The group then travelled along the Koporolo River which had caused severe damage
during the past rainy season not only in material terms but also in human terms
with flooding that broke and swept away the dams that held the water for the
sugar cane plantations. and the inhabited areas.

In a brief meeting with the workers and the population in general, the group
held a political event which took place in "4 February" Square, presided over
by Maj Joao Lourenco who said that rebuilding the boats was a priority task
and urged stepped-up production of articles that can be made in the country,
"Since imported goods did not solve the problems of our people whose birth rate
continues to go up significantly."

5058
CSO: 3442/297

15



JPRS-SSA>86-101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

NAFCOC REPRESENTATIVE ON ‘INTERNAL SANCTIONS'--Cape Town, Sept 8, SAPA--The
President's Council should use all the power at its disposal to lift internal
economic sanctions, Mr I.J. Hetherington, a representative of NAFCOC [National
African Federated Chambers of Commerce] said today. Addressing the council
on the creation of job opportunities, Mr Hetherington said economic sanctions
were not new to the black business community. "They have been imposed by
successive colonial and South African governments on the black business
community for more than 100 years. They are still imposed, This is despite
the fact that they harm all South Africans, since we all share in a single
economy." These self-imposed internal sanctions had done and were doing more
harm to South Africa's economy than any external sanctions were ever likely to
do. "Furthermore it is within the power of the government to lift them
immediately. "If all the time, effort and money which is presently being
spent on attempts to head off external sanctions were instead devoted to
removing internal sanctions, there would be a vast outpouring of the entre-
preneurial talent, which lies latent but suppressed in South Africa. "This--
freedom and promotion of entrepreneurship--is the only permanent solution

to the country's unemployment crisis," Mr Hetherington said. [Text]
[Johannesburg SAPA in English 1017 GMT 8 Sep 86] /8309

REACTION TO JAILING ZOLANI JUVENILES--Cape Town, Sept 4, SAPA--Legal experts
have reacted with shock to the jailing of 32 Zolani residents--including 14
juveniles--for public violence, Nine children, the youngest aged 13, were
sentenced to eight years imprisonment and four to seven years in jail. The
sentences were imposed on Tuesday by a Worcestier regional court magistrate,
Mr A.J. van Wyk. Mr Alex Abercrombie, a spokesman for the lawyers who dealt
with the case, said they were drafting a notice of appeal which would possibly
be heard in the Cape Supreme Court this week. Professor Dennis Davis of the
University of Cape Town's law faculty said the sentences for the children
were "absolutely extraordinary and horrific." It was a "classic case of
criminalising political dissidency" and he felt magistrates should not be
dealing with cases of this kind. Professor Davis said he feared the sentences
could precipitate similar sentences elsewhere. Mr Abe Scheepers, co-ordinator
of the Legal Advice Office at the Montangu-Ashton community service, which
closely monitors activity in Zolani, said he was "astounded and very unhappy"
about the "excessive" sentences. [Text] [Johannesburg SAPA in English 1126 GMT
4 Sep 86] /8309

36



JPRS-SSA-~86~ 10
1 October 1986.

SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY CALLS FOR 'RESPONSIBILITY' FROM MEDIA
MB090740 Johannesburg International Service in English 0630 GMI 9 Sep 86
[Station commentary: "South Africa and Japan"]

[Text] It is surely an indictment against the international media that,

in this age of sophisticated communications, the world knows so very little
about other countries, even a country like South Africa, which has received
such massive media attention in the past 2 years.

In a recent edition of the CHICAGO TRIBUNE, writer Steve Dailey poses
the question: With satellite linkups and the various electronic miracles
at the disposal of the news media in 1986, what is left for us to know
about South Africa? He answers his own question: Almost everything, as
it turns out.

He makes the point that television provides us with headlines with
immediacy at the expense of understanding. Somehow, the idea that we are
being shown the news, that we are on the scene when the cars are being
overturned and the shots are being fired, has come to suffice. What it
means, or how it got started, or how it might end no longer holds any
fascination for us. Whatever the story, whatever the consequences, a
couple of minutes during the news will have to do.

It is against this background that South Africa's foreign minister,

Mr Pik Botha, visited Japan and other parts of the East. One of his prime
objectives, he said in an interview, was to ensure that the people, the
government, and the business community of Japan knew what was going on

in South Africa today.

Mr Botha was able to explain that there were radical forces at work which
were totally opposed to peaceful reform, that they were intent instead
on the revolutionary transformation of South Africa into a socialist state.

These are the facts about the developments in South Africa that the world

needs to know. The media has every facility for making it known and it is
time that a sense of responsibility prevailed.

19604
cso: .3400/545

32



be destroyed by our people in struggle. And let us dintinguish between
those who are in this struggle genuinely and those who are there planted to
divert and perpetrate diversionary operations, to carry out diversionary
operations in the interests of the enemy. We must ignore them and not be
diverted,

For the way forward is the way towards people's power and people's govern-
ment, not of Botha's government, not the president's council, not the
tricameral parliament. None of these. It is a people's government. The
people of South Africa, united as common citizens of the unitary state,
based on the principle of one man, one vote. [end recording]

/8309
cso: 3400/541

41



JPRS-SSA-86-101
1 October 1986

ANGOLA

INTERIOR MINISTER PRESIDES OVER FAPLA CEREMONY IN LUBANGO
Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 2 Aug 86 pp 1, 12

[Text] Lubango-~The central event marking the 12th anniversary of the proclama~
tion of the FAPLA was held yesterday morning in the city of Lubango, headquarters
of the 5th Military Region, under the chairmanship of Alexandre Rodrigues
"Rito," member of the Political Bureau of the MPLA-Labor Party and interior
minister, representing Comrade President Jose Eduardo dos Santos.

The ceremony took place in the "Comandante Cow-Boy" Square and was attended by
Defense Minister Pedro Maria Tonha "Pedale"; it featured remarks by the interior
minister and messages from the "Agostinho Neto" OPA (Pioneer Organization) and
the JMPLA [Youth of the Popular Movement for Liberation of Angola]~Party Youth,

Several hundred fightingmen from this military region, which consists of the
provinces of Huila, Namibe, and Cunene, paraded before the local population in
a strong demonstration of the high military potential and the high level of
discipline and organization, The parade was accompanied by music from an
FAPLA band.

Through a pioneer, the OPA in its message expressed the determination of
Angolan children to hail the soldiers who "managed to smile when the enemy
imagines that they are crying." "From the pioneers of Agostinho Neto, we want
you to accept our revolutionary pledge on this day of 1 August which we have
transformed into 1 December," the OPA message ended.

"The FAPLA have proved to be a worthy heir of the Angolan people's revolutionary
traditions and have turned out to be a school of patriotism, heroism, and even
professional mastery," emphasized Angela Braganca in reading the message from
the Party Youth; she added that the Angolan people, united with its fighting
arm, the FAPLA, is confident of victory.

Alexandre Rodrigues "Kito," who in his speech expressed the desire for peace,
for which the Angolan People's Republic is fighting, in simple words expressed
the motives behind the country's being involved in one of the main conflicts
in southern Africa: "We are fighting because we are being attacked."

He reaffirmed that the efforts of the armed forces are mainly directed at
"wiping out the puppet gangs without of course overlooking the incursions by



Chief Buthelezi said it was tragic that President P.W. Botha, who had had
the courage to slaughter so many of apartheid's holy cows, still lived
among the carcasses he had slain. “Why cannot he take the next bold

step forward and bring our country to the point of real negotiation between
black and white?" he asked. Unless Mr Botha accepted things which he now
rejected, such as that South Africa was one country, with one parliament
under a system of universal franchise, somebody would rise up from his rank
and file who would move to accept them. They were inevitable and could be
so easily accepted right now.

/8309
cso: 3400/541

51



JPRSSSA~86>101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

BUTHELEZI WARNING ON STRENGTHENING LABOR MOVEMENTS
MB020832 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1414 GMT 1 Sep 86
[SAPA PR Wire Service: Issued by: The Chief Minister's Office, Ulundi]

[Text] Johannesburg, Monday--Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi tonight warned
financiers and industrialists of the dangers of beginning to think of how to
survive under an ANC government. He told a marketing dinner organized here
by the KwaZulu Finance and Investment Corporation that there was evidence that
some of these people were losing faith in the process of political reconcilia—
tion. They were arguing that a little bit of socialisation and a little bit
of nationalization would not destroy the economy. "I make the point that

free enterprise must be truly free if we are ever to stand a snowball's hope
in hell of working effectively towards the elimination of the huge backlogs
we have in all things essential to the lives of blacks," he said.

He knew of the temptation for industrialists to appease those workers who had
fallen under the influence of COSATU [Congress of South Africa Trade Unions],
the UDF [United Democratic Front] and the ANC mission in exile; but appease-
ment could only deepen industrialists’ problems. These organizations were
commited to destroying the economy and the sabotaging of factories by workers.
They preached that apartheid was synonymous with capitalism and that one could
not be destroyed without the other. But every act of strengthening these
organisations tipped South Africa towards as even greater escalation of the
violence which they were seeking.

There would be a movement away from violent solutions if the government
unshackled black democracy by freeing political prisoners and allowing blacks
to determine what organisations would lead them in their day to day affairs,
the KwaZulu chief minister and Inkatha president said. The vast majority

of blacks had no faith in the armed struggle and did not want to change an
apartheid oppressor for a socialist oppressor.

/8309
cso: 3400/541

49



group of employers, the performance has been less than spectacular, although
improvement is clearly discernable."

There was an array of impediments to the advancement of blacks in industry,
including "more or less subtle race discrimination," lack of management
commitment, difficulties in finding good [word indistinct] skills, educational
background and language problems.

"Add to these the possible lack of motivation among affected blacks who could
well feel strangled in the organizational structures and not really believing
that effort will be rewarded.

"I am happy to say that large industry is becoming increasingly committed to
solving these problems. It would, however, be naive to expect dramatic
results overnight," said Mr Steyn.

He attached great importance to effective technical training as a means of
providing a more direct route to black socioeconomic progress than many
other directions of the educational sphere.

"I would appeal to industry to promote black technical training as vigorously
as they can," he said.

There was a new and burgeoning challenge for technical education in recent
political developments in South Africa. It had its roots deep in the history
of race discrimination and unequal opportunity in the educational and technical
fields. Black people and particularly younger blacks, with hopes and expecta-
tions of progress had, in recent years become "critically" disenchanted with
both the educational system and the urban economic system.

"The government has, to a certain extent, acknowledged this problem by initiat—
ing legislation through which a certification board will review the issuing

of uniform matriculation certificates forall; nevertheless, this structure

of education remains in sharp contrast to the way the white or Indian systems
function today, in which a resounding majority of entrants will emerge with

the prize of a matric at the end."

The clamour for socialism had a parallel in the cry for "peoples education"
in black schools.

"We do not know yet what the concept of peoples education will produce by
specific content," Mr Steyn said. "It is to be endorsed if it is the commence-
ment of a demand for an education which builds pride and which eliminates

the white or colonial bias in the teaching of history and literature."

Mr Steyn said that the real bargaining power in industry of a fully qualified

and competent technician was much greater than that of a clerk or administra-
tive officer.

55



JPRS~SSA>86>101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

BUTHELEZI ACCUSES BOTHA OF IMPROPER LEADERSHIP
MB051332 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1146 GMT 5 Sep 86
[SAPA PR Wire Service; issued by: the Chief Minister's Office, Ulundi]

[Text] Durban, Friday--Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi today called on blacks and
whites to rally together for South Africa's future survival in the absence
of proper leadership from President P.W. Botha.

He accused Mr Botha of doing nothing about black-white negotiations and said
that time was running out for him,

The Kwazulu chief minister and Inkatha president was speaking at a communica-
tions seminar organized by members of the motor industry.

He said there had been no indication from the [word indistinct] president--
either at the National Party's Federal Congress or since--that he recognized
what the country's real needs now were.

All he had done was to serve notice that he intended to use the present
"deepening crisis" to rally the National Party faithful around him.

It was essential for all South Africans to draw together to survive sanctions,
the economic downturn, increasing violence and the hostile diplomatic onslaught
from Africa and elsewhere.

From what the state president was saying, there was scant prospect of his
facilitating this.

"Time is running out for him. However he blusters about it, it is simply
not true that the government has been in negotiations with blacks," he told a
luncheon meeting.

There has been discussions with some blacks on some issues, but the process of
real negotiations was not even in sight and the present prospects of black-
white reconciliation were negligible.

And without such reconciliation, the prospects of South Africa surviving its
external and internal crises were also negligible.

47



Still talking about increased production, the party and government top leader
in the province touched on the subject of repairing the "gangelas" dam which
represents a basic sector for the storage of water to be used in irrigating
the production areas of the local peasants.

