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JPRS-SSA-87-038

23 APRIL 1987

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

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JPRS-SSA-87-038

23 APRIL 1987

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

CONTENTS

DJIBOUTI

Briefs

Robleh's MNDID Issues Communique 1

ETHIOPIA

Briefs

Coffee Exports Rise 2

Negotiations With EPLF Rumored 2

MALAWI

Official: No Need To Sign Security Pact With Zimbabwe, Tanzania

(SAPA, 27 Mar 87)

Mozambique Transport Delegation Arrives for Talks

(Blantyre Domestic Service, 1, 2 Apr 87)

. Guebuza Leads Delegation 5

Ministers Discuss Railway 5

Briefs

New Police Boss 6

MOZAMBIQUE

Chissano Discusses Relations With South Africa, Regional Issues

(Joaquim Chissano Interview; LEADERSHIP, No 1, 1987) .... 7

Van Zyl Slabbert Sees Chissano Regime as New Era of Optimism

(Frederik van Zyl Slabbert; LEADERSHIP, No 1, 1987) 13

Rebelo, USSR's Dobrynin Sign Party Accord

(Maputo in English to Southern African, 31 Mar 87; PANA,

31 Mar 87 ) . 16

- a -
Agreement To Cover 1987-1989 16

Rebelo, Demichev Speak at Banquet 16

Trade Ministry Reports Further on Hunger Situation

(THE STAR, 27 Mar 87) 18

Food Shortages Threaten Sofala Residents

(Paul Fauvet; PANA, 27 Mar 87) 20

SOWETAN Looks Behind MNR Lines

(SOWETAN, 27 Mar 87) 22

Journalist Reports on Beira Corridor Operation

(Maputo Domestic Service, 27 Mar 87) 26

Briefs

Agreement on Energy With Norway 27

Manica Residents Affected by Emergency 27

Food Distribution in Zambezia Province 27

Economic Program Criticism Invited 27

USSR Oil Donation 28

Relations With Malawi 28

WFP To Rehabilitate Railroad 28

Railroad Aid From USSR 28

Potential PRC, Pakistan Cooperation 29

Italian Financing for Rail Project 29

Machungo on RSA, 'Armed Bandits' 29

Shipyard Director Praises Soviet Cooperation 29

Appeal for Additional Food Donation 30

IMF Delegation Departs 30

Rice Crop Loss 30

ZIMBABWE

Briefs

Pilots Trained in Libya, DPRK 31

Citizens Work as RSA Agents 31

Telephone Service With India 31

New Libyan Official Congratulated 31

SOUTH AFRICA

AFRIKANER/GOVERNMENT

Three Candidates Discuss Black Unemployment Issues

(Harry Schwarz, et al. Interviews; Johannesburg Television

Service, 3 Apr 87) 32

Vlok Discusses Black Demands, State of Emergency, Press

Censorship

(Adriaan Vlok Interview; LEADERSHIP, No 1, 1987) 35

- b -
Newly Formed Infantry Association To Sign Up New Members

(ARMED FORCES, Mar 87) 41

New Training Program Introduced for Those in Military Detention

(ARMED FORCES, Mar 87) 43

Minister Vows To Deport Illegal Mozambican Refugees

(SAPA, 27 Mar 87) 46

Briefs

'Sinister Weapons Link1 with U.S. 48

RSA Role in Southern Africa 48

SADF Protests Township Residents 48

Minority Education Budget Increase Urged 49

Malan Warns of Crossborder Raids on ANC 49

BLACKS

UNISA's Karl Hofmeyr Discusses Issue of Black Advancement

(Karl Hofmeyr; A WAY OF LIFE: A LEADERSHIP CORPORATE

PUBLICATION, Mar 87) 50

Tutu Critical of Credit Extension Agreement

(SAPA, 3 Apr 87) 55

Buthelezi Urges Development To Halt Faction Fighting

(SAPA, 3 Apr 87) 56

Survey Finds Black Teenagers More Politically Aware

(Michael Chester; THE ARGUS, 20 Mar 87) 57

Township School Attendance Reportedly Back to Normal

(Sandile Memela; CITY PRESS, 22 Mar 87) 59

'Secret Plan1 To Reverse Independence Decision Reported

(Derrick Luthayi; CITY PRESS, 22 Mar 87) 61

Briefs

Squatters Get Land Offer 62

Senior Black Teaching Staff Gets Training 62

