JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA ;

RADIO COMMENTS ON 'REALITY' OF BLACK URBANIZATION
MB150720 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 15 May 85
(Commentary: "The South African Reality"]

{Text] It is an unfortunate fact of politics in South Africa that it contains

an element of escapism and wishful thinking that seriously hinders constructive
debate. The country cannot afford it. There has never been a greater need for
rational thinking in examining political agenda for approaches that base solu-

tions on the realities of the national situation.

One such reality, unalterable in the South Africa of today and the future, is
that the urban black communities that are settled in the republic are permanent
inhabitants of this country, and accepting that reality has important implica-
tions in social, economic, and political planning--implications that must be
intelligently assessed and dealt with in policy to ensure that the security and
vital interests of every group will continue to be safeguarded.

There was a time when it was expected that the black national states would
develop sufficiently to accommodate virtually all the original members of their
nations. That expectation was false. It was not realized that a task of such
magnitude would require resources many times greater than South Africa could
afford, even had its people been prepared to make inordinate sacrifices.

What was more, in the republic itself the need for labor in order to maintain 7
economic development forced the recruitment and training of more workers in the
metropolitan areas. As late as 1975, a government research body, BENSO, found

the national states were still not in a position to provide employment for more

than 14 percent of all new black work seekers. Black urbanization in the repub-

lic was a fact. .

For policy makers to ignore it is tantamount to refusing to face up to the impli-
cations of a major sociopolitical reality. Worse still, it is an evasion of
their responsibility to plan for the most important demographic’ event of the

next couple of decades--the growth of the urban black communities from the pres-
ent one-third of the total population to three-quarters by the year 2000.

There is yet another dimension to this matter that has to be taken into account
in formulating relevant policies for the South Africa of today and tomorrow.

56



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

NIGERIA

WESTERN MEDIA 'UNPROVOKED ATTACKS' CRITICIZED

ABO52030 Lagos International Service in English 1630 GMT 5 Apr 85

[Stephilus Etta commentary: "The Unprovoked Attack on Nigeria by the
Foreign Press"]

[Text] In the past, Nigeria had been the target of sustained press attacks.
The Western press, to be specific, has never said anything good on Nigeria.
Well-intent Nigerians had suggested reasons for the unprovoked attack of
the Western press against Nigeria. It is known that the Western press and
their mentors are bewildered by nature's endowments to the country which
makes her a potential power in Africa and a force to be reckoned with in
world affairs. Besides, the Western press had never disguised their hatred
for Nigeria because of her pronouncements on sensitive foreign policy
matters. For example, Nigeria's support for speeding liberation of

Namibia and South Africa from the racists has incurred the wrath of some
Western politicians and their press.

Right now, Nigeria has taken steps to reorganize her economy. This meant a
practical application of the principle of economic self-reliance. This
again is a measure unpopular to those who would have preferred Nigeria to be
a debtor and therefore a beggar nation. This weak position would have
made Nigeria the pawn in some political chess game--a situation in which
the Western press would have liked to find Nigeria. The present admini-
stration in Nigeria has even made it clear that it is better for the people
to experience temporary hardship than to continue an economic policy which

‘ is beneficial only to foreign firms and their countries.

Now, for want of what else to print to blackmail Nigeria, a London weekly
has decided to try its hands on rumormongering-~an act of indiscipline which
Nigerians now abhor. The paper had published in its recent edition false
reports of conflicts among members of the Supreme Military Council. The
paper has also deliberately published absolute false information on the
current state of affairs at the ruling hierachy.

As if this is not enough, the Western media has gone all out to taint
Nigeria's hard-won respect and leadership on the African Continent wihtout
caring for facts. The print and electronic media have accused the Nigerian
Government of deliberately delaying relief materials meant for her

22


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are trans¢ribed or reprinted, with the original phrasing and
other characteristics retained.

Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets
{] are supplied by JPRS. Processing indicators such as [Text]
or [Excerpt] in the first line of each item, or following the
last line of a brief, indicate how the original information was
processed. Where no processing indicator is given, the infor-
mation was summarized or extracted.

Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are
enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a ques-
tion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the
original but have been supplied as appropriate in context.
Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an
item originate with the source. Times within items are as
given by source.

The contents of this publication in no way represent the poli-
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PRO-SWAPO ADVOCATE STRIPPED OF SADF RANK

Durban DAILY NEWS in English 22 Apr 85 p 2

[Text]

cso:

WINDHOEK: A member
of Swapo, Mr Anton Lu-
bowski, has been
stripped of his commis-
sion in the South African
Defence Force.

Mr Lubowski, a mem-
ber of the Windhoek Bar,
was a second lieutenant.

He said he had been
told in a telegram that
the State President had
decided in terms uf the
Defence Act to cancel his
rank from April 12.

Mr Lubowski (33), said
the telegram followed a
letter from the State
President’s office last
month while he was in
Geneva.

The letter referred to
a newspaper statement
by Mr Lubowski, who an-
nounced his Swapo mem-
bership last May, and
told him to repudiate

3400/146

that statement before
March 30 or lose his
commission.

“T was asked by a
newspaper whether I
would fight for Swapo or
South Africa if called
upon to do so,” he said.

“My reply was that as
a Namibian patriot I
would fight for Swapo,
because South Africa's
military occupation of
Namibia is illegal and I
saw it as my duty to
drive South Africa out of
the. country. I stand by
that statement.”

Mr Lubowski said he
was pleased to be “rid
of it, because I emphati-
cally reject being part of
the SADF”.

He became a lieuten-
ant during his national
service in 1971.—Sapa

65

JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SWAZILAND .

SADCC OFFICIAL COMMENTS ON SWAZI-RSA TIES

MB150904 London BBC World Service in English 1515 GMT 14 May 85

[From the "Focus on Africa" program]
Prog:

(Text] The Southern African Development Coordination Conference, SADCC, set
up 6 years [as heard] ago to reduce the economic dependence of black African
states on South Africa, has been rather embarrassed by the activities of some
of its own members who found themselves forced to continue and even increase
their ties with South Africa, in particular, Swaziland, which now has a South
African trade mission established. Aida Brako asked Simba Makoni, executive
secretary of SADCC, how the organization viewed Swaziland's relations with
South Africa:

[Begin recording] [Makoni] Well, SADCC was not intended and it is not intended
to replace the sovereignty of national governments. SADCC is not a suprana-
tional organization. SADCC is there to serve and enhance the implementation

of national policies and national programs within a regional perspective and

a regional context. But I think if in their wisdom the government of Swaziland
regarded it in the best interests of the Swazi nation to open a trade mission

in South Africa and for South Africa to open a trade mission in Swaziland, SADCC
has neither the intention nor the authority to contradict the perceived national
interests of Swaziland, but what I can say is that this is also a major source
of strength for SADCC. For us to experience the spectacle of one of our member
States, just as we were meeting in her capital, to be also entering into this -
stronger association with South Africa further emphasizes the need for us to
work more effectively to reduce our dependence. It only sharpens the issues
that are facing SADCC. It only serves to rub in, if I may say so, why it is
important for SADCC to work hard, to work strenuously to disengage, and presum-
ably it is also a statement of how much work we need to do because if we were
able to provide for Swaziland what she is seeking from South Africa, then
probably there would have been no need for Swaziland to strengthen her commer-
cial association with South Africa, and in a way we regard that as a challenge.
It is an incentive for us to make our industries produce more so that we can
give to Swaziland what she is going to buy from South Africa, to make our pro-
ductive sectors produce more, to share around our region so as we do not see

our member states opening trade missions with South Africa at the same time as
we are trying to disengage from her. .

76



JPRS~-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

MACHEL NOTES CLOSURES POSSIBLE TO END WAR
MB120840 Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1700 GMT 11 May 85

{Text] Field Marshal Samora Moises Machel, the chairman of the Frelimo Party
and president of the People's Republic of Mozambique took part in the big fes-
tival held at the Independence Square in Maputo this afternoon which marked the
end of the youth week. Present at the ceremony were senior party and government
officials, as well as young workers, students and young men in the armed forces.

The ceremony began with the presentation of gymnastics performed by the young
men of the youth club, followed by performances staged by a number of musical
groups from Maputo City. Later on, Zacarias Kupela, the secretary general of
the Mozambican Youth Organization [0JM] once again reaffirmed the readiness of
the youth to engage in the implementation of all the tasks given to them by the
party.

Speaking at the ceremony, President Samora Machel said that the Frelimo Party
leadership decided to stage the youth week with the principal aim of hailing
the fundamental role that the youth has played and is continuing to play in the
struggle being waged by our people. President Samora Machel recalled the deci-
sive role played by the youth in the founding of Frelimo and the achievement

of national independence. The supreme leader of the Mozambican revolution
referred to the nationalizations announced after independence, and pointed out
that it was the Mozambican young men who ensured the success of this gain, as
well as its defense and consolidation.

Field Marshal Samora Machel also spoke about the present engagement of the youth
in the armed forces. He said the youth were present in our air force and navy
and manned fighter-bombers and helicopters. It is our young men who handle mis-
siles and other sophisticated weapons. After referring to the participation

of the youth in various branches of our defense and security forces, President
Samora Machel recalled that they had voluntarily traveled to various parts of
the country where they built schools, houses, hospitals, and maternity wards,
rehabilitated roads and railroads, and carried out a number of other tasks.

In his speech, the supreme leader of the Mozambican revolution noted the atroc-
ities committed by the armed bandits in our country where they steal, destroy,
kill, and burn everything they come across. On the war, Samora Machel also said
at the Independence Square today, and we quote, when the fatherland is at war,

12



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

NO FUNDS TO REBUILD SCHOOLS DAMAGED IN UNREST
MBO91520 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1505 GMT 9 May 85

[Text] Port Elizabeth, 9 May, SAPA--No funds are available for rebuilding
the 43 schools damaged or destroyed in the Eastern Cape unrest, a spokesman
from the department of education and training said today.

The department had had a national backlong of between 5,000 and 6,000 class-
rooms before the unrest started and R140 million had been committed to
tackling this work, Mr Job Schoeman, the department's chief press liaison
officer, said in an interview in Port Elizabeth.

Mr Gunther Merbold, the department's cape director said it was not the policy
of the department to simply rebuild what had been destroyed.

Rebuilding before the "climate was right" could well mean the structures would
simply be destroyed again.

"Only when communities show an interest in their children returning to school
will we ensure that provision is made for schooling to continue," he said.

Three schools in the Eastern Cape had been destroyed in the unrest and the
department would probably have to consider erecting temporary prefabricated
classrooms until semething more permanent can be done," Mr Merbold said.

"At other schools where only classrooms and office blocks have been destroyed,
double sessions will have to be held."

Mr Merbold said that things were back to normal in Somerset East, Grahamstown,
Port Alfred, Adelaide, Aberdeen and some schools in East London.

In Port Elizabeth only the lower primary schools were back to normal.

According to Mr Schoeman,-no provision had been made in the department's 1985
budget for the rebuilding of schools.

But an amount of R140 million had been set aside for the building of new
schools and extending existing schools countrywide.

71



TELEPHONE, ROADS LINK NIGER--A project known as the Panaftels [Pan-African
Telecommunications Network], which will link Nigeria and Niger Republic by
telephone, is to be embarked upon. International road links will also be
constructed to facilitate the movement of people and trade. The minister of
national planning, Chief Michael Adigun, stated this at the closing of the
16th session of the Nigeria-Niger joint commission in Lagos. He said
efforts will be made to establish some joint flour mills in both countries.
Four river basins and surface water resources common to the two countries
are to be developed. Chief Adigun expressed the hope that all expire agree-
ments will be renewed at the 17th session of the commission. [Text] [Lagos
Domestic Service in English 0600 GMT 22 Apr 85]

GOMBE RIOT INVESTIGATION COMMISSION--Members of the judicial commission of
inquiry into the Maitatsine religious disturbances in Gombe, Bauchi state, were
today sworn in by Governor Sami Sani. He called on members not to spare anyone
involved in the disturbances, no matter how highly placed. Brigadier Sani main-
tained that there was an indication that the uprising had motives other than
religious fanaticism. The governor recalled that for about 5 years now,
Maitatsine people have been athreat to the lives of the people of this country.
The Maitatsine riots broke out in Gombe Saturday last week, and Governor Sami
Sani had to take personal supervision of the police operation in dislodging the
religious fanatics. The dusk-to-dawn curfew imposed on the area is still in
force. [Text] [Lagos Domestic Service in English 1200 GMT 3 May 85 AB]

EXTORTION BY SOLDIERS--Lome (Togo), 6 May (AFP)--While the exodus of 700,000
“immigrants without valid papers" who have been ordered to leave Nigeria con-
tinued throughout the day toward Benin, Togo, Ghana, and Niger, some of the
aliens denounced numerous cases of extortion perpetrated by Nigerian soldiers
who stripped them of all their [words indistinct] before allowing them to leave,
it was learned in Lome from various sources. At the Nigerian and Beninese bor-
ders, some of the illegal aliens leaving Nigeria affirmed that they were only
allowed to carry 2,000 CFA francs (40 French francs) on them while leaving the
country, it was learned from reliable sources at the scene. According to reli-
able sources in Niger, some illegal aliens also complained that their naira
(local currency) were taken from them and they were not reimbursed. [passage
omitted on previously filed material] [Excerpt] [Paris AFP in French 1857 GMT
6 May 85 AB]

ALLEGATIONS ON SUBVERSIVE ELEMENTS~-In its comments, the NATIONAL CONCORD focuses
on a recent allegation by Major General Idiagbon that there are subversive ele-
ments within the nation's academic and religious establishments. It observes
that since the inception of the present administration, there have been similar
allegations of plans by some wanted politicians to cause civil strife in the
country. However, the paper says, the frequency of the government's repeated
alarms have tended to seriously erode whatever may have been the true signifi-
cance. The CONCORD feels that a good government should learn to live with such
differences rather than succumb to the paranoia of imagining incipient subver-
sion in every nook and corner. The paper advises the government to rid itself
of the wrong, noting that the universities are training grounds for subversives
and pay attention to the nation's real problems. [Text] [Lagos International
Service in English 0830 GMT 6 May 85 AB]

29



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

SITUATION OF NATION'S WHITE INTELLECTUALS DISCUSSED

Johannesburg FRONTLINE in English May 85 pp 27, 28, 29

[Article by Herbert W. Vilakazi and Absolom L. Vilakazi]

[Text]

intend in this article to discuss the

situation of white intellectuals in South

Africa, in connection with the major tasks

and urgent problems facing South African

society. We shall preface our discussion

with some general remarks about the posi-

tion and role of intellectuals in history, particularly in
modern history.

The big question here is: what is the role of intellec-
tuals in the making of history? The answer, in our opi-
nion, is not simple. Intellectuals do not create major,
mass historical movements alone, out of nothing. In-
deed, major historical changes often take place in spite
of intellectuals: however, they do influence the direction
taken by historical movements when they join the
movements body and soul, or, from another angle,
when they elect to stay away from a particular move-
ment. There is also a curious paradox about intellec-
tuals: while they are people who are almost totally
preoccupied with the search for the truth, about society,
history, and life in general, they are also strikingly sub-
ject to what is known as ‘false consciousness *

The phrase is from Marxists, who, incidentally, have
a very provocative theory of intellectuals and intellectual
work. The fundamental point they make is that there is a
link between the production or adoption of ideas, on
ove hand, and the conditions of life or interests ot
specific social classes, on the other hand. Every social
class has its intellectual spokesmen, not all of whom are
necessarily offsprings of that particular class; thus the
conditions of life and interests of every class in society
find intellectual and artistic expression.

However, just as the intellectual spokesmen of a class
are not all necessarily offsprings of that class, so not all
the ideas circulating and adopted by a particular class
necessarily originated within that particular class. An
idea, or parts of an idea, which expressed the life
conditions and interests of a certain class, in another
society or another century, may be adopted by another
class, in another society and century altogether. The
crucial issue here is whether that particular idea suits the

Prof. Herbert Vilakazi is a sociologist at the University of Cape Town. His father
Prof. Absolom Vilakazi an anthropologist at American University, Washington
OC, USA, and a director of the Anglo American Corporation,

36

conditions of life and answers to the problems faced by
that particular community of people. An example here
would be the adoption and use of the Calvinist doctrine
of predestination in South Africa, or the spread of
Christianity around the world.

The capacity and opportunities to disseminate and
win wide recognition for ideas are not the same for all
classes in society; the propertied, privileged classes have
an advantage, culminating in the supreme advantage of
the ruling class: the ruling ideas of the epoch. Within
each ruling class, there is a division of labour. One
section of the class, through individual inclination and
talents, preoccupies itself with ideas and arts; while
another section remains preoccupied with actual
production matters, and has little time for ideas and
theories; still another section may have its time and
energies wholly taken up by public affairs.

This division within the ruling class, which initially is
functional, may, later on, turn into a cleavage, and even
develop into loud opposition and hositility between the
various sections of the class. However, this loud
opposition and hostility becomes hushed, when the
existence of the entire ruling class initially becomes
endangered by an uprising by the oppressed classes
below. At the same time, however, as the struggle from
below becomes more and more powerful and
unstoppable, new cleavages appear within the ruling
class. Indeed, when the struggle of the oppressed
becomes overwhelming, and nears decisive point, a
section of the ruling class, particularly from its
intellectual circles, detaches itself from the ruling class,
and joins the oppressed classes in their struggle for
emancipation.

Intellectuals, therefore, and ideas, are not ‘‘free-
floating’, unattached to the conditions of life, interests,
and movements of specific social classes in society, Here
enters the element of ‘‘class consciousness’’: more often
than not, intellectuals appear to themselves to be
unattached to any of the major social classes of society.
This illusion has its roots in the peculiar work conditions
of intellectuals. Intellectuals generally work as
individuals, shut-in, in their offices, studios, and
classrooms, far from the masses of lower classes below
them, and also not, with a few exceptions, in daily



COMMITTEE TO PROBE INDIAN LAND NEEDS

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 4 May 85 p 4

[Text]

ture, Mr Baldeo Dookie.

Speaking on the Agriculture Vote of the Budget, he
said he had appointed Mr P R Bodasing and Mr Y S
Chinsamy, leading members of the Natal Indian Cane
Growers Association, as members of the committee
with the request that they should submit a report to him

within five months.

The committee's terms of reference included estal

Ushing the extent of:

@ Agricultural land expropriated from Indians

under the Group Areas Act;

@ Land expropriated for the consolidation of nat-

ional states;

@ The type of farming in which Indians were now

engaged; and

@ Other types of farming which would be suitable.
Mr Dookie said Indian farmers owned or leased

HOUSE OF DELEGATES. — A two-man committee
to investigate agricultural land requirements for In-
dians was announced in the House by the Qwn Affairs
Minister of Housing, Local Government and Agricul-

24 844 ha but the land shortage was still serious.

In the interim, he said, his department would lease
land which would not be used in the next five to ten
years to Indian farmers for “short term cash crop use,”

he said.

Mr Naratuk Jamuna (NPP, North Coast), said he did
not grudge desperate White maize farmers the addit-
ional R100-million State help but the House should be
concerned that Indian farmers who were on the brink
of ruin through drought and floods had got no such

State aid.

Mr John Iyman (Sol, Camperdown), said Indian
farmers needed to be saluted for the progress they had
been able to make in the face of 63 “anti-Indian” laws

in South Africa.

cso: 3400/151

61

JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



"Tf the minister were to resign," Marais says, "it would be viewed by leftist
agitators and those causing unrest as a great victory, and it would cause an
increase in the perpetration of violence, because the perpetration of violence
is encouraged by successes. The government should not only thoroughly clamp
down on the perpetrators of violence, but should actively begin to take action
against institutions that are planning and implementing the perpetration of
violence and unrest," Mr Marais says.

The demand for Mr Le Grange's resignation by the two non-white parties in the
government has plunged the constitution into its first crisis. This has re-
sulted in an emergency caucus meeting of the Labor Party and in a second state-
ment by the party's spokesman on law and order. What is striking about the
second statement is that the demand for Mr Le Grange's resignation was not
retracted in it.

The leader of the National People's Party, Mr Amichand Rajbansi, later retract-
ed his party's demand for Mr Le Grange's resignation.

Nevertheless, there is little doubt that the majority in the two non-white
parties actually support the position of the PFP on the unrest. However, their
position as coalition partners requires that they endorse the government 's
actions. In political circles, consideration is being given to the real pos-
sibility that tension between the NP [National Party], the Labor Party and the
NPP would mount even further if the disturbances continue, ultimately resulting
in a breakup of the government.

12271
cso: 3401/154

32



on us a colorless South Africanism that is alien to the people, and that is
ushering us into an integrated, unified state in which we as a white minority
will be stripped of power and of a future, just as the white minorities of
Zimbabwe and elsewhere in the Third World.

“as opposed to this," the memorandum continues, "we say that a state over which
he alone has control has been something special to the Afrikaner throughout his
history, and remains so today. It was for this that he left behind his worldly
possessions and chose the hardship of the Great Trek; it was for this that he
took up arms in 1838, 1881 and 1899 and left behind an heroic period in our
history. Afrikaners, firm in their national identity, have in the past given
their lives in order to be able to bequeath freedom in their own state to
following generations. This is a precious possession, which the generations
that are now living cannot abandon."

Identity

The women point out that the Afrikaner already has to share the country with
Indians, coloreds and blacks, that the government already includes Indians and
coloreds, that preparations are being made to grant access to the black major-
ity as well, and that there is a systematic movement away from national sepa-
ration, which was to provide the Afrikaner and other peoples with their own
living space, free from the threat of being supplanted.

This situation is coupled with economic distress and hardship, which is under-
mining the Afrikaner's ability to resist creeping enslavement and supplantation.

"Against this backdrop, the impending repeal of the Mixed Marriages Act and
Article 16 of the Immorality Act must be viewed as a serious assault on our
identity and future," the memorandum reads.

The women declare that there can be no negotiations on the right of the Afri-
kaner to preserve his identity as a free white nation of people in South Africa.
The separation of people into their various living contexts must be preserved
and extended, and the two measures at hand, for which the forefathers resolute-
ly fought, must not be abandoned.

Legislation such as the Mixed Marriages Act and Article 16 of the Immorality
Act must be viewed as the individual affair of each nation of people. The
Afrikaner is not prepared to be prompted in this by other population groups.

Therefore, the government is asked not only to keep the legislation in question
on the books, but to strictly enforce it as well. In addition, the jegislation
must be backed up with the requisite separate geographical, economic and poli-
tical living spaces for each nation of people.

An appeal to leaders is being made by the women to do everything in their power
to inform and enlighten the people about the destructive consequences that the
repeal of the laws in question could have. They must try to prevent such a
repeal at all costs.

12271 64

cso: 3401/154



have to be employed which are of necessity
generally more violent than contact
methods — viz ‘rubber bullet’” versus trun-
cheon or switch.

Then too, the menacing aspect of
suitably designed and coloured protective
clothing — dark overcoats and helmets,

dark perspex shields and visors, etc (what
one might call the ‘‘Darth Vader effect’’) is
also lost. Police in short-sleeved shirts do
not compare.

This brings the argument to a final point.
Whereas rioters in Europe are often violent
towards police falling in their hands, they
rarely kill or even go so far as to inflict
potentially fatal injuries. This has hardly
been the case in South Africa, where mobs
have gone much further than killing the oc-
casional peliceman and have killed — often
in a most brutal and gruesome fashion —
passing civilians who had nothing to do
with either the riot or its causes.

This aspect alone seriously restricts the
options available to anyone seeking to con-
trol or disperse a rioting mob here, quite
apart from the other problems discussed in
outline above. Close contact measures, for
instance, are immediately rendered
unusable except where the police have suffi-
cient numbers to guarantee against being
outflanked or surrounded or having their
formation broken up. Under any other cir-
cumstances there would be too great a risk
of one or more policemen being seized by
the mob and, quite probably, killed.
‘Another option that falls away is that of
mounted police charging, entering and
breaking up the mob. Where some minor
injuries to horses in one case in London
brought such public outcry against, the
rioters that this has not been a problem
since, the result in South Africa would
almost certainly be several dead horses and
riders.

By the same token the readiness of our
brand of rioters to commit personal
violence upon innocent parties leaves the
police no option but to bring such public
violence under control as quickly as possi-
ble. A letter published in the Cape Times
quite recently sought to compare the recent
farmers’ “tractor parade” in Bloemfontein
with other ‘‘demonstrations’’ in our coun-
try and expressed a failure to understand
the difference in the way in which they are
treated. The Cape Argus of that afternoon
brought the answer in a report of a woman
unfortunate enough to be caught by some
of the Crossroads rioters. Dragged from her
vehicle she was first threatened with rape
and death but then escaped with only a
beating. Unfortunately all too many of the

other “‘demonstrations’’ the writer referred
to, develop into rioting characterised by
this sort of action.

No riot is in any way acceptable, quite
simply because it almost inevitably visits
some measure of violence on the persons or
property of people who have nothing to do
with the riot or the dissatisfaction behind it.
A demonstration, legal or otherwise, may
be one thing; a riot is something very dif-
ferent indeed. When rioters then go so far
as to threaten the lives of innocent parties,
the situation becomes one which cannot be
tolerated under any circumstances. Even
the option of merely confining the rioting
mob to an area and allowing it to spend
itself, is then no longer one that can be

morally exercised, as it places at even
greater risk those many residents of such
areas who are not involved in the riot and
have no wish to be in any way so involved.

The police are thus faced with a situation
inwhich they must seek to contro! and end
such outbreaks of public violence as quickly
and effectively as possible. Unfortunately,
various circumstances, some of which have
been discussed above, conspire to make
‘‘ideal’* riot control well-nigh impracticable
in South Africa today. Had we three times
the police force we might see fewer fatal
casualties. Under present circumstances
there are probably only two ways in which
the number of fatal casualties can be reduc-
ed: Either the rioters must exercise firmer
control over their own activities to prevent
gratuitous violence or the police will have to
act far more strongly earlier in the pro-
ceedings in order to stifle riots so quickly
that the overall fatal casualty toll cannot
begin to rise to the levels we have experienc-
ed in the past.

While all loss of life and injury is to be
avoided when and where possible, those
who choose to riot and inflict violence on
innocent parties will have to accept that
their own wellbeing can only be considered
after that of their potential victims and the
policemen involved in restoring order. They
really cannot drag people from their cars
and beat or burn them to death, stone pass-
ing cars at random and generally fall upon
anyone or anything in their path and then
expect to be treated like minor delinquents.
Those who encourage them and call for
South Africa to be made ‘‘ungovernable’”
must bear at least an equal measure of
responsibility with their tools for the suffer-
ing of their victims and, for that matter, of
their tools who, like mobs world wide, so
often do not really have much idea of what
they are doing or why.

42



“Row at last, it scems”as if the brick
walls have been knocked down and
that We can really start working and
getting production up again.

WHEELER: Many — unfortunate
peasants have been compulsorily
moved three or even four times. Such
food as they produced was barely suf-
ficient for their own needs, let alone
to provide 2 surplus for cash. And In
any case, If they did earn money,
there was nothing to buy with it. But
today Caroline Boag, an entomoiogist
working on pest control with Volun-
‘Service Overseas, detects at least
a glimmer of hope:

BOAG: Farmers are only too keen
mow to move away from where
they're living in the centre of the
villages to the shumbas further Out into
the bush. And I've come in contact
with that directly just over this sum-
mer when I saried collecting maize
sumples: for some different ex-
periments we were using different
chemicals to control the larger grain
borer. { chose forty tarmers irom two
villages. and we chose them randomly
spaced around the village and I've
been returning at two monthly in-
ter to collect samples. Now, after :
the fourth month it became difficult to
find certain people in their houses, and
when | really delved into the fact that
they weren’t just not there twice out of
coincidence, it’s the fact that “well he’s
actually got a new shamba, it’s a litle
way out of the village, can't you see
this land here is finished, he's lived
ere for ten years and he's had
enough, he wants to go back to his old
farm. and that’s happened in one
village t0 20/30% of the farmers that
1 was visiting.