As for the field of education, the Huila provincial commissioner stated that a
basic, third~level school will soon be opened so that the pupils in this
township will not have to travel all the way to the city. Lopo do

Nascimento also said that "The provincial party and government continue to
make every effort to beautify the township with paint jobs that will be done
in all residential sections and on all municipal government buildings; this
above all includes the construction of a kindergarten and the establishment
of entertainment and recreation centers for the young people.

After referring to the production activity.of each community that constitutes
the township--such as Kabunda Kalilongo, Jau, Kita, and Chibia itself--Lopo do
Nascimento once again urged the people to work hard and do a better job by
cooperating with the new municipal leadership, a requirement without which
one cannot attain the desired success. !

After the meeting, the Huila provincial commissioner got together separately
with the traditional authorities (village chiefs). with whom he took up
questions of. economic and social interest; on that occasion he urged them to
double their vigilance in the production areas and to report those individuals
who want to delay the triumphal march of the people's revolution.

The traditional officals in turn took this opportunity to brief the provencial
party and government top leader on some of the difficulties which they are
facing in their social production efforts; one of the most important difficul-
ties is represented by the lack of a sufficient irrigation system for the
production of maize and other fruit and vegetable crops.

The provincial commissioner was informed about the output of the peasants of
the "Amelia" association and of farmer Gericota Augusto who during this
agricultural year produced about 350 hectares of citrus fruit, thus con-
tributing to the supply of the local population in this area.

5058
CSO: 3442/297

19



JPRS>SSA~86+101
1 October 1986

SENTENCES FOR CHILDREN PROTESTED--Cape Town, Sept 4, SAPA--Child welfare
societies and the Black Sash yesterday expressed "the strongest possible
protest" against the prison sentences imposed on children by the Worcester
Regional Court on Tuesday, The Child Welfare Society, Cape Town, yesterday
telexed the minister of justice, ‘Mr Kobie Coetsee, recording their protest.
The Blach Sash described the "harsh" sentencing of 33 residents of Zolani
Township, Ashton, as "a travesty of justice." And attorneys acting for the
children said the Department of Health and Welfare had made inquiries about
the case. The residents, according to the charge sheet, included 13 children
aged 13 to 17 and seven men and women aged 18 and 19 who received sentences
of between seven and 10 years in jail for public violence. A 14th child was
sentenced to seven cuts with a light cane. The director of the child welfare
society, Cape Town, Mrs Helen Starke, said the society was "appalled" at the
sentences. She said it was a matter of principle that when children were
involved in court cases, a probation officers report was called for. A
director of the Nation Institute for Crime Prevention and Rehabilitation

of Offendors (NICRO), Miss Linda Christiansen, said: "We are opposed to any
form of institutionalisation as we do not believe it has much merit and

is definitely not good for children." [Text] [Johannesburg SAPA in English
1249 GMT 4 Sep 86] /8309

CSO: 3400/542

37



/7310

Buthelezi Accuses Botha of Improper Leadership
(SAPA, 5 Sep 86) .cceuceccecceccccccccvccvvccctevecesvcceas

Buthelezi Warning on Strengthening Labor Movements
(SAPA, 1 Sep 86) wccccecccveccccccscccecccccvccsceccccseeees

Buthelezi Addresses Youth on Black Education
(SAPA, 29 Aug 86) .eccccveccceccncccvcvccccscnccsscecceces

Inkatha Youth Brigade Backs Buthelezi
(SAPA, 31 Aug 86) ceccccceccccvccccvcccccecccovecnssecccete

Buthelezi Says Unions Worsen Blacks’ Problems
CSAPA, 4 Sep 86) weccccccccccccceccccccncsrccsccesceseseces

Urban Foundation Chairman. on Black Education
(SAPA, 9 Sep 86) ..ccecccccccenccccccccccvccccccsceccescres

Buthelezi Presents Plan for Tugela Basin Development
(SAPA, 1 Sep 86) .ccccccccccccvccccccccccnsecccecuscscceres

47

49

50

52

53

54

57



from the National Party's plans being able to solve the country's problems
they were adding to the financial hardship of millions of ordinary citizens.
Voters should now use their votes to tell the government to stop wasting
resources and taxpayers money on its ideological policies.

Mr Eglin said what was distressing was that the country had a government which
had no plans for the present or future and had neither the skill nor the
ability to manage the economy and interests of its people." [quotation mark
as received] The sanctions threat was evidence of hostility from countries
who were not only traditional critics but also major trading partners while
internally, unemploymeht rose by the day. "The state of emergency with its
detentions, bannings, restrictions and muzzling of the press and manipulation
of news has done nothing to solve any of the basic problems we face. It is
difficult to believe that in a country which claims to have a democratic
system of government, more than 8,500 citizens ... are languishing in goal
without any charge having been brought against them, and without them having
any opportunity to defend themselves against this violation of liberty."

Mr Botha's whole policy of constitutional reform and healthy powersharing was
in amess. The trcameral system had failed to succeed even as a means of
powersharing between whites, coloureds and Indians. "Mr Botha soon enough
showed the coloured and Indian MPs what he thought of powersharing. It is
fine as long as you don't forget who is the boss."

On the provincial level, the government had abolished a sound provincial
structure with elected representatives and replaced it with central government
appointees. Then it called this exercise a broadening of democracy. At local
government level, the government was committed to dividing every multiracial
city, town or [word indistinct] into two or more separate racially-based local
authorities. "What a shambles!" Mr Eglin said that if the government persisted
in its plans to force apartheid at local government level it would wreck

the "very fabric" of government in South Africa.

/8309
CSO: 3400/542

30



JPRS-SSA-86-101
1 October 1986

CABINDA WATER, ELECTRICITY CRISIS DESCRIBED
Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 18 Jul 86 p 3

[Article by Joao Pokongo: “Water and Electric Power Shortage Calls for
Immediate Remedy"]

[Text] The damage to the 10-Mw gas turbine and the destruction of the elec-
tric pump group, which boosted the water supply flow rate to the city of
Cabinda, albeit in a reduced volume, have caused two of the most preoccupying
problems experienced by-that city's inhabitants since last February.

Water and Energy Shortage

This is undoubtedly a situation that calls for immediate remedy on the part of
the appropriate agencies. Antonio Cajada, the provincial water and electric
power manager, who has been working in the field for more than 22 years, was
contacted by us and warned us that "the situation could worsen in the
immediate future if urgent measures are not taken."

"At this time," he said, “only 20 percent of the city are supplied with water
during some daytime hours because we are working only 12 hours per day due to
the shortage of personnel and the insufficiency of the electric pump group that
works with a flow rate of less than 30 cubic meters per hour."

The equipment has been working for more than 30 years and is at this time in
very poor condition; it was installed for a small city with an insufficient
flow rate of 15 cubic meters per hour, Cajada recalled.

He emphasized that, to supply the city of Cabinda with a sufficient volume,
"We need a new system with a flow rate of at least 150 cubic meters per hour,
working around-the-clock."

In addition, the pipeline from the catchment area is deteriorating and the
pipes in the city are clogged as a result of the rupture of the aeration
filter surface which is in very poor condition likewise. In reporting this
to us, our interview subject also noted that he does not have enough manpower
to clear the pipes since he has only two sewer workers; according to him, the
pipe replacement plan worked out at the local level is just about a dead

letter.

16



JPRS-SSA>86+101
1 October 1986

MOZAMBIQUE

MACHEL COMMENTS ON SUPPORT FOR ARMY
LD010911 Lisbon Domestic Service in Portuguese 2300 GMT 31 Aug 86

[Excerpts] Mozambique continues to accuse Portugal of supporting Renamo.
In an interview broadcast this evening on Mozambican television, President
Samora Machel, currently in Harare, spoke about his country's problems,
Lopez Pereira reports from Maputo:

Here in Maputo this evening, Mozambican television carried an interview
granted in Harare by President Samora Machel to a French journalist in

which he stated, among other things, that the armed bandits have supporters
in Lisbon and South Africa. The war--and I am still quoting the Mozambican
President-—-is being imposed on us by certain people nostalgic for the past,
and has very clear-cut objectives. The war does not serve the interests of
the Mozambican people, President Samora Machel. stated, adding: The aggression
by the armed bandits aims to Africanize the war here on the ground.

South Africa has massed troops near our borders, he further stated.

On the subject of the reorganization of the Mozambican Armed Forces,

Samora Machel admitted the support of a country such as France which, quoting
his wery words, understands that we are the victims of imperialist and racist
aggression.

President Samora Machel also mentioned Italy and Britain as allies and friends

who understand that Mozambique is the victim of aggression and will assist in
reorganizing the Mozambican Armed Forces.

/8309
cso: 3400/539

22



JPRS-SSA>86-=101
1 October 1986

ANGOLA

CHIBIA URGED TO INCREASE FARM OUTPUT
Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 19 Jul 86 p 3

[Text] Lubango--Lopo do Nascimento, Party Central Committee member Huila
provincial commissioner, urged the people of the township of Chibia to
revitalize agricultural and livestock activities in the course of a meeting
held to introduce the new first party secretary and commissioner for that
township.

Lopodo Nascimento, who was accompanied by members of the defense and security
and domestic order forces in the province, reminded the population that the
reorganization which has. now been accomplished is the obvious result of the
work of the party's municipal and provincial conferences in the sense of
providing more dynamism and better organization for the municipal government
agencies whose primary mission should be to concentrate on increasing the
output so as to improve the living conditions of the people.

The provincial commissioner said.that Chibia has a great agricultural poten-
tial and that its people are hard-working folk. Therefore "We must not allow
Chibia to die." Everyone must commit himself to the production tasks, to
mobilizing peasants, the members of the mass and social organizations and the
population in general, so that the entire township will take up the important
place which it always held in the social-economic context of the province.

On the other hand, Lopo do Nascimento urged the new party and government top
leader in the township to address himself to solving the population's most
pressing problems. He made it clear that "The party, as the leading body,
must at all times work with those who are not members, with those who want to
produce and contribute to the specific implementation of the higher-level
directives issued in the political, economic, and social areas."

Along these lines, the Central Committee member once again stressed the need
for making sure that the peasants, the farmers, and the ranchers will concen-
trate on solving problems that are easy to remedy, "We cannot stand by, doing
nothing, in the hope that ENCODIPA [National Company for Marketing and
Distribution of Agricultural Products] and Domestic Trade will give us every-
thing we need. There are matters which we ourselves have the capacity to
take care of," Lopo do Nascimento said,

18



JPRS-SSA~86+101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

INFORMATION BUREAU'S EFFECTIVENESS QUESTIONED
MBO10725 Johannesburg SAPA in English 0719 GMT 1 Sep 86

[Text] Cape Town, Sept 1, SAPA--The severe criticism of the Bureau for Informa-
tion and the way in which it treated news of the violence in black townships
has now spread to inside the ruling National Party [NP] and its supporting
media. Their handling of the Soweto killings last week of 21 people angered
many, including NP MPs, and was criticised by the two biggest Afrikaans
dailies, BEELD and THE BURGER.

Mr Neil Ross, co-ordinator of the PFP [Progressive Federal Party] nationwide
unrest monitoring services, said yesterday that it was clear from their
monitoring teams in virtually every township that white South Africans have
"no idea whatsoever" of what is going on in the townships, because of the
Information Bureau's "selective and distorted" handling of the news and the
legal restrictions on newspapers to find out for themselves. Mr Ross said
the public have no idea of the scope of SADF and SAP actions, especially in
the rural areas. Paging through the extensive unrest monitoring files of the
PFP, he pointed to unreported security force action in towns such as
Oudtshoorn, Queenstown, Parys, Kroonstad, Graaffreinet, Upington, De Aar,
Willowmore, Worcester, Ashton, Fort Beaufort and Carnarvon.

“White South Africans think it is relatively quiet in the black townships of
South Africa. But what we have seen and heard is amazing," Mr Ross said.

The files tell stories that do not correspond with the public view of what

is going on in South Africa today. There are many stories, some accompanied
by affidavits, others not. of young children spending long periods in detention,
of alleged victimisation, 6f the police closing the entrances to supermarkets
and detaining most black shoppers inside and of alleged assaults.

BEELD and THE BURGER's influential political commentator, Dawie, wrote on
Saturday that there were no doubts about the Bureau's "ability to play an
effective information role."

Mr Ross said the PFP's files showed that law and order minister Mr Louis le
Granges list of detainees tabled in parliament was incorrect and unreliable.
According to PFP calculations, there should have been some 14,000 names on the
list, not 8,551.

/8309

CSO: 3400/542 31



quantitative and qualitative improvement of the work as a fundamental and
necessary activity; he added that it is necessary to work even harder to
achieve closer relations with the courts and with the offices of the
prosecutor.

In conclusion, Capt Ferreira Neto expressed his appreciation for the attention
given to the delegation he directs by the province's party and government
agencies; later on he appealed for closer cooperation that must be given to
the activities of the agencies of the Interior Ministry in the province.

