two bodies had created the Joint Executive Authority which had statutory approval. The nextstep was a

single legislature for the region.

To ensure that as wide a range ofpublic opinion as possible was heard at the Indaba, invitations were sentto 47

organisations representing all shades of political opinion,

commerce, industry, agriculture, municipal government

and cultural bodies. The immediate response was 38 acceptances and nine refusals. Of the acceptances, 35 required full representation and three observerstatus. During the session, one organisation was added to the observers and one was given full representation.

Reasons for requesting observer status or refusing the

invitation were revealing. TheNational Partywas present

as an observer, but refrained from participating because,

through government, they would later have to judge the

findings. Other observers felt that the political issues

would cause division among their members no matter

what decisions were reached.

Refusals came from the right and left. The formerwere

against any debate across the colour line, while the latter

feltthatthe Indaba was ill-timed and divisive. Atfirst, this

seemed a surprising attitude as the intention was to bring

people together. However, it soon became clear that

should the Indaba meetwith anysuccessitwould bedetrimental to the extreme left-wing desire for a total handover of power in a unitary state. Clearly, the philosophies

of the Indaba and the radical left were diametrically opposed. On the one hand, the Indaba aimed to bring about

peaceful change through negotiation while the radicals

wanted the complete disruption of every facet oflife in

73
South Africa as a means to their end.

Following the State President's lead that the country

should move away from apartheid, the Indaba decided:

D To acceptthatthe Natal/KwaZulu region was a single

unit and thatitssecond tier governmentshould reflect

this in its political structure;

D There was no desire to be sovereignly independent of

South Africa;

D All people of the region should have the right to full

political participation and effective representation;

D The acceptance ofthe democratic principles of freedom, equality, justice, the Rule ofLaw and access to

the law, which meant that legislation based on racial

discrimination must be abolished;

D The region mustbe founded upon a free economic system and the provision of equal opportunities for all

people with provision forthe protection ofthe rights of

individuals and groups; and

D Legislative and administrative power should be devolved as much as possible.

In addition, it was agreed that all debate would be held

in camera and all proceedings were considered confidential. This decision was essential to allow for free debate

and compromise. The Press accepted these conditions

and were issued weekly statements.

A rough pattern oflikely proposalssoon emerged.

There was a strong movement, probably founded on past

events, for a bill of rights. However, some delegates felt

that a bill of rights did not go far enough because group

rightswere not automatically safeguarded. To provide the

necessary protection, a constitution, which gave specific

attention to group rights, and incorporated the bill of

rights, was necessary.

In formulatingthe bill ofrights, delegateswere aware of

conflicting opinions about the usefulness and validity of

such documents. Some considered them a guarantee of

justice forall, othersfelttheyweren'tworth the paperthey

were written on. As American Supreme CourtJudge,

Leonard Hand, once commented: "Liberty lies in the

hearts ofmen. When it diesthere, no constitution, no law,

no court can save it." I believe the Indaba delegates voted

for a bill ofrights with the determination "to undergo the

fatigue ofsupporting it in order to reap the blessings of

freedom expected from it," asThomas Paine said atthe

time ofthe adoption ofthe American constitution.

By July 10, the finaltoucheswere beingputto the bill of

rights. The fifth draft was on the table, guaranteeing,

among otherissues: equality before the law; personal liberty, except in certain specific circumstances such as lawful arrest; personal privacy; propertyownership; and occupancy, educational, linguistic and religious rights. Freedoms guaranteed to individuals were: freedom of movement, of conscience and religion, ofopinion and expression, ofassociation and ofwork and contract. All rights and

freedoms were to be binding on the legislature and enforceable through the Supreme Court.

A sensitive issue during the bill of rights debate concerned property. The clause states: "Everyone has the

rightto lawfully own and occupy property anywhere in the

Province." One delegation objected to the inclusion ofthe

word "anywhere", butthe majority wished to unequivocally show that the Group Areas Act should be abolished.

And so the word was retained.

Education was another contentious matter. Some alleged that the strong emphasis in the bill ofrights on nondiscrimination on racial grounds could lead to the withdrawal ofthe right to mother tongue instruction. There is

no fear of this, however. In the clause relating to educational rights, while all persons have the rightto public education, the Province, in providing facilities, is specifically

empowered to distinguish between persons on the

grounds oflanguage orsex.

Despite the decision to include the bill ofrights in the

constitution itwas agreed thatthe billshould be published

in advance, if only to maintain the Indaba's credibility.

Too long a period ofsilence might have been interpreted

by the media as lack ofprogress. Ofcourse, there was always the dangerofa misunderstanding ifthe bill appeared

withoutthe constitution, butthat risk had to be taken.

With hindsight, the decision to publish was correct, asit

caused considerable public interest. For example, there

were some 1% 000 requestsforfurthercopies (119 000 in

English; 23 000 in Afrikaans and 54 000 in Zulu).

During the firstthree months, although the bill ofrights

was the main issue, preparations were being made for the

major debate on the constitution. Each delegation was invited to submit a position paperoudining ideas fora possible constitution. Experts on constitutional law were also

given time to address the Indaba. For example, one delegation briefed a senior advocate to present an analysis of

the Canton system; Leon Louw and Francis Kendall, authors ofSouth Africa, TheSolution, presented theirideas for

a possible constitution; Dr Clem Sunter, of the Anglo

American Corporation, oudined possible scenariosforthe

future. And a morning was spent hearing the pleas from

Messrs Van Tonder and Schuring and Mrs Hertzog for a

Boerestaat consisting of the Transvaal, the Orange Free

State and Northern Natal.

Each presentation broadened the background and understanding of the different approaches to the problem.

Finally, the 70 members undertookan "educational" visit

to SWA/Namibia as guests of the Democratic Turnhalle

Alliance. Six ministers oftheTransitional Govemmentof

National Unity gave addresses concentrating on how

74
they had dealt with such matters as the Group Areas Act,

powersharing and multi-racial schools.

During this period, an Indaba constitution sub-committee considered all submissions and ideas before passing suggestions to the full Indaba. Three othersub-committees on education, economics and local government

were following much the same process ofgathering facts,

opinions and attitudes.

The education sub-committee consisted of many experts, while the local government sub-committee was

made up of two men well versed in the processes ofthe

Natal Provincial Administration and the KwaZulu administration. Theirtaskwasto advise on how powercould

be devolved in the envisaged unitary province and also to

suggest what changes would have to be made in rationalising the difference in the present powers delegated to the

Natal Provincial Council and KwaZulu.

The constitution committees, after assessing all their

information, presented five possible models. Afterweeks

of debate, the final proposals were agreed on. At every

turn great effort was put into reaching a compromise.

As chairman, I swung between elation, when itseemed

that a stubborn point had been overcome, and depression

when no possible solution was evident. Obviously, the

final proposals were notthe first choices ofanydelegations

but a compromise which all who supported the proposals,

felt was acceptable to their constituents. In the end, 82%

voted in favour of the proposals, 9% abstained and 9%

voted against. This latter group had found themselves

able to accept compromise on many points but not on

some they considered to be fundamental.

The proposal is for a two-chamber legislature with a

: overnor, a prime minister, a provincial executive, standig committees, cultural councils, traditional authorities

: id an economic advisory council. The chambers are denned to ensure political participation by all adults, group

rotection and powersharing.

The First Chamber: This will consist of 100 members

elected by voters on the principle of universal adult

suffrage. The province will be divided into 15 constituencies and elections will be fought by political parties on the basis of proportional representation. Each

party will submit a list ofits candidates in decreasing

order ofpreference. No voters' rolls need be prepared

but voters must be able to indicate thatthey are bona

fide residents ofthe province and South Africa citizens.

3 The Second Chamber: This will consist of 50 seats

made up offive groups each with 10 members. The

five groups are designated Afrikaans background, English background, African background, Asian background and the South African group. Voters will be

asked to voluntarily associate themselves with the

group oftheir particular background and will begiven a

second vote to be exercised in electing the membersof

theirgroup to the second chamber. Again the principle

of proportional representation will be employed, but

the province will be considered a single area.

Should a voternotfitinto one ofthe firstfourgroups,

orifhe does notwish to be classified in anyway at all, he

may then ally himself with the South African group.

Obviously, this classification is very different from the

present South African race classification ofwhite,

black, Asian or coloured. The English background

group, for example, will conceivably caterfor English

speaking whites, coloureds and Indians. And likewise

for the other groups.

D The Provincial Executive: The executive will consist

of the prime minister, who will be the leader of the

majority party in the first chamber, and 10 or more

otherministers. Halfofthe ministers will be appointed

by the prime ministerfrom his own party and the other

halfwill be elected by an electoral college consisting of

the elected members ofall the other parties represented in both chambers. There must be a minimum of

one ministerfrom each group in the second chamber.

D The Standing Committees: A standing committee of

15 members will be established for each executive

portfolio. Members may be chosen from each chamber and whenever possible should include members

from each represented political party. Each group in

the second chamberwill elect one memberto a standing committee. Members from the first chamber will

be elected by proportional representation but no party

will be entitled to more than 60% ofmembers.

Legislation will be initiated by the executive and

passed to the appropriate standing committee ofboth

chambers. Ifapproved itwill then be placed before the

first chamber. Ifpassed here it will move to the second

chamberfor consideration. To become law, all legislation must be passed by both chambers with a simple

majority in each.

However, there is an exception. Ifproposed legislation is deemed detrimental to one ofthe background

groups on the basis oflanguage, religion or culture, a

simple majority of the members of that particular

group (six members) have an outrightvetoonthe legislation. Should therebedoubtastowhetherornotlegislation is detrimental, a decision can be sought via the

Supreme Court. In addition, cultural councils will be

constitutionally recognised and will be responsible for

the protection, maintenance and promotion ofthe religious, language and cultural rightsand interestsofthe

particular background group they represent.