WHEELER: In the past farmers used
to market their surplus crops through
co-operatives who paid cash on
collection. The government changed
all that, setting up state marketing
organisations, riddled with
bureaucracy and soon so short of
money that farmers had to wait a
year or more for payment. Small
wonder production slumped. Con-
sider, if you will, the sad story of the
‘Tabora Bee-Keepers Co-operative, an
example of how to shoot your
economy in the foot. The bee-keepers
— bee robbers I'm told is the more
accurate description — journey up to
a hundred miles, deep into the forests.
They hollow out a bit of tree trunk,
put some wax on it to attract the bees,

and hang It up. Months later they

Justin Madaha, the co-operative’

» relates, litical
mage reat eso

-MADAHA: For years we have been

the only co-operative doing business in
the country. :

WHEELER: Why were you the only
one?

MADAHA: Because all the other co-
operatives were dissolved.

WHEELER: Why didn’t
dissolve you?

MADAHA: Our co-operative is so
small they wouldn't make a profit, you
know, by dissolving it, and such small
‘organisations to handle this boney.

WHEELER: So you survive through
all this?

they

MADAHA: We survived.
WHEELER: Just about.
MADAHA: Yes.

WHEELER: Did you use to be able
to export your honey?

MADAHA: We used to export our
honey some years back and for quite
some time we did the exports, until
such time, you know, we were told to
channel all our produce for exports
through a general agricultural export
company.

WHEELER: And what was the result
of that?

MADAHA: Well, there was no sales
since then to Europe. I think it's
because they acted as middle men and
for such reason the cost went up and
‘buyers couldn't offer to pay the price
they were asking.

WHEELER: As 2 result of the new
middle men coming in you became
uncompetitive?

MADAHA: We were entirely un-
_ competitive.

WHEELER: Today the state

agricultural marketing boards are

being wound up and the co-

operatives, backed by 2 co-operative

bank, are being restored. So perhaps

you will see Tanzanian wild honey in

Your supermarket. All of which looks
ke a major retreat from the socialist
ideals enunciated by President
Nyerere in his Arusha Declaration of
1967. Although every government

minister I spoke to dented this was

the case. It seemed to me though that

if they had a prayer, and many of
them are devout men, it was, dear

Lord, make me socialist, but not yet.’

In industry and commerce, too, Tan-

‘eit vis moving An a i“ directions
Some 7of ihe-at paras

‘will disappear, others are being called

sharply to account, and will get m0

more overdrafts unless they cao

justify their existence. Professor

84

Kighoma Malima, Minister of
Economic Planning, explains what
went wrong here:

MALIMA: After the Arusha

Declaration in 1967 we established
quite a number of parastatals. And we
didn’t have enough managerial skills to
g0 around. Most of the people running
the parastatals now have been out of
university with their first degrees, not
more than fifteen years. And out of
those, they've been general managers
or leaders for ten of them, so the lear-

ning experience, 1 mean, you don't
compare him with his counterpart in

UK or USA who becomes general ,
manager at 45 or 40, rarely at 35. But

still you would have at least a

minimum of ten to fifteen years of ex-

perience, so that is genuine problem of
managerial resources. And looking

back, one can say that to the extent we

should have established these

arastatals with the realistic sense of

the managerial abilities, that's’ true,

And somé of them have not run well

because of management incompetence.

But having said that I think it is also

fair that given the background of these

managers, some of them children of

peasant farmers and so forth, they're

first generation university trained

peoplé and wonderful things they're

doing sometimes, is also a miracie.

WHEELER: And it would be a
mistake to suppose that all Tanzanian
Industry is inefficient. One shining
example is the privately owned Tan-
zania Food Corporation in Arusha,
one of the more fertile regions. They
make biscuits and pasta. The dynamic
boss Abdul Faraji sheds no tears for
the passing of some of the
parastatals:

“FARAJL The parastatal that we've
been dealing with mainly is General
Foods. in short called Gefco, that has
been dissolved, so a kind of work of
importation or confinement of food-
stuffs which they used to do, that now
will be oven'to anybody who requires,
as a raw material witnout ‘going
through a specific parastatal. That is a
kind of liberalism we see it.

WHEELER: Was this parastatal,
Gefco, offered to you to take over?

FARAJI: It wasn't actually .... “I
believe it was not necessary ... I

wouldn't buy it at any price for that
matter.

WHEELER: Like all industrialists in
Tanzania, Abdu Faraji faces a never
ending sucrescion of problems in
trying to keep his production lines
working. For example:

FARAII: I could not import spares. I
could not import parts of the raw
‘material important that | thought was
Recessary. But also, | think, one should



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

BENIN

BRIEFS

UNIVERSITY DISTURBANCE INSTIGATORS SOUGHT--Cotonou, 8 May (AFP)--The
"instigators" of the university disturbances that occurred in Benin on

Monday are now on the run and are being hunted for by security forces through-
out the country, it was learned from official sources in Cotonou on Tuesday.
According to the authorities, they are five youths, including one female
(Therese Waounna, Denis Sindete, Issoufou Alassane, Osseni Agbetou, and
Aboubakar Baparape) who instigated the students to embark upon a strike on

29 April and which climaxed in acts of vandalism last Monday. [passage
omitted] According to certain persistent rumors circulating in Cotonou,

one young man was reportedly killed during Monday's disturbances but this

has not been officially confirmed. According to the same rumors, clashes

had reportedly taken place while display windows of shops were smashed and
vehicles damaged. According to witnesses, tension heightened when the
students reportedly tried to force secondary school students to join in the
strike, by even threatening them with bottles of acid water. This led the
security forces to intervene. Following the closure of secondary schools and
the university, the situation remained calm in Cotonou on Tuesday. The Be-
ninese authorities have remained very firm in the face of the situation while,
at the same time, they have continued consultations to find solutions to the
crisis. [passage omitted] [Excerpts] [Paris AFP in French 0733 GMT 8 May 85]

LIBYA DONATES EQUIPMENT, VEHICLES--Nothing beclouds the cooperation between
Benin and the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriyah. The secretary
general of the Jamahiriyah Bureau in Benin, early last week, has handed over
a package of office equipment to the minister of foreign affairs and cooper-
ation. The package included 10 typewriters, 1 photocopier, and 4 vehicles.
[passage omitted] [Excerpt] [Cotonou Domestic Service in French 0615 GMT

9 May 85]

cso: 3400/204



Paper Condemns Benin Policy

Telephone, Roads Link Niger

Gombe Riot Investigation Commission
Extortion by Soldiers

Allegations on Subversive Elements
Journalists Tried for 'Falsehood'

2 Detained in Connection With Gombe Riots

SOUTH AFRICA

Marais Declares Support of Le Grange, Criticizes Left
(DIE AFRIKANER, 3 Apr 85)...cceecescecceceeceeceecncencees

Big Development in Ciskei Says Sebe
(DAILY DISPATCH, 15 Apr 85)...ccsecccececegecsccesseeveces

Ciskei's Sebe Praises Visitors
(DAILY DISPATCH, 17 Apr 85)..ceeeccesceceecceces teow eeeee .

Professor Expects Mass Defections From National Party
(DAILY DISPATCH, 17 Apr $5).......eeeeeee pence cere ee eeees

Situation of Nation's White Intellectuals Discussed
(Herbert W. Vilakazi, Absolom L. Vilakazi; FRONTLINE,
May 85). .ceseceecccecsceeee a

Security Affairs Analyst on Police Control Procedures
(Helmoed-Romer Heitman; FRONTLINE, May 85)......---.ese0ee

Installation of Marnet Almost Complete
(ARMED FORCES, Apr 85)...esesescccscececececececeees seeeee

Professor Discusses Obstacles To Change
(Gavin Engelbrecht; THE STAR, 19 Apr 85)....c.eseeeeeeeeee

Interview With UDF's Lekota
(Patrick Lekota Interview; Maputo to Southern Africa,

29 Apr 85)..eee0.

Final Part of Interview With UDF's Lekota
(Maputo to Southern Africa, 6 May 85) ..... sec ee cece eee eee

Radio Comments on ‘Reality’ of Black Urbanization
(Johannesburg Domestic Service, 15 May 85)....... teens

Destruction of Local Authorities Will Not Be Allowed
(THE CITIZEN, 4 May 85)........eeeee0s eee w cece eee eenes

Fourie Calls for Planning of Second Soweto
(THE CITIZEN, 4 May 85)..... seme e cece eee e eee eeeseeseeee

-e-

31

33

34

35

36

40

44

48

49

56

58

60



and more sympathetic to the viewpoint of
NUSAS. All progressive tendencies within
Afrikaner universities have to be nurtured
and encouraged; and close, friendly, work-
ing links have to be forged between pro-
gressive elements in Afrikaner and Englisti
universities. An outsider coming into the
South African academic community cannot
help but be struck by the cold gap that ex-
ists betweeen English and Afrikaner univer-
sities. English-speaking intellectuals seem to
us too self-righteous and haughty in their
attitude towards the Afrikaner academic
community, and too unwilling to believe
that progressive elements can emerge out of
Afrikaner universities. If indeed it were so,
then surely the Afrikaner community would

be exempt from all the laws of history! This
is not, by the way, even to mention the
shameful, condescending distance English-
speaking universities keep between

themselves and the existing Black univer-.

sities .

Does this perspective call for White
liberals to abandon right away what they
are doing, and rush to join, say, the Com-
mittee of Ten, Black Trade Unions, In-
katha, or the African Liberation movement
abroad? The answer is ‘‘no’’. We still have
to reckon with the rhythm of human
Mature. Any perspective which defies,
underestimates, or overestimates human
nature, and other objective circumstances,
is doomed to failure. Human nature knows
of differences in talents, differences in in-
clinations, and differences in
temperaments, even in circumstances of
common objective necessity; hence the im-
portance of the vanguard movement.

his perspective simply places and
highlights the first responsibility of White
liberals among. Whites themselves; to con-
vince ever-increasing sections of the White
community of the correctness of the
African cause and, with inner and outer
conviction, to assist the African cause in its
various aspects, according to their in-
dividual and/or group talents, inclinations,
and temperaments.
there is no one arena, or one
aspect, of the African cause, upon which
the total energies of all should be focussed.
There are many arenas, and many aspects.

cso: 3400/174

What is important here is the committment
to the African cause; this committment
should be the scarlet thread linking all the
various arenas and aspects of the cause into
one coherent, historical movement.

It is in this respect that White liberals, as
scholars, can play a useful role as lecturers
and professors in Black universities — as
long as Black students in their masses have
no other option but to attend such univer-
sities. The shameful contempt that liberal
intellectuals have for Black universities, and
their abandonment of such universities to
people cemmitted to Afrikanerdom,
amount to actually throwing in the towel
and scurrying to their private havens, in the
on-going struggle between Afrikanerdom
and the African cause for emancipation.

Supporting the African cause also means
that White intellectuals should as much as
possible participate in the sharpening,
clarification, and debate of the major issues
of the African cause; in the whole series of
questions relating to the social, economic,
cultural, political, and philosophical
aspects of the cause; for the cause is theirs,
too. It has been said that a nation which op-
presses another nation forges its own
chains. The emancipation of Africans will
also free the vast majority of Whites in
South Africa from the chains they are
holding, and from the terrible logic of op-
pression. Indeed, the cause is everybody's;
the aim is to create one common South
Africa, with equality, justice, and respect
for all, irrespective of colour. e

39



SHUT TRANSKEI CONSULAR OFFICES CALL

East London DAILY DISPATCH in English 17 Apr 85 p 3

[Text] UMTATA — The opposi-

cso:

tion Transkei Democra-
tic Progressive Party
(PP) has called on the
Transkei Government to
close its consular offices
in South Africa in pro-
test against the shooting
of Transkeians in
Uitenhage and at Cape
Town squatter camps.

The leader of the DPP,
Mr C. S. Mda, said he
could see “ no wisdom “
in keeping the consular
offices open.

He said the Transkei
Government should take
the matter of the shoot-
ings up very strongly
with the SA Government
because Transkei
citizens were involved.

Mr Mda was comment-
ing on resolutions taken
at the recent DPP con-
gress in Engcobo, at the
town hall.

He said the meeting
was supposed to have
been held at the Nkon-

dolo Great Place near
Engcobo, but govern-
ment officials had felt it
would have been im-
“proper to use this as a
venue.

Mr Mda said his party
deplored the shootings.

He said the South Afri-
can Government should
try to negotiate with
“true political leaders”
and not appointed com-
munity councillors.

3400/150

He felt South Africa
should release Nelson
Mandela without condi-
tions, because he was
recognised as the “ true
leader of the blacks in
South Africa.” Mr Mda
said his party would be
holding a com-
plementary congress in
December to finalise its
national executive com-
mittee in preparation
for the general election

next year. — DDR

70

JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


should leave while South
Africans are still occupying
southem Angolan; while
Namibia is still under South

African occupation and while
South Africans, also I think with
the connivance of the CIA are
supporting’ UNITA.

So we have to put pressure on
the Americans to agree to the im-
plementation of Security Council
Resolution 435 because this is the
resolution of the Security Council

“and the Security Council inciudes
the United States.
Q: — But ‘considering that the

United States is being in-
trasigent?
A: — Then the struggle con-

tinues. Either the implementation
of the Security Council 435
begins and, therefore, you end the
armed struggle or the im-
plementation is blocked by the
United States and the armed
struggle continues. SWAPO
decides to continue with the ar-
med struggle and Africa and the
international community help
SWAPO to continue the armed
struggle.

Q: — In the past at the OAU
summits it has been proposed
that an army of the independence
African states be formed with the
objective of the total liberation
ow do you view such

a possibility? ,
A: — I have never accepted this
and the fact that we have never
built that army has not stopped
Mozambique, Angola, Guinea,
Zimbabwe from _ becoming
independence. These countries have
become independent without an

‘African libération army.

The people of those countries
will fight for themselves. Nobody
else will fight for them. They
have done it in those countries
and they will do it in the case of
Namibia and South Africa. What
we need to dé is to give them the
necessary support. -

Q: — How would you see the
possibility of imposing effective
economic sanctions against the
Pretoria regime and what would
be the effect on the economics of
some Frontline States who
traditionally have economic ties
with the regime? .. 5
A: — We have always appealed
to the international community to
apply sanctions against South
Africa, We must always con-
tinue to do that and we must
reject all arguments — that

somehow this. will hurt the
Africans inside South Africa. This
is nonsense; the Africans inside
South Africa are being hurt and
so if those people who advance
this argument really mean_ it, let
them also begin to be hurt,
because it will reduce their own
dividends which they get out of
the system of apartheid.

Secondly we have always ac-

cepted the fact that in southern
Africa there are countries which
have had a traditional link with
South Africa, economically. They
cannot automatically cut thése
links. Some of these links will
continue and will have to be
reduced gradually.
. Zimbabwe has certain links
‘with South Africa; they can’t sim-
ply cut off those links overnight.
They cannot behave like Tan-
zania. We expect the traditional
links will continue but that all
those countries will refuse to
build new links with South
Africa.

‘We will support the Frontline

States which have always had
these links because we un-
derstand why they have these
links and understand why it is
not possible for them to cut them
immediately. We will not un-
derstand building of new links
with South Africa, We will not
understand a refusal to begin
gradually to reduce those links
with South Africa which is one of
the major purposes of SADCC.
Q:. — Some economic anulysts
ve attributed the failure of
many African countries to
dogmatism, can you comment?»
A: — Just now a large number of
African countries are in
problems. But not just African
countries.. Britain is in trouble
and many other countries are in
trouble and the answer cannot be
all dogmatism; and when they
says dogmatism they mean
socialism dogmatism. This is non-
sensical. The African countries
are in trouble, all of them,
irrespective of ideology.

The so-called moderate coun-
tries are no better than the
radicals; quite frankly the radicals
are much better. than so-called
moderates because capitalist ex-
ploitation does not respect these
ideologies of Africa. I have never
accepted this. We are an un-
derdeveloped continent, we con-
tinue to be underdeveloped and
‘will continue . to. be = un-

79

defdeveloped until we unite to
change the ‘present economic
system in the world. We will
never begin to develop until we
do that. This is true of the
radicals — the so-called
progressive countries and the
conservatives

Q: — Can you give us an
analysis of the effects of the
IMF and World Bank policies on
the economies of developing
countries?

A: — You Can find out the exam-
ples yourselves. It is now un-
derstood, at least it is easy to
point out where riots have taken
place, where governments have
been overthrown as a result or at
least partly as a result of an
agreement reached between the
government of that country and
IMF. Sudan is the latest example
‘of what has been happening.

It is not easy and I have
challenged whoever knows it to
give an example of a country
which - has prospered having
signed an agreement with the
IMF. There is not a single exam-
ple, Lots of countries. have
agreements with the IMF. We
have tried too. We have tried for
the last five years to see if we
could get an agreement with the
IMF. We have not succeeded.

But we who have not suc-
ceeded and those who have suc-
ceeded, 1 don't believe there is
really that much difference bet
ween my country Which has
failed for the last five years to
sign an agreement with the IMF
and another country which in the
last five years might have signed
two or three agreements with the
IMF.

The IMF figw is an instrument
of economic control -and political
destabilisation of the Third World
countries. It-is quite ‘clear.

‘Q: — What would you

the main problems’ t that’ the
United Republic of Tanzania has
been confronted with in its socio-
economic transformation process,
and what do you see as the main
‘achievements?

The main problems in many

‘Third World countries, not just
imine isfirst and foremost the
problem of underdevelopment.
,This is the first problem any
{country which emerges out of
jeolonialism will be confronted
‘with. We were confronted with
{the problem of underdevelopment
" and it is still going on.



212269

JPRS-SSA-85-045

4 June 1985

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

- 49980802 094

FBIS

FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE

"REPRODUCED BY |

NATIONAL TECHNICAL

i INFORM ATi SERVICE DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A
OS SANG, aan Bpproved for public release;
a Disttibution Unlimited ¢
1A
/0/


GUINEA-BISSAU

Briefs
New Portuguese Grammar
MIGs From USSR

MOZAMBIQUE

Machel Notes Closures Possible To End War
(Maputo Domestic Service, 11 May 85)....seseeeeeeeeeceeeee

Briefs
Meeting With African, IRC, Bank Officials
Saboteurs Burn Maputo Customs Office
Security Forces Capture Weapons
Rehabilitation of Industry

NIGERIA

Commentary Noted on Work of River Niger Basin Authority
(Ishola Dada; Lagos International Service, 29 Apr 85).....

Commentary Views Air Force Role in Defense
(Lagos International Service, 2 May 85)...... a occccenneces

Maitatsine Leader Seen in Gombe Prior to Unrest
(NAN, 10 May 85)..... see ceeeeeeenceeeees cence eeeeeeeeenees

Lagos Radio Views Cooperation With Brazil
(Lagos International Service, 15 May 85)...sseeeeceeceeees

Papers Comment on Religious Fanaticism
(Lagos International Service, 30 Apr 85)...... ee encscecces

Western Media 'Unprovoked Attacks' Criticized
(Stephilus Etta; Lagos International Service, 5 Apr 85)...

Appeal on Seditious Publication Charge Allowed
(NAN, 5 Apr 85)..cceeccseeceeeceeeceenee cece eee receeeeece

NAN on Financial Reserves, Naira in Circulation
(NAN, 4 Apr 85)......- dence ce ceaeeneeeeeees deeeeeeeeeeeees

Ex-President Shagari's Adviser Gets 21 Years
(NAN, 25 Apr 85).....ee000e ete eeeee see e ec eceeeeee eee eens

Briefs
F-28 Crash, Pilot Error
Farming Loans Earmarked
Gombe Death Toll
Ghanaians Besiege Lagos Wharf

-b-

11
11

16

17

19

20

21

22

24

25

26

27
27
28
28


JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

NIGERIA

BRIEFS

F-28 CRASH, PILOT ERROR--The pilot of the F-28 aircraft which crashed in
(Onono) near Enugu on 28 November 1983 has been blamed for the accident.
Captain Alex (Ogbemi) was adjudged negligent in his mode of operation of
the aircraft, which was on a scheduled flight from Lagos to Enugu. Giving
highlights of the government's decision on the findings and recommenda-
tions of the (Oluwa) commission of inquiry into the plane crash, the Mini-
ster of Transport and Aviation Rear Admiral Patrick Koshoni, said in Lagos
today that Captain (Ogbemi)'s negligence is responsible for causing the
crash in which 53 out of the 72 persons on board died. The government

has consequently dismissed the captain from the service of the Nigeria
Airways and banned him from the exercise of the privileges of his commer-
cial pilot's license. The commission's finding that the first officer on
the aircraft, (Tabiru Enuwa), failed to monitor his captain is also
accepted. He is banned from the exercise of his commercial pilot's license
for a period of 6 months. Another official, Dennis (Zapa), who was the
head of the cabin crew, is blamed for his nonperformance in the evacuation
of passengers and is (?banned) from acting as a person charged with the
responsibility of safety of passengers in the cabin of public transport
aircraft for 6 months. More reports are coming in. [Text] [Lagos Domes-
tic Service in English 1200 GMT 29 Apr 85]

FARMING LOANS EARMARKED--Enugu, March 28 (NAN)--The Nigerian Agricultural
and Cooperative Bank has earmarked N9.5 million for disbursement as loans
to retrenched civil servants interested in farming, the chairman, Retired
Group Capt. Usman Jibrin said yesterday in Enugu. Addressing a news con-
ference, Group Capt. Jibrin said that [deserving] civil servants would also
be considered for the loans which, he said, would be allocated to the states
at N500,000 each. He said that the loan scheme was established to amelior-
ate the hardship of the working masses, and those retrenched, explaining
that the only security required to obtain the loan was "a guarantor of
adequate standing". Group Capt. Jibrin said that the bank had increased
its small holder revolving loan fund from N300,000 to N800,000 per state

to enable more farmers to obtain loans. He also said that the bank had
introduced "marketing loans" to minimise problems posed to peasant farmers
by poor transportation and inadequate marketing facilities and to enable
them to purchase sufficient seedlings at the beginning of each planting
season. Group Capt. Jibrin said that the difficulties which prospective

27



disconcerting tendency to want to
its own way in a number of

Ids. This union of Tanganyika
and Zanzibar is a curious set up.
An equal partnership, you are
told, between the 19 and 20
millions on the Mainland, and the
half million Zanzibaris living in
cheerful indolence under the
Jacksuit and mango trees and
getting what they can for their
main export crop, cloves.

‘When you arrive on the island
from Dar es Salaam, you find you
have to go through customs,
health and immigration
formalities. Zanzibar has its own

ernment with responsibility

for domestic affairs. For the
more sophisticated elements in
Zanzibar with centuries of
wheeling and dealing behind
them, this is not enough. Some
would like a complete break,
believing that _Zanzibaris
contribute far more to the union
than they pet in return. But
Zanzibar’s Chief Minister, Seif
Sharif Hamadi, will have none of
it.

HAMADI:— There are people
in the Mainland who feel that
Zanzibar should contribute
more than it does now. But when
you come into facts... when you
come into data, you find here
there are no problems. So the
Party has to educate the people
on this, because we have to
accept that there are disgruntled
elements who feel that_ their
strength would be more if there
is no union.

So these would be rumour-
TMongers. In fact, sometimes
Zanzibar is gaining advantage.
For example, I'll tell you. We
have our own foreign exchange,
we can do our own foreign
exchange. But there are goods
which are bought by the Union
Government, for example. fuel. ;
We in . Zanzibar,
contribute this foreign
‘we use local money. :
WHEELER:— In fact many
‘peuple would say that Zanzibar is
‘somewhat over represented in the
Union Government?
HAMADI:— That was
deliberate. When we came into
union we ‘had two equal
sovereign states. tt doesn’t
matter whether one was very
large with a big population and
the other one small. its voice has
to be heard in the union. And
one way to make sure that its
voice is heard is to have a lot of

we don't:
ange. .

Tepresentation in different parts:
in the legislature, in the

yovernment. That is the reason

Why some people say it is over
€) resented.

‘ELER:— Apart from
spasmodic bouts of unrest in
Zanzibar, and the odd attempted
coup, Tanzania has enjoyed a

generation of internal peace,
which is more than you can say
for most Third World countries.
No racial problems, no tribal
conflicts, no hatred between
Christians and Moslems. But
given the serious decline in living
Standards, it dues . seem
extraordinary that there hasn’t
been real trouble. The Planning
Minister, Professor Malima:
MALIMA:— I think the
Tanzanians have accepted the
explanation for that. What
causes problems sometimes is
when people preach what they
don’t practice. You tell the
people the situation is hard and
they see you Griving the most
luxurious car: Mercedes or what
have you. And you tell people
that we don’t have foreign
exchange to buy medicine.
These are the kind of problems
sometimes that lead to_unrest
rather than difficulties
themselves. If people see that in
their leaders there’s a sense of
seriousness, there’s a sense of
commitment, there's _ effort
being made to practice what
they're ~ preaching, _ they’re
prepared to tighten up their belts
too.

I’m saying that Tanzania is
fortunate to have a leadership
which is quite modest, because
it’s very easy for people in public
offices to aggrandise wealth, and
hence lead to all kinds of social
and political tensions. I have
been studying abroad
with some comrades of mine who
were equally pauperised and
some of them now are
millionaires, in a matter of one
decade. And it can’t be that they
work harder than I do, or they're
more thrifty than I am because I
used to lend them money. So.
this I think is the crux of the
matter.

WHEELER:— And you
certainly can’t accuse Nyerere’s
ministers of wasting money on
grandiuse public buildings. Their
offices in es Salaam, and in
,the new capital Dodoma in the
dusty midlands, are shabby to
‘say the least.’ But if senior

86

‘ministers are honest, officials at
‘the lower level are frequently not.
Corruption, virtually unknown
in Tanzania ten years ago, is now
rife. If you want something done
a_back-hander makes all ‘the

difference. Professor Malima
puts it down to the astronomical
prices of consumer goods.
ALIMA:— If we are on an
inextricable course. where today
a pair of shoes is 4.000 next year
it will bé-10,000. shillings. “and
salaries don’t go up in the same
manner and people have been
told these are essential things for
givilisation, I think it does
become inevitable. If one has to
spend one year’s salary to get a
pair of shoes and he needs one a
year. you are almost telling him I
don't care how you get the

money, but buy it.

WHEELER: Rising
expectations are _ indeed
Tanzania’s great problem for the
future. They result, as Prime
Minister Salim is entitled to point
out, from. one of the country’s
success stories.

SALIM:— | Tanzania has
invested quite heavily in the
education of our people in
providing facilities for people. in
providing better health for our
people. And. the resuit is there's
no doubt that even our critics
admit that this is one area we
have succeeded tremendously;
the field of illiteracy, for
example, removing illiteracy in
the country: in providing
primary education: providing
secondary education; in
Brovidin better health facilities.
till we have a lot of problems.
we have a long way to go. But
taken in the context of Third
World perspectives. we have
made tremendous strides in this.
But again. that also leads to a lot

of expectations.
So we have thousands of
students -coming out from

primary ‘school actually. tens of
thousands. And they are an army
without work. And so how
to make use of them, how to:
utilise their talent, how to utilise
their ability. and how. in the
Process. not to create frustration
and not to create a gap between
them and the rest of the
community?
WHEELER:— And how many
educated Tanzanians are going to
want to work in agriculture
where they are needed, rather
than administration or industry
where they are not? The
Chairman of the National Bank



we are so proud if we were
a multiparty system. I think the
little parties would have wanted
to exploit all sorts of thing: Tribe,
religion. ... all sorts of things and
they would have found followers.