5058
cso: 3442/297

13



JIPRS-SSA~>86101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

BUTHELEZI PRESENTS PLAN FOR TUGELA BASIN DEVELOPMENT
MBO020850 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1409 GMT 1 Sep 86
[SAPA PR Wire Service: Issued by: The Chief Minister's Office, Ulundi]

[Text] Johannesburg, Monday--Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi tonight urged massive
development of Kwazulu/Natal's Tugela Basin as the one region capable of
reaching self-sustained growth to rival the Witwatersrand in a short space

of time. The basin had enough water to support six cities the size of
Johannesburg plus six the size of Cape Town, four the size of Durban, four the
size of Pretoria, leaving still enough flow at the Tugela mouth to supply the
equivalent of greater London, he told industrialists here.

Speaking at an industrial marketing dinner organised by the KwaZulu Finance
and Investment Corporation [KFC], he disclosed that he had asked the KFC to
embark on a joint venture with the Natal provincial administration to market
the Tugela Basin's industrial potential. The development of the region was
being advocated not only because of the necessity to improve the quality of
life for large numbers but because it was the one area geographically and
economically positioned to accommodate future industrial development in
South Africa on a gigantic scale. Such massive economic expansion was
essential if the transition from an apartheid society to a multiracial
democratic society was to be survived, the KwaZulu.chief minister and
Inkatha president said. The growth potential of existing metropolitan areas
was too limited to meet the requirements of the future, and the sooner a
start was made in developing the Tugela Basin, the better off the country
would be.

Chief Buthelezi questioned the present pumping of water from the Tugela

into the Vaal catchment to cater for the PWV [Pretoria-Witwatersrand-
Vereeniging] area. He understood that the PWV area was now the major motor
for the national economy but suggested that it was unwise to stimulate
industrial growth artificially by importing water. While cities might be all
about crowding, the point must surely come when environmental pollution and
social pressures dictated that urban growth be checked in particular places.

57



We employ sophisticated techniques in the armed forces so that they will
constitute a modern army. This is why we have aviation schools and other
training centers for various specialties. We also have the support of the
friendly countries where we train our officers in their schools and
academies because that is the only way they can learn how to lead large and
small units in the process of. the armed struggle which we are carrying out
in Angola.

We can say that, in addition to what our officers learn in the schools and
training centers, they also get an opportunity to acquire more experience in
the field; in one way or another, we teach theory in the schools while prac-—
tice is acquired in the actual process of combat where you face the enemy.
In this way our armed forces managed to strike hard at the regular army of
South Africa and the puppet gangs who created terror among our people. This
is how we are training our army and we can be sure that we will be able to
improve the training of our officers in the near future.

Question: To what extent did our armed forces implement the policy of clemency
ordered by our government?

Answer: The policy of clemency leaves no doubt in anyone's mind because
the fact that a group of officers and soldiers from the former COMIRA
[Military Committee of the Resistance in Angola], which belonged to the FNLA,
came over to our side, is clear evidence of that. In addition to the effort
that has been made by our units, primarily in the operational areas where
members of the UNITA puppet group are trapped or where they surrender
voluntarily, these individuals have been getting different treatment because
everything is based'on the idea of political clemency which our government
has ordered.

This effort therefore is quite justified and it clarifies the role played by
our armed forces in carrying out the guidelines issued by our government for
the purpose of recovering all citizens who were organized in various puppet
groups, such as FNLA, UNITA, FLEC [Front for the Liberation of the Cabinda
Enclave], and others. In addition to all of them, many leaders of the FNLA
and even of UNITA came over to our side since the policy of clemency applies
to everybody. The armed forces come to the aid of the people when they are
attacked and, in so doing, they often come face-to-face with those individuals;
on those occasions they always try to persuade these individuals to join them.

The armed forces have thus been following up on the guidelines issued by the
party and the government regarding clemency.

Question: The alliance between the FAPLA and the people is a fundamental
factor in winning over the enemy. We would like to know what kind of work
has been done to boost that unity?

Answer: The alliance between the FAPLA and the people is expressed in the
way the FAPLA participate in the organization of the population in areas
where our armed forces operate. In other words, in the area of political
work which our armed forces have been pursuing, the first instruction and
guideline they get is the way in which they must organize the population



JPRS-SSA>86+101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

PFP CONCERNED OVER HOMELAND CITIZENSHIP ISSUE
MB020834 Johannesburg SAPA in English 2019 GMT 1 Sep 86

[Text] House of. Assembly, Sept 1, SAPA--The official opposition was concerned
that thousands of people who would lose their South African citizenship through
homeland consolidation had not been consulted, Mr Ray Swart (PFP [Progressive
Federal Party], Berea) said today. He was opposing the second reading of the
borders of particular states extension amendment bill, which provides for the
transfer of land to the independent homelands of Ciskei, Bophuthatswana,
Transkei and Venda.

Mr Swart said that, in the case of Bophuthatswana alone, 15,000 people would
be affected in the Marico District, more than 1,600 on other Transvaal farms
and about 500 families in a third district. He quoted from a letter sent to
the minister of constitutional development and planning, Mr Chris Heunis, by
the headman of an area due to the allocated to Bophuthatswana. Mr Swart said
the headman had said his people did not want to lose their South African
citizenship but would have to leave their homes if they renounced
Bophuthatswana citizenship. This was tantamount to forced removal, the head-
man had said. The headman's people feared prosecution by the Bophuthatswanan
authorities if they renounced homeland citizenship, Mr Swart said.

It was essential that parliament took the utmost care to ensure that it
respected the rights of South African citizens. "It is time to stop fiddling
around with the exchange of land and get on with solving the country's real
problems." However, he said, the government continued with its homeland
policy, which was one of the most divisive factors in the country.

The chairman of the Standing Committee on Cooperation and Development,

Mr Hendrik Tempel, said all those affected by consolidation proposals had
been given the full opportunity to state their objections. The Commission
for Cooperation and Development, which formulated recommendations for consoli-
dation, had invited representations from interested parties before submitting
its recommendations, he said. "I can't say whether these specific communities
(mentioned by Mr Swart) appeared before the commission. But if someone has
an open invitation and doesn't use it, the honourable member can't complain
once the process is completed that there was no consultation." There were
various problems associated with consultation, he said. For instance, how
would absentee landlords be consulted?

18309
cso: 3400/542
28



JPRS-SSA>86>101

1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

CHURCH CONTINUES ANTI-APARTHEID FIGHT DESPITE CLAMPDOWN

Gweru MOTO in English No 48 [undated] p 23

[Interview with Beyers Naude, secretary general of the South African Council of

Churches by Steven Askin; date and place not given]

(Text ]

FOR nearly haif of his adult life, Dr Beyers '
Naude appeared to be a fairly conventional
cleric in the church which provided apart-
heid’s theological ratidnale. .

He was 45 years old when the 1960 Sharp-
ville massacre, the banning of the ANC and
PAC, and a general crackdown against
apartheid opponents forced him to rethink
his own tradition and values. He co-
founded the ecumenical, multinational
Christian Institute and, in 1963, publicly
quit the Broederbond, a secretive society at
the heart of Afrikaaner political and social
life.

Today, as Bishop Desmond Tutu’s suc-
cessor as secretary general of the South
African Council of Churches (SACC),
Naude is struggling to keep the group alive
in the midst of the nationwide state of

: emergency crackdown.

MOTO: How will the state of emergency
influence the churches in South Africa?

Naude: At the present moment it is affect-
ing practically every aspect of the life of
the church. We are not allowed to make
known the names of any staff members
‘or field workers or members of any
church body who have been detained.
- Therefore, it becomes very difficult to
keep the churches informed, to ask them
to pray for them, and to be aware of
what is happening.

MOTO: When you describe it that way it
sounds like you are totally crippled in
response to the state of emergency?

Naude: The whole intention was to cripple

25

all bodies actively engaged in the strug-
gle against apartheid.

I believe the state has no right to inter-
fere in the life and ministry of the church

_in the way which is happening.

We have had a number of visits from
the Security Police. Our offices have
been raided and materials have been
removed. We found it very difficult to
continue with our work in the normal
sense.of the word. We-simply have’ to
accept the fact that for the foreseeable
future, this is the kind of life we will
have to live. We have to prepare our-
selves for a fairly long period in which
the state of emergency will continue to
be upheld by the government.

MOTO: What goals do you think the

South African government is pursuing in
declaring the state of emergency and to
what extent is it achieving those. goals?

Naude: I think the South African govern-

ment believes it is absolutely necessary to
restore law and order and that law and
order can only be restored by applying
these very stringent emergency regula-
tions. In the short term, I think the
government is succeeding.

In the long term, it simply means that
the root cause of the unrest, of the dis-
satisfaction, of the resistance of the peo-
ple is not being addressed. It is a-ques-
tion of tightening the screws of the lid
and stoking the fire underneath, until
eventually there must be an explosion
somewhere.

As long as the government is not will-
ing to face and address itself to the cen-



the output in an effort to open up other sources of foreign exchange revenue
to promote the country's economic growth.

As for the hotly debated withdrawal of United States oil companies from Angola~-
one of the points mentioned by the United States as a method of reprisal for

the support which the country is giving to the liberation movements and for

the country's firm political and ideological position, the Cabinda provincial
commissioner said that "in addition to the other effects, this would seriously
aggrevate the social-political conditions, leading to unemployment for. hundreds
of Angolan workers, not just in those enterprises either."

Answering a question on work relations between Angolans and Americans in the
oil companies, Jorge Barros Tchimpuaty emphasized that "The Angolan respects
anyone who respects him" and he stressed that there were no conflicts whatso-
ever in the enterprises since they met their obligations to the State. Jorge
Barros Tchimpuaty, who is also first provincial secretary of the party, in
talking to the IPS, denied the report according to which Cuban forces are
guarding the petroleum installations at Malongo in order to react to any move
by the enemy and he invited the journalists to take a first-hand look at the
real situation in Malongo where they stayed for about 8 hours.

Requested to comment on the benefits which the province derives from the values
created as a result of petroleum exploration, the Angolan government official
mentioned the plans approved for the development of the area where SONANGOL
[National Angolan Fuel Company] and CABGOC are competing; he revealed that

"By decision of the Angolan government, one percent of the value of petroleum,
in dollars, goes to promote social-economic growth in the province."

Concerning the country's main successes after Angola achieved independence in
1975, the Party Central Committee member mentioned free health care as one of
the major advances because, as he said, "Since man is the principal element
in society's development, health must be provided to his benefit, in addition
to education and training, which are also given for free in the RPA and, above
all, the participation of the people in the discussion of the laws aimed at
the country's development."

5058
CSO: 3442/297



JPRS-SSA-86-101
1 October 1986

ANGOLA

CABINDA SECURITY SITUATION, U.S. OIL INSTALLATIONS DISCUSSED
Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 23 Jul 86 p 3
[Article by Joao Pokongo: "The Angolan Respects. Anyone Who Respects Him")

[Text] Cabinda provincial commissioner Jorge Barros Tchimpuati gives inter-
view to IPS news agency.

"Peace is one of the greatest needs of the People's Republic of Angola. So
long as there is no peace, we will not be able to develop the country as we
wish," said Jorge Barros Tchimpuaty, member of the Party Central Committee and
Cabinda provincial commissioner, in an interview given in this city to a group
of journalists from IPS (Inter Press Service).

The leader began the meeting with this statement in describing the unjust war
which has been imposed upon the country by racist South Africa.

The Cabinda provincial commissioner described the work being done in the region
in various spheres, especially in the economy, in an effort to consolidate
national independence. Referring to the political-military situation in the
province, which continues to be calm, Jorge Barros Tchimpuaty said that "The
despair of the puppet gangs has made them destroy economic targets in the
course of sporadic attacks against some towns." He mentioned the recent and
neutralized attempt at sabotaging the petroleum installations at Malongo
launched by the followers of the puppets in the service of Pretoria.

Questioned about the possibility of the complete elimination of the puppets
before the termination of "apartheid," the Party Central Committee member
replied that "UNITA is not an army; it is a group of bandits, UNITA and
apartheid have a common cemetery."

Jorge Barros Tchimpuaty then talked about the measures taken by the Angolan
government in response to the economic and financial situation prevailing in
the country as a result of the sudden drop in oil prices. He briefly reviewed
the results of the coffee and cacao harvests as well as the results of lumber
operations, noting that they were short of the figures achieved in 1973 which
was considered a good year in Angola.

The organization and creation of social conditions for the workers and invest-
ments by some sectors in adequate resources were also covered by the top
provencial leader who, among other things, listed measures planned to increase



JPRS-SSA-86-101
1 October 1986

ANGOLA

BENGUELA VISIT REVEALS FLOOD DAMAGE, POOR FISH CATCH
Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 22 Jul 86 p 3

[Text] Continuing the visits which he has been making to the production units
that are considered to have top priority with the intention of familiarizing
himself with the operations and difficulties in the way of their development,
Maj Joao Lourenco, member of the Central Committee of the MPLA-Labor Party and
Benguela provincial commissioner, last week made assistance visits and
inspections in the communities of Ekilina and Dombe Grande in the township of
Baia Farta.

