12G197

JPRS-SSA-87-018

6 MARCH 1987

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

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JPRS-SSA-87-018

6 MARCH 1987

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

CONTENTS

ANGOLA

Minister on Moroccan Aid to UNITA, U.S. Talks

(Luanda Domestic Service, 6 Feb 87) . 1

Dos Santos Receives Lusophone, Libyan Envoys

(Luanda Domestic Service, 28 Jan 87) 2

Mawete Baptista Rejects Dialogue Witb UNITA

(Joao Mawete Baptista Interview; TEMPO, 27 Nov 86) 3

UNITA Reported Opening New Front in North

(TEMPO, 27 Nov 86) •• H

Briefs

Country Ready for RSA Contact 13

MPLA Reportedly Deporting People to North 13

BURKINA

Briefs

Portuguese Company Arms Shipment 14

GHANA

USSR Cuts Ghana News Agency Debts

(Accra Domestic Service, 5 Feb 87) 15

Information Minister Cited on Inter-Sputnik Membership

(Accra Domestic Service, 5 Feb 87) 17

Briefs

Cuban Medical Team Arrives 18

- a
KENYA

Self-Exiled Politician's Family Barred from Leaving

(THE WEEKLY REVIEW, 23 Jan 87) 19

Government Denies Harboring Dissidents

(Nairobi Domestic Service, 28 Jan 87) 21

Chinese Communist Party Delegation Hosted by Kanu

(THE WEEKLY REVIEW, 23 Jan 87) 22

Former Chief Secretary Nyachae on Civil Service, Future Role

(Simeon Nyachae Interview; THE WEEKLY REVIEW, 19 Dec 86) 24

UK Troops Barred From Coastal Cities

(Anthony Denton; DAILY NATION, 9 Jan 87) 27

AIDS Scare Affects Tourist Industry

(Gideon Nulaki; DAILY NATION, 12 Jan 87) 28

Parastatal Textile Workers End Strike

(DAILY NATION, 7 Jan 87) „ 29

Briefs ' ,

Assistant Labor Minister Sacked 1 30

LIBERIA

Briefs

Moroccan Cooperation Memorandum Signed 31

Matthews Advises on Reconciliation 31

Hongkong Steel Mill Construction 32

MADAGASCAR

Several Injured as Student Protests Grow

(AFP, 3 Feb 86) ... 33

MALAWI

Briefs

Banda on Economic Improvement \ 34

Groups Calls for Sanctions 34

MALI

Land Development, Water Project Agreements Signed

(A. Niakate; L'ESSOR, 9 Dec 86) 35

MOZAMBIQUE

MNR Claims Attack on Oil Pipeline to Zimbabwe

(BBC World Service, 19 Jan 86) 37

- b -
Radio Truth Notes Cuban Aid Offer to Mozambique

(Radio Truth in English to Zimbabwe, 23 Jan 87) 38

Commentary Views RSA Rightwing 'Fanatics' in AWB

(Machado da Graca; Maputo Domestic Service, 21 Jan 87) 40

Radio Truth Details ZNA, MAF Infighting

(Radio Truth in English to Zimbabwe, 31 Jan 87) 42

Security Situation in Zambezia Reportedly Improving

(Gil Lauriciano; PANA, 31 Jan 87) 43

Commentary Praises Economic Booster Plan

(Leonel Matias; Maputo Domestic Service, 5 Feb 87) 45

Briefs

Five Cubans, One Tanzanian Knifed 47

FRG Grant for Development 47

Chissano Praises Legislators 47

Cooperation Agreement Signed 48

Napula Province Situation Discussed 48

Renamo Downs Helicopter 48

Kidnapped Peasants Released 48

NIGERIA

Briefs

DPRK Cultural, Educational Agreement Signed 49

SENEGAL

Role in Gambia Relationship Examined

(Rene Oudou; AFRIQUE NOUVELLE, 3 Dec 86) 50

French Minister Signs Aid Agreements, Reviews Cooperation Issues

(Moustapha S. Diagne; LE SOLEIL, 19 Dec 86) 53

Briefs

IMF Funds 55

SIERRA LEONE

BBC Updates Student, University Situation

(BBC World Service, 5 Feb 87) 56

ZIMBABWE

Mugabe Gives Rationale for Delaying Sanctions Against Pretoria

(Guenter Krabbe; FRANKFURTER ALLGEMEINE, 6 Jan 87) 57

Private Farmers Seen as Model for Africa

(Lawrence Bartlett; THE STAR, 26 Jan 87) 59

- c -
Joint Economic Commission Formed With Canada to Broaden Trade

(SAPA, 28 Jan 87; Harare Domestic Service, various dates) 60

Communique Released 60

Mugabe, Mulroney Speak at Banquet 61

Agreement Underwrites Electricity Costs 61

Mugabe, Kaunda, Masire, Mulroney Hold Talks 62

Mulroney Says RSA Sanctions Necessary 63

Beira Corridor Group Ltd Appeals to Nation's Businessmen

(THE HERALD, 24, 29 Jan 87; THE SUNDAY MAIL, 25 Jan 87) 64

Overwhelming Responde 64

Norman Replies to Critics 65

Cross Predicts Rapid Results by Yearend 65

Japan Delegation Expresses Support for ANC

(PANA, 4 Feb 87) 67

ZANU-PF Facing Problems in Matabeleland

(Editorial; THE HERALD, 19 Jan 87) 69

Briefs

ZANU Official Confirms Unity 71

Agreement Signed on Dams 71

Nkomo on "Minor Details" 71

Minister Promises Jobs 72

Secretaries to Ministries Appointed 72

Mugabe Says RSA Situation "Moral Issue" 72

Botswana's Masire Arrives 72

1 SOUTH AFRICA

AFRIKANER/GOVERNMENT

Van der Merwe Explains Recent Statements on Press Curbs

(Stoffel van der Merwe Interview; BUSINESS DAY, 22 Jan 87) 74

BLACKS

Kwandebele People's Uprising, Fight Against Independence Reviewed

(Chris Vick; THE WEEKLY MAIL,\ 23-29 Jan 87) 76

Union Officials Forced To Join 'Witdoeke' Vigilantes' Rampage

of Terror

(Franz Kruger; THE WEEKLY MAIL, 23-29 Jan 87) 79

- d -
SOCIOPOLITICAL/OTHER

Reddy Makes No-Confidence Motion in Indian Chamber

(SAPA, 2 Feb 86) •

81

Helen Suzman: Government Responsible for Popularizing ANC

(Ruth Pitchford; POST NATAL, 7-10 Jan 87) 82

Suzman Assembly Speech Condemns Emergency Tactics

(Johannesburg Domestic Service, 5 Feb 87) 84

Columnist Comments on AAI Conference Proceedings in Gaborone

(Ameen Akhalwaya; POST NATAL, 21-24 Jan 87) 85

Survey: More Natal Whites Willing To Accept Non-Racial Society

(Chris Whitfield; THE SUNDAY STAR, 18 Jan 87) 87

Two Academics Discuss International Boycott Faced by Universities

(POST NATAL, 21-24 Jan 87; BUSINESS DAY, 23 Jan 87) 89

New Challenges Faced by Isolation, by Maurice McGregor 89

Accelerated Exodus of Scientists Predicted, by

Thelma Tuch 91

Brain Drain Reaching 'Alarming' Proportions

(THE ARGUS, 23 Jan 87) 93

History of Press Coverage of ANC Reviewed

(David Niddrie; THE WEEKLY MAIL, 19-22 Jan 87) 94

Afrikaans Press Reveals Growing Venture Into Black Publishing

(Jo-Ann Bekker; THE WEEKLY MAIL, 9-15 Jan 87) 96

Commentary Views ANC Aim at Soft Targets

(Johannesburg International Service, 4 Feb 87) 97

Commentary Praises Government Progress With Reform

(Johannesburg International Service, 31 Jan 87) 98

Columnist Ridicules Durban Beach Laws

(Ameen Akhalwaya; POST NATAL, 7-10 Jan 87) 99

1,700 Workers Strike Paper Mills for Wage Increase

(SAPA, 2 Feb 87) 101

NUM Condemns Firing of Anglo Miners

(SAPA, 4 Feb 87) 102

Briefs

Bloom Supports ANC Talks 103

New Construction Union Names President 103

- e -
ANGOLA

MINISTER ON MOROCCAN AID TO UNITA, U.S. TALKS

MB060754 Luanda Domestic Service in Portuguese 0500 GMT 6 Feb 87

[Text] Interior Minister Lieutenant General Manuel Alexandre Rodrigues

Kito said in Sumbe> Cuanza Sul Province, that FAPLA forces now possess the

necessary ability to resist attacks by the regular South African army.

Speaking to a group of national and foreign newsmen, Alexandre Rodrigues

went as far as to say that FAPLA forces were superior to the South African

army when it does not use its air force, adding that Angola had already

taken measures to change this position.

Answering a question on the Angolan stand with regard to Moroccan assistance to UNITA gangsters and the military training given along the NamibianAngolan border, the minister said Angola was already aware of the assistance

but knew nothing of the training. He added that if the information was true

then it was lamentable, but a solution would be found through contacts with

the Moroccan Embassy in Luanda.

Alexandre Rodrigues once again blamed South Africa for the tense situation in

the region. He said that the United States was an accomplice—thus losing its

credibility to act as a broker in the region—because of its support for the

puppet gangsters and its reception of the ringleader of the gang.

With regard to a probable meeting between the Angolan Government and South

African authorities, the minister said that he was not aware of that, not

even in his capacity as Angola's principal spokesman in the talks among

Angola, South Africa, and the United States. He added that Angola would only

favor an eventual resumption of negotiations with the United States which

would clarify the reasons that led the Angolan Government to decide on the

suspension of previous contacts,

/9274

CSO: 3400/976
ANGOLA

DOS SANTOS RECEIVES LUSOPHONE, LIBYAN ENVOYS

MB290919 Luanda Domestic Service in Portuguese 1200 GMT 28 Jan 87

[Text] Comrade Jose Eduardo dos Santos today received in audience the ministerial delegations which are taking part in the meeting of the fivePortuguese».speaking African countries. With the delegations of Mozambique,

Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, and Sao Tome e Principe, Comrade President Jose

Eduardo dos Santos exchanged views about several aspects of the development

of cooperation relations between the states.

Comrade Afonso van Dunem Mbinda, the Angolan minister of external relations,

attended the audience granted by the head of state who also received in

separate audiences Silvino da Luz, Cape Verdian minister of foreign affairs,

and (El Moderi Alii), special envoy of Socialist People's Libyan Arab

Jamahiriyah leader Colonel Mu'ammar al-Gadhdhafi. In the first audience

Comrade President Jose Eduardo dos Santos received a message from President

Aristides Maria Pereira and discussed with Minister Silvino da Luz issues

related to bilateral relations and other aspects of the current internal

situation. From Col Al-Gadhdhafi's special envoy, the Angolan head of state

also received a message which was sent to him from his Libyan counterpart.

The message is thought to be related to the development of relations of

[words indistinct]. (El Moderi Alii), who is the deputy minister of external

relations of his Country, has been in Angola for 2 days, from Maputo where he

carried out a working visit.

/9274

CSO: 3400/976
ANGOLA

MAWETE BAPTISTA REJECTS DIALOGUE WITH UNITA

Lisbon TEMPO in Portuguese 27 Nov 86 pp 22-23

[Text of interview with Joao Mawete Baptista, Angolan ambassador to Portugal,

by Handel de Oliveira, in Lisbon, date not supplied; first two paragraphs are

TEMPO introduction]

[Excerpts] It should be noted at the outset that Joao Mawete Baptista, Angolan

ambassador in Portugal, granted TEMPO'S request for an interview immediately and

unconditionally. He did not refuse to answer any question we asked him, although

he was unwilling to have a dialogue, so we were unable to counterpose arguments

to his statements. The interview lasted for more than 90 minutes and, in the

transcript which follows, the position of the Angolan chief of diplomacy in

Portugal is very clear, notably his intransigency regarding the FNLA and Savimbi,

to whom he referred by name only once, and also regarding UNITA, which he never

mentioned by name. He is unlikely to reverse his position, considering his

evaluation of UNITA. "There can be no dialogue. It is impossible. There can

be no other position but to destroy them. Fortunately, at this point they are

on their last legs."

Pleasant and affable in appearance, Joao Mawete Baptista's face clearly shows his

pride in being, not only a diplomat, but a soldier, and his concern with demonstrating that Angola is a totally independent, sovereign and self-determining

country, recognized and respected almost throughout the world, a country whose

integrity must be defended, whatever the cost./

7 ' / / ' / / ' ' .' •,

TEMPOi Now that 11 years have passed since independence, what does the future

hold for Angola?

Ambassador Jo*Mawete Baptista» We would like it to be a shared future between

Portugal and Angola, in terms of benefits, in terms of history, above all, in

terms of benefits for the Angolan and Portuguese people. To this end, we are

working with everyone from the extreme Left to the extreme Right, without reservation. But we understand, and this is the truth, that there are sectors in

Portugal which are still living in the 1960s, the 1950s, ignoring that this is

the 1980s. To be living in 1986 implies new relations, a new history, progress,

understanding, peace and development.

Development in terms of the total decolonization of all peoples. Development

in terms of more peaceful international relations. Development in North-South
cooperation, above all, in the transfer of technology, of what the underdeveloped

countries lack, and these include our own country, the People's Republic of

Angola QRPA].

We, as a sovereign, independent, self-determining people, intend to move forward

with the world on new bases, the bases to which 1 have just referred! recognized

independence, noninterference in the country's internal affairs, mutually advantageous cooperation, nonaggression on foreign territory and so on. These are

bases which have already been consecreated in international conventions which

govern relations among peoples.

Bridges and Roads Rebuilt

TEMPO; In concrete terms, are you optimistic about Angola's future-?

Baptistat The results already achieved in 11 years of independence, the work

in defense of our independence, our sovereignty and the consolidation of the

process in progress are positive factors on which our optimism is based. We

are building a country with dignity, true dignity and independence, a country

which has made a worthy contribution to solving the problem of the liberation

of southern Africa from the colonial yoke, the problem of peace on the African

continent.

Despite the vacuum created by the unfortunate way in which the decolonization was

effected, we have succeeded in creating the present administration, a governing

force which went from a movement to a Marxist-Leninist party; the conditions have

been created for popular government; i.e., the National Assembly—the People's

Assembly, in our words; the structures have been created for state administration,

for the justice system; we have created the national army, for the defense of

our territorial integrity—an army which is capable of countering any type of

aggression which threatens our national sovereignty; cadres have been trained

to respond to the demands of national defense and today we are capable of mastering any military technology; the economic conditions have been created to ensure

the economic and social reconstruction of the country; the companies which were

abandoned or destroyed by their owners are functioning today. The country does

not have a foreign debt that could jeopardize our national independence.

When the country was invaded by the South African troops, seeking to influence

our independence, and had to beat a hasty retreat in 1975, the South Africans

lost the mythical image of invincibility, for the first time. Their military

and paramilitary forces, their aggressive and offensive forces destroyed and left

in their wake bridges, roads, factories and so on. More than 80 percent of those

bridges have been rebuilt and more than 80 percent of the roads are now usable.

All this was accomplished in the midst of a prolonged and undeclared war waged by

the Americans against us, directly or indirectly, or directly by the South

Africans, and in the middle of a severe economic crisis which the world was

experiencing, a crisis fed directly by North American imperialism where the RPA

is concerned.
Illiteracy, which we encountered almost throughout the population, over 90 percent of it, has been reduced today, thanks to the programs set in motion to

combat this phenomenon of. colonialism.

A new relationship emerged in our society« the elimination of inequality, of the

bourgeoisie and of discriminatory tendencies; we eliminated the exploitation of

men by men. So we feel that we are showing a positive balance in our achievements to date and hence we can be optimistic.

Unconditional Recognition

TEMPO» What sort of relations does Angola have with the United States and South

Africa?

Baptistai Despite the political, economic, military and other pressures, we do

not have diplomatic relations with either the United States or South Africa,

because we feel that recognition of the People's Republic of Anolga must be

unconditional, as dictated by the standards which govern international relations.

TEMPO» You say that, with regard to the United States, the recognition of

Angola must be unconditional. But has the United States at any time set conditions for such recognition? ^ /

Baptista» Yes. They talk about the withdrawal of the Cubans from Angola.

TEMPO» But this has already passed over now and...

Baptista»...but they still don't recognize us.

TEMPO»...and even the UNITA itself says it wants to hold discussions without

presenting any conditions whatever.

Baptista» I am talking about the Americans. They still have not recognized us.

Move with the Rest of the World

TEMPO» For some months now, the Luanda government has been showing signs of a

more liberal foreign pol icy. Consistent with this policy, here in the Angolan

Embassy in Lisbon as well, the policy has been more open. Does the opening

occurring in Lisbon correspond to a position taken by the central government or

is it a unilateral initiative of the embassy itself?

Baptista» The RPA's foreign policy is governed by principles which are defined

in the line of the party, the MPLA-Labor Party, regarding relations with the

world. We conduct our relations with the world on the basis of principles

which govern relations between countries, between peoples.

The RPA is recognized almost the world over, except for the United State, South

Afeica and Israel. We are a sovereign, independent state, a member of the

United Nations, a member of the Nonaligned Nations, in which we are active.

Our voice and our positions are heard and well understood in these organizations.
He lived through 482 years of misery and suffering, which the rest of the world

can imagine—misery and suffering which the Portuguese people themselves experienced under fascism. One example of the reluctance of the colonialist countries

to perceive the express willingness of the Angolan landlords and nationalists

to negotiate, to hold a dialogue and to achieve independence was when they sent

tanks, military vehicles and so on from Portugal into the territory. The

Angolan people had never been thinking in terms of death. It was then that the

MPLA determined to pursue the armed struggle for national liberation, as the

only way of achieving freedom and...

TEMPO» Mr Ambassador...

Baptistat...and so we got help from abroad, basically from the East bloc countries, and we maintain privileged relations with them today. They are our

natural allies. Along with these relations, we are diversifying our contacts

and economic relations with the West. So our relations are diversified and are

consistent with the principles which we have already defined, since we are a

legitimate voice. This is the position which we take with Portugal, as well.

TEMPOt Then has there, or has there not, been a more liberal Angolan foreign

policy in recent times?

Baptistat As I said, it corresponds to our principles. We have to move with the

rest of the world; we cannot travel alone. Both in our political relations and

our economic relations, to promote our country, we must be a parr, of the world.

Silence from United States

TEMPO« There has been much talk of the possibility of a meeting in Cape Verde

between representatives of the United States and of Angola. Is there any foundation to this report, which Cape Verdean President Aristides Pereira himself

admitted was a possibility?

Baptistat The RPA has excellent economic relations with the United States, which

is our primary trading partner in terms of purchases! petroleum, coffee and so

on. To mark the alleviation of the existing or continuing tension between

Angola and the United States, we are encouraging the unconditional dialogue

with the Americans. It is just that, whenever this dialogue is leading toward

a positive goal, it is the Americans who quit. Angola's proposals in this regard

are well known. President Jose dos Santos said recently that, through the

Americans who come in and out of Angola, he invited Mr Reagan to come and talk

with our people and to learrt about the real situation here, which he does not

know. Incidentally, this proposal was reiterated by the Front Line countries.

President Jose Eduardo dos Santos said that, alternately, "we are prepared to

go to the United States for talks." How did Mr Reagan respond? To date, he

has chosen silence; he has chosen aggression, so...as you can see, the Americans

are not disposed to contribute to an alleviation of the existing tension. As

for what you asked me about Cape Verde, I have no personal knowledge of this;

I don't know.
Assistance to MPLA

TEMPO» You spoke about Cuba, about the USSR, about the privileged trading partners in the Eastern bloc in light of the assistance which Angola always received

from them in its struggle for independence. But the United States itself and

Western countries were also assisting you at that time.

Baptistat How? How?

TEMPO» With arms and with money.

Baptistat How? How?

TEMPOt England, the |_ J], France.

Baptistat How, how?

TEMPOt Supplying arms and...

Baptistat How? What? We were receiving bombs from overhead, napalm...

TEMPOt From the C

FRG1and fr°m

«««

Baptistat Would NATO be contributing to a war against its ally? 1 ask you.

How?

TEMPOt I think it is indisputable that both the [FRG]and...

Baptistat But how?

TEMPOt With money and weapons.

Baptistat But how is that? I was there. I am a combatant. The United States,

with the CIA, NATO, which had relations with the PIDE [international Police for

Defense of the State]--they wanted to strengthen the colonial position in Angola.

So how could they be helping the nationalist parties to overthrow colonialism?

TEMPOt If they did not help the MPLA, they certainly were helping the FNLA and

UNITA. I would have my history wrong...

Baptistat That's something else again.

TEMPOt So the MPLA never received help from the West?

Baptistat I just said...When you talk about the West, you must distinguish

between the position of the governments and that of the solidarity groups. They

are completely different. Those solidarity groups experienced pressures.

You also have to make a distinction with regard to the Scandinavian countries,

which always took the correct stand in relation to national liberation struggles.

TEMPOt There is a distinction there and it is very well taken.

/7
Baptistai No, no...you must distinguish between governments and solidarity

groups...

TEMPO* Which are French and West German and Swedish...

Baptistat...which are different from the positions of governments.

TEMPOS There is no doubt that there is a large Cuban military mission in Angola.

Does this presence have no effect at all on Angola's sovereignty?

Baptistat How?

TEMPOi I don't know. I haven't been there, but I hope to go back there....

Baptistat People confuse the issue of sovereignty in a sovereign and independent country» which has its own government, which has its own armed forces, which

makes its own decisions...

TEMPOt But in practice...

Baptistat...with the intentions of foreigners. We, for example, do not question

why the Americans have bases overseas, even in Europe. We think this is a

matter for each sovereign country to decide, or isn't it?

TEMPOt Yes, but...

Baptistat As for Angola, the issue is not even in terms of permanent bases, of a

permanent foreign presence...

TEMPOt Angola has no base...

Baptistat Angola will never have a foreign base. Angola will never permit its

territory to harbor weapons...

TEMPOt No, but in Angola...

Baptistat... to harbor atomic weapons. Angola has a contingent of Cuban forces

which will leave when the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Angola are

respected. This is well known and has been stated in international forums everywhere. Thus there is no country which can impose this condition.

The united Nations itself recognizes thati when a state is threatened, it may

resort to whatever assistance is offered. The Cuban presence is legitimate and

they will leave when there is full respect for our territorial integrity.

The United States knows our position and the proposals which we have put forward.

Some 2 years ago, 2 and 1/2 years ago, our president presented them and even gave

a timetable for the withdrawal of the Cubans. As I said a moment ago, every time

our proposals point toward a solution, complications begin to set in. This

has happened again.
UNITA 'Corralled'

TEMPO» It is a fact that there is a war with UNITA which has gone on for 10

years in Angola and there is no prospect whatever of a victorious .outcome for

either side by force of arms. What solution does the MFLA propose?

Baptistat People do not comprehend this issue. And this confusion compromises

the future relation of these same people with the KPA. Colonialism had already been

defeated...

TEMPOi But UNITA was not colonialist...

Baptista:...in 1975. The Portuguese Government is represented by its embassy

in Luanda, on bases legally established between the two countries. There is no

civil war in Angola. Angola is experiencing a war of aggression

We mobilized, and with foreign assistance, we chased out the aggressors. After

that, they opted for a prolonged guerrilla war.

They want to recolonize the RPA, putting puppets in power, puppets whom they can

control and who will do what they are told. We do not submit to this; we are

not puppets, we are not controlled and we never will be.

We won and, in 1978, President Agostinho Neto decreed clemency for all those

who, for various reasons, had been duped. Because they were illiterate, or in

exchange for a little money. Some 12,000 soldiers and more than 20,000 civilians

returned. They were not forced to make any political declaration. The soldiers

have been reintegrated in the Armed Forces and the civilians are making their

contribution in whatever way they know how.

The problem of Namibia is being resolved. Sooner or later, the territory will

become independent and the South Africans will go home. Then our people will

deal with eliminating the isolated remnants which are now corralled along the

southern border with Namibia, protected by the South African radar bases.

TEMPO« UNITA is corralled? But...

Baptista: Oddly, a kind of campaign is showing up now in reactionary European

circles to promote a man who is in the service of the racist South Africans, the

racists who can't deal with the blacks in their own country and won't give them

passports. They have given this black, who is not South African, a passport, so

it may be suspected that, legally, he is already South African. This is a very

good demonstration of the nature of the bandit, who came from the FNLA..., and

who, as foreign affairs minister, imposed the racist policy of killing the whites.

Earlier on, the first anti-white action was perpetrated by the FNLA in northern

Angola in March 1963, at which time thousands and thousands of whites fled to

Portugal. That was your Mr Savimbi.
These are some reasons why there can be no dialogue. It is [impossible], Mo

reconciliation is possible. The EEC defends the Alvor Accord, but any agreement

ceases to have validity and is rejected when one of the parties stops honoring

it and is untruthful. In effect, they were selling out our country. Fortunately,

we were able to detect the situation before it was too late. Today Angola is

respected. It honors its commitments.

There is no other position but to destroy them. Fortunately, they are now on

their last legs. And because they are in the death throes, they are reaching ou

to anyone in Europe or in America who can sustain them for a few more days.

TEMPOt In relation to South Africa and UNITA itself, the position of Samora

Machel differed from that of the Luanda government.