So now I am almost committed
to a one-party system. But am
committed for Tanzania, | am not
committed for other situations
because other situations can be
different.

For instance suppose your
country evolved to a position
where basically there was one
Party, you couldn't create other
parties in order to have a multi-
party system. On the other hand
if you have other parties, then
you accept the feality that you
have other parties.

Q:— What do you consider as
the preconditions for, the
transformation of a predominan-
tly nationalist Party into a
vanguard revolutionary Party
capable of bringing about
Progressive socio-economic
change?

A:— About the experience of our
Party. I don't know whether I
want to transform our mass
nationalist Par.y into a vanguard
Party in the sense in which I do
understand vanguard parties. Just
as it was a mass Party which led
Us to Independence, T think it is a
mass Party which ‘will’ continue
the mobilisation of our people,
leading to greater independence
— economic _ independence
through development.

This does not mean that the
two or two and half million
members of CCM will all be
committed to the goal that we
have. I don’t think so. And I don't
think they have to. I think even
in our own Party you will still
have a hard core of highly com-
mitted people and basically these
People will find positions of in-
fluence and will influence the
Party itself and the Party will
continue the leadership of the
country. So within the Party and
the Party will continue group in
the Party — an activist group.
Every party has this activist
group and ours is a mass Party
‘which has an activist group.

We don't want to turn it into a
small elitist Party. Call it a
vanguard party; we see no point
in doing this. And we don’t
believe the nationalist phase is

cso: 3400/179

over in Africa; I have never
believed this. We are going to live
with the nationalist phase for a
long long time. The nationalist
revolution .in Africa is not
something that takes place one
day and its over and then you
begin a socialist revolution.

81



trained and indoctrinated men who are not easily deait with
The Special Task force has thus faced some difficult sit
tions in tracking dewn and eliminating these groups in the hil-
ly, often thickly bushed and thinly populated areas to the south
of Owambo. Each of the infiltrated groups has, none the less,
been broken up, tracked down, and dealt with in quite short
order. The unit has thus been a major — possibly the major
factor in frustating Swapo's annual attempt to terrorise the
northern commercial farming areas-of SWA. Sy

cso: 3400/173



which are not affiliated to the front, like the South African Council of Sports,
like the South African Rugby Union, that is. What we are saying to them is

that we recognize them as the progressive sporting bodies in our country.

That even though they are not affiliated to the front, we should like to make
some measure of cooperation possible. I don't really think [words indistinct].
We hope that in the course of time, in terms of operating together on the short
term basis, that we can develop better understanding of each other and perhaps
some of the problems which to day appear to be impassable will be resolved and
that therefore greater unity will be built.

So, we are not critical of these organizations, some of them are critical of
our aspirations, of our policy, [words indistinct] critical of the UDF because
they feel that by including white people or white organizations within the fold
of the Front that will water down the militancy of the masses. This is not our
view. Our conception is that our organizations which are fighting for the new
order--nonracial--they themselves must be nonracial because they are the very
(?base), the very process of organizing that new order.. These organizations
must’ be nonracial. We will, therefore, continue to reach out, to discuss with
them, especially that they should join in the common efforts from time to time.
(Words indistinct] who are fighting against apartheid, they are part of us.

[Announcer] Terror Lekota goes on to talk about the role of the white liberal
opposition party of South Africa, the Progressive Federal Party, the PFP.

[Lekota] The PFP [word indistinct] Movement, not as the subsidiary of elec-
toral leadership. It's participating in the tricameral parliament and that
immediately removes the basis of cooperation between (?them) and UDF. Our
commitment on the daily basis is to oppose the tricameral parliament. They
are operating there. So, I mean, the very fact that they are participating
there undercuts (?PFP) in other discussions between [word indistinct]. We
recognize whatever contribution they are making as a very, very limited con-
tribution as far as.we are concerned. In fact, by having initially criticized
the new dispensation and so on, we still cannot understand how they could now
once more have gone back with the same, you know, constitution, constitutional
process which they themselves have analyzed as [word indistinct], as unaccept-
able, as (?perpetuating) apartheid. We, therefore, [words indistinct] a
(?possibility) of us linking up with them. We are aware that they are being
increasingly critical of the UDF [words indistinct]. UDF (?has) a clear pro-
gram. They seem to fail to appreciate the fact that the UDF is a front, and
not political party like their political party.

cso: 3400/171

51



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

ZIMBABWE

BRIEFS

MEMBERS OF ZANU PARTY ASSASSINATED--Harare, 15 May (AFP)--Antigovernment dissi-~
dents in Zimbabwe on Monday night assassinated four members of Premier Robert
Mugabe's ruling ZANU party in the province of Matabaleland (south-west), which

is troubled by guerrilla activities, a ZANU spokesman announced on Tuesday.
Three brothers and a pastor, all members of the ZANU party, were killed in the
Mbenbezi region, to the north of Bulawayo, according to the ZANU secretary for
security for north Matabaleland, Embassy Moyo, who felt that it was a "plot"
aimed at intimidating voters and driving them away from the ZANU. According

to Mr Moyo, the three brothers, Richard, Russel, and George Zondi, were abducted
from their village on Monday around 2300 by three "rebels" armed with AK-47 guns.
They were accused by their abductors of being "traitors" because of their sup-
port for the ZANU. They were then tied together and led on foot 5 km away to
the village of Pastor Aaron Madabu, where they, along with the pastor, were
killed. The ZANU spokesman felt that these assassinations were aimed at dis-
suading voters from voting for the ruling party during the upcoming elections which
should take place in June or July. Mr Moyo called on the population to reject
Joshua Nkomo's opposition ZAPU party, which is well established in Matabaleland,
because, according to him and repeating the government accusations, it is the
ZAPU that is instigating the antigovernment guerrilla activities in the region.
[Text] [Paris AFP in French 0908 GMT 15 May 85 AB]

FOUR ZANU-PF SUPPORTERS KILLED--Four ZANU-PF supporters, three of them brothers,
were murdered by dissidents in the (Mahalane)-(Ndimbembe) area last night. The
ZANU-PF secretary for security in Matabeleland North Province, Comrade (Embassy
Moyo), told ZIANA that Comrades (Richard Zondi), (Rafael Zondi), (George Zondi),
and the Reverend (Eron Madagu) were murdered around midnight. He said (712)
dissidents armed with AK rifles raided the (Zondi's) village and took the
(Zondi) brothers at gunpoint and accused them of being sellouts because they
support ZANU-PF. The three were taken to Reverend (Madagu's) village, 5 km
away. The reverend was shot and killed as he tried to run away. The three
brothers were shot and killed in Reverend (Madagu's) house. [Text] [Harare
Domestic Service in English 1745 GMT 14 May 85 MB]

ZIMBABWE-PALESTINE SOLIDARITY NEWSPAPER--The Zimbabwe-Palestine Solidarity Com-
mittee today issued its first edition of a monthly newspaper, FREE PALESTINE.
The objectives of the newspaper will be to keep the people of Zimbabwe abreast
with developments in the Middle East in general and the struggle of the Pales-
tinian people in particular. The newspaper is part of the Zimbabwe-Palestine

93



Mr Schoeman said: "We have already committed ourselves to spending this
amount on certain projects. As it is we have a backlog of 5,000 to 6,000

classrooms.

"We do not normally budget for in advance for damaged schools and it is
doubtful that there will be any money left over for this purpose."

He also said that the department was adopting a "wait and see" attitude before
it would even consider evaluating the damage to the schools.

Mr Schoeman added however, that if there was any money left over it could

well go towards the rebuilding of schools. Until then church halls and other
buildings would be used to house pupils. ‘

cso: 3400/171 |

72



BIG DEVELOPMENT IN CISKEI SAYS SEBE

East London DAILY DISPATCH in English 15 Apr

[Text]

cso:

EAST LONDON — It
was important for Ciskei
to be seen by the outside
world as an area of
attraction to entrep-
reneurs, President Len-
nox Sebe said when he
officially opened the
Basotho tribal offices at
Ntabethemba, Hewu,
near Whittlesea, at the
weekend.

Chief Sebe said the
fact that Ciskei could
live within its financial
means would go a long
way towards achieving
that goal.

“I have spoken about
financial discipline,
control measures and
the lack of money, but I
do not want to leave you
with the impression that
everything is at a stand-
still in Ciskei. On the
contrary, the application
of these measures and
the correct placing of
priorities in relation to
available money has en-
sured that development
on a large scale is in-
deed taking place,”
Chief Sebe said.

He said developments
at Bisho, the Bulembu
airport and the indust-
rial boom at Dimbaza
and Fort Jackson were
in sharp contrast to the
activities beyond Cis-

3400/150

kei’s borders where li-
quidation and retrench-
ments were much in evi-
dence.

Chief Sebe said the
Basotho, who had come
from the Herschel and
Glen Grey areas, had de-
monstrated patience
and tolerance under
trying conditions of
hardship and suffering.

“You came to this area
years ago and the fact
that the inhabitants of
this region still do not
enjoy all the basic ame-
nities is a matter of bit-
ter negotiation with the
South African Govern-
ment.

“I trust that following
recent developments,
the necessary funds will
be made available to
supply those amenities
which are desperately
needed by the people, of
not only the Basotho
tribal authority but by
all the people who emi-
grated from the districts
of Herschel and Glen
Grey,” he said.

Chief Sebe said he in-
tended to investigate
ways to increase the
jurisdiction of tribal au-
thorities in the future.

“This is your court,
administered by your

33

85 p 2

chief for your benefit.
He is the person best
equipped to adjudicate
on your affairs,” he said.

President Sebe said
the word security should
be on all Ciskeians’ lips
at all times. He said
security related to
protecting oneself, pro-
perty and country. He
said one had a duty to
look out for any activity
which could be con-
strued as being designed
to impair the sovereign-
ty of the state, or harm
any of its citizens or
damage any property.

“Today every citizen of
Ciskei is a security offic-
er — not only those who
serve in the police force.
There are forces at work
designed to destroy what
is dear to us,” Chief Sebe
said. — DDR

JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



The equipment consists of a console for the operator, UHF
radios to link the Army console to the mountain top site and
VHF area coverage radios for the farmers to communicate with.
It is not unusual for the farmer to be 150 km away from the
soldiers he may be speaking to.

All the area coverage stations are on carefully selected high
sites around the country, few of which have either a building or
electricity.

None of the high sites are manned, requiring the installation
to be self sustaining. They are sufficiently intelligent and
secure to be capable of reporting automatically any fault or in-
trusion.

The equipment is housed in climatic containers to prevent it
being exposed to weather-extremes. At some of the sites
temperatures can be as high as 48°C and as low as minus
20°C. The containers together with the radios, batteries and
alarm panels are designed as self supporting systems. If
there is a failure, the complete container can be removed and
replaced almost instantly. Many of the high sites have solar
panels to generate the power to drive the equipment and , of
course. batteries take over the load in the absence of the sun.

The specifications for the radio communicating with the
system were drawn up by the SADF in conjunction with the
South African Telecommunication and Electrical Power Supply
Authority (SATEPSA). They call for a radio which is SABS/SAPO,
approved, prevents the system from being jammed and en-
sures product quality to provide trouble free use by the public.

The specification identifies a number of compulsory re-
quirements over and above the basic set, and, must have
facilities such as two receivers — one for MARNET and the
other for the civil defence channeis with provision for a private
channel. The radio developed by Barcom, a subsidiary of
Reutech, is equipped with these requirements and is in fact the
only approved full feature radio available at this stage. The Bar-
com Z66 transceiver was of one of the entries submitted for the
1984 Shell Design competition to win an award.

As the system is installed and maintained by the SADF
they are an integrai part of the approval and licencing process
for farmers to join the system. The procedure 's for prospec
tive participants to apply with the standard SAPO licence ap-
plication form to the local Commando Officer. Once authoris-
ed he will pass on the application to the Post Office Radio
division for a normal transceiver operators licence. At this
point the Army will have allocated a unique electronic code to
the application which will be fitted into the radio when the
supplier installs it. The code gives clear identification of the
caller on the console whenever he makes a cal! into the
system. It consists of a five digit number which is compared
to a master fist to identify the caller and his address plus any
other relevant information. This is a very important feature as
the system is designed for communication without speech. it
enables a person to call for assistance by merely pressing an
emergency button either on the radio or remotely.

The Barcom MARNET radio (Z66) is designed with a red
emergency button on the radio and has the facility of wired
push buttons which can be placed strategically throughout

45



his-oratories, [words indistinct]. By now, I am sure, they experience it
(?all) under apartheid, you know. They are suffering in the townships the

lack of housing, high rents, low wages. The reality of apartheid, the humilia-
tion which they suffer on a daily basis [words indistinct]. I do not think

his message (?has any lasting effect) unless the government (?plans) definitely
to correct [words indistinct] and therefore, unless it is something that would
change the quality of life of those people, (?to speak) to these, unless it is,
his words will never have any lasting effect. (?It would just) [words indis-
tinct] an attempt, and that's about all it is.

We, on the other hand, propose that even among the people who were there, a

lot, a lot of others, who are in.fact members of the UDF, some of the affiliates
of UDF, some of the affiliated trade unions of the UDF, were there. They
possibly have kept quiet and not done anything as he was speaking because they
respect their bishop and they respect their church. There are many others who
support the UDF who were not there, obviously, you know, I mean, who are not
part of that church. But we must also see the UDF enjoys a large number and
commands the support which is not [words indistinct], which is never (?confided)
in public because to support the UDF, and to declare to be supporting it,
carries a certain amount of risk. The people [words indistinct] not because
they don't support the front, but because they are afraid of the consequences
(?and they fear) to support the UDF.

We are not seriously concerned or worried about this visit to Moria. We are
convinced that the majority of the people of this country especially black
people, support the [words indistinct].

{Announcer] There are differences between the UDF and the antiapartheid
organization (?known) as the Azanian People's Organization [AZAPO]. Terror
Lekota talks about the positions of the two organizations and the prospect for
a joint action.

{Lekota] Our attitude in the UDF is that insofar as AZAPO and other organiza-
tions of the national forum are committed to the struggle against the new dis-
pensation initially and, of course, committed to the struggle against apartheid
as such, they constitute part of the people. They constitute part of the broad
struggle of the people of South Africa against the nationalist government and
its policies. So, as far as we are concerned, we are joint (?convenors)
against apartheid.

The level of difference between us and them is merely of tactics. It is a
tactival difference and therefore it is not something that cannot be surmount-
ed. We have made a clear commitment to continue to persuade those organiza-
tions which are outside of*our front, to persuade them to understand that we
sympathize with their views on the question of the differences of tactics, but
that we must not allow tactical differences to divide the forces of progress in
our struggle. So, once more congress renewed its commitment, I mean, our con-
ference renewed its commitment to seek a hand of friendship with those organ-
izations, to pull them together. Perhaps, maybe, on certain basics they need
not necessarily affiliate, but on specific issues, we should go into the
campaign together. Take for instance [words indistinct] other organizations

50



the premises to trasmit an alarm. The radio has a priority over
ride and can be accessed irrespective of what channel the
radio may be switched to. This has been made possible by vir
tue of a microprocessor controlling complex functions of tne
radio.

The unique coding system is also an important feature
when the SADF may wish to contact the individual lurmer
The procedure 1s as follows: The soldier lypes onto his con
sole the five digit number of the radio to be called. This
causes an electronic signal to be transmitted and is superim
posed on the radio frequency which only the one radio called
will decode and respond to. The Barcom Z66 decodes the ad
dress and will give an audible alarm to indicate that a call has
been received. This ensures all calls are recorded and
eliminates the need for someone to constantly monitor the
signals to identify the one that is meant to be responded to by

a particular station. .

In addition to the MARNET channel. the Z66 has the facility
for a business communications channel which the farmer can
use for the normal running of his business. It means that the
equipment is working to justify its cost and not merely sitting
idle waiting for an emergency. This facility does. however
create the risk that the emergency MARNET message mav
not be received if there is communication on the business
channel; the 266 microprocessor control and the addition of a
second receiver in the radio. tuned exclusively to the
MARNET frequency eliminates this risk. All MARNET calls.
no matter for which purpose the radio is being used at the
time. wilt be received.

The Z66 is designed as a mobile radio to fit into a vehicle or
base station rack.

Barcom offers al the accessories needed to effectively
operate the radios and include standby batteries, charger, ex
tension speakers. remote siren, emergency buttons, antennae
etc. The radio being purpose designed and manufactured in
South Africa has a full service back-up from Barcom through
its dealers.

Specifications:

General

Operation: 66 MHz to 70 MHz, Simplex Narrow
Band Frequency Modulated
Deviation — minimum +3 kHz:
maximum — +5 kHz

Channels: One Marnet channel in 66 MHz to 68

MHz band

Eight Civil Defence channels of 25
kHz minimum spacing in 67 MHz
band

One Private channel in 68 MHz to 70
MHz band

46



Town, Dr Naude said all exiles should be invited back to South Africa and all
political prisoners should be released. He said this plan would reduce the
conflict in the country. Dr Naude says nothing can be gained by prolonging
white minority rule and has appealed to the government to, in his words, face
this reality and to act accordingly. [Text] [Umtata Capital Radio in English
1900 GMT 8 May 85 BM]

NO FORMAL LINKS WITH AWB--The leader of the Conservative Party [CP], Dr Andries
Treurnicht, says there is no formal alliance between his party and the Afrikaner
Weerstandsbeweging [AWB]. Speaking on television, Dr Treurnicht said that the
CP and AWB had certain principles in common, but that there was no coordinated
action, no party ties, and no agreement on political campaigns between the two.
Dr Treurnicht said whites had a right to demand their own territorial areas.
There had to be a division in the ways groups expressed themselves in the polit~
ical and cultural spheres. [Text] [Johannesburg Domestic Service in English
0500 GMT 14 May 85 MB] .

MISINFORMATION ON SADF--The Minister of Defense, General Magnus Malan, says there
is an intensive campaign in progress to misinform the South African youth about
the defense force. Speaking at the centenary celebrations of Elliot, in the
eastern Cape, Gen Malan said the ANC and the United Democratic Front made con-
stant false allegations against the defense force: for example, that the defense
force was used to destabilize the country's neighbors. The threat against South
Africa was being carried out by a conglomerate of countries, organizations, and
people, whose motives were political by nature. He said it was the duty of the
older- and middle-aged generations to inform the younger generation correctly
about the country's defense. [Text] [Johannesburg Domestic Service in English
1700 GMT 11 May 85 MB] ‘

FRG BUSINESSMEN'S CONTRIBUTLON--The minister of finance, Mr Barend du Plessis,
says the German business community regards trade with South Africa as normal,
in spite of political pressures. Mr Du Plessis said it was felt that through
business, West German businessmen were making a valuable contribution to the
social upliftment in South Africa. Speaking at Jan Smuts Airport this
morning, after a brief visit to Germany, he said that bankers and business-
men were aware of the problems in South Africa, and there was respect for
the way the sensitive situation was being handled. He said there was also
an awareness among businessmen that the problems were being caused by people
not interested in seeing the reforms under the new initiative succeed. The
minister said that the feeling in the German business. community could well
affect the thinking in other European countries. He said the anti-South
African campaign in West Germany was well organized, and rooted in certain
religious bodies. He added, however, that unless legislative action was
taken, West Germany would continue to have normal business dealings with
South Africa. [Text] [Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 1700 GMT

11 May 85]

cso: 3400/204

75



be fair there to the government policy
in the sense that it was a mistake by
allowing so many industries which
‘were import oriented in terms of raw
materials. To: a certain extent, a
Kecision is being taken to try and
change that policy, so we hope that a
kot of foreign exchange will be
available for the needy industries.

WHEELER: A lot of the parastatals
are apparently running at something
lke 20% or 25% capacity, do you io
better than that?

.
FARAJI: Oh, we certainly do better
than that. We are doing something like
50 to 60% capacity. To a certain ex-
tent we are lucky because one of the
basic raw materials is wheat which is
grown around here, but also we took a
ckcision two/three years ago to grow
it ourselves, so this is helping us enor-
mously,

WHEELER: Putting the emphasis
where It belongs, on a more produc-
tive agriculture, could mean an even
lower standard of living for town
dwellers. The price of food has been
allowed to rise, and when you con-
sider the minimum wage, which is
also the maximum for many people, is
only ten pounds a week, you wonder
why there haven't been strikes and
protests. I put the point to Planning
Minister, Malima.

MALIMA: We haven't had that
problem because whatever measures
the government is taking there has
been full, honest consultations with all
the parties concerned. For instance,
when we want to raise the minimum
‘wage, we all sit down and look at the
figures, and we may all agree that real
income has gone down. The real
question then becomes how much we
can afford. .

WHEELER: If a trade union leader
doesn't accept ‘the wages policy,
doesn’t feel that it's right that his
members should be on such low
wages, what can he do about it? Can
be, In fact, call a strike in this coun-

try?

MALIMA: No, under: our system he
cannot.

WHEELER: So what options are
open to him?

MALIMA: Well we have something
‘we call Permanent Labour Tribunal,
and this group-uf indapendent judges
using their ow’ expéms, and so forth,
can make an assessment of the
position, and they can pass verdict by
saying, “Well, come on government,
you can increase 200 shillings there.”
Or they -can say to the other fellow,
“I think the government has gone as
far as it can,” and that is it.

WHEELER: There's no appeal from
that?

MALIMA: No.

WHEELER: And do you think that's
the fairest way of doing it?

MALIMA: Well, in our system it has
worked.

WHEELER: But I can't see them
buying that one at the TUC, What
has kept Tanzania's economy afloat
— Just — has been a massive mount
of foretgn aid, much of it from Scan-
dinavia, where President Nyerere
seems to be thelr favourlte Africa.
Much of it has been misused by, poor
management, or by a failure to main-
tan a project, a new road for exam-
ple, once it's been completed. The
country will continue to need aid but
the welcome mat Is now out for
foreign Investors. No fear of being
nationalised, Tanzania needs them.
One sure way of becoming. attractive
{s to guarantee foreign companies the
repatriation of at least some of their
profits. Prime Minister Salim:

SALIM: Sometimes it is very difficult
to repatriate profit. It is difficult to
repatriate profit, not because the policy
of the governmem does not allow for
that, but simply because the state of
the economy is such that the foreign
exchange which is not so necessary is
not there. But, if the economy im-
proves and the situation improves then
there is absolutely’ no reason why
foreign investors should not have their
profits repatriated. And, we recognise
also that when you ask somebody to
come and invest in our country, he's
not going to do so as a Good
Samaritan, you know, simply for
‘altruistic reasons. He has legitimate
imerests and we have legitimate in-
terests. It's a question of the con-
vergence of the legitimate interests of
Tanzania and the legitimate interests of
the foreign investor. And we believe
very firmly that there's tremendous
potential in dur country for foreign in-
vestors to invest in different areas in
the field of agriculture; in the field of
livestock: in the field of tourism — in
other fields. And they are most
welcome. (Continues next Sunday).

[14 Apr 85 p 7]

WHEELER: When he
mentions tourism as one
bility for foreign
development, the Prime Minister
is undoubtedly aware that
Tanzania has missed out badly to
its ncighbour Kenya. Kenya has
the lion’s share of this trade,
although it’s Tanzania that has
the » and just about
everything else. Tourists are
conspicuous by their absence
here. Although, I did see one
party of Germans in a vehicle
rather larger than a double
-decker bus, in which they lived,

85

ate,
out

slept, and _ peered
through potholes at
Passi fauna. Rommel
Pould have been proud of them.
Less dedicated travellers would, I
think, find Tanzania with its
dreadful communications,
whether by rvad, rail or air, just
too daunting. Tanzania is, of
calny a union of the former
lon’ ‘any a and the
ce island of Zan: bar, 20 miles
tthe cost. And, in Zanzibar
Mr--Fikirini, Managing Director
of the Tourist Corpuration is
convinced he has everything
ving for him:

IKIRINI: _ Zanzi-
bar has a lot to offer. First of all,
Zanzibar is very famous for its
history starting from 5th AD
going on up to now, we can say
you see, involving a lot. éf
people like Livingstone, Speek
and others. And the second thing
which we are going to offer is the
scenery. We have very beautiful
scenery, we have vegetation , we
have a lot of other things. spices
and other things. And, the third
thing are the beaches. Zanzibar
is just an island, it’s surrounded
by the sea and it has got very very
Mice beaches along the coast.
And, the fourth thing is the
utilisation af our resources which
is sea, which is also surrounding
us, and the type of fish we have
along all the sea around these

islands.
WHEELER: — I wish them luck
because they have an awfully long
way to go. Actually, the Nyerere
regime does seem to have had
Hdeological reservations about
encouraging tourism. Planning
Minister Malima still has doubts:
MALIMA: It is quite possible
for each dollar you earn in
foreign exchange, 95 cents Fo
outside to bring the towels, the
soap. the liquor, the cigarettes
even the toothpicks.
Secondly. if you're not careful
you will reduce your own people
to a nation of waiters. So that the
beverage manager, the man who
lines the boiler, and so forth, are
all coming as technical assistants
or experts. So are we. getting
more than we are putting in. in
terms of foreign exchange, and
are our pegple absorbing some

technology; ime=tunning these
things? Ory are they just being
reduced ‘to** “waiters and

bartenders? *

WHEELER:— None of which is

going to stop Zanzibar from

getting into the package holiday
if it can. But, then

Zansiber has shown a



JPRS~SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

SECURITY AFFAIRS ANALYST ON POLICE CONTROL PROCEDURES
Johannesburg FRONTLINE in English May 85 pp 30, 31, 32
{Article by Helmoed-Romer Heitman]

police in the entire country thar New York
City alone finds necessary to maintain law

again highlighted the lack of and order. Thus where in most western

[Text] R= unrest and rioting has
understanding that permeates much

of the published and private comment on
police action under such circumstances.
While it is only natural to be concerned at
the deaths that have resulted, it is necessary
to look at the circumstances governing
police actions. Specifically, it is necessary to
consider those aspects in which our local
situation differs markedly from that en-
countered in, for instance, the European
countries with which we so like to compare
ourselves. Particular factors that come to
mind include relative numbers, terrain,
climate and the degree of violence displayed
by the rioters.

Before considering these factors, it is as
well to realise that the South African
Police’s riot control doctrine, procedures
and tactics do not vary much from the

generally accepted international norm.
Their application is, however, governed by
local conditions and circumstances as it will
be in any country. Little that has happened
in South Africa is in any way unique once it
is viewed against the background of the
prevailing conditions and circumstances.
Even the much maligned switch or sjambok
is not unique to South Africa — it sees
much use in both India and Pakistan where
it is known as a lathi and is deemed a very
effective and humane tool for the dispersal
of unruly crowds. One should also note that
we have not yet had to employ the military
for riot control — something that was not
uncommon in the United States not all that
long ago and which has occured frequently
in Ulster.

Despite being frequently accused of being
a police state, South Africa is a seriously
under-policed country with not many more

countries the police elements seeking to
control a riot can usually at least come close
to matching the rioters in numbers and can
quite often even outnumber them, the SAP
is almost always grossly outnumbered. Dur-
ing the 1976 riots in Soweto, for instance, it
was apparently not unusual for a 50 man
police platoon to come face to face with a
mob of up to 3 000 rioters or in some cases
even more.

Under such circumstances most non-
violent or minimum violence control or
dispersal measures become at best un-
workable and at worst suicidal. A 50 man
platoon can perhaps still link arms and
block or push a mob of 200 or 300 with
some hope of achieving something, or even
make a usefub attempt to disperse them by
means of a ‘well executed baton charge.
When the mob grows into the upper hun-
dreds, any such approach becomes a
definite non-starter.

