340120

JPRS 84602

24 October 1983

pr^tiCi-'i-. ' ' * ' «

-— "' V f,,. miblic iöleasej

' Difetiibution UnUnuted_

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

No. 2862

Äfltö M

EC QO/i I.lira Uiui*lf,'ul" !•) II

FBIS FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE

REPRODUCED BY

NATIONAL TECHNICAL

INFORMATION SERVICE

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE

SPRINGFIELD, VA. 22161
NOTE

JPRS publications contain information primarily from foreign

newspapers, periodicals and books, but also from news agency

transmissions and broadcasts. Materials from foreign-language

sources are translated; those from English-language sources

are transcribed or reprinted, with the original phrasing and

other characteristics retained.

Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets

[] are supplied by JPRS. Processing indicators such as [Text]

or [Excerpt] in the first line of each item, or following the

last line of a brief, indicate how the original information was

processed. . Where no processing indicator is given, the information was summarized or extracted.

unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are

enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a question mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the

original but have been supplied as appropriate in context.

Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an

item originate with the source. Times within items are as

given by source.

The contents of this publication in no way represent the policies, views or attitudes of the U.S. Government.

PROCUREMENT OF PUBLICATIONS

JPRS publications may be ordered from the National Technical

Information Service, Springfield, Virginia 22161. In ordering, it is recommended that the JPRS number, title, date and

author, if applicable, of publication be cited.

Current JPRS publications are announced in Government Reports

Announcements issued semi-monthly by the National Technical

Information Service, and are listed in the Monthly Catalog of

U.S. Government Publications issued by the Superintendent of

Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C.

20402.

Correspondence pertaining to matters other than procurement

may be addressed to Joint Publications Research Service,

1000 North Glebe Road, Arlington, Virginia 22201.
JPRS 84602

24 October 1983

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

No. 2862

FBISl FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
JPRS 84602

24 October 1983

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

No, 2862

CONTENTS

CAMEROON

Briefs

CAPE VERDE

Financial Agreements With FRG 1

Minister to PRC 1

Opposition Leader Lidio da Silva Criticizes Marxist Regime

(0 DIABO, 6 Sep 83) 2

Briefs

Cooperation With Kuwait 5

GABON

Economic Performance in 1983, 1984 Prospects Noted

(Mualabu Mussamba; L'UNION, 2 Sep 83) 6

PDG Secretary Satisfied With Romanian, Yugoslav Trip

(Boulingui Koumba; L

1UNION, 8 Sep 83) 8

Rawiri Satisfied With Progress of Second Trans-Gabonese

Section

(Neltoh; L'UNION, 9 Sep 83) 9

MALAWI

Chirwas Appeal Conviction, Death Sentence

(Blantyre Domestic Service, 7, 10 Oct 83) M

Orton Chirwa Appeal Completed

Vera Chirwa Continues Presentation

DTIC QUALITY INSPECTED 2

- a - [III - NE .& A - 120]
NAMIBIA

U.S. Elections Influence Cubans' Stay in Angola

(Editorial; DIE REPUBLIKEIN, 2 Sep 83) 12

Political Parties Said To Be Planning a Surprise

(Editorial; DIE REPUBLIKEIN, 30 Aug 83) 14

Conservative Involvement in South African Referendum

Suspected

(BEELD, 8 Sep 83) 16

YSKOR Mineral Prospecting Shows Promising Results

(BEELD, 15 Sep 83) 17

Briefs

Talks on Development Program 18

BBC Producers Deported 18

Progress Toward Multiparty Conference 18

NIGERIA

Supreme Court Rules in Favor of NPN in Anambra

(Lagos Domestic Service, 9 Oct 83) 19

More on Decisions of NPN Executive Committee

(NAN, 7 Oct 83) 20

Briefs

TRIBUNE on Israeli Relations 21

Senate President, House Speaker 21

SOUTH AFRICA

Norwegian Consul Arranged Arms Shipments From Yugoslavia

(AFTENPOSTEN, 8 Sep 83) 22

DIE TRANSVALER Comments on Cuban Buildup in Angola

(Editorial; DIE TRANSVALER, 6 Oct 83) 23

Reaction, Commentary on Referendum on Draft Constitution

(Various sources, various dates) 24

Hard Work Necessary, Editorial

Dangers of Referendum Rejection, by Willie Kuhn

Well-Known Columnist Favors 'Yes', by Willem de

Klerk

Changing South Africa, Editorial

No Doubts About Referendum, Editorial

Yes Vote Realistic Approach, Editorial

Unholy Alliance, Editorial

Referendum Represents Fundamental Choice, Editorial

- b
Poll Shows Constitutional Referendum Approval

(Sakkie Perold; RAPPORT, 11 Sep 83) 35

Predictions of Post 2 November Political Realignments

(Harald Pakendorf; DIE VADERLAND, 8 Sep 83) 37

HNP Position in Afrikaner Politics Weakens

(Editorial; DIE TRANSVALER, 8 Sep 83) 40

Conservatives Unwittingly Helping Communist World

(Editorial; RAPPORT, 11 Sep 83) 42

Prime Minister on Plans for Local Authorities

(Johannesburg Domestic Service, 12 Oct 83) 44

Briefs

Official Rejects Call on Township 45

Labor Party National Chairman Resigns 45

'Promising' Future for Black Enterprise 45

Urbanization, Development of Homelands 45

Venda President Returns From Israel 46

Foreign Minister on Violence 46

SWAZILAND

Parliament Member Decries Misuse of Funds

(Mandla Magagula; THE TIMES OF SWAZILAND, 23 Sep 83) 47

Chiefs Denounce Affidavit Supporting Ex-Regent

(THE SWAZI OBSERVER, 10 Oct 83) 49

Bail Granted to. Five Accused in Sedition Cases

(Mbabane Domestic Service, 12 Oct 83) 51

PM on Boundary Negotiations, Succession Gossip

(THE SWAZI OBSERVER, 1 Oct 83) 52

Hundreds Attend Rally on Border Adjustment

(Mashumi Twala; THE TIMES OF SWAZILAND, 11 Oct 83) 54

Bhekimpi Backs National Service for Youths

(Mandla Magagula, Sipho Mahlalela; THE TIMES OF

SWAZILAND, 21 Sep 83) 57

Briefs

Illegal Alien Warning 59

Penalty for Sedition 59

Students Charged With Sedition 60

- c -
CAMEROON

BRIEFS

FINANCIAL AGREEMENTS WITH FRG—Two financial agreements totalling over

16 billion CFA francs for the realignment of the Douala-Yaounde railroad

(Eseka-Maloume portion) and for the construction of water supply systems

in 11 urban centers were signed yesterday between our government, represented

by Gilbert Bol Alima, the minister of planning and industry, and M. Klans Burk,

a member of the board of directors of the Freditanstalt Fur Wiederaufbau, an

official West German institution specializing in financial cooperation.

[Text] [AB100810 Yaounde CAMEROON TRIBUNE in French 17 Sep 83 p 1]

MINISTER TO PRC—The minister of social affairs, Mrs Delphine Tsanga, has

left Yaounde for Beijing on an official visit to China. Mrs Tsanga, who is

also president of the women's wing of the Cameroon National Union, WCNU, is

leading a women's delegation invited to Beijing by the Chinese Women's

Federation. [Text] [AB111850 Yaounde Domestic Service in English 1800 GMT

11 Oct 83]

CSO: 3400/47
CAPE VERDE

OPPOSITION LEADER LIDIO DA SILVA CRITICIZES MARXIST REGIME

Lisbon 0 DIABO in Portuguese 6 Sep 83 p 18

/Text/ "We are struggling for freedom in Cape Verde." Dr Lidio da Silva,_

secretary general of the UCID /Cape Verde Independent and Democratic Union/,

used these few words to sum up that party's platform at an interview with DIABO

during his recent visit to Lisbon. He gave us a better understanding of the

situation in those islands_dominated by the PAICV /African Party for the

Independence of Cape Verde/ Marxist regime.

People are generally under the impression that that regime is currently rather

moderate, particularly in comparison with those in Angola and Mozambique. Forgotten are the terrible persecutions in December 1974, 1977 and December 1981,

the torturing to death of Antonio de Araujo, the "physical liquidation" of

various opponents of what was then the PAIGCV, the violent repression of the

peasants who opposed the agrarian reform, the criminal activities of the two

most outstanding extortioners at the orders of Pecro Pires—"Ichifon" and

"Beitz"—and, the unnumerable, lengthy imprisonments without trial. It is said

that there are virtually no political prisoners in Cape Verde today. Dr Lidio

da Silva began by commenting precisely on this subject:

"The terror has taken a different form. Pedro Pires himself publicly explained

this change when he told the party militants that there had to be a change in

procedures so as not to lose foreign aid. Now they are not taking prisoners.

Instead they send out groups of the Communist Militia, created last year, to

go to each of the islands and "check on the residents' loyalty to party ideals."

Besides acting as an authentic, ambulatory political police force, the Militia

groups also operate as agents provocateurs, leading the suspects into situations

of conflict which end up in beatings. The victims go along with it. They know

that it is better to be beaten up than to be imprisoned. The Militia is armed

and the people are not. It is one way, like any other, to keep the people

intimated without affecting international public opinion."

"Is there any solution in sight?"

"The only solution for the future,of Cape Verde in our view is to set up a

political system that is faithful to the traditions of our land and to the norms

of a pluralist democracy. And, these are the UCID's objectives."
"I don't know if you are aware that the Cape Verde Government has been publicizing

through the mass media important improvements in the construction sector in the

islands. To what extent is this true?

Drugs—a Business For the PAICV

"They have actually built a lot. But what has been built is primarily for the

State apparatus and for the benefit of the Party. I can give you an example.

On Sal Island, there is not a single hospital—which the people need and which

may be needed by transit airport passengers. However, a veritable palace was

built there for government activities. The San Vicente hospital, the structure

for which was completed in 1974, is still not finished. Houses are built, but

the people cannot afford them. Appearances hide terrible realities. Medicine

is free? Perhaps it is, but it does not exist. The inner circle of party

officials live comfortably but the majority of the people are hungry. Despite

this, goods supplies from abroad disappear mysteriously. Sometimes cod is

found in the trash. Meanwhile, there are workers who have not been paid for

4 months straight...."

The UCID secretary general went on at length about other living conditions in

Cape Verde, the moral deterioration that the Marxist regime is causing and the

widespread corruption. Without wanting to transcribe everything he said on the

subject, we must include the following:

"The government does not allow newspapers into the country that are not sympathetic

with it, but it permits drugs to enter the country, especially from Angola and

Senegal. These drugs are placed on the international market, with the support

even of the Cape Verde Diplomatic Corps. In Holland there is an agent linked

to the PAICV who markets the drugs received, with the support of the Cape Verde

Consulate in Rotterdam. We are demanding that Mr Pedro Pires' Government destroy

all the drug plantations, and we mean all of them, whether they belong to people

linked to the PAICV or the Militia. We are demanding control of the drug and

foreign currency traffic through Amilcar Cabral airport. And, we are asking

Cape Verde youth to resist the temptation of a mortal danger like drugs."

"When Dr Lidio sa Silva says 'we are asking the government,' we get the impression

that he would accept a dialogue...."

"But of course we would accept—and want—a dialogue, and have always been open

to a dialogue. We regard the PAICV as a political adversary but not as an enemy.

The PAICV does just the opposite: it regards us as an enemy. In May of last

year, in accordance with a resolution approved unanimously by the UCID's Fourth

Congress held that month in Rotterdam, we wrote to President Aristides Pereira

to propose talks that would bring about a reconciliation of the entire Cape

Verde family. We never received a reply."

"Is there any foundation to the news that President Aristides Pereira intends

to leave the presidency shortly?"

"The person usually talking about this possibility is Prime Minister Pedro Pires.

It is easy to understand why. His ambitions know no limits."
Portugal Has Special Obligations

"Reports published in Lisbon on the recent PAICV congress were not very clear

in a number of areas. It seemed to us that the split with Guinea-Bissau has

become definite, but it was hard to tell whether the Congress gave the single

party in Cape Verde a stronger Marxist leaning that it already has."

"The split with Guinea has become final, and the Marxist leaning has become

stronger, especially with the promotion of Cape Verdean militants from the

former PAICV who left Guinea following the overthrow of Luis Cabral."

"But is the Soviet influence really great?"