In Ekilina, the leader found that the agricultural complex was operating with
an area of 500 hectares, growing bananas and vegetables.

In this complex, the agriculture delegation is preparing 15 hectares to be used
for the distribution of maize seeds.

It was emphasized that this area is at this time still waiting for the comple-
tion of work on water-well drilling.

In the course of the visits to the fishing industry, Maj Joao Lourenco had an
opportunity to get a look at the difficulties caused by the poor fish catch
due basically to the ecological imbalance that developed in recent months as a
result of the torrential rainfall. He also visited a bakery whose daily out-
put is about 3,000 loaves.

The community's social sector also is struggling with some difficulties, above
all in the fields of education and health; it was necessary to reduce the

number of teachers, school equipment, and above all medications, with emphasis
on daily necessities, -The provincial delegation of the Social Affairs State
Secretariat, in collaboration with Domestic Trade, continue to provide indispens-
able support for the people who live there.

In the community of Dombe Grande, the delegation visited the "4 February"
factory at length; it concentrates on the production of sugar and is waiting
for the start of disarmament in order to get repairs done for the 1986-1987

harvest.

14



This armed struggle could only be directed by our Movement which was trying
to find a way to organize the struggle. Thus we created what in the beginning
was called the EPLA (People's Army for the Liberation of Angola). But, after
all of the changes which our movement had been undergoing and after analyzing
the way to step the armed struggle up, it was found that an army of that kind
was not the answer in view of the fact that the nature of the struggle was
different. We terminated that so-called army and we created guerrilla groups
in the Ist, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 5th military regions; this is where the group
of guerrilla fighters stepped up the armed struggle which in turn led to the
growth of our movement and enabled our country in the eyes of all the world
to show that Angola was fighting.

Finally, after this entire process and throughout the 14 years of guerrilla
struggle, this body of guerrilla fighters gave rise to another form of
organization; on the threshold of our independence, that is to say, in 1974,
we founded the body of our army, in other words, the FAPLA.

We did so because we felt the need for having organized armed forces so that
we would be able to counter all of the other maneuvers that came after our
independence.

In this way we managed to build the army which was to guarantee the complete
defense of our territorial integrity. During the first invasion of our
territory, against our independence, this armed arm of our people was already
able to face the South African forces. During those 12 months, when we
suffered acts of aggression, our armed arm managed to respond, thus guarantee-
ing the independence, territorial integrity, and sovereignty of the Angolan
people.

We can say that this activity, that the armed forces carried out, did provide
the guarantee that enabled the Angolan people to attain the objectives
recommended by our party in creating this republic which would be able to
guarantee the prosperity of the entire Angolan people.

Question: The aggressiveness of imperialism increased as our revolution
advanced, How did our armed forces prepare themselves for fighting against
the constant incursions by the South African army and its puppets?

Answer: We had various ways of training our armed forces. First of all,
we took into account the leading role of the party in the leadership of the
armed forces, In joining the armed forces, in getting his basic military
training, every citizen joins in political-ideological work. These were the
two main tasks in view of the fact that the political training of a citizen
who joins the armed forces guarantees the attainment of the objectives that
made us fight. Military training is given at training centers when the
individual is still a recruit. We train our specialists and our officers in
various schools; in addition to the recruiting centers, we are establishing
certain inter-service schools where officials learn how to lead large and
small units; we have the schools of lower-level specialists where we complete
the military training of our young lads.



JPRS-SSA~867101
1 October 1986

ANGOLA

BRIEFS

AGRONOMY COURSE CONCLUDES--Huambo. A group of 40 youths successfully completed
another middle-level course in agronomy in this city; this is a special subject
in the field of general agriculture which has been taught at this city's
Middle Agrarian Institute for the past 4 years. This event marks a new and
decisive stage in the revival of the country's agriculture which suffers from
a shortage of cadres in its various areas and which this new graduating class
will certainly help reduce. During a brief ceremony which was full of content,
a brief review was presented as to what those 4 years of training really meant;
the course was not at all easy and there were various kinds of obstacles that
are always difficult to get around; among these we might single out the lack
of an effective faculty and the absence of a proper reference library. But
the perseverance and self-denial of the students--who were aware of the press-
ing and urgent need for giving the country well-trained cadres, particularly
for the agricultural sector--turned out to be a catalyzing element in over-
coming barriers and attaining this lofty objective. It must be emphasized that
the Huambo Middle Agrarian Institute, established 6 years ago, has been
operating with rather positive results; it has already trained several young
people in the most varied special subjects; many of these youths contribute to
the country's agricultural development with the help of their knowledge. [Text]
[Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 22 Jul 86 p 3] 5058

CSO: 3442/297

20



338097
JPRS-SSA-86-101
1 OCTOBER 1986

Sub-Saharan Africa Report :

j TON STA A
eee
for public release L“
‘Distribution Unlimited

(pmic QUALETY BFSPECTED 3

_ FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE

| REPRODUCED BY
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE
NATIONAL TECHNICAL

INFORMATION SERVICE

SPRINGFIELD, VA. 22161



suffering for the majority of the people of our country. Let the call resound
throughout the country: The tyrant Botha must go. Let us make this call
wherever we meet, whatever struggle we are engaged in, be it local or
national. We are not asking this tyrant to reform the apartheid system. We
are not interested whether he keeps as they are or amends the Immorality and
Mixed Marriages Acts. We are not pinning our hopes on Botha sitting down
with us around a conference table to draw up a new democratic constitution for
South Africa. We are not pinning our hopes on this because we know that

Botha is not interested in a just solution of the South African problems, all
that interests him is the defense and perpetuation of the apartheid system,
which we have rejected in our millions.

Dear compatriots, the solution to our problem lies in the downfall and
destruction of the Botha regime. The tyrant Botha must go. We should not
allow anybody to divert us from this demand. We must reject unequivocally
all the lies that are told that Botha is experiencing a change of heart, that
this tyrant has suddenly become a reformer and a peacemaker. There can be no
sharing of interests between ourselves and our oppressors. Botha must go.
And yet we know that the Botha-Malan regime will not disappear simply because
we say so. It is only through unrelenting all-round political and military
struggle that will force the Botha to go. [as heard] When we say Botha
must go, we mean that we are no longer prepared to be ruled by a regime that
has no authority to govern our country, a regime whose illegal rule we are
challenging everyday. It is therefore clear that in our continuing offensive
against the Pretoria regime we must, in practice, show that we are no longer
prepared to be ruled by this racist and fascist clique of usurpers.

We must destroy the enemy organs of government. We must render them ineffec-
tive and inoperative. Indeed, why should we continue to cooperate with organs
of government that we have correctly denounced as institutions imposed on us
to perpetuate our own oppression? It makes no sense that we should cooperate
with the bantustan and community council apartheid structures.

[Mbeki continues] To achieve our goals of forcing Botha to go means that,
among other things and of primary importance, we must weaken his capacity
to govern us.

In rejecting Botha, we also reject his puppets. There is no reason that we
should allow these puppets to control our daily lives, be it in the
bantustans or the black urban townships. We have accumulated enough organized
strength to achieve this objective of making our country ungovernable. We
have raised the level of political consciousness among ourselves to the point
where we can and must in practice refuse to submit to the dictates of the
Pretoria regime. In every locality and in all parts of our country, we must
fight to ensure that we remove the enemy's organs of government using all
means and methods available to us.

43



out in the field, we can say that the situation is not as serious as all that
and we continue to find ways of improving the situation; this has to do
primarily with the way in which we must make sure that the people will feel
free and safe from the constant operations which the enemy has been carrying
out.

Question: Would the Comrade Minister like to talk to us about the party's
leading role in directing the armed forces and about the importance of
political-ideological work in the FAPLA?

Answer: All of the work which our officers, enlisted men, and sailors have
been doing is due to the political work done among our military units. We
could not say that there are no longer any gaps in this type of work; we can
observe some difficulties both in the training of our officers who are doing
the political work and in difficulties of a general nature. But we must say
that the entire orientation coming from the party, the existing documentation
from the Second Congress and the guidelines issued by the commander~in-chief
to the armed forces and even all the work that is being done by the party, we
can say that we have indeed taken steps to strenthen the party's leading role
in the armed forces through political and ideological work which is being
done daily among the fightingmen.

This work has had an effect on the training of cadres because, very often,
when the cadres are not within the organizational structure, they may lose the
sense of the work that must be done. But we are quite aware that this is Job 1
“ in the armed forces on the echelon of all military units. We have a rather
high structural level which has already been created so that ideological work
may be carried out.

This is why we would describe this kind of work as a positive effort in spite
of the difficulties which the National Political Directorate of the FAPLA has
been encountering in supplying the material study base for officers in train-
ing our military personnel and our cadres. We are going to close the still
existing gaps through the political schools. This is in every way a constant
concern and we must work hard and close the existing gaps.

Question: In conclusion, we would like the Comrade Defense Minister to address
a brief message to all fightingmen who heroically defend our homeland and our
revolution.

Answer: We issued a methodological guideline on the way we must prepare for
the 12th anniversary of the foundation of the FAPLA in the units of all mili-
tary regions that carry out promotion, organization, and political indoctrina~
tion activities. In this way we are convinced that our fightingmen-~even those
who are in the very first line of our defense--will Imow how to mark this
historical date.

I think that all those who are in the armed forces know what our primary
mission today is, in other words, that it is the mission of defending the
country, the revolution, our territorial integrity, and our people. This is
why we would only like to say that, over the next several years, whatever we



because, as you know perfectly well, the people are the main element in a
struggle. Without organizing the people, this struggle cannot have any mean-
ing and our fightingmen, including the soldiers, have guidelines for this
purpose, regardless of where they may be.

This is the only way we can understand what exactly we are defending in the
struggle we are going through now. Through this struggle, first of all, we
seek to defend the interest of our people, their security and their well-
being.

To bring this about, the fightingmen are forged amid the people and this is
the only way the fightingman can survive in areas where he really encounters
difficulties due to enemy action. In the first instance, it is our armed
forces who are first to meet the people in areas where the enemy is carrying
out his operations against defenseless people. The local people in turn
cannot do anything except seek to work together with our armed forces. This
is how our movement at the time guided our guerrilla groups during the first
national liberation struggle and our movement survived with the help of what
the population offered. We continue to hold on to this experience and this
method; this is how our troops live. with the population in remote areas when
it is difficult to supply our units; so they work together. This is why
this alliance takes shape in the actions which our soldiers carry out among
the population.

Question: How would you describe the country's present military situation,
Comrade Minister?

Answer: We cannot say that the country's current military situation has
changed with relation to the various statements made primarily last year

and with relation to the form in which the Second Party Congress described
the political-military situation, What we can add to this situation is the
fact that the United States is now providing open aid, that the United States
is supplying a large amount of resources to the UNITA puppet group; we knew
all along that they were getting that aid although in a hidden manner. Right
now, however, the United States is doing that openly as a way of pressuring
other countries to give their support to the puppet group.

This is the only change we can note in recent times as'compared to the
situation that prevailed last year. We must say that, in one way or another,
the situation is improving in the sense that we continue to perfect the way
our units operate, we continue to improve the organization of the population
in the defense of the homeland and in improving the people's living conditions.

This is a phase we have to go through and we think that the way we solve the
current problems experienced by the population will bring about a gradual
change in the country's situation. We cannot say that this is a precarious
situation at this moment but there are forms of work during each stage of
the struggle. In other respects, the thing that concerns us in this
situation is primarily the campaign which imperialism has been carrying out
and which very often can confuse our allies, friends, and even the popula~
tion who might think that the situation is quite alarming. But we who are



"Too few blacks have experienced this yet for the full message to penetrate
into the black schools and communities," said Mr Steyn. "Technology and
technical education are all too frequently obscure, or dubious in the per-
ceptions of black pupils and parents," he said.

"Given the challenges I have mentioned, we have no alternative in South Africa
but to begin immediately to try to forge a new technological tradition in our
technical training institutions. While I am in no sense dismissive of the
signal achievements and spectacular reputation of high technology, I believe
that even more testing and stirring challenges worthy of our abilities,

lie in the field of appropriate and developmental technology.

"We must, as a national endeavour, begin to forge a powerful association
between technology and the service of basic needs and the quality of life

of all our people," Mr Steyn said.

/8309
cso: 3400/541

56



[Borjer] What is the atmosphere like now in Soweto?

[Motlana] The atmosphere is tense. You may have heard that there was an
almost complete stayaway from work yesterday. In fact, the newspaper said
the biggest stayaway since 1976. Many people have not gone to work today
either. It appears that there is still a lot of unrest all over Soweto,

but nobody is quite certain what has happened--whether there have been any
casualties; what the army is doing; and what the young comrades are up to.