75
The special veto powers given to each backgroundgroup in the second chamber, togetherwith the cultural councils and the rights given to individualsin the bill

ofrights, give full group protection in matters oflanguage, culture and religion.

Also, the assurance given by proportional representation for the presence ofminority parties in the first

chamber, the five specified background groups in the

second chamber and the composition of the standing

committees, strongly encourage government by consensus and ensure a marked degree ofpowersharing.

Those delegations oppossed to the proposals could

not accept the concept ofpowersharing. Admittedly,

it was not easy to obtain a simple definition of "equal

powersharing", butfrom theirsubmissionsitwas clear

that nothing less than a veto by the particular background group on every piece oflegislation, would suffice.

This attitude stems from a philosophy of enforced

group participation in politics as opposed to free association. Consequently, itis notsurprising this was unacceptable to the majority.

At issue now is whether these proposals will be accepted by government and allowed to work. Unquestionably, such a constitution must have Parliament's

authorisation. There is also a wide discrepency between the present powers delegated to the KwaZulu

government and the Natal Provincial Executive.

These would have to be rationalised in a unitary province, and it is probable that neither administration

would willingly forego powers it now enjoys.

The State President has publicly stated that separate residential areas must be retained in the region,

but, as has been pointed out, itiscrucialtothelndaba's

bill ofrights thatthe Group Areas Actis abolished. Itis

possible that government would never allow Natal/

KwaZulu to take a "local option" which would make it

different from the other Provinces.

There are many fundamental questions, such asthe

Group Areas Act and the degree ofpowersharing,

which will have to be carefully weighed by the Minister ofPlanning and Constitutional Development. Although the Indaba proposals may not fit perfectly into

government's perceptions offuture developments,

public response has been positive asthey promise a stable and peaceful future form of government. Such a

system of co-operative government could lessen present tensions and may even be the catalyst needed to

remove sanctions.

DesmondClarence is chairman of

theKwa'/.ululNatalIndaba. He

is a former principalof the

University ofNatal.

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CSO: 3400/464

76
SOUTH AFRICA

NON-REVOLUTIONARY STRATEGY PROPOSED TO STEADILY UNRAVEL APARTHEID

Cape Town LEADERSHIP in English Volume 6, 1987 No 1 pp 73-77

[Article by Jonn Kane-Berman, director of SAIRR]

[Text]

Itis too easy to express revulsion about apartheid. Getting

rid of it is a more compelling and formidable job. It requires not only moral conviction, but also cool and calculating heads, dispassionate analysis, pragmatism and imagination rather than dogmatism and thorough planning.

The objective should notbe merely to smooth the rougher

edges ofapartheid, butto get rid ofit completely.

From time to time there are calls for a South African De

Gaulle, but the model is inapt because South Africa requires internal change, not decolonisation. Kingjuan Carlos ofSpain, who liberalised his own country, would be a

better model. At one stage it seemed that P W Botha

might play such a role, but he has faltered badly. Can the

National Party throw up a Juan Carlos? I don't know.

Nevertheless, in Western Europe, Spain symbolises the

hope that anotherright-wing, authoritarian country might

also be able to transform itself into a liberal democracy. I

wantto suggest how this might happen.

For the past 10 years, South Africa has been in a state

of violent but basically stable equilibrium. On the one

hand, black resistance has not been powerful enough to

overthrow government, while on the other, government has been unable finally to quell revolt. Black fury

atthe pitilesssystem ofapartheid, and action againstthe

oppressive machinery used to enforce it, has now

climbed toa new and widerplateau, but violentequilibrium can continue for a long time, probably until the end

of this century at least. Even if new explosions of violence occur, as they assuredly will, South Africa is not on

the brink ofrevolution. The State is simply too powerful, black opposition too fragmented.

Fortunately, political violence is not the only dominating trend in South Africa. The other important trend is

socio-economic reform. Thisis an objective process rather

than a purposeful programme that government has

undertaken. To put it another way, apartheid is not so

much being dismantled as simply unravelled. With regard to security, government is not on the retreat; with

regard to apartheid, it is, and can be made to retreat even

further by tackling its soft underbelly.

Many political commentators take the view that the

recent imposition of Press censorship signifies that reform has come to a halt. I doubtit. Reform is not something that government can turn on and offlike a tap. Itis

less a matter of choice than a process of concession

forced upon Pretoria by various kinds of pressure. The

pressure will certainly not abate and the concessions will

continue.

The security clampdown indicates that South Africa's Prague Spring is now over, and that government

has reverted to type. The surprising thing is notthatthe

clampdown was imposed at all, but that it was so long in

coming. Former prime minister John Vorster would

have acted to crush organisations like the UDF much

earlier in the day. Probably one ofthe main reasons why

South Africa enjoyed this Prague Spring, duringwhich,

despite restrictions, black opposition was able to flourish,

was the restraining influence ofits Western connections,

particularly the Americans.

Why then the clampdown? Some people have argued

that it is the death-throes of a dying regime. No such

luck: good agitprop is usually poor analysis. One can advance four reasons:

77
D Getting tough with black resistance is a handy

weapon against the right in the white general election that is to be held this year;

D Government intends to press ahead with various

political and other initiatives in the townships and

wants to minimise resistance to them;

D It also wants to nip in the bud the development of

"alternative structures"; and

D American sanctions had already been imposed, so

Pretoria decided that it might as well hang for a

sheep as a lamb.

Socio-economic reform dates back to the early Seventies when the white labour surplus dried up and government had to allow the training of black people for skilled

jobs. From this flowed the erosion ofthe industrial colour

bar, the official recognition of black trades unions, the

granting offreehold home ownership rights to blacks and

the abolition ofinflux control.

These changes have occurred because apartheid has

become unenforceable in these fields. Legislative reform

has been a process of government catching up with what

has been happening anyway. Employers who were short

ofskilled white workers simply trained blacks forthe jobs,

with the resultthatthe laws against it increasingly became

a dead letter. One senior minister recently said privately

that companies had made a major contribution to change

"when they just pressed ahead despite our silly job reservation laws".

So also with black trades unions: initially, government

and the security police (and most employers) were very

hostile to them, but afterseveral years offutile attemptsto

emasculate and even crush them, a few pioneering employers stepped out ofline and began negotiating with

them. In due course, legislation was enacted recognising

black unions as a fact oflife.

The repeal of the pass laws in the middle oflast year

was also a case of Parliament bowing to reality, as black

people in their hundreds ofthousands simply moved to

the cities regardless. In Cape Town, even the Stateowned S A Transport Services ignored the pass laws and

gave such people jobs illegally.

A similar process is now under way with the Group

Areas Act: black people are increasingly moving into

white suburbia while government turns a blind eye to

this matter-of-fact disregard of its policy of residential

segregation. Although government recently shelved an

important report on the Act in an attempt to deprive

right-wing parties of ammunition in the coming election, I suspect that the repeal ofthis infamous law is becoming less a matter of principle for government and

more a matter oftime.

Apartheid is becoming unenforceable for two main

reasons. Firstly, blacks are simply ignoring it on an increasing scale. I don't mean overt defiance by political

activists, but a much wider tendency among ordinary

people, poor as well as rich. In the Western Cape, the

families ofmigrant workers move to town to escape rural

destitution; in Johannesburg, middle-income coloured

and Indian families move into white blocks of flats because they're fed up with being on segregated waitinglists for years on end; also in Johannesburg, and elsewhere, blacks who can afford housing in white middleclass suburbs find ways ofobtaining it. White employers,

landlords and estate agents are increasingly willing to

co-operate, while the authorities seem less and less will-.

ing, for a varietv ofreasons, to intervene. Apartheid has always relied more on mass black submissiveness, however

silently resentful, than on brute force. Again foravarietyof

reasons, the submissiveness is beginning to disappear.

The second main reason why apartheid is becoming

unenforceable is that economic growth is undermining

the archaic segregationist structures that were imposed

on the economy in the pursuit of the Verwoerdian

Utopia. After all, as P W Botha himselfpointed out a few

years ago, even South Africa's arms industry is heavily

dependent on black labour.

Atthe same time, reform is a domino processin which

each change generates pressure for the next. As a senior

minister put it recently: "We thought in the Fifties that

we could stop the black urbanisation tide, but when we

came to recognise that blacks are permanently with us a

whole series ofchanges started." In otherwords, everything is inter-related: ifyou are going to invest money in

training blacks for skilled jobs you can no longer treat

them as only temporarily residentin the industrial centres.

Moreover, the very fact that they now command certain

skills means that it is no longer in the employer's interests

simply to dismiss black workers who go on strike because

of the cost and inconvenience of having to train replacements, so you have no choice butto try and preventstrikes

by negotiating with black trades unions.

A new pressure is now building up. Black workers

being promoted to senior jobs in which they will have

the rightto hire and fire other people are refusing to take

these jobs unless they are allowed to move out of the

townships and into white areas, for fear of being

"necklaced" should they happen to fire black people

and return home to the townships. More and more

employers will therefore have little choice but to defy

the Group Areas Act.

Apartheid, to put it another way, is like a huge onion.

Each time you peel offa layeryou expose the one under78
neath it. Eventually you get to the core, the Population

Registration Act, which classifies everyone according to

an officially-defined race group. The only way permanently to protect the core is not to peel anything off. A

question which arises is why the process isn't faster and

more decisive. Part of the answer is the absence of a

worked-out reform programme. Secondly, while some

civil servants would no doubt like to see change go faster, there are also bureaucratic interests whose jobs

would be threatened by the disappearance of apartheid

laws for them to enforce.