"Much greater than people think. The number of Soviets coming to live in Cape

Verde under various pretexts is constantly increasing. There are hundreds of

them. And the number of arms supplied by the Soviet Union is also constantly

increasing. These arms are brought in at night, but everyone is aware of their

existence. Marxist literature is widely translated and published. Moreover,

Cape Verde is the usual stopover for Cuban relief troops who are supporting .the

MPLA in Angola."

Lidio da Silva spoke about the activities of the UCID, which was established in

1978 by Cape Verdean emigrants to Holland, and whose headquarters are now in

Rotterdam and in the German city of Cologne, with an important delegation in

Framingham in the United States. He assured us that they have the support of

various political parties, humanitarian associations and religious organizations,

both Catholic and of other faiths, in various countries where Cape Verdeans are

living. There are 200,000 in the United States, 25,000 in France, 6,000 in

Holland and as many more in Italy. And, besides these countries, they are also

living in Scandinavia. "And in Portugal?"

"There are about 40,000 Cape Verdeans in Portugal, more than in Angola or

Senegal, each of which has about 35,000. It is obvious that the Angolan Government fully supports the Cape Verde Government. Although the Senegalese Government

is not Marxist, it is also hostile to the UCID, because of an understanding with

the administration in Praia. I am sorry to say that the same thing is true in

Portugal. The pressures of the Cape Verde embassy in Lisbon are very strong.

Yet, this Embassy does not give the slightest assistance to the thousands of

Cape Verdeans living in poverty in the outskirts of the capital. We are not

asking the Portuguese authorities to help the Cape Verdean Independent and

Democratic Union. But we are asking them to help the Cape Verdeans who are

living in Portugal, and to help them in every sense of the word. Portugal has

special responsibilities toward the nationals of its former overseas provinces.

In any case, the secretary general of the UCID concluded, we represent a hope

for most of our 300,000 fellow countrymen who are living in Cape Verde and for

most of those who are scattered around the world, who know more than the others

do.

9805

CSO: 3442/352
CAPE VERDE

BRIEFS

COOPERATION WITH KUWAIT—The Cape Verdean minister of economy and finance left

yesterday for Kuwait. Cdr Osvaldo Lopes da Silva is going there to sign agreements related to the Cape Verde telecommunications project, partly financed by

Kuwait. According to reports from the Cape Verdean Ministry Lopes da Silva,

who is returning to the country on 2 September, will also discuss other development projects with Kuwait. /Text/ /Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 27 Aug 83

p 8/ 9805

CSO: 3442/352
GABON

ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE IN 1983, 1984 PROSPECTS NOTED

Libreville L'UNION in French 2 Sep 83 p 4

[Article by Mualabu Mussamba: "The Gabonese Economy in 1983: Revival Remains Dependent on World Economic Recovery"]

[Text] Taking into account the impact of international circumstances on

the Gabonese economy, both at the commodity price and exchange rate levels,

a policy of diversification of the country's economic base is essential,

according to the DGE [Directorate General for the Economy]. This policy

should be achieved by an increased effort toward productive investment,

especially by the private sector, a moderate stimulation of consumption, a

limited growth in imports.

The growth rate in current terms could be 11 percent in 1983 and 10 percent

in 1984. This result, it is pointed out at the DGE, taking into account

the objective of limiting inflation to below 10 percent, expresses stability

in the volume of activity. This is remarkable progress with regard to the

recession noted in 1982.

In any case, the sectoral and global analyses contained in the various files

we recently published, thanks to the collaboration of the Directorate General for the Economy (DGE), show growth in all fields of the Gabonese economy: sectoral results are advancing; consumption, investment and monetary

aggregates are increasing.

However, these results incorporate a 13 percent inflation in 1982, and development in real terms is very different: the GDP decreased in 1982 by

about 2.5 percent, consumption by about 4 percent and private investment by

about 4.5 percent.

Today, DGE experts acknowledge, the structure of the Gabonese economy is

characterized by the juxtaposition of two activity sectors with scarcely

any relations between them: on the one hand, the export product sector

(petroleum, uranium, manganese, wood), whose activity and prices depend on

the development of international markets and on monetary fluctuations. The

relative weight of this export sector is preponderant: in 1982, it represented 61 percent of the market GDP and 67 percent of state resources.
With regard to the volume of investments, these increased by 18.8 percent

in 1982. They should increase by 16.9 percent in 1983 and 10.5 percent in

1984 respectively. This foreseeable development takes into account the

choices expressed by the state in the 1983 Finance Law and the impact of

the accompanying measures on the private sector.

As indicated by the DGE, the Gabonese economy will show significant growth

only during the second quarter of 1983, bringing about an increase in private consumption on the order of 12 percent.

Public consumption should increase by 10.9 percent only because of the efforts made by the administration to better control expenditures for the purchase of goods and services and especially the advancement of pay by way of

recruitment.

These rates of growth in public and private consumption correspond to an

increase in real terms if inflation is maintained at a level of 10 percent.

What will happen in 1984? The revival induced by the fiscal and economic^

measures described above, which implies an increase in both public and private investments, will have an effect on consumption. Its rate of growth

would be about 14.5 percent. This development is accounted for, at the

private consumption level (plus 15.7 percent), by an improvement in household purchasing power accompanied by effective control of inflation: this

will make it possible to bring out growth in real terms on the order of

2 to 3 percent.

It should also be noted that there is better satisfaction of demand by local

production, which will limit the effects on domestic prices of imported inflation and fluctuations in the exchange rates.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) maintains that at the world level,

the situation of the continental economy should improve significantly in

1983-84.

After estimating that inflation in the major industrialized countries should

be on the order of 5 percent in 1983-84, the IMF points out that world trade

could experience a slight expansion this year, after the reductions of the

last few years. In 1984, a greater increase is probable.

During the last 2 years, the same source notes, the current account surplus

of the oil-producing countries, which amounted to $114 billion in 1980, has

disappeared. It should be replaced by a deficit in 1983. On the contrary,

for the first time in 2 years, the industrialized countries as a whole

should show a moderate surplus in 1983.

There is also an improvement for the foreign accounts of the developing countries, whose 1983 deficit could, thanks to a sharp reduction in imports, be

brought down to $67 billion, compared to $87 billion in 1982 and $107 billion in 1981. The developing countries' foreign debt will improve in 1983:

their indebtedness, which reached 136 percent of their exports in 1982,

should thus not increase more rapidly than their exports in 1983.

9434

CSO: 3419/1240 7
GABON

PDG SECRETARY SATISFIED WITH ROMANIAN, YUGOSLAV TRIP

Libreville L'UNION in French 8 Sep 83 p 4

[Article by Boulingui Koumba: "Comrade Leon Auge in Romania and Yugoslavia:

Fruitful Talks With Political Authorities in Both Countries"]

[Text] Comrade Leon Auge, the permanent delegate general of the secretary

general, founder of the Gabonese Democratic Party (PDG), the sole party,

reached Libreville late last Tuesday afternoon, on his return from a visit

to the Socialist Republic of Romania and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia

on invitation of the political authorities in these two friendly countries.

Leon Mba, the members of his cabinet, the technical advisers and representatives present in Libreville, and of course the ambassadors of Romania and

Yugoslavia were present at the airport to welcome him on his return.

The permanent delegate general stated to the press that he was very satisfied with his stay in Romania, where his arrival coincided with the celebration of the national holiday, and in Yugoslavia, where he received an exceedingly warm welcome. Continuing his statement, he indicated that he was

above all most satisfied with the very fruitful talks he had with the political authorities in both countries.

During the talks in Bucharest and Belgrade, information concerning the operation and structures of the Gabonese Democratic Party and the Romanian Socialist Party, on the one hand, and the system of organizing popular defense in

Yugoslavia, on the other, seem to have occupied a position of choice.

In Romania, the permanent delegate general also spoke to Gabonese students.

In this connection, he stated that some 20 of them were to return to Gabon

this year with their diplomas.

Lastly, the permanent delegate general expressed his satisfaction at the

welcome he was given in Yugoslavia by the officials of the construction firm

Energo-Projekt, a firm whose performances in our country do not call for

further demonstration.

9434

CSO: 3419/1240
GABON

RAWIRI SATISFIED WITH PROGRESS OF SECOND TRANS-GABONESE SECTION

Libreville L'UNION in French 9 Sep 83 p 4

[Article by Neltoh: "Trans-Gabonese: Mr Rawiri on the Construction Sites

for the Second Section"]

[Text] On the conclusion of his just completed visit, from last 23 to

24 August, to the construction sites for the second section of the TransGabonese, Georges Rawiri, the first deputy prime minister, held a working

meeting yesterday with officials from EUROTRAG [expansion unknown] and

OCTRA [Trans-Gabonese Railroad Office]. Indeed, those involved are members

of EUROTRAG's management board who had come to take part in their board of

directors meeting.

On this occasion, they exchanged their points of view on the progress of

the work. Georges Rawiri said he was satisfied with the pace and quality of

the work under way on the construction site as a whole. Some sectors, he

said, would be speeded up to reach the optimum compatible with the completion of the second section within the anticipated deadlines.

Mention was also made of the third section, whose completion is subordinate

to the development of the Belinga mine. For the time being, the studies

undertaken by the Ministry of Mines are under way and will be able to determine the possibility of an invitation to tender being issued.

The first deputy prime minister indicated that he would inform the chief of

state of the exchange of views on this important construction site, which

has now reached cruising speed, after some inevitable difficulties at the

beginning.

In the view of one of the management board officials, the work at the Ivindo

construction site is well organized and already, after a few months of activity, it is at an extremely advanced stage, particularly with regard to

the embankments and the construction of the bridge on the Ivindo.

As for the Lastourville part, this also is well under way. For the Franceville section, it is a question of reinforcing the platform already built,

opening the route to the level of Moanda and starting work on the, stations.
Regarding the 440-meter-long Franceville bridge, it has been said that it

will probably be finished toward the end of this year. But there is indeed

the technical problem of transporting rails from Offoue to the construction

sites. The equipment having been ordered, transport can be effective as

of 1984.

Indeed, all efforts are being made to enable the train to whistle passing

through Franceville in 1986-1987.

9434

CSO: 3419/1240

10
MALAWI

CHIRWAS APPEAL CONVICTION, DEATH SENTENCE

Orton Chlrwa Appeal Completed

MB071627 Blantyre Domestic Service in English 1600 GMT 7 Oct 83

[Text] In the appeal case of Orton Chirwa and his wife [Vera] in Blantyre,

the second appellant, Vera Chirwa, this afternoon started submitting 15

grounds of appeal against the conviction of treason and the death sentence

passed by the Southern Regional Traditional Court in May this year. In her

first grounds of appeal, Vera Chirwa touched on the issue of the lower court's

jurisdiction over their case.

The first appellant, Orton Chirwa, finished submitting his 17 grounds of appeal this morning. Among other things, Orton Chirwa requested that the national Traditional Court of Appeal now hearing the case to quash the conviction, set aside the sentence, and have them released. The appeal case began

on the 13 of last month.

Vera Chirwa Continues Presentation

MB101705 Blantyre Domestic Service in English 1600 GMT 10 Oct 83

[Text] When the appeal case of Orton Chirwa and his wife, Vera, resumed in

Blantyre this morning, the second appellant, Vera, continued to submit her

grounds of appeal.

In her submission Vera Chirwa criticized the lower court for admitting the

police statement in her name as a confession. She told the National Traditional Court of Appeal that the statement was a fraud. Vera Chirwa has 15

grounds of appeal against the conviction and death sentence passed by the

Southern Regional Traditional Court in May this year.

CSO: 3400/27

11
NAMIBIA

U.S. ELECTIONS INFLUENCE CUBANS' STAY IN ANGOLA

Windhoek DIE REPUBLIKEIN in Afrikaans 2 Sep 83 p 4

[Editorial: "The Cuban Chess Game"]

[Text] Last week the price of the Cubans in Angola went up considerably. This

has nothing to do with the rubles which Russia has to pay for these hired

soldiers to carry out the dirty work of Communism. It has to do with the

diplomatic weight which they carry with their presence in Africa.

In Luanda President Jose Eduardo dos Santos spelled out what he wants in

exchange for a Cuban withdrawal: have the South Africans withdraw from his

territory, put a stop to South African punitive expeditions in Angola, let

Resolution 435 be applied immediately and cut off logistical support to

UNITA...and the Cubans will go.