Baptistat I do not discuss the positions of a chief of state, particularly

because I am not familiar with them.

TEMPOj I will put the question another way. How are relations between Angola

and Mozambique?

Baptistat Relations between Angola and Mozambique have always been excellent,

but I will not discuss the positions of a chief of state, whatever they may be.

Common Future with Portugal

TEMPO« What about the Front Line countries?

Baptistat We are all struggling f.or peace in the region. We created an economic

organization in which each country has a series of responsibilities. They are

seeking to expand their relations in economic and other sectors.

TEMPOt Regarding relations between Angola and Portugal, what is happening?

Baptistat We are easing the climate of continuing tension, to create a shared

future, based on each country's independence. We are creating, through continuing dialogue, a frame for development. We have complementary economies and this

will enable us to accompish many things together.

TEMPOt Do you want to give some message to the Portuguese people?

Baptistat We are struggling to keep South Africa and the United States from

interfering in our independence and [we seek] to have the Portuguese mass media

contribute to friendlier relations between the two peoples.

Angola is moving forward steadfastly and with hope for the future, based on the

work we have done in our 11 years of independence, which enables us to resist the

pressures from abroad. We have come to Lisbon to help build the common future

of Angola and Portugal.

6362

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10
ANGOLA

UNITA REPORTED OPENING NEW FRONT IN NORTH

Lisbon TEMPO in Portuguese 27 Nov 86 p 24

[Excerpts] (TIMES and HERALD TRIBÜNE)—UNITA is opening a new front against the MPLA,

more precisely, in Cabinda, in northern Angola. This was admitted by Colonel

Ndalu, the chief of staff of the Angolan army himself, who said in Luanda that

"UNITA has attempted to open a new front in the north, with Zaire's assistance."

According to Western diplomats and official Angolan circles, the reports about

increasing guerrilla activity in the Cabinda enclave, in northern Angola, could

presage a new offensive by the UNITA forces, with serious consequences for the

country and for the region.

The latest reports from Luanda say that the guerrillas launched an attack 3

weeks ago against the heavily defended Cabinda airport; this was the most recent

in a series of ground actions that may mean a change in strategy by UNITA leader

Jonas Savimbi.

Cabinda's offshore petroleum fields, which are exploited by the American firm

Chevron, produce two-thirds of all the petroleum which Angola exports and which

brought in 93 percent of its foreign exchange revenues last year, enabling Angola

to finance the war which it has been waging with UNITA for 11 years.

Official circles in Luanda suggest that UNITA's latest attempt to sabotage the

Cabinda oil installations would have been impossible unless the rebels had been

given permission to use bases in neighboring Zaire.

Luanda has been reluctant to accuse Zaire publicly of aiding UNITA, but the

Angolan authorities privately suspect that Kinshasa is collaborating with the

United States and South Africa, closing its eyes to the UNITA operations

launched from its territory.

A UNITA spokesman in London denied that his movement had received any aid from

Kinshasa and added that the recent offensive in the north was connected with

"increased activities" and a "broad campaign."

"We do not divulge where we attack, or from where," he said. "We have to hit

the Luanda government where it hurts the most, and that would be the petroleum

installations."

11
In the past, South African commandos and UNITA forces have more than once

launched lightning attacks against Cabinda, but they have never initiated a

concerted military campaign.

UNITA has refused to comment on reports out of Zambia, according to which the

weapons were shipped through Zaire, but it admits that it has "received everything that Washington promised us."

The analysts believe that the new supplies of arms and the reports about a new

offensive in the north could swing the strategic balance in favor of UNITA and

increase the pressure on the Marxist government in Luanda to intensify its war

effort or accept a negotiated solution.

Stronger Defenses in Cabina and Soyo

Meanwhile, in Luanda, Col Antonio dos Santos Franca, army chief of general staff,

who is commonly known as Col Ndalu, said UNITA had attempted to open a new front in

the north, with Zaire's assistance.

In response to the increasing acts of violence in the north, Col Ndalu said the

defenses in Cabinda and the city of Soyo had been strengthened.

On 28 October, a bomb went off in the Cabinda airport, injuring three people,

in other incidents recorded this year, the guerrillas sabotaged the Cabinda

electric power system and attacked the installations of the provincial government.

"In March, April and May, there was a tremendous effort to reinforce Soyo/s

defenses," said a Soviet diplomat who had recently visited northern Angola.

"When I was there, the city was filled with Soviet advisors."

The guerrilla violence has also reached Malanje Province, about 320 kilometers

from the Zairian border. The capital, Malanje, is now inaccessible by road.

Col Ndalu added that "four or five South African battalions" had recently

returned to Southwest Africa, after a month of incursions into the Angolan provinces of Cunene, Cuando-Cubango and Namibe. In the course of the operation,

the colonel added, 11 Angolan soldiers and 5 SWAPO guerrillas were wounded.

Several South African soldiers were also wounded when three armored personnel

carriers set off land mines.

For his part, a SWAPO representative said in Luanda that the organization's combatants had killed 18 South African soldiers, wounded "many others" and destroyed

the base of Eenhana, in Namibian territory, 30 to 40 kilometers south of the

Angolan border.

6362

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12
ANGOLA

BRIEFS

COUNTRY READY FOR RSA CONTACT—A high-ranking Angolan Government official

says that his country is ready to reestablish contact with South Africa.

The director of information of the MPLA, Mr Paulino Pinto, said in an interview in Luanda that Angola had not ruled out talks with South Africa and was

aware that a comprehensive settlement in southern Africa could only come

through negotiation. [Text] [Johannesburg Domestic Service in English

1915 GMT 30 Jan 87 MB] /9274

MPLA REPORTEDLY DEPORTING PEOPLE TO NORTH—Free Land of Angola, 2 Feb (KUP) —

The MPLA government is forcibly deporting people from central Angola to the

coffee plantations in the north on a scale unprecedented even in the colonial

period, a reliable source who recently returned from Uige Province told KUP.

Whole families, including the elderly, women, and children, dressed in rags

and barefoot and accompanied by their meager possessions, are transported by

bus and plane to Uige, Luanda, Cuanza Norte, and Cuanza Sul Provinces, where

they are used in the extensive cultivation of coffee and sugar cane, the

source added. Once these families, who are forcibly recruited in their

villages or removed from International Red Cross camps after recovering

from all illness or malnutrition, are on the plantations they are treated

as tools, without adequate food, medical assistance, or accommodation.

This ill treatment never existed in the colonial days, when the practice

was called contract labor. The only way for these families to end this

situation is to escape, which is extremely dangerous, the source added.

[Text] [(Clandestine) KUP in French to Southern and Central Africa 0600 GMT

2 Feb 87 MB] /9274

CSO: 3400/976

13
BURKINA

BRIEFS

PORTUGUESE COMPANY ARMS SHIPMENT—Indep (Portugal) recently delivered G-3

assault rifles, HK-21 machine guns and 7.62 mm x 51 NATO ammunition to

Burkina Faso, [Text] [Paris AFRICAN DEFENSE JOURNAL in English Dec 86 p 20]

/9274 ^

CSO: 3400/45

14
GHANA

USSR CUTS GHANA NEWS AGENCY DEBTS

AU051435 Accra Domestic Service in English 1300 GMT 5 Feb 87

[From the "Ghana Newsreel" program]

[Text] The Soviet Union has decided to cut by half an amount of $29,000 owed

it by the ($f3) Ghana News Agency ($fl) [GNA] in respect of services GNA

received from the Soviet News Agency TASS for 4 years. This is contaxned

in a draft agreement drawn up and presented to the secretary of information,

Kofi Totobi Quakyi, as part of his 10-days official visit to Moscow.

Newsreel's Amengor, was on the visit, and now reports:

[Amengor] According to the proposed protocol, the Soviet News Agency TASS,

taking into consideration the financial difficulties of the ($f3) Ghana News

Agency ($fl), GNA, has decided to cut by 50 percent the debt it owes TASS,

being the accumulated cost of services over a period of 4 years. Thereafter,

GNA shall pay the remaining amount in equal installments over a period

of 5 years. In a supplementary agreement to an original one signed

in 1982, TASS also offered to train personnel of the ($f3) Ghana News Agency

($fl) in repairing and servicing of communication equipment. According

to the draft protocol and supplementary agreement, both offers have been

necessitated by the need for a further development of professional

cooperation between the two news agencies and guided by the spirit of

friendly cooperation and mutual understanding.

Commenting on the offer which Mr Totobi Quakyi described as soft and

friendly, he announced that Ghana has already even taken steps to clear

the whole debt at a go. He explained that the rather unpleasant situation

arose out of what he called the nation's wake resource base up to the

middle of last year. Mr Totobi Quakyi stressed that the revolution in Ghana

demands that the people are fed with a more balanced information. For this

reason, he explained, the GNA has been undergoing renovations and

expansion to help it play the role of effectively combating the Information

imbalance. He announced plans to establish a photo section within the GNA.

Mr Quakyi however explained that efforts are being made to first provide

the necessary facilities for a wider coverage. He noted with satisfaction

the ever improving relations between TASS and the GNA. Mr Totobi Quakyi

further announced that the GNA is being developed to serve as the service

center for the UNESCO-sponsored ($f3) West African News Agnecy. ($fl)

15
Turning to the performance of the ($f3) Pan-African News Agency ($fl),

PANA, the secretary for information said it is facing financial

difficulties. He disclosed that at the end of 1985, only 75 percent

of PANA's members had paid their subscription fees. Mr Quakyi said he

considers all these difficulties as deliberate attempts to sabotage PANA.

The head of the Message Processing Center of TASS, Dr (Andrei Anisimov),

announced that TASS has now gone completely electronic in its efforts

to correct the information imbalance in the world, and as a further step

to that, the Soviet Union is offering advanced courses in information and

communication on scholarship basis to students from developing and other

interested countries. Dr (Anisimov) encouraged Ghana to take advantage

of the offer to train her personnel which also forms part of the Soviet Union's

international assistance to other countries.

/12624

CSO: 3400/949

16
GHANA

INFORMATION MINISTER CITED ON INTER-SPUTNIK MEMBERSHIP

AB051035 Accra Domestic Service in English 0700 GMT 5 Feb 87

[Text] The secretary for information, Kofi Totobi-Quakyi, has declared

Ghana's intention to become a member of Inter-Sputnik, the Moscow-based

space communications organization. Mr Totobi-Quakyi made this known

in Moscow at a meeting with the director general of Inter-Sputnik,

(Spatak Kuvelov), as part of a 10-day official visit to the Soviet Union

at the invitation of the Union of Soviet Journalists. He also declared

Ghana's preparedness to become a service center for the West African

subregion.

Mr Totobi-Quakyi announced that initial feasibility studies by technicians

at the Nfuntuse earth satellite station indicate that signals from

Inter-Sputnik can be picked up on 14 degrees. He explained that Ghana's

decision to join Inter-Sputnik, which now embraces some 14 countries,

is based not only on technical grounds, but on financial and political

reasons.

Welcoming the secretary, (Mr Kuvelov) explained that membership of

Inter-Sputnik is based purely on a principle of equality and one-member-onevote basis. He said Inter-Sputnik tariffs are minimal, adding that they

are just about one-eighth of what is charged by other similar organizations.

(Mr Kuvelov) agreed with Mr Totobi-Quakyi that the information imbalance

in the world must be corrected.

Mr Totobi-Quakyi also held discussions with representatives of TASS and

NOVOSTI news agencies, the newspaper PRAVDA, the state committee for

radio and television, and the host, the Union of Soviet Journalists.

The discussions centered on training for Ghanaian journalists as well

as electronic technicians.

/12624

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17
GHANA

BRIEFS

CUBAN MEDICAL TEAM ARRIVES—A 4-man Cuban health delegation has arrived in

the country to evaluate the effectiveness of the health delivery program being

offered by their country to Ghana. Speaking to newsmen on arrival, the leader

of the delegation, Dr Sergio del Valle, who is a member of the Central Committee of the Cuban Communist Party, said their visit is part of a periodic field

tour of beneficiary countries to assess the impact of the work of Cuban medical

personnel. The chairman of the State Committee for Economic Cooperation,

Dr Don Arthur, said the service of the Cuban health team since its inception

3 years ago has enhanced the country's primary health care program. He stressed the importance the government attaches to the program and said that the

Cuban medical team came at the opportune time. [Text] [Accra Domestic

Service in English 2100 GMT 4 Feb 87 AB] /7358

CSO: 3400/911

18
KENYA

SELF-EXILED POLITICIAN'S FAMILY BARRED FROM LEAVING

Nairobi THE WEEKLY REVIEW in English 23 Jan 87 p 10

[Text]

WHEN Mr8. Jane Nduta Koigi

Wamwere, was preparing to board an Air

France flight on her way to Oslo, Norway,

last Tuesday, she was intercepted by

immigration officials who impounded her

passport, barring her and her two sons

and Wamwere's foster daughter from

leaving the country. Mrs. Koigi's journey

was the culmination of the efforts of the

Inter-governmental Committee on Migration (ICM), which had arranged for a

family re-union, five months, after

Wamwere fled the country in July of last

year. The government has not given any

reasons for the move and Wamwere has

since been calling newspaper offices to

protest the action. The former MP for

Nakuru North, who has been detained

twice, is of the opinion that his family is

being victimised because of .his political

views.

Wamwere fled the country a few

months after he had unsuccessfully contested the Nakuru North by-election in

April of last year. The election was won by

Mr. Eric Bomett and on arrival in

Norway, Wamwere wrote to local

newspapers saying that he had decided to

flee' the country so as to protect himself

from a clique of Nakuru politicians who

he accused of hatching a plot to liquidate

him. He said that the same politicians

had also threatened his family after he

fled and claiming that the Kenyan

government was after him, Wamwere said

that he had been denied his human and

democratic rights in the country. The

arrangements for a reunion with his

family were made by the ICM, an international organisation whose main objectives include the processing a..d movement of refugees to countries offering

them resettlement opportunities and the

transfer of specialised human resources to

promote the economic, educational and

social advancement of developing countries.

The ICM's Nairobi office opened in

1983 and Kenya joined the organisation in

1985. It has a membership of 31 governments and 15 other governments have

observer status. According to ICM

publications, all member states adhere to

the principle of the free movement of

people. The organisation's chief of

mission in Nairobi, Mr. Jorge Adrada,

told The Weekly Review this week that

the ICM made the travel arrangement for

Wamwere's family under its family

reunion programme. This, he said, was a

normal exercise whjch has been accepted

and endorsed by all member states. He

said that Wamwere's family had

produced all the legal documents required

for travelling and he therefore could not

explain why they were barred from

leaving the country. "Even though we are

an international body,"_said Adrada, "we

are apolitical. Ours is a humanitarian

organisation and the arrangements for

family reunions is a humanitarian effort."

Adrada said that since 1952, the ICM has

arranged the movement of 3.5 million

people all over the world and that the

19
organisation's main activity in Kenya is'

the return of talent, by giving incentives

to Kenyan professionals abroad to return

to the country so as to reverse the brain

drain.

The principal immigration officer, Mr.

Milton ole Ncharo, declined to comment

on Mrs. Koigi's case, saying that it was a

personal matter. Koigi, on the other hand,

charged that it was "unfair for the government to deny my wife and children their

basic human right to travel and their

freedom of movement". He said that

family reunions were an internationally

recognised right under the United

Nations Charter and that his family had

obtained the passport through the

appropriate procedures in the immigration department. "My strong feeling," he

said, "is that my family is being held

hostage because they are related to me."

/9317

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20
KENYA

GOVERNMENT DENIES HARBORING DISSIDENTS

EA290605 Nairobi Domestic Service in English 1800 GMT 28 Jan 87

[Text] The Kenya Government has rejected any insinuation that Kenya is

harboring dissidents plotting against the home government in a neighboring

country. A press statement from the office of the president reiterated

that Kenya has always and will continue to take stern measures against individuals or groups of people intending to plant seeds of discord to sour

the relations existing between Kenya and the neighboring country.

The statement referred to recent local press statements that certain people

from a neighboring country living in Kenya are using this country to destabilize their home government. The government also urged any of her neighbors to liaise appropriately, using the right channel and gave [as heard]

a list of people living in Kenya carrying out such activiites so that action

can be taken.

The statement signed by a minister of state in the president's office in

charge of security, Mr Justus Ole Tipis, reiterated that Kenya will always

continue to maintain good relations with her neighbors and the rest of the

world in keeping with the Nyayo [footsteps] philosophy of love, peace and

unity.

/12232

CSO: 3400/909

21
KENYA

CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY DELEGATION HOSTED BY KANU

Nairobi THE WEEKLY REVIEW in English 23 Jan 87 p 13

[Text]

GOING by recent events, it would seem

that the ruling Kenya African National

Union (Kanu) is actively cultivating links

with parties in other single-party states,

where the party is the supreme political'

institution. This comes in the wake of

indications over the last few months that

Kanu bnow the supreme political institution in the land, superseding parliament

and even the High Court. In September of

last year, the Kanu national chairman,

Mr. David Okiki Amayo, led two separate

delegations to the Soviet Union and the

People's Republic of China, at a time

when a debate was on in Kenya concerning the issue of whichis supreme, Kanu or.

parliament. On Monday of this week, a

delegation from the Chinese Communist

Party left the country after a highly

publicised four-day visit hosted by Kanu.

The Chinese team, led by Mr. Zulu Liang,

who is head of the International Liaison

Department of the party's < central committee, was making a reciprocal visit.,

In both China and the Soviet Union,

the party's authority has never been

questioned since both countries concluded their respective revolutions

generations ago and «et up strong oneparty systems with the party holding

sway from the grassroots up to the highest

levels of leadership. The system in Kenya

has always been markedly different. The

country adopted the Westminster model

of government at indepedence in 1963 and

retained the same for nearly 20 years,

until parliament enacted legislation

making the country a de-jure one-party

state. At the time of independence,

.Kenya had an opposition party, the

Kenya African Democratic Union, which

shortly afterwards voluntarily disbanded

to join forces with the majority party,

Kanu. In 1966, Mr. Oginga Odinga

resigned his Kanu vice-presidency to form

the socialist-leaning Kenya People's

Union, which survived until 1969, when it

was proscribed. From then on, Kenya

operated as a de-facto one-party state

until 1982, when the situation was

legalised.

But there remains a major difference

between the Kenyan system and the

Chinese or Soviet system. Kenya still

retains a legislature, which by law is still

the supreme law-making institution.

Even when Kanu passes a resolution to

effect a constitutional change, as in 1982,

it is not legally binding until it has been

debated and passed by parliament, a

matter which on the surface wouldappear

as just a formality, but which is hot

necessarily so, for there remains the

possibility, however slim, of the

legislature rejecting, the party's dictates.

Furthermore, parliamentarians in

Kenya are protected by the Powers and

Privileges Act of the National Assembly

against any disciplinary or legal action

being taken as a result of what they say in

the house. That, in fact, was what

brought about last year's supremacy

debate. The MP for Mombasa West, Mr.

22
Kennedy Kiliku, had complained in

parliament over the poor state of roads in

Mombasa, whereupon Mr. Shariff Nassir,

the Mombasa Kanu branch chairman,

who is also a member of parliament,

threatened to take disciplinary action,

against him through the party machinery.

Kiliku then sought pro' ction from the

speaker, who reminded Nassir of the

standing orders of the house. Nassir was,

however, not chastised, for a few days

later, at a public meeting, he called for an

amendment to the Powers and Privileges

Act so that the supremacy of the party

could be reflected. "If MPs talk loosely

and at whim, the party should be

empowered to discipline them,"- he said.

This did not go down well with the MP for

Butere, Mr. Martin Shikuku, who asked

parliament to discipline Nassir for dragging debate outside the house. He also

made it clear that he had no sympathy for

those who might wish to emasculate the

legislature. Before the debate could go

further, however, President Daniel arap

Moi himself took a position on the issue,

telling a public rally that Kanu was

supreme over all other institutions,

including parliament and the High Court.

It is notable that whereas Kenya closely

follows the capitalist model of development, both China and the Soviet Union

are firmly socialist, despite the liberalisation measures that have taken place in

recent times. The links that are being

opened between Kanu and the communist parties of the two countries do not

point to closer ideological affinities, but

only indicate the desire of Kanu to

strengthen itself as the ruling parties in

those two countries have done. It is possi*

ble that Kanu may be interested in

borrowing a few ideas from the

organisational structures of the two communist parties, but there is no chance,

either now or in the foreseable future that

Kanu would even contemplate closer

ideological affinity with the communist

bloc.

/9317

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23
KENYA

FORMER CHIEF SECRETARY NYACHAE ON CIVIL SERVICE, FUTURE ROLE

Nairobi THE WEEKLY REVIEW in English 19 Dec 86 pp 5-6

[Interview with Simeon Nyachae, former chief secretary, on 16 Dec 86 in

Nairobi]

[Text]

ON Tuesday morning of this week, Mr.

Simeon Nyachae moved out of the office

on the second floor of Harambee House

that he has occupied for 2\ years as chief

secretary, into a new. office on the first

floor, making way for the new boss of the

civil service", Mr. J. Leting, who'movedin

the same morning. As the workmen

moved furniture, and secretaries walked

up and down with files, under the vigilant

supervision of security personnel,

Nyachae retired for a while to the waiting

room of his new office, where he talked to

The Weekly Review about his time in the

civil service and his retirement next

February. The following are excerpts from

Nyachae's views on some of the subjects

raised at the interview:

'• His future role inpublic service:

"I have no intention to contest

parliamentary elections in the next

general election. I have no desire to serve

in public service in any other capacity,

not even in a parastatal. I have given my

contribution. There are other Kenyans

who can now play their part."

• On whether he was too powerful a«

.chiefsecretary:

"I never created the position of chief

secretary. Parlfament created it. Once

created, someone had to fill it. First

Kiereini, then me. I did not create it for

myself. I know some called me a prime

minister. In most cases, all I did was say,,

'I have been directed to inform you that it

is the wish of the president that this or

that be done'. Whoever has that responsibility, whatever the title, that man will

be seen to be powerful.

As chief secretary, you have to read

about and understand all policy matters.

You have to brief the president, and the

president will question you on these

matters and give you instructions on

them. You become more knowledgeable

about all the government departments

than any one else in the civil service. If

that is power, tlftn I was powerful."

• Onhis record inthe civil service:

'"I believe I Have contributed in a small

way to the development and management

of my country. Whatever I have done, it

was with good intentions for the country.

Everyone has their weaknesses. In my

case, I was lucky that my employers —

the colonial government, the late Mzee

Kenyatta and the current President Moi

— have always given me the necessary

assistance. Throughout my life there has

never been any occasion when any of the

three found it necessary to warn or reprimand me."

• On public service and his private

business interests:

"I have always felt I should not have

been in the civil service, but in the private.

sector. It was my father (a colonial senior

chief) who wanted me .to work in the

government. But even though in the civil

service, I never' lost interest in the private

sector. I started my first business, a small

bakery at Nyaturago Market, in 1965. I

24
am not bragging, but, besides being a

chief, my father had a huge concentration

of businesses: at least 10 posho mills, and

the largest coffee farm in the area. What I

inherited from him, I have built upon.

Whatever people say, I still have large

interests in various business .fields. I am

also a large-scale farmer. But I have never

sacrificed a minute of public time to

attend to my businesses. I believe that

people in public service should make

returns every year about their commercial

interestsfor public examination."

•On his position in Kisii politics:

"I consider myself merely one of the

elders. With people like my father dead,

and other senior chief» retired, the people

discussing community responsibilities in

Kisii are in my age group. 1 happen to be

there^ But with my family background

and my experience, some people think I

have inherited my father's influence."

• On weaknesses he identified in the

civilservice:

"A look at the Kanu manifestos and the

various development plans will convince

you that Kenyans were, right from the

start, given a lot of promises. We have

continued to repeat these promises in

every manifesto and development plan.

The expectations of Kenyans were made

very, very high. I am not embarrassed to

say that when we created these expectations, we did not train the public service

in the manner that would make it possible

to meet those demands.

For instance, what is the target of the

KIA (Kenya Institute ofAdministration)?

For what purpose, for example, does the

institute turn out DOs? A DO to do what?

Maintain law and order? The police are

there.

Training of civil servants should, be

geared towards their coming out to

perform what we promised. The civil

service must not remain tuned to the

colonial system, but must be made to

respond to what is stated in the

manifestos and the development plans.

People are not interested in what goes to

the files. They are interested in results.

There is an urgent need for the civil

servant to be trained to understand the

politician, and for the politician to learn

to get the civil servant to think his way.

Civil servants also need not be oversensitive about criticism, and the politicians, too. If you accept public responsibility, you must be prepared to be censured.

I believe that when someone has been

suspected of, or reported to be involved

in, corruption, he should be investigated

publicly and not left in abeyance. It

affects the management of public affairs.

Similarly, those making claims and

accusations against others' should be

taken to task to substantiate them.

Those reports by the auditor-general

every year. They are not things he makes

up at night. They are documented facts of

misappropriation of public funds. Let

action be taken against the culprits, and

let the public see that action has been

taken. • There is also a tendency to overidentify civil servants with where they

come from.

These things aside, I am convinced that

the objectives we have set can be achieved

if we have a well-trained and disciplined

public service. The system is good, but we

need to improve on the management

style."

»On good public management: . .

"The greatest thing is to recognise you

must retire sometime.. You must delegate

as much responsibility as possible. Make

those working under you feel they have

your confidence and support, and that

they have full access to you. Don't write

too many memos. Call on the phone. Be

quick to praise good work. If they make

mistakes, do not quarrel. Show them how

it should have been done. Guide them in

what is sensitive with the politicians and

with the public. In the process, you will be

training them for higher responsibilities.".