Thirdly, astonishing as it may seem in view ofthe recent violence and the despairing cries ofits internal and

external critics for government to "do something",

there is no sense of urgency in Pretoria. Government

sees instability as a by-product ofreform, and is not only

unalarmed by it, but some ministers privately admit

that it will be with us for quite some years to come.

Nevertheless, reform will continue. The Reservation ofSeparate Amenities Act will go shortly, eventually the Group Areas Act will go as well, while educational desegregation will take place on an increasing

scale.

Meanwhile, black submissiveness is beginning to

disappear and black resistance to, and initiatives against,

apartheid will grow. One should never underestimate the

coercive power of the modem authoritarian state, but

apartheid is ultimately doomed, because most black

people rejectit utterly.

As I have argued, I do not think that revolution can

overthrow apartheid. It is often stated that all non-violent strategies against it have been exhausted or have failed. I disagree: in fact, I believe, their moment is only

now arriving. This is because it is only now that the

economic interdependence ofblack and white is reaching

the point where the balance ofpower is shifting towards

blacks.

One ofthe constituencies thatis part ofthisshifting balance ofpower, and which has already been the focus ofincreased international attention, is business. For many

years business was content to go along with apartheid as

long as the going was good (resisting black unionisation,

backing the disastrous 1983 constitution, for example),

but is now a potentially important anti-apartheid

constituency.

One way in which business can speed up the process

' >f change is by adopting a strategy of "creative erosion"

- that is, by applying its resources in such a way as to

erode apartheid laws and practices and at the same time

create something different in their place. Moreover,

openings exist for foreign as well as indigenous companies to do this. Some have already started. Indeed,

some of the companies playing a leading role are the

South African subsidiaries ofmultinationals.

One example of creative erosion is to assist black

employees who wish to move out of black townships

into white areas; another is by financing non-racial

schools and so help to create a national momentum to

break down educational apartheid.

Another area where the private sector could play an

important role in eroding apartheid is housing. Government has finally begun to realise that the enormous

black housing shortage must be reduced, but it needs

the help of the private sector. Such help can be conditional: business could refuse to co-operate unless all

new housing developmentwasfree ofracial restrictions.

It could also refuse any kind ofco-operation unless government guaranteed that there would be no more prosecutions under the Group Areas Act or forced population removals.

A fourth possibility is to help erode the Land Acts,

which form the basis of dividing South Africa into the

white-designated area and the so-called homelands.

The private sector could, for example, set up a foundation to enable black people to purchase land for agricultural purposes in the so-called white areas, presently

forbidden. I .and ownership in South Africa is massively

distorted on racial lines, and the time to begin the necessary process ofcorrection is now. Not only could low-interest loans be made available for black farmers to buy

land, but the private sector could also contribute

through agricultural training and loansforseeds, fertilisers, agricultural equipment, and the like. Obviously a

programme like this would require detailed research

and a feasibility study, but it is the kind ofimaginative

idea thatthe private sector needsto consider. Ifthe legal

obstacles to direct purchase ofland by blacks prove insurmountable, business could think of circumventing

the law by financing black-controlled white nominee

companies.

The approach I am outlining goes beyond merely

condemning apartheid and calling for its repeal. It implies the purposeful application ofbusiness resources to

help bring about its de facto erosion, experience having

shown that changes in the law follow changes on the

ground more often than the reverse. In today's climate

ofgrowing moral and intellectual doubt about apartheid

in Pretoria, such strategies have a greater chance ofsuccess than ever before. In fact, the climate is ripe for

them.

Apart from working to erode apartheid in the wider

society, business can act in its own sphere to tackle the

major problem ofmaterial inequality in South Africa. Is

it not possible to divert into housing programmes some

ofthe cash which is now going into mergers and acquisi79
dons? Is it not also time for companies, in consultation

with their employees, to start share participation schemes

so that black workers become part-owners ofcompanies in

the private sector?

The big question that remains is whether socioeconomic reform will spill over into the political field.

Political apartheid is essentially a formula for whites to

perpetuate theirmonopoly offormal political powerand

it will therefore be the last redoubt to fall, but government, in my view, will not be able to preventspillover.

As residential areas become increasingly desegregated,

so segregated municipal government will become less

and less sustainable. Once municipal government begins to be desegregated, so segregated voters' rolls atother

levels ofgovernment will also become less sustainable.

There is a stark contradiction in South Africa now between an integrating economy and the political straitjacket ofsegregation that government imposed on the

country with the 1983 constitution.

Orthodox apartheid ideology is in fact already being

eroded: the homelands are no longer seen as the sole

channel for blacks to voice political aspirations, and government is now formally committed to bringing blacks

into decision-making at the highest level. Precisely

whatthis means has not been defined, but possibly the

new national council which government wants to

launch, initially as an advisory body, is seen as a potential multiracial executive. Government is also talking

about setting up legislative assemblies for urban blacks

with executive authorities attached to them.

All of these, of course, are not in fundamental contradiction to the apartheid policy, but are rathermodifications, the new name for apartheid being "own affairs". It seems that government is groping towards a

system in which each of the four official population

groups will have its own legislative institutionsfor "own

affairs" with some sort ofstructure to deal with matters

ofcommon interest at the top, which will be ultimately

controlled by whites through the National Party. State

President Botha will presumably use the white election

to obtain a mandate for power-sharingwith blacks, however ill-defined.

There is little chance that these constitutional plans

will succeed because they will notsecure the support of

enough blacks to make them viable. In fact, government's ability to co-opt black political allies and impose

unilateral constitutional reform is probably reaching the

end ofthe road. The lastmajorconstitutional reform imposed on the country -the 1983 constitution - generated unprecedented violence because it sought to

exclude blacks, and it is likely that attempts to impose

further constitutional structures on blacks, even under

the protection of a state of emergency and a restricted

Press, will likewise generate resistance.

Government has not yet discovered this for itself, so

that the possibility ofits making further futile attempts

to impose constitutional structures cannot be ruled out.

Regrettably, we must therefore expect a period in which

government will lead the country up further political dead

ends.

What options does this leave for others? Before dealing with this question itis appropriate to askwhatsortof

society one wants to see in South Africa atthe end ofthe

road. I would argue thatit should be based on universal

adult suffrage, the rule oflaw and a bill ofrights outlawing apartheid and entrenchingcivilliberties. Its political

institutions and processes should be such as to facilitate

multiparty democracy. It should aim at full employment and the elimination ofthe huge racial discrepancy

in material resources thatis one ofthe major legacies of

the apartheid system. There are huge shortages of

houses and classrooms and jobs-justto name the main

ones - in South Africa, and no post-apartheid governmentis going to find it easy to eliminate them.

The choice of means to secure these ends is vitally

important. Strategies calculated to cripple the economy

will notsecure them. Nor will revolution.

So, given the fact that government's constitutional

reform programme is grinding to a halt, what can others

do? A great deal, I would argue. The first thing that

needs to be recognised is that one should not wait for

government, butshould take the initiative.

In the first place, business can help to erode political

apartheid at the municipal level. There is a small but

growing number ofwhite local authorities that want to

get rid of segregated municipal government, and, despite appearances to the contrary, scores ofblack communities in different parts ofthe country have been involved over the pasttwo years in negotiations with local

business and government officials with a view to upgrading living conditions, heading off government removal plans, and so on. These embryonic talks, even

though they are now obviously more difficultin the context of a state of emergency, could form the basis for

wider negotiations, one key aim being to bring aboutthe

desegregation oflocal government.

Secondly, at provincial level the KwaZulu Natal Indaba, which deliberated foreightmonths, has produced

a constitutional plan for non-racial second-tier government which has great promise.* It is a political compromise that reconciles the black aspiration for majonty

rule with appropriate and legitimate mechanisms to protect minorities.

80
They are:

D A bill ofrights outlawing racial discrimination;

D A prime minister and 10 other ministers;

D A bicameral legislature; and

D Universal adult suffrage, each voter having two

votes, one for each chamber.

Those are the bare bones. The flesh that has been put

on them is an imaginative blend ofmajoritarian principles with appropriate checks and balances to cater for

minorities. The most important ofthese is in the structure and law-making procedures ofthe legislature.

The first chamber will have 100 members elected by

proportional representation, the second, 50 members.

Foursets of 10 ofthese will be forpeople ofAfrican, Afrikaans, Asian and English backgrounds, the remaining

10 being for people who don't wish to emphasise any

particular background and simply regard themselves as

South Africans. Everybody, irrespective ofbackground, is

entitled to vote in this category ratherthan in one ofthe

otherfour.

Legislation will ordinarily require the consent ofboth

chambers by simple majority. However, laws affecting

the religious, language, or cultural rights of a particular

group will also require the support ofsix ofthe 10 members ofthat group in the second chamber.

A veto is obviously a powerful weapon and a blanket

veto would undermine majoritarian principles. This

veto isjustifiable, however, because its scope is limited

and because it cannot be arbitrarily used. Thusit cannot

be used for all legislation but only forspecified types; a

particular group cannot cast its veto ifin so doing it adversely affectsthe rightsofanyothergroup; and itcan be

employed only ifa simple majority ofthe second chamber

as a whole agrees thatthe issue in question is one affecting

the rights of the particular group seeking to employ its

veto, disputes being referred to the courts, which will, of

course, be bound by the bill ofrights.

In other words, the checks and balances are themselves counterchecked and counterbalanced. This system ofprotecting the legitimate rights and interests-as

opposed to unwarranted privileges - of minorities was

absolutely vital to the successful outcome of the InJaba's deliberations. Equally important was that the

background groups in the second chamber are based on

voluntary association, which is, of course, completely

contradictory to the system ofcompulsory racial classification thatis the core ofapartheid.