{Borjer] We have had reports that the Soweto city councillors have been
running away from the townships, from their offices. So, who effectively
runs Soweto now, who has the authority?

[Motlana] Well, the man who has authority over Soweto would be a town clerk
called Mr Nico Malan; but, I mean, if you mean to whom would residents
respond in terms of whether to go to work or not, I think one can safely say
that they would listen, they would rather listen to the young comrades than
anybody else. But it would not be correct to say that they run Soweto.

[end recording]

/8309
CSO: 3400/541

39



JPRS-SSA>86>101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

CAPE TOWN MAYOR ON UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE
MB021134 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1112 GMT 2 Sep 86

[Text] Cape Town, Sept 2, SAPA~-The coming year would be critical in

South African history and unless the government made major, meaningful
adjustments, long-term prospects for peace and economic advancement in

the city were unfavourable, said the mayor of Cape Town, Mr Leon Markovitz,
today. He was speaking at. a special council meeting after his formal re-
election as mayor for a second term in office. He said the present political
climate was largely because most South Africans refused to accept apartheid
and the government was unable to respond to their political needs and aspira-
tions. The issue had been further complicated by foreign governments and
"activist groups" becoming directly involved.

Present sanctions proposals, if implemented, could be "extremely harmful"

to the city and the regional economy of the western Cape was especially
vulnerable, said Mr Markovitz. "There is a moral idiocy in the sanctions
movement that cannot be justified by the moral bankruptcy of the apartheid
ideology which it'seeks to destroy. Sadly, it seems South Africa is unlikely
to emerge from its difficult transition for some time."

Mr Markovitz said the "national and international environment" would dominate
the year and the role of the city council would not be easy. He therefore
made no apology for the emphasis of his speech. "There are undoubtably
formidable obstacles facing durable reform towards a consensual and
prosperous society and I certainly do not claim to have the answers. "It is
clear, however, that to achieve stability will require constitutional arrange-
ments of enormous ingenuity and variety. It is equally clear to me, as an
individual, that future structures must acknowledge universal suffrage at
both a local and central government level."

/8309
cso: 3400/542

27



We must continue to isolate the puppets who now sit in Botha's tricameral
Parliament, some of whom have now joined the (?enemy's) cabinet of repression,
as Muzorewa did in racist Rhodesia. The same should happen to the puppets
who direct the bantustan administrations and serve in the community councils
and the new local and provincial structures meant to control the so-called
coloreds and Indians,

Compatriots, our own deep-seated desire to be free demands that we tackle

this task of making our country ungovernable with great vigor, determination,
and fearlessness. The enemy will, of course, claim about the need to

maintain law and order and stability, because all those words mean nothing but
the maintenance of the apartheid system, a system we must break down, demolish,
and destroy in struggle. The accomplishment of these tasks means that we should
leave no section of our population unorganized. The struggle in which we are
engaged requires that we should win specific victories in each specific area.

We further elevated the strength of the organized democratic movement, improved
its contact with the masses, and increased the confidence of these masses in
this organised democratic movement as a fighting force which not only protests
against the injustices of the apartheid system, but points the way forwards

to victory. In our continuing assault on the enemy's organs of government,

we must use this organization to political ends, to activize and organize

[word indistinct] revolutionary masses to take this next step of intensifying
our drive to make our country ungovernable.

All classes and strata among the oppressed people are adversely affected by

the apartheid system and are all victims of Pretoria's oppressive and repressive
policies. It is therefore in the interest of all these classes and strata

that we defeat the apartheid regime. Accordingly, our offensive against the
enemy's organs of government has to be carried out by the people in their
entirety. This is not a task that should be left to the youth alone or to

the workers alone; it requires the involvement of the people as a whole. It

is therefore the task of our democratic movement to ensure that all these
classes and strata are organized.

/8309
cso: 3400/541

44



tral issues — namely the question of |
political power for the black commu-'

nity, the release of political prisoners in-
cluding Nelson Mandela, the unbanning
of the ANC and the PAC, the freedom
of the people to elect their own leaders
_to negotiate the future of the country —
I cannot see that there will be lasting
peace and stability in our country.

MOTO: What effect do you think that
serious economic sanctions against
South Africa would have on the condi-
tion in the country now? (Under the pre-
sent emergency regulations, to answer
this question is. considered a punishable
offence as Naude notes.)

Naude: Here you have a very serious threat.
to anybody or any organization that
responds by supporting sanctions or dis-

investment. If the government charges :
you and finds you guilty, you face the ~

possibility of a ten year prison sentence,
» or a 20000 Rand (Z$14 000) fine, or
both.

In this regard, 1 wish to'refer to the’

resolution adopted by the SACC in June
1985 at its annual conference. It dealt
extensively with this very question of
divestment, of selective sanctions, and
of the need for pressure on the South
African government. Those who want to
know what the stand of the SACC was
at that time, I would refer to that resolu-
tion.
= I cannot tell you what stand I would
take at this time. I wish it were possible
to do so, because my view in this regard
has always been that I try to seek the
most éffective non-violent action to
bring about fundamental change for the
sake of justice and peace in South
Africa.

MOTO: What kinds of changes would you
like to see in U.S. policy toward South
Africa?

Naude: First, the sooner the U.S. adminis-
tration stops using the phrase ‘construc-
tive engagement’, the better. It has
become a swear word in the hearts and
minds of millions of our people. It is a
mockery of anything which we believe is
constructive.

19274
cso: 3400/555

26

The image of the U.S. under tne
in_admii istration_has has suffered so
jerely. The animosity, the anger, the
bitterness which has grown in the hearts !
of millions of the people — not against :
the American people as such, but against
the administration and everything that it
stands for — I do not think could ever
be obliterated. The vast majority of the
people will look at the U.S. with a
deepening sense of suspicion, of dis- '
trust, of anger and of the feeling that ;
they have been exploited for the sake of
the selfish interests of the United States,
_both military, economic and political.

This is not only true for South Africa. ;
It is equally true of the role the United *

. States is playing in Angola, in Zim-
babwe, and the role that it in all pro- : H
bability will be playing in a number of | i
the surrounding states.

Any support of (Jonas) Savimbi’s H
UNITA is seen, and rightly so, by us in ;
South Africa as a very clear and definite |
support for the apartheid regime of!
P.W. Botha. Because we all know that}

-Savimbi cannot continue without the!
active support of South Africa. And>
South Africa has no right to be in!
Angola, equally as Savimbi has no right}
to be supported by the United States:
government.

MOTO: Some conservative christians say
they fear that if the ANC comes to
power in South Africa, that communism.
will become dominant. What would you;
say to these people as fellow christians?!

Naude: There is, in their whole theological *
understanding of the church and the;
witness of the church, something:
basically lacking. There (is) a blind fear :
of what they see to be communist in- :
fluence overpowering the western world. :
Which, if you analyze it to its deepest
roots, means nothing else than that they ;
fear the threat of the Marxist challenge |
to economic injustice.

And they are not prepared to meet |
that threat by responding in the way that
Christ wants us to respond in his '
demands for us to stand on the side of
the poor. And as long as that continues,
Iam afraid that it will be a matter of the
blind leading the blind. _ im}



JPRS-SSA-86-101
1 October 1986

ANGOLA

DEFENSE MINISTER DISCUSSES FAPLA ROLE IN NATION'S HISTORY
Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 1 Aug 86 p 3

[Interview with Minister of Defense Col Pedro Maria Tonha "Pedale": “Our
Armed Forces Have Blunted the Aggressive Impetus of the South Africans";
date and place not given]

[Text] Defense Minister Col Pedro Maria Tonha "Pedale," member of the Politi-
cal Bureau of the Central Committee of the MPLA-Labor Party, on the occasion
of the 12th anniversary of the FAPLA gave an interview to the national MDM
[Democratic Mass Movement?] in which he reviewed the activities of the
glorious FAPLA during the years after independence. Colonel "Pedale" also
stressed the current political-military situation which, as he said,

"Became more acute as a result of the decision of the United States directly
to support the puppet gangs of UNITA."

Question: How did the FAPLA spring up and what role did they play during
the first and second national liberation wars?

Answer: As you know, the history of our national liberation struggle is
not yet at an end in its written form when it comes to describing how the
liberation struggle actually shaped up. But on many occasions we talked about
the way in which our struggle developed during the various stages and in the
various regions of the country.

The MPLA--at that time a national liberation movement--was founded on 10
December 1956 after all of the demands which had been made by its leaders
and its militants had been rejected by the colonial administration; the
leaders and militants then began efforts aimed at the development of unity
and the dissemination of guidelines that would lead our people to
independence. The colonial machinery had to step up its oppression, leading
to mass imprisonment of those who were secretly working to organize our
population for a united effort that would lead to sovereignty and
independence. This form of oppression, which our people experienced, meant
that the simple political demands were no longer sufficient to persuade
colonialism to change its position. Early in the morning on 4 February, under
the direction of what at that time was the MPLA, a liberation movement, armed
action was thus launched. It was at that point that a mere handful of
fellow citizens assaulted the Luanda prisons where many of the movement's

leaders were being held, thus marking the start of the armed struggle.



Antonio Cajada, the provincial water and electric power manager, said that to
guarantee a minimum flow of water at this time in some parts of the city, it
would be necessary for him to be a sewage worker, a mechanic, and a driver as
the result of his 22 years of experience because the social conditions of the
workers are not exactly the best; that forces the personnel to leave their jobs
especially in the catchment area and that ultimately led to the reduction in
catchment time; this is one of the factors that makes it impossible to supply
more than 40 percent of the need.

"We must pay more attention to the situation and so long as we are not aware
of the problem, I think we are not going to pay any attention to this matter,"
said Antonio Cajada in expressing his worry about the current water supply
situation in the city of Cabinda.

"rf we do not manage immediately to build a new station then we should at
least renovate the current station because the machinery is worn out," the
provincial water and electric power manager proposed.

Questioned about water treatment products, Antonio Cajada revealed that there
was enough of those products but he was worried about the health situation in
the area around the station since treatment is administered in the open air.

The station is located near the provencial hospital and, due to the present
deplorable state and the clogging of the hospital's bathrooms, patients are
forced to go to the area around the water treatment station when they have to
answer the call of nature. This is another highly preoccupying situation.

In connection with this, Antonio Cajada said that he has already invited some
of the leaders to familiarize themselves with the situation on the spot since
Dr Cabinda, the provencial health delegate, told JORNAL DE ANGOLA that "Who-
ever was supposed to flush out the hospital's bathrooms proved incapable of
doing the job and that created this situation since Health does not concern
itself with construction matters."

The location of the hospital's "infectious-contagious" disease ward, likewise
very close to the open-air water treatment station, is another matter that
worries the provincial water and electric power manager; he emphasized that
"Nobody can claim not to know about the danger deriving from this situation."

Antonio Cajada also said that he thinks that the present water catchment area
on the Lucola River should be terminated in the future because it is not good;
he added that there are rivers close to the city that have better-quality
waters

On top of the difficulties with which the provincial water and electric power
directorate is struggling, there is also the lack of transportation facilities,
according to our interview subject.

5058
cso: 3442/297

V7



JPRS-SSA~86-101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

URBAN FOUNDATION CHAIRMAN ON BLACK EDUCATION
MBO090501 Johannesburg SAPA in English 0011 GMT 9 Sep 86

[Text] Umlazi, Durban Sept 9, SAPA--Technology was critical to South Africa's
future and advanced technical training and technikons were among the most
vital institutions for development in South African society, Mr J.H. Steyn,
executive chairman of the Urban Foundation, said today.

He was speaking at the graduation ceremony at the Mangosuthu Technikon in
Umlazi, and said it was a simple fact that too few black candidates for
training were attaining matriculation level.

"The need for dynamic and far reaching reform in our whole educational
system goes without saying," Mr Steyn said.

"Not only you in Mangosuthu, but we in the urban foundation, are deeply aware
of the educational crisis and accord it high priority in our efforts to promote
fundamental change in our society," he said.

The demand for higher-level technical skills was at low point in the economy
and many trained black technicians were forced to seek work below their level
of skills.

"In times of economic prosperity black technically trained staff are well
placed to achieve rapid advancement if their qualifications and aptitudes
are appropriate," Mr Steyn said.

"Tt is vitally necessary for our future economic development that we try
not to allow the technical training process for blacks to suffer the effects
of demotivation due to the lack of employment opportunity in times of
economic recession.

"Tt should be a national goal to strive to maintain the training process in
top gear at all times. .

"A lag in training nowwill impose manpower constraints in the future and
the occupational advancement of blacks will suffer all round," Mr Steyn said.