•The most challeging situation he has

confronted as chiefsecretary:

"Most,of those I can think of are

classified! Among those for public information was the task to re-organise the

civil service in terms of deployment of

personnel. The*outcome ofthe census (the

head-count of public servants-in 1984) [

was very disturbing. We had many people

employed on paper we could not trace in'

person. Deployment was haphazard.

25
Where we needed more, we had less.

Where we required less, we had more.

Professionals were deployed to do routine

work that was a waste oftheir professional

talents and training. It was a difficult task

which is still not complete. Where we had

shortages, we have tried to train more.

Where there were surpluses, we tried to,

retain some of the extras for better use.

Some accepted retraining. Many resisted.

There is still too much waste of manpower in government due to wrong

deployment; and there's still too much

deadwood. Yet they want to be promoted

and claim they are frustrated. It has been

a challenge to get rid of them. Some we

have requested to retire, others we forcefully retired in the public interest —

like sacking".

• On comparisons of the district'focus

programme with majimboism:

"That is a total misunderstanding. The

majimbo system was political. Each

region had its own legislature, its own

laws, its own revenue collection system.

But development priorities were still

planned at the regional level, then

imposed on the districts.

The district focus programme is a

development strategy. It calls for the

development priorities to be identified at

the grassroots level; then to go to the

national level for funding only."

• On the effect of his departure on the

district focus programme:

"The project may still be in its infancy

and still has teething problems. But I

don't think my personal exit will affect

the momentum it has gathered. I made it

clear a year ago that I would be retiring in

1987.1 had planned for it. Those wht will

implement the programme are already

trained. Those who will implement the

programme are already trained. Those

who were working with me — including

the PCs and DCs — are clear on what to

do."

/9317

CSO: 3400/987

26
KENYA

UK TROOPS BARRED FROM COASTAL CITIES

Nairobi DAILY NATION in English 9 Jan 87 p 32

[Article by Anthony Denton]

[Text] Several hundred British soldiers who are taking part in joint military

manoeuvres with Kenyan forces have been banned from Mombasa and Malindi because of worries about the spread of Aids.

The soldiers, members of the second battalion of the Parachute Regiment, are

based at Nanyuki. It is customary for British troops to take local leave at

a coastal resort during their Kenyan visit.

The ban, which has been imposed by the British Ministry of Defence, was announced "after 600 soldiers of the first battalion of the Queen's own Highlanders returned to their base at Inverness over the weekend following an

eight-week exercise in Kenya, More than 40 of them reported sick with various

forms of venereal disease, which doctors believe they had contracted from

prostitutes in Mombasa and Malindi.

VD shows up within two weeks of infection, but army medical experts are concerned that some men may also have contracted Aids, which takes up to 12 weeks

to show in the bloodstream. All 600 men will be tested for Aids during the

next month.

The Ministry of Defence says

that what it «alls »"prudent local

advice" on" the presence of Aids'

among Mot iba-sa prostitutes hasled to the ban.

British troops have been

involved in training exercises in

Kenva ever since independence

and are known to be freespending and well behaved

while visiting Mombasa beaches

and bars.

Prudent

Ministry officials have not said

where their "prudent local

advice" about the presence of

Aids at the coast has come from,

but it is thought to have

been supplied by the British

High Commission.

For the men of the parachute,

it is a sad blow. Sunshine, beer

and girls is one of the reasons why

a training stint in Kenya is

eagerly sought.

Instead, the men will spend a

few days in a game.park. They

have also been advised to stay

away from Nairobi, but have not

actually been banned from the

capital.

/9274

CSO: 3400/971

27
AIDS SCARE AFFECTS TOURIST INDUSTRY

Nairobi DAILY NATION in English 12 Jan 87 p 24

[Article by Gideon Nulaki]

KENYA

[Text]

The panic over Aid» at the

Coast ha« hit the tourism

industry, th* chairman of

Kenya Association of Hotel

Keepers and Caterers (Coast

branch), Mr Joshua M.

Mwendwa, hassaid.'.'

The chairman of the Mombasa

and Coast Hotel Keeper» Association, Mrs Lpma Hays, also confir

med the reportFollowing . the widespread

publicity on the- alleged increase

of Aids cases particularly in

Mombasa and Malindi, hundreds

of tourists booked for coast beach

hotels have cancelled bookings.

A number of hotels in

Mombasa and Malindi confirmed

the cancellations.

Among those said to have

withdrawn their bookings are

tourists from Austria» Switzerland and West Germany.

The hoteliers referred to the

ongoing campaign against Kenya

as "catastrophic" and pleaded

with the Government to

immediately issue a statement on

the matter.

Mr Mwendwa said tour

operators in Europe were worried

about the matter and said unless

a Government statement was -

issued, they would not be able to

convince Kenya-bound tourists.

"If the current campaign continues, it is likely to have-some

adverse results and in fact, all

those in tourism industry are very

worried," Mr Mwendwa said.

"Everybody is interested to

know the true position of this

matter-— perhaps it has been

created by our- competitors

because of the way in which the'

country has succeeded it a

holiday paradise":

Mrs Hays said two weeks ago,

she wrote to the Ministry of

Health pleading with it to issue a

statement. No reply has been

received yet, she said.

She said the silence meant the

truth is being hidden.

"I would beg the Governmentto take urgent steps so as to stop

these destructive headlines on

Kenya," Mrs Hays said.

A manager of a beach hotel in

Mombasa said "50 per cent of all

our bookings have been cancelled. This is not a credit to

Kenya. It is going to cost jobs of

many Kenyans".

This follows the banning of

British troops from Mombasa by

the British Defence Ministry

because of tears that r.he soldiers

would contract' Aids from local

prostitutes.

The ban wasslapped on the 500

soldiers of the Second Battalion

of the Parachute Regiment who

are on manoeuvres in Nanyuki. It

was impossed when it was

allegedly discovered that 40

members of an earlier contingent

which had visited, the area had

contractedvenereal diseases.

/9274

CSO: 3400/971

28
KENYA

PARASTATAL TEXTILE WORKERS END STRIKE

Nairobi DAILY NATION In English 7 Jan 87 p 4

[Text]

The 200 employees of the Goverument.owned Yuken Textile.

Factory in Thika who went on

strike on December 6 resumed

work yesterday.

They will lose their December

salaries.

The workers went on strike over

the delay of their November

salaries which were paid in midDecember.

A three-partjr meeting was held

on Monday night at the Thika

labour office to decide the fate of

the employees. The meeting

involved the secretary-general of

Tailors and Textiles Worknr«

Union, Mr Johnson Ogendo, who

is also deputy general secretary

ofCotu..

The factory was represented by

the general manager, Mr L. K.

Kimondo. The meeting was

chaired by the Thika labour

officer, Mr J. N. Njugu.

Mr Ogendo advised the workers

to open a new chapter this year.

The employees had refused to

resume work even after, being

paid the delayed November

salaries demanding the management to give an assurance that in

future, salaries will be paid before

the last day of the month. They

also complained that the

management has not given them

annual leave for 1985 and 1986.

Mr Ogendo was asked by the

employes to follow up the matter.

He assured them that the

matter will be sorted out through

the right channels. The industrial

public relations officer, Mr

Joseph Kariuki, told the workers

that the Government had had

enough problems with the firm.

/9274

CSO; 3400/971

29
KENYA

BRIEFS

ASSISTANT LABOR MINISTER SACKED—It has been announced from State House,

Nairobi, that Mr Kimani wa Nyoike has been relieved of his duties as an

assistant minister for labor with immediate effect. Mr Kimani wa Nyoike

is the MP [member of parliament] for Nyandarua South. [Text] [Nairobi

Domestic Service in English 1800 GMT 27 Jan 86 EA] /12232

CSO: 3400/909

30
LIBERIA

BRIEFS

MOROCCAN COOPERATION MEMORANDUM SIGNED—The Government of Liberia and the

Kingdom of Morocco have signed a memorandum of understanding for economic,

social, and cultural cooperation between the two countries within the framework of African unity and solidarity as well as South cooperation. [sentence

as heard] A Foreign Ministry release quoted by the LIBERIAN NEWS AGENCY said

yesterday that the inspector general of the Liberian foreign service, Ambassador (J. Helaway Wilson), signed for the government while the visiting

assistant minister for African affairs at the Moroccan Foreign Ministry,

Ambassador (Tayeb al-Tayeb), signed for his government. The memorandum of

understanding was reached following ('several) discussions held between the

Moroccan envoy and some Liberian government officials including the ministers

of foreign affairs, education, agriculture, information, youth and sports.

The visiting ambassador (?reiterated) Morocco's readiness to offer several

scholarships to Liberians to study in Morocco in the fields of medicine, engineering, agriculture, and general sciences, the release said. [Text] [Monrovia

Radio ELWA in English 0655 GMT 5 Feb 87 AB] /7358

MATTHEWS ADVISES ON RECONCILIATION—Monrovia, 2 Feb (AFP)—Rivalry for power

between each one of the political party leaders is one of the main causes

of the political problems Liberia has been experiencing. This statement was

made by Gabriel Bacc'us Matthews, who has called on President Doe to negotiate

individually with each of the party leaders. The independent newspaper THE

DAILY OBSERVER, which published Mr Baccus' statement today, writes that according to the politician, the parties were created to promote the cause of

men with political aspirations. This, according to Mr Matthews, who is chairman of the United People Party (UPP—left-wing party), has led the parties

to limit their actions to an intense struggle for power. Compromises between

parties cannot be achieved, for their only aim is the presidency and anything

else is not acceptable to them. Mr Matthews called on Mr Doe to make counterproposals to achieve reconciliation. He further asked the president to do

away with mediators and intermediaries and to deal with the opposition parties

himself. [Text] [Paris AFP in French 1409 GMT 2 Feb 87 AB] /7358

31
HONGKONG STEEL MILL CONSTRUCTION—Monrovia-based Third World Shipbreakers

(TWS), owned by TWS Hongkong, signed an agreement on 14 December for the

construction of a steel rolling mill with Liberia Free Zone Authority (Lifza) .

The mill, with an 18,000-tonne annual capacity, will use scrap from ships

broken in Liberia and stockpiled by TWS over the past six months. Two ships

have been broken so far, and a further two are to be broken early next year.

The rolling mill is due to start up in mid-1987 in facilities leased from

Lifza (AED 22:2:86). The UK's GEK Machinery was appointed consultant for

the $2.5 million project in early December; it will supervise implementation and train local staff for the first 12 months. The rolling mill Is the

second phase of a five-year programme which envisages expansion into other

satellite industries such as reconditioning ships' engines and general repairs

(Text] [London AFRICA ECONOMIC DIGEST in English 20 Dec 86-2 Jan 87 p 6]

/9274

CSO: 3400/45

32
MADAGASCAR

SEVERAL INJURED AS STUDENT PROTESTS GROW

AB031511 Paris AFP in English 1425 GMT 3 Feb 87

[Text] Antananarivo, 3 Feb (AFP)—Several people were injured here on Monday

[2 February] as rioters threw stones during the latest in a long series of

demonstrations by Madagascar students to protest the government's education

reform plans.

During the protest, rioters, who were said by student organizers to be

delinquents and not genuine students, stoned a bus, injuring several of its

passengers. University officials said the demonstration had attracted between

100 and 200 out of the country's 40,000 students, of whom 29,000 are in the

capital Antananarivo.

The student protests, which have been going on for three months, appeared to

be becoming more political, with banners reading "Bad leaders, the exit is

this way," This was in response to a government [word indistinct] at the

beginning of the protest movement: "Bad students, the exit is this way."

One of the most controversial terms of the planned university reform would

prevent students in Madagascar from repeating years of study more than three

times. The reforms have been shelved for a year but the students are still

not satisfied.

In December, when the government first called out troops to deal with

student protests, a student leader said that "reforms should first take

place at government level, not elsewhere."

The start of the student protests followed serious rioting last November in

Toamasina, the island's main port. There have also been reports in the past

two months that people were starving in southeastern Madagascar.

/9274

CSO: 3400/976

33
MALAWI

BRIEFS

BANDA ON ECONOMIC IMPROVEMENT—His Excellency the life president, Ngwazi Dr

Kamuzu Banda, has said that the economic situation in the country has improved

because people have listened to his appeals for hard work in the fields. The

life president was speaking yesterday after visiting his people and inspecting

their crops in Salima and Nkhotakota districts. In his speech, the life

president said that the economic situation in the country has changed for the

better and that the standards of living of the people had increased and

continued to improve everywhere. The life president also spoke on relations

between Malawi and South Africa. He said there is no question of this country

boycotting South Africa. The life president pointed out that this country has

been dealing with South Africa for a long time and as such the question of

boycotting the white republic does not rightly arise. He said Malawi prefers

to deal with South Africa openly rather than being hypocritical. [Excerpts]

[Blantyre Domestic Service in English 0600 GMT 1 Feb 87 MB] /12913

GROUPS CALLS FOR SANCTIONS—Bulawayo, 3 February, SAPA—A group calling itself

Lesoma (The Socialist League of Malawi) has called for the imposition of

economic sanctions against Malawi. In a statement issued here today, Mr James

Mbene, an executive member of Lesoma, said President Kamuzu Banda had "reduced

Malawi to the status of a South African bantustan," a report by ZIANA said.

Imposing economic sanctions against South Africa while excluding Malawi would

be unrealistic in that it would be like imposing sanctions against Botha

regime while leaving out the bantustans of Transkei, Ciskei and others Mr

Mbene said. The Lesoma leader said that Malawi was Pretoria's unofficial

envoy to the PTA, the OAU and SADCC. Mr Mbene was reacting to President

Banda*s reported statement that Malawi would not join sanctions against

Pretoria and that Malawi would trade openly with that country instead of doing

so in the dark. Sanctions against South Africa while continuing trade with

Malawi was politically and morally wrong, Mr Mbene said. He accused Dr Banda

of giving military support to the "Botha regime" by providing military bases

to the "South African sponsored MNR bandits." [Text] [Johannesburg SAPA in

English 1545 GMT 3 Feb 87 MB] /12913

CSO: 3400/959

34
MALI

LAND DEVELOPMENT, WATER PROJECT AGREEMENTS SIGNED

Bamako L'ESSOR in French 9 Dec 86 p 3

[Article by A. Niakate]

[Text] Two agreements concerning two financing loans for a total of 3.45

billion CFA francs were signed on Saturday morning in Koulouba by Mali and by

the Central Fund for Economic Cooperation [CCCE]. The documents were signed in

the presence of Francis Plateau, the French ambassador to Mali, by Modibo

Keita, our minister of foreign affairs and international cooperation, and by

Gilbert Mourre, inspector general of finance and deputy director of the CCCE.

The first agreement, for 1.5 billion CFA francs, is. intended to finance

development projects in the Lake Tanda and Lake Kabara located in the Sixth

Region. The execution of that program will make it possible to plant sorghum

crops on 1,630 hectares of land subject to seasonal flooding in one of the

lakes and on 2,030 hectares in the other and also to develop other areas

reserved for cattle.

The second agreement, for 1.95 billion CFA francs, will finance the third

phase of the Mali Aqua-Viva Project. This is the third time that the CCCE

grants aid to the Mali Aqua-Viva Project by financing 350 additional bore

holes.

During the signing ceremony, Mr Mourre noted that this water project for

villages, a project well organized and relatively autonomous, could eventually

become a genuine Malian drilling enterprise capable of self-financing its

own activity. He pointed out that Mali Aqua-Viva is planning to expand with

solar energy projects.

He mentioned that the two current financing agreements come on the wake of

many others affecting all sectors of the country's economy and that they

represent an extensive program of support for the national policy of food

production.

After mentioning the support provided by his organization which involves a

number of projects in the sphere of agriculture, husbandry, agrobusiness and

banking, Mr Mourre concluded by stressing that the CCCE is determined to

35
continue working for the development of Mali. The CCCE is already committed

to provide some 10 billion CFA francs per year. To increase the effectiveness

of its assistance, the CCCE tries to adapt this aid to the general situation

of our economy.

Taking his turn to speak, the minister of foreign affairs and international

cooperation said that these two agreements come within the scope of the

priorities set by our country, which are the fight against desertification and

for self-sufficiency in food production. Modibo Keita pointed out that water

projects for the villages and the improvement of our lakes are high in the

list of our development priorities. It is all the more justified in the case

of Lake Tanda and Lake Kabara which are located in one of the poorest lake

regions of Mali.

It is therefore reassuring to see, Mr Keita went on to say, that despite the

difficulties marking the international economic situation, the CCCE has continued to increase its very welcome assistance to our country's development

effort. France's many commitments in Mali measure up to the deep aspirations

of the Malian people in terms of quantity as well as quality, Modibo Keita

added. He concluded by saying that no proof is needed for the fact that such

action will bring about a certain improvement in the quality of life of our

people. Therefore this is an occasion to voice satisfaction with the excellent

relations of cooperation between France and Mali.

The minister was accompanied on this occasion by Noumou Diakite, director

general for international cooperation.

8796/9738

CSO: 3419/54

36
MOZAMBIQUE

MNR CLAIMS ATTACK ON OIL PIPELINE TO ZIMBABWE

MB191701 London BBC World Service in English 1615 GMT 19 Jan 86

[From the "Focus on Africa" program]

[Text] By all accounts, the war between MNR rebels and government forces in

Mozambique is heating up. There have been increasing reports of fighting in

Zambezia and Tete Provinces and a growing involvement of Zimbabwe and

Tanzaniah troops on the government side. Last week, Zimbabwe's Prime Minister

Robert Mugabe and President Chissano of Mozambique held talks and high on the

agenda was security, particularly of the Beira corridor that links Zimbabwe to

the sea, and it seems foreign soldiers are bearing all of the brunt of the

fighting in Mozambique, at least according to the rebels. Here is Julia

Slater:

[Slater] If the MNR is to be believed, the war in Mozambique is going their

way. They claim to have inflicted heavy casualties on Mozambican and

Zimbabwean and now even Tanzanian forces. Mr Paulo Oliveira, the MNR

representative in Europe, told me of the latest attack, in which he claimed a

military column had been ambushed in the south of the country and a Tanzanian

battalion commander killed. Eight other Tanzanians were killed, he said, in

engagements last week. Mr Oliveira told me that foreign troops, Zimbabwe and

Tanzanian, were playing a greater and greater role in the fighting. He said

that the intervention was necessary because of the poor standard of the

Frelimo troops. Foreign officers command their own troops, he said, but they

have problems with their relations with the Mozambican commanders.

One of the latest successes claimed by the MNR was an attack on an oil

pipeline in Manica Province in central Mozambique where, he claimed, they

killed 17 Zimbabwean soldiers guarding the oil supplies to Zimbabwe. When I

asked Mr Oliveira if Zimbabweans did not have a legitimate interest in

protecting their own supply routes, in particular the Beira corridor, he said

that this was merely a pretext for their presence in Mozambique, and that

Zimbabwean troops were also stationed far from the corridor. The MNR position

is that the fighting in Mozambique is a civil war and that foreign countries

should not get Involved. In certain circumstances, though Mr Oliveira would

not say precisely which, the MNR says it is prepared to follow the Zimbabweans

back across the border. If there were no foreign intervention, he said, the

war would soon be over.

/12913

CSO: 3400/834 37
MOZAMBIQUE

RADIO TRUTH NOTES CUBAN AID OFFER TO MOZAMBIQUE

MB231124 (Clandestine) Radio Truth in English to Zimbabwe 0430 GMT 23 Jan 87

[Station Commentary]

[Text] On the Mozambican side, our sources in Maputo report that a Cuban

delegation paid a secret visit to the capital last month. They had talks with

President Chissano and are said to have offered a Cuban army brigade to assist

Frelimo in the battle to contain Renamo. As yet there is no confirmation that

the Frelimo leader accepts the offer, and we can understand why he may be in

two minds on the issue.

On the one hand his crumbling regime is looking for additional support from

almost any quarter, as his own troops are disorganized and demoralized.

Against that, however, there are other factors to weigh and balance. Chissano

knows that there is strong opposition to and resentment at the present of

foreign troops on Mozambican soil. Much of the local population reject what

they term armies of occupation and the arrogance of those external influences

that want to impose solutions upon them.

Secondly, the president must be aware that the Cuban involvement in Angola has

been a costly blunder. The maintenance of the Cuban proxy force has drained

the Angolan coffers of revenue that is desperately needed for economic

development. Their presence has prolonged the civil war which, but for the

intervention, could have been settled long ago. The Cuban troops have been

guilty of a host of atrocities against the Angolan people and their actions

have boosted support for UNITA.

The third point for Chissano to consider is the impact of the Cuban presence

on regional stability. It has delayed independence for Namibia because the

Pretoria regime believes, with justification, that the Soviet-Cuban forces in

Angola would be used to impose a Marxist government in Namibia. The South

Africans to date, supported by the Americans have insisted on the phased

withdrawal of the Cuban mercenaries as a precondition for the implementation

of Resolution 435 and full independence for the territory. Any attempt to

bring the Cubans into Mozambique would be regarded by Pretoria as a hostile

and provocative act and could spark a violent reaction.

38
We can only hope and pray that Chissano takes note of the danger signals and

rejects the Cuban offer for its explosive content. As Radio Truth has

consistently stated, it is the Soviet Union and its satellites that are the

main destabilizing force in Southern Africa and there will be no peace and

harmony for any of us until the tide turns against their imperialist

expansion.

/12913

CSO: 3400/834

39
MOZAMBIQUE

COMMENTARY VIEWS RSA RIGHTWING 'FANATICS' IN AWB

MB211214 Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese, 1030 GMT 21 Jan 87

[Commentary by Machado da Graca on the South African right wing]

[Text] When we see a group of men wearing brown shirts and brandishing red

flags with a white circle and a black swastika-looking cross in the middle, we

are reminded of a film on that cursed epoch on Nazi domination over Germany

and a large portion of Europe through its abominable, racist, and deadly

regime.

However, on closer inspection we are able to detect a number of difference:

the symbol on the flag is not exactly a swastika but a composition consisting

of three sevens; the face of the movement's leader does not have that

ridiculous Charlie Chaplin-like little moustache, instead he has a beard and a

moustache; and the continent is not Europe but Africa, right in the South.

The outstretched arm in fascist greeting is identical to the Nazi gesture.

Thus, after ascertaining the differences and similarities, we have the

portrait of Eugene Terreblanche, a Boer of French origin who leads the neoNazis of South Africa. His own name—coincidentally or otherwise—can be

translated as Eugene White Land. A white land is exactly the objective of

Eugene's AWB. To the AWB fanatics, the only solution lies in returning to an

exclusively Boer state, from where even English-speaking whites would be

driven out, in the former Boer Republics of the Transvaal and Orange Free

State. In Terreblanche's opinion, President Botha, who is universally

acknowledged as a reactionary, is a dangerous leftist who is selling South

Africa to the blacks. Terreblanche believes that popular uprises against

apartheid must be dealt with in only one manner: the use of fire arms by the

police and the army.

In his street demonstrations, Terreblanche is gathering increasingly greater

crowds consisting mainly of Afrikaaners who did not materially benefit from

the Nationalist Party's accession to power in 1948. With regard to the ANC,

Terreblanche's opinions are equally clear. They must be swept away from the

40
white territories, and everything possible must be done to prevent the

destruction of the Afrikaaner people by communists and the ANC.

In a country that is living on an enormous powder keg, Terreblanche and his

followers may yet be the ones who light the fuse that will cause a major

explosion.

/12913

CSO: 3400/834

41
MOZAMBIQUE

RADIO TRUTH DETAILS ZNA, MAP INFIGHTING

MB311537 (Clandestine) Radio Truth in English to Zimbabwe 0430 GMT 31 Jan 87

[Text] According to the influential radio station Voice of America, there is

no chance that the United States or the West can win the communist

dictatorship in Maputo away from the Soviet Union. The Soviets have too

strong an investment there to allow themselves to be displaced. It is the

Soviet jet fighters and gunships that allow Frelimo to control the cities and

stave off a total military victory by RENAMO.

Of course, if there is a negotiated settlement of the Civil War the situation

will be very different. All foreign troops and military parties would have to

be removed from the country.

As for the general military position at a present, the very fact that the

Tanzanians and Nigerians have been invited to come to the aid of Frelimo would

indicate that the last ditch stand is being put into effect. The NigerianTanzanian intervention was the key element in the secret emergency plan.

Independent analysts and even our contact in the ZNA [Zimbabwe National Army]

recognize that the MNR are employing the [word indistinct] guerrilla tactics

of Mao Zedong, fading into the bush when faced with a numerically superior

force and reappearing to counterattack at a time and place of their own

choosing. There is no indication whatsoever that the resistance movement is

on the run, in the accepted sense of that phrase.

What is certain is that friction continues between ZNA and MAF [Mozambican

Armed Forces] units in the battle zone. Only last month a MAF contingent

fired on a ZNA unit near Gondola. Fortunately, there were no casualties on

the outside but it illustrates the tension between the two forces and the lack

of control in the Mozambican army.

Our ZNA source has conformed that a planning team consisting of three majors

and a captain arrived in Chimoio a few weeks back to gather and collect

intelligence reports on the situation in the Beira corridor and the attitudes

of the local population. From their findings a new strategy may emerge.