Local and provincial solutions do not pretend to be,

nor are they, substitutes for a national political solution,

which requires a national constitutional conference in

which the full range ofSouth African political opinion,

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CSO: 3400/464

including political organisations now banned or whose

leaders are in prison or in exile, would have to be able to

participate freely. Such a conference must be the key

objective, but the desegregation ofgovernment at lower

levels could play an important part in bringing it about.

The Indaba has proved that compromise across a pretty

wide spectrum ofopinion in South Africa is possible.

What role can the outside world play? Subsidiaries in

South Africa offoreign companies can certainly play a role

in encouraging negotiation by, for example, helping to finance and participate inworkshops where partiesfrom different parts of the country interested in municipal desegregation can compare notes and plan strategies. A

groundswell movement to desegregate government at

this level would be one possible outcome ofsuch a workshop and it could actively be worked for. Another role

companies could play is by promising to invest in Natal if

the Indaba proposals are implemented.

Foreign companies, like local companies, have the

advantage of being direct participants in South Africa.

Foreign governments are one step removed, but they

can also maximise their role. There are vast backlogs of

facilities in Natal. For example, KwaZulu alone is short

of9 500 classrooms and has only two out ofevery three

ofthe teachers it needs.

The Indaba was deeply conscious ofthe importance

of making progress in reducing material inequalities.

Western governments could make clear that if the Indaba's proposals were implemented they would be willing to put substantial development assistance into the

province, so helping it eliminate these backlogs, repair

the ravages ofapartheid and make a fresh start.

One effect of this could well be that people in other

parts ofthe countrywould see that political compromise

and racial reconciliation bring tangible rewards. This

would encourage them to follow suit and it might make

more whites start thinking about a national constitutional conference.

It would be quite wrong to interpret my proposals as

advocacy of gradualism. Black South Africa (and increasing numbers ofwhites) is crying out not forgradual

change, butforthe eradication ofracism with all deliberate speed. Objectively speaking as well, thatiswhatthe

country needs. Thecruel reality thatmustcourageously

be faced is that apartheid is still too firmly entrenched

for this to happen. Internal strategies or external interventions that ignore the power that Pretoria commands

risk leading people into false dawns, which is also cruel.

Given the reality to which I have referred, I have tried

instead to delineate part ofa strategy that essentially involves identifying, and then assailing, apartheid through

its soft underbelly.

81
SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY EMPHASIZES WEAPONS SELF-SUFFICIENCY

MB010526 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 1 Apr 87

[Station commentary]

[Text] The weapons boycott is one of the oldest forms of sanctions introduced

against South Africa. Twenty-five years ago, the United States banned the

supply of arms to South Africa that could be used according to the American

definition, to enforce apartheid. Then, in 1963, came a United Nations ban

on arms supplies to South Africa. This ban became mandatory in 1977, making

the weapons boycott the most comprehensive sanctions action taken against

South Africa up to that time or since then.

In addition to armaments sanctions constituting the most comprehensive and

one of the oldest forms of sanctions against South Africa, it is also

potentially the most damaging. If successful, the security of the nation

and its very survival, would be at risk, at a time when there is an escalation of communist military activity to the north of us.

The arms boycott has, in actual fact, been neutralized to a large extent.

This was confirmed once again in a television interview this week by the

chairman of ARMSCOR [Armaments Development and Production Corporation],

Commandant Piet Marais, who also gave an assurance that this would continue

to be the case in the future. The success story of ARMSCOR is known. Not

only has ARMSCOR, in close cooperation with the private sector, built up an

armaments industry that can provide all the weapons reasonably required by

the South African Defence Force but it has also become a major arms exporter.

So much so that in the last financial year ARMSCOR was the biggest earner

of foreign exchange for South Africa after the mining and agricultural sectors. In the manufacturing sector, ARMSCOR was the biggest earner of foreign

exchange.

As far as self-sufficiency is concerned, statistics show that in the 1974-75

financial year ARMSCOR spent 70 percent of its budget abroad but 10 years

later that figure had dropped to less than 15 percent. Today, South Africa

is, in Commandant Marals's words, not dependent on any other country for

her military preparedness. More specifically, Commandant Marais has reported, apropos of the recent decision by Israel not to conclude any new

82
military contracts with this country, that speculation that South Africa

depended on Israel for her weaponry was greatly exaggerated. The chairman

of ARMSCOR has also announced that a whole range of new armaments is on the

drawing board because, as he has pointed out, it is essential not only to

match Russian arms in use in Africa but to exceed the effectiveness of communist weapons systems. This is an objective which—given ARMSCOR's proud

track record of the past decade and more—is well within its capacity to

achieve.

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SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY NOTES READINESS TO COOPERATE WITH NEIGHBORS

MB280914 Johannesburg International Service in English 0630 GMT 28 Mar 87

[Station commentary: "Cooperation"]

[Text] South Africa has never shied away from its responsibility to the southern African region. It has consistently stated and shown its willingness to

cooperate with its neighbors in the best interests of all peoples in the

subcontinent.

South African Foreign Minister Mr Pik Botha has reiterated this stand. He

said in Rustenburg, near Pretoria, this week that South Africa would contxnue

to play a leading role in the search for solutions to problems in southern

Africa. He believed that the countries of the region would eventually realize

that the region's problems could not be resolved without South Africa's participation. He also reiterated the one important condition for South Africa's

cooperation. The absolute assurance that neighboring states would not allow

their countries to be used for the launching of terrorist attacks against

South Africa.

The governments of the region will have to resolve their difficulties together.

In order to do so, they need to reject the interference of foreign forces and

terrorist organizations which have no interest in the peaceful resolution of

problems. If nothing else, it has become clear over the past 2 and 1/2 years,

during which time South Africa has experienced the most concerted onslaught

against it from all quarters, it has been clearly demonstrated that South

Africa is not going to succumb to the forces of revolution. It is not going

up in flames or buckling under the effects of disinvestment and sanctions.

On the contrary, there is every indication that South Africa is not only

withstanding the various facets of the onslaught but winning against them.

South Africa's proud record of surmounting bostile action against it remains

firmly intact. Its neighbors would do well to recognize this and the futility

in giving sanctuary to South Africa's enemies from which there is nothing to

be gained. On the other hand, there is much to be gained from cooperation and

peaceful coexistence with South Africa.

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SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY VIEWS SAVIMBI'S OFFER TO OPEN BENGUELA

MB300802 Johannesburg International Service in English 0630 GMT 30 Mar 87

[Station commentary]

[Text] The Benguela railway line that runs through central Angola is of great

potential importance. If fully operational, Benguela is the shortest and quickest route for the copper, cobalt, diamonds, and other exports of the mineralrich Shava Province in Zaire. It also provides Zambia and Zimbabwe with their

only direct link with an Atlantic Ocean harbor.

The announcement by the leader of the UNITA movement in Angola, Dr Jonas

Savimbi, that he will now allow the use of Benguela for nonmilitary purposes

will accordingly be welcomed by these countries as a means of reducing their

exceptionally heavy transport dependence on South Africa. It could, however,

take some years before the harbor facilities and the railway itself are upgraded and made fully operational after a decade in which Benguela was shut

down. Also, exporting countries will probably wish to assess the security

rating of Benguela over a lengthy period before using the line with confidence.

It is unlikely therefore that Dr Savimbi's announcement will change the

transport patterns of southern Africa in the short term. The announcement

opens the prospects of the Angolan armed forces easing off on military contacts

with UNITA and in particular abandoning their regular plans for attacking

Jamba, the UNITA headquarters. Any major offensive against UNITA could well

force Dr Savimbi to withdraw his offer on Benguela. The fact that Dr Savimbi

is able to dictate to the Angolan Government on whether a major transport

route is opened or remains closed is significant. This, together with the

growing unpopularity of the MPLA government and its total reliance on communist support from abroad, demonstrates once again that until the government

negotiates, with Dr Savimbi and include UNITA in a national and truly

represnetative government, peace will never return to Angola.

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SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY NOTES COMMUNIST DOMINATION OF ANC

MB270919 Johannesburg International Service in English 0630 GMT 27 Mar 87

[Station commentary: "The Radical Onslaught Against South Africa"]

[Text] The point that critics fail to grasp about South Africa's stand of

negotiating with the ANC only if it renounces violence is that the ANC is

not its own master, but is the instrument for achieving the will of others.

President P."W. Botha stated that very clearly at a rural political meeting

in the Transvaal. He said: The ANC is not the danger, but what lies behind

it. This is what we are fighting. The main threat to the country's security,

he said, was the SACP.

It is the SACP, which has been described as the one most fiercely loyal to

Moscow, that directs the ANC. It is known that 25 of the 30-member Politburo of the ANC are members of the SACP.

The use of revolutionary force is the only means whereby international communism makes its advances. No communist regime has even been brought about

by democratic means. Various spokesmen for the ANC have made it clear that

the only thing the organization is prepared to negotiate with the South

African Government is the transfer of power.

This was spelled out by Mrs Winnie Mandela, wife of the imprisoned ANC

leader, Nelson Mandela, in an interview with TIME magazine.2 months ago. She

said: The black man does not have the word reform in his vocabularly. Blacks

in this country are talking about the transition of power to the majority.

The government will not release Mandela because he will negotiate only on a

transfer of power. This stance speaks of only one alternative, revolutionary

violence.

In short, the conflict in South Africa is not between white and black, but

between Western democracy and communism. The irony is that, in some Western

nations, the tool of international communism, the ANC, has considerable support .