This problem is aggravated by the terrain
over which most of this action takes place.
Most similar disturbances in Europe take
place in heavily built-up areas with relative-
ly narrow streets and tall buildings. The
rioters are thus strictly limited in their op-
tions for manoeuvre and also cannot easily
avoid tear gas (which is also well contained
by the flanking buildings, thus enhancing
its persistance and effect) water cannon or
baton rounds (‘‘rubber bullets’). The
police, on the other hand, can use the street
layout of the area to manoeuvre the rioters
in such a way as to break the mob into
smaller and more manageable parcels.
These can then be readily dealt with by
minimum violence means or may even
break up of their own accord once they

40



JPRS-SSA-85-045

4 June 1985

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

ConTENTS

INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS.

Forty-Two Percent of Food Aid for Africa Not Yet Arrived

(PANA, 8 May 85).....eceesecce cee ceeceeeees deste eeeeeeeees
Diplomats Graduate From Course Offered in Portugal
(DIARIO DE NOTICIAS, 5 Apr 85)....seesssccesceeeeeneees eee
e
ANGOLA
Briefs
Hydroelectric Plant in Kuimba
Soviet Ambassador Visits ANGOP
Minister of Industry Visits Benguela
Officials Open ANGOP Office
Petroleum Production
BENIN
Briefs
University Disturbance Instigators Sought
Libya Donates Equipment, Vehicles
BOTSWANA
Briefs
Cross-Border Communications
GHANA

SWA Police Special Task Force's Vital Role Against Terrorism
(Helmoed-Romer Heitman; ARMED FORCES, Apr 85)...essseeeeee

FRG Agricultural Project Evaluation Team Arrives
(Accra Domestic Service, 7 May 85).....seceeceeeeceeececee

PEWWW

u



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

AFRIKANER WOMEN DEMAND PRESERVATION OF SEX LAWS
Pretoria DIE AFRIKANER in Afrikaans 10 Apr 85 p L

[Text] Afrikaner women are now coming forward increasingly
as advocates of preserving the Mixed Marriages Act and
Article 16 of the Immorality Act.

Amidst signs that both measures will shortly disappear from the books, women
in several places gathered last week to ask that they be preserved.

In Pretoria, more than 1,000 people gathered, and memoranda in favor of preser-
vation of the laws were presented to political and cultural leaders. Professor
Carel Boshoff accepted the memoranda on behalf of the Afrikaner People's Senti-
nel, and Mr Gert Beegte and Dr Andries Treurnicht on behalf of the HNP [Recon-
stituted National Party] and the CP [Conservative Party], respectively.

Ceremonious

Similar gatherings were also held in several Northern and Zastern Transvaal
towns. Gatherings of women are also being planned for Cape Town, among other
places.

The gathering in Pretoria was especially ceremonious, and was opened with a
Scripture reading and prayer, followed by singing, the reading of the abbrevi-
ated memorandum, the presentation of the complete memorandum and the laying of
a wreath at the Voortrekker Monument.

Word has it that the memorandum will also be presented shortly to the govern-
ment, possibly to the state president, Mr P. W. Botha, himself.

Struggle .

In the abbreviated memorandum it was stated that the Afrikaner nation of people
is presently once again struggling for its preservation and for its freedom in
its own state. The struggle is different from what it was in the past: not
against visible enemies, like at Blood River, Majuba and Magersfontein, but
rather against an enemy that is attacking Afrikaners spiritually and taking
away their self-determination piece by piece. "We are struggling against the
spirit of liberalism that has taken possession of our country, that is forcing

63



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

INTERVIEW WITH UDF'S LEKOTA
MBO10928 Maputo in English to Southern Africa 1800 GMT 29 Apr 85

{Second part of interview with United Democratic Front [UDF] Publicity
Secretary Patrick Lekota in South Africa by AIM correspondent Leite de
Vasconcelos on "Spotlight Southern Africa" program presented by Iain Christie--
date not given]

[Text] The South African Government recently had talks with Gatsha Buthelezi
and other Bantustan chiefs, and in another contact with black South Africans,
State President P. W. Botha addressed the Easter meeting of the Zionist
Christian Church, the ZCC. Leite Vasconcelos asked Mr Lekota about the sig-
nificance of these moves.

[Begin recording] [Lekota] Let me start with P. W. Botha's meeting with the
homeland leaders and some .of these Bantu councillors or black town councillors.
I think in brief one would only say that the polls in the past elections, have
clearly shown that the masses have no confidence in these people. P. W. Botha,
in terms of insisting on focusing his attention on those discredited organs,

is trying to flog a dead horse into life. There is no way in which he is going
to give them credibility purely by talking to them. He can talk to them as
much as he likes but they have no--in the eyes of the people--they have no
credibility. They have been even rejected by the people, there is no question
about that. So, at that level, we are not even worried about that. I mean,

he can go on with that thing day and night. It won't concern us. It won't
change the situation.

Of more interest is his visit to Zion Moria City, to the ZCC church, over the
weekend. Again, at that level, you know, there has been a lot of noise made
in the South African newspapers about how he had scored a victory and so on.
But, we must also say, you know,-that it is unfortunate, but there is no
victory that was scored there. Of the people who went to Moria over the week-
end, I am sure that the first-consideration in their minds in terms of going
up to Moria (?was for) their commitment to their own church. It is true that
there are those who will have gone there out of curiosity to hear what P. W.
Botha was going to say, out of sheer, simple curiosity.

As I said earlier, with all the good words he had to say there, he said out
of [words indistinct] even those who for a moment may have been driven up by

49



drought-affected neighbors--Chad and Niger. One indisputable fact they
have forgotten is that Nigeria was the first country to donate a substan-
tial amount of money through the OAU for relief work on the continent. It
was also Nigeria that suggested at the OAU summit the setting up ofa
special fund for drought-affected countries in Africa. This suggestion
was applauded and accepted and Nigeria had fulfilled her obligations to
the fund.

Another example of Nigeria's magnanimity and good neighborliness was the
opening of her borders to allow relief materials into Chad. The Western
media did not see all these commendable gestures. The correct situation
with regard to the issue of the shipment of relief materials to Nigeria

has been explained by the minister of transport and aviation, Rear

Admiral Patrick Koshoni. Nigeria, he said received only a request from

the United States to allow transhipment of relief materials to Niger Repub-
lic. Nigeria acceeded to this request and because of her concern and an
unalloyed support for sister African nations, the relief carrying ships
were diverted to Nigeria's two other modern ports at Calabar and Port
Harcourt to prevent congestion at the very busy Lagos ports. Already two
loads of transhipment of food aid to Niger Republic had already taken
place. This explanation goes to {words indistinct] the propaganda by

the Western media that Nigeria was deliberately creating problems by delay-
ing the relief aid; however, the Western press is known for its negative
reports of events in Africa.

One can, therefore, understand why the Western press will continue to

pour its venom on Nigeria. What is important, however, is that no amount
of false propaganda [words indistinct] by armchair critics and agents of
doom in the West will deter the people and Government of Nigeria in forging
ahead in their common struggle to build a new nation--one that will take
its rightful place in the comity of nations.

cso: 34600/215

23



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

NIGERIA

MAITATSINE LEADER SEEN IN GOMBE PRIOR TO UNREST
AB101859 Lagos NAN in English 1650 GMT 10 May 85

(Text]. Gombe, (Bauchi), May 10 (NAN)--The district head of Gombe, Alhaji
Abdulkadir Abubabkar, said yesterday in Gombe that Malam Musa, the leader of
the Maitatsine religious uprising in Gombe town, was identified one week before
the disturbances erupted on April 26.

Testifying before the judicial commission of inquiry investigating the circum-
stances which led to the disturbances, the district head said that Malam Musa
was invited for questioning by the local government's sole administrator, Alhaji
Ahmed Maikudi, on April 22. He said that Malam Musa had confessed on interro-
gation that he was the leader of a group of more than 30 Koranic scholars and
that he hailed from Dengi-Kanam in Plateau but that he resided at Alkaleri in
Bauchi state. Alhaji Abdulkadir said that Musa's followers had threatened to
set Gombe town on fire if their leader was not released on the very day he was
invited for questioning. He said that the sole administrator later ordered the
fanatics to move out of Gombe within three days but that they refused to move
out until fighting broke out between the group and the police.

Cross-examined by the counsel for the commission, Mr Hakila Heman, the district
head said that it was easy to identify the fanatics because most of them were
young, clean-shaven and wore the same type of dress. He, however} said that it
was difficult to tell what their grievances were since they did not mix freely
or discuss their problems with other people.

Alhaji Abdulkadir said that on April 27, a day after the disturbances started,
the village and ward heads of Pantami recovered a gun, a carton containing ammu-
nition and some grenades which were abandoned by the fanatics. He said that

the recovered items were taken to the emir's palace from where they were later
handed over to the police.

cso: 3400/221

19



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

MARAIS DECLARES SUPPORT OF LE GRANGE, CRITICIZES LEFT
Pretoria DIE AFRIKANZR in Afrikaans 3 Apr 85 p 1
[Article: "HNP Supports Le Grange: Attack on the Police"]

(Text] The South African police is the target of a vehement
attack by leftists after the most recent series of distur-
bances in Uitenhage, where several blacks were killed.

Domestically, the PFP [Progressive Federal Party] is at the forefront of this
attack, which is aiming, through propaganda, to restrict the effectiveness of
the police in maintaining public order.

The insistence last week that the minister of law and order, Mr Louis le Grange,
should resign is a continuation of the leftist attack that has been pursued
against Mr Le Grange for months.

Both the PFP and the government's coalition partners in the multiracial gov-
ernment, the Labor Party and the National People's Party [NPP], have demanded
that Mr Le Grange step down.

In an interesting statement, the leader of the HNP [Reconstituted National
Party], Mr Jaap Marais, welcomed the fact that the state president rejected
this demand by the leftists.

Mr Marais says that Mr Le Grange occupies a critical position in the present
unrest, and that the demands for his resignation by political parties, under
the leadership of the PFP, provide undeniable proof of the fact that they are
on the side of those causing the disturbances, and against those preserving
law and order.

“As minister of law and order, Mr Le Grange represents the police force," Mr
Marais says. "The leftist demands for his resignation are actually aimed at
the police. They know that if Mr Le Grange were to resign right now, it would
reflect adversely on the police. It is a well-known strategy of leftist poli-
tics and of those causing unrest to attack the symbols of law and order and to
accuse them of being the cause of mishaps during periods of unrest.

31



South Africa, would like to say to the people of Mozambique, we were inspired
by their performance in the period when they fought for their own independence.
We are inspired by the efforts which they are making in their own country to
defend at all costs the successes that they scored in their struggle for the
freedom of their struggle. We hope that the marauding MNR that is threatening
the independence of the people will be contained, and that, therefore, the
people of Mczambique may be left in peace both by the government of South
Africa which we must say to them: It does not represent parties of the South
African people. The type of things, the type of policies which it is adopting,
which threaten the independence of Mozambique, the invasion of Mozambique, as
for instance in-:1981, those things have no support by us, the masses of the
people in this country, and we want to say to the people of Mozambique: Defend
your freedom. We, on our part, we will do all in our power to make sure that
you are successful in that mission. We also want to say that while you build
your freedom in Mozambique, we hope that tomorrow we will get our own inde-
pendence. You will have gone far enough to be able to help us, to be able to
pass on to us your experiences of reconstructing a country, of building genuine
freedom for the peasants and for the workers, for the intellectuals, for pro-
gressive, you know, people in this country, that we may be able to have [word
indistinct] them. We are saying that the commitment of the people of our
country is for a future in [words indistinct] between our respective countries.
And that we jointly may make a contribution to world peace [words indistinct]
nations of the world, upholding the supremacy of the human being, no matter
what the color of their skin. [End recording]

cso: 3400/171

55



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

CAPE LEADERS MISSING--The United Democratic’ Front [UDF] in the eastern Cape says
it has been unable to trace three (PEDCO) [expansion unknown] leaders who dis-
appeared more than a week ago, but families and relatives are convinced that
they are being held -by police. Mike Louw has this report: [Louw] It is now

a week since three leaders of the Port Elizabeth [word indistinct] disappeared
into thin air, but the UDF East Cape President Edgar Ngoyi says although the
UDF search has failed, family and residents know where they are. [Begin Ngoyi
recording] Our attempts to find the (PEDCO) leadership has failed. Families
and relatives are very concerned and convinced that they are in police hands,
but even though police deny this the latest rumors are that they are kept in

one of the police stations in Port Elizabeth. [end recording] [Louw] However,
the police have issued a telegram denying that the three men, President [Qwaqwa
Wolidelozi), Organizing Secretary [Champion Golelo), and Secretary General
(Sipho Hashe) are in police detention. [Text] [Umtata Capital Radio in English
1900 GMT 15 May 85 MB]

UDF OFFICES SEARCHED BY POLICE--The Secretary of the United Democratic Front
{UDF] in the Western Cape, Mr Trevor Manuel, says the offices of the UDF in
Cape Town have been searched by the South African Security Police. The UDF is
an umbrella body of organizations opposed to the political system in South
Africa. The police liaison officer for the Western Cape, Captain Jan Calitz,
has said police had searched the offices but would not confirm that documents
had been taken. Several members of the UDF have been charged with treason in
recent months. [Text] [Johannesburg International Service in English 1500 GMT
16 May 85 MB]

LESOTHO ORDER PATROL ROAD DISCUSSED--Representatives of several groups have met
at Ladybrand to discuss the proposed patrol road on the border between South
Africa and Lesotho. About 44 problem areas were discussed at the meeting, and
solutions were suggested for the road, which will be about 450 km long. The
meeting was attended by representatives of the defense force, the police, the
border committee, the Department of Public Works and Land Affairs, the Depart-
ment of Constitutional Development and Planning, and the Free State Roads depart-
ment, and there is a note that construction on the road will begin shortly.
[Text] [Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 16 May 85 MB]

73



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

NIGERIA

NAN ON FINANCIAL RESERVES, NAIRA IN CIRCULATION
ABO42035 Lagos NAN in English 1755 GMT 4 April 85

[Text] Lagos, April 4 (NAN)--Nigeria's reserves for 1984 reached a peak
1.143,8 million naira in December, according to the Central Bank's returns
of assets and liabilities for last year. The returns, made available to
the NEWS AGENCY OF NIGERIA (NAN) yesterday, shows that the country recorded
the lowest level of N566 million in February while the reserves stood at
N1,030.7 million in June and N1.142.4 million in October.

According to the returns, total liabilities for 1984 stood at an average of
N13,708.6 million. The first quarter had an average level of N14,130.7
million, which declined to N13,404.1 million in the second quarter, while
the level rose to N13,528 million in the third quarter and to N13,770.9
million in the last quarter.

The report noted that currency in circulation during the year under review
was largely affected by the currency exchange carried out in the months of
April, May and June. Monthly figures of currency in circulation during
the period showed that the level declined from N5,378.7 million in April
to N3,152.3 million in May, a 41.40 percent drop, but the level picked up
slightly in June with N3,995.3 million in circulation and rose by 17.26
percent or N4,685.1 million in July.

The report showed, however, that Nigeria's total external reserves declined
in January this year to N1,005,681,222 from the December 1984 position of
N1.14 billion. It showed that as at close of business on Jan. 31, 1985,

the reserve was made up of N19,009 million in gold, N63.808 million worth of
IMF. gold tranche and N8,674 million worth of special drawing rights. The
foreign: government securities and balances with foreign banks amounted to
N914.18 million.

The country.'’s total assets for the month of January stood at about N14
billion while currency in circulation for the month stood at N5.16 billion
as against N5.34 billion in previous month. The December figure of cur-
rency in circulation represented a 5.52 percent increase, compared with the
November figure of N5,067.5 million.

cso: 3400/215 25



FINANCIAL AGREEMENTS WITH FRANCE--Eight financial agreement were signed
today between Zaire and France. The Executive Council and the French
Government were represented by Citizen Lengema Dulia, the secretary of
state for international cooperation, and Jean Kientz, the French ambassador
to Zaire, respectively. The agreements, which were signed at the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, totalled 25 million CFA
francs. [Text] [Kinshasa Domestic Service in French 1800 GMT 3 Apr 85]

LUFTHANSA FLIGHTS RESUME--Kinshasa, 4 Apr (AZAP/PANA)--The German airline
company "Lufthansa" will soon resume its flights to Kinshasa with two
flight a week. Mr. Schmidt, the company's director general, currently on

a visit to Zaire, announced this at a meeting with Muyulu Mumbonga, Zairian
minister of transport and communications. Mr Schmidt and Air Zaire offi-
cials are currently working out the practical modalities for the resump-
tion of "Lufthansa's" services to Zaire. {Excerpt] [Dakar PANA in French
1012 GMT 4 Apr 85]

cso: 3400/216

91



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

BOTSWANA .

BRIEFS

CROSS-BORDER COMMUNICATIONS--The deputy permanent secretary in the Ministry.of
Works and Communications, Mr James Busang, has said that Botswana is proposing
the introduction of high frequency, mobile, cross-border radio communications
licenses in order that uniform treatment could be given to cross-border trans-
porters. Officially opening the fourth meeting of experts on road traffic and
transport at Gaborone Sun today, Mr Busang said transporters have quite often
experienced problems in communicating with their home bases when in difficulty
outside their countries. He emphasized that the meeting is one of the main
endeavors to achieve the objectives set by the heads of state in the Lusaka
Declaration of 1 April in 1980. Delegates attending the meeting are from
Malawi, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Tanzania, Botswana, and Angola. [Excerpts]
{Gaborone Domestic Service in English 1110 GMT 13 May 85 MB]

CSO: 3400/229



RED CROSS UNAWARE OF UNITA SUSPENSION OF TIES--The International Red Cross in

Geneva says it has no knowledge of a statement made in London by a UNITA spokes~

man that the Angolan movement has decided to suspend all links with the Red

Cross. A spokesman for the Red Cross told our Africa Desk that she was surprised .
about the decision, as the Red Cross and UNITA had worked together for many years.
The spokesman said the Red Cross has also learned with surprise that a French
humanitarian organization was negotiating the release of an English engineer
captured in a mining town in northern Angola last week. The Portuguese service
of the BBC quoted the spokesman as saying that the decision was due to a state-
ment published by the Red Cross which cited UNITA as being responsible for the
deterioration of the economic and political situation in Angola. [Text]
[Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 1115 GMT 15 May 85 MB]

LABOR PROJECTS PLANNED--The government is to start labor intensive projects
both inside and outside the national states in an attempt to fight unemploy-
ment. The minister of the cooperation, development and education, Dr Gerrit
Viljoen, says in a statement issued in Cape Town that the potenital for jobs
inside and outside the national states numbers about 30,000. Fifty-three
million rand of the 100 million rand set aside by the government for the fight
against unemployment has been allocated to Dr Viljoen's department. The pro-
jects will include the establishment of infrastructures, do-it-yourself housing
schemes and the upgrading of hostels, and labor intensive schemes in the rural
areas of self-governing national states. Fourteen million rand have been made
available to the Department of Foreign Affairs for job creation in the inde-
pendent states. [Text] [Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 10
May 85 MB]

CORN FARMERS MEET AGRICULTURE MINISTER--An amendment to the present marketing
arrangements for maize is currently under consideration and will be finalized
by the end of September. There is also the possible that the amendment will
include a change in the composition of the Maize Board. This was said ina
statement in Cape Town by the minister of agriculture, economics, and water
affairs, Mr Greyling Wentzel, after his talks with the NAMPO [National Maize
Producers’ Organization] executive in Pretoria. Mr Wentzel said the govern-
ment had refused to reinstate NAMPO members to the Maize Board after they had
resigned in protest at the decision not to increase the producer price of
maize. The minister made it clear, however, that it was probable that the
appointment of members to the Maize Board would be reconsidered once the amend-
ment and been finalized. For the time being he had made an offer to NAMPO to
submit to him via the South African Agricultural Union the names of four NAMPO
executive members who were not among those who had resigned. Mr Wentzel said
he was prepared to appoint two of those members, whose names had to be sub-
mitted to the board. The NAMPO executive has made it clear that it is not
prepared to accept the minister's offer at this stage. [Text] [Johannesburg
Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 10 May 85 MB]

UNBANNING OF ANC, PAC URGED--A prominent South African church leader has called
on the government to lift its ban on the ANC and the Pan-Africanist Congress,
PAC. The general secretary of the South African Council of Churches, SACC,
Beyers Naude, says these movements should be unbanned so they can operate as
political parties inside South Africa. Speaking at the University of Cape

74



A major achievement is a national
consensus which appreciates this
problem and in unity and sufficient
Clarity to begin to deal with the
problem of underdevelopment,
understanding internal situation,
understanding the regional set-up in
which we ~are working and
understanding the international set-
up in which we are functioning.

I think as a nati juite
clear of our posi and
quite clear of what we ought to do
Rot on our own but, in cooperation
with other Third World countries
both in Africa and outside Africa to
tackle the — problem —_—of,
underdevelopment.

Q:— Considering that you are
now about to retire; what do you
see as the main task of the
Africans and what does the
future hold for the continent?

A:— Last November when the
OAU met they decided that now
we must put on the agenda ( I
hope permanently) of the OAU.
the economic liberation of the
continent. 1 am hoping (also) that
‘we will take more seriously the
objective of the OAU; not just
liberation but unity. Unity also as
an instrument of that liberation,
not simply the goal but as in-

strument of that liberation

‘When we were fighting for in-
dependence from colonialism, we
supported one another. We neve:
undermined one another: never.
You would look like a trator if
one nationalist. movement un-
dermined another _ nationalist
movement in that first phase of
the struggle. It would be looked
upon as treacherous,

In the second phase there is
some feeling that Tanzania can
undermine Zimbabwe and
Zimbabwe can undermine Tan-
zania without being regarded as
traitors. But it is much more im-
portant now to work together:
That is why I hope that in the
second phase of our liberation.
we will also work for African
unity because it is a necessity and
an instrument of that total
liberation.

Q:— Considering that thereri:
the problem between the Sahrav
Democratic Republic and e:
panslonist Morocco, how do you
see it being resolved?

A:— That probles: will continue.
In the last two or thice years it
took a different dimension — a
divisive one in the OAU. It vir-
tually paralysed the OAU which
was very nonsensical. That has

gone but the real issue reinains:
The independence of the people of
Sahara trom the ovcupation of
their country by Morocco. It is
continuing and J think it will con-
tinue in the same way
“Namibia. These peopie will have,
to struggle until the colonial
power leaves them. *
Q:— What concrete steps is the
OAU taking to ensure that the
Indian Ocean remains a nuclear
free zone?
A:— Lam not quite sure that the
Indian Qvean is a nuclear-free
zone. The United States is in-
volved in the Indian Ocean. | am
not quite sure that it (the US) does
not use or carry nuclear weapons
around this area. The Soviet
Union is involved in the Indian
Ocean. I don’t believe the Indian
Ocean is a nuclear-free zone. We
want it to be a nuclear'free zone.
We shall continue to struggle in
the United Nations to get support
that the Indian Ocean should be
declared a nuclear-free zone and
that all nuclear powers should
respect that. And we will con-
tinue doing it in the Non-Aligned
Movement, but in the sense that
this is one of those struggles that
will have to continue.
Considering that the ob-
jective of the Non-Aligned
Movement, was to balance bet-
ween the blocs, do you think
this role was being achieved?
A:— I think the main objective of
the Non-Aligned countries was to
safeguard their. = own in-
dependence in a world which had
been polarised * between an
Eastern bloc and a Westen
bloc; and where there was a
kind of demand: a kind of ex-
pectation that as these countries
became independence, one by one
would decide whether to belong
i the Eastern bloc or the Western
loc.

When the Movement was for-
mulated there were very few
members and now the Non-
Aligned ‘Movement has a large
number of countries; some of
them are very friendly to the
astern re mm te
Wostn bloc and ‘some of them fo the
But I think the Non- Aligned
Movement’ still insisting that
whatever their bilateral leanings,
there should be a refusal to be
drawn into automatic support of
one side or the other irrespective
of the issue as if we were aligned
.members of NATO or the War-

saw Pact.

80

And I think basically we haves
been consisted to that objective
and today -the Non-Aligned
Movement, has greater influence
than when it started and I think it
is being accepted, recognised as
such today much more than it
was when it was founded.

Q:— What role do you see your-
self playing in Tanzanian and
African politics after your
retirement as the President of
Tanzania and Chama Cha
Mapinduzi?

A:— First within Tanzania for a
couple of years 1 will remain
Chairman of my Party and to the
extent that that Party has a
leadership role in the country |
will continue playing a role
within-the Party within Tanzania.

Within the international com-
munity, 1 am citizen of this
world. My experience where |
have been for all these ycars has
given’ me some awareness of
what is going on in the world. |
am made aware of what is going
in the world and 1 hope as a
citizen of the world. and
particulariy as African citizen and
of the Third World. I will piay
my role in whatever form I can,
Q:— Coming to the question of a
one Party state system, from
your experiences what are the
advantages and how would you
see this being achieved in Zim-
bahwe?
Am 1

don't think 1 can
Pronounce on Zimbabwe. but I
can tell you we virtually became
a one-party state because frankly
we have had no other parties.
The nationalist movement here
was so dominant that it was
Tidiculous to think otherwise . ex-
cept through a one-party system.
What we did was really to
legalise 'a fact of life.

The political fact was that at in-
dependence we were a massive
‘organisation with nothing else to
compete with us. So without
legalising it we would have run
into unnecessary. troubles. We
legalised the position. But it has
helped us. I was not ideologically
committed to a single party system
at all because my own training
was western training politically
and I accepted the multi-party
system, but we didn't have the
other party. So we accepted the
reality.

But in a sense, today I am glad
that was our position because we
are very proud of the unity of my
country. I am not sure that we
would have this untiy of which



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

DIPLOMATS GRADUATE FROM COURSE OFFERED IN PORTUGUAL
Lisbon DIARIO DE NOTICIAS in Portuguese 5 Apr 85 p 3

{Text] Minister of Foreign Affairs Jaime Gama presented diplomas yesterday to
the nine individuals completing the fourth diplomatic-consular training course

in Lisbon.

The nine finalists, four from Cape Verde, three from Guinea, and two from Sao
Tome, successfully completed the 6-month course which was offered in the
premises of the National Administration Institute, under the direction of
Ambassador Calvet de Magalhaes.

On this occasion, Secretary of State for Cooperation Eduardo Ambar said that
this was the fourth course offered for diplomatic officials from African
nations, and he added the following:

"It is with activities like this one...that Portugal, which speaks not only
the same language but in the same idiom, in a single voice, is making its
policy of cooperation concrete and clear."

Eduardo Ambar further expressed his respect for the students, who have
revealed "great qualities and dedication, and above all, interest, which is
the reason for the satisfaction and justified pride of their countries of
origin as well as Portugal, which also shares these feelings."

5157
CSO: 3442/251



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

TANZANIA

NYERERE DISCUSSES SOUTHERN AFRICAN, GLOBAL, DOMESTIC ISSUES

Dar es Salaam SUNDAY NEWS in English 21 Apr 85 p 7

{Interview by President Julius Nyerere with a Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation

television crew; date

[Text]

and place not given]

PRESIDENT .Nyerere recently granted a wide-

ranging interview to a two-man television crew of
the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC). The
issues covered included the situation in southern
Africa, the global situation and internal social and

economic developments.