This is quite a mouthful for a man who, here north of the South-West border, is

staggering before a rebel war which apparently knows no end.

First of all, what is the situation in Angola going to be if these demands are

met? There is no assurance at all that Angola is going to put an end to its

role as host country for SWAPO's criminal bands. If Dos Santos gets what he

wants in his demands then this terrorist organization will enjoy freedom of

movement in a neighboring country from which it carries out hit-and-run warfare

against its own flesh and blood in the south. There will be no punitive

expeditions to places where SWAPO nests could be cleared out and where help, or

alleged help, to a better disposed UNITA in the south would be cut off.

This is the price ticket which Dos Santos is hanging on the Cubans' neck.

Second, it is striking that the first move is expected to be made by South

Africa and South-West Africa/Namibia. If we comply with Dos Santos' demands

then there is the promise that the Cubans will go home.

But suppose that each of these demands are met and then Dos Santos decides that

the Cubans must stay. One would hardly expect a country to fall for this sort

of diplomatic trickery.

12
The third important consideration regarding the Cuban presence in Angola is the

U.S. presidential election and it is this very factor which is placing the

ruling MPLA before its toughest holding-out test.

It is no secret that before election day President Ronald Reagan and his

Republican Party will want to pull the proverbial rabbit out of the hat. If

the United States succeeds in getting the Cubans out of Angola and in so doing

pave the way for a solution of the South-West problem, this will decidedly tilt

the scale in favor of the outgoing president.

The Cuban challenge in Central America may get the United States to take more

forceful action, perhaps against Cuba itself as the country spreading discord

in various parts of the world. For Americans this will mean sweet revenge for

an old grudge against the Cubans which arose back in the Kennedy days.

If the Americans lash at Cuba then the outgoing president will become the new

president.

Angola has an entirely different consideration with respect to the Cubans in

this corner of Africa. If, in spite of U.S. requests, Angola can keep the

Cubans in Angola until at least after the presidential elections, this could

have a decisive role in the U.S. election test.

Ronald Reagan would then have to admit to his constituents that he is unable to

get the Cubans out of Africa and that his South-West initiative is still

fruitless.

In such a process Angola can hope for a U.S. president who will be friendlier

toward Angola and other African countries and who will cool off the friendship

ties between Washington and Pretoria.

The independence of South-West Africa/Namibia is now caught up in this web and

apparently it may be stuck there for a long time.

7964

CSO: 3401/4

13
NAMIBIA

POLITICAL PARTIES SAID TO BE PLANNING A SURPRISE

Windhoek DIE REPUBLIKEIN in Afrikaans 30 Aug 83 p 6

[Editorial: "Parties Have an Open Chance"]

[Text] If last week's visit to South-West Africa/Namibia by the UN secretarygeneral will in some way lead to a speedier attainment of this country's

independence, there will naturally be great rejoicing.

However, Southwesterners are sober minded enough to know that international

miracles are not an everyday occurrence. It will not be easy for this country

to get excited about the highly praised "progress" being reported, especially

if we consider the experience of past years.

It will be better if Southwesterners ask themselves what must be done in the

interim.

Governing by South Africa (or by any other outside entity) is unacceptable.

Moreover, obtaining merely a so-called "expression" in their own affairs will

also be unacceptable. They want the right to what any nation aspires and that

is to have the say over their own affairs.

Therefore, from now on until the day of independence (rarely when this might

happen) Southwesterners will be satisfied with nothing more than the right of

governing themselves again.

The fact that the only way of achieving this ideal at the moment appears to be

through an initiative on the part of the South-West's political parties is no

secret for our public. Everyone knows this and everyone is talking about it.

Knowing that some of the parties are not sitting around with folded arms, but

are in fact conducting mutual discussions, ought to be good news for everyone

who desires to see at least a basic collaboration at home.

This is more than what can be said of most other countries and peoples on the

face of this earth.

14
By convening a variety of leaders in the Turnhalle Council the South-West has

caught the imagination of people even far beyond our country's borders.

Moreover, there is evidence in this country that all of its people can

collaborate and can manage any of the country's affairs in a very responsible

manner.

And now we can take another step forward—not only forward from the point on

which we now stand but a step reaching further out among those people who pay

no more than lip service to justice and harmony. The UN is full of such

people!

Actually mention is being made day in and day out of a South-West with its

"authority of a multitude of parties and little parties." Making such an

assertion is, of course, nonsense. The South-West simply does not have so many

parties. Moreover, if one considers the fact that the population consists of

at least 11 main ethnic groups, then there really are not that many parties.

There is surprising silence about the collaboration already achieved (11 of

these parties belong just to the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance). Nothing is

being said also about the fact that there is no malevolence at all between the

Democratic Turnhalle Alliance and the other parties, nor does anyone often hear

anything about the fact that South-West politicians in general maintain good

relations with each other.

The impression existing among many people outside of the South-West/Namibia is

that political parties here are, so to speak, at each other's throat everyday.

But for the very reason that, in general, attitudes are just the opposite an

initiative from the South-West itself could provide the next big surprise.

Nothing is preventing the South-West's parties now from giving a special

dimension to the democratic process and doing so with real statesmanship.

7964

CSO: 3401/4

15
NAMIBIA

CONSERVATIVE INVOLVEMENT IN SOUTH AFRICAN REFERENDUM SUSPECTED

Pretoria BEELD in Afrikaans 8 Sep 83 p 11

[Text] Windhoek—Yesterday a local newspaper, DIE REPUBLIKEIN, asserted the

Nationalist Party of the South-West has been hand-in-gloves with the

Conservative Party in an effort to have Southwesterners take part in the South

African referendum.

The newspaper talks about "strong bonds" between the two parties and points

out that Conservative Party's MP for Meyerton, Mr Willie van der Merwe, knew of

this from a Nationalist Party letter to the government when it had not yet been

made public and that in his statements in Parliament he used terminologies in

just the same version as employed in the Nationalist Party's mouthpiece, DIE

SUIDWESTER, in a front page article of last week.

Yesterday, when questioned on this, Mr Kosie Pretorius, the leader of the

Nationalist Party of the South-West, told BEELD that there have been "no

official connections" between his party leadership and that of the Conservative

Party.

When questioned as to whether some of the Nationalist Party leaders perhaps

have unofficial connections with Conservative Party leaders, he replied: "Not

that I know of." Mr Pretorius added that many of his party supporters "have

strong feelings for the Conservative Party, something which after all is

understandable."

He said that it is possible that one of the supporters could have talked about

the referendum with Conservative Party leaders.

Yesterday DIE REPUBLIKEIN, the mouthpiece of the other white party in the

South-West, the Republican Party, carried a lead article saying that it was the

South-West Nationalist Party itself that recalled its six members of parliament

and four senators from Parliament.

"In so doing the right of the South-West's whites to exert an influence in the

parliament of the republic by means of electioneering was terminated without

any further ado. Furthermore, the South-West's Nationalist Party has broken

its formal ties with the Nationalist Party of South Africa and has agreed to

scrap such things as the Immorality Act and the Act on Mixed Marriages."

The newspaper went on to say that it would be "foolish" of the South African

Government to allow Southwesterners to take part in the referendum.

CSO: 3401/4 -

Lb
NAMIBIA

YSKOR MINERAL PROSPECTING SHOWS PROMISING RESULTS

Pretoria BEELD in Afrikaans 15 Sep 83 p 18

[Text] YSKOR [South African Iron and Steel Industrial

Corporation] is conducting a prospecting program at the

Rosh Pinah zinc mine in the South-West in the search for

exploitable sources of minerals, and encouraging signs of

zinc, lead and copper have already been found.

This mine, which is the greatest source of zinc for the manufacturing of

galvanized sheeting in the Vanderbijlpark plant, is owned by IMKOR Zinc, in

which YSKOR owns the controlling share.

The prospecting is being conducted in the area of the mine and in the

surrounding concession of 212,583 hectares. The South-West Administration has

approved a prospecting lease for all minerals in this area with the exception

of diamonds.

Prospecting in the concession area had already started in 1977 and last year

the eastern part of the concession area was searched by means of a systematic

examination of stream deposits in the sidebranches of the Konkiep, Fish and

Orange rivers. The results were generally negative with the exception of the

gossan exposures discovered in impure limestone in the southwestern corner of

the concession area.

Further exploitation in the concession area has now shifted to the eastern zone

while in the Trekpoortberg area encouraging points of intersection of zinc,

lead, copper and silver mineralizations have been found in some of the

boreholes.

Polarized surveys are now being carried out for the purpose of examining known

ore-bearing zones and pointing out the most promising sites for drilling. The

plan is to survey the Anisfontein gossan in Richtersveld, where IMKOR Zinc

holds a large prospecting concession.

7964

CSO: 3401/4

17
NAMIBIA

BRIEFS

TALKS ON DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM—The office of the administrator general of

South-West Africa will start negotiations with the South African Government

soon to ensure that the proposed industrial development program for Southern

Africa is not implemented to the detriment of South-West Africa. This announcement is contained in an information publication released in Windhoek

in which the activities to date of the administrator general's policy advisory

committees are reviewed. The Committee for Finance and Economic Affairs has

found that the decentralization inducement scheme in South Africa has had a

negative effect on industry in South-West Africa. [Text] [MB131607 Johannesburg Domestic Service in Afrikaans 1400 GMT 13 Oct 83]

BBC PRODUCERS DEPORTED—A spokesman for the Directorate of Civic Affairs and

Manpower in South-West Africa has confirmed in Windhoek that two BBC program

producers have been deported from the territory. The producers, Mr Paul

Hamman and Mr Peter Salmon, were reportedly gathering film material in SouthWest Africa for a BBC television program dealing with Third World Countries.

They were detained at Tsumeb, where they were filming a military parade, and

were taken to Johannesburg from where they left for London yesterday. Meanwhile, a documentary on alleged torture in South-West Africa made by another

British television network, ITV, will be shown to the news media in London

today. An ITV crew visited South-West Africa some weeks ago in the guise of

tourists. The documentary will be screened by ITV on its network early next

month. [Text] [MB261340 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 1115 GMT 26

Sep 83]

PROGRESS TOWARD MULTIPARTY CONFERENCE—The leader of the Damara Council, Mr

Justus Garoeb, says considerable progress has been made towards the holding

of a multiparty conference on the future of South-West Africa. He says there

is growing interest in such a conference, even among parties who have not yet

decided if they want to participate. Four party leaders attended the meeting

at Khorixas in Damaraland. They were Mr Garoeb, chairman of the Democratic

Turnhalle Alliance; Dirk Mudge, the leader of the SWAPO-Democrats; Mr Andreas

Shipanga; and the leader of the South-West Africa National Union, Mr (Moses

Kachoyongu). The Liberation Front of Rehoboth was also represented at the

meeting. Mr Garoeb said the five parties were confident that their efforts

would be successful. He said a statement on the proposed conference would be

released next week. [Text] [MB221611 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English

1500 GMT 22 Sep 83]

CSO: 3400/70

18
NIGERIA

SUPREME COURT RULES IN FAVOR OF NPN IN ANAMBRA

AB090925 Lagos Domestic Service in English 0600 GMT 9 Oct 83

[Text] The Supreme Court yesterday ruled that the NPN [National Party of

Nigeria] governorship candidate in Anambra State, Chief Ituih Onoi, was duely

elected in a four-to-three split judgement. Justices Shehu Nemah, Liwutefor,

Bello and Owehas dismissed the appeal filed by the former governor, Chief Jim

Mwobodo of the NPP [Nigerian People's Party] as lacking in merit. The four

justices held that the appellant did not prove his case beyond any reasonable

doubt. They said that the inability of Chief Nwobodo to pay the 5,000 naira

security fee on the day his petition was filed as required by law was a technical error which rendered his case futile. They also ruled that the appellant

based his petition on the returns forwarded to him by the deputy returning

officer who could not be a party in this case.

Three hundred naira was therefore awarded by court in favor of each of the

three respondents. But in the minority judgement delivered by Justices

Obaseki, Oshor and Nnemali, they contended that the non-payment of the security

fee on the same day the petition was filed by Chief Jim Nwobodo should not

render his case futile. They explained that the allegations contained in the

petition were of such a serious nature that the appeal should not be disallowed,

The Supreme Court said it would give the reasons for judgement on the 6th of

February next year.

Meanwhile, the court has lifted the restriction placed on the swearing in of

the governor-elect. It said that the victorious party should now go ahead

and swear in the winning candidate.