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SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

STELLENBOSCH ACADEMICS SUPPORT DISSIDENTS—The Stellenbosch revolt against

the National Party leadership has taken a sensational new turn. Three

hundred and one academics have signed a petition in support of the original

group of twenty-eight who urged the speeding up of the reform process. The

move means that more than half of the academic staff in Stellenbosch now

supports the dissident academics whose stand has been derided by Nationalist

politicians and their newspapers. It appears from the petition that the

university staff have been stung into action by the way in which the Nationalist press and others have been trying to misuse statements of the original

rebel group for party political aims. [Text] [Umtata Capital Radio in

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SOUTH AFRICA

BELGIAN FIRM REPORTEDLY EVADING ARMS SANCTIONS

Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in English 14 Mar 87 p 2

[Text] According to a report by the International Confederation of Free

Trade Unions a number of Belgian firms have been violating the United

Nations embargo on supplying arms to South Africa. For example, in June

1985 the Gechem company which is a subsidiary of the munitions makers

Poudrieres de Belgique, sent 38,000 mortar bombs to South Africa, the

ICFTU said this week. An Antwerp-based firm, Transammo, acted as broker

in 1984 when the South African Nimrod company ordered grenades from the

Belgian manufacturers Mercar.

In addition, in spite of the decision taken by the member states of the

European Economic Community last September to end imports of South African

steel, except for the completion of contracts already signed, such imports

increased last year, and sources within the EEC said those recorded at

the beginning of 1987 are still higher than for the corresponding perxod

of 1986. Under the European crackdown South Africa should only have

exported 281,190 tonnes of steel to EEC countries when in fact the figure

was 370,000 tonnes. Contracts which accompanied applications for five

year trade licences were dated July or August 1986 in many cases. Although

there is no proof, this raises the question of whether some of the contracts

were pre-dated. In any event, if the September 1986 agreement had taken

immediate effect, South African exports of steel to European countries

should not have exceeded 100,000 tonnes.

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SOUTH AFRICA

BUSINESS LEADER DISCUSSES ROLE OF BUSINESS IN POLITICS, MEDIA

Cape Town LEADERSHIP in English Volume 6, 1987 Number One pp 53-54

[Interview with Gordon Waddell by Hugh Murray; date and place not given]

[Text]

Gordon Herbert Waddell retires shortly as

chairman ofJohannesburg Consolidated Investments (Johnnies) andas an executivedirectorof the

Anglo American Corporation.

One of South Africa's mostincisiveandinfluential businessmen, the Scottish born Waddell has

playedan enormouspartin theaffairs of his country of adoption. HewasMemberofParliament for

JohannesburgNorthfrom 1974 to 1971ana'was,

for a number ofyears, a co-opted member ofthe

ProgressiveFederalParty's executive committee.

Waddellearneda BA atCambridge University

and an MBA from Stanford University in the

UnitedStates.

An intensely competitive person, heplayedrugby

forBritain andScotlandin theearly Sixties.

. A cryptic factsheet on Waddellstatesthathe receivedhisfirstpaypacket of13 shillings a week in

the RoyalMarines. Today he controls R2 120,4m

in assets andleads a team ofsomeSO 000.

His managementstyle is described as "entrepeneurial, combined with prudence". His personal

best achievement is described as "always beating

Oxford". His biggestdisappointmenthe lists asfailureto beatEnglandatrugby.

Heconcedes openly thementorship of Harry Oppenheimer, who healso regards asthebusinessman

who impressedhim most.

Hisfavourite companies outside Johnnies and

the Anglo American are South African Breweries

(ofwhich he hasjust resigned as chairman), and

Liberty Life.

His philosophy?'' You can onlydoyourbest-but

do justthat."

Gordon Waddell is certainly a man of prescience. Some years ago when Leadership publisher

andeditor, Hugh Murray, askedhimforan interview on his approach to business and politics,

Waddellrejoined:"Ithinkyourreaderswouldfind

it much more interesting if you interviewedJulian

Ogilvie Thompson. After all, he will certainly be

Anglos nextchairman."

So much for allthat speculation that Waddell

was bitterly disappointed by die affirmation of

Gavin Relly that Ogilvie Thompson would most

likely succeedhim as chairman of theAnglo American. Other speculation that Waddell dealt with

through sheerstyle and management ability, was

thathismarriageintotheOppenheimerdynastyhad

securedhisposition. If anything, his careeraccelerated after his divorcefrom Mary Oppenheimerin

1971 and his marriage two years laterto Kathy

Gallagher.

There are very few who wouldgainsay the description ofWaddellasabluntman. Inhim, however, that quality has an unusualcharm. Hislack

of pomposity gives it a welcome character of

straightforwardness and fundamentalhonesty.

There has been speculation that Waddell might

move to the top slot at Guinness in the UK. Ifthat

speculation amounts to anything it shouldplease

him, because on Waddell"s list o)favouriteforeign

companies is included Distillers Corporation, the

owners ofGuinness.

Waddellhaslongbeen regardedasthemost powerful figure on SAs English Press scene. Through

JC1 he has controlled massive holdings in both the

Argus andSouth African AssociatedNewspapers'

89
grvups. He is passionate aboutthe Press, but has

never been known to interfere with an editor orthe

prerogatives of an editorsstewardship. In awideranging interview with Hugh Murray shortly

after announcing his retirement as chairman of

JC'I, he did, howroer, concede SAAhrs major

shareholdersshould'haveintervened'inthemanagementofthecompanyfarearlierthan theydid. With

refreshing frankness, and with the wisdom of

hindsight, he believes the closure ofthe RandDaily

Mail couldhave been avoidedandwas, in fact, a

mistake.

Murray: Whenyou startedyour career

withthe Anglo American Corporationin

1966 the country wasin a very different

state to that prevailing now. Speaking as a

businessman, what are the differences?

Waddell: When 1 came here in 1965,1 think

there was a reasonable basis to have a much

more optimistic view ofthe future than

perhaps there is now. For a variety of

reasons, South Africa has become more and

more insular in its attitude and the attitude of

the government has become very defensive.

That must affect business and the way

business looks at things. The majority of

businessmen are interested in the status quo.

On the other hand, there are other highly

intelligent businessmen who do look down

the road. But, 1 think, private enterprise, at

best, has been treading water, and, at worst,

losing ground.

What has beenthe effect onbusiness ofits

liaison withgovernment throughsuch

events asthe much-vaunted Carlton

Conference andit sequels?

I think it was worthwhile in the context of

the time, to take the chance thatsomething

would come out ofthe first Carlton Conference. The dangerfor business is that in

having such contact with government it is

inevitably perceived as going along with it. I

do notthink all businessmen are necessarily

good politicians. 1 think they ought to be

very careful because their points ofinfluence

on a governmentsuch as ours are necessarily

limited. The most important thing, to my

mind, that big business could have done,

would have been to finance an alternative

government. But, I think, the conferences

we have seen wound up as public relations

seminars for government. I have never been

to any ofthese conferences, butthey are

obviously structured and organised in a way

which makes it very difficult for there to be

genuine debate. Most business people feel

restrained in addressing the Office ofthe

State President or the Cabinet as a body.

They have a respect for those things. But 1

am worried aboutjudging on this. It's easy to

diagnose the threat and the risk ofco-option.

It is not so easy to formulate an alternative

plan and put forward an alternative.

Why has a fundamental rift arisenbetween

private enterprise andgovernment?

Government wanted to enlist the backing of

business to put the economy into compartments to support its policy ofdecentralisation. Business wentthere trying to promote

the idea ofprivate enterprise. That approach,

and government policy are actually inimical;

so this disillusionment on both sides, which

is very sad, was bound to happen. The other

problem is that South Africa is an international economy - a very open economy.

Government does not understand this, or its

importance. The interest ofbusiness is to

have a framework structured by government

which allows it to create employment, to pay

decent wages, and to make profits. But you

can't do that in isolation. You can't have a

bureaucratic totalitarian system and ask

business to flourish and prosper any more

than you can ask art to do the same.

A great many people will interpret your

resignation as executive chairmanofJCI

as your ultimate identification withthat

group whichbelieves South Africa has no

real future.

1 can't deny that people will think that way. 1

think it is actually nonsense. 1 have remained

with a very great confidence and optimism

about the country in regard to both its human

and material assets. Where I have become

disillusioned and very depressed, is that I do

not believe the present regime is capable of

making the quantum leap to realise that.

Until we have reasonable stability and peace

we are going to become

more and more ofa

pariah. You have got to

let the political distribution ofpower reflect

the demography ofthe

country.

90
To my mind, I think

the answer is one man,

one vote. But there may be otherways of

achieving it. I am notsure that you can solve

this thing in the late Eighties and I would

have thoughtthatthe years which lie ahead

are quite gloomy. I can't deny that my view

ofpolitics in this country was a factor in my

decision to retire. But I have never made any

secret ofthe fact that I thought that anybody

who held the office ofchairman ofJohnnies

should have a limited period ofoffice. I

always said thatshould be seven years, and I

will have done six and a halfwhen I go. I will

also be 50 years old in April.

Why seven years? Does management ofa

company like Johnnies become stultified

over a longer period?

I hold to that view. I think that people put a

style and philosophy into a business when

they are leading it, and it may be appropriate

for a period. But circumstances always

change. I like to lend to banks rather than

borrow from them. But I have been around

long enough and looked at the success of

other people sufficiently to realise thatthere

are times when you have to spend money.

You have to create business to create

employment. Notthat I am not keen on

doing this. But you don't want a business to

gettoo settled in its ways. So, I think it is

often desirable, both for the company and

oneself, to have a change.

Many market analysts believe you have

pumpedJGI to a point ofpeakperformance

andthat yours will be anextremely difficult

actto follow.

I think that is absolute nonsense. When I go

on June 30,1 will leave behind me extremely

competent and able people in charge ofall

the major affairs ofJohnnies. There is a

depth ofmanagement here in Johnnies- and

now I may be biased - which is much greater

and betterthan, for instance, the Anglo

American. I use that example because that is

the only other corporation I know. I would

be very surprised ifJohnnies did not

continue to outperform its direct competitors

for the nexttwo years, and it is difficult for

me to see beyond that.