There had been “signal failures" in the areas of "black advancement,"

Mr Steyn continued. "Even the most cursory perusal of the monitoring reports
of the Sullivan signatories will show that even among this highly motivated

54



JPRS=SSA~86~10]
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY RESPONDS TO CRITICISM OF SABC

MB020919 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 2 Sep 86

[Station Commentary]

[Text] Extraordinary attacks on the SABC's integrity and sense of fair play
have been splashed across the newspapers in the past two days. No less
extraordinary was the readiness displayed to damn the SABC on what was a best
scanty and conflicting evidence, BEELD went so far as to editorialize on
the day the SABC brought shame upon its head. This is nonsensical.
Throughout the proceedings of the past week, the SABC has been scrupulous in
its adherence to its commitments as agreed with the national body governing

South African rugby.

It has also acted throughout with the keen awareness of its duty as the
national broadcaster and in particular of its obligations to rugby enthusiasts
throughout the country. The data which BEELD proferred was Saturday, the
occasion the Santam Bank Curry Cup rugby match between Transvaal and Western
Province at Ellis Park.

Is the SABC bringing shame on its head when it regards it as of importance
to bring an event of wide interest to its viewers especially those outside
the PWV [Pretoria-Witwatersrand-Vereeniging] area and on the Platteland
{rural district] who demand a national broadcast to televise sport events?
In terms of the permission granted the SABC by the South African Rugby
Board [SARB] to screen a recording after the match, TV-1 transmitted an
edited version that afternoon. As reported Dr Louis Late president of the
Transvaal Rugby Football Union described this inter alia as deceitful and
under hand, because the SABC had broken what he described as an agreement on
the time of transmission. It is not clear however what time had supposedly

been : stipulated.

Four different newspapers quoting Dr Late or a spokesman each gives a
different time from 1830 [1630 GMT] on Saturday to 1900 [1700 GMT] on
Sunday. In fact there was no such agreement, not even such an understanding.
There were, in various discussions and telephone calls, attempts made to have
the SABC delay its transmission until much longer after the event. The time
originally suggested to the SABC was Monday at night. On each occasion the
response was the same.

34



The SABC would be transmitting shortly after the match had ended and would
at most as a goodwill gesture wait until M-Met's test transmission to its
restricted audience had been on the air for some time. The very notion that
any outside interest might determine SABC transmission times is an absurdity.
In terms of a written agreement between the SABC and the South African Rugby
Board the only matches for which transmission times are stipulated are those
agreed upon by the SABC and the board as available for live transmission.
There has never been and can never be any question about the SABC's right
itself to determine in the final analysis when other matters designated by
the board as available for later transmission should go.on the air. Not-
withstanding these contractual obligations Dr Late has for long being uncom-
fortable with the situation.

Earlier this year he refused to allow any further television recordings of
rugby at Ellis Park. The reason he gave was the need for the Transvaal

Union to rebuild its finances and public support by attracting the largest
possible spectators to Ellis Park. Although hundreds of thousands of

South Africans living outside the PWV area from which possible spectators
could be drawn would thereby be denied any chance of seeing important matches,
Dr Late felt that local interests should take precidence. His granting of

exclusive coverage of Saturday's match to M-Net would have restricted television

viewing of the match to precisely the PWV area Dr Late was formerly concerned
about while excluding the rest of the country.

Small wonder that Mr Jan Pickard, chairman of the television committee of the
SARB publicly insisted that the SABC should cover the match and should even
be given preference. Obviously Western Province supporters would also be
anxious to view a crucial game that was being televised anyway. The SABC
will continue to fulfill its obligation in providing a comprehensive service
to all South Africans in rural areas as well as in the metropolitan complexes
and in respect of all issues of interest to its audiences. Attacks on the
integrity of the SABC as displayed at the weekend will not deflect it from
this objective.

/8309
CSO: 3400/542

35



JPRS-SSA>86~>101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

BUTHELEZI ADDRESSES YOUTH ON BLACK EDUCATION
MB301002 Johannesburg SAPA in English 2207 GMT 29 Aug 86

[Text] Ulundi, Aug 29 SAPA--Sanctions were already a life and death issue
in South Africa, and nearly a million people were now being fed through
operation hunger, Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi said at Ulundi today. The
KwaZulu chief minister and Inkatha president hit out at "charlatans" who
deceived the international community into believing most black South Africans
wanted sanctions. He told the Inkatha Youth Brigade's annual conference
there were even "suspect surveys" which were financed abroad and which were
used to give respectability to such claims. The fact was that economic
recession had already meant loss of jobs for thousands, and sanctions meant
more and more young people would have no jobs at all.

And he called for youth, who constituted the majority of the country's work
force and were the largest single element in Inkatha's membership, to state
their views on sanctions and disinvestment. Inkatha saw that apartheid was
crumbling and was therefore committed to the “absolute priority" of educating
black youngsters to take their place in a free South Africa.

He described the call, "Liberation now, education later," as an insane slogan
coined by the ANC mission in exile. It came from people who had not had to
abandon their own education and was being used by those whose own children
were being educated in white schools abroad. It was tragic that some schools
had been closed in the Cape and Transvaal. Of all race groups it was blacks
who needed to seize every opportunity for education. Yet, he said, there
were educated people here and abroad who were planning "to make you a genera-
tion of illiterates." These people planned to make their own children,

who were educated abroad, "your masters and mentors."

Chief Buthelezi said that although apartheid's days were numbered its eradica—
tion was only the first phase of the struggle to liberate black South Africa
from poverty, ignorance and disease. If black suffering here appeared to have
lasted longer than that endured elsewhere in Africa it should be remembered
that many others had struggled to overthrow oppression of one kind only to
find that they suffered under a new kind of oppressor. The so-called freedom
some spoke about might be no more than an exchange of tyrants. He said the
very people who talked the more glibly of a just revolution were those now
perpetrating the most horrible deeds.

50



COLUMNIST SEES UDF GAINING IN POPULARITY

Durban POST NATAL in English 3-6 Sep 86 p 8

{Article by Ameen Akhalwaya in "My View" column]

[Text]

THE Héuses of Delegates and Represéntatives took

another break from the

of parliamentary debate

rigours
last week, and this week they will be celebrating. their

second anniversary.

‘The United Democratic Front was three years.

oa last

month, with many of its members taking an enforced

break — as guests of the State under the emergency.

formed specifically to oppose the tricameral parliamenta- \
Bills rf

dians” amid great fanfare
that it was the start of
great reform
and that it would herald
evolutionary, peaceful
change.

The first step was the
inclusion of an “Indian”
and a “coloured” in the
Cabinet. This, of course,
was a significant step
away from rigid apartheid,
yet it again highlighted the

problem that has blighted -

nationalist claims of re-
form: a lack of credibility.

Although both Mr Allen
Hendrickse and Mr Ami-
chand Rajbansi undoubt-
“edly have support in their
government-designated
communities, neither can,
by a long chalk, claim the
backing of numbers ap-
proaching near 50 percent.

If anything, it is proba-
ble that if an election were
held now, their support
would be even less than it
was in 1984, Before their

polls were predicting
above-50 percent turnouts
in the 1984 elections?

And remember, too, that -

academics such as Profes-
sor Richard van der Ross
who are in a good position
to feel the pulse of 2 com-
munity say Mr Hen-
drickse’s Labour party is

at war with its own com-' |

ty.
Too much blood has
flowed in the Western
Cape in particular to

for a better turnout *

in a House of Representa-
tives election. If the Gov-
ernment blames the UDF
for the violence, and if it is
right, then by its own logic
the UDF now has even
greater support in the
‘Cape than it had in 1984,

23

changing of
absenteeism, failure to
hold report-back meetings
and the like have left ordi-
nary voters wondering
what many MPs are doing
in Parliament to: deserve
their big paychecks.

JPRS*SSA>86>101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

<v'And if Mr Hendrickse |
and Mr Rajbansi — both ;
shrewd and experienced
politicians — blame low
polls on intimidation by
extra-parliamentary
forces, then again it would |
be fair to conclude that the
UDF, the National Forum
and others have greater
power than the MPs have.

All the same, the perfor-

mance of the House of

(es is the best pub-

‘Hic relations exercise
extra-parliamentary
groups could have hoped

‘The constant squab-
,» Rame-calling,
Hegiances,

The credibility problem

doesn’t end there. A “re-
form” in lower tiers of
government has led to the
inclusion of “Africans”,
“coloureds” and “Indians” *
in the provincial executives
yet again, few if any of
them enjoy the support of
the majority of their offi-
cially designated commun-
ities, and again, they have
been nominated.

The much-vaunted Re-

gional Services Councils
have yet to get off the
ground, lacking as they



JPRS=SSA~86-101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

BUTHELEZI SAYS UNIONS WORSEN BLACKS' PROBLEMS
MB041210 Johannesburg SAPA in English 0929 GMT 4 Sep 86

[Text] Mahlabatini, Natal, Sept 4, SAPA--Unless rural black South Africans
tilled the soil and turned more to handcrafts they would not survive the
worsening unemployment caused by sanctions, Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi
warned at Mahlabatini today.

The time for debating sanctions was over, he said, and the debate was now
about how blacks, as "the poorest of the poor," could keep themselves alive
as a result of them.

Delivering a vote of thanks at the Mahlabatini agricultural and industrial
show, the Kwazulu chief minister Inkatha President accused certain trade
unionists--he named COSATU [Congress of South African Trade Unions] and CUSA
[Council of Unions of South Africa] in this respect--of compounding people's
problems.

They had done so by insisting on sanctions despite the fact that there was
already big unemployment because of company insolvencies.

The situation was now a challenge to people to be diligent. If they did not
now use their hands to produce food, poverty would escalate "to the extent
that we are going to bury people who will starve to death," Chief Buthelezi
said.

/8309
cso: 3400/541

53



SOUTH AFRICA

BLACKS

Columnist Sees UDF Gaining in Popularity
(Ameen Akhalwaya; POST NATAL, 3-6 Sep 86) ..cccsccccccceees

Church Continues Anti-Apartheid Fight Despite Clampdown
(Beyers Naude Interview; MOTO, No 48, [undated]) ..........

Cape Town Mayor on Universal Suffrage
(SAPA, 2 Sep 86) cceccccccccccccccccccccccvccsevcscceccsenes

PFP Concerned Over Homeland Citizenship Issue
(SAPA, 1 Sep 86) wccceccecceccccvccvccvsccecescuscnesnccees

Eglin on Botha, Government Intentions
(SAPA, 1 Sep 86) .cccceccccccccccccccesccccscccecccvecscuce

Information Bureau's Effectiveness Questioned
(SAPA, 1 Sep 86) cccccecccccecccccecceccssccscrsernceeseees

Commentary Calls for 'Responsibility' From Media
(Johannesburg International Service, 9 Sep 86) ....sseeeeee

SABC Announces Changes in Radio Services
(Johannesburg Domestic Service, 1 Sep 86) ...csecccecvcvoee

Commentary Responds to Criticism of SABC
(Johannesburg Domestic Service, 2 Sep 86) wececcecccccccecs

Briefs
NAFCOC Representative on ‘Internal Sanctions'
Reaction to Jailing Zolani Juveniles
Sentences for Children Protested

SOCIOPOLITICAL/OTHER

Soweto Community Leader Comments on Violence, Tension
(BBC World Service, 5 Sep 86) sescecescecceccccececcevoeres

Tambo Says End of Apartheid Near, Warns Against Diversions
(Addis Ababa Radio Freedom in English to South Africa,

4 Sep 86) cccccvccvcvcvvvaccvvccvccccccsssccccssesscceseees

ANC Committee Member Calls for Ouster of Botha
(Thabo Mbeki; Addis Ababa Radio Freedom in English to
South Africa, 2 Sep 86) .

Allan Boesak Speaks on Internal Situation
(SAPA, 4 Sep 86) ..

23

25

27

28

29

31

32

33

34

36

37

38

40

42

45



JPRS-SSA~+86~>101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

ANC COMMITTEE MEMBER CALLS FOR OUSTER OF BOTHA

EA040926 Addis Ababa Radio Freedom in English to South Africa 1930 GMT
2 Sep 86

[ANC National Executive Committee member Thabo Mbeki commentary on program
entitled "From Ungovernability to People's Power"]

[Text] Compatriots, our uninterrupted offensive against the puppets of black
local authorities, which has recently forced about 27 puppet councillors to
flee Soweto, is part of our national strategy to destroy the enemy organs of
government. We are destroying these so-called black local authorities because
they have been responsible for all the miseries facing urban Africans up to
today. We rejected them because we knew from the beginning that their
creation was only meant to facilitate the execution of apartheid policies.

In the case of Soweto, these stooges of the system have been forced to follow
the path taken by some of their colleagues and many other African residential
areas throughout the country. The enemy is trying to portray them as so-called
moderate leaders, but to us they are simply tools of the apartheid system which
have to be removed out of our way. But these, countrymen--that is, the enemy
organs of government--must not and is not confined to Soweto or the eastern
Cape alone. [sentence as heard] Throughout our country, people must rise in
unison and demand what is rightfully ours, our national right to govern our
daily lives. These organs we are destroying are only meant to govern us
according to the wishes of the regime. Therefore, it is vital that as part

of our [word indistinct] offensive, we extend our campaign to include all
enemy organs of government which directly affect our daily lives. We are
today no longer addressing individual apartheid laws and practices, but we

are directing our offensive at the burning and decisive issue of political
power. We want to do away with the Botha regime everywhere. As Comrade

Thabo Mbeki, a member of the National Executive Committee of the ANC, puts

it: Our immediate task is to pin on our banners the demand: Botha must go.