Meanwhile, the former governor of Anambra state, Chief Jim Nwobodo, has congratulated Chief Onwodo on the Supreme Court judgement. He urged him to

govern the people of the state according to law and fear of God. Chief

Nwobodo advised the people of Anambra state to cooperate with their new

governor.

CSO: 3400/45

19
NIGERIA

MORE ON DECISIONS OF NPN EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

AB071001 Lagos NAN in English 0835 GMT 7 Oct 83

[Text] Lagos, 6 Oct (NAN)—The National Executive Committee (NEC) of the NPN

[National Party of Nigeria] today resolved at its meeting in Lagos that the

number of federal ministries should be reduced from 26 to 19 and the number

of ministries cut to 35 from 46.

The national secretary of the party, Senator Uba Ahmed, said in a communique

issued at the end of the meeting that the NEC also recommended that the number

of advisers should be reduced from 10 to 7. According to him, the number of

ministries to be created by any state controlled by the NPN would not exceed

12 while the number of commissioners would be 15 and advisers five.

Senator Uba Ahmed said that the NEC resolved to reduce the salary of NPN

governors from 21,000 to 17,000 naira per annum while their consolidated

allowances would now be N3,600. The basic salary of each deputy governor

would be N15,000 and their allowance N2,400 while the basic salary for

commissioners was reduced to N13,500 a year and their annual allowance was

now put at N2,000.

Senator Uba Ahmed told newsmen that the NEC took the decision because of the

devastating effects of the global recession and "the need to ensure maximum

savings in government and public expenditure."

According to the NPN national secretary, the party caucus had been authorized

to set up a transition evaluation and appraisal committee to look into ways

and means of effecting similar savings in the national and state legislatures,

as well as federal parastatals.

The NEC, which also resolved the "present zoning be maintained for the next

4 years," said that the position of president of the Senate had been zoned to

Cross River, Rivers and Bendel States "otherwise referred to as southern

minority group." It was also resolved that anybody outside the zone contesting

the position would be regarded as violating the constitution of the party.

Senator Uba Ahmed said that the NEC resolved that a number of committees be

set up by the national secretariat to look into problems arising from the

recently concluded elections in a number of states, adding that the committees

are to submit their reports within 7 days.

CSO: 3400/45

20
NIGERIA

BRIEFS

TRIBUNE ON ISRAELI RELATIONS—In its editorial, the NIGERIAN TRIBUNE wonders

why the federal government is finding it difficult to normalize relations

with Israel. The paper refuses to agree with the reason advanced by the

federal government that Israel has military ties with apartheid South Africa

because, according to it, this charge is unsubstantiated. It is against this

background that the TRIBUNE is totally disturbed at the presence of about 40

Israeli companies and other well-known Israeli diplomats operating freely all

over the country. [Press review] [Excerpt] [AB231015 Lagos International

Service in English 0830 GMT 23 Sep 83]

SENATE PRESIDENT, HOUSE SPEAKER—Dr Joseph Wayas has been reelected as the

president of the Senate. In the elections conducted by the clerk of the

National Assembly, Alhaji Jibaju Idriss, Dr Wayas scored 68 votes to beat

Senator Odianwan Abesanya who had 19 votes. There were two abstentions.

Meanwhile, a new speaker has been elected for the House of Representatives.

He is Mr Benjamin Chaha, NPN [National Party of Nigeria] member from Benue

state. The election took place yesterday at the first session of the second

National Assembly. [Excerpts] [AB110840 Lagos Domestic Service in English

0600 GMT 11 Oct 83]

CSO: 3400/45

21
SOUTH AFRICA

NORWEGIAN CONSUL ARRANGED ARMS SHIPMENTS FROM YUGOSLAVIA

Oslo AFTENPOSTEN in Norwegian 8 Sep 83 p 15

[Text] Ship broker Georg Sjelle conducted an illegal arms export transaction

to South Africa while he was representing Norway as a consul in Korsor in

Denmark, according to today's edition of VART LAND. The press spokesman

currently on duty in the foreign ministry, Carsten Helgeby, told AFTENPOSTEN

that Sjelle is no longer honorary consul for Norway. He was informed early

this summer that he would have to resign immediately if he was found guilty

of being involved in the arms shipments.

Ship broker Sjelle was given a suspended sentence in June of twenty days in

jail plus a fine of 10,000 kroner, for his involvement in the shipment of 425

tons of ammunition from Tloy in Yugoslavia to Durban in South Africa. The

cargo was loaded on the ship MS Anna Nova in 1980, barely a year after Sjelle

was made honorary consul for Norway in Korsor. "Sjelle was informed unequiocally in July that he could not continue as honorary consul if the sentence

was made legally binding," said press spokesman Carsten Helgeby. "He didn't

appeal the sentence, and asked to be released from his position as honorary

consul. This happened in July."

Helgeby did not know how the weapons shipment had been carried out, but he

indicated that the Danish courts had established that Sjelle had been involved

in one way or another. "As honorary consul, it was his duty to know about

the regulations which apply, and what the Norwegian policy is in this area.

Not only our legislation, but also the attitude of all the Nordic nations

towards shipments like this is crystal clear," Helgeby said.

Sjelle claimed to VART LAND that he did not know what the cargo in the MS Anna

Nova consisted of, nor did he know of the existing arms embargo against South

Africa. "It is a very serious matter, for a consul who is representing Norway

to be involved in something which goes against both Norwegian and Danish legislation, as well as against resolutions made by the Security Council of the UN,"

said Abdul Minty, who heads the world campaign against military cooperation

with South Africa. He said that the arms incident in Denmark shows that Norwegian legislation has weak spots, and that the fines which are imposed are

most often much lower than what the persons involved earn from such shipments.

Helgeby emphasized that it is lamentable that persons are occasionally appointed

who are not worthy of trust. "But this affair does not give us any reason to

reevaluate our procedures for appointing honorary consuls," he said.

9584 22

CSO: 3639/169
SOUTH AFRICA

DIE TRANSVALER COMMENTS ON CUBAN BUILDUP IN ANGOLA

MB121853 Pretoria DIE TRANSVALER in Afrikaans 6 Oct 83 p 18

[Editorial: "Setback for a Settlement"]

[Text] Not even a fool can believe that there can be any progress toward a

settlement in South-West Africa after the latest developments in Angola.

The Soviet-Cuban meddling is to far-reaching for that, and the disturbance

it has cuased in South Africa is so great that there can be no peaceful coexistence.

That is why the minister of foreign affairs told DIE TRANSVALER yesterday that

the present situation in Angola is making it more difficult to satisfy the

preconditions for a South-West African settlement. Mr Botha had been asked

to comment on reports that Russia and Cuba were sending massive amounts of

arms and troops to Angola. The aim, apparently, is to reverse the recent

military gains of UNITA, the Angolan resistance movement. The number of Cuban

soldiers there is now said to be 25,000.

As disturbing as this is, though, it is something that would have been expected

by a neutral observer.

Whatever Russia has gained in its imperialist encroachment will not be abandoned very easily, especially not here in Southern Africa, where the strategic

pickings are so promising.

That it is destabilizing one of Africa's most fruitful states suits its purpose perfectly. Economic chaos, after all, is the breeding ground for communism.

It is against this background that South Africa's insistence on the withdrawal

of Cubans from Angola must be seen. As long as they and the Russians are there,

an independent South-West Africa can never be assured of its freedom.

Not only do these latest events pose a setback for South-West African settlement plans, they also place new demands on the defense of the territory's

northern borders. SWAPO always gets its share of the Cuban and Russian contributions .

The task is not beyond our ability, but then all South Africans must understand very clearly that sacrifices on a very wide front lie ahead.

CSO: 3401/21 23
SOUTH AFRICA

REACTION, COMMENTARY ON REFERENDUM ON DRAFT CONSTITUTION

Hard Work NecessaryJohannesburg BEELD in Afrikaans 26 Aug 83 p Ik

[Editorial: "Begin To Work!"]

[Text] The National Party's [NP] constitutional plan was born with overwhelming enthusiasm last year at the federal congress in Bloemfontein, and the

day before yesterday the prime minister, Mr P.W. Botha, received a standing

ovation from his caucus when he announced the referendum. This shows that the

NP has something exciting to offer, and that this enthusiasm must be transmitted to the voting public at large.

However, there is very little time, and therefore everyone who believes in the

ideal of a policy of conciliation must jump in now. Two months sounds like a

long time, but when one thinks about the amount of persuasion and preparatory

work that lies ahead, then not a moment can be lost.

Since the publication of the draft constitution, the official opposition has

been engaged in a harsh campaign of criticism, and all kinds of open and covert

actions are taking place on the right. It is also clear that the far right

is still striving for a united front, and that it will try to exploit commemorations of emotional events in the history of the Afrikaners to this effect.

Realism demands that the opposition be considered formidable, because seldom

in its history has South Africa experienced such a strange partnership of divergent political tendencies.

The prime minister made an appeal to 'all reasonable voters" to support him.

If the largest possible number of reasonable individuals could group together

now, this would be a resounding demonstration not only to South Africa, but to

a sceptical democratic world.

In order to be able to do this, a great deal of hard work will be necessary.

Starting today.

24
Dangers of Referendum Rejection

Johannesburg BEELD in Afrikaans 26 Aug 83 p 14

[Article by Willie Kühn: "The No People Will Damage SA Greatly"]

[Text] Why should one vote yes in the referendum on 2 November, and what does

a no vote mean? Let us analyze these questions within the spectrum of white

politics.

First of all there is the left wing, which argues that the government reform

is inadequate and therefore wants to sabotage the draft constitution. There

is of course a great difference between the ideal and practice — and all progressives and others will have to understand this for themselves when they

enter the polling booth.

Realization

Their view of the new South Africa is far removed from what is politically

feasible because, whatever leftwing Utopian drears are being dreamed, in the

end politics is the art of the possible. A political group which does not try

to strive for what is acceptable to the whites and which does not meet certain

minimum requirements for coloreds, is doomed in advance.

Hence, when they realize that a certain view is not within reach, realistic

voters will ask themselves what it would mean to reject a new political model,

which would provide dramatic progress for other population groups.

Hands

In practice, for those on the left of the government it will come down to just

one thing: an allocation which will be even further on the right of the ideal

they are striving for. If the status quo is maintained, it will still be to

the right of the government's reform plan. And what a howling will go up

within the leftist circles if the Republic remains stuck where it is!

Then it will be said that the whites have shown that they prefer the path of

confrontation and that racial domination has been given the kiss of life. And

through everything leftist hands will be washed in innocence of the political

tragedy.

Danger

But much worse things could happen than for the government not to get a referendum mandate to go ahead with its renewal. The powers of extremism could be

fed in such a way that the moderate wing, represented by the NP and the NRP

[New Republic Party], would become powerless to accomplish anything. This

could cause a far right shift among white voters, which would heighten the

potential for confrontation infinitely.

25
Businessmen

Hence, the danger lies in the fact that a no vote could set processes in motion which, for many people to the left of the government, could cause greater

moral and practical problems than those they are struggling with now. And

what a price they would have to pay then for their idealism, which went astray

"because they did not have the insight to speak up about the direction instead

of about an ultimate far left goal!

This is the serious challenge which will be implied in the unambiguous question

on referendum day. Whereas a yes vote will represent compromises for many

people, a no answer will simply mean a vote in favor of that kind of alternative which South Africa cannot afford, specifically moderation which becomes

paralyzed and the possibility of an insecure government under the NP or even

of a dictatorial administration under the KP [Conservative Party].

Could English speaking businessmen really vote for such a confidence undermining situation? Could ordinary English speaking voters vote in favor of a

radicalization of politics, whereby the traditional practice of their culture

will be at stake as it was in Zimbabwe? Could Afrikaners to the left of the

government lend their support to the disappointment of the expectations of the

coloreds, and thus to the potential militarization of a whole population

group?

Claim

Whatever those to the left of the government may say, it remains a fact that

with a no vote they would join the ranks of groups whose policy is totally

and completely irreconcilable — and that can certainly not happen. Such a

partnership would be disastrous, and 2 November is a day for responsibility

rather than opportunism.

Therefore: by joining the constitutional opponents of the far right, the

moderates to the left of the government will have completely forfeited their

moral claim to the policy of conciliation, and they will contribute to the

political destabilization of South Africa. Hence, the destructive boomerang

built into a negative vote will have to be given careful thought.