QUESTION: — How do you
see the situation in Southern
Africa in general to date and
_What factors are likely to in-
fluence the future of Namibia
; and South Africa? *_
ANSWER: In general in southern
Africa now we have three areas
of struggle: Namibia itself where
the struggle is obvious and we
have South Africa where again
the need for struggle is obvious.
But also the Frontline States is an
area of struggle — where apar-
theid is by its nature aggressive.
That is why apartheid will cling
or try to cling to Nariibia as a
buffer. And that is al: why apar-
theid will try to create other buf-
fers.

The racists were very happy
before Mozambique, Angola and
Zimbabwe became independent
because they had that colonial
buffer. It was destroyed. That did
not please them. They would like
to restore that buffer by creating
Puppet governments in those
areas, Inevitably they — will
destabilise those countries. And
that is why apartheid will oppress
its own people internally because
that oppression is not an end in it-
self, but it means also of main-
taining the system of apartheid.

The answer naturally is
struggle. There is no way in those
areas in which you can reach
freedom except through struggle.
Q: — During the struggle for in-
dependence for both Mozam-
bique and Zimbabwe, Tanzania
played the crucial role of
providing rear bases and military
training. Considering that this
‘has proved somewhat difficult for
;the two countries to provide the
‘same facilities for liberation
movements in South Africa,
what do you see as the logical
strategy for the successful
execution of the liberation
struggle of Azania? ,

A: — It has never been the in-
“tention of the Frontline States and
‘T think it would have been wrong
for the Frontline States to want
Mozambique, Zimbabwe and the
other Frontline States to do for
the freedom fighters of South
Africa what we did for the

freedom fighters of Angola,
Mozambique, Zimbabwe and
Namibia — give them rear bases

where they have camps, train,
‘arm their fighters and then send
them to the countries concerned
for liberation. It would have been
wrong to do that. We do not
want it happen.

78

But nevertheless the struggle
will go on inside South Africa
and inside Namibia. The training
will have to go on; the training
will take place basically inside
South Africa and inside Namibia
and does not have to be carried
on within the Frontline States.
Training can be done anywhere
where it can been carried out
Q: — ‘The question of Namibia's
Independence as laid out by UN
Resolution 435 seems to have
become a matter of discussion
rather than of implementation.
What in your opinion would be
the, appropriate action on the
GAIT Of all those involve? ©”

A: — Basically we are stuck in
the implementation of Security
Council Resolution 435 because
Qf the American linkage: That
there is not going to be the im-
plementation of that resolution
until Cubans have left Angola
This is an impossible condition
and the Angolans cannot accept
it. The Angolans cannot agree
that the Cuban troops which
came to help them in the first
place because their country was
invaded by South Africa with
connivance or theshelp of CIA
(Central Intelligence Agency),



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

UGANDA

BRIEFS

MEDICAL AGREEMENT WITH PRC--The minister of health, Dr Ezra Nkwasibwe and the
Chinese ambassador to Uganda have signed an agreement in accordance with
which China will send more medical personnel to work in Uganda. . [Summary]
[Kampala Domestic Service in English 1000 GMT 17 Apr 85]

NEW WEEKLY PAPER--Among the highlights of Labor Day celebrations yesterday
was the appearance of the NATIONAL MIRROR newspaper. This is a weekly
publication currently selling in Kampala and some up country towns.
Observers think that it is a paper which is fairly distinctive, depicting
broad perspective of events in the country and Africa. Copies of the paper
are being sold at 250 Uganda Shillings. [Text] [Kampala Domestic Service
in English 1700 GMT 2 May 85]

BRITISH MILITARY ADVISORY TEAM--[as heard throughtout] Letters extending the
memorandum of understanding regarding the work of the British military
advisory team in Uganda have been exchanged between the Minister of State
for Defence Mr Peter Otai and British minister of state for Her Majesty's
Armed Forces, Mr John Paul Stanley. The ceremony took place in Jinja.

Mr Otai expressed gratitude to Her Majesty's government for accepting
Uganda's request to renew the memorandum of understanding. He reported
that the British military advisory training team has brought a remarkable
change in the Uganda Army. The minister of state for Her Majesty's Armed
Forces: Mr Stanley said he was very happy to learn of the contribution
and the success of the British military advisory team in Uganda, so this

is why Her Majesty's government had considered the Uganda Government's
request to extend the memorandum of understanding for a third year to
enable the team to continue its work. [Excerpt] [Kampala Domestic Service
in English 1400 GMT 13 Apr 85]

cso: 3400/216

89



That is, that the economic demands which will be made on this country in the
years to come will be unprecedented. In another 30 years or so, its population
will increase by 50 percent.

Feeding, housing, clothing, and providing even the most elementary services for
the people will require the creation of some 1,000 jobs a day in this period,
necessitating an annual economic growth rate of 5 or 6 percent. That, in turn,
creates an urgent necessity for expanding opportunities for education and
training, itself the most potent single factor in the drive to reduce the popu-
lation growth rate.

It is clearly imperative that the educational program that has seen the number
of black matriculants increase nearly eight-fold in the past 7 years should be
maintained and even accelerated.

Such are the fixed realities of the South African situation. They present an
extraordinarily complex challenge to political planners, but the challenge must
be taken up. To evade it--to propagate policies that simply ignore such
realities--is both futile and, in the country's present circumstances, danger-
ously misleading.

CSO: 3400/228

57



you know, fire workers or take any particular measures against the working
class. We are committed to that. We will participate, we will support.

[Vasconcelos] In the first months of this year the governmental repression has
been growing up as shown by the events in Crossroads and Langa, and the trial
treasons [as heard] and the banning of meetings and other measures. What will
be the consequences of this factor? Would it tend to decrease the mass move-
ment or on the contrary to make it stronger?

[Lekota] The repression of the government is calculated to undermine the re-
sistance of the people, to undermine the (?dampening) of spirit. I think on
the other hand if events in the eastern Cape, especially after Langa, in
Uitenhage, are anything to go by, clearly repression seems to provoke more and
more calculated forms of resistance. Certainly, it does not destroy the re-
sistance. What it does call for is increased amount of coercion. We will
therefore see more organizations [word indistinct] the.arbitrary repression
which [words indistinct] of the state employ must inspire a formal attitude on
the part of the people and more determined efforts to rid our society of
apartheid. [Words indistinct] that is what. government wants. I think, in
fact, in the short term [words indistinct] it will not destroy the movement,
certainly not. I think in the long term we will find that there is going to
be a resurgence of the movement, in that [words indistinct] it will grow
stronger and stronger until finally it will not be in a position [words in-
distinct] by the government. So, I think, you know, the government's belief
that it can use force to undermine the determination of the people who struggle
for freedom is a miscalculation on their part. I think it will have a counter-
effect. And in fact, [words indistinct] we don't want to see happening, and .
that [words indistinct] will be only to harden and stimulate our people in the
struggle. More and more people will come forward, prepared to make, you know,
even bigger sacrifices than those who've gone before them. We remain [words
indistinct]. We have confidence in the capacity of our people to rise up to
[the] occasion. They will not be full of (?ideals). We will not act with
blind anger. We will think issues out. We will come out systematic but with
a lot of determination and much strength and will.

[Vasconcelos] How do you see the role of the United States in South Africa?
Do you think its role is determinant for the policy of the government?

[Lekota] I think that there can be no doubt about the fact...[change of
thought] I think largely also because of its support of the Botha regime.

The American Government has got more credibility with the nationalists. To
that extent, clearly it has, because of its (?influence) in the govenrment
levels, it does play an important role in terms of influencing issues. I
recall that ever since Mozambique signed the Nkomati Accord with South Africa,
the U.S. Government actually, you know, played [words indistinct] a major role
in terms of that accord. May be not so much on the part of the Mozambican
Government, but clearly, you know, they would have played a major role in

terms of influencing the Afrikaners to move toward [word indistinct] the
Nkomati pact. This clearly shows that the Americans have got a fair amount of
influence here. If one looks, for instance, even in the case of South-West
Africa in the Angolan matter. Clearly, Chester Crocker, you know, was constant-

53



REHABILITATION OF INDUSTRY--In an interview given to the experimental television,
Antonio Branco, the minister of industry and energy, has revealed that foreign
investments were being mobilized to rehabilitate a number of industrial units

in the country. The program of rehabilitation, which involves small and big
industries, is.considered a priority in solving the crisis facing the industrial
sector. Antonio Branco gave as an example the field of textiles, where major
efforts toward rehabilitation were being carried out with assistance from

France, China, and a number of international institutions. The rehabilitation
program involves increasing production, modernizing of the system of technology,
training, and coordination with other sectors of the national economy. According
to the minister of industry and energy, the rehabilitation program also covers
units connected with agriculture such as Agro~alfa, and the production of hoes
in Beira, as well as the production of water pumps and the recovery of small
metal and mechanical units. [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1700
GMT 11 May 85 MB] .

CSO: 3400/192

15



INSTALLATION OF MARNET ALMOST COMPLETE

Johannesburg ARMED FORCES in English Apr 85 pp 23, 24

[Text]

The installation of the Marnet (Military Area Radio Net-
work) for the Republic and South West Africa is almost
complete. The system provides a 24 hour civil defence
network that will have a number of applications.

An emergency radio communications system, designed
specifically to provide communications and alarm facilities for
both civilians and military commandos in remote or sensitive
areas, has been put into action in large parts of the Republic
and South West Africa by the South African Defence Force.

The Military Area Radio Network, or MARNET, has the three-
fold purpose of facilitating command and control of comman-
dos, or providing an information gathering (intelligence) ser-
vice, and of being used as a civilian emergency system in the
event of a terrorist attack, armed burglary. or any other crisis.

MARNET is part of a national awareness programme to in-
crease preparedness for civil emergencies. Marnet is an exten-
sion of the civil defence infrastructure found in major cities and
towns for use in rural areas in which there is no municipal in-
volvement.

It is manned by SADF personnel, except in a few cases
where it is monitored by SAP. The MARNET system at present
covers 75% of the country.

The system has been installed to cater for both Military
emergencies Civil Defence action where prompt reporting and
effective communication for co-ordination are essential to
reduce the potential loss of life and minimise damage. Ex.
amples are terrorist threats, major accidents or a bush fire.

The physical size of South Africa invariably puts farmers in
remote areas out of reach of neighbours and emergency ser-
vices. To make matters worse, the normal telephone com-
munication systems are inadequate to meet the potential risks
they are exposed to. These and other factors have motivated
the State to allocate funds for the MARNET system.

MARNET was designed and developed by Barcom Elec-
tronics, under contract to Armscor. The system superficially
looks like any other commerciai/professional 2-way radio
system until one looks at the detail of facilities, and the design
specifications aimed at achieving extended survival in arugged
environment.

44

JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


PROFESSOR DISCUSSES OBSTACLES TO CHANGE

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 19 Apr 85 p

(Article by Gavin Engelbrecht]

[Text] The obstacles to mean-

cso:

ingful change in South
Africa lie in the apart-
heid system itself, says
Professor A Stadler, head
of political studies at
Wits University.

He told a panel discus-
sion last night the Gov-
ernment was capable
only of developing elabo-
rations and variations on

“For 30 years,” he said,
“white South Africa has
lurched from one crisis to
another in the belief that
increasing repression,
combined with co-option
of, and concessions to,
specific groups could
avert more far-reaching
changes.”

Professor Stadler told
the discussion, entitled
“K Decade of Change?”
that conflicting forces
had polarised sharply
over the last 10 years
while the State had in-
creased its repressive
powers.

And major riots every
-year along with escalat-
ing strikes and boycotts

3400/151

had generated a new mo-
mentum with one form
of resistance leading to
another.

President Botha’s re-
form programme was es-
sentially a defensive
strategy against the push
for change from below

and thus an impediment
to significant reforms,
said Professor Stadler.

One intention of re-
forms initiated by Presi-
dent Botha in the 1970s
was to replace racial cri-
teria with market princi-
ples in determining ac-
cess to the capitalist so-
cial order.

But there were limits
to the extent to which
such principles could
transform the political
and social structures of
society.

Professor Stadler said
the policy of controlled
urbanisation was intend-
ed to modify rather than
to eliminate the system.

48

JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

11


[Brako] Are you saying then doctor that after 5 years of existence, SADCC has
not really lived up to its expectations?

[Makoni] No, I am not saying that. SADCC has in fact made major achievements
in 5 years, and I would like to say really, at the risk of blowing our own trum-
pets, that compared to several other regional organizations, SADCC has made a
great achievement in a period of 5 years. And I must emphasize that 5 years

is a very short time to assess a development process. And what we are engaged
in is not an event; it is a process to uproot what has been entrenched over the
many decades, if not centuries, that the economies of southern Africa have been
deliberately oriented toward South Africa, and in some cases even integrated
into appendages of the South African economy. We can't undo that in 5 years,
and so I would think that we have made progress. And we must also bear in mind,
SADCC was formed at a time when the world recession was just taking a firm grip,
the region was in the grip of a very severe drought and destabilization by South
Africa to almost all of our member states, poor Losotho, Botswana here,
Mozambique, Zimbabwe. We can't talk about Angola, which is occupied. It was

a very hostile security atmosphere, and yet we've been able to make progress

in 5 years. I think we have a lot to be proud of in 5 years. [End recording]

cso: 3400/229

77



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

GHANA

FRG AGRICULTURAL PROJECT EVALUATION TEAM ARRIVES
ABO72045 Accra Domestic Service in English 1800 GMT 7 May 85

(Text] A 5-man team from the FRG is in the country to evaluate agricultural
projects being jointly sponsored by Ghana and West Germany under the Ghanaian-
German Economic Cooperation Agreement. The projects to be evaluated include
the Ghana-German Agricultural Development Project in Tamale, the veterinary
laboratory of Kpong-Tamale, the agricultural research station at Nyamkpala,
and the Department of Agro-Engineering of the University of Science and
Technology in Kumasi.

Speaking in Accra where the team called on him, the secretary of agriculture,
Dr Adjei-Maafo, said the government is currently laying emphasis on the
processing, preservation, and storage of foodstuffs. This is because over the
years there has been too much waste of precious food items, especially during
harvesting seasons due to lack of preservation and storage facilities. He
assured the team that all the projects being funded by West Germany in the
country are making significant impact on the country's economy. To this end,
he appealed to the German Government to continue to offer its assistance to
the projects.

Replying on behalf of the team, the West German ambassador, Mr. Vogel, assured
Dr Adjei-Maafo that the team will discharge its duties faithfully and make

its recommendation to the East German Ministry for Economic Cooperation. He
hoped the secretary will offer the team the needed cooperation to enable it

to carry out its work successfully.

The leader of the team, Dr T. (Fred Schonhart) of the West German Institute
for Economic Research, hoped during their l-month stay they will be ina

better position to see at first hand which areas need the urgent assistance
of the West German Government.

cso: 3400/187

10



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

FINAL PART OF INTERVIEW WITH UDF'S LEKOTA
MB080747 Maputo in English to Southern Africa 1800 GMT 6 May 85

(Third and final part of ‘tnterview with United Democratic Front [UDF] Publicity
Secretary Patrick Lekota in South Africa by AIM correspondent Leite de Vascon-
celos on "Spotlight Southern Africa" program presented by Iain Christie--date
not given]

[Text] The day after we broadcast the first part of the interview, 3 weeks
ago, Mr Lekota was arrested in South Africa. There was no apparent connection
between the broadcast and the arrest. In today's final part, Vasconcelos
begins by asking Mr Lekota about the UDF's relations with South African trade
unions. Patrick "Terror" Lekota replies: The foundation and (?teachings),
from apartheid to a new order. The ball is on the court of the government and
the PFP allow themselves [words indistinct] respond to the demands that (?they)
have made and what role they will play in terms of assisting the process.

[Begin recording] [Lekota] We have always made clear right from the beginning
of our commitment to the struggle of the people of Africa is also a commitment
to the struggle of the working people of our country. So the issue of the re-
lations between the UDF and the trade union movement is one of the key (?issues)
that have given us sleepless nights and will continue to occupy our attention
for a long time to come. Certainly, we are sympathetic to the efforts of the
trade unions, for instance, (?to build) [words indistinct] mutual benefit to

us in our country. We certainly stand fully behind that. We see the struggles
of the UDF have been [words indistinct] at the same time the very [word indis-
tinct] is central to the struggles of the working class, I mean, fighting high
rents, fighting forced removals, fighting against removal, fighting (?demands)
{word indistinct] and so on. It is all part and parcel of the struggle of

the working class, and there is no way therefore in which we can ignore the
question of the trade union movement. We believe, in fact, that increasingly
as the struggle goes on we will be able, first of all that we are committed

{as heard] to winning friendship (?as home) and we believe that for even more
effective political action the UDF must win the support of the trade union
movement. We will therefore continue to go out of our way one more time both
to achieve [words indistinct] to draw closer towards those other unions which
are not affiliated with the front, and to do everything in our power to support
the campaigns of the working class, the trade unions of this country, for in-
stance boycotts, of, you know, companies which will expell workers, arbitrarily,

52



Committee To Probe Indian Land Needs

(THE CITIZEN, 4 May 85).....-eeseeee dee e eee eeereeeee see. 61
Plans for Kwazulu, Natal *

(THE CITIZEN, 4 May 85)...-..eeeeeeeeee se deteeeeeeeeeeenes 62
Afrikaner Women Demand Preservation of Sex Laws v

(DIE AFRIKANER, 10 Apr 85).......-. tee eee cence ew eee be eneee 63
Pro- SWAPO Advocate Stripped of SADF Rank

(DAILY NEWS, 22 Apr 85)....seeeeeeesoee beeen eee e ee ceeeees 65
AZAPO Members Injured in Azasm, Azaso Confrontation

(Ali Mphaki; SOWETAN, 23 Apr 85)....eeeeseeeeeee tence eens 66
Citizen Views Bomb Blasts, ANC Activities

(Editorial; THE CITIZEN, 2 May 85).......... see ede e ee eeee 68
Shut Transkei Consular Offices Call

(DAILY DISPATCH, 17 Apr 85)..+ssseseeeeeeeceees see eeees 70
No Funds To Rebuild Schools Damaged in Unrest

(SAPA, 9 May 85)..seececceeeeeeceees sec eeeeeeeeeeues seeeee 71
Briefs

Cape Leaders Missing 73

UDF Offices Searched by Police 73

Lesotho Order Patrol Road Discussed 73

Red Cross Unaware of UNITA Suspension of Ties 74

Labor Projects Planned 74

Corn Farmers Meet Agriculture Minister 74

Unbanning of ANC, PAC Urged 74

No Formal Links With AWB 75

Misinformation on SADF 75

FRG Businessmen's Contribution 75

SWAZILAND

SADCC Official Comments on Swazi-RSA Ties
(BBC, 14 May 85)..ceceeecceceseeveeee Steere eee eeeeene see 76

TANZANIA

Nyerere Discusses Southern African, Global, Domestic Issues

(Julius Nyere Interview; SUNDAY NEWS, 21 Apr 85).. 78
Ideology, Succession, Role of the Party
(David Wheeler; SUNDAY NEWS, 7, 14 Apr 85).. 82



He has also used used his considerable influence overseas in an attempt to
prevent disinvestment.

Not that he is satisfied with the pace of change. Last year he said bluntly
that "the undoubted risks involved in accelerating the rate of internal
change are risks that ought to be taken."

Nevertheless, he added that Mr P. W. Botha had "set us on a new course and we
wish him good’ fortune on his move." .

Speaking in New York, he urged South Africans and friends of South Africa to
accept the new constitution as a béginning, while at the same time pressing
strongly for a share for the blacks in central power.

It was quite wrong to think of the new dispensation as a sham, or as a device
to entrench apartheid in some new form, he said.

"The government's prestige is fully committed to consensus politics and this
in itself gives substantial power to coloureds and Indians."

And he added: "South Africa is at last on the move, economically, socially
and politically."

More recently, the AMC television's Nightline programme, Mr Oppenheimer warned
Americans that disinvestment could push South African into a conflict situation
that would be a disaster for Blacks.

Mr Oppenheimer, in a speech last month in London, suggested that the govern-
ment would have to talk to the ANC and the United Democratic Front if there
was to be peaceful change.

But he fell far short of ANC demands when he said that he was in favour of
one man, one vote within a "fancy" constitutional arrangement guaranteeing the
protection of individual and group rights.

The aim of the ANC is to topple the White regime by violence--and, as was the
case with revolutionary movements elsewhere in Africa, it wants one man, one
vote Black majority Marxist rule.

Giant corporations like Anglo American, from their experience in Black Africa,
are unlikely to favour that kind of solution of the country's problems.

Big business may say airily that it could live under a Black government, but
we doubt whether it wants to see an ANC government of the type we have men-
tioned.

cso: , 3400/171

69



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

NIGERIA

APPEAL ON SEDITIOUS PUBLICATION CHARGE ALLOWED
AB051048 Lagos NAN in English 0938 GMT 5 Apr 85

[Text] Lagos, April 4 (NAN)--The Supreme Court today in Lagos gave reasons
for allowing the appeal of the African Newspaper Nigeria Ltd., publishers
of the NIGERIAN TRIBUNE and SUNDAY TRIBUNE and two of its editors charged
with seditious publication in 1981.

In the judgement, read by Mr Justice Anthony Aniagolu, the Supreme Court
said that the matter of jurisdiction of the federal high court had come
under the close examination of the court in a number of cases. The Supreme
Court said that under the Nigerian Constitution of 1979, Section 230, the
jurisdiction of the federal high court was essentially to try revenue
cases. Mr Justice Aniagolu said that the constitution had not prescrived

a different heading from the one in Section 230, to enable the court assume
other jurisdictions.

The Supreme Court held that the federal high court was not competent, by
reason of jurisdiction, to try the appellants and that the federal court of
appeal erred in law in holding that the federal high court has the juris-
diction to try them. The court also held that the appeal court was wrong
in law when it failed to refer a substantial question of law on the inter-
pretation of the constitution to the Supreme Court for decision when it was
so requested by counsel for the parties.

Tribune newspapers and their editors, Banji Ogundele and Felix Adenaike,
were charged before the federal hight court, Ikoyi on Sept. 10, 1981, for
publishing a seditious statement in the issue of the paper of July 28, 1981.
Chief F.0.K. Ajayi (San), counsel for the appellants, had raised a pre-
liminary objection at the federal high court challenging its jurisdiction
to try the appellants but was overruled and his subsequent appeal to the
federal court of appeal on the same ground was also dismissed.

Mr Adebayo Oladapo, the deputy federal director of public prosecutions,
did not oppose the appeal at the Supreme Court.

cso: 3400/215

24 .



supporting organisa- -

tions. These Govern-
ment-supporting organi-
sations would attack
members of the one or-
ganisation knowing that
the rival group would be
blamed, they said.

cso: 3400/146

67



FOURIE CALLS FOR PLANNING OF SECOND SOWETO

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 4 May 85 p 4

[Text]

cso:

HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY. — It was vital to finalise
the planning of a second Soweto, Mr A Fourie (MP
Turffontein) said

Speaking in the committee stage of the Co-opera-
tion, Development and Education Vote, he said it
was disturbing that the guide plan for the Wit-
watersrand did not make provision for additional
ground for such a city.

The ground available for the expansion of Soweto
and other procalimed Black residential areas was
totally inadequate.

“| understand urgent negotiations are being held
in connection with the Blaubank area west of Rand-
fontein. Without coming out in favour of this site, or
otherwise, I must say it is very well situated for road
and rail transport.”

There was a shortage of more than 150 000 hous-
ing units, for about 850 000 people, in the Soweto
area.

3400/151

60

JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

NIGERIA

COMMENTARY VIEWS AIR FORCE ROLE IN DEFENSE
ABO21645 Lagos International Service in English 0830 GMT 2 May 85
[Station commentary]

[Text] It was the Second War from 1939 to 1945 that showed the unique -
importance of air power in warfare and the defense of national security.
Fortunes in that war changed with the production and modernization of the
aircraft (?bombers). So, also in the 1967-68 war in the Middle East,
Israeli air power was decisive and in the end made the difference. This
is why the leading powers in the world today, apart from reinforcing their
nuclear arsenals, spend billions of naira on the researching to the equi-
ping their respective air forces with the most modern and sophisticated
weaponry.

In Nigeria, the history of the Air Force dates back to 1962, though it did
not come to its own until April 1964 when it was set up. by an act of
parliament. The foresight of our military planners at that time should be
appreciated as our colonial masters at independence had engineered a pact
that would have made the Nigerian Air Force an appendage of the Royal Air
Force. The Nigerian Air Force had its baptism of fire during the Nigerian
civil war. And according to military experts, it performed creditably
well, taking into account the limited nature of that war.

Since it is clear that no modern war could be fought and won without an
effective air power, it is pertinent at this juncture to ask how prepared
is the Nigerian Air Force to defend the nation. Also, how capable is the
Nigerian Air Force to give teeth to Nigerian foreign policy, which has
Africa as its centerpiece? The statement by the chief of air staff, Air-
Vice Marshal Ibrahim Alfa, that the force is in a position to ward off any
intimidation, determine and contain any real threat to the country, is very
reassuring indeed. The military might of a nation, especially its air
power, is increasingly playing a vital role in international politics and,
since the maxim that you have to prepare for war in order to prevent war

is as true today as it was, the steps being taken by the Federal Government
to modernize the Air Force are in the right direction. These include the
procurement of new weapon systems to build a balanced force and enhance its
capabilities. Also the Air Force training schools are being expanded and
well equipped to produce the much needed manpower locally.

17



CISKEI'S SEBE PRAISES VISITORS

East London DAILY DISPATCH in English 17 Apr 85 p 2

[Text] gasT LONDON — Cis-

cso:

kei’s attitude since inde-

endence had always
een one of friendship
towards other states,
President Lennox Sebe
said last night.

He was speaking at a
banquet at his palace
where he welcomed visi-
tors from Italy, Switzer-
‘land and the United
States.

He said some Israeli
MPs were visiting Ciskei
despite political press-
ure which had been
brought to bear on them
in their home country
because of their posi-
tions as MPs.

President Sebe intro-
duced Dr Stucki from
Switzerland. He said he
was the President of the
Government of Zug, one
of the cantons of
Switzerland and as such
a member of the Swiss
Parliament.

Accompanying him
was Dr Bollag, Ciskei’s
representative in
Switzerland.

He said Dr Bollag had
been appointed as the
head of Ciskeian Euro-
pean overseas opera-
tions.

He said the group from
Italy was headed by Mr
Lorenzo Tosi, their trade
commissioner in Rome.
He was accompanied by

3400/150

Dr A. Costanzo, a repre-
sentative of the second
largest bank in Italy.
With them were Dr M.
Codacci-Pisindli and
Professor R. Sina, both
of Montedison project
development division.
The fifth member of the
group was Dr E. Menegi-
ni of the firm, Icor, that
specialised in construc-
tion and property de-
velopment.

President Sebe said
that from the United
States was Mr Strober
who was an eminent wri-
ter who had many works
to his credit.

He also welcomed Prof
Kinsley and Dr Goldin
who performed a heart
bypass operation on him
in Johannesburg re-
cently. — DDC-SAPA

34

JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



ly coming up, discussing issues with the Afrikaner [word indistinct]. It does
show that the Americans have got a lot of influence here. You know, in part
of the stubborness of the Afrikaners at the moment starts from the fact that
the Americans are supporting their current policies. The Americans refused
for instance, [word indistinct] the new constitution was placed before the
General Assembly last year. They refused to vote against it, you know, toget-
her with the British and that of course made the Afrikaners feel, you know,
that they could defy the world, (?indeed) with support of the biggest imper-
iliast power, [words indistinct] everything that we have. You know, I mean
the Americans are a superpower, and if they support what we are doing, then
things are going to go the way they must go. So, I mean, clearly, and even if
you take, for instance, you know, some of the observations of the Conservative
Party, which has constantly, you know, accused nationalists of being under
American influence. It is clear that the influence of the United States in
the South African issue is, you know, immense to say the least.