[Mbeki] The first and most important thing that we need to do is to pin on
our banners the demand: Botha must go. Botha must go because he does not
represent the people of South Africa. His regime is illegitimate and
unacceptable, even when it has a sprinkling of puppets who have been rejected
by the black people. Botha must go because his rule can only mean untold

42



JPRS=SSA>86+101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

TAMBO SAYS END OF APARTHEID NEAR, WARNS AGAINST DIVERSIONS
EA061335 Addis Ababa Radio Freedom in English to South Africa 1930 GMT 4 Sep 86

[Excerpt] In his words of encouragement the president of the ANC, Comrade
Oliver Tambo, pointed out that this [events in Soweto referred to in
omitted passage] indicates that we have finally seized the control of our
destiny.

[Begin Tambo recording] We have seized control of our destiny. Because our
destiny is all tied up with the destruction of the apartheid system. For

nearly 2 years we have been on the offensive. It has been a war with casualties.
There have to be casualties. But we have started [words indistinct]. We

cannot go back. We have expanded. We must devise ways of building [words
indistinct], taking the offensive afresh, refusing to be silenced, not even

by death.

The point is not very far off when our struggle [words indistinct] will begin
to turn the scales against the regime. We have inflicted in a political sense
some very serious blows. The enemy is confused. They do not know which

way to go. The enemy is divided among its own ranks. The international
community has become mobilized as never before.

The regime is under pressure to change and abandon the system. That pressure
comes from our struggle. If there are sanctions, it is because we are
struggling. If Botha is hunting around for the [words indistinct] acting under
pressure and we must pursue it relentlessly. They will become desperate

and act viciously but that itself will demonstrate that the end for them is
near.

So this is the time to keep our sights on our set goals. Power to the people,
one man one vote, a non-racial South Africa, away with the apartheid system.
We are approaching that goal. We cannot talk now because we can already

see the end, the end of the apartheid system. So all our people should come
in. This battle must be fought on every front in unity.

And let us not be diverted by those who are talking glibly about peace. Let

us not be diverted by those who are condemning the popular struggle and
offering some nebulous solutions to the problem of apartheid. Apartheid will

40



the South African racists." He added that the enemy is convinced that he will
not, by force of arms, be able to overcome the revolutionary determination of
the Angolan people because they are aware of the "glorious pages" written by
the fightingmen of the FAPLA throughout the history of their existence.

"Let us honor the tenacity and audacity of our valiant fightingmen," said the
member of the Party Political Committee.

The main ceremoney was attended by various personalities from the nation's
political life, in particular, Central Committee Secretary for Production
Andre Pitra "Petrof," the first and second secretaries of the Huila Provencial
Party Committee, Lopo do Nascimento and Domingos Jose, respectively, the chief
of the National Political Directorate of the FAPLA, Lt Col Francisco Magalhaes
Paiva "N'Vunda" and Col Joao Luis Neto "Xietu."

The ministers of industry, of health, and of construction, respectively,
Henrique dos Santos "Onambwe," Ferreria Neto, and Jorge Flora, the provencial
secretaries of Namibe and Cunene, Faustino Muteka and Pedro Mutinde, various
members of the general staff of the FAPLA, of the party and government agencies
represented in Huila, and military attaches from some of the embassies
accredited in Angola also attended the event.

5058
CSO: 3442/303

10



JPRS-SSA>86~101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

INKATHA YOUTH BRIGADE BACKS BUTHELEZI
MB311344 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1303 GMT 31 Aug 86

[Text] Durban, Aug 31, SAPA--The Inkatha Youth Brigade voted unanimously

at its annual conference in Ulundi today to back Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi's
demand for a moratorium on constitutional developments until real power-sharing
negotiations took place between blacks and whites.

They resolved to identify with the KwaZulu chief minister and Inkatha
president's rejection of disinvestment and of every attempt to escalate black-
on-black violence.

The brigade served notice on all black organisations “too politically
irresponsible" to do so themselves that it would brook no interference in
the exercise of its democratic right to organise the people.

It proclaimed its commitment to gaining black entry into all facets of
society as free and equal South Africans.

The organisations also voted to defend the right of anyone to follow Chief
Buthelezi as South Africa's "man of destiny."

It recorded its concern about the introduction of the Students Representative
Council system in schools because the system was being abused by unscrupulous
political organisations to further their own ends.

It expressed its strong preference for the former system of prefects/monitors
who were elected democratically by the students rather than a system “imposed
by so-called student leaders with opportunistic political organisations."

Among other resolutions the conference voted to were:

--To support Chief Buthelezi's attitude to the proposed National Council and
his commitment to non-violence;

--Support his efforts to obtain the release of the ANC's Nelson Mandela, the
PAC's [Pan Africanist Congress] Mr Zeph Mothapeng and other political
prisoners.

/8309
cso: 3400/541

52



He said the Tugela Basin was ideally positioned midway on the PWV-Durban
axis to take advantage of the huge ports of Durban and Richard's Bay. It
was home to 1.1 million of his people, almost a third of whom were in the
working age group--here was the springboard that could take the Tugela Basin
into the future with confidence. There was an almost passionate desire among
blacks to acquire skills and to move ahead in life. They were inhibited only
by lack of opportunity.

/8309
CSO: 3400/541

END

58



Ferreira Neto said that "At this moment, the new organizational structures
exist already in the provinces of Luanda and Benguela; in addition to the
Province of Huila, the Province of Namibe is also a part of this program,
making use of the short distance between both.provinces, The other
provinces of the country will be taken care of gradually and progressively,
according to priorities established by higher headquarters; it is the inten-
tion of the top leadership of the Interior Ministry to complete this mission
by the end of the year."

Talking specifically about the Province of Huila, the chief of staff of the
General Police Command and national director of Criminal Investigation noted
that "This provides excellent working conditions for the accomplishment of
specific missions within the Interior Ministry after some of the difficulties
have been resolved."

The official later on touched on the activities of the directorate which he
is in charge of in the Province of Luanda where he considers the main conern
to be the persistent fight against crime so as to guarantee the wellbeing of
the people.

After describing crime as a social phenomenon motivated by many factors, Capt
Ferreira Neto then said that "As in all countries of the world, the capitals
have specific characteristics one of which is that they have a larger volume
of work specifically when it comes to criminal investigation."

"Criminal investigation," Capt Ferreira Neto noted, and which for the reasons
mentioned earlier in the country's context appears to involve a heavier work
load, "implies not only the assignment of a larger personnel force but also
and above all other material resources many of which the country does not
have at this time for various reasons."

The chief of staff of the General Police Command and national director of
Criminal Investigation recalled that "Although there are still some difficul-
ties connected with some aspects having to do with the training of People's
Police officers, the latter do have a minimum skill level so as to accomplish
their basic tasks to the extent that the necessary efforts are made."

On that issue, Capt Ferreira Neto said that "We hope that the investigations
in progress by higher authority will enable us gradually to get out of the
abyss in which we find ourselves in the sense that we will provide better
service for our people who need that sort of service very much."

Asked to comment on the police officer training schools in some of the
country's provinces, Capt Ferreira Neto said that he considered them to be
absolutely necessary in order to minimize the shortcomings in the cadre area;
these officers must then be sent to the national school of the Interior
Ministry in Luanda for specialized training.

In terms of long-range prospects, the chief of staff of the General Police
Command and national director of Criminal Investigation described the

12



JPRS-SSA-86-101
1 OCTOBER 1986

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

ConTENTS
ANGOLA
Cabinda Security Situation, U.S. Oil Installations Discussed
(Joao Pokongo; JORNAL DE ANGOLA, 23 Jul 86) ..eceeceeceeeee
Defense Minister Discusses FAPLA Role in Nation's History
(Pedro Maria Tonha Interview; JORNAL DE ANGOLA, 1 Aug 86)
Interior Minister Presides Over FAPLA Ceremony in Lubango
(JORNAL DE ANGOLA, 2 Aug 86) ..cecsecececccccecccereevccees
Chief of Police General Staff Describes Work
(Miguel Filipe; JORNAL DE ANGOLA, 19 Jul 86) ...seeeeeeeeee
Benguela Visit Reveals Flood Damage, Poor Fish Catch
(JORNAL DE ANGOLA, 22 Jul 86) ...cccccccccccccccccsccccccss
Cabinda Water, Electricity Crisis Described
(Joao Pokongo; JORNAL DE ANGOLA, 18 Jul 86) .....
Chibia Urged To Increase Farm Output
(JORNAL DE ANGOLA, 19 Jul 86) ....
Briefs
Agronomy Course Concludes
MOZAMBIQUE

Commentary on RSA Disruption of National Elections
(Maputo in English to Southern Africa, 4 Sep 86) ....+see0-

Machel Comments on Support for Army
(Lisbon Domestic Service, 31 Aug 86) ..csecccccececrceecers

ll

14

16

18

20

21

22



JPRS=SSA.g6.
78610.
1 October 1986,

SOUTH AFRICA

SABC ANNOUNCES CHANGES IN RADIO SERVICES
MBO10803 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 1 Sep 86

[Text] A new SABC radio service called Radio Metro took to the airwaves this
morning. Broadcast chiefly in English, the service will target its programs
at the black population. Radio Metro will broadcast on medium wave in
stereo from 0500 [0300 GMT] until midnight!! [words indistinct] Nine radio
services in the Nguni and Sotho languages will link up for an all-night
service on FM from midnight [2200 GMT] until 0500 [0300 GMT]. It will also
be carried on medium wave transmitters.

The director general of the SABC, Mr (Riaan Eksteen) said at the launch of
Radio Metro that the fundamental objective of the new service was to entertain
and at the same time to provide information on developments in South Africa
and within the communities of its listeners.

The changes in other program services of the SABC and of making better use of
the program channels of the corporation and of giving audiences a better
service also come into effect today. Radio Orion will be broadcast on the
FM transmitters of Radio South Africa from 2130 [1930 GMT], while Radio Alegro
will be broadcast from the same time daily on the transmitters of Radio

South Africa. The transmitters of the community services Radio Hignveld,
Radio Jacaranda, Radio Oranje, Radio Good Hope, Radio Algoa and Radio Port
Natal will be used in the evenings for the simulcasting of TV-4 programs.

At the same time Radio 2000, which we broadcast on transmitters, used
previously by Springbok Radio, will take the air from 1600 [1400 GMT] on week
days and from 1400 [1200 GMT] on Saturdays and Sundays for the simulcasting
of programs of TV-1, TV-2, TV-3, and TV-4.

Shortwave transmissions will be targeted at the northern part of Southwest
Africa.

/8309
CSO: 3400/542

33



JPRS-SSA>867101
1 October 1986

MOZAMBIQUE

COMMENTARY ON RSA DISRUPTION OF NATIONAL ELECTIONS
MB050628 Maputo in English to Southern Africa 1100 GMT 4 Sep 86
[Station commentary]

[Text] At the summit meeting of the Nonaligned Movement which is being held
in Harare, the problem of the apartheid system in South Africa has appeared
in every leader's report. It is a problem of the absence and total absence
of democracy, and all member states agree on this. Perhaps, however, not
enough has been said about the other side of the coin: The need to help
the free states of southern Africa in their struggle to defend democracy.

The two things are very closely related, at least in Mozambique. Elections
are currently taking place here. Anyone can be a candidate in these
Mozambican elections--black, brown, or white.

Because of this democracy, the white rulers of South Africa send terrorists
to try to disrupt the elections. Mozambique does not send anyone to disrupt
elections in South Africa. That is impossible because there are no elections
in South Africa. There is an opinion poll which the white minority holds
among its own rank from time to time, to decide exactly which white racist
would be the chief. They call it an election, but in reality it is no more
than a poll of the opinion of a minority.

In Mozambique, there are no majorities and no minorities. There are only
Mozambicans. Its policy is the antithesis of apartheid, and so the government
in Pretoria sends bandits to try to disrupt the elections in Mozambique.

The government in Pretoria would like us [to] have only white candidates like
in Portuguese colonial times, like in South Africa today. Angola and Zimbabwe,
whose people have also defeated racist rule and won the right to elect their
own leaders, are also subjected to attacks by South Africa's surrogate forces.
For decades, the government in Pretoria did all in its power to preserve

white minority rule in Angola, Mozambique, and what was then Rhodesia. Having
failed to save its racist sally, Pretoria is now trying to disrupt the
fledgling democratic systems which have been established in these three countries.