Dams

People who vote against the new constitution because they belong to the far

right, vote for a last futil show of resistance, which in the end will only

worsen the problems of the whites. In its post-colonial history, Africa has

provided other examples of unsuccessful historical attempts at turning back

when the momentum was irrepressibly going in a different direction.

The art of white survival in South Africa must specifically consist of identifying and controlling the major trends, so that there will be dams of security

and order. However, to try to stop acceleration with consoling stories of a

colored homeland and the belief that the whites can remain standing on their

own, is absolute foolishness.

26
Confidence

If in the process some people are also reaching "back to almost mystical moments

in the past of the Afrikaners and scattering around quotes which were meant

for different times and circumstances, then an attempt is obviously being made

to deaden the political senses of your own people with ringing "patriotic"

words. This is what is happening with far right elements who pose as the

real heirs and apostles of Dr Malan, Mr Strijdom and Dr Verwoerd.

This is the politics of escape, because not a single one of the far right

groups has shown an ability to generate enough confidence among groups of o-thec

color to be able to specify a workable solution. Or does the far right believe that a weapon is a strong enough political argument?

Between these extremes, there is a plan with flaws, but which nevertheless

handles the treasure of white security and the rights of other groups with

confidence. Doesn't this deserve an encouraging, affirmative "yes"?

Well-Khown Columnist Favors *Yes'

Johannesburg RAPPORT in Afrikaans 28 Aug 83

[Article by Willem de KLerk: "Referendum: Message of Yes and No Vote"]

[Text] A yes or no vote in the referendum is not without

problems. The question is what message will proceed from W

this yes and this no.

The Afrikaners who are anti-NP, and the English speakers

who are pro-PFP [Progressive Federal Party] will have to

think twice.

The question: Are you in favor of the implementation of the I983 constitution

as it was approved by parliament?

This is a far-reaching question which compells one to make a choice. This

choice is essentially a choice between a philosophy of conflict stagnation

or one of compromise flexibility.

Following this choice South Africa will never be the same again.

The question, which requires a yes or no response, is a very direct and simple

one, with nothing left in reserve. It does not ask for approval of every

detail in the constitution; it does not give a mandate to meddle further with

the constitution; it simply asks whether the constitution should be tested

in practice — yes or no?

There will undoubtedly be a strong negative vote, but it will be one of the

meaningless no votes of history.

What will people infer from it?

27
It is a leftist progressive faction which says no, "because they want a geographic federation.

It is a far right KP-NHP [Refounded National Party]-AWB [Afrikaner Resistance

Movement] no, because they want white supremacy which will he slightly promoted

if, in the near future, the coloreds are established as an independent state

on the Gape plain.

It is a radical leftist no from people who are aiming for a black majority

government.

It is an "intellectual" no from a group of people who claim to be constitutional connoisseurs, and who for academic reasons cannot see their way clear

to accept the constitution.

It will be a no without message, a mere protest no. It will not bring anyone

any further. This no will not lend itself to interpretation, either domestically or abroad.

Open Up

The indications (and hopes) are that the yes votes will gain the majority.

However, this will also be a complicated yes, because it is expected that the

NP, the HRP, members of the PFP and political independents will belong to this

yes group.

The one yes means: very well, but this is the line and forget about any further constitutional evolution.

Another yes means: the course is the right one, but here and there the details are not right.

Another yes includes the proviso that this must be the beginning of a process

and definitely not the end of it.

Unlike the no, the yes vote will include a message, which cannot be misunderstood by anyone.

It is a yes for a policy of compromise, for a voice in the management of common matters, for a new political structure and for the opening up of the dead

end in which our policy toward the peoples of our land has gotten stuck.

All NP supporters will probably vote yes, and this yes can be the majority

vote. However, in order to keep this majority safe and to make it stronger,

there are two groups of people to whom I would like to address an appeal:

- Those Afrikaners who have become alienated from the National Party, to the

right or to the left, should think twice. This is not a question of a yes

vote for the NP or of a yes vote for the current political leaders.

28
This is a yes for the willingness to tackle group tensions in South Africa

anew and with a new recipe.

The referendum asks a different kind of loyalty than a political one from

these Afrikaners. It asks loyalty to the fatherland.

- The other group to which I would like to make an appeal in favor of a yes

vote is the range of English speakers — whether PFP or not — who rightly

realize that if something does not happen in our country, something will break.

Numerous Afrikaners — everyone in his own circle — knows dozens upon dozens

of English speakers who, in private conversations — at parties, during business meals or on the golf course — say that the flexibility of the constitutional structure is shifting us to a new political development.

This outer group of influential people should not let themselves be intimidated into remaining silent or into staying away from the polls, because they

are really pro-PFP and anti-NP.

This is a chance for thousands of them to demonstrate with a yes vote the political influence of South African English speakers and to return to a prominent role in future politics.

Changing South Africa

Johannesburg RAPPORT in Afrikaans 4 Sep 83 p Ik

[Editorial: "New Spirit"]

[Text] In contrast to the referendum on becoming a republic in i960, when the

dividing line clearly ran between English speakers and Afrikaans speakers,

between opposition and government, today's picture looks quite a bit different

from the ordinary.

Granted, the Afrikaners are divided about the constitutional allocation; after

all, the same was true in I960, although it was less noticeable then.

There was a great deal of dissension during the thirties, the fourties and the

fifties — even though it was about the politics of the day. About Jan Smuts

or Malan and others.

Hence, unpleasantness among our people is not unknown, and such feelings rise

and fall. Not that we want to excuse this. We could do quite well without

many of those things.

Now, in 1983. there are other inclinations which do not fit simply into old

patterns.

This is apparent from the support given by English speaking newspapers and

magazines to a yes vote in the referendum. It is apparent from the cautiously

chosen words of Mr Harry Oppenheimer, who is quoted in this issue.

29
There is a growing realization among English speakers in the business world

that the government is really serious about its constitutional initiative.

Yes, it really goes without saying —. because what immediate partisan political advantage would there be in this courageous action?

If one looks at the disturbances within the Afrikaner ranks, one perhaps even

wants to shake one's head. Indeed, something like this has been unknown in

Afrikaner politics in recent years!

But now a person would not dare look just in front of his nose. In the referendum, one and all will have to keep in mind the longer term, the real needs

which the government is already meeting to a certain extent with its constitutional initiative.

And you have to pay attention to the reactions outside the Afrikaner ranks;

and also to the less talkative among our fellow language speakers who are

steadfast in their belief that we are progressing in the right direction.

Anyone who wants to look beyond the fuss made by emotional protesters, must

realize that a new, comprehensive mood is awakening in South Africa. It is a

mood which stretches beyond the language barriers, beyond the color lines.

It is good will, a new spirit which must not be stopped.

No Doubts About Referendum

Johannesburg DIE TRANSVALER in Afrikaans 26 Aug 83 p 8

[Editorial: "Yes to the Idea of Reform"]

[Text] On 2 November the reform idea, which began to take shape in 1977 within the National Party, will be facing the following practical test: will the

majority of white voters say yes or no to a political adjustment which will

bring an end to their sole right to have a political voice, but which will

at the same time offer built-in guarantees for the preservation of group interests?

Those are the main features of the new political allocation. But it includes

many more details about which people have been talking for more than a year

primarily in intentionally and unintentionally political terms.

In spite of all this rhetoric, the confused thinking and ideas of the ordinary

voters must still be cleared up. This requires the broadest extent of information about tomorrow's allocation, both with regard to the details and the outlining of their implications in the political, social and economic areas.

As 2 November could mean a watershed in our political development, it is necessary for every white voter to consider the matter as thoroughly as possible

in his mind and in his thought, because this affects his future, and it affects

the future of the coloreds and the Asians.

30
Hence, what is asked for here is a large scale information action. As the

government, and thus the National Party, has set as its goal to implement the

reform plan, the information about it will have to come primarily from there.

But then the preparation for the referendum also requires more than just information and clarifications about the main plan itself. At this time, and

more than ever "before, every party has the responsibility to avoid semantic

vagueness, political sidestepping and selfish motives. Just as the yes party

must build its case on logic, the no party must give the voters pure arguments

instead of trying to count on the fear syndrome.

DIE TRANSVALER says yes because it believes that the coloreds and the Asians

can no longer be denied their democratic rights. Not because we believe in

placating pressure from overseas — even though we must accept the fact that

South Africa is part of the world and thus should also meet world standards —

but because for us at the most basic level it is a question of the white man's,

and especially the Afrikaner's Christian views on rights and justice.

As far as we are concerned, the constitutional plan is an honest attempt to

live up to this orientation in practice.

We do not have the slightest doubt that the two alternatives could lead to

serious racial confrontation — the KP and HNP positions of total separation

in all areas, without any consideration for human worth, and the federal concept of the PFP in which it would be difficult for minority rights to become

entrenched.

Yes Vote Realistic Approach

Gape Town DIE BURGER in Afrikaans 9 Sep 83 p 18

[Editorial: "The Choice"]

[Text] The prime minister and other government members clearly spelled out

the choice faced by South Africans in the referendum of 2 November during the

last lengthy Assembly debate before today's parliamentary adjournment and before the referendum campaign is continued in all seriousness within the electoral divisions.

Those who see merit in the current constitutional development are being asked

to vote yes on a new constitution which is naturally not perfect, but which

provides a sound and realistic foundation on which people who are willing to

cooperate can build further.

In summarizing, Mr P.W. Botha said of the draft constitution that it offers

a balanced approach which strives for unity in diversity.

Hence, the new constitution recognizes the rights of the whites and their

contributions, but at the same time it offers coloreds and Indians the opportunity to get a voice at the highest level of the country's administration.

The different groups retain authority over matters which touch only their own

group, but they will be given co-responsibility over common matters.

31
This is the realistic, attainable course which will be taken by those who vote

yes in the referendum. But they will not vote for this alone; they will also

vote against the direction of those who oppose the new arrangements.

On the far left there is the PFP policy which comes down to black majority

rule, whatever word games they may play. And this is a course in which most

whites see virtually no hope for themselves and their children.

On the far right they are considering the mirage of a colored homeland, which

has never been seen as being within the limits of what is reasonable by any

National Party prime minister, and for which there is no significant support

among the colored leaders.

Hence, neither the far right nor the far left offers an alternative which

meets the demands of attainability and stability. Only greater radicalization

and confrontation will result if they make progress — also through a no vote

in the referendum.

For South Africans who want to see the evolution move toward a more just allocation, the compelling necessity for voting yes in the referendum has been

clearly demonstrated now.

Unholy Alliance

Bloemfontein DIE VOLKSBLAD in Afrikaans 29 Aug 83 p 8

[Editorial: "In a Single Gamp"]

[Text] Those people who consider it important what company they find themselves in, will want to stay away from the unholy alliance between the far

right and the far left aimed at trying to stop the government's reform initiative.

One of the results of the giant advertisement with which the yes campaign concerning the referendum was kicked off yesterday in the Sunday newspapers, was

precisely the effectiveness with which it was demonstrated that the far right

gang (KP, HNP, AWB, "Kappiekommando" and the like) with a no vote will find

itself in precisely the same camp as the leftwing radicals, such as the militant United Democratic Front, and vice versa.

Of course, the reasons why the far right and the far left want to shoot down

the draft constitution are as different as night and day. However, this does

not detract from the fact that through their joint offensive they inevitably

help further each other's case.

The question which voters who are sympathetic to one of these unlikely bed

fellows will have to ask themselves is whether they see their way clear to

being that closely linked to people whose ideas with regard to the country's

allocation are so radically different from theirs.

32
It would seem logical that a large number of PFP supporters would be bothered

by the Idea that their vote could help feed an orientation supported, for

example, by the AWB or the "Kappiekommando.'« Similarly, it should cause serious pangs of conscience to many Afrikaners who are leaning toward the KP

views, that this would inevitably make them bed fellows with the most radical

leftists.

The solution to this dilemma is to take another look at the formidable forces

of reason and moderation which are increasingly rallying in support of the

proposed reform. Not only reliable and dependable leaders, but heavyweights

in academics, in the economy and in all other fields say yes with such conviction that even just the company of those who will vote yes should clearly

offer a much more attractive alternative to the doubters than the political

Tower of Babel which is arising under the no flag.