It is also acknowledged that the MAF paratroops were moved from Nacala to

Beira to take part in the recent abortive offensive. Some of the atrocities

against the civilians population were committed by this force and wrongly

blamed on ZNA paratroopers. All in all, it is a messy and bloody campaign

serving only to try and preserve Marxist influence in Mozambique.

/12913

CSO: 3400/957 42
MOZAMBIQUE

SECURITY SITUATION IN ZAMBEZIA REPORTEDLY IMPROVING

MB311231 Dakar PANA in English 0915 GMT 31 Jan 87

[By Gil Lauriciano]

[Text] Mocuba (Mozambique), 31 January (PANA)—After two months of intense

[words indistinct] armed force Mozambique's central province of Zambezia is

showing some improvement. Convoys of trucks are now able to travel not only

from Quelimane, the provincial capital, to Mocuba in the centre of the

province, but go beyond Mocuba, carrying food and medicines to the districts

of He, Namarroi and Lugela, in the north of the province.

When I was in Zambezia at the end of October this would have been unthinkable.

There was no traffic then between these districts and the rest of the

province. Local people had to travel in groups under cover of night, sleeping

by day, and walk distances of a hundred kilometers or more to collect

supplies.

But over the last two months the Mozambican Army has overrun several important

camps of the South African backed MNR bandits in various parts of Zambezia.

In Mocuba district, Mozambican troops captured the MNR bases of Namanjavirra,

Magiwe, Munhiba and Nampevo in December, inflicting losses of 130 men on the

bandits.

Mozambican military sources say that the Namanjavirra and Mampevo camps were

strategic for the bandits. From Namanjavirra MNR bands launched attacks on

convoys travelling from Quelimane to Mocuba. Nampevo was used for ambushes

against the Mocuba-Ile road.

The last attacks against vehicles on these stretches of road happened in

October. Lorries were burnt and their occupants murdered. Bridges were

dynamited, and the road surface was wrecked with mine explosions or blocked

with tree trunks.

Truck drivers who make the Quelimane-Mocuba journey regularly told AIM that

security along the road has improved very substantially. Letters arrive in

Quelimane every day from "people's correspondents" (local correspondents for

Radio Mozambique) speaking of the destruction of bandit hideouts and the

freeing of peasants from bandit control.

43
In Gurue district, which contains Mozambique's major tea plantations, army

units, helped by local people, are reopening the roads from Gurue to southern

Zambezia, and to the north, into the province of Nampula. This should allow

tea that has piled up in Gurue to be taken to the coast.

Since the signing of a (?security) agreement between Mozambique and Malawi on

18 December, there has been little information about the situation along the

common border. However, refugees from Alfazema, Alto Benefica and other

frontier regions say that the MNR are still making free use of the Malawian

border. (?People are waiting to) see whether or not undertakings given at the

meetings of the joint security commission between [words indistinct] seem that

the South Africans are looking for alternatives to Malawi in order to

guarantee supplies to their MNR surrogates. This explains a recent MNR push

towards the coast. If Malawi really does stop its territory from being used

as a launching pad for South African aggression, then Pretoria wants to be

able to land weaponry on the Zambezia coast.

Hence the MNR's attempts so far unsuccessful, to occupy coastal districts.

Last weekend the bandits attempted to seize the small port of Pebane, but were

repulsed by Mozambican forces.

Agricultural production is beginning to revive. In various parts of Zambezia

peasants are beginning to return to fields which they had previously abandoned

due to bandit raids. Many of their villages, however, have gone up in smoke,

and have not yet been rebuilt.

Under pressure from the Mozambican Army, the MNR is abandoning some of its

camps, according to people who have managed to flee from bandits captivity.

Virginia Estevao, who escaped with her two children from an MNR camp in Mopeia

district, told AIM that the bandits in that area were making a "precipitate"

withdrawal.

Tens of thousands of people still face severe shortages of food and clothing.

The threat of famine still hangs over the province. Many roads remain

blocked, and anti-car and anti-personnel mines continue to claim victims. The

bandits, forced onto the defensive, are beginning to take their revenge

against local people, and there are reports of a considerable increase in

indiscriminate killings of defenseless civilians.

Despite the recent improvement, it is still generally felt that the military

situation in Zambezia is worse than elsewhere in the country. Districts such

as Mopeia, Morrumbala and Milange remain heavily infested with bandits.

/12913

CSO: 3400/957

44
MOZAMBIQUE

COMMENTARY PRAISES ECONOMIC BOOSTER PLAN

MB051359 Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1030 GMT 5 Feb 87

[Commentary by Leonel Matias]

[Text] If we ask ourselves what was the most relevant event during this

year's first 35 days, we shall certainly say it was the launching of the

economic rehabilitation program.

However, we must understand the impact of the announced measures as well as

their intended objectives. Someone, said, in a conversation between friends,

that now the state will flood the market with basic goods. When he was asked

where would the country find foreign exchange to acquire these basic goods, he

was not able to answer. The answer is simple, though: foreign exchange will

have to be produced by each one of us. How? By increasing production in all

sectors.

In the enterprises and general services, this means that a normal balance

between revenue and expenditure must be achieved, among other things. This

will not be possible by maintaining present conditions, for example, where the

work of one person is done by two, three, or even more people. According to

estimates, in 1986 national productivity amounted to a mere 3 hours of useful

work per day. This means that 4 or 5 hours were wasted every day. Scant

attention is paid to the worker who daily begins 15 minutes late, or leaves 15

minutes early. Apparently, this is very little time. However, at the end of

the month, that person will have worked 8 hours less than he should. This

example alone—a modest one by many accounts—will show the listener that a

lot of time is being wasted, especially if one considers that labor

indiscipline is almost general. The listener will also conclude that there is

no correspondence between salary and production.

The packet of economic rehabilitation measures includes a state cut of about

20 percent to the public work budget. This measure will demand ('streamlined)

expenditure, better management, and greater use of human resources. Thus,

enterprises will have to opt for worker quality instead of quantity. The idea

is not to dismiss workers massively, but to find the most correct way of

45
rationalizing cadres on the basis of individual knowledge and capabilities.

Today, the principle is to revive agricultural and industrial output. It is

on these sectors that our work capabilities must be concentrated.

By directing production of wealth, each Mozambican will be making his utmost

contribution to the country's economic rehabilitation.

/12913

CSO: 3400/957

46
MOZAMBIQUE

BRIEFS

FIVE CUBANS, ONE TANZANIAN KNIFED—Lisbon, 18 January (AFP)—The rebel

Mozambique National Resistance (MNR) said Sunday its guerrillas had killed a

Tanzanian officer and five Cuban advisors during fighting with government

forces last week. A communique issued by the South African-backed movement

said Salim Mali, commander of a Tanzanian battalion assisting government

troops, was killed on 14 January during an attack on a convoy between Maputo

and Vila da Manhica in southern Mozambique. The communique said the Cubans

were killed in an attack the following day on government bases at Macanje and

Incoanine in Manhica province. The MNR also claimed to have killed nine

Zimbabwean and 15 Tanzanian soldiers, and to have shot down a MI-8 helicopter,

in central Sofala province on 14 January. [Text] [Paris AFP in English 1643

GMT 18 Jan 87 AU] /12913

FRG GRANT FOR DEVELOPMENT—The FRG Government is going to grant a loan worth

DM 25 million to Mozambique within the framework of an agreement signed in

Maputo yesterday between the two countries. This amount would be split into

four parts, of which DM 15 million will be spent to import foodstuffs, raw

materials, medicines, pesticides, and materials for light industry,

agriculture, and a printing press. The second part of the loan valued at DM 7

million and the third valued at DM 1.6 million, will be used in the energy

sector and to purchase equipment for repairing railroad cars used on southern

Mozambique railroads. The fourth part will be used to study rural development

in Manica Province. [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 0500 GMT

20 Jan 87 MB] /12913

CHISSANO PRAISES LEGISLATORS—Joaquim Chissano, chairman of the Frelimo Party

and president of the People's Republic of Mozambique, said in Maputo yesterday

that the program of economic rehabilitation is a fundamental instrument for

relaunching our economy. The Mozambican leader was speaking at a reception

for deputies of the People's Assembly, during which he hailed the second

legislature for the decisions made in its first session. He stressed that the

decisions already adopted will permit the program of economic rehabilitation

to be implemented and that those decisions will open pathways of hope and will

change the present situation in Mozambique. However, he warned that the

solution to these problems does not lie in adopting decisions, even if they

are correct. He underlined that we must know how to implement those decisions

with determination at every level. On this occasion President Joaquim

Chissano hailed Marceline dos Santos for his election as chairman of the

People's Assembly, and said that his election will guarantee that the Frelimo

47
Party political guidelines and the fundamental Interests of the Mozambican

people and state would always be defended in the resolutions of the People's

Assembly. [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 0500 GMT 20 Jan 87

MB] /12913

COOPERATION AGREEMENT SIGNED—This afternoon the Government of Mozambique and

Norway signed a cooperation accord worth 40 million Norwegian kroner,

corresponding to about $6 million. The agreement is aimed at the

rehabilitation of Mozambique's port school. The agreement was signed by

Armando Gebuza, Mozambique's minister of transport and communication and by

Arthur K. Sidneys, representatives of NORAD [Norwegian Agency for Development]

in Mozambique. [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1730 GMT 27 Jan

87 MB] /12913

NAPULA PROVINCE SITUATION DISCUSSED—-Last year we destroyed four armed bandit

bases and three camps. Following these and other operations, including

ambushes, we killed 81 bandits. This number has been confirmed. We also

captured the following materiel: 4 rockets, 2 81-mm mortar (?shells), 20

homemade weapons, 1 rifle, 18 Xirico radios, 19 bicycles, 15 irons, 1 sewing

machine, 3 cables, 2 knapsacks, 60 cartridges, 1200 rounds of ammunition, and

35 ammunition belts. We also freed a total of 2,864 people who had been

forced to live with the bandits. With regard to Mogovolas district, from

January to December 1986, armed bandits were unable to fulfill their goals of

attacking the district and hamlets because of our actions. [Statement by

Lieutenant Idovino Maia Mortal, commander of 5th FPLM battalion, on the

political and military situation in Nampula province; date and place not

given—recorded] [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1730 GMT 23

Jan 87 MB] /12913

RENAMO DOWNS HELICOPTER—The Renamo rebel movement says its forces have shot

down an army helicopter and killed at least 116 government troops in attacks

south of the country. In a statement released in Lisbon, Renamo said it had

attacked two military bases along the Beira corridor manned by Mozambican,

Zimbabwean, and Tanzanian troops. It had mounted several ambushes in the

province of Maputo, capturing five Cuban advises and seizing large quantities

of arms and ammunition. Heavy casualties have also been inflicted in raids on

bases in Magude. [Text] [Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 1100 GMT

19 Jan 87 MB] /12913

KIDNAPPED PEASANTS RELEASED--More than 100 peasants kidnapped by armed bandits

last year in Alto Changane in Chibuto district of Gaza Province have been

released by our armed forces and are now living in the communal villages of

Maqueze and (Cocane). Alto Changane Administrator Sousa Zulu revealed

recently that Alto Changane now lives in peace and tranquillity as a result of

search and cleanup operations by the armed forces in the area. Sousa Zulu

praised the support local residents gave to the armed forces by providing

foodstuffs, information about the armed bandits' movements in the area, and

accommodation for our armed forces battalion stationed there. [Text] [Maputo

Domestic Service in Portuguese 0500 GMT 3 Feb 7 MB] /12913

CSO: 3400/957

48
NIGERIA

BRIEFS

DPRK CULTURAL, EDUCATIONAL AGREEMENT SIGNED—A cultural and educational program

agreement between Nigeria and North Korea was signed yesterday in Lagos. The

minister of information and culture, Prince Tony Momoh, who signed on behalf

of the Federal Government, hoped that the agreement, which symbolized the

aspirations, promises and hope of the cultural future of the Nigerian and

Korean people, would be given necessary impetus by both governments. He said

the agreement was an indication of continuous cultural and educational collaboration between the two countries. Speaking earlier, the ambassador of

the Democratic People's Republic of North Korea [as heard], Mr (Kim Sok-huan),

said the agreement marks a significant development in the friendly and cooperative relations existing between the two governments. There has been

cultural interaction between Nigeria and Korea since 1977. [Text] [Lagos

International Service in English 0830 GMT 31 Jan 87 AB] /7358

CSO: 3400/911

49
SENEGAL

ROLE IN GAMBIA RELATIONSHIP EXAMINED

Dakar AFRIQUE NOUVELLE in French 3 Dec 86 pp 6-8

[Article by Rene Oudou: "Is the Senegal-Gambia Relationship Going

Sour?"]

[Text] The visitor who, in this month December, ventures to

drive from Senegal to Gambia will be looking at a new world. It

is not so much the legendary arrogance of the Gambian customs

officials that is astonishing. The Senegalese know that, in Gambia, by now practically synonymous with "inhospitable country,"

the police and other security agents are more than somewhat hostile to them. What is truly astonishing is the (economic) gulf

between these countries.

Since the onset of the recent depression, marked by the drastic

devaluation of the local currency (the dalasi), Gambia has lostits lustre as El Dorado in the eyes of a great many Senegalese

merchants and businessmen.

The first jolt came with the savage run on the CFA franc. The UMOA

(West African Monetary Union) currency is particularly sought after

by businessmen, commercial traders, and small traffickers dealing

on the open market. Exchange rates on the Banjul market are far

more enticing than those officially available at the banks and in

business. The Gambians, who used to be so proud of their currency,

make no secret of their preference for franc-zone currency, or those

of the dollar and the pound sterling. The reason, they will tell

you, is that Gambia was devastated by a merciless drought, and that

it also had to accede to the recommendations of the IMF and the World

Bank.

Errors in management are not to be overlooked, either. Be that

as it may, the Gambian economy is fluttering its wings in distress these days. To make sure of that, one need only look.

50
The first thing that strikes you is the considerable decline in

the variety of products available. A few short years ago, Gambia

(and its Farafegni and Karang markets in particular), was famous

for the dazzling assortment of things one could buy there at comparatively low prices. Today, the sight of it is nothing short

of mind-boggling. Not only are many shops and market stands that

once prospered handsomely shut down, but the wares now offered

are all monotonously alike. What is more, practically the same

wares (with the exception of sugar and tomatoes) are to be found

in the great markets of Senegal, like that of Sandaga in Dakar.

In short, the time is past when one went confidently into Gambia,

certain of finding profitable business. And, although a few of

the Senegalese merchants still make the trip to Banjul, the main

reason for going is that the CFA is worth more there than the

dalasi, and, of course, to buy textiles which, it appears, are

more affordable there than in Senegal. It is a safe bet, though,

that, what with the customs harassment they must endure in Senegal, this one-way trade will soon be a thing of the past, the

more certainly because of the endless frustrations involved. For

a Senegalese, in fact, the welcome is not of the warmest, either,

on the Gambian side.

It is legitimate to speculate as to whether the Senegalese have

a hand in dismantling the Gambian»s "smuggling" operations in

both markets. These fragile outposts, through which all sorts

of merchandise passes after clandestine entry into Senegal, have

constituted a major concern for the Dakar government. Draconian

crackdowns have been imposed at the borders. Kouloy Samba Sanyang's abortive coup in 1981, which entailed the presence of the

Senegalese army on Gambian soil, had as its most salutary effect

a chance to gain at least a tentative hold on smuggling.

The Gambian government was unquestionably compelled to cooperate.

Dakar, too, managed to dismantle the major smuggling route that

ran through Touba. The primary chief of the Mourides, Serigne

Lakhad Mbake, at long last flashed the green light to put an end

to a generations-old traffic, whose profits generally wound up in

the pockets of Lebanese and Syrians living in Dakar and Diourbel.

The dire straits of the Gambian economy, the measures taken by the

IMF and the World Bank, plus the devaluation of the dalasi, combined to aggravate Gambia's dependence on international trade,

particularly trade with Senegal.

The second startling discovery is, of course, the hideous poverty

that prevails throughout the country. Banjul looks like a town

founded at the dawn of the century and is content to stay thet way.

The market dates from a bygone era, and one wonders why Gambia's

rulers are trying to desperately to keep it alive. As the prime

image of a state that claims to belong to the modern world, it

reveals a particular frame of mind. Gambians lag a whole generation behind.

51
That same assessment applies to everything else: the way people

behave in the streets, the way they dress, their buildings, the

roads, and the rest of it. It makes one wonder, really, what the

government has been doing since the country achieved independence.

Baniul looks a little bit like Conakry, but with a stronger semblance of organization and one less dictator» Sir Daouda Jawara

is widely known for his respect for the Constitution and his de- (

votion to democracy, both issues passionately discussed in Gambia s

intellectual circles. As a matter of fact, the president is expected very shortly to announce the date for the next presidential

elections, which will be held in May 1987 at the latest. Under

the Constitution, all candidacies must be filed at least 3 months

prior to election day. There is no doubt whatever that Jawara wiJ.I

again be a candidate. We do not know if he will face an oppone:nt. The

name most frequently mentioned for that role is that of Sherif Diba.

For the time being, the opposition has hunkered down to sharpen

and polish its weapons, convinced that the situation will rael

support for its position. The outgoing president, most people

say, will have to deal with discontent among the several populations,

who'have seen their purchasing power dwindling, unemployment rising,

and corruption proliferating as never before. As a result, the opposition

thinks it will win the election—if all goes as it normally should!

What about Senegambia, then? The opposition, which was not consulted by the government on that question, refrains from comment.

The issue, they say, concerns only the present regime. Having

said that, the Gambian opposition has its own ideas on the issue

but is loath to reveal them to the public.

Officially, Senegambia is still an option, albeit an iffy one.

In Banjul, you get the feeling that the Gambians have no desire

to push any further toward integration. In Dakar, the position

is: wait and see, And right now there are Senegalese who are

wondering whether or not it might be simpler simply to wipe Gambia off Senegal's maps.

6182

CSO: 3419/59

52
SENEGAL

FRENCH MINISTER SIGNS AID AGREEMENTS, REVIEWS COOPERATION ISSUES

Dakar LE SOLEIL in French 19 Dec 86 p 4

[Article by Moustapha S. Diagne]

[Excerpts] Yesterday, two important events marked the visit of the French

minister for cooperation to Senegal.

The second major event was the signing of a package of non-repayable financial

agreements with the Aid and Cooperation Fund [FAC] intended to carry out

several projects in Senegal and amounting to a total of 1,065 million CFA

francs. These grants will help to carry out several development projects which

are part of the Senegalese program of social, cultural and economic development. The projects deal in particular with rural development, telecommunications, training, health and culture.

Under the chapter of rural development, three projects are targeted. For

instance, 46 million will be allocated to a project for the decentralization

of the SAED [Company for the Development and Utilization of the Senegal River

Delta]. This is part of a disengagement move by the SAED and will help to

gradually bring farmers to assume responsibility. France has also allocated

75 million francs to the development of sheep herds in the Kaolack Region.

The final category of rural projects concerns the development of dairy production. A sum of 25 million francs has been allocated to that project.

Under the chapter of telecommunications, a grant of 90 million francs will

make it possible to conduct a study for the extension and modernization of the

telecommunications network in the greater Dakar area.

The third chapter is training. Here France has granted 250 million francs in

aid to upgrade scientific equipment for the Faculties of Medicine and Pharmacy

and for the Dental Institute of Dakar.

Under the same chapter, an agreement was also signed for 50 million francs

worth of aid to provide additional training for the supervisory staff of

Dakar-Marine in the form of training courses in French companies and businesses.

This large industrial plant is currently undergoing a remarkable reorganization and has already been granted a credit of 100 million francs by the Aid

and Cooperation Fund. In granting that aid, France answered a request for the

Senegalese authorities who support the current reorganization of Dakar-Marine.

53
In the sphere of health, and after playing a major role in the implementation

of the PEV [Extended Vaccination Program], France is providing further support

for that program to the tune of 50 million francs.

Finally, in the sphere of culture, a grant of 75 million francs will contribute

to the cultural development of Senegal.

Apart from the two events which were the visit to Goree and the signing of the

agreements, Minister Michel Aurillac found time for a series of talks with

Senegalese ministers during which they reviewed French-Senegalese cooperation.

Accompanied by Amadou Cisse, Senegalese ambassador to France, and by Jean Louis

Lacet, French ambassador to Senegal, the French minister met in succession

with Ibrahim Fall, minister of foreign affairs; Medoune Fall, minister of the

Armed Forces; Moussa Toure, secretary of state to the minister of economy

and finance; Iba Der Thiam, minister of national education; and Djibo Ka,

minister of communications.

The talks held at the Ministry of the Armed Forces dealt with the question of

renewing the 4-year plan of military cooperation between France and Senegal.

In this connection, Mr Aurillac announced that French aid to Senegal in that

area will increase during the next budget period. The question of the training

of Senegalese officers was also discussed by the French minister and Medoune

Fall.

With Moussa Toure, the French minister discussed the measures that need to be

adopted to promote investments in Senegal. During the ceremony for the signing

of the agreements, Moussa Toure mentioned how important French aid is for

Senegal. In 1986 that aid was estimated to be 150 billion (in the currency

of our country).

At the Ministry of National Education, special emphasis was placed on the

establishment of a high quality scientific lycee with advanced courses enabling

Senegalese students to reach the level required for admission in French top

colleges. Aurillac and Iba Der Thiam also discussed the questions of French

technical aid for Senegalese schools, equipment for Senegalese schools and the

continued training of Senegalese teachers.

With Djibo Ka, the French minister of cooperation reviewed a number of problems related to the development of communications in Senegal. Special

emphasis was placed on assistance for the ORTS [Senegalese Radio and Television

Office] and a project to modernize the printing works of LE SOLEIL which the

minister has promised to undertake.

It should be mentioned that Aurillac and his delegation were the guests at a

luncheon given by Minister Cheikh Hamidou Kane. It was held at the Chevalier

Bouffiers' Inn in Goree. That evening, Aurillac hosted an official dinner at

the French ambassador's residence. This morning he will give a press conference at the Petit Palais. At 1000 hours, Mr Aurillac will be received in

audience by the president of the republic before leaving for home.

8796/9738

CSO: 3419/54

54
SENEGAL

BRIEFS

IMF FUNDS—The IMF (International Monetary Fund) has authorized Senegal to use

74 million SDR's (special drawing rights equivalent to approximately 29,689

billion CFA francs) out of the assets of that financial institution. According

to an IMF communique received by the SENEGALESE PRESS AGENCY, that sum is

intended to support the economic and financial program implemented by the

Senegalese Government. Also, the international banking institution has

authorized Senegal to draw SDR 34 million during the next 12 months of 1987 as

part of a verification agreement and the rest (40 million) will be made

available over the next 3 years under the arrangement known as adjustment

facility. Senegal subscription quota is SDR 85.1 million and its current

financial obligations to the fund stand at SDR 198.1 million. These financial

obligations, according to the IMF communique, represent past deals with the

exception of trust fund charges. To solve structural economic problems, the

authorities adopted in 1980 a medium-term strategy aimed at restoring economic

growth. That strategy was supported by the World Bank and the IMF, it received

financial aid from other sources, and easier terms were granted for the

indebtedness allowed by official creditors and commercial banks. Since mid1983, the IMF notes, "steady progress was achieved on the road toward gradually

liberalizing the (Senegalese) economy, further encouraging agricultural

production, and reducing the overall budget deficit while the growth of the

domestic debts was slowed down and the current external debt was reduced."

To face these problems, Senegal took the decision to step up its stabilization

efforts in the framework of a program aimed at increasing the real per capita

income, bringing down the inflation rate and further reducing the current

external deficit. These stabilization efforts are part of the overall policy

for the period of 1986-1987 to 1988-1989. [Text] [Dakar LE SOLEIL in French

24-25 Dec 86 p 3] 8796/9738

CSO: 3419/54

55
SIERRA. LEONE

BBC UPDATES STUDENT, UNIVERSITY SITUATION

AB051801 London BBC World Service in English 1709 GMT 5 Feb 87

[From the "Focus on Africa" program]

[Text] In Sierra Leone, the crackdown continues in the wake, of the

recent violent disturbances prompted by a university students' strike

over meal allowances. There was looting and considerable damage to

property as protesters clashed with police. A lot of arrests were made.

College campuses have been closed. The central Committee of the ruling and

only party today called on President Momoh to find an urgent solution

to the trouble. And student leaders continue to be hunted and arrested.

From Freetown, Carlio Kamara cabled this report:

[Begin recording] A police spokesperson today confirmed that (Sarr Kabio

Foyo) has been arrested. He is accused of leading an illegal students

union at Foufah Bay College. According to the spokesperson, (Foyo)

was arrested in Freetown yesterday, having been interrogated in connection

with the student riots and disturbances in which nearly 20 building and

property worth millions of leones were looted or destroyed. While

filing this report, news came to us that the student leader at Milton Margai

Teachers College had also been arrested. He is said to have been detained in

Freetown this morning. This arrest brings to eight the number of students

picked Up by the security forces.

At a news conference 2 days ago, President Momoh announced that lots of

arrests have been made and others are being hunted down. Four of the

leaders arrested were students of Njale University College, which is

about 150 miles south of here. Two were students at Fourah Bay.