Your positioninrelationto Argus and

SAAN has beenone ofenormousinfluence. Many are giving youcreditfor having

assistedin SAAN'sdramatic turnaround.

Thatthere are others who would say there

shouldnever have beenthe needfor that

kindofturnaround, goes without saying.

Nevertheless, I wouldlike to hearyou

characterise your role inrelationto the

South African Press.

I am a tremendous believer in the freedom of

the Press, and I define that as "the freedom

to disagree with me". To quote one example,

the editor oftheSunday Timesand I disagreed

absolutely and fundamentally over the 1983

referendum on the constitution. But that is

his right, as it is my right to disagree with

him. I think in any country the freedom of

the Press is one ofthose bastions which

cannot be allowed to go without the greatest

possible defence.

I would think thatthose who have been in

charge ofthe Anglo American in my time,

and obviously I am talking about Mr

Oppenheimer and Mr Relly, would both go

along with that. My greatest regret is that for

a variety ofreasons SAAN was, quite frankly,

badly managed for a long period oftime. I

have a very clear conviction thatifwe had

been able, or been allowed, to putin position

or appoint, a lot earlier, the management

which was put into SAAN very late in the

day, I think the RandDaily Mail'would still

be alive and well.

Where you sensitive to accusations of

monopoly andcontrol? Is that why youdid

not interfere?

Yes, the sensitivity lay in relation to the

accusation ofcontrol. I think it is a matter

which I always argued against. To be fair,

you have to accept the majority point of

view. But you really shouldn't allow a

newspaper business, or any other business,

to be conducted by a management which is

playing with other people's money. The

shareholders should be represented fairly on

the board. They should pick a management,

back it, or throw it out. JCI was only able to

get a position, where it was represented on

the board, when the Bailey Trustlessened

its holding in SAAN. We have been attacked

many times on the basis thatthe English

91
language Press is a monopoly. Thatis

nonsense and the most recent rationalisation

between Argus and SAAN has been ofgreat

benefitto both companies. And I think it is

ofimmense benefitto everybody who lives

in South Africa.

Butdon't younow have a hybrid English

Press, dominatedby Argus management

andprinting structures? Argus and SAAN

have always hadafundamentally different

approach, with SAAN probably running

the liveliest newspapers and magazines in

the country.

There are clearly differences ofemphasis in

the editorial style. I think both could be very

successful. It was notthe intention, in

rationalising certain activities which tended

to give more to Argus than SAAN, everto

allow one company to rule the editorial

policy ofthe other. The basis ofthe rationalisation was more a reflection ofthe health of

the two companies atthe time ittook place.

There are two things here that matter. One is

the freedom ofeditorial policy, and the other

is the need to earn sufficient profits.

Do yousee a future for the Press, inview of

the regulations?

I am extremely worried about whether

people ofthe calibre ofthe past will now go

into the Fourth Estate as a profession in view

ofthe Emergency, and the way government

has reacted to it. One can only hope that

anotherincoming government, ofwhatever

nature it may be, may have won a popular

election and be concerned about having a

free press. One can only hope.

In giving up yourjob atJGI, are you giving

up the influence that you have enjoyed in

the Press?

Absolutely, inevitably. I think my influence

has been greatly exaggerated. I think people

always cast about for a sort oftotem which

they can either blame or praise, and I think I

was cast into that category. Butwhen you go,

you go.

Many will accept your credentials. But

there will always be a black mark on your

career. You will be seen, inthe nature of

history, as one ofthose who participatedin

the decision to close the RandDaily Mail.

Yes, it is a matterofthe greatest possible

regret. I say with great conviction thatit was

unnecessary, and I say that because I have no

doubtthat the RandDailyMail, run by the

present management ofSAAN, would not

have died. To the extentthat I have failed,

given that I had a voice and a say which

could, ifall ofus had agreed to move earlier

to instal that management, I must accept a

degree ofguilt. I think the problem with

SAAN was always seen as the style ofthe

editors. I don'tthink the problem lay there at

all. The problem lay with the management

ofthe business as opposed to the editorial

side. To the extentthat I failed to carry that

point ofview, then I must have been guilty.

What was your point ofview atthe time?

I don'tthink it was nearly so clear to me. On

that I must be absolutely fair. But what I was

clear aboutis that you must never have a

board that doesn't representthe shareholders. Thatseems to me to be a very

dangerous set ofcircumstances. And thatis

what happened to SAAN.

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SOUTH AFRICA

URBAN FOUNDATION DIRECTOR DISCUSSES ROLE OF BUSINESS IN REFORM

Cape Town A WAY OF LIFE: A LEADERSHIP CORPORATE PUBLICATION in English

Mar 87 pp 58-60

[Interview with Urban Foundation executive director Jan Steyn; date and

place not given]

[Text]

'The ('/ban Foundation, underits astuteexecutive

director, Jan Steyn, isintheforefrontofchangein

South Africa. A formerjudge, Steyn straddlesthe

dhides between government, business and the

black, coloured and Asian communities. In this

intetv'ww with Leadership, he talks about the

unique role ofbusiness in the reform process.

\ leadership: A Canadian MP who visited

South Africa recently remarked that the

business community here was probably the

only one in the world which was to the left

ofgovernment. Is that fair comment?

Steyn: I think that is faircomment. Things

have certainly changed fundamentally since

those days in 1976 when the former Prime

Minister, John Vorster, laid down his famous

dictum that-and I paraphrase- business

should stick to business and leave politics to

the politicians. Since then there has been

greateractivism, in the bestsense ofthe word,

among the business community. The failure

of'Verwocrdian apartheid hail become clear

by 1976 to all thinking South Africans. The

business community appreciated that unless

it made some contribution towards changing

fundamentally apartheid policies, the future

stability ofthis country would be very seriously jeopardised. The new spii it was also

stimulated by the Wichahn and Riekert reports recommending the liberalisation of

labour relations. State President Botha's

(larlton conference with business leaders also

encouraged the business community. In fact,

the 1983 referendum saw the business community emerging as a kind ofthird force in

our political life. Since 1983, and particularly

in view ofthe deterioration ofthe situation in

South Africa, there has been an.cvci-inereasing involvemcntand awareness. This can be

seen in different forms. ()nc form is a higher

profile adopted by business leadership

through organised commerce and industry.

For example, there was the statement made

jointly by commerce and industry in respect

ofthe detention oftrade union leaders. On

another level, there is a growing involvement

in in-house social responsibility programmes

which have brought about vast improvements

in employee benefits-pensions, medical aid

and so on. (Companies are also more involved

with their immediate communities in such

issues as education and training, housing,

small business development. And, ofcourse,

the business community is also involved increasingly in the overall processes ofchange

and transformation ofour society.

I las this development come too late?

I don't believe it is possible forustojuilge

whether this is too late. It certainly came verv

late. My own view is that oursociety still contains an enormous rescrvoirofgoodwill.

There is a willingness to work on an evolutionary, rather than a revolutionary, process of

93
change. That is not an opinion. It is a conviction based on evidence and it's very important

fornstoexploitanddevcloptheopportunit.es

that this groundswell offers. I am certainly

not one of the clan that believes tins is too little, too late.

Is the Urban Foundation receiving sufficient support from business?

You will always find companies that do not

join in an endeavourofthis kind. 11 you look

at the list of contributors to the h emulation

you will be able to identify the non-contributors quite easily. Nevertheless, the

Foundation now has over 800 corporations

contributing. So we have harnessed a very

considerable body ofsupport. AECI has been

one ofthe exceptionally large contributors.

Rounded off, they have contributed since

1977 just about R4m. What I am particularly

pleased about in their involvement-and, ot

course, this applies to many other major

corporations -is that there is no attempt on

their part to get what 1 can only call narrowfocused benefits. Theirs has been a genuine

contribution to our reform programmes. If

you take, for example, the whole of the urbanisation issue, they have made substantial

contributions to the work that has been done

in what has become one of the most significant and tangible results of private sector involvement. The restoration offull property

rights to black South Africans and the incomplete, hut nevertheless important, restoration of citizenship arc the most important recent changes. I don't want to make exaggerated claims about our contribution hut 1 make

hold to say that influx control would not have

been abolished if it had not been for the private sector's role. Working with corporations

and companies has been a most enriching experience. AFCI'schiefexecutive, MikeSander, hasjust joined the hoard of governors of

the I Irhan Foundation. I .ike so many of the

businessmen with whom I work, I identify

him as a deeply concerned South African who

has a very real commitment to meaningful

involvement in the process ofchange. The

real benefit oftheir involvement with us is

that they obtain a greater understanding of

the realities ofthe situation. Through the

Foundation, they come into contact with

black leadership. They come face to face with

issues. We take them into the townships and

they get involved in our programmes in a real

way. You actually conscientise the leadership

and the leadership in turn conscientises their

management. And in that way you create a

much greater understanding, a greater caring

and more compassionate community.

Do you feel government is sufficiently in

contact with black leadership?

I personally don't know to what extent goveminent leaders across the hoard have availed

themselves ofthe opportunities that exist. I

certainly know that those with responsibility

in the areas most pertinent to the process of

change have certainly made very real attempts to develop relationships. Men like

(krritViljocn (Minister ofEducation and

Ikvclopmcm Aul), and his deputy, Sam de

Ikcf. iu\ c IKCII astute -- and I cite them beou»r I have been in close contact with them

- in developing relationships and starting a

real process towards mutual understanding.

Hut generally speaking, one has serious

doubts sometimes about government's undcrstandingofwhat negotiation really means.

There is a great deal of confusion between

discussion and negotiation. Another problem

is that with the assault on the legitimacy of

government, it is becoming increasingly

problematic for black leadership to be seen

to he in the process ofdiscussion, consultation

and negotiation with government. We have a

logjam that has to he broken one way or

another.