Referendum Represents Fundamental Choice

Bloemfontein DIE VADERLAND in Afrikaans 30 Aug 83 p 8

[Editorial: "A Good Starting Place for Demonstration"]

[Text] The recently published first advertisement of the National Party concerning the referendum of 2 November gives heart to the expectation that the

appeal made by the prime minister at the beginning of the campaign can be

achieved.

Mr P.W. Botha's strong plea also asks for much more than just a bare majority

for the new constitution. He asks all reasonable South Africans of all language groups to become part of the national will for an orderly development.

As was to be expected, criticism of the advertisement came swiftly. And in

some respects, there certainly was oversimplification and exaggeration with

regard to the parties of the right and of the left. But the drafters did

succeed, as they intended, in highlighting essential points and conveying

this unambiguously to the voters.

It is true that in the referendum South Africa is not merely dealing with a

partisan political difference, but rather with a fundamental choice.

The characteristics of yes votes; are, among other things,, a safe future,

peaceful coexistence, the promotion of common interests through cooperation,

and economic, political and social stability.

No votes mean support for views ranging from a one-man-one-vote government to

racist supremacy, violent political change, unrest and empty political promises.

The fact that the seed for a resounding yes vote can fall on fertile soil is

demonstrated by two English language newspapers — even though they are among

the smaller ones — which have already given qualified support to the proposed

reform. Bodies within the business world and in other areas have already

shown where they will throw their weight, and there are institutions and

33
people of substance who axe hesitating now, but who will surely choose the

side of the proposed reform.

But while this favorable climate should be welcomed, it will be particularly

important how extensively canvassing is carried through to the lowest levels.

It is precisely at these lowest levels that the most serious hitches occur,

that the opportunity for rousing suspicion, for stirring up prejudice and for

creating confusion are the greatest.

8^-63

CSO: 3^01/29

34
SOUTH AFRICA

POLL SHOWS CONSTITUTIONAL REFERENDUM APPROVAL

Johannesburg RAPPORT in Afrikaans 11 Sep 83 p 19

/Article by Sakkie Perold: "Two thirds "Yes" Vote Expected in Referendum^/

/Text/ Two out of every three voters who will be taking part in the

referendum on the new constitution are going to vote "yes." This is the

finding of a random opinion poll just taken for RAPPORT on a countrywide

basis.

The poll consisted of 10 questions aimed at determining how certain are

the participants in the test sampling that they will be voting and to

what extent they have already decided on how they are going to vote.

Those who replied that they will certainly vote and will "definitely"

vote "yes" are in the 44.7 percent range, as opposed to the 20 percent

who are just as determined that they are going to vote "no."

In addition there are yet still 11.8 percent who are decidedly going to

vote and "quite probably" will be voting "yes," as opposed to 3.9 percent

who are "very probably" going to vote "no."

Still another 6.3 percent are certain that they will vote, but have not yet

chosen sides.

Then there are 5 percent of participants who have not yet decided whether

they are going to vote, but would probably vote "yes" as opposed to the

2.8 percent of probable "no" votes in the same undecided group.

A further 3.7 percent are "very unsure," while 1.9 percent have quite

definitely decided that they will be voting "no."

Afrikaners

The definite "yes" vote among Afrikaans-speaking voters is somewhat higher

than among English-speaking voters (50:37 percent), but percentage-wise

there is almost no different between the language groups among those who

are going to vote "no" (about 20 percent in both instances).

35
Putting together the "definite" and "very probable" "yes" and "no" votes,

then the picture looks as follows:

The entire percentage of the "definite" and "very probable" "yes" vote

comes to 56.5 percent, as against 23.9 percent of "no" votes. Those still

in doubt represent 17.7 percent and those who have already decided that

they are definitely not going to vote represent 1.9 percent.

As for the English speakers 49 percent of them will be voting "yes,"

24.6 percent "no," 22.9 percent are not sure and 3.5 percent are definitely

not going to vote. Afrikaaners: 61.2 percent "yes" and 23.4 percent "no."

Progressive Federal Party supporters: 36 percent "yes," 43 percent "no"

and about 20 percent have not yet decided.

Nationalist Party people: 84.7 percent "yes" and 4.8 percent "no."

Conservative Party people: 8.4 percent "yes," 79.4 percent "no" and 12.5

percent are still in doubt.

New Republic Party people: 70 percent "yes" and 22.5 percent "no."

Reconstituted Nationalist Party people: 5.4 percent "yes," 70.4 percent

"no" and as many as 24.3 percent are still undecided.

Estimate

In making a preliminary estimate of what can be expected on 2 November,

certain conjectures have been made on the basis of the results obtained

from the 10 questions asked in the random poll.

Thus, for example, it is being assumed that 10 percent of those who "very

probably" will be voting "yes" will actually vote "no," while another 10

percent will not be voting.

On this premise it is being estimated that the distribution of the vote

cast on 2 November will be as follows: 67.4 percent "yes" and 32.6 percent

"no."

As for the Afrikaans speakers who are going to vote, 69.6 percent of them

will be voting "yes" and 30.4 percent "no." English speakers: 63.7 percent

"yes" and 36.3 percent "no."

The oldest in the age group (those 50 and above) will represent the highest

percentage voting "yes" (74.8) and the youngest (those between 18 and 24)

the lowest "yes" percentage (60 percent).

The highest "yes" vote will be coming from the Cape Province (77 percent)

followed by the Free State with 72 percent, Natal with 70 percent and

Transvaal with 61 percent.

7964

CSO: 3401/3

36
SOUTH AFRICA

PREDICTIONS OF POST 2 NOVEMBER POLITICAL REALIGNMENTS

Johannesburg DIE VADERLAND in Afrikaans 8 Sep 83 p 16

/Article by Harald Pakendorf: "New Politics Will Require New Allies for

the Nationalist and Conservative Parties^/

/Text/ After 2 November there will be a realignment in our politics.

Thiswill take place regardless of whether the answer on that day will be

"yes" or "no."

This will mean not only a rearrangement in white politics, but also the

arising of alliances across the color line.

This will be true not only for the Nationalist Party but also for the

Progressive Federal Party and the Conservative Party, providing, of course,

that they will be willing to operate effectively within the new system.

It does not require much insight or inside knowledge in predicting this,

because the outline of what is going to happen in white politics is

already visible. The new working methods to be enforced by the new

constitution are also there for everybody to see.

However, all of this does not mean that everybody is consciously aware of

the intricacies.

It is a generally accepted feeling, and something being predicted by

rightist elements, that the Nationalist Party will look different after

2 November. Just take a look at all the entities willing to say "yes"

in the referendum: English newspapers, English organizations and English

business people—even Indians and coloreds are going to say "yes."

The thing that one is compelled to point out is that those who are going

to vote "no" are providing more interesting reading material: the black

United Democratic Front, the Progressive Federal Party, the Conservative

Party, the Reconstituted Nationalist Party, the Afrikaaner Resistance

Movement, plus Bishop Desmond Tutu, Professor Carel Boshoff, Reverend

Olaf Scheuer and Dr Allan Boesak.

37
But such insights (denunciations?) simply do not prove very much and

serve only to emphasize that old alliances have been dissolved and old

enmities have faded and that the road to new alliances and new enmities

is open.

What is already clear is that the Afrikaaner-English chasm in our politics

will be fading away; although it must be added that there have always been

Afrikaaners who have gone along with Louis Botha and Jan Smuts.

But this time things are different in one important sense: In those days

the English were the ones to set the pace in the Botha-Smuts Party.

Now it is the Nationalist Party, and the Afrikaaners in it, forming the

dominant factor incorporating those of other languages.

What will come out of all this is a big moderate party established on the

basis of reform, but this ought not be at the expense of stability, in like

manner as the Nationalist Party of today.

However, soon after the referendum, and as the new constitution begins to

function, the Nationalist Party should so establish its credibility that

the other language groups, the distrustful and the likes of them, will

join it.

This will be to the detriment of the Progressive Federal Party, which will

become more leftist and more radical than it is now, because its moderate

members will be taking a middle-of-the-road course.

To the right we will then be getting a stronger Conservative Partystronger, because the Reconstituted Nationalist Party will weaken, but

not strong enough to make any real political impression.

The New Republic Party will continue to exist a little bit longer, mainly

because it still has a power base in Natal; however, it is expected that

faithful New Republic Party people will ultimately be split between mainly

the Progressive Federal Party and the Nationalist Party (in Natal) and

also the Conservative Party (elsewhere).

Other alliances will also be breaking up and are actually starting to

crumble now.

After 2 November it will no longer be a foregone conclusion that English

newspapers will oppose the Nationalist Party government. Until such a

time that the Conservative Party obtains enough money (and there is yet

no sign of this) all Afrikaans newspapers will continue to support the

Nationalist Party.

However, some of them will do so on a much looser basis than they have done

in the past. The present attempt by DIE VADERLAND is a good example of

what we mean by this.

38
But even ASSOCOM /sic/ and the Afrikaans Business Institute will be

breaking away from their beaten tracks and expectations and the deciding

factors in the future will be merits and not "clan" loyalty.

There will be an accommodation for the inside politics among whites.

But even the strongest party among the whites will not be able to operate

unless it will have an alliance with the strongest party in the chamber

of the coloreds and with the one in the chamber of the Indians.

It is therefore unavoidable that before long the Nationalist Party and

the Colored Labor Party will have to find each other's path. This is

because one party will not be able to conduct legislation without the

other—except in such exceptional occasions where this would place the

future of the entire system in danger.

But exactly in the same trend, neither the Conservative Party nor the

Progressive Federal Party will be able to oppose legislation effectively

without the help of the Colored and Indian chambers.

This is bringing an entirely new dimension in our politics. People will

be finding each other across racial lines either on the basis of conviction

or on the basis of timely advantages. But finding themselves is something

they must do.

So this is a fundamental change—for the Nationalist Party and for the

Conservative Party and the Progressive Federal Party.

7964

CSO: 3401/3

39
SOUTH AFRICA

HNP POSITION IN AFRIKANER POLITICS WEAKENS

Johannesburg DIE TRANSVALER in Afrikaans 8 Sep 83 p 12

/Editorial: "The HNP's Raison d'Etre^/

/Text/ Jaap Marais, leader of the NHP /Reconstituted Nationalist Party/,

7s apparently still dwelling in his feeling of euphoria with respect to

the general election of 1981, in which his party drew about 200,000 votes.

So now Mr Morais is dispatching the resignation of 24 members from the

HNP as a mere nothing.

This is unavoidably creating the impression that Mr Morais is unaware of

the actual frustrations building up within his own party. One of these

frustrations is the poor showing of the HNP in Waterberg, where Mr Morais

came out third in a three-way fight between the Nationalist Party, the

Conservative Party and the HNP.

Another disappointment is that after 14 years the HNP has not been able

to win a single seat in the Provincial Council of Parliament. But surely

the greatest frustration is the fact that Mr MaraisJ own people regard him

as the stumbling block in the way of a united rightist front against the

Nationalist Party.

As in the previous (and lost!) opportunities of a rapprochement between

the HNP and the Nationalist Party, Mr Marais is very pugnacious about

Middelburg and the renunciation of the '77 proposals as a prerequisite

for a joint "no" vote in the coming referendum.

The same consistency over policy is not to Dr A P Treurnicht's liking

and as the Conservative Party leader demonstrated in his reply to Mr

Marais, the Conservative Party regards the '77 proposals as being hardly

more than a somewhat significant factor. He is keeping the Conservative

Party's door as open as a coach-house door for any individual or outsider

group. His only requirement is that the person or group must be antiNationalist Party and preferably fervently anti-P W /Botha/.

Thus the Afrikaner Resistance Movement along with the Kappie Commando and

the policy of hate they are conducting are just as welcome in the Conservative

Party as those preachers and professors who are convinced that there are

biblical and academic grounds for the policy of Dr Treurnicht.

40
All the powers now being mustered from rightist elements against the

Nationalist Party can ultimately pulverize Mr Marais and his party.

The coming referendum is not going to be a test of the HNP.

However, in future interim elections, or a final general election, Mr

Marais could discover that the moment of truth has come for him and he

may find out that the HNP's raison d'etre, is the present setup of

Afrikaner politics, is being increasingly questioned.