Sowetans Earn More Than Other Blacks 63

SOCIOPOLITICAL/OTHER

Ad Outlines Advantages of Voting for PFP

(SUNDAY TIMES, 5 Apr 87) 64

Commentary Reviews Conditions for Namibia Elections

(Johannesburg Domestic Service, 3 Apr 87) 65

Commentary on Deterioration of ANC Image

(Johannesburg International Service, 2 Apr 87) 67

- c -
Commentary on Revelations of ANC's True Nature

(Johannesburg Domestic Service, 6 Apr 87) 68

Muslim Community Speaks Out Against Apartheid

(Muhammad Shir Shawdhari Interview; AL-DA'WAH ALISLAMIYAH, 18 Feb 87) ' 70

PFP's Eglin Hails Alliance of Moderates

(SAPA, 31 Mar 87) 78

COSATU Launches Living Wage Campaign

(SAPA, 30 Mar 87) .. 80

Solidarity MP Leaves Party; Reddy Resigns Post

(Johannesburg Domestic Service, 26 Mar 87) 81

Commentary Notes Local Government's Importance

(Johannesburg Domestic Service, 30 Mar 87) 82

Commentary Praises Remarkable Weapons Industry

(Johannesburg International Service, 6 Apr 87) 84

Oranjewerkers Cause Tensions Between Blacks, Whites in Morgenson

(Therese Anders; THE STAR, 20 Mar 87) 85

Grey Areas Black Residents Fear Victimization; Whites Fear Crime

(Joe Openshaw; THE STAR, 26 Mar 87) 87

Contradictory Statements, Statistics on Illegals in Grey Areas

(Shirley Woodgate; THE STAR, 26 Mar 87) 89

ECONOMIC

Commentary Notes Soundness of Economy

(Johannesburg International Service, 31 Mar 87) 90

Reserve Bank Reports on 1986 Economy

(SAPA, 27 Mar 87) 91

John Deere Votes To Stay in South Africa

(SAPA, 27 Mar 87) 94

'Exciting Future' Predicted for Barberton Gold Mines

(Teigue Payne; THE STAR, 25 Mar 87) 95

Foreign Owned Companies Not Paying Detainees

(AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL, 4 Feb 87) 97

Briefs

Economic Improvement Predicted 98

Rank-Xerox To Sell 98

/9986

— d —
DJIBOUTI

BRIEFS

ROBLEH'S MNDID ISSUES COMMUNIQUE—The Mouvement National Djiboutien pour

1'Installation de la Democratic issued its first official communique on

February 11. The MNDID, led by former trade minister Aden Robleh Awaleh,

said it would attach "no worth" to presidential and legislative elections

to be held on April 24. It also said Djibouti could only emerge from

crisis under three conditions: the end of the single party system, a

government of "public safety" and a constitution "which guarantees fundamental liberties and a true liberal democracy." [Text] [Paris THE INDIAN

OCEAN NEWSLETTER in English 21 Feb 87 p 5] /9317

CSO: 3400/495
ETHIOPIA

BRIEFS

COFFEE EXPORTS RISE—Ethiopia exported 73,190 tonnes of coffee in the year

from October 1985 to September 1986, a 6.1 percent rise in sales over the

previous year but still 22 percent lower than 97,894 tonnes sold abroad

in the 1983-84 season. The value of the exports was 345.5 million dollars,

a rise of 63 percent over the 1984-85 revenues by reason of the surge in

coffee prices on the world market. According to figures released by the

Ethiopian tea and coffee ministry, the main purchasers of the country's

coffee were West Germany (35.5 percent), West Germany (20.2 percent),

Japan (7.9 percent) and the Soviet Union (6.4 percent). Coffee now accounts

for 60 percent of the country's export revenue, and the industry employs

directly or indirectly 25 percent of the population. The villagisation

programme being implemented in Harrargue and Shoa provinces, the two main

coffee-growing regions, is bound to speed up the process of collectivising

its cultivation which has previously been essentially on a family basis.