Can it be broken?

I don't believe the problem is incapable of

resolution. Who would have thought, even a

year ago, that influx control would be

abolished? Breaking logjams is a complex

issue and, of course, there is a very real concern about whether the State ofEmergency

declared on June 12 will dissipate government's commitment to reform. One hopes

that the State of Emergency will not simply

amount to an attempt to permanently buttress the white fortress. It would certainly be

very strongly resisted by the overwhelming

majority ofbusiness leadership in this

country.

Many companies are making major efforts

to promote blacksto managementlevels, but

are continually frustrated by the fact that

staffwith better opportunities are prevented

by such laws asthe Group Areas Actfrom

improving their residential position and all

thatflows from that. Is the Urban Foundation assisting business to cope with this

problem?

94
It is one ofthe most devastating indictments

ofgovernment that we have been unable to

break through in this area. We are subjecting

people to an artificial and unacceptable environment. You cannot have sound business

practises in an unacceptable political environment. Yes, we have been attempting to

assist, so far without any success. One ofthe

issues which is going to face business is the

maintenance ofracially segregated residential areas. The moral dilemma is an obvious

one. You have identified people in your work

force who are capable ofmaking contributions at the highest level ofdecision-making

and, yet, you deny them the right ofupward

mobility in the social system and you continue to lock them into residential environments which are inappropriate.

Do yon think business would actually defy

government on such an issue?

I would hope that government would have

an understandingofthcunacceptability and

the immorality ofthe present situation and

that it would redress it rapidly. Ifit fails to do

so, there will be developments- the types of

things that are already taking place in many

residential areas-which could lead to very

serious confrontation between business and

government. Ourcommitment is based

firmly on the free enterprise system. I cannot

see how we, as the representatives ofgenuine

free enterprise in South Africa, can support a

system which denies the fundamental principle offreedom ofchoice. I simply will not

accept that our problems can be resolved on

solutions based on race.

(jovernment, however, still seemsto be

strongly eomniitcd to the group concept.

Ifyou examine events at the National Party's

federal congress, one certainly doesn't see

signs ofthe abandonment ofthis principle.

What other laws does businessfind unacceptable?

Legislation which is often overlooked by

people, but which is offundamental importance, is the I ,and Act and the whole question

ofaccess by blacks to agricultural opportunities. These issues impact on the business

environment because migration to the cities,

caused by pressure on the land, is taking place

at a pace which is becoming difficult to cope

with. Therefore, itisasimportanttodeal with

rural development problems as it is to deal

with urban development problems.' I 'o that

extent, business has a very real interest, and

the provisions ofthe I -and Act are something

which cry out for radical review.

Are you satisfied that government is properly addressing the issue ofproviding more

land for blacksin urban areas now that it

lias abolished influx control?

I think government understands that problem. Ifyou study its policy outlined in its

White Paper, it is quite clear that they have

identified that as a critical area. Kvidence is

to be found in the recent allocation ofland on

the Witwatersrand for black development.

While the very principle ofracial zoning is still

enshrined in this proposal-and this is fundamentally unacceptable -the fact ofmaking a

large tract ofland available closer to the city

for this purpose must be recognised as an advance. I think government understands that

it cannot abolish influx control without making available additional urban land. (Jovernment has also allocated much more money

for housing anil this encourages me enormously. This is something for which we have

pleaded for years because I believe it can

dramatically change the livesofpeople. I lave

you ever thoughr to yourself, as we sit here in

this modern city, that the average occupancy

ofa two-bedroomed house is between 11 and

12 persons? Mow can you expect anything

other than instability and disaffection if you

oblige people to live in conditions like that?

I low would oiii children have grown up?

What would be their vision ofthe future? Just

look at Crossroads? It is the most devastating

indictment ofapartheid. We did not build a

single house for blacks in the Western Cape

for 10 years. What did we expect we would

get? Stability?

What else should business be doing?

There is a need for clearly-stated policies to

govern investments in social responsibility.

It is a very important part ofa company budget

and companies should seek advice on how it

should be structured. I would also plead that

corporations should not use social responsibility programmes for public relations campaigns. C lertainly, you can have a social responsibility programme and at the same time

advance the corporate image. 1 have no objection to that at all. What is objectionable is

to have as primary consideration the requirements ofyour public relations efforts. But I

also think that, generally, the allocation ofre95
sources forsocial responsibility programmes

is far too small ifmeasured as a percentage of

profits. I urge corporations to make a realistic

assessment ofthe impactsocial responsibility

programmes can make towards stabilising our

society, and then allocate an appropriate

proportion oftheir profits to that objective in

a properly structured manner. We have also

tried to encourage government to allow tax

deductions on investments in social responsibility programmes. It's always been unacceptable to me that you can, for example,

claim advertising as a tax deductible expense,

but you can't do the same when you invest

money for the social advancement ofpeople.

Certain allowances have been made for investment in education, but it must be much

broader, particularly in the area of housing.

Hasthe business community's more forthright approach strained its relationships

with government?

It may have affected the relationship ofindividuals in the business community. Of

course, there would be problems if government does not pursue reform with real

commitment and at an increasing pace. I hat

will undoubtedly create tensions and one will

have to see what the months ahead hold. But

government is not monolithic and certainly,

as far as I am concerned, I have found an

enormous change among the leadership ot

the civil service. Thatis one ofthe most encouraging things.

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96
^OUTH AFRICA

WESTERN CAPE PROPERTY BEING BOUGHT BY FOREIGN INVESTORS

Cape Town THE ARGUS in English 5 Mar 87 p 1

[Text] Millions of rands are pouring into South Africa as an increasing

number of foreign investors take advantage of the weak financial rand to buy

property, listed securities and businesses.

In the Western Cape, historic farms are proving the

big attraction and several

near Paarl and Stellenbosch

have been sold to foreign investors for Rl-million and

.more.

These include Wilde Paardejacht in the Klein Drakenstein

area, sold for Rl-million to Mr

Richard West, a Canadian living in Britain, and Dennegeur,

which went to a Swiss buyer

for R900 000.

Two years ago Mr Janniei

Momberg, athletics administra-!

tor and campaign manager for j Dr Denis Worrall, sold his historic Neethlingshof farm to !

German financier Mr Hans-Jo- j

achim Schreiber for about R8-

million. >

Attractive

Estate agents calculate that,1

with foreign buyers able to put

up at least half the purchase

price in financial rands, a Rlmillion property would cost,

about $320 000.

''The terms are very attract

tive because, having bought in

:at the financial rand rate, thcyj

aije able to take put their profJ

iits in commercial rands," said|

lT"These'are very~attractiv3

te'ins' ip any investor."

'"'"Mr" Jbhat! -'Lou'wr managing1

/13104

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f director of Caprop.a Paarl estate agency, said South Africa

*was considered to be a bargain

situation and his company had

"a cocple" of transactions

[ pending for overseas buyers!

| Buyers did not appear to be

interested in the political situal tion, he said.

Job creation:

' "We have had German purchasers and several from Brit-

'. ain buying property in the R3-

million range, but not many

Americans showing interest,

said Mr Gabriel le Roux, a

partner in a Stellenbosch estate agency.

"If the buyer can show that

he intends setting up some kind

of labour intensive or job creation project he can negotiate

for up to 100 percent of the

purchase price to be in financial rands."

Commercial bank sources

said it was not only farms that

were attracting interest, but

any business venture.

"They are not looking at capital growth but at return on

their investment," said a

spokesman for Boland Bank in

Paarl.

"Considering the depressed

property market and favourable exchange rates they are

buying for nothing and the income generated on a good buy

is phenomenal."

97
SOUTH AFRICA

LESOTHO HIGHLANDS WATER PROJECTS WORK TO START

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 23 Mar 87 p 1

[Article by Gerald Reilly]

[Text]

PRETORIA - Work on

the first stage of the vast

R5bn Lesotho Highlands

water project will start

this year with the construction of the basic infrastructure, Department

of Water Affairs managing engineer JPC van

Robbroeck »aid at the

weekend.

An amount of R50m had

been raised from the

World Bank and the EC's European Development Fund for this purpose.

Another R50m would be raised on th<|

local capital market by the Transcaldeon

Tunnel Authority.

Van Robbroeck said last month that consultants had been appointed to design the,

basic infrastructure. , . More than RIOOm would be spent on access roads alone and work on them would

start before the end of the year.

Other consultants would be appointed to

deS one of the dams, the water transfer

tunnel and the hydro power station.

Npeotiations were also in progress for the

apSntment of technical assistance contract engineers to assist the Lesotho authorities with the management of the Project.

Van Robbroeck said the project should

begin operating in 1995.

Lesotho's earnings when it is in full operation would amount to an estimated R120m a

year. It would take 30 years for the scheme

to be fully completed.

The final scheme would consist of six

major dams, 240km of tunnels, a 276mw

hvdro-electric power station, two major

pumping stations, 288km of new access

roads, and 263km of upgraded existing roads.

Estimated investment cost - at constant

July 1985 prices excluding interest during

construction — was R4 059m.

/9317

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98
SOUTH AFRICA

UNEMPLOYMENT IN PORT ELIZABETH REACHING 'ALARMING PROPORTIONS'

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 23 Mar 87 p 13

[Text ] PORT ELIZABETH. —

Unemployment in Port

Elizabeth was reaching

alarming proportions, it

was reported yesterday.

The birth-rate among

Blacks in the city was

dropping and the Black

woman was playing a far

more important role as

the bread-winner, the report said quoting some of

the findings of a survey

conducted by Unisa's Bureau for Market Research

among urban Blacks in

Port Elizabeth in 1985.