According to a communique issued after a meeting of the party Central

Committee chaired by President Momoh at State House, the members noted

with satisfaction the efforts already deployed by the government, as

the only reasonable approach in trying to solve the problem. The Central

Committee expressed its strong concern over the persistent recurrence of

student unrest in the country, and called on the government to take

appropriate measures to halt this menace. [end recording]

/12624

CSO: 3400/949

56
ZIMBABWE

MUGABE GIVES RATIONALE FOR DELAYING SANCTIONS AGAINST PRETORIA

Frankfurt/Main FRANKFURTER ALLGEMEINE in German 6 ;Jan 87 p 10

[Article by Guenter Krabbe, Nairobi: "Hard Times for Zimbabwe: Mugabe Wants

to Postpone Sanctions Against South Africa"]

[Text] Nairobi, 5 Jan—Zimbabwean Prime Minister Mugabe has surprised the

citizens of his country and other African states with his statement that he

will "postpone" the sanctions announced for the beginning of the year against

the neighboring nation of South Africa, because the responsible authorities

are "not yet finished with preparations." However, Zimbabweans should already

begin preparing for "hard times."

With this postponement, the Marxist government in Harare has dealt itself a

political blow. As in other African countries, the demand for sanctions has a

great deal of emotional significance in Zimbabwe, since the population has for

years been told by all the resources of state propaganda that sanctions are

the most effective means for bringing South African racial policy to its

knees. However, they have not been informed of the economic consequences to

their own country.

Mugabe's decision is presumably based on the fact that he is afraid of the

political consequences of a drastic cut in the standard of living of his

people. The December disturbances in Zimbabwe's neighbor to the north,

Zambia, where the government was forced to deploy soldiers against

demonstrators and looters after drastic economy measures were announced,

resulting in some deaths, were duly noted by other African governments.

Zimbabwe's economic situation is worsening even without sanctions. Ninety

percent of its foreign trade passes by way of South African railroads and

South African ports. Whether Mugabe prohibits trade across the border with

South Africa or South Africa halts traffic as a defensive measure against

sanctions, the effects in either case would be frightful. The only other

trade route, through Mozambique to the port at Beira, cannot support any

additional trade as long as the civil war in that country continues to rage.

Admittedly, Zimbabwean troops, which Mugabe has sent to the aid of the

similarly Marxist government in Maputo, are able to secure the railroad and

pipeline from Beira adequately enough for around 10 percent of Zimbabwe's

foreign trade to use this route.

57
Right after Mugabe's announcement, a Zimbabwean investment bank issued an

analysis that painted a dim picture of the country's economic development. It

said that there is a downward trend in nearly all sectors. The rapid growth

in unemployment was reported to be especially dangerous. According to the

analysis, there are 100,000 new entrants on the job market each year, but only

7,000 new jobs. "There will be one million unemployed persons in 3 years,"

the report reads, and this is a country that will then have only 9.8 million

inhabitants—approximately 3.5 million of which will be over the age of 15.

The country became so highly developed during the blockade era from 1965 to

1980 that only a few Zimbabweans can return to the subsistence economy, like

other Africans. They are dependent on monetary income. The economic

difficulties, the bank writes, are to be attributed to the lack of foreign

currency, the decline in productivity, the low propensity to invest, high

taxes, prices and wages, and the "unfavorable assessment of the political

situation in Southern Africa."

Zambia as well has yet to announce the expected sanctions against South

Africa. President Kaunda conferred with Mugabe after Christmas and was

surprised that Zimbabwe wants more time. Zambia has alternative trade routes

through Tanzania and Zaire, but still realizes 60 percent of its foreign trade

via South Africa. Kaunda learned a few things during the blockade of

Rhodesia. At that time, he went for many years without trading via South

Africa, since the trade routes ran through blockaded Rhodesia, present-day

Zimbabwe. He was generously rewarded for this with development aid from

Western countries that believed that they had to have a bad conscience because

of Rhodesia. Mugabe probably has a more realistic assessment of the situation

if he does not believe in a repeat of this Western generosity not only towards

Zambia, but also towards his own country.

12271

CSO: 3420/6

58
PRIVATE FARMERS SEEN AS MODEL FOR AFRICA

ZIMBABWE

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 26 Jan 87 p 10

[Article by Lawrence Bartlett]

[Text]

On a continent burdened by hunger

and crippling food import bills,

Zimbabwe farmers are under

orders to grow less after harvesting

a mountain of surplus grain.

The 2 million-ton maize surplus

— enough to feed the country's

8 million people for two years — is

the yield of millions of peasants as

well as a handful of white commercial farmers.

Reasons for Zimbabwe's success

can be found along the main highway north-east from the capital,

Harare, where the rich red loam

and overhead irrigation systems of

the sophisticated commercial farms

give way to a patchwork of peasant

plots.

On the sandy grey soil of her

plot, Mrs Mary Mulambo, a wiry

mother of seven, is pro rata exceeding the yields of many larger

farms with the help of an ox-drawn

plough.

Last season, she harvested

10 800 kg of maize from 1,2 ha at

Murewa, 80 km from Harare. That's

more than 50 percent better than

the average yield on Zimbabwe's

large-scale commercial farms,

which rank among the best in the

world.

Mrs Mulambo's yields have risen

tenfold in the six years since Zimbabwe's independence, making her

one of the minority of the continent's peasants producing more

food than a decade ago.

"My knowledge has improved.

Government advisers have changed

my approach to the land," she said.

Since he came to power in 1980,

Prime Minister Robert Mugabe has

given the peasants what they never

had before — credit, advice from

agriculture experts and convenient

marketing outlets.

In 1986, the State-backed Agricultural Finance Corporation made

about 86 000 loans totalling R70 million to peasant farmers — about 40

times more than before independence. This is due to rise to 110000

loans worth R160 million in 1989.

The Government also equipped

1 500 agricultural advisers with

small motorcycles and sent them to

remote parts of the country.

This combination of knowledge

and the cash needed to buy fertilisers, chemicals and good seed

helped peasants produce half of last

season's 1,6 million tons of maizw

sold to the State-run Grain Marketing Board. They also kept an estimated 1 million tons for their own

use.

Faced with costly storage, the

Government has told farmers to cut

this season's harvest by half or be

paid an unprofitable price for their

crops.

Mr JR Rutherford, president of

the 4 500-strong Commercial Farmers' Union, runs 3 600 ha about

60 km from Mrs Mulambo's plot.

As well as growing maize, and

matching Mrs Mulambo's yields, he

plants tobacco, soybeans and irrigated crops of wheat and barley.

In place of Mrs Mulambo's

plough, he uses 12 tractors, two

combine harvesters and 125 labourers.

His explanation of why Zimbabwe's farmers are a model for

Africa is similar to Mrs Mulambo's:

"The key to success is the understanding and appreciation by the

Government of the importance of

agriculture."

He cited irrigation, which sustains Zimbabwe's wheat industry, as

one of the reasons the country was

able to weather the drought that

caused millions to starve in other

African countries.

Both peasant and commercial

farmers are given a head start towards better harvests by the Government's research service, which

has developed crop hybrids particularly suited to the country.

1 Australia, Britain and three aid

agencies have pledged to buy

100 000 tons of Zimbabwean maize

and send it to Mozambique next

month. — Associated Press.

/9274

CSO: 3400/913

59
ZIMBABWE

JOINT ECONOMIC COMMISSION FORMED WITH CANADA TO BROADEN TRADE

Communique Released

MB281830 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1700 GMT 28 Jan 87

[Text] Harare 28 January SAPA—-Prime Ministers Mr Brian Mulroney and Mr

Robert Mugabe today decided to form a Canada-Zimbabwe joint economic

commission to broaden the scope and depth of the two countries trade

relations.

According to a communique released at the end of the second round of talks

between the two leaders at Mr Mugabe's Munhumutapa offices, the commission

would initially develop a strategy to expand trade and business linkages,

identify ways and means for transfer of technology and promote the concept of

bilateral industrial cooperation.

"Prime Minister Mulroney also noted that the first steps in broadening our

two-way trading relationship are already under way and two Zimbabweans will be

in Canada next week to begin to survey the Canadian market potential for

Zimbabwean products to satisfy Canada winter requirements for fresh produce,"

it said.

To this end, the Zimbabweans would attend the Canadian fruit wholesalers

convention in Halifax.

It was also announced that Mr Mulroney would send an official from the

Department of External Affairs (DEA) to consult Zimbabwean officials on

various aspects of trade in services to facilitate Canada/Zimbabwe cooperation

in multilateral trade policy discussions.

A delegation of Canadian businessmen would also visit Zimbabwe later this year

to investigate export opportunities.

Mr Mulroney noted that while these steps were significant in the development

of Canadian-Zimbabwean bilateral trade relations, they also reflected his

country's wish to support Frontline States in the "difficult situation they

now face" in the region.

The two countries also singed a 3.9 million Canadian dollar (about R5.9

million) agreement for milling project to improve the processing of small

1 i

60
grains in Zimbabwe. The project, funded by the Canadian International

Development Agency (CIDA), will help to introduce small electric or dieseldriven machines that will save time spent in dehulling sorghum and millet by

hand-pounding. In most rural areas of the country, this work is done by

women, and this project is expected to improve their standards of living, for

they would own about 25 percent of the machines. Agriculture and women as

agents and beneficiaries of development are the CIDA's key priorities. "One

expected result is that Zimbabwean farmers will grow more sorghum and millet,

crops better suited to drought-prone areas than corn, the country's major

crop."

Mr Mugabe's delegation included the deputy Prime Minister Mr Simon Muzenda;

the acting Minister of Finance, Mr Enos Nkala; Minister of Trade and Commerce,

Mr Oliver Munyaradzi, and Deputy Minister of Education, Mr Joseph Culverwell.

Mugabe, Mulroney Speak at Banquet

MB280556 Harare Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 28 Jan 87

[Text] The Prime Minister, Comrade Robert Mugabe, said the South African

authorities have been doing everything possible to undermine Zimbabwe's

national efforts and those of the Frontline States (?including) economically

viable economic systems. Comrade Mugabe told the visiting Canadian Prime

Minister, Mr Brian Mulroney, at a state banquet in Harare last night that the

Pretoria regime represents a deadly threat to the viability of a strong

Zimbabwe. He said the country's policies of nonracialism, democracy, and

social justice for all are regarded as anathema because they are seen as

posing a threat to the evil system of apartheid.

Comrade Mugabe said the government of the Frontline States committed

themselves to giving support to liberation movements in the region out of the

conviction that there would never by peace in the area until apartheid is

abolished. The Prime Minister also said support for the liberation movements

is out of the convictions that the entire Southern African region would never

know peace, stability, security, and prosperity until apartheid is totally

dismantled in South Africa and Namibia is free. He said the majority of

Western nations now believe that mandatory sanctions against South Africa

represent the last chance of bringing peaceful change in that country.

In reply, the Canadian Prime Minister said the struggle against apartheid will

continue until freedom and a representative government prevailed in South

Africa. He said apartheid is based on the premise that human beings are born

unequal because of the color of their skins, adding that any system founded on

such a concept will fail because it is inherently wrong.

Agreement Underwrites Electricity Costs

MB291909 Harare Domestic Service in English 1745 GMT 29 Jan 87

[Text] Botswana, Zambia, and Zimbabwe have signed a joint ('energy) agreement

for 50 million dollars with the Canadian Government. Under the agreement

61
Canada will give Botswana money to buy electricity from Zambia and Zimbabwe.

In the past Botswana has relied on South Africa for its electricity.

The agreement was signed at Victoria Falls today by President Masire of

Botswana and Kaunda of Zambia and the Prime Minister, Comrade Robert Mugabe,

as well as Minister [as heard] Brian Mulroney of Canada.

The decision to support Botswana on this project is in line with the SADCC

economic objectives which call for the reduction of dependence on the Pretoria

regime.

Before the signing of the agreement the three frontline leaders held talks on

the variety of issues with their Commonwealth partner.

During the talks Dr Kaunda firmly criticized the American Secretary of State

George Shultz for demanding a denunciation of violence from the African

National Congress of South Africa. Dr Kaunda said the only way the ANC can

abandon the armed struggle is if the Botha regime denounces the evil policy of

racial segregation.

The Prime Minister described as unfortunate the reference to the ANC as a

terrorist organization by Mr George Shultz.

Mugabe, Kaunda, Masire, Mulroney Hold Talks

MB291707 Harare Domestic Service in English 1600 GMT 29 Jan 87

[Text] The chairman of the Frontline States, President Kenneth Kaunda of

Zambia, has firmly criticized the American Secretary of State, Mr George

Shultz, for demanding the denunciation of violence from the ANC of South

Africa. Dr Kaunda was speaking at the Victoria Falls where he has been

holding talks with the Canadian Prime Minister, Mr Brian Mulroney, together

with Comrade Mugabe and Dr Masire of Botswana. Dr Kaunda said the only way

the ANC can abandon the armed struggle is if the Botha regime denounces the

evil policy of apartheid. He said the Botha regime should also lift the ban

on the ANC and the state of emergency, and release the jailed ANC leader,

Comrade Nelson Mandela and other (?nationalists).

Comrade Mugabe described as unfortunate the reference to the ANC as a

terrorist organization by Mr Shultz. The Prime Minister said Mr Mulroney's

visit comes at a time when the situation in Southern Africa is getting worse.

Mr Mulroney, who arrived in Harare on Tuesday, is on a four day visit to

Zimbabwe. The Canadian Prime Minister is scheduled to sign a multimillion

agreement [as heard] for the construction of a hydroelectric scheme which will

involve Botswana, Zimbabwe, and Zambia.

62
Mulroney Says RSA Sanctions Necessary

MB301156 Harare Domestic Service in English 1115 GMT 30 Jan 87

[Text] The Canadian Prime Minister, Mr Brian Mulroney, has described the

imposition of economic sanctions on South Africa as the only means of bringing

peaceful change in that country., Mr Mulroney told newsmen in Harare today

that his country is implementing sanctions against South Africa because they

are the only available alternative to violence. He said the Frontline States

had also expressed satisfaction with the role Canada is playing in the

Southern African region. Mr Mulroney added that he is convinced that the

Frontline States are fully committed to imposing sanctions on South Africa

since they are now working out their strategies.

Meanwhile, the Canadian Prime Minister has left Zimbabwe for Senegal, the

second leg of his African tour.

/12913

CSO: 3400/960

63
ZIMBABWE

BEIRA CORRIDOR GROUP LTD APPEALS TO NATION'S BUSINESSMEN

Overwhelming Responde

Harare THE HERALD in English 24 Jan 87 p 1

[Text]

ZIMBAIlWIvMNbiisiiicsstnrn r<*s|><imfotl

overwhelmingly yesterit.'iy to a fall to

tuUr p:ui in wliai

will |>rt»hahly bv one

of ih«" Wtp.f't'.jil selihol|» projects **vi't*

.--.« <•!! »1» this ****{»iiHli

— SAIKX?« Beira

Corridor project.

The call was madft yesterday when BCG Ltd

Issued its prospectus for

tln< tale of 200 debentures, which may later be

converted into shares, of

.? j OüO each to the business community. The film

Ift lo raise nn Initial ?1

million to help Implement

the rehabilitation and development of commercial

services nnd facilities in

Die Beira Corridor.

Thi:j will complement

the inl'mstructural work

b.ring done on the. corridor

by tiie Mozambican government's Beira Corridor

Authority and the Zimbabwean Government's Machipnnda-Reira Authority.

Aid funds totalling US

?18 million have already

been committed to tills ; wort: and the KP30 this '•

Week called for tenders

for a proposed $70,ft mil-,

lion plan to rebuild berths

in the port of Betra.

After the publication of

the prospectus, Standard

Chartered Merchant Bank,

which is handling the sale,

waa inundated with calls

from a wide variety of

businessmen interested in

taking up debentures. A

spokesman said the response was "tremendous".

Application lists for the

debentures will open on.

February- 2 and will close

on February 9, or earlier

If the offer is fully subscribed. Yesterday's initial

response makes it more

than likely that it will

be over-subscribed.

The move to involve the

business community in the

corridor has been supported by the Minister of

Transport, Dr Herbert

Üshewokunze the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries, the Zimbabwe

National Chamber of

Commerce and the Com*

mercial Farmejtef Ihiion.

In a letter of support

published in the prospectus, Ode Usbewokunac

said that the Government

Had challenged the business community to support its efforts to "provide efficient and costeffective commercial services, facilities und the

operation' of specialised

handling facilities-, wltliln

the Beira Corridor.

"It see» the formation

of BCG as the response

of the business community

and it. welcome» and supports this co-ordinated

approach to the project,

ami to ensure that na-

(ioniil and regional hil«ri-flt-j arc protected I he

Government has formed

the M'achipanda - Beira

Authority. This authority

will do all that 11 can to

support the combined

efforts of the State and

the. business community

in pursuing the successful Implementation ol

this important project.'

Reacting to the. publica.-

(ion of the- prospectus,

the president of CZI, Mr

VVviä' 1*11 fV nnd the

»rt-ildent of ZNCC, Mm

fl>awn Taimton, said that

it was vital that businessmen should support BCC!

if the SAIJCC project to

restore Beira to its former viability and.accessibility was to succeed.

'•'The president of »h-v

CFU, Mr Bob Kutlicrfoid,

described the publication

of the prospectus «» '*

"major and positive step

forward in the overall

development of the Beira

CoiTldor system".

The prospectus makes

(i clear tliat businen.*-

i!K-ii are being asked to

invest in «• service laellity rather than In a profit-making cnterpi ise.

Not only will their investment bear no Interest

I.ut the prospectus said

that because "the niuin

purpose for which BOO

lias 'been formed is to ensure that iiMeiTi-itlve trade

louTen ate available foi

llic- Sft.DCC countries, the

;;< .'levatiton of profit i.s

net ic!>a'!.'ded us brln;; or

prinie Imnoitarice".

•'Indeed, because of tite

emergency and non-pioUl

nature, of thig national/

tef'ional Beira Cotrldoi

project, there is n possibility that BCG will act

be in a position to return

capital paid Into the

Investors upon liquidation."

To stave off tlmt poralbillty as much as pc.-?-

sihle .'iowevei-, RCG plans

I» chcrpp i<R-r>s lor speeiHi-', advice end lurlp provided. Its mdin Rims wl"

il!,> ,io involve the SADCC

business community in

the project and to help

the Maelupanda - Bi.-itn

r'Viithority in IS« ne.'ioti'ilions with lh>; Mo/.amblcun authorities «bout

tli.'» establishment ol Joint

venture companies in the

corridor.

It will also monitor and

co-ordinate business activity in the corridor nnd

tep'i-esent regional buslne.is Intel ests In negotiation.'! with the Mozfinliican authorities

64
Norman Replies to Critics

Harare THE SUNDAY MAIL in English 25 Jan 87 p 1

[Text]

THE Beira Corridor is «ot intended to

counter a blockade mounted, by South

.Africa in retaliation for sanctions applied

by Zimbabwe, says Mr Denis Norman,

cliairmnii of the

Bcira Corridor

Ifrtnip«

The BCO aims to revive Zimbabwe's trade

routes through 'Mozambique and gtve £ major

boost to Uus Mowiwnbican

economy, Mr Norman

said after a meeting with

Bulawayo businessmen on

Friday.

He noted that the reaction of the businessmen

to his address was slightly different from what

he had expected. Questions asked at the meeting suggested they viewed the Belra Corrldor'3

aim to be to counter a

possible blockade by

South Africa in the event

of sanctions applied by

Zimbabwe.

"The objective Is to try

to re-establish our economical trade . routes to

Mozambique and by so

doing initiate tremendous

transport savings for our

firms and to inject finance Into the Mozamblcan economy by using

their transport system,"

said the former senator.

The BCG is a iSADOC

company with offices

registered in Harare.

Directors of the group

have just completed a

tour of other SADCC

countries to tell them

about the launch of the

company's prospectus on

Friday.

Told of the scepticism

that many Zimbabweans

hold about the viability <sf

ths corridor as an aiteraatSrre to the country's

expert and import routes

through South Africa.. Mr

Norman caäcl It -.ras aa

additional route, not an

alternative.

"Belra will handle approximately 50 percent of

Zimbabwe's exports and

imports after the rehabilitation programme has

'been completed in three

years' itime. In the event

of a South African blockade, consideration will bo

given to the additional

use of Maputo and the

northern Mozamblcan port

of Nacala through Malawi," Mr Norman said.

Cross Predicts Rapid Results by Yearend

Harare THE HERALD in English 29 Jan 87 pp 1, 9

[Text]

THE Involvement of the

business community in

the Bcira Corridor should

start showing rapid and

.positive results iby Wie

end of the year, the managing director. designate

of BCG 'Ltd, Mr Eddie

Cross, said yesterday.

In an interview after a

private briefing of Harare

businessmen about BCG,

Mr Cross said it was

hoped that the hotel project in Belra would be "up

and going" by mid-year

while a start would have

been made on new tobacco

and cotton warehousing

and handling facilities by

the end of the year.

Negotiations were also

currently under way for

the establishment of various other commercial services in the corridor.

The briefing was one or

the last df a s**1** t0

have been held In Zimbabwe, Botswana, Zambia

and Malawi to brief the

business community about

the SADCC initiative to

involve it In the Belra

Corridor and its potential

role In helping the Mozambtcan government rehabilitate and upgrade

the route.

Mr Cros» said that the

response to these meetings, and to the recent

publication of the BCO

prospectus aimed at rals

ing an initial $1 million

for the company, had

been "overwhelming".

In fact, it was the

widespread support shown

for the project by tha

business community that

resulted in Mr Croan

making the "difficult"

decision late last year to

resign as general manager of the Cold Storage

Commission. He takes up

hist new post in April.

65
The fact that BCG had

managed to persuade topranking local businessmen to »it on the board

of what was essentially

a "high risk, high profile

project that has its critics

also encouraged me"'.

Another factor had

been the unique regional

Initiative to re-establish

Beira as an. economic and

cost-efficient outlet to the

sea and, for the first

time, to glvfe the business

community the opportunity to play a meaningful

role in regional development.

He said that without

an economic outlet to

the sea — which Beira

could be — large slices

of the regional economy

were not viable because

of the high transport

costs of other routes to

the ssa.

For example, he said,

•Zimbabwe's transport

costs were a third higherthan they should be because although Beira's

handling capacity had

increased fourfold over

the last two years, it wap

still not operating at full

potential. It was therefore in the long-term Interests of Zimbabwe to be

lully involved in the project.

Mr Cross has been involved in the preliminary

negotiations with the

Mozamblcan and Zlmbab w e a n governments

about the involvement of

the business community

for the last 18 months.

He said that during that

time his commitment to,

and appreciation of the

benefits of the project to

the region, had steadily

grown.

For example, he said,

Beira had become the

single largest foreign

currency earner In

Mozambique over the last

two years because of the

rehabilitation work done

to date and was now

carrying 25 percent of

regional traffic. With an

estimated natural traffic

flow of 40 to 45 percent

of regional traffic by the

time the project was

completed In three years

time, its potential foreign

exchange earnings were

vast, with inevitable spinoff benefits for the

Mozambican economy.

Yesterday's meeting

came a few days before

applications for BCG's

200 $5 000 debentures are

due to open in Harare on

Monday and Mr Cross

said it was already clear

that the offer would be

welt over-subscribed.

As a result, negotiations were currently

under way to try to accommodate all applicants

und a final decision would

be taken at a BCG board

meeting on February 21.

Mr Cross also spoke of

his regret at leaving the

CSC, which he said was

"on the edge of wie

major and exciting developments".

He said it would show

an operating profit this

.year for the flrsjt time

'"in many years 'because

its trading position has

been sorted out, Its exports

are highly profitable, a

lot of sales on the domestic market are now on a

profitable basis, it is a

üeaner organisation, and

independent and realistic

forecasts have indicated

that, the national herd

will Ibe able to support u

it has a strong management team — the crisis

is over",

• The running of the

port of Beira will be

taken over by the port

authority of Amsterdam

on March 1 as part of

tho Beira Corridor rehabilitation scheme.

/9317

CSO: 3400/948

66
ZIMBABWE

JAPAN DELEGATION EXPRESSES SUPPORT FOR ANC

MB041813 Dakar PANA in English 1805 GMT 4 Feb 87

[Text] Harare, 4 February (ZIANA/PANA)—Japan recognizes the African National

Congress (ANC) of south Africa and has invited Mr Oiver Tambo, the ANC leader,

to Tokyo in April, a senior Japanese official, and said in Harare today.

Mr Mumisada Kume, deputy director-general of the Middle Eastern and African

Affairs Bureau of the Japanese Foreign Ministry, told newsmen that his country

had asked Mr Tambo to visit Tokyo and was planning to invite Dr Allan Boesak,

the leader of the United Democratic Front. We recognize the ANC and we have

invited its leader, Mr Tambo, to Tokyo in April. We are also intending to

invite the UDF leader, Dr Allan Boesak, later because we believe it is high

time for South Africa to talk seriously to the leaders of the black people and

end the problems in that country.

We have come here to see how Japan can contribute to the development of the

Frontline States and to see how they are coping with South African

destabilization. This is a fact-finding mission and we will make firm

decisions on future aid programmes depending on our talks with officials in

this region, he said.

Mr Kume arrived in Harare today leading a six-man delegation tasked by the

Japanese Government to investigate the needs of the Frontline States should

South Africa retaliate when sanctions are imposed on that country. The six

other officials are representatives of the Economic Co-operation Bureau in

Tokyo. The delegation would be in Zimbabwe for five days and would meet

senior government officials before proceeding to Zambia and Mozambique. It

has already been to Tanzania on a similar mission.