[Vasconcelos] Did the national congress of the UDF issue also orientations
about actions to be taken in the external field? If so, which are the
.(2operations) in that field?

[Lekota] I think the problem with the international field is that it is not
an immediate issue, I think in terms of (?balances). Our assessment is that
organizations [words indistinct] the UDF activities, organizations [word in-
distinct] to the central issues that preoccupy the front. You are likely to
say this that perhaps 90 percent of our work must come into the country or
perhaps 80 percent, or perhaps 95 percent, depending on the [words indistinct].
But let me say 80 percent of our effort must be concentrated towards organiza-
tion of the country, and that maybe only about 20, 15 or 10 percent of our
work is (toward) organizing internationally for support. Clearly because the
outcome of the struggle will not be determined by internal factors as well as
external, you know, influence. We will therefore, I mean, continue to go out
of our way to winning friends, governments, progressive governments and coun-
tries, churches and so on, to win them to the side of the struggle against
apartheid. In doing so we will be seeking to isolate the South African Govern-
ment. We will be seeking to tell the [words indistinct] that is taking place
in our country so that mankind may give their contribution to the right place
in the right fashion. We have no specific programs as such at this time. I
think we will be revising our decisions from time to time. Some of the events
will be of course our initiatives. Some will be events which we will be
forced to respond to by those who initiated like, for instance, [passage in-
distinct] contribution to respond to it. I think also we will need our con-
centration in terms of supplying information abroad about the situation here
to educate the international opinion about the issues that confront this
country. [End recording]

Patrick Terror Lekota concluded this interview with a message for the
Mozambican people:

[Begin recording] [Lekota] I think the message which we may send across not
only to the people of Mozambique, but also frontline states because of the
special relationship between Mozambique and South Africa. We, the people of



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

NIGERIA

LAGOS RADIO VIEWS COOPERATION WITH BRAZIL
AB152102 Lagos International Service in English 1630 GMT 15 May 85

fText] Although Brazil and Nigeria are in different continents across the Atlan-
tic, the two countries have great potentials which can be used to the benefit of
their peoples and the international community generally. Their potentials are

in economic, cultural, and political fields.

Economically, Nigeria and Brazil have been partners in progress over the years.
These close economic relations have been growing particularly in the last 10
years. For instance, Brazil played a significant role in the establishment of
the first major car-assembly plant in Nigeria, which produces the Volkswagen
brand of vehicles. Trade between the two countries has also been stepped up in
the last 12 months. They had been possible because they hold identical views
in ways of achieving a new world economic order which would enhance development
in the Third World.

And culturally, the two countries have some common discernible characteristics
in their modes. of life. For example, some traditional religions like Ifa Olokun
with their origin in Nigeria have extensive followship in Brazil. Some Brazil-
ians also bear Nigerian names and wear typically Nigerian dresses. On the other
hand, some Nigerians do bear names which are undoubtedly of Brazilian origin.
These have been traced to the 18th century slave trade during which a large num-
ber of Nigerians were shipped to plantations in the Americas.

But it is in the political field that Nigeria and Brazil can do a lot to further
encourage (?trade) ties between them. This is so because the promotion of any
aspect of life is hinged on the political will of every nation. There is not
much divergence in the attitude of the two nations on world problems in general.
In 1980, the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs arranged a dialogue
between Nigeria and Brazil. The focus was on the principles guiding the foreign
policies of the two countries. At the forum, it was made clear that one of the
key factors determining Nigeria's foreign policy was the support for and commit-
ment to the liberation of African countries not yet enjoying self-determination.

Another point of emphasis during the dialogue was Nigeria's abiding faith in
the fundamental rights of black people all over the world. On the other hand,
it was noted that in view of her geographical location, Brazil’ placed emphasis
on security. It was this consideration that led her veto to the South Atlantic
Alliance which includes apartheid South Africa. This is an area which requires
harmonizing of the policies of Nigeria and Brazil. And the joint Nigeria-
Brazil Commission may well provide the forum for it.

CSO: 3400/221 20



of Commerce. Amon Nsekela.
sees this as the country’s great
dilemm:
NSEKELA:— It isn't going to
be easy. I mean we have acquired
this habit of gravitating to the
towns over a long period. and I
do think to change it is going to
take an equally long. if not
longer period. So. I think we've
got to do something about it. We
can only make the agricultural
career attractive by paying more
for the commodities and the
produce of the agriculturalists.
and I think that’s what we're
trying to do now. The recent
budget did in fact move in that
direction. Some crops, in fact.
went up by as much as 50% on
inal price.
WAEELER:— But, putting up
prices for produce obviously
ayes the farmers but it can
unrest in the towns and
cities can’t it? :
NSEKELA:— This is true, this
is true, but it js also true that the
farmer. for a long time, has been

subsidising the townsmen. And I
do think neither subsidising the
townsmen nor subsidising the
countryman is good enough, so
we wilf have to strike the balance
somewhere. .
WHEELER:— _— Agricultural
production must go up, if only to
eep pace with the rising
population. There are now twice
as many Tanzanians as there
were at the time of independence.
But it’s a big country. And Prime
Minister lim doesn’t seem
particularly, worried yet.
SALIM:— For the moment the
issue of population is not as
serious as a problem for us as it is
for many other countries. And so
to talk ‘in terms of population
control in Tanzania as a Priority
issue will be a misnomer. Having
said that, however, I will still say
that, like all countries who want
to develop it is extremely
important that the demographic
growth must be in accordance
with economic growth of the
country, otherwise you're going
to have a lot of problems. So
increasingly * the ounger
neration begins to understand
that really you do not need to
have 5/6/7/10 children. And, I
gave once an example... my own
example to the Ambassador of
UNESCO from Japan, the lady,
you know, a very charming lady,
who came to see me in my office
in Dar es Salaam, and she asked

me how many of you. and I said I
have 18 brothers and sisters.
And, of course, naturally,
coming from Japan she was
terribly shocked. And then said:
How ‘many children do you
have? I said I have two.

Because the circumstances
were different, the
circumstances of my father are
different from my
circumstances, and I'm quite
sure my own children will have
different priorities as far as
Population perspective —_ is
concerned. But still there are lot

‘of Tanzanians with very large
families. But, I think this is a
problem which will take care of
itself. But it is a problem. and
we've got to take it into account
that we cannot simply ignore it as
vears go by.

WHEELER:— For a country in
such dire straits, there’s a lot of
optimism about. A feeling
perhaps that there’s now
nowhere to go but
Aburhamani Fundikira comes
from a family of tribal chiefs.
He’s now working with the
British aid project to reallocate
land. Dues he, a man of much
experience, think this new drive
in agriculture is going to work

out?

FUNDIKIRA:— It's ___ very
difficult to'say, because you have
to deal with people and it’s not
easy just to force them. But. |
think the production will
increase: I think more people
will be interested in going back

to the country to farm. I think
there is better hope for the
future. with the introduction of
co-operatives. People have more
say in deciding what they want to
0.
WHEELER:— You've been here
all your life, do you think that the
ordinary peasant is now any
better off than he was say, 30
years ago?
FUNDIKIRA:— Well I think,
because production has fallen. so
I don’t think they've gained
much.
WHEELER:— You don’t think
they’ve gained much?
FUNDIKIRA:— No.
WHEELER:— A more detached
but equally bopetul view comes
from Campbell McCullough, a
New Zealander who represents
the UN’s Foud and Agriculture

Organisation in Tanzania.
McCULLOUGH:— You must
recognise the tremendous

potential which Tanzania-has in

87

up. +

terms of agriculture. You look at
the irrigation potential for one.
One of the few countries — very
few countries — where you've
got four or five lakes, where
you've got numerous rivers. And
the potential. as I said. is
enormous. I believe, again
looking at agriculture, that
provided the farmers get realistic
prices for what they produce.
and the marketing system is
operating efficiently. and most
importantly, I think there's
provision of basic consumer
goods which hitherto have been
very short, then [ think you will
see’a complete turn around in
agricultural production.

WHEELER:— Luts of potential.
ves. But when you’re at ground
level, working alongside peas ints
and ‘local officials as Caroline
Boag does for VSO, the practical
difficulties can be depressing:

BOAG:— Yes. it does depress
me. I think what depresses me

most of all is being with people
from the generation who were at
universities. say, in the 60s who
have had a very good education
and are now holding local
government positions, and
seeing how they have accepted a
great lowering of _ living
standards. And. I think, for
them to come across a European
working alongside them makes
them see their position very
clearly and they're often very
embarrassed and apologetic
about it. An awful lot of farmers.
as well, are extremely negative
about the fugure. They can't see
how they can ever get themselves
out of ‘the vicious circle that
they're in at the moment. On the
other hand, a lot of Tanzanians
aye extremely ‘resourceful and
very hopeful and, in the end, I
hope that they'll be able to pick
thingsup.

WHEELER:— But they seem a
rather, sort of, passive peuple, in
a way. I mean, in other parts of
the world where these conditions

.were happening, there’d/be riots

in the streets, and peuple would
be talking of overthrowing the
government. Nobody talks like
that here, as far as I can see.

BOAG:— I think they have a
misconception that central

ernment is stronger than in

ct it really is, and 1 think the
system perpetuates that — the
belief that CCM is a big force
to be reckoned with — and
things are perhaps more stable at
the top than they might really be.



reach a minimum size below which their in-
dividual members begin to lose the comfor-
ting feel of mob anonymity and also again
begin to think and act as individuals rather
than as mindless components of a mob.

In South Africa, by contrast, most of the
rioting has taken place in very open suburbs
of generally single-storey houses set in
gardens — albeit small — along relatively
wide streets and often with open areas near-
by. The effects of this terrain are manifold,
one of the most critical being that a small
police detachment can readily be avoided or
outflanked and perhaps surrounded with
possibly disastrous results for their safety.
As one key aspect in riot control is that the
forces employed should look all-powerful
and menacing, this situation brings it
another major disadvantage — a small
group of police stuck in the middle of the
mob looks neither.

Similarly, the open nature of the terrain
renders tear gas and water cannon relatively
ineffective as the former disperses too
quickly and the latter — clumsy and short-
ranged at the best of times — is too easily
avoided. Baton rounds, too, are affected in
their usefulness and pushing or baton
charging the mob is simply not a practical
Proposition, quite regardless of the ques-
tion of numbers. The salutary effect of
shotguns and rifles is also diminished as the
fall of someone hit by either is not as im-
mediately or dramatically noticable to
others in the mob as it would be in a more
crowded environment. Thus where under

other circumstances the shooting of an
identified ringleader or a particularly active
rioter can have a remarkable ‘‘cooling
down’? effect on a mob that had gone
beyond where teargas and similar means
could control it, it could go almost unnotic-
ed by the bulk of the rioters in a ‘‘typical””
South African situation.

Even the relatively narrow confines of an
area such as the Crossroads squatter camp
do not go far to change this situation. There
are still far too many side exits from the
“*streets’’ and the shanties are too low to be
effective in retaining gas. Another problem
lies in the fact that the ‘‘geography’’ of
such camps is not sufficiently fixed for the
police to be able to rely on it as a means of
splitting up a rioting mob. Finally, the lack
of high-pressure water mains severely limits
the usefulness of water cannon by making
the process of refilling their tanks very
slow.

Climate plays a very similar part in these
problems. South Africa’s relatively high
temperatures greatly speed up gas dispersal
and there are often also breezes to further
accelerate this process. Coupled with the
Open terrain, this results in such quick

dispersal of ordinary gas that it can be
almost totally useless at times. A mixture
such as that dispensed by the ‘‘sneeze
machine”’ is more persistent but does not
fully address the problem of open terrain as
the ‘‘banks”’ of gas can be avoided. As a
corollary, where gas is retained,.there is the
further problem of wearing respirators in
hot weather. The riot control forces are
thus restricted in their ability to follow up a
gas strike swiftly and decisively.

Water cannon, too, are affected. Con-
trary to popular belief, these equipments do
not rely solely or even primarily on a power-
ful water jet knocking rioters off their feet.
While this is useful at close range — albeit
not without its dangers to life and limb — it
is more the acute discomfort, in the average
European climate, of being very thoroughly
and continually wetted by a high pressure
jet, that cools the ardour of a mob’s front
ranks. In winter some police forces use a
brine solution to enhance the effect of cold
water in conjunction with cold weather.
Another option is to add dye, thus marking
rioters who often do not wish to be iden-
tifiable as such in thet home
neighbourhoods and are consequently
deterred from continuing. This considera-
tion would hardly apply in the African con-
text and our climate tends to negate all the
other effects bar the actual knock-down
power of the water jet. This in turn is
limited in its effectiveness by the nature of
the terrain.

A final climate-related consideration is
that our relatively high temperatures make
it difficult for personne! engaged in riot
control duties to employ a full set of protec-
tive equipment. Such equipment — helmet
and visor, padded and flame-resistant
clothing, gloves and boots, steel toe-capped
boots, perspex shields, et al — offers a
good measure of protection against most
thrown projectiles — including bricks, acid-
filled light bulbs, razor-blade-studded
potatoes and home-made petrol bombs —
and against being hit with a stick or similar
weapon. This protection allows the police
to adopt a more passive and reactive
posture towards mob violence aimed at
them. It also brings with it, however, pro-
blems of rapid tiring, reduced vision and
potential heat exhaustion, These factors are
naturally aggravated by hot weather and
open terrain which requires considerable
and often rapid movement.

Without such equipment, personnel
employed in riot control are frighteningly
vulnerable to serious injury or even death at
the hands of the hands of the amorphous
and anonymous mob. Also, there can be no
question of allowing the mob to close with
the police. As a result, stand-off methods

41



IDEOLOGY, SUCCESSION, ROLE OF THE PARTY

JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

TANZANIA

Dar es Salaam SUNDAY NEWS in English 7, 14 Apr 85

[Two part series of a recorded transcript documentary by David Wheeler of the
BBC with Prime Minister Salim Ahmed Salim, Zanzibar's Chief Minister Seif

Shariff Hamad, Minister for Cabinet Affairs Amir Jamal, Minister for Planning
and Economic Affairs Kighoma Malima and other Tanzanians; date and place not

specified]
{7 Apr 85 p 7]
{Text]

WOLFE: I would say it's a hun-
dred and eighty degrees away

:from a consumer society. For:

example, my wife goes
marketing, she never even asks
the price: if she finds it, she buys
it!

‘WHEELER: Thus speaks an
American executive with long
experience of Africa. But,
whether you live in Tanzania, as
he does, or are a visitor, as I
have been, you can’t help
noticing that this is no paradise
for the consumer. The shops
have very little to sell you, and
what they have Is horrifyingly
expensive. A bottle of local beer
‘costs two pounds, a Mars Bar,
two pounds fifty and a small
sized Milk of Magnesia to assist
the traveller with the limited
attractions of the Tanzanian
cuisine will cost him six pounds.
Tanzania has the unwelcome
distinction of being not only one
of the poorest countries in the
world, but also one of the
dearest, thanks to an official rate
of exchange that has absolutely
no relation to reality. I may as
well come right out with it and
‘say that under the socialist rule
of President Julius Nyerere,

Tanzania has drifted very very
dose to total economic disin-
tegration. What has gone wrong
during Its twenty-three years of
independence? What, if
anything, has gone right? For a
diagnosis, let’s go first to the
Minister of Finance, Cleopa

suya:

MSUYA: We are not selling
enough overseas to earn enough
foreign exchange to meet our
needs for servicing the economy
as well as for investment. We are
not able to raise additional in-
flows of capital from overseas,
partly because commercial banks,
jas you know, because of the debt
Problem in African countries and
Tanzania included, have cut back
‘the official aid. And financial
resources from multi-national in-
stitutions are declining. So, that is
one set of problems which is
essentially a balance of payments
problem. But, internally we also
have a problem of declining
‘production, and productivity.
‘And this has several reper-
cussions: we are not able to
balance the government budget;
we are not able to generate from
government revenue enough
resources to keep all the services
that have been established going
And thirdly, we have this

82

problem of recurring food shor-
Tages” primarily because of
weather fluctuations.

WHEELER: Finance Minister,
Msuya, you realise doesn’t pull
any punches. Indeed, one of the
more encouraging things about
Tanzania today is the willingness
of senior ministers to admit that
there have been awful blunders.
How unlike some of our own
dear leaders. Many of Tan-
zania’s woes have been caused by
external factors: The war with
‘Uganda; the break-up of the
East African Community; the
devastating Increase in the price
of oil; the lessening demand in
world markets for stable crops
like sisal. Buffeted by adversity,
the country’s leaders have adop-
ted a new mood of economic’
realism. Whether this extends to
Tanzania’s founding father,
President Nyerere, soon to step
down from office, I am not sure.
But it evidently commands a
majority of his cabinet. Even so,
there Is a reluctance to go along
with all the harsh measures
currently being proposed by the
International Monetary Fund
before it will sanction any more
loans. Tanzania has been
negotiating with the IMF for
years but without any agreement.



political causes were the
reasons for the unrest.

Mr J H W Mentz (NP,
Vryheid) said he agreed
that there were serious
problems and that the un-
test was endangering both
Whites and Blacks.

There was a small
group of intimidators who
made Black pupils and
workers their target and
forced them to take part
in the unrest.

There was a decline in

cso: 3400/1512

respect and authority
among Black youths and
this could not be toler-
ated.

“To them it is a mark of
honour (ere-teken) to
clash with the police,” Mr
Mentz said.

The PFP would do
everything in its power to
bring about peace and
stability in Black unrest
areas, Mr Horace van
Rensburg (PFP, Bry-
anston) said.

59



Nyerere’s Prime Minister, com-
paratively new to the Job, is
ahother plain speaker, Salim Ah-
med Salim:

SALIM: The irony of our
situation is that almost all our
friends in‘the West give us ac-
colades for the tough budgetry
measures that we have taken. but
these accolades, if not sup-
plemented by concrete_measures,
frankly, do not help Tanzania a
lot. And, what we are saying is
that in respect to our negotiations
with the IMF, ‘we'd be prepared
to have an agreement, to accept
tegms, which frankly we believe
those terms are in the interest of
Tanzania, If you are sick, and you
go to a doctor, and somehow a
doctor prescribes to you very
strorig medicine and you know
‘that medicine is very strong,

perhaps very painful, but you
want to get well: You will take
that medicine, irrespective of the
momentary difficulties, the
momentary pain. But if you are
sick, and you go to a doctor, and
somehow you have reason to
believe that the medicine which
the doctor is prescribing is tan-
tamount to poison, then.you have
to be a highly irrational person to
accept that poison, and so that is
our situation.

WHEELER: The medicine which

the IMF wants Tanzania to
swallow includes devaluation;
higher interest rat wage

restraint and such like nasty stuff.
The Tanzanians say they have
already taken a prescription of
their own, an __ austerity
programme which includes less
money for industrial investment,
and an all-out attempt to restore
agricultural production to the
levels of ten years ago. Bankers
like Amon Nsekela, Chairman of
the National Bank of Commerce,
now give priority to loans for far-
ming. But why had the country's
agriculture been allowed to slide
for so long?

NSEKELA: Because there was a lot of
talking. 1 mean, since the days of the
colonial administration in this country.
we've always talked of agriculture
being the backbone of the economy. It
has never been said otherwise, but
nobody has actually done anything
about that statement, For the first time
m my view we are now beginning to
address ourselves positively to the
question. Government now has given
more resources to the development
,of agriculture, and individuals, cor-
“porations and companies are also
directing themselves to that.

WHEELER: And not a moment too
soon, With production of some staple
crops only a fraction of what they
have been. In fact this vast country
with every kind of climate, from the
steamy shores of the Indian Ocean, to
the snowline of Kilimanjaro, has been
unable to feed itself. A damning im-
dictment of what the West perceives
as Tanzai 's obsession with the
nationalisation of business and in-
dustry. There are over four hundred
state. companies known as
“parastatalsTM and with collectivism in
agriculture. Prime Minister, Salim:

SALIM: | think the outside perception
of Tanzania is always exaggerated in
one form or another. I lived in the
United States for some eleven years
When [ was in the States it was
amazing to read what was being writ-
ten on Tanzania. My God. you'd
believe that in Tanzania everything —
literally everything — is collectivised,
thes whole of agriculture is collec-
tivised. all that our people are doing is
based on collectivity. and that is far-
thest removed from the truth. To begin
with, in the field of agriculture our
agriculture is mostly done by in-
dividual farmers, itis privately owned.
So. that's one thing. Secondly, we
have nationalised the major means of
production in the country, but still
there is a considerable private sector
operating in Tanzania. So what we are
trying to do: I think the challenge
before Tanzania is one, to ensure that
the institutions

which the goverment has taken over
— the parastatals — work efficiently,
effectively and productively. Secondly.
to provide opportunities for the: in-
vestors who want to invest in the
country, and for the private sector to
play its useful and dynamic part in the
development of our country.

WHEELER: So Tanzania was never
quite ‘as socialist, or
directed as we all thought, or was it?
Under President Nyerere, hundreds
of thousands of peasants were com-
pelled to leave the plots their families
had worked for generations and go
into villages. You can’t help thinking
that If this sort of measure had been
carried out by colonial administration
the corridors of the UN would have
rung with passionate denunciation.
But, according to Nyerere's veteran
Minister of State, Amir Jamal. the
Intention was wholly benign:

JAMAL: We had to have some kind
of economic organisation of society,
and this was necessary that 1t should
be on the basis of groups of people
living in villages together. That was
the substance of villagisation. Because
of the deep philosophical input which
the President put in of living together
as a family, he drew very heavily on
the concept of Ujamaa whicn 1s really
familyhood. That in the process a lot
of people have found that we had now
discovered a new word for socialism.

83

which is our own word which is
Ujamaa — which is true, that it was.
so — but that it meant suddenly the
same thing as it meant to anybody
who had read Marx or Lenin or
something else, which of course was
false altogether. After a while we gave
up trying to explain to anybody we
jd: “Look for heaven's sake let's try
and work it out for ourselves.” We
have not altogether succeeded in our
ambitions, largely because { think. the
task has been, too large for the resou
ces that were available to us, but fun-
damentally village is a group of
peasants living together. receiving ser-
vices together, particularly’ social ser-
vices, but each one responsible for his
own piece of cultivation of lana anu tw
the extent of which you could share
isers and insecticides
facilities together, fine.

what we encourage ty do it

WHEELER: But, in practice, the
village schools are frequently without
text books. A random check of village
dispensaries showed some without
even a thermometer, or wash basin.
And the village water supply ofter
breaks down due to inadequate main-
tenance. Christopher Rombulow-
Pearse who manages a British aid
project, lists some of the other disad-
vantages of pushing everyone into
villages.

ROMBULOW-PEARSE: Too many
people were concentrated into the cen-
tre of the villages, this resulted in over-
use of the agricultural land in the cen-

tre, and the lack of use- of the
agricultural land towards the
periphery: People cannot look after

their farms properly unless they're
within a reasonable walking distance

If they have to walk too far they will
tend not to walk which means that
the outlying farms will get attacked by
baboon and other vermin. The farmers
can't keep control over weeds or
diseases and the farms suffer as a
result. In some villages there are too

many people anyway. The land is in-
sufficient to support that number of
people. A third problem is too many
cattle, a fourth problem is fuel wood.
‘There are very few trees, this is par.
ticuarly the case in north east Tabora
Region where there is hardly a tree.

WHEELER: So Tanzania bas made
n. Rombulow-Pearse is
sorking on a pilot scheme at Tabora
in the arid north-west of Tanzania, to
take some people out of villages and
install them in small hamlets nearby.
So that while having access to the
facilities of the village, they'll get
bigger plots of workable land. -

ROMBULOW-PEARSE: What
villages, have achieved is unity. There
is a remarkable social cohesion in these
villages. They are an administrative
and social unit with great depth of
feeling. {I've been out, here since
poe times and -I'yebaueréd=my

against so many brick ,wallssand,



beneficiaries of the bank's loans faced in obtaining certificates of occu-
pancy were responsible for the slow processing of their applications.
{Text] [Lagos NAN in English GMT 28 Mar 85]

GOMBE DEATH TOLL--Bauchi, May 2, (NAN)--Official figures released by the
police in Bauchi on Tuesday put the dead toll in the recent Maitatsine
religious uprising in Gombe at 43. A statement issued by the police head-
quarters said that 40 civilians and 3 policemen were killed during the
disturbances. It said that only one of the policemen killed was actively
involved in the operation, adding that seven policemen were injured while
the number of civilians injured was yet to be ascertained. A total of 174
persons arrested in connection with the incident were being screened to
identify the fanatics among them. A correspondent of the NEWS AGENCY OF
NIGERIA (NAN) in Gombe, reports that people who had taken refuge at the
Army barracks during the riot had all gone back to their homes and that
those who fled the town were seen returning. Civil servants in the town
reported for work on Tuesday and some shops were opened and business trans-
acted. A combined team of the Army and the police were still patrolling
the town. [Text] [Lagos NAN in English 1530 GMT 2 May 85]

GHANAIANS BESIEGE LAGOS WHARF--With 4 days to the deadline for the illegal immi-
grants to leave the country, a large number of Ghanaians today besieged the
(Ijora) wharf in Lagos in a bid to travel home by sea. The (Ijora) wharf has
been handling passenger vessels since last week as part of efforts to facilitate
the evacuation of the departing aliens. Four ships have already left the wharf
for Ghana since the federal government's order on illegal immigrants. Two other
ships are expected to depart the wharf for Ghana in the next 2 days. In an
interview with a Radio Nigeria correspondent, a shipping agent at the site
explained that operators of the ships were having problems with the aliens
because they were becoming too anxious. He added that official protocol in
obtaining certificates of loading had also inhibited the quick evacuation of

the aliens who besieged the company. There are two other routes, air and land,
by which the illegal immigrants could leave. The land borders were reopened
last Friday for the purpose. The government has offered to provide vehicles

to convey to the appropriate borders those who could not afford to travel by
air. All Nigerians have been enjoined to treat departing aliens with every
courtesy and avoid taking advantages from the situation to exploit them. [Text]
[Lagos Domestic Service in English 1500 GMT 6 May 85 AB]

PAPER CONDEMNS BENIN POLICY--The NATIONAL CONCORD condemns a recent order by
President Mathieu Kerekou of Benin Republic to his security forces to shoot stu-
dent protestors on sight. The paper remarks that by decreeing odious and repres-
sive measures against the students of his country, President Kerekou is joining
the ranks of modern dictators and autocrats. The CONCORD explains that whether
in the Republic of Benin or any other country, safeguarding the voice and rights
of students or any other group is essential. The paper says to deny such rights
is to invite anarchy. It therefore calls on the Beninese leader to negotiate
with the students. [Text] [Lagos International Service in English 0830 GMT

16 May 85 AB]

28



about their operations and difficulties. According to the itinerary

given ANGOP, a visit to the Estanavel-Lobito Shipyards is planned for 1
today to attend the launching ceremony of the vessel named Midanupe.