7964

CSO: 3401/3

41
SOUTH AFRICA

CONSERVATIVES UNWITTINGLY HELPING COMMUNIST WORLD

Johannesburg RAPPORT in Afrikaans 11 Sep 83 p 16

/Editorial: "The Trouble with the Conservative Party^/

/Text/ In the course of the debate on the third reading of the

constitution's draft Dr Andries Treurnicht expressed dismay because

Minister Pik Botha, sometime ago, said that the Conservative Party_s

negative attitude with respect to the new constitution is playing in _

the hands of the country's enemies. Almost in pleading terms Dr Treurnxcht

asked the minister not to treat him and his party in this manner.

The fact remains that Minister Botha's position is correct, though it is

untrue that such is the intention of the Conservative Party with its

attitude of resistance.

Inimical elements in the UN, namely the Communist bloc, are yearning for

a decisive "no" vote in the referendum of 2 November, because they are

clamoring for revolution in the republic. Thus they are earnestly hoping

that any peaceful progress in the constitutional area will be prevented

and so they are hoping for the triumph of the Conservative Party's ideology.

This is also true with respect to the Africa National Congress and the

militant governments in Africa. They know that' a "no" vote will solidify

the feeling among coloreds that change through negotiations and stipulations

is impossible and that this can be attained only through rebellion and

revolution.

A decisive "no" vote in the referendum will be interpreted worldwide as

opposition to peaceful change. The Progressive Federal Party s motives for

its opposition, the claim that the proposed changes are without substance

and that we will have to go a lot further, are not going to figure m the

picture.

Thus a negative result will be playing into the hands of the enemies of

South Africa. This will unchain a worldwide campaign against South Africa

and the consequences of this cannot be envisaged. At home stability and

order could be seriously threatened.

42
By urging voters to vote "no" the Conservative Party will thus be helping

South Africa's enemies to gain the advantage, even though this is not that

party's intention.

Dr Treurnicht and his advisors cannot escape this fact. The voters must

bear this in mind before deciding whether to vote "yes" or "no."

7964

CSO: 3401/3

43
SOUTH AFRICA

PRIME MINISTER ON PLANS FOR LOCAL AUTHORITIES

MB121334 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 1115 GMT 12 Oct 83

[Text] The establishment of a National Coordinating Council to advise the

government on matters affecting local authorities is in an advanced stage.

Opening the annual conference of the Transvaal Municipal Association at

Warmbaths, the prime minister, Mr P. W. Botha, sketched the progress made

in this respect. He announced that nominations had already been received

for positions on the council, which was being established in terms of the

Promotion of Local Authorities Act approved by Parliament earlier this year.

Mr Botha said the formal establishment of the council would be discussed at

a meeting of the National Interim Liaison Committee in Pretoria on 28 October.

The prime minister stressed that it was not the intention of the government

to use the Coordinating Council as an additional mechanism through which to

exert administrative control over local authorities. He repeated that the

government had accepted the principle of the maximum devolution of power and

decentralization of administration at local level, and the minimum of government control over authorities. Preliminary steps had been taken to implement

the principle.

The aim of the council would be to improve communication between local authorities, the provincial councils, and central government on one hand, and the

association of local authorities for whites, coloreds, and Indians, on the

other.

The prime minister also referred to the explosion at Warmbaths on Monday and

said that although such incidents were attempts at subversion and destabilization, the country and its people would survive through teamwork and courage.

Mr Botha said the price for freedom was continued vigilance, which would effectively destroy the spirit of terrorism. He said he hoped such incidents

would encourage more people to join civil defense organizations.

CSO: 3400/79

44
SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

OFFICIAL REJECTS CALL ON TOWNSHIP—Mdantsane will not be handed back to South

Africa. That is according to Ciskei's foreign minister, (B. N. Sitsi). He

was reacting to a statement by Transkei's prime minister, George Matanzima,

who said South Africa had been formally asked to take back the troubled township outside East London. Matanzima said this was the only way to resolve the

crisis in Mdantsane. (Sitsi) said there was no way Ciskei would hand over the

township, as Ciskei was short of land. [Text] [MB122013 Umtata Capital Radio

in English 1700 GMT 12 Oct 83]

LABOR PARTY NATIONAL CHAIRMAN RESIGNS—The national chairman of the Labor

Party, Mr David Curry, has resigned from his position. Mr Curry has told

our Bloemfontein news office that he will stay on as a member of the party,

and this step does not represent a change in his political convictions. He

said he wanted to concentrate more on local authorities and the question of

housing. [Text] [MB121547 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 1500 GMT

12 Oct 83]

'PROMISING' FUTURE FOR BLACK ENTERPRISE—The South African deputy minister

of cooperation and development, Dr George Morrison, says the constantly increasing economic opportunities in the independent Southern African countries

and in the national states will create a growing number of black entrepreneurs.

Dr Morrison said near the city of Bloemfontein in the Orange Free State Province that the future for black entrepreneurship looked very promising. He

said that black consumerism and entrepreneurship were growing by leaps and

bounds among the black people in the independent Southern African countries

and in the national states, and that these people would soon find themselves

well within the free enterprise system. Dr Morrison said that in the last few

years the South African Government had drastically changed the regulations

governing trade in urban black residential areas to ensure that free enterprise was encouraged. [Text] [MB121104 Johannesburg International Service

in English 0630 GMT 12 Oct 83]

URBANIZATION, DEVELOPMENT OF HOMELANDS—The director general-designate of the

Department of Cooperation and Development, Mr (Van der Waal), says he will endeaver to promote the orderly urbanization and economic development of the

national states. Commenting on his appointment as successor to the director

general, Mr (R. J. Raath), who is to retire on 1 December, Mr (Van der Waal)

said urbanization was one of the countries' biggest problems, and that it

would receive his special attention. [Text] [MB121041 Johannesburg Domestic

Service in English 0500 GMT 12 Oct 83]

45
VENDA PRESIDENT RETURNS FROM ISRAEL—President Patrick Mphephu of the Republic

of Venda and his minister of agriculture and forestry, Mr G. M. Ramabulana,

have completed a 2-week visit to Israel. On his return home, President Mphephu

said the visit had brought about a bridge of contact, friendship, and understanding between the people of Israel and Venda. [Text] [MB140804 Johannesburg

International Service In English 0630 GMT 14 Oct 83]

FOREIGN MINISTER ON VIOLENCE—The South African minister of foreign affairs

and information, Mr Roelof Botha, says acts of violence in South Africa are

likely to increase regardless of whether the new constitution is implemented

or not. Mr Botha has told a meeting in Cape Town that in South-West Africa/

Namibia, where the political parties had accepted a solution that included a

one-man-one-vote system, the violence had increased. Abolishing laws to which

there had been opposition had also not resulted in a decrease in violence.

The minister told the meeting that the installation of a black majority government in South Africa would not be sufficient, and the violence would not stop

until a Marxist government was in power. He said all moderate leaders wanting

an orderly dispensation in South Africa would become the targets of communist

forces. [Text] [MB131222 Johannesburg International Service in English 0630

GMT 13 Oct 83]

CSO: 3400/79

46
SWAZILAND

PARLIAMENT MEMBER DECRIES MISUSE OF FUNDS

MB230800 Mbabane THE TIMES OF SWAZILAND in English 23 Sep 83 pp 1, 24

[By Mandla Magagula]

[Text] A member of Parliament has complained bitterly about powerful and influential people who squander the public funds, with no action taken against

them.

Mr Msunduzeni Klamini told Parliament last night: "I am surprised that the

Minister of Finance is asking us to pass a sales tax bill now, when he has

taken no action against top ranking state officials who are known to have misused public funds.

"Since 1979 we have been asking the minister for finance to recover public

funds which were embezzled at Builders' Place."

"Twice within a year we asked this same minister either to ensure these people

are arrested or have the houses they built with the embezzled money confiscated.

I'm sorry to say as far as I know nothing has been done about this. Is it

because these people are too powerful for the ministry to take action against

them? I for one, am not going to support this bill until these things have

been attended to.

"The house can agree to this, but I am not going to be party to it. How shall

we explain away so much money disappearing to the electorate? Amen."

Mr Dlamini made specific demands. He wanted an assurance from the minister

that he would have the necessary personnel to implement the administrative

work.

He pointed out that the income tax department was losing something like E6

million "per day to defaulting expatriate businessmen." Would the secretary

to the office responsible for collecting sales tax be able to cope where the

income department had failed?

"The third point is that will the minister ensure that the lowest paid civil

servant gets a salary increase next year after Parliament has passed this

bill?" Mr Dlamini asked.

47
Earlier, the deputy minister for finance, Mr John Masson, assured the House

that if the bill was passed government stood to make at most E20 million

next financial year.

"In the 1979/1980 financial year we just managed to balance the budget," Mr

Masson said.

"The next financial year we were terribly disappointed with the revenue we got

from the Customs Union arrangements. Last year we had an E10 million deficit

in our budget. So it must be clear that during the last 3 years we have

survived on money that had been accumulated in previous years. This is the

time when we have to look and plan ahead."

CSO: 3400/46

48
SWAZILAND

CHIEFS DENOUNCE AFFIDAVIT SUPPORTING EX-REGENT

MB101220 Mbabane THE SWAZI OBSERVER in English 10 Oct 83 p 3

[OBSERVER Reporter]

[Text] Chiefs yesterday dissociated themselves with an affidavit signed by

Chief Dambuza Lukhele which was filed at the High Court against the removal

of deposed queen regent, Inkhosikati Dzeliwe, from power in August.

Chief Lukhele, who was nominated to chieftaincy in July this year, is alleged

to have signed the affidavit on behalf of all the chiefs in the kingdom.

At the meeting held at Lobamba yesterday, chief after chief lined up to deny

taking part in the signing and pledged their support to the government.

Member of Liqoqo, Chief Mfanawenkhosi Maseko, waving a copy of the affidavit

said yesterday: "We are surprised that this chief (Lukhele) can claim he was

sent by us chiefs that we were against the removal of the old grandmother. Who

told him to do this?" Chief Maseko asked.

"This chief claims the affidavit was signed on behalf of all the chiefs in

the kingdom but we do not know anything about all this. Should we allow this

man to insult us? Should we allow some chiefs to go their own ways and then

claim to be represented? If he was against the removal of the old grandmother,

where was he when she was put into that office?

"We have heard that government cars travelled day and night to get signatures

of chiefs from all over the country. Those chiefs who signed have lost their

sense of direction.

Chiefs are here because of kingship. Why should you then destroy the very

same people who placed you there? Chief Maseko asked.

"I was in Ethiopia in 1974 and I saw how Emperor Haile Selassie,died. Are you

chiefs also fighting against the royal family? I would request that if someone

comes to you and asks you to sign something you do not understand, you should

not sign.

49
"If this affidavit had succeeded I shudder to imagine what the kingdom could

be like now," he said.

The authorised person, Prince Sozisa, remarked: "Those who are in favour of

the affidavit should know what usually happens to such people."

Chief Madzanga Ndwandwe who signed the affidavit said he was "blinded" in

signing by Chief Lukhele.

Exonerating himself for signing, Chief Ndwandwe said: "When he (Lukhele) came

to seek my signature, he asked me if I was well versed with what was happening.

He told me my chieftaincy would be finished. I was then made to swear that the

future kingship of the country rested under the hands of Judge Nathan."

Turning to the crowd in a sorrowful tone, Chief Ndwandwe said: Oh, I wish I

could see him right now. Dambuza, where are you? Do you see what problems

you have put me into?"

Chief Nkhundla of Kagucuka said Lukhele "should be taught a lesson."

Chief Tsekwane of Lavumisa said he was approached by two men who told him he

was "urgently" needed at Mkhanini.

He said: I see that the problem is that we have been too lenient with these

people.

"When these two men came to see me, I told them that since I was an orphan

following the death of King Sobhuza II, I only take orders from the emalangeni

[senior princess].

"I have concluded that such things happen because we have been too lenient

with these bad people.

Chief Mathumlane Nhlabatsi asked: "What is the surname of this man? I think

he smells like from the Shiselweni District. But if he is from Swaziland, why

was he not a brought here? We want to see him."

Chief Ndlavunga of Shiselweni said: "I heard there was someone asking for

signatures of chiefs in my district but he never showed up to my area. I think

he was the choosy type. He knew who would agree to his scheme and who would

not."

Chief Malamlela Magagula said: "If you find this Dambuza, he may reveal other

names because I am sure he was not alone when doing this."

Chief Maphumzane said: "When we find this Lukhele of theirs, we should treat

him with the contempt he deserves."