Mr Kume said Japan was not satisfied with the so-called reform programme in

South Africa and would impose additional measures to bring Pretoria to

dialogue with the leaders of the black people. In September, Japan imposed a

ban on the importation of iron and steel, air links, tourist exchange

programmes and the export of computers to South Africa. These measures might

be strengthened further if Pretoria continued to pursue the policy of

apartheid.

67
The visit to Harare is a follow up to a meeting held late last year by a

Nonaligned Movement committee, headed by Zimbabwe's foreign minister, Dr

Witness Mangwende, with Japanese leaders in Tokyo.

Zimbabwe currently holds the chairmanship of the Nonaligned Movement.

/12913

CSO: 3400/958

68
ZIMBABWE

ZANU-PF FACING PROBLEMS IN MATABELELAND

MB031505 Harare THE HERALD in English 19 Jan 87 p 4

[Editorial: ."Quick Cure Needed"]

[Text] In 1980, ZANU (PF) lost all but just one parliamentary seat in the two

Matabeleland provinces. Five years later, despite having a clear edge in

organization following ZAPU's near-hara kiri, the ruling party still lost all

the 15 seats at stake.

We know that the ruling party deeply searched its soul in trying to put its

finger on what really went wrong. No public statements have been made on the

party's findings. But there is no doubt that it had a lot to blame itself for

that poor performance.

Matabeleland, said the party's president and first secretary Cde [comrade]

Mugabe at one time, is a problem child. At that time problems at lower levels

of the party were being caused by confusions at the top. The party organs

were simply caught in the whirlwind of personality clashes and lost their

direction in the melee.

The party's Mr Fixit, Cde Nyagumbo, made several trips to Bulawayo in an

effort to put things right. It was not an easy task. After a number of

dissolutions and suspensions and the appointment of an administrator for

Harare, things in Bulawayo seemed to have returned to normal.

For the first time since the period after Entumbane Two, party members were

coming out into the open. They collected funds to pay the provincial office's

enormous debts and also contributed materially.

But no sooner had the men from Harare said their byes than the rumblings

resumed against the new leadership. In the 1985 election the ruling party was

so badly beaten that it had to content itself with having only done "well."

Matabeleland North is today inexorably sliding back into the mire and set to

reclaim its dubious problem child title. Head office and provincial

leaderships are trying to put up a brave face. Yet it is not business as

usual.

69
Five officials are publicly known to have been suspended from the provincial

leadership. We have reason to believe there have been many more suspensions.

And there are fears to talk about what some district members in Matabeleland

term as a purge.

Is a purge what the province needs? The track record of the ruling party in

that part of the country makes one feel rather suspicious of the numerous

cures being prescribed for Matabeleland. Whether this one works is doubtful.

ZANU (PF) needs a quick and effective solution to the Mtabeleland problem if

only because it should never enter into a unity agreement with ZAPU while

appearing to be very weak in that part of the country. It should never be in

the awkward position to be told off later that, were it not for unity it never

would have ruled in Matabeleland.

The ruling party is negotiating with ZAPU from a position of strength, a

position that would be stronger if ZAPU felt that its authority in

Matabeleland would some day soon be seriously threatened. At the moment ZAPU

can afford to make demands in the full knowledge that Matabeleland remains

solidly behind it. Thanks to the ruling party.

Time is running out fast for ZANU's strategists. Unless they have decided to

let it be, since the idea is to unite the two parties anyway. History will,

however, record that it was a battle that could have been won but for sheer

bungling on the part of some individuals.

/12913

CSO: 3400/958

70
ZIMBABWE

BRIEFS

ZANU OFFICIAL CONFIRMS UNITY—The ZANU-PF secretary for administration,

Comrade Maurice Nyagumbo, has warned district officials against undermining

provincial officials by complaining directly to the Central Committee or

Politburo. Comrade Nyagumbo told the ZBC that this happened in the case of

the recently suspended (Nazulua) and Bulawayo east district officials. He

said in case of the four officials from Bulawayo, they have written letters of

complaint against provincial officials; complaints which he later found to be

false. Last Saturday the Bulawayo District elected four new members, while

those from (Nazulua) remained on suspension pending the findings of the

provincial investigating committee. On the unity talks, Comrade Nyagumbo

echoed ZAPU leader Dr Joshua Nkomo's announcement yesterday that only a few

minor issues remained to be ironed out between the two parties. Comrade

Nyagumbo said the ZANA-PFP's first secretary and president, Comrade Robert

Mugabe, who now chairs the talks, will issue a statement as soon as the

remaining issues have been resolved. Comrade Nyagumbo, however, indicated

that issues relating to the name of the coalition party as well as its

executive composition have been resolved satisfactorially; but added that

Comrade Mugabe will give more details in due course. He says ZANU-PF is

satisfied that PF-ZAPU has cooperated as much as possible during the

discussions. [Text] [Harare Domestic Service in English 1115 GMT 2 Feb 87

MB] /12913

AGREEMENT SIGNED ON DAMS—Zimbabwe and Italy today signed a 2.6 million dollar

agreement for feasibility studies for medium-sized dams in Manicaland. The

Minister of Energy, Water Resources, and Development, Comrade Kumbirai Kangai

who signed on behalf of Zimbabwe, and the Italian ambassador to this country,

Dr Ferdinando Mor, signed for his country. The program is expected to enable

people of Manicaland to improve their lives through (?irrigation) schemes and

fish farms. The Italian envoy Dr Mor said the 2.6 million dollar contract has

been granted under the bilateral aid program between the two countries.

[Text] [Harare Domestic Service in English 1115 GMT 2 Feb 897 MB] /12913

NKOMO ON "MINOR DETAILS"—The PF-ZAPU leader Dr Joshua Nkomo, has appealed to

every Zimbabwean at different levels to help create a worthy future for our

children. Speaking a rally in Bulawyo today, Dr Nkomo said Zimbabwe needs to

be united to counter racist South African aggression and to aid the cause of

the liberation movement in the region. Referring to the unity talks between

PF-ZAPU and ZANU-PF, Dr Nkomo said most special issues have been discussed in

detail, but minor details still remain and these must be overcome. He

71
appealed to parents to teach their children to shun tribalism and other

divisive elements. [Text] [Harare Domestic Service in English 1745 GMT 1 Feb

87 MB] /12913

MINISTER PROMISES JOBS—The Minister of Labor, Manpower Planning, and Social

Welfare, Comrade Frederick Shava, says the government intends to create about

144,000 jobs in the next five years. Comrade Shava disclosed this in a speech

read on his behalf at the official opening of a one day training seminar for

the members of the Transport and General Workers Union. The minister said the

government has adopted a multi-faceted strategy for the creation of employment

and will increase state participation in the economy management under the

first five year national development plan. He said it is imperative that the

workers should be made fully conscious to play a more meaningful role in the

development of a socialist society. Comrade Shava praised the Transport and

General Workers Union for organizing the training seminar and expressed the

hope that this will contribute to the workers' determination to create a more

just society. [Text] [Harare Domestic Service in English 1115 GMT 31 Jan 87

MB] /12913

SECRETARIES TO MINISTRIES APPOINTED—The president, Comrade Canaan Banana, has

appointed three permanent secretaries to ministers on the advice of the prime

minister, Comrade Robert Mugabe. In a statement issued today, the secretary

to the prime minister and to the cabinet, Comrade, Charles Utete said the

senior deputy secretary in the office of the prime minister and cabinet,

Comrade Willard Chiwewe has been appointed secretary for defense. The former

secretary for defense, Comrade James Chitauro is now the secretary for energy,

water resources and development. He replaces Mr (Bell), who is retiring from

service. The new secretary for community development and women's affairs is

Comrade Tindayi Bari who replaces Comrade Angeline Makwavarara Zimbabwe's new

ambassador to Sweden Comrade Bari has been a deputy secretary in the ministry.

[Text] [Harare Domestic Service in English 1115 GMT 5 Feb 87 MB] /12913

MUGABE SAYS RSA SITUATION "MORAL ISSUE"—The prime minister, Comrade Robert

Mugabe, has said the South African crisis has turned into a moral issue which

demands that everyone choose which side they are on. Comrade Mugabe was

speaking in Victoria Falls at a meeting attended by the leaders of Zambia,

Botswana, and Canada yesterday. He praised Canada for its positive stand on

the situation in South Africa and expressed concern that the United States

regards as terrorists the struggling people of South Africa. The prime

minister appealed to Canada to use its influence to further support all

liberation movements in Southern Africa. Comrade Mugabe said if the United

States was prepared to go to war against British colonialism, why should

Namibians and South Africans not do the same against apartheid? [Text]

[Harare Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 30 Jan 87 MB] /12913

BOTSWANA'S MASIRE ARRIVES—President Quett Masire of Botswana arrived in

Harare today for talks with the prime minister, Comrade Mugabe, on bilateral

issues. The SADCC chairman was met at the airport by President Canaan Banana

and the Prime Minister, Comrade Mugabe. President Masire is on his way home

from a visit to Zambia. He was joined for talks at the Prime Minister's

residence by Botswana Foreign Minister Dr Gaositwe Chiepe. The Prime

Minister's delegation to the talks includes Foreign Minister Comrade Mangwende

72
and the Minister of Transport, Comrade Herbert Ushewokunze. Botswana recently

postponed indefinitely the takeover of railway properties in Botswana from the

National Railways of Zimbabwe. This came after the Bophuthatswana Bantustan

had (?made some) demands that Botswana could not accept [words indistinct].

The talks are likely to include the forthcoming SADCC annual conference in

Gaborone this week which, among other things, is looking at ways of [word

indistinct] counter sanctions by South Africa against its neighbors. [Text]

[Harare Domestic Service in English 1115 GMT 1 Feb 87 MB] /12913

CSO: 3400/958

73
SOUTH AFRICA

VAN DER MERWE EXPLAINS RECENT STATEMENTS ON PRESS CURBS

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 22 Jan 87 p 5

[Interview with Deputy Minister of Information

Preezj date and place not given]

[Text]

BUSINESS DAY: What exactly is

the position with Parliamentary

privilege and the Press's right to

report on debates?

VAN DER MERWE: There is a clause in

the legislation covering Parliamentary

privilege that states that the Press may

report what was said in Parliament,

Provided it is done in a bona fide way. So

arliamentary privilege has never been

absolute.

For instance, if someone says something slanderous in Parliament, a newspaper may repeat it. But it may not use

these statements to slander the person

further. So the emergency regulations

did not change anything; I merely pointed out the dangers of a newspaper using

statements in Parliament to further the

image of an undemocratic organisation.

WHAT FREEDOM would candidates in

the election have to talk about matters

covered by the emergency regulations,

and would the Press be able to report

these statements?

THIS IS not covered by Parliamentary

privilege. The regulations were aimed

at unlawful organisations, not at curtailing the democratic process. So we

would want a situation where candidates could be reported fairly freely.

But I am not a legal expert and we will

soon get clarity on this from other

sources.

YOUR statement that you are curbing

Press freedom and democracy to protect freedom and democracy was widely criticised.

THE ANC wants to take over power by

force. Until this policy changes, we will

view it as an undemocratic organisa-!

tion. The lesson of the past all over the

Stoffel van der Merwe by Max cu

world is that the moment this type of

movement takes over power, they terminate Press freedom. One has to use

undemocratic methods to ensure that

the democratic process lives on.

It is an accepted principle that when

a democracy is put under pressure

through external factors, steps such as a

state of emergency are permissible.

BUT WERE the steps you took not completely out of proportion with the

threat?

LOOK AT how Press freedom was curtailed during the Second World War in

Britain — far more than we have done

now. So it depends on the seriousness of

the threat.

IS IT not dangerous to leave your population with so little information? The

people now get a distorted view of the

ANC while the credibility of the media

is undermined.

IF THE ANC was engaged in an election campaign in SA, one could have

said it was not fair to distort their image. The rules of a battle for power are

vastly different from the rules of democracy. This fair play is not applied to

us by the outside world. Why should we

play fair?

PERHAPS because this organisation

represents a large number of South Africans and their aspirations and has to

be part of any solution?

THAT may be so. But that so-called

support has not been democratically

tested.

BUT THEY have never had the opportunity to test their strength at the polls.

WE HAVE started with that through the

third tier authorities, and the ANC de74
cided not to take part. We have opened

the doors for negotiation, but they chose

not to use it. We have made this offer

time and time again.

THE ANC's statement last week said

they would grab any opportunity to negotiate, but government has to release

their leaders first so consultation can

take place before negotiation.

THERE IS the open offer that, if they

reject violence as a method, they would

be freed. If they reject violence, they

would be unbanned.

SO THE whole of SA is caught in the

deadlock between the ANC and government, and government is not going to

take any initiative to break it?

WE HAVE made our move. We have

changed our policies and end ideals 180

degrees; we have said we believe in the

sharing of power up to the highest level;

we said we wanted to negotiate a settlement. They have not deviated more

than, say, 20 degrees from their position. The only way they would want to

negotiate, is when there would be no

question about who is going to be the

next government.

They will back off from their policy

of a seizure of power only if they can

bargain for a hand over of power.

IN JANUARY last year the Minister of

Law and Order gave full permission for

the publication ofOliver Tambo's statements. This year there was a blanket

ban. Is it because this year's ANC statement was more moderate than last

year's?

LAST YEAR we had a completely differentset of circumstances. The present

state of emergency was imposed after

January. Then we still hoped that lifting

the state of emergency could promote

negotiation. When we did it, the opposite

happened.

Last year we thought that through

gentlemanly behaviour one could come

to agreement. Since then we have realised that we have to do with a naked

struggle for power.

IS GOVERNMENT going to try to

break the deadlock on negotiation this

year?

CERTAINLY. The levels of violence

has slowed down the negotiating process. It is important to bring down the

political temperature to get negotiation

going. I cannot tell you a timetable; it

depends on circumstances. Sanctions

and foreign intervention have also

slowed things down.

That is why government has said to

hell with it, we are not going to try to be

nice. All we get for being nice is that

people think we are crumbling. No one

negotiates with someone who is crumbling. So now you have to prove that you

are not crumbling.

IS A settlement without the ANC possible? Albert Nothnagel says no.

IF THE ANC softens its stance in the

coming 12 months, as it did in the last 12

months, perhaps we will get within

speaking distance of each other. But

there is no future in negotiating with the

ANC just for the sake of negotiating

with them. If you cannot negotiate an

acceptable future for all South Africans

with the ANC, then you will just have to

keep on fighting until you have won or

lost.

It would, of course, be better if it

were possible to include them in a settlement. But if we have to wipe them

out in order to ensure a better future for

SA, then we will do it.

IS THAT possible?

IT IS possible.

/9274

CSO: 3400/914

75
SOUTH AFRICA

KWANDEBELE PEOPLE'S UPRISING, FIGHT AGAINST INDEPENDENCE REVIEWED

Johannesburg THE WEEKLY MAIL in English 23-29 Jan 87 p 9

[Article by Chris Vick]

[Text]

FEW would imagine that such diverse

forces as a "homeland" civil service,

local "comrades", a royal family and

local white farmers could join forces

in a popular alliance aimed at resisting

government policy.

But, according to the Transvaal

Rural Action Committee, that's just

what happened in KwaNdebele last

year when the local population

opposed a common enemy —

independence.

Their united action is described by

Trac as "a popular uprising which

shook the foundations of the entire

homeland system".

In a war which started just over a

year ago this week, "they took on the:

KwaNdebele government, its'

Mbokodo vigilante group as well as

the might of the police and the SA

Defence Force".

In the course of that war, says Trac,

100 people died, the Mbokodo (its

name, also spelled Imbhokoto or

Mbokotho, means "grinding stone")

was decimated, the entire civil service

went on strike, well over 300 people

were detained under Emergency

regulations, and most of the shops in

the area were burnt.

"Most importantly," says Trac, "the

population became politicised and was

able to take power into its hands."

That politicisation began on New

Year's Day, 1986, when the recentlyformed Mbokodo invaded the villages

of Moteti and Kgobokoane in the

Moutse area. The villages formed part

of a region that was vehemently

opposed to incorporation into

KwaNdebele.

Although the local population was

well-organised, and was aware of a

pending attack — they had even

warned the local police chief,

according to Trac — they were unable

to resist the vigilantes.

Armed with pangas, sjamboks and

kieries, the vigilantes swarmed into

the two villages at 4am, breaking into

houses, attacking the occupants and

looting property.

"They then took prisoner any men

they coWd," says Trac. "They were

loaded onto trucks, many of them

seriously wounded, and taken to the

community hall in Siyabuswa.

"Here they were held captive,

tortured and humiliated for up to 36

hours before they were released. At

least one man is known to have died

before reaching home, and there may

well be others who died in hospital

because of their injuries," says Trac.

Moutse residents told Trac they

were forced to stand in soapy water

while they were beaten. As they fell,

they injured.themselves even further,

until they were virtually sitting in

pools of their own blood.

And during this time, says Trac,

they were watched by senior members

of the homeland government —

including Chief Minister SS Skosana

and Minister of the Interior Piet Ntuli.

"Ntuli participated in the beatings,

and charges of assault were

subsequently laid against Skosana,

Ntuli and two other cabinet ministers.

There was no visible police action or

response to these charges."

Trac says the upheaval at Moutse

was, in many ways, the forerunner to

the revolt that swept KwaNdebele.

It was only on May 12, though, that

this revolt burst into the open, when ä

meeting was called at the Mahlangu

royal family's kraal to discuss how to

deal with Mbokodo.

By this time, the organisation had

been linked to numerous attacks on

people opposed to independence, and

had gained a reputation as a ruthless,

vicious group of thugs.

Trac estimates that about 20 000

people attended the meeting, and drew

up demands which still apply today

among groups opposed to independence.

These were:

•That Mbokodo be disbanded.

• That there should be no

independence.

•That the KwaNdebele legislative

assembly and the cabinet should resign

because they agreed to independence

without a mandate.

One of the two cabinet ministers

who attended the meeting — both

arrived in Casspirs — promised to

report back within two days, claiming

Mbokodo had already been suspended.

But the next day, Mbokodo was

proved to be far from dead.

The "spark" was the funeral of

Vlaklaagte village resident Jacob

I Skosana, allegedly kidnapped by the

Mbokodo and killed, according to

i Trac, after questioning the arrest of

his daughter.

76
The local magistrate placed .

numerous restrictions on the funeral,

and mourners — angry at the way ,

Skosana died, and being told they ',

couldn't bury him properly —

responded by setting fire to shops

owned by legislative assembly

members and Mbokodo members.

This continued for several days, with

numerous large-scale battles between , Mbokodo members and local

villagers.

As Trac says: "These confrontations

continued on a daily basis until

August, when the decision to take

independence was finally abandoned.

"In the media, these events were

portrayed as a series of random acts of

brutal violence without purpose or

logic.

"In unrest reports issued by the

Bureau for Information, KwaNdebele

featured prominently as an area whe

necklacings, lootings and stonings

instilled fear into the population."

Trac adds: "This perception,

however, in no way characterises the

complexity of both the events and the

political forces participating in the

anti-independence war."

The primary force was the local

youth, who "took on the full might of

both Mbokodo and the security

forces".

They sustained close relationships

with parents, other local villagers and

the KwaNdebele royal family, even

using tribal authority offices with the

agreement of the headmen.

Trac says of them: "The youth who

participated in the war were mostly

unorganised. They were mobilised in

response to a situation of extreme

repression and fundamental social

upheaval."

The involvement of the civil service

was also important, however. More

than 2 000 civil servants joined a

general stayaway in the first week of

June in protest against Mbokodo, and

just a month later they went on strike

again — this time for two weeks,

crippling the entire homeland

administration.

"The judiciary did not function,

pensioners could not be paid, and even

teachers were on strike," says Trac.

'This action was unprecedented ...it

was an important pressure on the

KwaNdebele government."

Just as unprecedented was the

support of white farmers on the edges

of KwaNdebele, who joined in

opposition to the Skosana government.

"Part of the reason for this was their

long-standing relationship of cooperation with the royal family, who

opposed independence and Mbokodo.

"But their opposition was also out of

self-interest," says Trac. 'They could

see that as long as Mbokodo existed

and independence was being

promoted, there would never be peace

in KwaNdebele.

'This threatened the stability of the

area, including their access to labour.

"The Elands River Farmers'

Association in particular ... made

strong representations to both the

South African government and the

security forces in an effort to ensure

that popular demands were won and

peace would return."

Finally, there was the participation

of the royal family, which pioneered

the ultimate legislative assembly

debate on August . 12 at which

independence was finally rejected.

"From early April they were

hearing grievances related to

Mbokodo, and set in motion a process

of consultation with the local

population," says Trac.

"The royal family was the only

group with access to all the different

forces involved in the struggle.

Members met with comrades, they

had contact with the civil service, they

had long-standing relationships with

the white farmers, and had the

authority to meet and make

representations to senior ' South

African government and security

force members."

For this reason, says Trac, the

family played a criticial — and unique

'— role in KwaNdebele.

But what of the South African

government?

According to Trac, its attitude was

predictable — a failure to see the

widespread and spontaneous

opposition to independence, or to

acknowledge that this was responsible

for the unrest in KwaNdebele.

"Nor could it recognise that it is the

homeland system itself, and its

inherent authoritarianism, that

generates groups like Mbokodo."

And what of the future?

Although it says there has been a

dramatic downturn in unrest, and

detainees have been released, "it is

clear that there is still likely to be a

long, drawn-out struggle over the

direction politics in KwaNdebele will

take".

Trac predicts that the incorporation

of Moutse will once again become an

issue now that independence has been

shelved.

"It may well become a flashpoint

again. Should it do so, this will be

under the banner of an antt-bantustan

campaign.

"If this happens, it is an open

question whether the KwaNdebele

youth and other groupings politicised

by the anti-independence war will

join."

Trac concludes: "The KwaNdebele

war may well not be over. The

independence victory may turn out to

have been a first step in a protracted

struggle against the homeland

structure itself.

. "But one thing is clear: the struggle

of the people of KwaNdebele has been

a critical turning point in the capacity

of the bantustan system to sustain

itself."

77
The Shadowy Vigilante Chief

ONE man in particular stands accused

for his part in provoking KwaNdebele's "war against independence"

which left 100 people dead.

That man is former Minister of

Interior Piet Ntuli, who died in a car

bomb attack on July 29.

According to the Trac booklet on

KwaNdebele, it was the homeland

government's Mbokodo vigilante

movement, under the direct control of

Ntuli, that provoked the people of

KwaNdebele into responding so

actively to plans for independence.

"The KwaNdebele war started as a

spontaneous reaction to the brutality

and violence of Mbokodo," says Trac.

In six months, Mbokodo's random

attacks, abductions and assaults had

transformed the people of KwaNdebele from a relatively apolitical and

unorganised group into "a militant

force which spontaneously, counterwiped it out".

Trac adds: "Ntuli featured prominently in reports of Mbokodo attacks

and was said by everyone to be the

real power behind the movement.

"In particular he seems to have

masterminded the attacks on Moutse

residents and was known for his

virulently racist statements about

Sotho people," who constitute the

majority of Moutse residents.

Trac accuses Ntuli of leading a

particularly vicious attack on the

village of Tweefontein, on June 12

last year — the day the State of

Emergency was declared.

"Mbokodo, under the leadership of

Ntuli, viciously attacked and

massacred villagers ... in response to

the death of one of Ntuli's guards at

the hands of the villagers.

"Ntuli himself shot the victims, and

at least six people died," says Trac.

The Trac booklet describes Ntuli's

death as a turning point in

KwaNdebele's struggle against

independence, saying: "He was widely

regarded as the mastermind behind

both independence and Mbokodo. His

death was interpreted by the local

population as meaning victory could

not be far off.

But who killed Ntuli? Although the

African National Congress claimed

responsibility late in August, Trac

says it is "widely believed" in

KwaNdebele that "agents of Pretoria"

were responsible.

But what purpose would it serve to

eliminate the head of Mbokodo, which

had been partly successful in

suppressing anti-independence

campaigners? According to Trac,

Ntuli's death opened the road "for

those functionaries whose hands were

not so directly tainted with the blood

of the KwaNdebele population to go

ahead and take independence".

/9274

CSO: 3400/924

78
SOUTH AFRICA

UNION OFFICIALS FORCED TO JOIN 'WITDOEKE' VIGILANTES' RAMPAGE OF TERROR

Johannesburg THE WEEKLY MAIL in English 23-29 Jan 87 p 3

[Article by Franz Kruger]

[Text] UNION officials say they were forced

to join a band of witdoek vigilantes

for a crazy rampage through Port

Elizabeth's townships last weekend in

which at least two people died.

And, in a startling inside account of

how vigilantes operate, they claim to

have come into contact with security

forces three times — and not once

were they stopped from attacking

people.

The police have denied any

collusion with the vigilantes, saying:

"We are used to such allegations".

But members of the Paper, Wood

and Allied Workers' Union (Pwawu),

who say they were forced to join the

vigilantes, insist that the band was

seen by security force patrols, but

were able to continue unhindered. "\

The Pwawu members — 14

shopstewards and officials — had

gone to PE for a union meeting.

David Mabengeza, East London

organiser for Pwawu, said they were

confronted at a party early on Sunday

morning by vigilantes from Uitenhage

armed with "pangas, sticks, homemade swords, and pick handles".

"They wore stockings or balaclavas

over their faces, and white sweatbands

around their heads," Mabengeza said.

"Almost all of them were wearing

two-piece blue overalls like those

worn by the kits-konstabels."

They told the unionists to go with

them to a party for boys emerging

from circumcision school.