In the afternoon, there will be visits to the Commandante Jika Company,

the Quinas Garment Company and the Africa Textile Company and meetings q
with all industrial sector managers and directors. [Text] [Luanda

JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 16 Apr 85 p 2] 8844

OFFICIALS OPEN ANGOP OFFICE--London, 10 May (ANGOP)--The ANGOP delegation in
London was officially opened yesterday by Mr Santana Andre Pitra Petroff, secre-
tary of the MPLA-Labor Party Central Committee for the production sector, acting
on behalf of Comrade Roberto de Almeida, secretary of the MPLA-Labor Party for .
ideology. Mr Paulino Pinto Joao, director of the MPLA-Labor Party Central Com-
mittee Department for Information and Propaganda, who is currently in London

for an official visit of several days, also attended the opening ceremony.
Present at the ceremony were high-ranking officials of the British Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, officials from the Ministry of Information, the executive secre-
tary of the British Antiapartheid Movement, representatives of SWAPO and ANC
liberation movements, as well as press attaches from the embassies of the front-
line states accredited in London and several journalists. We recall that
besides the delegation in London, ANGOP has already two other delegations
abroad, namely one in Lisbon, Portugal and the other in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
The other ANGOP delegations will be opened in the future, one in Brazzaville,
Congo and the other in Harare, Zimbabwe. [Text] [Luanda ANGOP in French 1600
GMT 10 May 85 MB]

PETROLEUM PRODUCTION--Petroleum production at the offshore Palanca field of
Block 3 is expected to increase from the present 2,750 to 30,000 barrels per

day in 1986. This sudden increase in oil production in that area is due to take
place when a new petroleum exploration platform is installed by the Brazilian
oil company, BRASPETRO. The contract is worth $8 million and was signed with
the French enterprise ELF Aquitaine, which has a 49 percent share of the conces-
sion. The platform will be built in Brazil and is scheduled to arrive in Angola
later this year. Meanwhile, (Bois) Offshore, a French enterprise which assists
in the petroleum exploration, expects to sign a contract worth $20.3 million

to build a complete platform to be installed in the (Pacassa) field of Block 3. .
Companies operating in this area include Sonangol (National Angolan Fuel Com-
pany], the American Mobil Oil Corporation, the Italian Petroleum Enterprise,
AGIP, and the Ina Nafta Plin and Nafta Gaz enterprises. The platform, which
will be linked to the Palanca exploration field through a pipeline, is scheduled
to be completed in November 1985 when the field is expected to produce between
35,000 and 40,000 barrels per day. [Text] [Luanda. Domestic Service in Portu-

guese 1200 GMT 14 May 85 MB]

CSO: 3400/229



There are those who will argue that the
final responsibility actually rests with the
“‘system"’ that drives these people to riot.
This is to overlook the fact that riot and ter-
rorism are both means used by groups who
lack the popular support necessary to allow
a successful application of passive
resistance or guerrilla warfare. Riot and ter-
rorism are also much easier to organise, in-
itiate and keep up — both also provide bet-
ter headlines and are good for creating mar-
tyrs and gaining recruits for a possible
future insurgency. That the victims of both
are generally drawn from among the very
people the perpetrators are supposedly
seeking to liberate, is merely a final illustra-
tion of the true attitudes hiding behind their
public utterances. Riot and terrorism are
not the only alternatives to suppressed or
supposedly suppressed legal political activi-
ty, they are simply a means towards the end
of polarising the target society sufficiently
to allow an insurgency to be initiated.

This entire argument is not to say that the
South African Police cannot improve their
riot control doctrine, procedures and tac-
tics. Every police force in the world — and
the so-called “third forces’’ to be found in
some countries — can do that and does so
on an ongoing basis, as does the SAP. On
the other hand, there are basic realities
which the SAP cannot escape and which set
unhappy parameters to its actions, and
these must be borne in mind when we read
press reports of public violence in our
suburbs and the resultant police action.
Anyone with ideas of a workable method of
riot control which would allow the job to be
done with less violence and no greater
danger to innocent civilians, should bring
this to the attention of the SAP. They
would be genuinely delighted to learn of
such a method. So would most other police
forces. e

CSO: 3400/174

43



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

ANGOLA

BRIEFS

HYDROELECTRIC PLANT IN KUIMBA--M'Banza Congo-ANGOP has learned from a
reliable source that preparatory work for the construction of a
hydroelectric power plant at the falls on the Mbridje River in the
Canda Mountains in the city of Kuimba may get underway in earnest as
soon as the necessary facilities are made available to.the Construction
Ministry's provinical delegation. According to our source, this work
entails clearing the construction site and repairing the road from

the provincial capital to the site. Meanwhile, the adjunct commissar
of Zaire, Pedro Dima Roberto, accompanied by technicians from the
National Electricity Company, recently visited the site to study the
possibility of initiating construction of the dam. According to our
source, the power plant, which will supply electricity to Zaire and
Uige provinces, will be built with the assistance of Korean technicians,
whose arrival in Zaire is expected around the end of June or beginning
of July this year under an agreement between the People's Republic

of Angola and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Technicians
from Tecno-Projecto and Geotecnica are expected next May'in Uige
Province to do core drilling and topographical surveys. [Text] [Luanda
JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 14 Apr 85 p 3] 8844

SOVIET AMBASSADOR VISITS ANGOP--The USSR ambassador plenipotentiary to
Angola, Arnold Kalenin, visited the offices of the Angolan Press Agency
(ANGOP) yesterday morning. Mr Kalenin, who was accompanied by the
press attache from the embassy and the Luanda TASS correspondent, was
received by Sotto Maior, ANGOP general manager. During the visit,
strengthening of bilateral cooperative efforts between ANGOP and TASS
were discussed. [Text] [Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese

16 Apr 85 p 2] 8844

MINISTER OF INDUSTRY VISITS BENGUELA--Benguela~Angolan Ministry of Industry
Henriques Santos "Onambwe" arrived here early yesterday morning to launch
the first boat built at the Estanavel-Lobito Shipyards. Upon arriving,

Mr Henriques Santos said that his visit would enable him to gain some
understanding of problems affecting the industrial sector and to unite

and encourage Transapro (Transportation and Supply Company) workers,
especially the drivers on whom the company depends. The Minister of
Industry has already visited the Transapro offices, the regional milling
and soft drink company and Empal, all located in Lobito, where he learned



personal contact with the ruling classes
above them. There is generally no mass ex-
perience in their lives, e.g. working in fac-
tories or mines with the masses, etc — with
the exception, perhaps, of preachers.

In the absence of mass revolutionary
movements outside their circles, the illusion
that intellectuals and intellectual work are
‘free-floating’ gets re-enforced and
solidified. In such circumstances, the con-
nection between intellectuals and intellec-
tual works, on one hand, and the condi-
tions of life and interests of specific social
classes, on the other hand, becomes like
that between the kite high in the air, and the
boy holding the string on the ground; it is
through an effective but thin string, which,
to complicate matters, is often invisible to
the onlookers. Only a powerful socio-
political movement and ideology awakens
and binds the consciousness of intellectuals
to the interests and movement of particular
classes of society; only such a movement
and ideology has a tendency to absorb and
produce committed intellectuals.

H. ing said all this, let us look at South

African white intellectuals. There are, of
course, two major communities within the
South African white population, the
Afrikaner and the English communities,
who owe both their separate existences and
unity largely to economic and political con-
flict. Corresponding to this simultaneous
division and unity of the white population
are intellectual traditions, the Afrikaner in-
tellectual tradition, and the English Liberal
tradition. We shall begin by looking at
Afrikaner intellectuals.

Afrikaner intellectuals of the 20th Cen-
tury have been formed of mighty conflict;
the cast of their minds, and their public
sentiments, bear the imprints of the struggle
waged by Afrikaners against British im-
perialism and socio-economic and cultural
domination by the English, on one hand,
and the struggle against the masses of
African people, on the other hand. A by-
product of this struggle, which later
developed into a powerful weapon wielded
by the Afrikaners, was the ideology of
Afrikaner nationalism. Living in a society
which, due to the white-perceived swart
gevaar, early and readily adopted the prin-
ciple of universal franchise for whites,
Afrikaner nationalism was finally crowned
victorious politically in 1948, when the Na-
tionalist Party took over the leadership of
the South African state. They then proceed-
ed to use the full powers of the state to
champion and protect the interests of

Whites in general (vis-a-vis the Africans)
and of Afrikaners in particular (vis-a-vis the
English).

This has been decisive in determining the
cast of mind and sentiments of Afrikaner
intellectuals. Their consciousness was very
clearly and powerfully awakened and
bound to the interests of Afrikanerdom.
Afrikaner intellectual productions were, ac-
cordingly, largely informed by a group con-
sciousness and a certain unity of purpose:
by and large, they were engagé. Afrikaner
intellectuals have all along been pledged in-
tellectuals, pledged not only in theory, but
also in political practice, to a group ex-
istence and to a specific group praxis —
although we must admit that the continuing
industrialization and modernization of the
country is injecting a steadily growing
number of Afrikaner intellectuals with
doubts about Afrikanerdom. Some, indeed
still a tiny minority, have totally rejected it.
Be that as it may, the average Afrikaner in-
tellectual is still enveloped within an
organisational structure and atmosphere
which infuses him or her with a spirit of
commitment and: partisanship in the strug-
gle against the African, We must stress
that the conflict between Afrikaners and
the English has receded into the
background, as the African population has
gained more and more strength and con-
fidence in its struggle against white domina-
tion.

Thus, Afrikaner intellectuals, in the
main, have been highly politicized by the*
political movement of Afrikanerdom; they
are fully active in ‘party work”’ on behalf
of their group as Whites and Afrikaners. It
is in this light that they enter the Black
Universities, for example, as lecturers, pro-
fessors, and administrators; by and large,
they are performing a national duty, as con-
ceived by Afrikaner nationalism. We can-
not leave the subject of Afrikaner intellec-
tuals, without noting and applauding the
courageous and progressive work of those
Afrikaner intellectuals, still a tiny minority,
who are struggling against Afrikanerdom
among Afrikaners themselves.

Let us now turn to the English-speaking
White intellectuals. They, of course, in the
main, constitute the liberal tradition in
South Africa. They stand in striking con-
trast to Afrikaner intellectuals. They lack a
group consciousness, with group aims, akin
to the Afrikaner, on one hand, and the
Africans, on the other hand. What feeds
their morale is not a living, practical move-
ment of a people, of which they are a part,
but solely their ideas, ideals, and principles.

37



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

NIGERIA «

COMMENTARY NOTED ON WORK OF RIVER NIGER BASIN AUTHORITY
AB291750 Lagos International Service in English 0830 GMT 29 Apr 85
{Commentary by Ishola Dada] . ;

[Excerpt] Looking back at the performance of the Niger River Basin author-
ity, one is inclined to have a mixed feeling. This is because although a
lot of energy has been put into mapping out a plan for the achievement

of the objectives of the authority and large sums of money expended, not
much has been achieved. In fact, the authority has been beset by mounting
problems. Two of these problems call for a particular mention: They are
the problems of drought and famine and of fund. In fact, they are the
roots of the nonperformance of the authority. As. the current chairman of
the authority, Dr Bukar Shuaib, who is also Nigeria's minister of agri-
culture, water resources, and rural development, lamented at the just con-
cluded ministerial meeting of the basin authority in Lagos that not much
has been changed since the last meeting in Niamey. The drought situation
has worsened and the food situation did not improve either. The drought
in the basin has adversely affected economic activities on the river such
as fishing, navigation, hydropower generation and irrigation as a result
of very low water levels of the River Niger. Added to this is the harsh
financial situation of the authority. Current economic realities have
made it difficult for some member states to pay their contributions regu-
larly and this has prompted the secretariat to warn that if the situation
was not arrested immediately it could adversely affect the smooth running .
-of the organization. Luckily, the heads of state and government of member
nations are meeting in Lagos this week to deliberate on the affairs of the
authority.

These and other problems facing the organization will no doubt engage their
attention. It is therefore hoped that at the end of their meeting, they
will come out with some forms of solutions, particularly on the problem of
funds. For, no organization can survive without finance. The River Niger
Basin possessses immense potentials that can feed at least half of the
African Continent. These potentials must be exploited and harnesses for
the benefit of all of us in this subregion.

CsO: 3400/215

16



JPRS~SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

GUINEA-BISSAU

BRIEFS

NEW PORTUGUESE GRAMMAR--"The New Portuguese Grammar" by Luis Filipe Lindley
Cintra and Celso Cunha will be brought out in Bissau next week. In this
connection, a delegation headed by the traveling ambassador to the countries
with Portuguese as their official language,. Jose Fernandes Fafe, and also
including Diogo Pires Aurelio and Madalena Pestana, will visit the Guinean
eapital. Contrary to the previous announcement, Lindley Cintra will not come
to Bissau because he is ill. As a result, the exhibit of the new grammar will
be headed by Ambassador Fernandes Fafe. Diogo Pires Aurelio will deliver a
speech on modern Portuguese literature. Guinea-Bissau is the first stop on
the final itinerary established by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs including
all of the countries where Portuguese is the official language, designed
essentially to assess the most recent contributions to the enrichment of our
language. [Text] [Lisbon DIARIO DE NOTICIAS in Portuguese 5 Apr 85 p 3]
5157

MIGS FROM USSR--The first Soviet-manufactured MIGs obtained to equip the Air
Force of Guinea-Bissau were delivered to President Joao Bernardo Vieira,
commander in chief of the Guinean Armed Forces, yesterday. The MIGs,
were assembled in Bissau, are a part of the support which is being provided by
the USSR to the Guinean Armed Forces in accordance with bilateral cooperation
agreements. Pilots in the Air Force of Guinea-Bissau have received education
and training almost since the beginning of the armed struggle against the
Portuguese colonial occupation. [Excerpt] [Lisbon DIARIO DE NOTICIAS in
Portuguese 9 Apr 85 p 9] 5157

CSO: = 3442/251

11



UGANDA

Briefs

ZAIRE

Briefs

ZAMBIA
Briefs

ZIMBABWE

Briefs

Medical Agreement With PRC
New Weekly Paper
British Military Advisory Team

Guard Claims Killing of Opponents
Army Maneuvers

Financial Agreements With France
Lufthansa Flights Resume

“Economic Development Aid Urged

Kaunda Orders Detentions

Members of ZANU Party Assassinated
Four ZANU-PF Supporters Killed
Zimbabwe-Palestine Solidarity Newspaper

-e-

89
89
89

90
90
91
91

92
92

93
93
94



[Article by Ali Mphaki]

[Text] SIX people were in-

jured in a violent con-
frontation between
members of the Aza-
nian Students’ Move-
ment and the Azanian
Students’ Organisa-
tion at the University

of the North (Turf-
Toop) on Sunday.
Among the injured
was former Azanian
People’s Organisation
(Azapo) president Mr

Lybon Mabasa, who was
invited to deliver a
. paper at a meeting orga-
nised by Azasm on the
campus.
Azasm is affiliated to

the National Forum with
sister bodies Azapo,
Azanyu and other black
consciousness organisa-
tions. Azasm is affiliated
to the United Demo-
cratic Front with other
progressive democrat
organisations committed
to the Freedom Charter.
The two groupings,
the BC movement and
Progressive Democrats
(PDs) constitute the ma-
jor political ideologies in
the black community.
The confrontation at

Turfloop is a continua-
tion of the rivalry be-
tween them as they vie
for control of the black
masses and to make
capital out of any situa-
tion that arises.

About 10 days’ ago
UDF supporters barred
Azapo supporters from
attending the mass Uit-
enhage funeral. Early
this year Azapo mem-
bers were injured after
being attacked by Con-
gress of South African
Students supporters at
Tembisa. Cosas is also
affiliated to the UDF.

Others injured were
Mr Thami Mcerwa,
vice-president of

_Azasm, Mr Sydney
Temba (who was ad-

mitted at the Groothoek
Hospital with multiple
stab wounds), also an
Azapo member, Ms Sesi
Baloyi, Azasm member,
Mr Teboho Moloi,
Azaso member and for-
mer Turfloop SRC
president, and another
student whose name was
not available to The SO-
WETAN late yesterday.
Mr Temba’s ‘condi-
tion was late last night

,Teported to be serious

66

ple

AZAPO MEMBERS INJURED IN AZASM, AZASO CONFRONTATION

Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 23 Apr 85 pp 1, 4

after he had-undergone
an emergency opera-
tion.

__ Mr Mabasa said while
the Azasm meeting was
‘on, a “group of students
shouting support for the
|Freedom Charter
marched into the hall
disrupting the proceed-
ings.

“They asked us to
leave the hall as they
had also booked it for
their meeting. We left,”
said Mr Mabasa. He
added: “While we conti-
nued with the meeting at

a different hall, they
came in again and a fight
broke out.

“I saw Sesi Baloyi
being beaten up. Thami
and I were caught in'the
toilets. I saw them chop-
ping and stabbing
Thami, breaking his
teeth with a brick in the
Process.”

But both Azaso and
UDF yesterday denied
attacking BC activists,
claiming thay they (BC)
came on the campus
armed with an aésort-
ment of weapons.

“Since when do peo-
attend meetings

JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

armed?” Azaso presi-
dent Mr Simphiwe Mgo-
duso asked.

Azapo saidina
statement: “In the con-
text of various assaults
to our members since
1982, the attack on Ma-
basa is the straw that
will break the camel’s
back.”

The UDF, of which
Azaso is an affiliate,

said in a'statement: “We
appeal to Azapo and
Azasm leadership to
control their members.
We ourselves will conti-
nue to restrain our rank
and file against any form
of provocation.”

The Anglican Bishop:
of Johannesburg,
Bishop Desmond Tutu,
said: “Who benefits
from this? Why must we
intimidate one another?
When are we going to
learn to agree to dis-
agree? Black solidarity
has been preached for
too long for us not to un-
derstand its impor-
tance.”

Other leaders pointed
out that an Azapo-UDF
fight would lay both or-
ganisations wide open to
attacks by Government-


JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

NIGERIA

PAPERS COMMENT ON RELIGIOUS FANATICISM
AB301104 Lagos International Service in English 0830 GMT 30 Apr 85
{From the press review]

[Text] The DAILY SKETCH and THE GUARDIAN deliberate on religious fanaticism
in some parts of the country. The papers note that the government has not
been able to adequately curb religious excesses. However, the SKETCH

makes it clear that the government should not allow a band of religious
(2crackpots) to threaten the lives of innocent citizens. It advises the
security agents to improve on the intelligence gathering of the activi-

ties of religious extremists. The SKETCH equally urges the government to
-endeavor to dislodge the strongholds of the fanatics.

And on its part, THE GUARDIAN says one of the remote causes of the riots
could be the fact that members of the various organs charged with the
powers of regulating and licensing religious preachers, belong to the more
traditional sects. It believes that the attempts to curb unorthodox
religions are likely to further antagonize the nonconformist sects there-
by driving them underground. It explains that powerful preachers use the
purification of religion as the ideological springboard to mobilize frus-
trated elements. The paper warns that religion is a touchy issue which
must be handled with extreme care and faithfulness. It contends that the
problem of a sect is not solved by outlawing it. Rather, THE GUARDIAN
argues, it is solved through vigorous education and understanding of the
weaknesses and drives of the group.

In a closely related editorial, the NEW NIGERIAN examines Major General
Tunde Idiagbon's statement onthe subversive activities of some foreign
evangelists who have tried to introduce fundamentalist And-extremist doc-
trines into the country. The paper expresses fear over this development
because these activities are (?relevent) from the two sensitive fronts which
are education and religion. To buttress its argument, the NEW NIGERIAN
says that no sooner has the chief of staff alerted the nation on religious
activities than the monstrous Maitatsine extremist sect erupted, killing
many people in Gombe, Bauchi State. The paper thinks the government can
effectively handle the problem by opening up more avenues for discourse
and dialogue with large and wider segments of society.

21
CsO: 3400/215



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

GHANA

SWA POLICE SPECIAL TASK FORCE'S VITAL ROLE AGAINST TERRORISM
Johannesburg ARMED FORCES in English Apr 85 pp 25, 27, 29

[Article by Helmoed-Romer Heitman]

[Text] Ai! too easily overlooked in the shadow of the large forces
deployed in the Operational Area and the exploits of the
much maligned police counter-insurgency unit Koevoet, the
smail Special Task Force of the SWA Police plays a vital role
in defending that territory against terrorism.

The Swapol Special Task Force was formed in 1977 on the
basis of the SAP Special Task Force which had grown out of
the SAP anti-riot unit in 1976. Swapol’s force is responsible
for all anti-terrorist operations to the south of the “Red Line”
which designates the southern boundary of the Operational
Area. Additionalty, it doubles as the anti-riot unit. forms
Swapol's only standing reaction force and includes trained
bomb disposal men. Given time, it can be supplemented by
the Swapol Reaction Force which is made up of selected per-
sonnel from all elements of Swapol who are withdrawn from
their normal duties and mobilised as the Reaction Force only
when needed. The immediate police reaction to an incident of
terrorism or rioting, however, will almost always fall to the
Special Task Force.

Internally, the Special Task Force is organised on basically
the same system as Koevoet but adapted to suit the different
operational circumstances. Koevoet does not, for example,
have to consider problems of urban operations and high-rise’
buildings, both of which form a.definite part of the Special
Task Force’s operational environment. With a total strength
of only around 100 officers and men, the latter is also on a
rather smaller scale. Equipment and weaponry is generally
the same as that employed by Koevoet, with the addition of
items required for urban operations and riot control

Fundamentally, the Special Task Force also operates ac-
cording to the same tactical principles and doctrines as
Koevoet, but has naturally modified their application to suit
its operational circumstances and the terrain, which is very
different from that encountered in most of the Operational
Area. The essence of this approach is that counter
insurgency is by nature a police task involving a measure —
often a very large measure — of combat, rather than a
military task which calls for a heavier than usual emphasis on
intelligence work. The emphasis is thus on suitably adapted



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

NIGERIA

EX-PRESIDENT SHAGARI'S ADVISER GETS 21 YEARS
AB251729 Lagos NAN in English 1706 GMT 25 Apr 85

[Text] Lagos, April 25 (NAN)--Prof Godwin Odenigwe, former adviser to
ousted President Shehu Shagari, slumped twice in the dock today as he
listened to the judgment of a military tribunal which sentenced him to 21
years' imprisonment for abuse of office.

About thirty minutes into the judgment, Prof Odenigwe, who was dressed in

a full, flowing yellow agbada, started shivering and perspiring profusely.
Ten minutes later, he suddenly slumped and was helped on his feet by secur-
ity agents. At this juncture, the professor who had been standing in the
dock, sat down and asked: "what is happening?" But about five minutes
later, he slumped again forcing the tribunal to adjourn.

The former presidential aide was then carried out of the dock by his rela-
tives and security agents and was later attended to by two military doctors.
One of the doctors told a correspondent of the NEWS AGENCY OF NIGERIA (NAN)
who covered the proceedings, that Prof Odenigwe slumped as a result of
dizziness which resulted from a medication which he took without eating.

When the tribunal resumed sitting about ten minutes later, its chairman,
Air Vice Marshal Moktar Mohammed, asked him "Professor, how are you feeling
now?" He replied: "I am feeling much better sir."

Prof Odenigwe, who was charged with corruptly enriching himself with
N804,218 from the sale of 21,164 bags of rice, was cleared of the charge
but was found guilty of breaching the code of conduct for public officers.

According to the chairman, Prof Odenigwe "got himself deeply involved in
rice distribution." He said that Odenigwe was blameworthy in many ways,
because by his action, he denied his people, for whom the rice was meant, of
the particular consignment, while the money realised from its sale was not
returned to the government. The chairman further said "in the circumstan-
ces, we can do nothing but find you guilty of abuse of office." Prof
Odenigwe was also ordered to forfeit N804,218, the amount involved in the
sale, to the Federal Government.

cso: 3400/215 26



WHEELER:— The CCM_ is
Tanzania's one and only political
Party. It’s far from being
monolithic, covering every shade
of political opinion, from
. Marxism to Thaterchism — well
almost. Every village in Tanzania
has its Party workers, but this is
neither as sinister nor repressive
as it would be in more developed
societies. Tanzanians are

accustomed to speaking their
minds, ‘and issues are hotly
debated. And nu one gets
chopped down for speaking up.
Those who favour cutting back
the activities of the state, now
seem to have the upper hand. A
state of affairs which gives
encouragement to Tom Wolfe, ari
American who runs the country’s
most successful industrial plant,
General Tyre:

WOLFE:— There's definitely a
great change since the budget of
June 1984. There’s certa
more realism around, there's
more consumer items available
for the Tanzanian consumer.
There’s a bit of confusion of what
the future's going to be but there
is definitely more available. and

a much freer economic
atmosphere. :
WHEELER:— From "your

experience of Africa, do’ you
think this is something that’s
going to last?

WOLFE:. There are two
trends within the government.
One opting very much for a freer
economy, the other one
preferring to stay strictly to the
socialist line. I just hope the freer
economy wins.

WHEELER:— But the debate is
by no means over. When
President Nyerere steps down in
October, Tanzania will present a
mew face to the world. But
Nyerere has said’ that he'll
continue, as Chairman of the
Party for another two years. So it
remains to be seen just how free
his successor will be to make any
changes. Dr. Haroub Othman is
Director of Development Studies
at Dar es Salaam University:
OTHMAN:— There are forces
here within the Government,
within the Party even, that are
interested in reversing, to a
certain extent, the policy
position. and so on. And there
are forces that are interested in
continuing with this policy. So
this is a continuous struggle. But,

3400/180

cso:

definitely. 1 can't see in the
foreseeable future any
fundamental change of policy.
There has been a speculation in
the Western press especially that
all this talk of socialism and soon
and so forth. is just Nyerere
business, you know, and
therefore once he goes, there'll
be a turn around. I mean. I don't
think we'll have any Sadat —
way here. You know. Nasser
died. Then he started turnin;
everything upside down. That.
don’t think, will happen because
the social forces interested in the
reservation of the status quo. at
least, in the pursuing of the
policies of Nyerere, are quite

strong, and” the Tanzanian
population, unlike most of the other
people in Africa, is highly
politicised.

WHEELER:— But not all
Tanzanians are _sucialists
presumably?

OTHMAN:— They're not all

socialists. but they are all
patriotic.
WHEELER:— But __ then”

patriotism can take many forms.
in sume quarters the end of the

Nyerere regime will be greeted
with. relie His vision of an
African socialism, with its roots
in pre culonial times, has failed to
produce the . But even so,
as Prime Minister Salim suggests,
his will be a hard act to follow.

SALIM:— You have one father
figure. you have one founding
figure, One dynamic figure who
comes out in history as a
stalwart, as the embodiment of
that nation. and then you have.
other leaders who come after
him, and they will be expected to
play their role. But, for example.
in the United States, you cannot
have another George
Washington. They have had a lot
of other leaders, but, certainly, I
don’t think the Americans can
claim that they had another
George Washington. So. you
have only one _ George
Washington. and so in Tan2ania.
we had and we only have one
Mwalimu Nyerere.

WHEELER:— So it’s going to be
a difficult role for whoever gets
the job, to fill?

SALIM:— Oh certainly. It’s

going to be a very challenging
time. «

88

WHEELER:— I don’t know
much about Tanzanian politics
from the inside. but I’m told
you're one of the favourites for
the job. is that right?“

SALIM:— That is part of what I
would call idle speculation.

WHEELE!) Unduly modest I
thought. en I asked one of the
Prime Minister’s colleagues what
he thought was Tanzania's main
achievement, he replied: ‘‘that
we are still here’’. One would like
to see this warm, friendly, if not
particularly hard — working
peuple, achieve rather more than
that. With better luck from the
weather and an adequate
response from the peasants, the
country can feed itself. And, in
time, start to export. But Watch-
ing hundreds of bright. eager
children emerging from primary
schools, in the unifurms which
take such a big bite out of the
family budget, you’re bound to
ask yourself how many of them
are gotng to be happy tilling the
soil. And there really isn’t much
else. To paraphrase the old song:

“How you going to keep ’em
down on the farm, Once they
have seen Dar es Salaam’.



police investigation work leading to swift, decisive combat
once the insurgents are located and fixed. Like Koevoet, the
Special Task Force has shown this concept to be very suc-
cessful indeed.