Prince Sozisa remarked: "Even if he goes in to hiding we will find him. We

have the power to depose Of such people but we are very lenient these days."

CSO: 3400/46

50
SWAZILAND

BAIL GRANTED TO FIVE ACCUSED IN SEDITION CASES

MB121920 Mbabane Domestic Service in English 1600 GMT 12 Oct 83

[Text] Five applicants who are charged with reproduction and distributing of

leaflets containing seditious statements have been granted bail by the High

Court and the Magistrate's Court in Mbabane this afternoon.

The High Court, presided over by Chief Justice Mr Charles Nathan, confirmed

the application of Mark Shongwe to allow him liberty of keeping out of custody

until judgement on the alleged circulation of a leaflet with seditious statements has been passed. Mark Shongwe, who is defended by Mr Peter Dunseith,

is an assistant accountant in the Ministry of Education, Siteki office, in the

Lubombo District. He was cautioned not to interfere with crown witnesses

while he is out on bail of 150 Emalangehi. Shongwe was also ordered to report

to the police at Siteki every Monday.

In another development, four women employees of the Central Bank of Swaziland

were released on bail of 200 Emalangeni each. All of them are charged with

reproduction and distribution of leaflets containing insolent remarks against

the elders of the nation. Opposing the granting of the bail, the senior investigating officer, Senior Superintendent Majaji Simelane, argued that the

applicants might interfere with crown witnesses who are also employees at the

same establishment. He observed that the statements contained in the leaflets

were aimed at inciting and also inducing the nation to revolt against the

elders.

CSO: 3400/46

51
SWAZILAND

PM ON BOUNDARY NEGOTIATIONS, SUCCESSION GOSSIP

MB011055 Mbabane THE SWAZI OBSERVER in English 1 Oct 83 pp 1, 2

[Text] Swaziland is presently engaged in negotiations with South Africa for

the release of the Ingwavuma, the prime minister, Prince Bhekimpi, confirmed

yesterday.

"Swaziland is basing her stand on the Pongola River in Ingwavuma, which was

first recognised during the days of Kings Somhlolo and Shaka of Zululand when

they first signed the agreement of boundary recognition," the prime minister

said.

He said: "According to their agreement, no one was to trespass into the

other man's territory. Swazis are still sticking to the agreement.

"Swazis and Zulus have always been friends and we will allow nobody to destroy

this. Whatever differences we may have with them, we will sit down and resolve

them.

"Today we still talk with the South African authorities for the release of the

land. We have a lot of documents which testify that the land rightfully belongs to us.

"If anyone asks the boundary, tell him the Pongola River is our boundary.

Nothing more," he said.

The prime minister, who was explaining how the name Ngwane came about in

Swaziland, was speaking at Ngwane Teacher Training College during its official

opening.

"You should know this history because this college has been named after the

great warrior, Ngwane, who crossed the Pongola River into what is present day

Swaziland," he explained.

Meanwhile, Prince Bhekimpi yesterday asked the public to report anyone found

distributing pamphlets which, he said, were defamatory to the elders of the

nation.

52
"I am directing this especially to the younger generation, who may be swayed by

people who will tell them all is not well with the royal family," he said.

The prime minister said there were some misunderstandings within royalhood

which has since been solved.

"We all know that the queen regent is Ntombi and the future king is Makhosetive.

The situation has now returned to normal.

"A lot of people will come to you telling you this and that. Anyone who comes

to you should be told to mind his own business."

He added: "Anywhere [as published], with things returning to normal again,

we hope the petty gossips will come to an end."

CSO: 3400/46

53
SWAZILAND

HUNDREDS ATTEND RALLY ON BORDER ADJUSTMENT

MB110900 Mbabane THE TIMES OF SWAZILAND in English 11 Oct 83 pp!.l, 16

[By Mashumi Twala]

[Text] Hundreds of Swazis attending a mass rally in the KaNgwane town of

Nhlazatshe chanted freedom slogans in support of the council of chiefs.

The council is rallying support for the border readjustment between Swaziland

and South Africa in order to return all Swazi territory arbitrarily taken by

South Africa.

At least 1,000 Swazis attended the rally. The speakers were the chairman

of the Swazi Council of Chiefs in KaNgwane, Chief Mkolishi, popularly known

as the prince of Mbhuleni, and Mr David Lukhele, the council secretary.

The crowds repeatedly shouted that the border should be removed as soon as

possible and demanded that problems frustrating the process should be sorted

out without delay.

Speaker after speaker spoke bitterly of Enos Mabuza and his Inyandza movement

for attempting to frustrate the border readjustment talks for their own

personal gain.

They chanted: "We are Swazis. We are tired of living apart from our brothers

and sisters. The South African Government must take down all the borders that

they set up illegally to separate us."

The speakers accused Mabuza's regime of corruption, intimidation and hypocrisy.

They said Mabuza was using his department of education to solicit support from

teachers and children for his views on the matter and his submissions to the

commission of enquiry presently investigating the issue.

The speakers said people opposing Mabuza's campaign were being intimidated

with threats of dismissal from their jobs and expulsion from their homes.

The first speaker, Mr David Lukhele, said the Mabuza regime was using school

inspectors in their campaign.

54
"School inspectors are being made spies against those opposed to Mabuza. The

inspectators must stop this," he said.

"Civil servants are governed by laws which prevent them from participating in

politics. The same should apply to the inspectors.

"If they take sides with those governing them what will happen if the side of

the faction they support falls? We don't want to force people against their

beliefs or prevent them wearing the uniforms of Inyandza. We are saying that

teachers are being dismissed from their jobs if they do not cooperate with

Inyandza."

Mr Lukhele said Mabuza1s agents had forced people to contribute more than E3,000

towards the legal expenses in their defense at the Rumpf Commission of Enquiry.

At the same time, he said, other Mabuza agents were out to kill Chief Mkolishi

who leads the council of chiefs.

Some chiefs, he said, were being ordered to force people to sign a petition

drawn by the Inyandza movement to the Rumpf Commission or were chased away if

they refused.

On the other hand, people willing to cooperate were being promoted in jobs or

being offered lucrative opportunities.

He said: "All these are just some of the dirty games played by Mabuza. Don't

be fooled by some of his campaign utterances.

"He says you will no longer enjoy the same privileges you get here if you are

united with fellow Swazis. He says you will need passports to cross the border

into South Africa. But even as you are here you need such things like permits

to go into the cities.

"If we go to Swaziland we will have our own land, not rented land.

"Mabuza's agents are confiscating people's properties to get money for their

campaign.

"Rightfully whose land is this and who are you?"

The crowd roared: "We are Swazis."

Mr Lukhele further accused Mabuza's regime of misappropriating aid from South

Africa.

He said the pro-unification group was not fighting anyone but striving for the

truth to reign.

Another speaker, Peter Nhlabatsi, said it was ironic that Mabuza, who was

chosen at Badplaas, was now banning meetings by the people who elected him.

55
"This is a sad state of affairs. We should try and speak the truth and not

bear the pain of running frightened," he said.

He added that Swazis in KaNgwane were prepared to fight until the end to be

reunited with their fellow Swazis and to get back the land that rightfully

belongs to them.

"Why should we be ruled by foreigners. South Africa should just give us back

our land and not let us fight.

Another speaker, Khuluja Zwane urged the people not to run around in fright

but to stand for their rights and proclaim their desire to get back the land

that was unjustly taken away from them.

CSO: 3400/46

56
SWAZILAND

BHEKIMPI BACKS NATIONAL SERVICE FOR YOUTHS

MB211326 Mbabane THE TIMES OF SWAZILAND in English 21 Sep 83

[By Mandla Magagula and Sipho Mahlalela]

[Excerpt] Government is to introduce compulsory national service for young

people.

And the Gcina youth regiment is to be developed into a huge youth army to

accommodate thousands of youths.

All young men at the age of 19 and school leavers will be required to do

national service for 2 years before they go to college or seek employment.

The first step towards the establishment of a youth army was taken when the

prime minister, Prince Bhekimpi, accepted a motion by Mr 0. Z. Diamini, MP,

that national service be compulsory for 19 year olds and school leavers.

The motion was endorsed by parliament during the evening debate on Monday.

The next step will be for the prime minister to draft a bill to be tabled in

the House. The purpose of Mr Dlamini's motion is to instill patriotism and

discipline among young people.

"It is my hope that all of us gathered here when looking back we can recall

that our forefathers who were kept together for national service are people

who still respect the country," Mr Dlamini told MPS when he introduced his

motion.

"As the nation grew under Western culture, we noticed that the standard of

respect among our youth decreased because of lack of national service. This

gave rise to a lack of national respect."

Mr Dlamini said someone was observant enough to see that a 2-year training

course for youths in various skills and particularly national respect gave

the youth greater discipline. He said it was unfortunate that the programme

came to a halt because some youths were discouraged from joining.

"In some countries like Israel and West Germany youths are encouraged to do

national service for 2 years," Mr Dlamini said.

57
"I wish to emphasise that this service is not part of the defence force. Their

activities will be different from those of the Umbutfo Swaziland Defence Force.

I am talking about teaching them crafts, agricultural skills and national respect."

Mr Dlamini noted that at the moment the country had a high number of school

leavers entering the employment market. He said since it was not easy to

provide jobs for these school leavers they were turning to crime.

"If these young people had been taught skills and crafts after they had left

school, they would have become useful in the development of the country,"

Mr Dlamini said.

CSO: 3400/46

58
SWAZILAND

BRIEFS

ILLEGAL ALIEN WARNING—The office of the deputy prime minister today appealed

to the chiefs, employers, as well as individuals to report to the police all

persons who are illegally resident in the country. In a statement issued today

and signed by the permanent secretary, Mr A. R. Shabangu, the deputy prime

minister's office says it has come to the notice of government that chiefs in

rural areas, employers, as well as individuals in urban areas are protecting

illegal immigrants, who come from various countries. The statement says the

police have been instructed to take action and to ensure that all illegal

immigrants are taken care of. It says: In terms of the Swazi law and custom,

people who come from outside and wish to khonta [be naturalized] can be

accepted by the king or queen. It warned all chiefs to ensure that they follow

this procedure, since the police have been instructed to round up every person

who they meet and who will not produce evidence of the fulfillment of the khonta

procedure. To the employers as well as individuals in urban areas, the statement says they should ensure that whoever they employ is in possession of a

permit issued in terms of the Immigration Act. [Text] [MB201940 Mbabane

Domestic Service in English 1600 GMT 20 Sep 83]

PENALTY FOR SEDITION—Subversives could be jailed for up to 20 years in future,

a magistrate warned yesterday. Mbabane senior magistrate, Mr Reginald Dladla,

said that the authorities were so concerned about the distribution of subversive

pamphlets that they were considering 20 year jail sentences for such offenders.

Granting bail to Inkhosikati Lamndzebele; and three other women on sedition

charges, the magistrate warned: I wish to prefix judgement as I hereby do by

pointing out that the elders are very much concerned about the distribution and

production of seditious pamphlets. And consequently there is a new law which

is being drafted to ammend the present legislation. He said that it may carry

a sentence of up to 20 years or a fine of up to E20,000 or both. "This is

intended to warn would-be offenders to be very careful and desist from doing

such things," he said. The existing law provides for a fine of E200 or 2 years

imprisonment for first offenders and 3 years for second offenders. [By Mashumi

Twala] [Excerpt] [MB131246 Mbabane THE TIMES OF SWAZILAND in English 13 Oct

83]

59
STUDENTS CHARGED WITH SEDITION—Six students of the nursing school in the Institute of Health Sciences, Mbabane, were today arraigned before Mbabane's

senior magistrate, Mr Reginald Dladla, on charges of illegal demonstration

and also attempted political sedition: forming an opposition party against

the authorities of the country. The case was remanded to 7 November 1983.

All the accused boys are members of the Students' Representative Council of

the institution. It is alleged that the six accused, in the conduct of student council meetings, included in their agenda matters of state, which is

in contravention of Section 13 of the King's Proclamation to the Nation,

gazetted on 12 April 1973. Demonstrations along Allister Miller Street,

Mbabane, in concert with other students, was in contravention of Section 12

of same statute of 12 April 1973. The prosecutor was Mr Timothy Themba

Busenga. The case will resume on Monday 7 November 1983. [Text] [MB110835

Mbabane Domestic Television Service in Siswati 1630 GMT 10 Oct 83]

CSO: 3498/1 END

60