Pretoria wants to prove that majority rule in Africa does not work. The rest
of the world faces the challenge of helping the Frontline States to expose

this as the lie that it is, by helping these states to defend themselves against
the racist onslaught.

/8309

cso: 3400/539 a1



NOTE

JPRS publications contain information primarily from foreign
newspapers, periodicals and books, but also from news agency
transmissions and broadcasts. Materials from foreign-language
sources are translated; those from English-language sources
are transcribed or reprinted, with the original phrasing and
other characteristics retained.

Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets
[] are supplied by JPRS. Processing indicators such as [Text]
or [Excerpt] in the first line of each item, or following the
last line of a brief, indicate how the original information was
processed. Where no processing indicator is given, the infor-
mation was summarized or extracted.

Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are
enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a ques-
tion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the
original but have been supplied as appropriate in context.
Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an
item originate with the source. Times within items are as
given by source.

The contents of this publication in no way represent the poli-
cies, views or attitudes of the U.S. Government.

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20402.

Correspondence pertaining to matters other than procurement
may be addressed to Joint Publications Research Service,
1000 North Glebe Road, Arlington, Virginia 22201.



JPRS-SSA>86-101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

ALLAN BOESAK SPEAKS ON INTERNAL SITUATION
MB040522 Johannesburg SAPA in English 0520 GMT 4 Sep 86

[Text] Harare, Sept 3, SAPA--The South African Government was "a government
which was afraid of children," the Rev Allan Boesak said today in Harare.

The "bankruptcy" of the South African Government was clearly shown by the fact
that it was a government which was afraid of children, the president of the
World Alliance of Reformed Churches said.

Dr Boesak was in Harare at the request of the Zimbabwe Government to attend
the non-aligned movement summit.

He told ZIANA, the semi-official news agency, the current situation was
extremely volatile and the government's response of fighting a war against
children showed the utter confusion into which it had been thrown.

Dr Boesak considered the imposition of the current state of emergency as a sign
of weakness, not power.

Consumer and rent boycotts were continuing.

Dr Boesak spoke at his growing awareness that rural areas were highly
politicised.

People travelled hundreds of kilometres to hear him speak at remote villages.

Many were threatened by their farmer bosses, some were sacked, but they
responded with indifference.

The day had long passed when the rural worker took off his hat and begged
the "baas" for his job back or for anything else.

“Our people are angry and very determined," Dr Boesak commented.

"There has not been a single day since August 1984 when there has not been
one kind of incident or another in South Africa."

45



JPRS-SSA~86>101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

EGLIN ON BOTHA, GOVERNMENT INTENTIONS
MBO20707 Johannesburg SAPA in English 2131 GMT 1 Sep 86

[Text] Cape Town, Sept 1, SAPA--The National Party under the state president,
Mr P.W. Botha, had no intention of abandoning race classification and race
separation as the cornerstones on which constitutional structures were -to

be built, the leader of the opposition, Mr Colin Eglin, said today. Speaking
at a by-election meeting tonight, he said Mr Botha also had no intention of
abandoning the verwoerdian concept of black homelands or of abolishing
constitutional apartheid. "No wonder the national council which Mr Botha
announced in April, and which was supposed to be approved by parliament
during this session, has disappeared into oblivion. Mr Botha caused some
speculation by referring to possible changes in the Group Areas Act. There
could be some changes to make its application more flexible, big deal."

Mr Eglin said that Mr Botha had subsequently said that as long as he was
leader of the country, there would be no tampering with the principles of

the Group Areas Act.

At the recent National Party Federal Congress, great play had been made of the
concept of group self-determination, which was not the same as apartheid.
“There are circumstances in which self-determination need not be apartheid.
But when self-determination is based on race classification and compulsory
race segregation, it is nothing other than apartheid. And what is more, when
it is thrust on the politically weak, it is nothing other than baasskap
[domination]. No wonder the government cannot get meaningful negotiations

on a new constitution off the ground. And here I am not talking about private
discussions the minister of constitutional development and planning is having
with black people. I am talking of the tough around-the-table negotiations
that must take place between leaders, including the government, on behalf of
their constituencies."

He said that no black leader with a sizeable constituency would take part in
negotiations designed to promote the modernisation of apartheid or the entrench-
ment as race as the basis of government in South Africa. [sentenced as printed]
The government's constitutional guidelines made it impossible for even moderate
black leaders and organisations to take part in the negotiation process. Apart

29



JPRS=SSA>86-101
1 October 1986

SOUTH AFRICA

SOWETO COMMUNITY LEADER COMMENTS ON VIOLENCE, TENSION
MB051820 London BBC World Service in English 1515 GMT 5 Sep 86
[From the "Focus on Africa" program]

[Text] It has been a bad 10 days or so in Soweto, near Johannesburg. Last
week, more than 20 people were killed in confrontations between residents
and security forces. Yesterday, mourners tried to defy a ban on a mass
funeral. The authorities cracked down hard, sealed off the township, and
there were reports of serious clashes and a stayaway from work. Another
question is who is running Soweto. Government-backed councillors have gone
into hiding and young vigilante groups are on the prowl. Dr Motlana isa
prominent community leader in Soweto. Julian Barjer asked him what was
going on today.

[Begin recording] [Motlana] I am not certain, but my reports come from
young men who have been shot. They tell me that whereas the police told us
that nobody would be buried yesterday, in fact between 5 and 15 bodies were
buried. Nobody is certain exactly how many were buried behind our backs,
without our knowledge. This morning, an additional four were buried. A lot
of young people joined the funeral procession toward the cemetery, and that
is when trouble started. Teargas was lobbed at them and even live ammunition
was used. I saw two, one had been injured by a teargas canister. The other,
I am not sure what injured him, but it looks like bird shot of particularly
heavy calibre; and this is what I have noticed that so-called bird shot
seems to come in one or two sizes. Some of the lead used is very small

but some quite big.

[Borjer] These are two casualties that have come into your clinic. Do
you have news of casualties elsewhere in the township?

{Motlana] I have heard of one or two who died in a place, a railway station
in Soweto, called Phefeni but I myself cannot vouch for it. I haveno proof.
You see, because the newsmen are prevented from getting into Soweto, even
black men cannot move about. Soweto is full of rumor, conjecture, speculation
and nobody is quite certain what is taking place.

38



are in form and substance.
But if the provincial and
President's Council exam-
ples are anything to go by,
we can expect much of the
same. i
Among the first of the
hated laws to go were the |

Prohibiton of Mixed Mar-
riages Act and section 10
of the Immorality Act.

‘Whether the tricameral
Parliament can take credit
for their repeal, as the
“coloured” and “Indian”
MPs have done, is debat-
able.

Certainly the ruling na-
tionalists had been debat-
ing these laws for a long
time, and the sceptics say
the timing of the repeal
was aimed: at giving the
two new chambers credi-
bility.

All the same, in real
terms, the scrapping of the
laws is reform, but it
hasn't affected South Afri-
ca’s social order signifi-

cantly.

If anything, they have
thrown up further prob-
lems, such as the
lifications of mixed

Areas Act, the racial clas-
sification of their children,
the schools their children |
may attend.

The real problems in
these instances are the ‘
Group Areas Act, Popula-
tion Registration Act and
the education system. 1

These remain the cor- :
nerstones of apartheid, and |

19274
cso: 3400/555

while they are on the stat-"

ute books, government « f

claims of apartheid done 1

Their scrapping seems 2

long way away, certainly |

not during the lifetime of :
the Botha Government. ;

Nats have constantly rei- |

terated the principle of

separate racial housing

and education, and this
ation cannot be en-

forced without the race

classification system.

+ Another major “reform”

was the scrapping of the |
pass laws; but again, it |
was accompanied by the ;

usual Nationalist catch,
this time in the form of the
Aliens Act.

“For the rest, it’s the
sometimes-sometimes-not
scrapping of apartheid

.from public places such as

beaches, cinemas and cen-
tral business districts.

The biggest indictment
of the tricameral system’s
being the vehicle of peace-
ful change has been the
fact that two si
emergency have

clared during its two-year

existence.

Remember that the
escalation of unrest, which
bas been going on since
1976, coincided with the

establishment of their tri- °

cameral system.
_ And while this system is
‘enforced, the UDF will not
disappear, despite the Gov-

* ernment’s attempts to curb

24

We had felt that once ©
the the tricameral elec-

» tions were over, the UDF

would have little over
which to mobilise, or if it
did, the Government would
ban it.

But it has continued to
sustain — if not increase
— its support. .

Some of us still have
reservations about some
UDF strategies, such as
the apparent emphasis it
seems to place on wooing
whites while it remains at

loggerheads with the Na-
tional Forum.

(Conversely, we have the!
same reservation about
some NF members’ insis-
tence on keeping whites
out while using white in-
volvement as a reason for:
rejecting the UDF). '

Whatever. the reserva-
tions, the fact is that the
UDF has become 2 major:
factor in South African

- politics, and even with its

leaders often put out of the
way by the Government, it
has managed to keep in
the spotlight by its organi-
sation.

If anything, the UDF
has left the Houses of Del-
egates and Representatives
, far behind in its ability to
* muster visible popular sup-
port.



have done in the past will be a lesson for us so that, in future years [illegi-
ple passage in original], We must continue our preparations so that we will be
able to mark this date in a worthy fashion. Many thanks.

5058
CSO: 3442/303



Dr Boesak, a patron of the United Democratic Front [UDF], [word indistinct]
membership was now some 800 organisations and was growing.

The UDF leader said no matter what the government promised or tried to do,
the people no longer believed it.

The whites had to continue to believe that they were in control by virtue
of their god-given right and superiority.

It was psychologically essential: If they lost that belief, they lost
everything.

"One of the problems of the whites is that they have not yet experienced
enough, have not yet shared the pain of apartheid," Dr Boesak exclaimed.

"They do not understand what is happening, the truth has been largely kept
from them."

If Western countries expressed their disgust of apartheid by imposing
sanctions, whites would be shocked into awareness.

Dr Boesak disagreed with those who thought sanctions would sent the whites
into their laager."

They were already in a laager, he said.

18309
cso: 3400/541

46



"The time has come for South Africans to say enough is enough and get on
with the business of getting together as blacks and whites," he said. "We
on our side started that ball rolling with the launching of the Kwazulu/

Natal Indaba."

Chief Buthelezi was critical of the role of what he called the mass media
in meeting the country's challenges. While there were healthy signs that
the press was claiming greater freedom from party-political dictation
newspapers still plugged one or the other party line.

The "white-owned, so-called black press" was perhaps the most irresponsible
of all. These newspapers “annointed" their own celebrity leaders and then
allowed these media-appointed leaders to dictate what kind of readership

they should cater for.

"This tendency in the black press, combined with the more general sensational-
ism in news reporting, endorses newspapers out of the role of facilitating

a grassroots coming together of all South Africans to face up to the
challenges," Chief Buthelezi said.

/8309
cso: 3400/541

48



JPRS-SSA-86-101
1 October 1986

ANGOLA

CHIEF OF POLICE GENERAL STAFF DESCRIBES WORK
Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 19 Jul 86 p 3

[Interview with Capt Ferreira Neto by Miguel Filipe: "We Hope the Current
Investigations Will Enable Us to Climb Out of the Abyss"]

[Text] Lubango--Capt Ferreira Neto, heading a large party made up of all of
the People's Police central agency chiefs, in the course of an inspection
trip and assistance visit to the Province of Huila, gave JORNAL DE ANGOLA an
interview in this city. He outlined a broad overview of the activities at the
top leadership level which he is in charge of and reported on the efforts
being made at this time to improve the organization, dynamism, and skills of
the various departments within the General Police and Criminal Investigation
Command.

Capt Ferreira Neto said that his visit is based on two fundamental objectives.
"The first one," he said, "has to do with the execution of the annual inspec-
tion and assistance visit plan to the various agencies making up the People's
Police; second, it has to do with the installation of the new combined police
structure in the light of the guidelines issued by the Second. Party Congress
to the Interior Ministry."

The chief of staff of the General Police Command and national director of
Criminal Investigation then remarked that "It is general knowledge that the
General People's Police Command consists of the national directorates of
Criminal Investigation, of Inspection and Investigation of Economic Activities,
of Public Order Process Instruction, of Traffic. and Highways, as well as the
DEFA (Directorate of Emigration and Border Posts of Angola), in a general
staff setting, in other words, political agencies considered fundamental from
the operational viewpoint. The agencies mentioned are organized in the form
of provincial commands at the provincial echelon."

Capt Ferreira Neto recalled that "By virtue of some rather well-known questions,
many. of the agencies mentioned can be considered to have been established in
the Province of Huila; this will imply a commitment that will necessarily
involve strict coordination between the central and the provincial agencies as
in the case of the economic police and the Directorate of Emigration and Border
Posts whose transfer to the People's Police General Command is expected to

take place at any moment on the basis of orders from higher-up."

11