"We said we couldn't go ... but they

took us anyway, telling us to walk in

front of them."

As triey left the house, one unionist

said: "No comrades, leave us. We are

visitors" — but the vigilantes became

angry and said: "We are not

comrades, we are Africans. We are

looking for the 'comrades' who bum

people."

Mabengeza said: "We thought they

must be Azapo people, but there was

no-one to help us.

"They made us run to a group of

about 20 people, also wearing white

armbands."

A woman in the group pointed out a

house allegedly belonging to a

"comrade".

"They kicked open the door,

dragged out a young man, and started

beating him, asking him where they

could find a man called Moli.

"The man took them to another

house, where they did the same thing.

"Moli came out, and they started

hitting him. He fell down and they

carried on hitting and stabbing until

he died.

'They were shouting: 'We will clean

up Port Elizabeth, there will be no

more charterists, no more UDF'."

Mabengeza said he had thrown away

a stick he had been given as Moli came

out of the house, and pretended to

look for one to avoid being forced to

participate.

Another of the shop stewards had

also been given a stick and was beaten

when the vigilantes saw he was not

participating.

The band left the body where it lay,

and moved to another street" where

another house was pointed out to

them.

"They did the same thing, kicking

the door until a young man of about

79
24 came out. They beat him as he

came out, but stopped when one of the >

leaders said they needed some'

information from him.

"They asked about some other

'comrades', and he pleaded with them

— but they hit him again. I saw him

try to escape, but they caught him and

killed him in the street," Mabengeza

said.

He said the band moved through

Boast Village, Red Location and

White Location, raiding houses and

beating people.

Mabengeza said he realised the only

way to escape would be to disguise

himself as one of them.

"I gave one of them a cigarette and

asked him for a white rag. I tied it

around my arm, and went across to

two vigilantes searching another

house. When I saw they were both

inside, I went around the back,

jumped across the wall and ran away."

One of his colleagues, shop steward

Hamilton Soga, stayed with the

vigilantes, and said they had spoken of

other bands acting at the same time,

and they might have murdered other

people. He said he had heard of a total

of five deaths, but could give no

details. The police have said only two

bodies were found after the weekend's

events.

Soga said they had come across

security force patrols on three

occasions, but the patrols had done

nothing to stop them. On the first

occasion, Mabengeza said he had told

the vigilantes: "Here are the police,"

in the hope they would flee. "But they

asked why I was afraid, and said I

should just move out of the road as

they wouldn't do anything."

Soga said there was another

encounter with a Casspir, in which he

claims the police had asked what they

were doing and taken away one ofthe

UDF supporters flushed out by the

band.

Later on, the vigilantes were

confronted by a large group of

township residents.

"People started throwing stones, and

many of those who were forced to join

the vigilantes fled. But then we saw

the vigilantes had guns, because they

took them out and started firing."

The people still attacked, though,

and the vigilantes also started to flee.

Azapo has denied its members were

involved in the incidents. A statement

issued by Port Elizabeth branch

chairman Ngcobo Nguna said: "We

would like to advise the groupings that

undertook such missions not to shield

themselves by using the name of

Azapo.

Major Eddie Everson, police liaison

officer for the Eastern Cape, said the

police were "used to allegations of

police complicity".

He said the police "did not even

know of the existence of vigilante

groups".

"If there had been any encounters

between such a group and the security

forces, I would know about it," he

said.

Murder dockets have been opened

because two bodies had been found, h".

added, but nothing was known about

the circumstances. — Elnews.

/9274

CSO: 3400/924

80
SOUTH AFRICA

REDDY MAKES NO-CONFIDENCE MOTION IN INDIAN CHAMBER

MB021918 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1859 GMT 2 Feb 87

[Text] House of Delegates, 2 Feb (SAPA)—Black people sought no other

goal than the opportunity to live in dignity and to enjoy full social,

political and economic benefits in the land of their birth, the leader

of the opposition, Dr J.N. Reddy, said today.

Introducing his motion of no confidence "in the government's policy of

apartheid and separate development," Dr Reddy said South Africa was paying

dearly for the experiment based on racial compartmentalization.

The police of apartheid had left "deep and indelible scars" on the black

people, especially on the youth, he said. "The answer simply is that

apartheid in all its forms must be dismantled, and the process must start

immediately." It had to be stated unambiguously by the government that

race had no place in the political changes facing the country.

"Blacks seek no other goal than the opportunity to live in dignity and

to enjoy the full social, political and economic benefits of the land of

their birth," he said.

Dr Reddy said he believed the mere invitation through the media to all

black leaders to come forward to negotiate a new constitution was not

enough. "In an atmosphere of intense bitterness and frustration, against

the background of detentions, the state of emergency and the police

presence in the townships, no dialogue can take place."

In order to overcome the political impasse the government should make an

unequivocal declaration that all apartheid legislation — in particular the

Group Areas Act and the Population Registration Act — would be abolished

without delay. He called for a bill of rights which would be a convenient

starting point to build trust between parties and to reduce animosity,

bitterness and frustration.

In conclusion Dr Reddy stressed the need to develop an economic system with

which the ordinary worker could identify. Each individual should have a

stake in the firm and his own fortunes should be linked to the success or

failure of the organization he worked for.

An "enormous challenge" faced the private sector to infuse conditions of

stability into the country. "We must be able to bridge the gap between

industrial capitalism and a peasant economy," he said. "We must be able to

minimize the conflict between capital and labor through a series of

negotiated transitory phases," he said.

/12624 81
SOUTH AFRICA

HELEN SUZMAN: GOVERNMENT RESPONSIBLE FOR POPULARIZING ANC

Durban POST NATAL in English 7-10 Jan 87 p 8

[Article by Ruth Pitchford]

[Text]

HELEN Suzman, the Opposition spokesman on law

and order, believes the National Party Government is

itself partly responsible for popularising the African

National Congress, at least in the black townships.

"The Government is a first-class publicity agent for

all organisations strongly opposed to it. The constant

harassment of ANC-oriented people and organisations

gives the ANC tremendous credibility among blacks,"

she said.

The ANC. which this month celebrates its 75th anniversary, has found itself suddenly as the focal point of

Government atention. It is no longer being written off

in South'Africa as "the world's least successful terror-

„ist organisation".

The black nationalist movement, which turned to

violence after it was banned in 1960, is nowhere near

reaching a classic guerrilla victory in its fight for

majority rule. But after three years of unprecedented

black revolt in South Africa's townships, it has won

recognition from the Government as its main enemy

and a major security threat.

Political analysts say this has in turn helped the

outlawed ANC boost its overt political support in the

townships.

South African Government sources, which once

poured scorn on ANC militant operations and justified

crackdowns on dissent by speaking in general terms of

an international, communist-backed "total onslaught",

now frequently name the ANC as the No 1 enemy.

Imposing emergency rule in June, Pretoria said it

was necessary to thwart ANC plans for large-scale

unrest.

Stepped-up media censorship last month was announced as a measure to counter to alleged ANC plans

for a Christmas "terror campaign".

A top Government information official explained

the link by saying the ANC and its jailed leader Nelson Mandela were receiving more positive publicity

than the State President, Mr PW Botha.

But Mrs Suzman says support for the ANC — especially among youths — has been fuelled by tough security force reaction in the townships since political protest erupted in 1984.

"Police excesses contributed all the time to keeping

emotions at fever pitch. All this has been an incentive

to further violence." . An estimated 500 people infiltrated into townships

are able to tap a reservoir of anti-government hostility among youths eager to be recruited either for

training outside the country or to be taught very rudimentary tactics at home.

The ANC is estimated to have put 10 000 members

through its training camps, although Western diplomats believe many of these may merely be refugees

who have been given some military training rather

than fully-effective freedom fighters.

But the organisation's formal military strength is

less relevant since it apparently resolved a long tactical debate by acknowledging it could not expect a

military victory against heavily-armed security

forces.

Instead analysts believe the ANC has settled on a

mixed strategy of attacks by its fighting wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation), backed by militant mass protest, both violent and peaceful, and

aimed ultimately at exerting enough pressure to force

the Government to negotiate or fall.

In a recent article in the independent Weekly Mail,

Craig Williamson, a former police spy who infiltrated

the ANC with much success, challenged the view that

MK, as Umkhonto we Sizwe is known, is a dismal

failure.

"The correct way to judge MK and its success or

failure... has nothing to do with the number of cadres

trained, armed, captured, or killed ... or with the

number of bombs exploded or deaths and injuries

caused," Williamson wrote.

"If one defines MK as an organisation of 'political

fighters' which aims to increase the degree of popular

participation in the 'struggle' to the level at which

ANC revolutionary aims become general aims, then

MK has not yet failed. The next 10 years will tell," he

concluded.

Diplomats say emergency censorship has probably

helped the security forces to pick up or eliminate ANC

activists.

82
"It's certainly enabled them to move faster, more

effectively, and silently," said one source. "It's kept

the lid on."

There has been a significant increase in terror attacks in South Africa in the past year, although analysts are sceptical whether the ANC was capable of

generating quite the degree of violence which Pretoria

alleged — and the organisation claimed privately —

last June and December.

They also question how far the ANC is in control of

militant township youths. But one Western diplomat

said: "I suspect that what they can't control they can

inspire." — Sapa-Reuter.

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83

*•<$. fi ;!«**"* •» " *
SOUTH AFRICA

SUZMAN ASSEMBLY SPEECH CONDEMNS EMERGENCY TACTICS

MB050624 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 5 Feb 87

[Text] The PFP spokesman for law and order, Mrs Helen Suzman, has said

in the no-confidence debate in the House of Assembly that the extent

to which the government had used its powers was mind boggling. Estimates

of the number of persons detained since June 12 last year ranged between

20,000 and 25,000 of which about 6,000 were under 18. She said the

emergency powers were a direct abrogation of the rule of law and of due

process and the PFP were unequivocally opposed to them as a "negation of

basic Western democratic process."

The government had ruthlessly used every method to smash black civic

associations throughout the country. Not only had it used the emergency

powers but had assisted vigilantes, armed community guards and its police

and army had stood by while people belonging to organizations outside the

government's constitutional structures were assaulted.

A recent incident in Grahamstown where a number of "special constables"

had been involved in a shooting was "scandalous." She said it was

shocking and an example of the foolishness of putting shotguns in the

hands of untrained people.

The government was not only "incompetent, wasteful and bullying" but also

"unscrupulous and untrustworthy." An example of this was the way in

which 10,000 people were forced to move from Oukasie near Brits against

their will. They said they were never consulted by the government,

the Development board or by the Brits Community Council. A feasibility

study had shown that at a cost of R3 million the upgrading of the township

would have been possible — "a modest sum indeed to win the good will

of a community, less than the amount spent on the ridiculous song."

The only reason for the move was white greed and white pressure to

grab the land occupied for several decades by blacks and because Brits

was a marginal seat held by the National Party.

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84
SOUTH AFRICA

COLUMNIST COMMENTS ON AAI CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS IN GABORONE

Durban POST NATAL in English 21-24 Jan 87 p 8

[Article by Ameen Akhalwaya in 'My View' Column]

[Text]

AFRICAN Cabinet Ministers, diplomats, community and business leaders

and journalists, American congressmen, and

businessmen, international bankers, and diplomats came together for

five days at the 17th African-American Institute

(AAI) conference in Gaborone last week.

Delegates to the conference, hosted by the

Botswana Government,

represented just about

every ideological tendency — hardcore capitalists, mixed economy advocates, communists,

African socialists.

Many dislike the

American capitalist system and/or American

foreign policy. But the

United States is an economic and military superpower, and realism

dictates that, loved or

hated, it cannot be ignored by any country.

The AAI is a privately-:

funded institution which

acts as a conduit for facilitating contacts between

Americans and Africans.

The AAI conference

does not adopt resolut'ons. It tries to analyse

African problems and

propose solutions. Its

main value is in the faceto-face contact between

people in positions of influence, and these contacts often facilitate follow-up meetings on particular projects.

When I was invited to

present a paper on the

South African media, I

accepted, not because I

was in a position to say

anything special, but because of the opportunity

to meet a wide range of

African leaders, in particular, to hear their

views.

We in South Africa are

so engrossed in our own

problems we sometimes

forget there are countries on our continent

which also have severe

problems,'and that when

South Africa sneezes, the

continent catches cold.

Except for the opening

and closing ceremonies,

journalists were asked

not to report on proceedings unless they received

the permission of speakers. This condition was

imposed to encourage

frank discussion.

One of the impressions

we came away with was

that the euphoria of postuhuru African socialism

was gradually giving

way to the reality of limited free enterprise. That

is not necessarily because socialism has been

found wanting, but often

because of conditions laid

down by donors, financial

institutions, and public

sector and private investors. Often, it's a case of

he who pays the piper

calling the tune.

Added to African problems are the fluctuating

commodity prices. A resultant shortage of foreign currency in turn affects other projects,

which are jeopardised

because essential components cannot be

imported.

The rich industrialised

nations „came under .fire

from African as well as

Western delegates, for

their failure to carry out

pledges for African

development.

A Western delegate

pointed out that the United Nations had last year

focused on Africa and a

blueprint for development priorities was

worked out. African

countries, he said, compromised the most, the

West got most of what it

wanted, and the United

States got all it wanted.

The Africans, he said,

have made a Herculean

effort to keep their side

of the bargain. Of 34

countries, 22 were already implementing programmes requested by

the World Bank. Yet

Africa had been let down

85
by the industrialised

countries.

The continent, it was

accepted, required $11

billiona year for five

years. In the first year

alone, there wasa shortfall of $2,5 billion. That

would in turn slow down

economic growth, and

witha 27 percent decline

in commodity prices, the

consequences for Africa

would be catastrophic.

Delegates also claimed

the cost of implementing

sanctions against South

Africa was nearly as high

as that of South African

raids on neighbouring

territories.

There was thus particular interest in the paper

presented by Zambianborn Dr Simba Makoni,

the young executive

director of the Southern

African Co-ordination

Conference (SADCC).

The SADCC was

formed not to oppose

South Africa, but to lessen dependence on it. A liberated South Africa

would bea key component in a future SADCC.

Dr Makoni made one

of the strongest impressions on delegates. He

reeled off facts and figures, talked about the

SADCC's hopes and limitations, and presented a

sense of realism.

Other delegates called

for divestments from

South Africa to be reinvested in African countries. South Africa's sup- -

port of "terrorist" movements has hurt African

countries, with the closure of transport lanes to

and from the portsa key

factor.

Swapo focused on Namibia, which Swapo information chief Mr Hidipo Hamutenya said had ;

internal problems similar to those of South Africa. Yet the Namibian

question seemed to be

forgotten in the shadow

of the international focus

on South Africa.

South Africa, of course,

was the key area of

focus. Between panel sessions, South Africans, exiled as well as those fortunate enough to have

been able to travel to Gaborone, were sought after

for their views, in partic

:

ular the ANC delegates.

Four of the 12 sessions

were devoted to South

Africa. At the first session, on internal developments, papers were presented by ANC publicity

chief Mr Thabo Mbeki,

Soweto Civic Association

chairman Dr Nthato Motlana, and myself.

Mr Johnson, chairman

of the Pan Africanist

Congress, Mr John Samuel of the SA Council of.

Higher Education

(Sached), trade unionists

Mr Mahlomola Skhosana

of Cusa/Azactu and Mr ; Peter Mafumadi of Cosatu, journalist Mr Harald

Pakendorf, and businessman Mr Tony Bloom also

presented papers.

Other South African

delegates included Mr

Joe Thloloe, co-leader of

the Media Workers' Association of SA, and Dr

Charles Villa-vicencio,a

University of Cape Town

theologist who is also involved in community

newspapers.

Topics included the

rise of community organisations and publications,

the level of black resistance in townships and

homelands, the unrest,

Press curbs, education,

the role of the business

sector, the direction of

white politics, and the labour movement. A report on progress

on various topics tackled

at the conference will be

made at the next session

in the US later this year.

By then, sceptics believe,

Africa, with no thanks to

'the rich industrialised

nations, may be no

nearer to findinga last-

!ing solution for its

problems.

But it would be futile

to throw up one's arms

', and give up. Millions of

lives are at stake ina re- ' gion plagued by drought ! and famine, and by politi- i cal and military conflict,

jand the search for solutions must continue. : That, as senior vice-president Frank Frerrari ' said, also meant educating Americans about

Africa.

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86
SOUTH AFRICA

SURVEY: MORE NATAL WHITES WILLING TO ACCEPT NON-RACIAL SOCIETY

Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in English 18 Jan 87 p 15

[Article by Chris Whitfield]

[Text] A breakdown of the recent Market and Opinion Survey poll shows a

dramtically increased willingness among Natal whites to accept a non-racial

society.

Progressive Federal Party research analyst Dr Jan Hofmeyr, who supplied the

breakdown of the nationwide poll conducted in October last year, said the

survey showed there had been a vast change in Natal voters' attitudes in the

past 18 months.

Particularly interesting in the light of the KwaNatal Indaba was that 47 percent of whites in the province indicated that they would prefer a constitution based on a non-ethnic federation.

Only 26 percent were happy with the Government's present system and 16 percent

felt they would prefer rigid, old-style apartheid with homelands for each of

the race groups.

Open theatres, churches and restaurants appear to hold no fears for the vast

majority of Natalians, A total of 90 percent were in favour of open threatres,

6 percent were against and the remainder were undecided.

Another 90 percent felt churches should be opened to all races, with 7 percent

disagreeing; 80 percent wanted all restaurants to be opened with 13 percent

saying "No."

Of those polled 75 percent felt transport should be opened to all races and 12

percent disagreed.

There was stiffer resitance to opening hospitals to all races: 26 percent of

whites said they should remain exclusive to race groups, but 55 percent felt

they should be opened.

One area in which Natalians were in step with their more conservative colleagues

across the country was on the question of opening residential areas to blacks.

87
A full 53 percent were against the Idea, while only 30 percent said they would

not mind.

However, only 12 percent agreed that the Group Areas Act should stay as it is,

with the remaining 88 percent in favour of some modification: 31 percent felt

it should be modified to allow for exceptions in noteworthy cases while 57

percent said it should be up to the local community to decide.

And 69 percent felt all races should be allowed the freedom to own property.

The pace of reform was another area in which Natalians showed something of a

conservative streak: 41 percent felt it was just right, 17 percent too fast

and 37 percent too slow.

They were also cautious about opening schools, with 45 percent being in favour

of a conditional opening to other races. They felt parents and pupils should

be given a say in whether the school should be opened.

Some 23 percent felt the school system should stay as it is and 22 percent

were in favour of an unconditional opening.

Dr Hofmeyr said that the Natal results reflected nationwide results in that

they indicated an increased willingness to mix with other races.

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88
SOUTH AFRICA

TWO ACADEMICS DISCUSS INTERNATIONAL BOYCOTT FACED BY UNIVERSITIES

New Challenges Faced by Isolation

Durban POST NATAL in English 21-24 Jan 87 p 9

[Article by Maurice McGregor]

[Text]

THE South African

liberal universities,

already under attack

from their own

countrymen of both the

left and the right, now

face a new challenge

from overseas, the

academic boycott. It is

important that its causes

and consequences be

clearly understood.

Academic boycott

means, in this context,

the policy of deliberate

isolation of South African

universities and

academics. It ranges

from refusal of foreign

academics to visit South

Africa or to evaluate a

South African thesis, to

the refusal of institutions

to receive South African

students or academics,

irrespective of their

politics or race:

Total boycott means

total isolation and

includes refusal to

publish articles from

South Africa in overseas

journals and refusal to

sell scientific journals

and books to South

Africa.

The objectives of boycott are variable and

often poorly understood.

The usual intention is to

modify behaviour. The

target will vary with the

objective. Thus, when the

objective is limited, as

for example the integration of sports, boycott

may be applied to

specific targets such as

sporting bodies and

sporting events with the

implied promise that the

boycott will be relaxed

when the objective,

integration of sport, is

obtained.

Though common some

years ago, such limited

objective boycotts are no

longer relevant in South

Africa, where the object

of all boycott activities is

now general, that is "to

end apartheid".

Since apartheid has

been the policy of a

political party for which

90 percent of the

population has never

voted, in the minds of

most of its advocates

boycott is intended to

modify the behaviour of

the governing 10 percent,

persuading it to

accelerate reform.

In the minds of others,

however, it is meant to

so destabilise society that

the governing 10 percent

is overthrown by

revolution. Though many

advocates of boycott are

unclear which of these

two processes is

anticipated or desired,

the price paid may be

very different depending

on the route, reform or

revolution, by which

change is achieved.

If academic boycott is

an intervention designed

to secure the end of

apartheid, the decision on

whether to institute it

must be determined by

considering the size of

the benefit to be

: obtained, the probability

that boycott will significantly contribute to this

end, and the price which

must be paid.

The benefit hoped for,

namely the abolition of

apartheid and the institution of a just and

democratic society, is so

89
great that it would

justify a heavy price.

Whether a simple change

to majority rule would

necessarily secure this

may be open to some

doubt, but many would

consider it an essential

prerequisite.

The effectiveness of

academic boycott as a

tool to bring about

change is open to far

greater doubt.

Three years ago, when

the rand was still strong,

before the application of

economic sanctions and

before the words

"comrade", "target",

"necklace" and

"emergency" had

achieved their special

current South African

significance, the

Government may well

have been sensitive to

such evidence of foreign

displeasure.

Today, however, when

the Government is fighting desperately to maintain some sort of law and

order, it is utterly unbelievable that the boycotting of some relatively

trivial academic

activities would attract

the slightest interest in

Government circles.

But while the impact

of this form of boycott on

national events may be

trivial or absent, its

impact on the universities, in particular the

English-speaking liberal

universities which have

traditionally been open

to all races and with,

whom there is the greatest international

exchange, will, over

time, be disastrous.

The salt of academic

life is research. Not only

do researchers require

access to the results of

others, but equally

necessary, they must

have the ability to

publish their own results.

To prohibit access to

overseas journals and

books for any length of

time will virtually end

this form of activity and

assure the migration of

the best brains in the

land to some place where

they can use their special

skills and gifts. Without

them, the liberal universities will virtually cease

to exist and the new

South Africa will be deprived of this heritage.

Other serious

consequences will

eventually be felt by

society at large when

long-term denial of

access to recent

advances in technology

and knowledge will cause

serious negative effects

in such fields as agriculture, engingeering and

medicine.

It would seem then

that the price of

academic boycott may be

considerable while its

value as a tool to effect

change is probably

negligible at this time.

Why then is it advocated

by some of South Africa's

black leaders and by

many people outside

South Africa?

Black South Africans

who support academic

boycott may do so for

two reasons. The first is

to politicise, "to

consciencise" South

African whites,

particularly those who do

not support the

Nationalist Government.

This would be logical if

they in turn could dö

anything to influence

State policy, which they

clearly cannot. i

The second reason, to

do something, even

something admittedly

.futile, is understandable

but not logically

supportable. The

argument that in South

Africa today boycott is

justified since no other

method, short of violence

is available is a non

sequitur.

In medicine, for example, however strong the

urge to "do something",

physicians do not institute dangerous treatment

simply because no other

cure exists. They will

weigh up carefully the

chances of the treatment

achieving the desired effect versus the chance of

its causing serious

unwanted side effects.

This equation is

considered before every

human intervention.

When both the chance of

success and the costs are

too uncertain we act, in

medicine, according to

the aphorism, "primum

non nocere" — "first, do

no harm".

This principle would

suggest that in the South

African situation,

however great our desire

to identify with and

support the struggle for

freedom, academic

boycott should not be

undertaken at this time.

Those who take this

stand must do so in the

realisation that many

with whom they

sympathise will interpret

this attitude as support of

"the system" and as acceptance of apartheid.

Hard as this may be. to

bear, logic and common

sense must lead us at this

time to reject academic

boycott on the ground

that the price is too high

to pay for what is

probably no more than a

gesture.

90
Accelerated Exodus of Scientists Predicted

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 23 Jan 87 p 7

[Article by Thelma Tuch]

[Text]

SOUTH AFRICA'S universities

could be reduced to third-rate

institutions as a result of the

increasing trend abroad to

launch an academic boycott

against the country, according

to internationally-acclaimed

scientist Phillip Tobias.

In an interview, Tobias — head

of the Anatomy department at the

University of the Witwatersrand —

spelt out what he described as the

"devastating" effects ofsuch a boycott.

He predicted an acceleratedexodus of young scientists, medics and

other scholars from SA — people

who obviously felt the need for the

"cross-fertilising effects" of international contacts.

Further, the quality of university

staff, he said, was bound to drop,

the research output of universities

in SA would be adversely hit and

the role of SA and its universities in

world science would be diminished.

"I believe that our universities —

some of which have enioyed world

recognition for their scholarly contributions for decades — could become third-rate centres of learning," he said.

He outlined various aspects of

the academic boycott:

ATTEMPTS to prevent South Africans from attending international congresses. This is often done by

the government of the country

hosting the particular congress

withholding visas from South African nationals.

The International Council of

Scientific Unions (ICSU) -a major

body for integrating world science

- has a long-standing policy of

exerting pressure on such host

countries to admit such scholars. If

the country still fails to do so, ICSU

can move the venue of the congress

to another country.

ICSU's international Committee

for the Free Circulation of Scientists acts whenever attempts to ban

nationals or particular passportholders is brought to its notice. The

equivalent of ICSU in the social

sciences is ICPSH - the International Council for Philosophy and

Humanistic Sciences.