Members of the Special Task Force are recruited on a pure-
ly voluntary basis from among Swapol policemen with at
least two to three years of service in the police. All must
undergo the eight week training course, regardless of any
previous training or experience — even men who have seen
service with Koevoet. This is so principally to ensure that
there is no difference in the concept of operations or in actual
tactical drills within the unit. Any such differences could be
critical in action when there will often, by the very nature of
the unit, be little or no time to rehearse or conduct !ong brief-
ing sessions. Then too, the Special Task Force must aiso deal
with potential urban terrorism, a task in which most other
elements have little training and less experience.

The training course is essentially divided into two phases
of roughly four weeks each followed by detachment for
specialist courses of various types. The two main phases
cover:

a. Urban Operations — including such aspects as

building penetration and action within buildings,

hostage release, bomb identification and disposal

and rope work; .

b. Rural Operations — including such aspects of rural

counter-insurgency operations as patrolling and

counter-patrolling, ambush and counter-ambush

drills, vehicle operations, advanced field craft and
basic tracking as wel! as weapons training, handling
and dealing with mines and booby traps and foreign
weapons recognition and handling. This phase sees
the trainees cover some 500 km on foot in the course
of the training and also includes a one week survival
course.

Once this basic task force training is successfully com-
pleted — an 80% mark throughout is required to pass — the
new task force members join operational sections and receive
their further training as members of their sections. Each sec-
tion is trained up to full operational standard as an entity by
the section leader. Alternatively, a complete section may be
formed out of recruits selected by an experienced man who
trains them up as a section and remains their section leader.
Apart from regular and frequent refresher training, members
can later go on various specialised courses such as
parachuting, explosive ordnance disposal or diving.

Apart from the limited attempts Swapo has thus far made at
urban terrorism, the Special Task Force has been called out
every rainy season since 1975 to deal with the infiltration of
Swapo’s “special forces” elements through eastern Owambo
into the farming areas to its south. Where necessary. this
small unit has been supplemented by Koevoet fighting groups
and Army elements, the latter drawn both from 61 Mech Bn Gp
and from the local Area Force Units which equate to the South
African Commandos. While the infiltrated insurgent groups
have generally been small, they have usually comprised highly



Solidarity Committee's aims to educate and mobilize Zimbabweans to meet their
international obligations and understand the dynamics of the anti-imperialist

global struggle. [Text] [Harare Domestic Service in English 1600 GMT 15 May

85 MB]

cso: 3400/228 - END -

94

»


JPRS-SSA~85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

PLANS FOR KWAZULU, NATAL
Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 4 May 85 p 4

{Text] HOUSE OF AS- consideration to the Bu-
SEMBLY. — The Minis- thelezi Commission re-
ter of Co-operation, De- port. *
velopment and Educa- Mr Swart said Dr Vil-
tion, Dr Gerrit Viljoen joen should give more
should spell out what legitimacy to the com-
plans the Government munity councils and
had for Natal and Kwa- Black. local authorities,
Zulu, Mr Ray Swart because the Black com-
(PFP, Berea) said. munities had always re-
Speaking in the Co-op- ;
eration and Development _$27ded them fas an arm of
Vote of the Budget, Mr boards admunistratioy
Swart said the concept of aa
having two separate 2d: ye given lear declare
ministrations for Natal tion of intent about the
‘actical because the two ultimate rights of Blacks
pr because at present Black
areas depended on each authorities were being
other qoaally and econ- seen as a substitute for
comically. full political participation
He said the final con- at the highest level, Mr
solidation plans for Kwa- Swart said.
Zulu had been delayed
for so long, it now ap-
peared that the Govern-
ment might have found it
impossible to ‘consolidate
the area.
“If this is the case, then
it is high time the Minister
tells us what the Govern-
ment’s plans are for the
region. There is a wide
spectrum of feeling
among the people of Na-
tal, of which the Minister
must be aware, that a sep-
arate dispensation for Na-
tal can be worked out.”
Mr Swart said Dr Vil-
joen should give serious

cso: 3400/1521

62



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

CITIZEN VIEWS BOMB BLASTS, ANC ACTIVITIES

MBO81438 Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 2 May 85 p 6]

(Editorial: "The Blasts"]

{Text] The limpet mine attacks on Anglo American and Anglovaal buildings were
obviously the work of the African National Congress, since only the ANC has
access to limpet mines.

The attacks coincide with the dismissal of black mine workers by both groups
for being involved in illegal strikes.

The NAC has not previously attacked the giant conglomerates, concentrating its
bombings on government buildings and on electricity and other installations.

On the other hand, it is a movement that is quite prepared to exploit a
situation to its own advantage--and the attacks, coinciding with the dismissals,
can be seen as an attempt to demonstrate the ANC's sympathies with the workers.

It can also be an attempt by the ANC to demonstrate its aversion to the cap-
italist system, since both corporations are massively involved in many busi-
ness and industrial undertakings besides mining-~and the ANC, in which the
South African Communist Party plays a significant role, has as one of its
platforms a redistribution of the country's wealth.

The ANC leadership recently warned multinational firms they would be subject

to attack for so-called exploitation of black workers--and the attacks on Anglo
American and Anglovaal, though they are not multinationals in the sense of the
word as used by the ANC, may indicate that local giants may similarly be
singled out.

The antagoinism towards the big corporations, especially Anglo American, has
intensified as big business moves closer to the government.

Mr Harry Oppenheimer, former chairman of Anglo American, who is still the
major shareholder of that huge corporation, has supported the government's

reformist programmes.

68



we must give priority to war. If it is necessary to close workplaces, schools,
and universities in order to rapidly put an end to war, we are going to do it.

In a war situation there is no compulsory military service. There is only the

call from the fatherland, unquote. Accordingly, Samora Machel pointed out that
the government would take appropriate measures.

The president also spoke about the preparations for the OJM Second National Con-
ference, and noted that the themes which are going to be debated by the youth
are closely linked to the present situation faced by our country. Near the con-
clusion of his speech, President Samora Machel said that the OJM youth consti-
tutes a major reservoir for the fatherland and the future.

The big festival marking the end of the youth week continued until evening with
our young men singing and dancing to the sounds of the musical groups which per-
formed at Independence Square in Maputo.

CSO: 3400/192

13



In this area of manpower training, it is noteworthy that a thorough review
is being undertaken. For a situation in which at present the Air Force
trains its men in about four countries, where weapons procurement is done
in nearly the same number of countries, leaves much to be desired. [sen-
tence as heard] In an era of declining foreign exchange, diversification
of training and weaponry should be reduced to a minimum. Though it is

true that different weapons are needed for different roles, centralization
will go a long way to reduce our dependence on toomany foreign technologies.

Another area of great concern is the use of civilian airports as air force
bases. The argument that billions of naira would be needed to build a
separate base for the Air Force is reasonable for now as a result of the
country's economic predicament; however, a future separation is desirable
because of the inherent danger that such duality poses in the event of an

outbreak of war.

Finally, the time has come for our neighbours in the west African subregion
to consider seriously the suggestion by Air Vice Marshal Ibrahim Alfa for
the staging of joint military maneuvers. The usefulness of military pacts
and alliances such as NATO and Warsaw cannot be underestimated.

On the whole, it could be said that in its 21 years of existence, the
Nigerian Air Force has performed very well and has become A formidable
force in the continent that all Nigerians can rely on and be proud of.

CsO: 3400/215

18



Power Requirement:
Operating
Temperature Range:
Receiver:
Sensitivity:

Adjacent Channel
Rejection:
Audio Output:

Harmonic Distortion:
Squelch:
Current Consumption:

Transmitter

RF Power Output:
Frequency Stability:
Modulation Stability

Encoder
Start Time:
Code Duration:
Code Frequency

Error

Transmitter Current

Sidetone:

cso: 3400/173

12V (nominal) DC supply

-15° to +55° Centigrade

0.4uV for-greater than 12dB SINAD 1
kHz tone at rated output

Better than 65dB.

3W into front panel 4 ohm
loudspeaker

Less than 10%

Set to break at 0,35uV maximum
Less than 300mA in Receive/Standby
mode

25 watts (min. 20 watts: max 30 watts)
Better than 1,5 kHz on all channels
Microphone input 8mV (with speech
compression) into 300 ohms. 1dB
change in modulation for 10dB
change in microphone input

600mS
70mS_ + 15mS

Less than 1%

Less than 6A at 30 watts output
power

Incorporated

47



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

ZAMBIA

BRIEFS

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AID URGED--His excellency the president, Dr Kaunda, bas
called on the trade union movement to be responsible and contribute to the
economic development of the country. Dr Kaunda was opening a 3-day work-
shop on workers' participation in Chipata, at the teacher training college.
He said when the party and its government ‘calls on trade unions to play a
constructive role in national development, it means well and“it is not~

one way of trying to campaign for their (?extinction). He said trade unions
have responsibilities toward the consuming public and the economy as a
whole, and urged them to continue to make humanism the cornerstone of the
country's industrial and labor practises. The president told the workshop,
being chaired by the minister of state for industrial participatory demo-
cracy, Mr Unia Mwila, that (?the concept of) humanism should aim at the
achievement of high productivity. Dr Kaunda said it is therefore the
responsibility of both management and labor to raise the welfare of the
people and enable the growth and development of the country. He said those
who treat humanism as a (?massive) show of force should reexamine their
theories against the background of the type of society being tried to be
built in the country. [Text] [Lusaka Domestic Service in English 0500

GMT 16 May 85]

KAUNDA ORDERS DETENTIONS--President Kaunda has detained 15 people under the
preservation of public security regulation. According to the government
gazette published today, the detainees who, are being held at Lusaka central
prison, include a former central committee member, Sikota Wina; his wife,

the Princess Nakatindi -(Wheelam Roman Bachman); Emanuel Mike Thembo; Oscar
Kwalela Lubasi; (Webster Muwonso); George Musanje; (Goolah Adabzulah) ;
McDonald Ngwira; (Patric Mwenso); (Lazarus Mulengamore); (James Mitty); ;
(Farook Adam Essa); and Ibrahim Yusuf. At least 17 people have been detained
so far. They include Chris Mwanalushi and Richard Nganga, who is Mrs Wina's
brother. [Text] [Lusaka Domestic Service in English 1800 GMT 10 May 85]

cso: 3400/187



JOURNALISTS TRIED FOR 'FALSEHOOD'--Jos, May 10 (NAN)--The editor of the SUNDAY
STANDARD, Mr Clement Oluwole, and the paper's crime reporter, Mr Steve Raymond,
were yesterday arraigned before a Jos chief magistrate's court for publishing
"injurious falsehood." Charged along with the two journalists is Mr Amos
Jimwan, the sole administrator of the Plateau Publishing Company (PPC), pub-
lishers of the NIGERIAN STANDARD and the SUNDAY STANDARD. The prosecution told
the court that the accused persons had on Oct. 21, last year, published a news
story titled "Hemp Farmers Rejoice Over Bumper Harvest" which was capable of
damaging the reputation of the policy in the state. The accused persons pleaded
not guilty to the charge. The prosecution, however, asked for adjournment to
enable it to obtain advice on the case from the state Ministry of Justice. The
presiding magistrate, Mr A.B. Aya, said that there was no reason for the police
to have terminated the case at the high court only to bring it up again in the
lower court and ask for adjournment. He said that the police should have
gathered all the facts before coming to the court. He granted the accused per-
sons bail on self-recognizance in the sum of 500 naira each and adjourned the
case on July 9. Mr Steve Raymond had earlier been discharged and acquitted by
a Jos high court on the same offence, but he and Mr Oluwole were arrested by

the police immediately after they left the court. [Text] [Lagos NAN in English
1708 GMT 10 May 85 AB]

2 DETAINED IN CONNECTION WITH GOMBE RIOTS--Gombe (Bauchi), May 16 (NAN)--The
judicial commission of inquiry into the religious disturbances in Gombe has
ordered the immediate detention of two land agents, Mallam Ali Bakoji, and
Ibrahim Imam for the dubious role they played in the religious uprising. The
chairman of the commission, Mr Justice Alex Okoye, said on Tuesday that it was
evident that the land agents connived and sold a piece of land to one Ibrahim
Alhassan, who built the uncompleted house used by the fanatics in Pantami Ward
during the disturbances. He said that from all indications, the men knew that
Alhassan was a suspected Maitatsine disciple before they sold the plot to him.
One of the land agents, Mallam Ibrahim Imam, admitted that they sold the plot
to Alhassan on April 14, last year for N900. He, however, stated that he was
not aware that Alhassan was a disciple of Maitatsine. Mallam Ali Bakoji denied
ever introducing the suspected fanatic to Ibrahim Imam. Another witness,
Danladi Samaila of Jekadafari quarters, Gombe, told the commission that the
fanatics who killed his father wore mobile police anti-riot helmets and were
armed with guns and matchets. He said that the fanatics ordered them into a
house where dead bodies lay in a pool of blood and dealt several matchet cuts
on them, killing his father in the process. [Text] [Lagos NAN in English 1602
GMT 16 May 85 AB]

CSO; 3400/221

30 : >



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

BRIEFS

“MEETING WITH AFRICAN, IRC, BANK OFFICIALS--In Maputo yesterday, President Samora
Machel received a number of foreign officials with whom he discussed issues con-
nected with cooperation at various levels and the international situation, par-
ticularly in southern Africa. The Mozambican leader received in separate audi-
ences the special envoy of the president of Comoros, the African representative
of the International Red Cross, the vice president of the World Bank for eastern
and southern regions, and the secretary of external relations of the African
Party for the Independence of Cape Verde. [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service in
Portuguese 1030 GMT 16 May 85 MB]

SABOTEURS BURN MAPUTO CUSTOMS OFFICE--A fire broke out this morning at the
Maputo customs office, namely in the traffic control department. This sabotage
action partially destroyed the building, burning archives containing a number
of documents. The saboteurs used gasoline and paraffin with the aim of com-
pletely destroying all the existing documents. Despite the losses caused by
the fire, the Operation Autostop [to check automobile registration licenses]
has not been affected and will continue as usual. The Criminal Investigation
Police are continuing with investigations to find those responsible for the
fire. According to a customs source, people having to process their automobile
documents will soon be informed of the location of the new office. The rapid
intervention of the fire brigade, which managed to put out the fire in a short
time, has been highly praised. [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese
1700 GMT 16 May 85 MB]

SECURITY FORCES CAPTURE WEAPONS--The Mozambican NOTICIAS newspaper has said a
joint operation by the Mozambican Defense and Security Forces in Matola, about

15 km west of Maputo, has resulted in the capture of weapons ammunition, and
other military equipment. The report says commodities believed to be circulating
in the black market were also seized. In the past few weeks, police and sol-
diers have carried out house-to-house searches on Matola in an operation which
NOTICIAS said was aimed at securing peace, neutralizing the infiltration of
RENAMO forces, and ending black marketeering. [Text] [Johannesburg Interna-
tional Service in English 1500 GMT 16 May 85 MB]

14



DESTRUCTION OF LOCAL AUTHORITIES WILL NOT BE ALLOWED

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 4 May 85 p 4

[Text]

HOUSE OF AS-
SEMBLY. — Black
local authorities were

“the basis of democracy

and the Government
would not allow them
to be destroyed, Dr
Gerrit Viljoen, Minis-
ter of Co-operation
and Development, said
replying to debate on
his vote of the Budget.

The enemies of the
country were intent on
destroying the Black local
authorities because they
knew they were the basis
on which political rights
were to be extended to
Blacks.

These elements had to
be eliminated. The Black
local authorities also
served as a schooling pro-
cess for the functioning of
government.

Control

Dr . Viljoen said the
Government was plan-
ning to phase the sorg-
hum beer industry from
out of the control of the
administration boards
over the next three years.

‘The liquor industry had
no place in local author-
ities and would be phased
out as more finds became
available from the re-
gional service levies to
‘compensate for the loss of
revenue from beer sales.

The payment of service
charges and tariffs in the

Black urban areas were
essential for the com-
munities which: lived in
these areas. The services
in the urban areas were
provided economically
and if no revenue was re-
ceived, the services could
not continue.

The pass laws were the
most significant cause of
racial friction in South
Africa, Mrs Helen Suz-
man (PFP, Houghton)
said.

Speaking in the com-
mittee stage of the Co-op-
eration, Development
and Education Vote, she
said the laws were “total-
ly discriminatory”.

They bedevilled the re-
lationship between Blacks
and police, and Blacks
and officials, jammed the

_ country’s jails, and fur-

ther impoverished pover-
ty stricken homelands.

Urban
They did not stop
people from coming into

‘the urban areas.

She welcomed the ad-
mission by Dr Viljoen,
that the urbanisatuon of
Blacks was inevitable and
desirable.

“He wants revised in-
flux control on the basis
of the recommendation of
the Rieckert Commisson
— that a job and ap-
proved accommodation
be the basis for legal ur-
banisation.

58

“In other words, influx
control is to be based on
how to let-them in rather
than on how to keep them
out.”

Mrs Suzman said she
took issue with the Minis-
ter on these views, de-
spite the fact that they
were “light years” away
from the “horrible” basis
of the migrant labour
system.

“What a pity he was
not in charge of this port-
folio instead of deadbeats
like De Wet Nel, M C Be
tha and Piet “Promises”,
or an ideologue like Dr
Verwoerd, who set this
country on the disaster
course it has been follow-
ing for so many years.”

Horrifying

The Eastern Cape un-
rest had had horrifying
consequences, not only
for the communities in-
volved but also for the
country in general, Mr E
K Moorcroft (PFP, Alba-
ny) said.

Also speaking in ‘com-
mittee on the same vote,
Mr Moorcroft said the
symptoms of this unrest
were not difficult to pin-
point as it had enjoyed
maximum media expo-
sure.

No-one could deny that
there was intimidation
but it was no good em-
barking on a witch-hunt.

Socio-economic and

JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


JPRS~SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

FORTY-TWO PERCENT OF FOOD AID FOR AFRICA NOT YET ARRIVED
A4B081817 Dakar PANA in English 1737 GMT 8 May 85

- [Text] United Nations, 8 May (POOL-NA/PANA)--Forty-two percent of the food
deliveries promised to Africa has not reached its destination, officials of
the newly~founded U.N. Agency for Urgent Relief Aid to Africa have said.

The same sources said that out of the seven million tonnes of food needed by
the famine-stricken population of Africa, only 6.3 [figure as received]
million tonnes have been provided to date. The U.N. experts warn that the
sub-Saharan countries need urgent food deliveries before the June rains
which will render traffic impossible on many roads. They also warn that
many countries have used up sowing seed as food. If the quantities of seed
used in this way are not made up for, the food shortage will continue in
1986. Food delivery is particularly aggravated due to jammed port facilities
in west African ports and Port Assab on the Red Sea. The former has grave
consequences for Chad, Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, whereas the latter

hits Ethiopia in particular.

Twenty-one African countries are suffering from food shortage, according to
the data of the U.N. Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO). The list
includes Angola, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cape Verde, Chad,
Ethiopia, Lesotho, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Mozambique, Niger, Rwanda,
Senegal, Somalia, Sudan, Tanzania, and Zambia. Kenya and Zimbabwe recently
asked to be struck off the list since their "situation regarding food has
improved."

The six worst-affected countries, according to the U.N. experts, are Chad,
Ethiopia, Maili, Niger, Mozambique and Sudan. At present, food is available
to only one-third of the 1.5 million famine-stricken in Chad.

Transportation difficulties in Ethiopia make the situation critical for as
many as five million people, whereas Niger's 400 thousand nomads face star-
vation due to Nigerja's jammed port facilities. In Mali and Mozambique, the
situation is also considered critical, whereas in Sudan it is described as
“exceptionally grave and deteriorating rapidly."

cso: 3400/204



JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

ZAIRE r

BRIEFS

GUARD CLAIMS KILLING OF OPPONENTS--Bonn, 11 Apr (AFP)--A former member of
Zairian President Mobutu's personal guard, a 34-year-old Zairian who has been
living as a refugee in the FRG for 1 month, has confessed that he has assassi-
nated "a good many" political opponents in-his country,°the Bochum (FRG) public
prosecutor's office announced today. According to the prosecutor's office, the
man, whose identity was not disclosed, said that he had been a member of the
"Special Presidential Brigade," President Mobutu's personal guard, from 1980 to
1983, and had taken part in the assassination of some 500 opponents to the
regime. A spokesman for the prosecutor's office stated that the man confessed
to having killed "a good many" persons himself. A spokesman for Amnesty Inter-
national in Bonn has stated that according to information reaching the London
International Secretariat, the Special Presidential Brigade is directly in charge
of a military camp at Mont Ngaliema in Kinshasa where tortures and executions
are carried out. "This may be the crook who for some time has been posing as

a member of the presidential brigade," according to Mabolia Inengo Tra Bwato,
Zaire's ambassador to Bonn. The man, who requested political asylum, has been
put. in detention awaiting trial. According to West German law, a man who has
committed crimes in another country can be tried in the FRG if he cannot be
extradited. [Text] [Paris AFP in French 1803 GMT 11 Apr 85 AB]

ARMY MANEUVERS--"Keba 85" or in French "Attention 85." The red flag is

no longer flying over Kahemba. The imaginary enemy who invaded the Kahemba
Zone was crushed during the important military maneuvers which took place 5
in this rural zone from 26 March to 1 April 1985. Our correspondent reports

from Kehemba, which is located in the Kwango subregion, in the Bamdundu

region: These military maneuvers were conducted by Major General Eluki

Monga Aunda, general chief of staff of the Zairian Armed Forces. ‘They

were aimed at testing the perparedness of the units to intervene more than

700 kms from their headquarters. I would like to remind you that Kinshasa

is located more than 1,300 kms from Kahemba. It was also an opportunity for

our troops to test the cooperation between units in control of a given

zone. The units that took part in the great military exercised code-named

Keba 85 were: troops of the land forces, in particular the 6lst Brigade of

paratroopers, the armored personnel, the Air Force, and the National

Gendarmerie. [Excerpt] [Kinshasa Domestic Service in French 1130 GMT 2

Apr 85] .

90



PROFESSOR EXPECTS MASS DEFECTIONS FROM NATIONAL PARTY

East London DAILY DISPATCH in English 17 Apr 85 p 2

[Text]

cso:

PRETORIA — The
National Party must
brace itself for mass de-
fections to the Conserva-
tive Party, the head of
the political science d
partment at the Uni-
versity of South Africa,
Prof Willem Kleynhans,
said yesterday.

That, he claimed,
would be the unavoid-
able consequence of
scrapping the Mixed
Marriages Act and the
sex across the colour
line provision of the Im-
morality Act.

“The repeal of these
obnoxious measures will
be the last straw for dis-
illusioned Nationalist
supporters who have
been fence-sitting in
their thousands since
the introduction of the
new constitution.”

The laws, he said,
were symbolic of the
security offered by the
National Party against
the rooted fear of
Nationalists of being
swamped by blacks,

The National Party
had destroyed itself and
would now have to look
to_a coalition with the
PFP and the NRP to sur-
vive and hold on to
power.

It would have to res-
tructure itself as a refor-
mist, liberal, integra-
tionist party likely. to

3400/150

attract majority support
from English-speaking
voters.

Prof Kleynhans said
that since the formation
of the National Party in
1934, congress after co
gress had demanded
Jaw to bar mixed mar-
riages and within a year
of obtaining power in
1948 the law was passed.

“By repealing the mea-
sures the National Party
will deprive a large mass
of its support of a law
considered vital for the
survival of white author-
ity and control in South
Africa.”

He said if the National
Party had to depend for
its survival in govern-
ment on the support of
Afrikaners, it would lose
the next general elec-
tion by a large majority.

ppc.

35

JPRS-SSA-85-045
4 June 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



I... that do not feed upon a practical
movement of a people, or of a class, tend,
over time, to sound hollow; and there is
always a danger of the very people holding
such ideas getting weary of them. A situa-
tion of this sort tends to make for
weakness, political unpredictability, and an
inclination towards posturing and
phrasemongering; furthermore, it tends to
rob the individuals concerned of a sound
sense of realism.

Liberal intellectuals share these risks with
all intellectuals, of all colours, who are not
part and parcel of living, practical move-
ment of a people or of a class. Working as
individuals, and proud of that fact, these
intellectuals tend to rob politics of its mass
character, by focussing only upon in-
dividual leaders of political movements,
dissecting the ideas, characters, faults, vir-
tues, and moves of such leaders the way
biology students dissect frogs in a
laboratory. The real movements of the peo-
ple below come to naught, and the in-

dividual leaders at the top become
everything.

A sound sense of political realism begins
where the masses of people are, even if they
are in a “pigsty” politically speaking — no
matter how ignorant or benighted they may
be at the moment. It does not begin with a
posture of aloofness from these masses of
people, or from the movements or
organizations in which the masses are, just
because one hates the character of the
leadership of these organisations or
movements, The masses of people do not
attain to a correct theoretical and practical
understanding of the historical process all
at once. The law of uneven and combined
development of the historical process ap-
plies also in the sphere of political con-
sciousness, just as it does in the sphere of
economics. Acquiring theoretical clarity is
also a process, which involves stages, some
single, others combined. The same stages
are not reached by all layers of the popula-
tion at the same time. Woe unto those in-
dividuals who by-pass the masses of work-
ing people, in urban and rural areas, and in-
teract politically only with educated people,
whether students or professional people,
just because the masses of working people
are still ‘‘politically unclear."”

T. masses of working people reach
theoretical clarity through theoretical
discussions, in which intellectuals can play
an important role, not standing aloof with

other intellectuals, but amidst these masses
of people; through the practical experiences
of masses in their daily existence, and
through ‘the lessons they learn from their
mistakes. Therefore, intellectuals who wish
to influence the historical process must find
their way to the masses of working people,
wherever these people are, in whatever
organizations these masses of people are,
and direct their work towards influencing
the ideas and action of these masses.

The dilemma facing White liberal in-
tellectuals is the dilemma of those i
dividuals who have to choose to throw in
their lot either with the ruling movement, in
this case Afrikanerdom, or with the move-
ment of the Africans for freedom. This is
the only way their lives can become pur-
poseful and meaningful in a supra-personal
ere there is no middle ground, no
ity of neutrality. In a context of op-
pression, neutrality amounts to supporting
the strong, i.e. the oppressor; and in the
case of White liberals, it is very easy to
argue this case, since, as Whites, they have
the protection of the White state, and they
enjoy the benefits that were worked out ex-
clusively for whites, by the White state.

So, in order for their lives to acquire in-
ner meaning and purpose, liberal intellec-
tuals have to shift from centre to either
tight, joining the movement of Afrikaner-
dom, or to left, joining the movement of
the Africans for emancipation. They have
to be part and parcel of the only group aims
possible in South Africa, either that of
Afrikanerdom, or that of African eman-
cipation; and they have to do this in theory
and practice.

Specifically, what does it mean to join
the movement of Africans for emancipa-
tion?

As intellectuals, white liberals have, first

and foremost, to wield the weapons they
know best how to handle, i.e. the weapon
of ideas; of intellectual clarification; and of
persuasion. First and foremost among
Whites in general, and among English-
speaking whites in particular; they have to
persuade their fellow-whites of the correct-
ness of the African cause; and of the need,
indeed, the necessity, of as many Whites as
possible to support, and, if possible, to join
the African cause, in theory and practice. It
is, let us stress, the success of such an effort
among whites, which will surely save South
Africa from a racialist holocaust.

There is also need for English-speaking,
progressive intellectuals, to get closer to
those Afrikaner intellectuals who now have
a divided mind over Afrikanerdom. Recent-
ly, the leader of NUSAS told us that an in-
creasing number of Afrikaner students, in
Afrikaner universities, are becoming more

38