The survey showed that

46 percent of the male

members of households

between the ages of 20

and 64 were economically

inactive in 1985.

The high unemployment figure was attributed largely to the economic recession.

The Eastern Cape has

been particularly hard-hit

by the drop in business

activity.

Another finding of considerable significance was

the average age of members of the Black population, the report said.

The proportionate reduction in the number of

children under the age of

four supported the finding that the birth-rate was

declining.

The survey also showed

that the number of households with a woman at the

head was increasing.

In 1985, 29 percent of

households had women at

the head, compared with

18 percent in 1970. —

Sapa.

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99
SOUTH AFRICA

REAL GDP RISES MARGINALLY DUE TO IMPROVED AGRICULTURE

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 25 Mar 87 p 2

[Article by Gerald Reilly]

[Text]

PRETORIA - The country s

real gross domestic product

(GDP) increased by a marginal

0,57o last year, according to the

first comprehensive estimate

made by Central Statistical Services (CSS).

CSS points out this is lower than

recent forecasts and estimates

from other sources.

However, it stresses, only^ improved agricultural conditions

made a positive growth rate possible. . i Real production in the agricultural sector rose by 1W%J»»

year, whereas real Potion in

ihe non-agricultural sector declined by 0,5%.

CSS says that following the poor

economic performance in 1985,

when real GDP declined by 1,1%,

the relatively serious contraction

in the first quarter <>* last year

pointed to an unsatisfactory

growth rate for 1986.

However, it says, although

growth did not come up to expectations, there was definite proof that

the economy has moved into an

upwards phase since the low in the

first quarter of last year.

Seasonally adjusted total real

GDP declined by 4,8% at an annual

rate in January to March last year.

After this it increased by 6,1% in

the second quarter, 3,4% in the

third quarter and 4,4% in the last

quarter.

/9317

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100
SOUTH AFRICA

HUGE FARMERS DEBT DUE TO EXTRAVAGANCE

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in Englsih 25 Mar 87 p 3

[Article by Mick Collins]

[Text]

COLLECTIVE debt incurred by

the farming sector at the end of

1986 soaredto R12bn from a low

of R3,8bn at the end of 1980.

Johannesburg-based analysts

Davis Borkum Hare report that by

the end of 1985 the debt had increased to more than Rllbn and at

the end of 1986 was probably in

excess of R12bn.

It said: "Of the total debt of

Rll.lbn at the end of 1985, more

than half — about R5,6bn — had

been extended by the Land Bank,

co-operatives ana the Department

of Agriculture. Accordingly, the

taxpayers could end up bearing a

major portion of the debt."

The past two seasons had seen

some recovery in the net income of

farmers, but they were still below

the levels of 1980-81.

Farmers' gross incomes for the

year ended June 30,1986, increased

by 12% to R9,9bn. Net income rose

by 15% to R2,lbn.

The report said: "The deteriorating terms of trade for the farming

sector as a whole helps explain the

poor net income levels."

The report said the price for

farming inputs had increased at a

faster rate than producer prices for

farming products.

It said: "Accordingly, the terms

of trade have deteriorated and the

repeated cry by agricultural bodies

for control of input prices is easy to

understand."

Results of a sample survey of

7 000 farmers published by Effective Farming suggested the average farmer spent about 7% more

than he earned in 1985.

"When it is considered expenses

— which exclude family expenses

— absorbed all but R457m of recorded gross income, it is surprising how much farmers were pre-

!>ared to spend on new equipment

R724m) and new buildings, dams

and fences (R421m) (see graph).

"Transvaal farmers used almost

99% of their income to cover expenses. Despite this — which left

only R31m — they spent R226m on

new equipment and R138m on new

buildings and works."

The survey said the capital expenditure would not all have been

incurred by loss-making farmers

but it still looked as though there

was an inordinate amount of extravagance.

Farming Income

and Expenditure (1985)

7,4%abova

100%

GripMc: FWtt KRISCH

/9317

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101
SOUTH AFRICA

PROPERTY MARKET GETS BOOST FROM NEW SANCTIONS-BUSTING GROUPS

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in Engl , • 24 Mar 87 p 10

[Text]

THE property market is now definitely on the

up-and-up, especially in the commercial sector.

One highly significant indicator is the return — as

the purchaser* of good quality property — of the

sophisticated private investor.

Through a quirk of politics, the commercial property market has received a boost from a surprising

quarter - the demand for office space by companies

setting up new corporate structures to beat sanctions.

J H Isaacs & Company joint MD Erroll Friedmann

(which manages Central'City Property Fund and

Capital Property Fund through Property Fund Managers) says the commercial sector is also reflecting

additional factors - a perceived general improvement in the state of the economy and business confidence; a substantially increased off-take of space by

government and other official bodies; and the anticipation of benefits flowing from a breakdown of apartheid restrictions in towns and cities.

As recently as September 1985, all major centres -'

Johannesburg, Cape Town, Pretoria, and Durban -

still had masses of quality accommodation vacant.

Subsequent growth in demand has been so dramatic

there is now little quality space available.

Friedmann expects equilibrium between supply

and demand for commercial premises will be attained by the end of 1987 - earlier than expected.

Office rentals are already reflecting changed market conditions. Prime office rentals in the four main

cities are already up by 10% to 25%, depending on

locality. Against levels of about R12m' in the current

quarter, expectedlevels for the second half of 1987 are

between R15m' and R18nv\

What of the other major property sectors — retailing, industrial and residential?

According to Friedmann, there are encouraging

signs from the retail market. Major chains with are

reporting improved turnover ahead of the inflation

rate. But smaller retailers still report generally less'

favourable trading conditions.

Only the Durban area as yet reports a need for

major new decentralised shopping centres.

The glut of industrial and warehouse space still

prevails. Rentals, however, remain low — at between

R3m" to R4m'. But there are expectations the market

.could see R4,50m'-R6m' by year-end.

Although flat rentals have shown little growth over

the last 12 months, the last quarter has seen a take-up

improvement. Vacancies — over the range from

bachelor through to three-bedroomed flats — are

down to 6% in Johannesburg, compared with about

8% in the previous quarter.

Residential sales — with the exception of the Cape

— have improved, although prices are still lower than

a year ago. Agents on the Reef, in Pretoria and

Durban have reported higher turnovers with prices

about 20% up, compared with the previous quarter.

/9317

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102
SOUTH AFRICA

GRANITE PRODUCING COMPANY ASSURES HIGH DEMAND

Johanneburg THE STAR in English 25 Mar 87 p 19

[Article by Teigue Payne]

ITextJ Consolidated Granite,

formerly Enyati Resources, has assured demand for its products -

black granite,..jind|

pink/grey granite - according to the company's

transmuted listing statement.

The Marlin group of

companies, which is

.being reversed into former oil and gas company

Enyati; has become the

world's largest granite

producer. i

The directors say that1

dimensional granite

blocks have traditionally

been used for memorials

and in the construction

industry. Granite is now

also being used in the

manufacture of bases for

computer, electronic and

laboratory equipment,

where its extreme stability and imperviousness to

changes in temperature

/13104

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and atmospheric conditions are ideal.

It is now possible to

produce granite bases or

tables with extremely accurate surface tolerances

measured in microns.

. The directors say

world demand for black

granite has been strong

for many years, and the

company is expanding

black granite production

after a two-year quarry

development programme.

Sanctions and exchange rates excepted,

Cogran's after-tax earnings in the year ending

June should be R11.8 million, or 17c per share, say

the directors. Policy will

be to distribute 40 to

55 percent of profits, and

the directors expect to

declare a dividend of at

least 7c in September for

the year ending June.

103
SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

GROSS FARMING INCOME RISES—Gross farming income last year amounted to

Rll 308m, about 17 percent more than in 1985, according to direct rate

agricultural economic trends. The figures show a spectacular rise in income

from maize farming—up by 95 percent to Rl 193m. The overall increase was

due mainly to increased income from field crops and horticulture. The

combined Producer Price Index for farm products increased by 7 percent

during the year. Income from field crops increased by 33 percent to R4 294m

from R3 228m in 1985. Producer prices of field crops rose by about 6 percent.

Income from wheat increased from R639m to R720m, and from sugar cane from

R683m to R756m. Gross income from animal production was 8 percent higher

last year and stood at R4 938m. Income from wool is estimated at R393m and

mohair Rll8m, compared with R178m in 1985. Beef farmers earned Rl 332m

from slaughterings of cattle and calves—an increase of 13 percent. Producer

prices of beef increased by 21 percent. Income from sheep slaughtering

was R497m. [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 27 Mar 87 p 1]

/9317

U.S. INSURER BUY-OUT—American International has sold its SA subsidiary,

American International Insurance, a medium-sized short-term insurer. The

buyer, Johannesburg Insurance Holdings, which is owned by a consortium led

by Rand Merchant Bank, plans to change the name of its newly acquired

subsidiary to AI Insurance. While the value of the transaction could not

be determined last night, Rodney Schneeberger, CE of the SA Insurance

Association, said it looked like a good deal from the buyer's point of view.

Schneeberger said that AI Insurance had operated in SA for many years under

the control of its US parent and was financially sound. "The transaction

follows the general pattern of US companies transferring their holdings in

South Africa to SA companies," he said. [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY

in English 27 Mar 87 p 3] /9317

SANCTIONS HIT NATAL COAL MINE—International sanctions on coal exports from

SA have hit a Natal coal mine. Mine management at Welgedacht, near Utrecht,

has cut production and about 530 jobs have been lost as a result. "This

step has been taken solely in an effort to secure the long-term future and

stability of the company in the face of the international sanctions campaign,

a spokesman said. "Some of the affected workers are already over retirement

age while others are being offered early and voluntary retirement." [Text]

[Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 23 Mar 87 p 1] /9317

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104

ii