However, the power of ICSU and

ICPSH is limited to those congresses organised by bodies affiliated to

them. Also, they can do nothing to

stop individual scientists, groups of

scientists or individual universities

abroad from excluding South Africans from taking part in meetings.

A few universities, including the

University of Amsterdam, have denied access to some South Africans

Invited to meetings on the campus.

THE academic boycott includes

decisions of some overseas universities not to exchange periodicals

with South African universities.

Some Scandinavian university libraries which used to exchange

publications have stopped doing so.

ALTHOUGH there is still a significant amount of movement of

scientists visiting SA from abroad,

there Is a trickle of people who are

refusing Invitations to visit SA,

either because of their own political convictions or because of pressure from their particular university or student body.

Reacting to statements of proponents of the academic boycott that

their avowed purpose is to pressurise the SA government to change,

Tobias said: "It's a very moot point

whether the academic boycott will

have any effect in changing the

political set-up in this country."

Its only legacy to the future nonracial, democratic SA would be its

consequences - namely, the creation of run-down, third-rate centres

of learning.

He said that he and his colleagues had the critical responsibility of ensuring that the universities of SA would contribute to a

future SA through their maintenance of the highest possible standards, despite current difficulties.

"I do not believe that by opposing

the academic boycott I am weakening my own personal stand against

apartheid and my own repugnance

of racism," he said.

There were other tactics, Tobias

said, which opponents to SA's policies could utilise with far less damaging consequences.

For instance, he suggested that

they invested in increased educational support for the disadvantaged majority of the population.

They could make financial contributions to a recently-established

body call Medical Education for

South African Blacks (MESAB),

which aims to provide bursaries for

undergraduate and post-graduate

training in health-related disciplines, including medicine, dentistry, veterinary science, nursing,

pharmacy, physiotherapy and occupational therapy.

And what of a selective boycott

of South African academics — boycotting only those academics

whose political stance on apartheid

and racism is suspect?

Tobias said: "The extent to which

some organisations are supporting

a selective rather than a total academic boycott indicates growing

realisation of its damaging consequences."

However, for Tobias even a selective boycott could not be justified. He said: "I do not feel that

one's political persuasion is a valid

criterion to exclude a person from

any congress.

r

'The world of academe knows no

boundaries of nationality, politics,

race, gender or language groups. It

flourishes best where there is a free

exchange of ideas, publications and

personnel," he said.

Such a world, Tobias said, should

i be open to all qualified persons,

irrespective of their national or racial origin or philosophical conviction.

91
IN THE past 17 years, South African scientists have been denied

access to the following gatherings:

D In 1970, visas were refused to all South Africans invited to attend

the 9th International Congress of Anatomists at Leningrad;

D In 1984, two South Africans were barred from attending the 10th

Congress of the International Primatological Society in Nairobi,

Kenya. Both South Africans had long records of vigorous opposition

to apartheid, and one had served time in detention without trial;

D In Moscow in 1984, visas were granted to about one-fifth of the

South African geologists wanting to attend an international geological congress; 54 of them were refused entrance;

Din 1986, the organisers of the World Archaelogical Congress

banned 26 scientists living in SA — including Tobias — from the

congress.

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92
BRAIN DRAIN REACHING 'ALARMING' PROPORTIONS

Cape Town THE ARGUS in English 23 Jan 87 p 9

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text] DURBAN. - The "brain

drain" from South African

universities — especially

English-medium ones — has

reached alarming proportions, the annual conference

of the South African Association for the Advancement

of Education was told.

This warning was sounded by

the Emeritus Professor of Education at the University of Durban-Westville, Professor Leslie

Bchr, who said that apart from

the fact that many graduates

and academics had left the

country for political or other

reasons, the salaries of South

African academics had, since

the 1970s, been lowered relative to other parts of the educational sector.

RELUCTANCE

"As a result, South African

academics of the most able talent are not attracted to take up

posts in our universities, thus

diluting the quality of South African universities and consequently lowering the quality of

the staff of the whole educational sector."

He said that as a result of

the academic boycott, there

was also "an increasing unwillingness on the part of overseas

universities to host our staffs,

coupled with a reluctance of

foreign academics to visit our

country."

The result was "a cutting off

of the lifeblood of knowledge,"

he said.

Another problem facing universities was the soaring price

of books.

"The present low value of the

rand against other currencies

has made the cost of foreign

books and journals so high that

few students can afford them."

Furthermore, libraries had

been forced, owing to cuts in

State subsidies, to reduce drastically their subscriptions to

journals and their annual acquisition of new books.

STUDENT UNIONS

Earlier in his address, Professor Behr dealt at length

with the British government's

1985 Green Paper on higher

education, highlighting points

of relevance to South African

universities.

"(The Paper) states categorically that taxpayers' money

should not be used to fund (student) unions that refuse a platform to speakers whose views

are objectionable to some students, although others wish to

invite them; that prevent invited speakers from gaining a

hearing, or that permit violence or the threat of violence

to that end."

Quoting from the paper, Professor Behr said the protection

of the right of free speech and

the preservation of institutions

of higher education as a natural home of free speech were

"duties which students and institutions owe to society and to

the future."

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SOUTH AFRICA

HISTORY OF PRESS COVERAGE OF ANC REVIEWED

Johannesburg THE WEEKLY MAIL in English 19-22 Jan 87 p 5

[Article by David Niddrie]

[Text]

AFTER months of speculation that

Nasionale Pers is increasingly

unhappy with its maverick black

newspaper City Press, the Afrikaans

media giant has chosen a riovel way of

demonstrating that it plans to increase,

not end, its multi-million rand venture

into black publishing.

With opposition newspapers under

greater fire than ever, Nasionale has

replaced career staffer Tobie Boshoff

with a liberal, English-speaking

lawyer as head of its black publishing

operation.

The choice of newspaper lawyer

Keith Lister as publisher of Drum

Publications — which includes City

Press and Drum and True Love

magazines — is, on the face of. it,

remarkable.:

His credentials — private school

education, a legal career including

labour cases, defence in political

trials, and an interest in cricket

verging on the fanatical — are more

in keeping with a place in the Rand

Club (of which he is in fact a

member), than the highly sensitive

role he has taken on as the bridge

between a conservative Afrikaner

publishing company and its stridently

anti-government black market

offspring.

It is even more remarkable given

that part of conventional wisdom in

Nasionale holds that verligte

Afrikaner nationalism needs to speak

directly to African nationalism; the

purchase of Drum Publications

would, the logic runs, eliminate the

English-language "liberal" press as an

intermediary.

Lister, who negotiated the sale of

Drum Publications to Nasionale for

Jim Bailey in April 1984, explains his

appointment as fitting in to "phase

two" of Nasionale's plans for its cntre

into the black media.

"The first phase involved

integrating it administratively and

financially into Nasionale, and

proving that Nasionale could

successfully run vigorously antigovernment papers ... gaining the

trust of journalists and readers," he

says.

The second phase, he says, involves

expanding Drum Publications'

existing titles and adding new titles.

The process, Lister suggests, will be a

long one, with little immediate change

in the short term — although he

speaks of one or two additional titles

by the end of 1987, probably

magazines.

Ultimately, his brief requites that he

steer Drum Publications away from

its current status as a wholy-owncd

division of Nasionale, into an

independent company with an as-yct

unspecified "black" shareholding.

Quite who these shareholders will be,

or whether Nasionale will give up

majority control, is not yet clear.

Economically, the move makes

great sense: the only audience growth

markets in real terms are, currently,

white TV viewers and black print

94
media readers. Nasionalc has ensured

itself the dominant place in

commercial television through M-Net

and is looking to the only other

growth area, black newspapers, in its

battle with Argus for dominance of

the media industry.

Whatever Lister's political pedigree, his enthusiasm for newspapers

as an institution — "as sources of

information, an essential driving

force in society", he calls them — fits

in with Nasionale plans to move into

the chronically underserved black

newspaper and magazine markets.

Politically, however, Lister's

appointment is more difficult to

explain, even by himself.

With a 70-year history as official

mouthpiece for Afrikaner

nationalism, Nasionale seems unlikely

to have appointed Lister at this tense

stage in government-media relations

unless it was sure he could avoid bans.

Lister insists that Nasionale MD

Ton Vosloo has undertaken to honour

his company's undertaking when it

bought Drum Publications not to

interfere politically in editorial

content.

In the months prior to Lister's

January 1 appointment, this

undertaking was honoured only in the

most technical sense. i

Lister was unwilling this week to go

into detail, but referred to Nasionale's

original editorial charter to Drum

Publications journalists — which

included the non-interference clause

— as committing the publications to

covering a broad political spectrum.

At the same time, he says he believes

the rigorous coverage, by City Press

in particular, of opposition groupings

such as the UDF and the Congress of

SA Trade Unions, is essential to the

survival and growth of a successful'

black press, and to the development of

real political debate.

Lister did not say so, but the

combination of these two views

appears to hold his recipe for avoiding

government action against City Press,

while retaining its anti-government

image: by expanding the scope of

political coverage to include more

moderate perspectives, currently

dominant coverage of the actions and

views of the UDF, Cosatu and others

on the left will be less glaring.

Lister also says the newspaper's

previously "emotive", brash presentation is likely to be toned down

somewhat. "A change in presentation

has already been forced on all

newspapers since the emergency," he

said. — Agenda Press Services.

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SOUTH AFRICA

AFRIKAMS PRESS REVEALS GROWING VENTURE INTO BLACK PUBLISHING

Johannesburg THE WEEKLY MAIL in English 9-15 Jan 87 p 13

[Article by Jo-Ann Bekker]

[Tiext]

BUREAU for Information chief

Stoffel van der Merwe was surprised

at the outrage levelled at the

government's recent press curbs on

African National Congress reports.

"We are just bringing things back to

normal," he told a face-threemembers-of-the press session on

SABC-TV this week.

And he was right. For years, as Van

der Merwe pointed out, there were

virtually no reports on the ANC's

policies or views.

The latest restrictions — barring

newspaper editors from publishing

any report or advertisement which

improves the public image of a banned

organisation or explains its strategies

— enforces what was until very

recently the status quo.

Researchers who have sifted

through newspaper archives point out

that through the almost 50 years the

ANC was a legal organisation, it was

given no more than a mention in the

inside pages of white-owned

newspapers, which treated black

political organisations with

condescending amusement.

ft was only in 1959 that the Rand

Daily Mail became the first paper to

appoint a specialist journalist,

Benjamin Pogrund, to cover black

politics. And his reports received little

prominence, even during the national

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campaign against the pass laws.

Analysts say the first time ANC

leader Nelson Mandela became a

media personality in white

newspapers was when he stood trial

for treason in the. Sixties and was

depicted as public enemy number one.

From the mid-Sixties to the

Seventies there was no coverage of the

then outlawed ANC or Pan-Africanist

Congress, beyond occasional

references to unspecified Moscowcontrolled "terrorist organisations".

The freeze on independent reports

on the ANC thawed less than three

years ago when Beeld columnist Piet

Müller took .a cue from the

government's reformist tone and

headed off to meet the exiled

organisation.

A subsequent business outing to

Lusaka, led by Anglo America's

Gavin Relly, caused a media sensation

and soon pilgrimages to meet the ANC

by Afrikaans and English church

representatives, students and

homeland leaders became regular

news items.:

White newspapers' attitudes towards

the ANC and its guerrilla war had not

changed, however. What had changed

was they ceased to represent the

organisation as a band of faceless

monsters.

While little of substance was

reported from the discussions, readers

learnt for the first time that ANC

executive member Thabo Mbcki

smoked a pipe and had a sense of

humour.

Cape Times editor Tony Heard took

the demystification process one step

further by publishing a full transcript

of ANC president Oliver Tambo's

views on present and future ANC

policy. Heard was let off lightly aftei

charges against him were switched to

his newspaper company, South

African Associated Newspapers

(Saan), who paid aR300 admission of

guilt fine.

Political observers believe the

reasons for the government's greater

leniency was its tentative efforts to

appease the outside world by

unbanning the ANC and freeing

political prisoners. But reform

hardened into repression as Pretoria

thumbed its nose at the West and

settled down to endure sanctions from

abroad and political turmoil at home.

Last Friday saw the latest show of

government kragdadigheid in response to a United Democratic Front

"Unban the ANC" advertisement

which was carried in 11 newspapers.

The authorities apparently decided the

unveiling of the ANC had gone far

enough and introduced the latest press

curbs restricting reports of banned

organisation.

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SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY VIEWS ANC AIM AT SOFT TARGETS

MB041339 Johannesburg International Service in English 0630 GMT 4 Feb 87

[Station commentary: "African National Congress' Violence"]

[Text] It's ironic tragic that at the very time that the American

secretary of state was meeting the leader of the communist control led

African National Congress of South Africa, that organization was busy

with a new phase in its program of terror and murder within South Africa.

Where the ANC once concentrated on so-called hard targets, such as

government buildings, it has now changed tactics.

The reason is that its attacks on hard targets have failed to make any

impression, and so the terrorists sent into South Africa by the ANC from

its sanctuaries in neighboring countries are now concentrating on

soft targets. These targets are innocent and defenseless people,

including children. The ANC terrorists wait until dark and then hurl

hand grenades into the bedrooms of sleeping families.

These cowardly acts by the African National Congress and its communist

collaborators are directed mainly against black civilians in South Africa.

Recent examples of black-on-black violence include the wounding of

six people, of whom four were children, when a hand grenade was thrown

at a house in Soweto, and the throwing of three hand grenades at a

residential hostel near Potgietersrus in the northern Transvaal.

The new dimension of ANC terrorism has been well summarized by Mrs Jeane

Kirkpatric, former United States ambassador Kirkpatrick points out

that the leader of the African National Congress, Oliver Tambo, is

cold-bloodedly planning the complete destruction of a community in

which he had not lived for 25 years. Mrs Kirkpatrick added that Tambo

was not in favor of equal rights, equal opportunities, or equal power.

He was interested in violence and the eventual creation of an ANC state,

which would obviously be a communist state.

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SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY PRAISES GOVERNMENT PROGRESS WITH REFORM

MB311235 Johannesburg International Service in English 0630 GMT 31 Jan 87

[Station Commentary: "Reform in South Africa"]

[Text] Political reform in South Africa is alive and well. That was the

clear-cut message from the South African state president, Mr P.W. Botha,

when he addressed parliament yesterday, [passage indistinct] Government

detractors have consistently charged that political change and

reform in South Africa is merely cosmetic and not meaningful. President

Botha not only contradicted this misconception but also gave a pledge

that his government would give priority to reform in the year ahead.

In particular, special attention is to be given as in the past to the future

constitutional position of the various black communities. For example,

consideration is to be given to the composition of the prestigious

President's Council in order to accommodate black members as well as

the present white, colored, and Indian members. Attention is also to

be given to the proposed national council which could be a precursor of

a multiracial council of states with statutory status and real

accountability.

President Botha has reiterated his government's guidelines for reform.

These are power sharing by all, including blacks at all levels of

government, but with protection for all the many minority groups in

South Africa so that there will be no domination of any one group. The

principle in achieving this objective is that there should be a consensus

on political institutions and structures through a process of negotiation

and debate.

All that is needed now for reform to get into top gear is for the ANC

and other revolutionaries to end their violence and join the peaceful

and democratic process of the new South Africa.

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SOUTH AFRICA

COLUMNIST RIDICULES DURBAN BEACH LAWS

Durban POST NATAL in English 7-10 Jan 87 p 8

[Commentary by Ameen Akhalwaya in 'My View' Column]

[Text]

WHEN the Almighty

created the world, He

blessed the east coast of

the southern end of Africa with magnificent

beaches. Perhaps He

wanted to test whether

His children were prepared to share what He

had provided, or whether

they would be selfish and

greedy.

Well, it soon became

clear man wanted to be

selfish. One group took

the best part for itself,

and shunted the others

further away, out of

sight, but very much in

mind.

It came to pass that in

Durban, the beaches

were divided into various

categories. People who

were classified white

took a major stretch of

beach. Next to them they

provided a beach for

"Africans".

Then came a "coloured" beach and, lo and

behold, further on, a

beach on the Indian

Ocean was provided for

"Indians".

Now those who look on

at what man has done to

his fellow-man were a

little puzzled by this

strange set-up, for in

South Africa, the officially designated social

order puts whites first,

"coloureds" and "Indians" next, and "Africans" last.

The sceptics explained

that the order had been

upset because the white

people needed nannies to

look after their children

while they played in the

water. And because the

black nannies weren't allowed on the "white"

beaches, the "African"

beach could be located

handily close by.

However, this was soon

to change, and the "African" beach, in keeping

with the official social

order, was transferred

furthest away from the

white beaches. But then

the social order changed

again, with more and

more public facilities

being opened for sharing.

Hence a few "non-racial"

beaches were created.

So in this season of

goodwill, up-country visitors, who don't know

which beach is open to

whom, arrived in Durban

to go to their "traditional" beaches. But they

were in for yet another

Durban surprise.

The usual routes had

been changed, and they

: were confronted by signs

such as "northern

beaches", "central

beaches" and "southern

beaches". A sceptical

Durban resident explained that this really

translated into "black

beaches", "mixed

beaches" and "white

beaches".

While trying to figure

that out, the visitors

were advised by some

people to stay away from

the beaches because

gangs of thugs were terrorising holidaymakers.

However, others claimed

the trouble was sporadic,

and reports of violence

were exaggerated.

Yet others said if you

stood up to the gangs,

.they wouldn't harm you.

What a sorry state of affairs on our golden

beaches. Under such circumstances, many opted

for a pool or wished they

had stayed at home.

Right now, the talk

among up-country visitors still centres on the

battles of the beaches.

Some have described how

they ran off in panic

when threatening gangs

approached them, others

said they hadn't seen any

trouble. It probably depends on who was where

at what time.

Having in the past

been a regular to Addington, I took my family and

a group of children there

just after Christmas. I

still wasn't sure whether

Addington was for whites

only, or if it was nonracial.

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From the parking lot,

;we couldn't see many

'darker-skinned people in

the water. So we trooped

off to the edge of the

water, only to be confronted by a white Transvaler who said the beach

was reserved for "surfers

and that kind of thing".

We pointed out to him

that the surfers were

some distance away in

the water, and that in

any case, there were

scores of bathers —

adults and children —

who were enjoying themselves. In any case, we

asked the man politely,

where was his surfboard?

He said that was irrelevant, and repeated that

the beach was for surfers

only.

We ignored him and

pitched our umbrellas. A

short while later, a whole

lot of "Indians", "Africans" and "coloured people" joined us in the

water, and within a few

minutes, we had created

a "group area" on the

beach.

Our friend without the

surfboard could take it

no longer. He and his

group packed up and left.

Gradually, we noticed

that the number of

whites around us had

begun decreasing. But a

few whites were soon

getting on well with the

black picnickers, joining

them for lunch.

Everyone who remained seemed to have a

good time. None of us

had gone to Addington

for a confrontation. We

really didn't know, in

Durban's constantly

changing sea scenario,

where we could or

couldn't swim.

Now many whites

argue that blacks want to

drive them into the sea.

This was an instance

when the whites drove

themselves away from

the sea. And yet there

hadn't been a single

threat or angry word said

by the blacks on the

beach.

One extremely shy

woman from Lenasia

made her first trip to

Durban. Try as they

might, her family

couldn't get her to take a

dip in the sea. She stood

and watched as her children enjoyed themselves

in a pool at the beach. Finally, the adults in her

group persuaded her to

dip her feet in the sea.

Reluctantly and very

self-consciously, she went

to the edge of the water,

but at that moment, a

lifesaver came up to her,

apologised, and said very

politely she could not

swim there.

Rather najively, she

said she wasn't swimming, only dipping her

feet in the water. "I'm

sorry," the lifesaver told

her, "what I mean is that

only whites lean swim

here."

Thoroughly embarrassed, the woman left,

vowing never to go to the

beach again, or to return

to Durban unless it was

absolutely essential. That

will no doubt please a lot

of the locals who are

upset by the annual invasion of holidaymakers,

but one might suggest

that before Durban next

undertakes expensive advertising campaigns trying to woo visitors, it

hands out printed guides

to tell exactly where they

can or cannot go.

That might save a lot

of embarrassment — and

perhaps confrontation

and trouble too.

.1.00
SOUTH AFRICA

1,700 WORKERS STRIKE PAPER MILLS FOR WAGE INCREASE

MB021852 Johannesburg SAPA In English 1824 GMT 2 Feb 87

[Text] Johannesburg, 2 Feb (SAPA)—Production will resume tomorrow at

three of the five Mondi paper mills affected by a wage strike,

company spokesman Mr Dave McDermott said tonight.

About 1,700 Paper, Wood and Allied Workers Union [PWAWU] members went

on strike the morning after demands for a 70-cent an hour increase

were refused, the union said.

Mr McDermott said management remained committed to negotiation. "We are

keeping the door open and a further meeting between management and union

representatives had been scheduled for tomorrow morning," he said.

Three of the groups five mills — at Umgeni, Piet Retief and Springs — would

resume production tomorrow using existing logistical staff, he said.

Felixton in the northern Transvaal and Bellville in the Cape are still

affected.

A two hour meeting was held this morning but no settlement was reached,

a union spokesman said earlier today.

Mr McDermott said management's offer, as a total package, was in excess

of 21 percent. As well as wage increases, a shift allowance increase

of 40 percent was offered and leave was increased by more than 34 percent.

"We have offered a basic minimum increase of R20.70 to immediately take

the weekly wage to R140.30, and a further increase of R2.30 to R142.60

effective from July 1.

"The minimum rates of pay will be above R600 a month, and this does not

include shift allowances and bonuses. Consequently on average all

employees will be earning more than R600 a month."

A PWAWU spokesman said earlier today a protracted strike would adversely

affect production at Mondi as there were no stockpiles of goods in

the storerooms.

"In the event of a protracted strike we have made other contingency plans

to protect the interests of our customers," Mr McDermott said.

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SOUTH AFRICA

NUM CONDEMNS FIRING OF ANGLO MINERS

MB041334 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1222 GMT 4 Feb 87

[Text] Johannesburg, 4 Feb (SAPA)--The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM)

has condemned the dismissal by Anglo American of 2,200 workers at the

President Steyn Gold mine near Welkom this week.

A NUM spokesman, Mr Marcel Golding, yesterday described the dismissals as

"typical of a high-handed management" which had failed to address the issues

which gave rise to conflict on the mine. He accused Anglo of being

"intransigent" in dealing with workers' problems.

A spokesman for Anglo American, Mr John Kingsley-Jones, had told SAPA on

Monday that the 2,200 workers had resigned. Yesterday he agreed that

the workers had in fact been dismissed.

Mr Golding said Anglo American had "twisted" its earlier statements.

"It is very clear to us that the workers did not resign;. Resigning is

a voluntary action. The workers were fired," he said.

According to Mr Kingsley-Jones, the workers were dismissed following

faction fighting at the mine since December, which had left 39 dead and

177 injured. "The prospect of renewed violence and consequent loss of

life left President Steyn management with no alternative but to request

workers to either return to their normal duties or to terminate their

employment with the mine," said Mr Kingsley-Jones. Anglo American

planned to replace the workers as soon as possible. But, said Mr KingsleyJones, if the 2,200 dismissed workers wished to be re-engaged their

applications would be considered.

According to Mr Kingsley-Jones differences between Xhosa and Sotho employees

had emerged in mid-December last year. Since then 39 employees had died

and 177 had been injured. "Continued efforts have been made by management

to resolve these differences and this included several meetings with

representatives of the governments of Lesotho and Transkei."

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SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

BLOOM SUPPORTS ANC TALKS—Johannesburg, 5 Feb (SAPA)—Mr Tony Bloom, chairman

of the Premier group, said today he was "not the slightest bit disturbed"

by the state president, Mr P.W. Botha's adverse references to him in

parliament. "I continue to hold the view that negotiations with credible

black leaders should be started as soon as possible, and this means leaders

that blacks regard as credible, not those handpicked by Mr Botha. This will

inevitably involve the unbanning of the ANC and the release of Nelson Mandela,

both of which are crucial components of any attempt to find a just and

peaceful solution for South Africa. "While they are not the only components,

no solution is going to be found without their participation. It is only a

matter of when, and not if, white South Africa talks to the ANC," he said.

"The choice is between doing so over the barrel of a gun or around a

negotiating table. I continue to support the latter option," Mr Bloom added.

[Text] [Johannesburg SAPA in English 1002 GMT 5 Feb 87 MB] /12624

NEW CONSTRUCTION UNION NAMES PRESIDENT—Johannesburg, 2 Feb (SAPA)—Mr David

Ngcobo, a Grinaker shop steward and former national executive committee

member of the Metal and Allied Workers Union, has been elected, interim

president of COSATU's new construction union, COSATU said in a statement

today. The Construction and Allied Workers Union (CAWU) was launched at a

founding congress in Soweto at the weekend, the statement said. A permanent

executive will be elected at the constitutional congress. Other interim

executive members are: vice-president, Mr Phineas Hlongwane, a shop steward

at Alex Murray; treasurer, Mr Billy Sebola, a shop steward at Pioneer

Concrete; general-secretary, Mr Desmond Mahasha. CAWU has drawn members

from seven COSATU unions and the launch is in compliance with COSATU's

principle of "one union, one industry", the statement added. The 30,000-

strong CAWU faces the task of uniting construction workers who are "highly

exploited and face severe humiliation in the workplace", the statement said.

[Text] [Johannesburg SAPA in English 0820 GMT 2 Feb 87 MB] /12624

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