The areas where drought victims have been resettled are also chiefly

located in coffee-growing regions. [Text] [Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN

NEWSLETTER in English 21 Feb 87 p 7] /9317

NEGOTIATIONS WITH EPLF RUMORED—The guns are not completely silent in

Eritrea, and minor confrontations continue, such as the one at Akele Guzay,

80 kilometres south of Asmara early this month. Even so there has been a

marked fall in the conflict's intensity since November 1985, when after

retaking Barentu and Tessenei in the west, and Mersa Teklei in the northeast

from the Eritrean People's Liberation Front, the Ethiopian army failed in

its efforts to take the bastion of Nakfa. The EPLF said 4,500 regular

government troops were put out of action and the best equipped of the army's

divisions, the 18th, was annihilated. Since then, apart from the shelling

of Massawa by the Eritreans last May and a seemingly abortive commando

raid on the airbase at Asmara on August 31, only a few skirmishes have been

reported. This return to relative inactivity has given rise to rumours of

new negotiations between Addis Ababa and the EPLF. The latest edition of

the publication of the EPLF's external relations bureau in Paris, Adulis,

states that "a peaceful solution of the Eritrean question remains the

prime objective of the Eritrean people." It-again urges the Ethiopian

government to abandon the military option and reiterates the EPLF position

on negotiations, i.e. that any renewed contacts between the two sides should

take place in the presence of a third party and be made public. I.O.N.—

Ethiopian and Soviet preparations for a new offensive in Eritrea, reported
by the EPLF last April, did not result in further fighting. Today Eritrean

guerrilla leaders consider that the Soviet Union does not want to become

further involved militarily in Ethiopia (particularly as Moscow has got

what it wanted, namely the creation of a Marxist-Leninist ruling party and

the imminent proclamation of a people's republic). Under these circumstances

one cannot perhaps rule out the possibility that both the Soviet and

Ethiopian governments are looking for a (..political solution. The EPLF is xn

the process of preparing for its second congress (the first was held in

January 1977) which could''take place before the end of the year. The^

question of war or peace may well be its principal theme. [Text] [Paris

THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in English 21 Feb 87 p 4] /9317

CSO: 3400/495
MALAWI

OFFICIAL: NO NEED TO SIGN SECURITY PACT WITH ZIMBABWE, TANZANIA

MB270745 Johannesburg SAPA in English 0552 GMT 27 Mar 87

[Text] Johannesburg, Mar 27 SAPA—A senior Malawi Government official,

Mr John Tembo, said Malawi has no need to sign security agreements with

Tanzania or Zimbabwe as it did with Mozambique in December last year.

SABC radio news reported Mr Tembo said in Lilongwe that Malawi was on good

terms with Tanzania and Zimbabwe and cooperated with them on security matters,

Mr Tembo signed the security agreement with Mozambique on his country's

behalf.

In terms of the agreement, Malawi agreed to send troops to Mozambique to

protect the railway line which links Malawi with the port of Nacala from

attacks by the Rename warned Malawi not to send troops to Mozambique. A

Renamo spokesman said in Lisbon the movement engaged in limited operations

in the Nacala area because there were no foreign troops there. If Malawian

soldiers were sent there, he said, the area would become a target like the

Beira Corridor.

/8309

CSO: 3400/485
MALAWI

MOZAMBIQUE TRANSPORT DELEGATION ARRIVES FOR TALKS

Guebuza Leads Delegation

MB011723 Blantyre Domestic Service in English 1600 GMT 1 Apr 87

[Text] A five-man Mozambican delegation led by the minister of transport and

communications, Mr Armando Guebuza, arrived in Malawi today for a 5-day

official visit. Mr Guebuza told newsmen on arrival in Lilongwe, that his

delegation will hold talks with officials of the Malawi Ministry of Transport

and Communications on transport issues, including possible solutions to the

troubled-Beira and Näcala railway links to Malawi*

Ministers Discuss Railway

MB020608 Blantyre Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 2 Apr 87

[Text] The minister of transport and communications, Mr Edward Bwanali, has

said Malawi is fully committed to the ideals of the Southern Africa Development Coordination Conference, SADCC, and will do its best to ensure SADCC

goals and objectives are fully attained. Mr Bwanali was speaking in Blantyre

last night at a reception organized in honor of the visiting Mozambican

delegation led by the minister of transport and communications, Mr Armando

Guebuza.

In his speech, Mr Bwanali said both Mozambique and Malawi suffered from

colonialism and, as such, the countries should work together to improve the

standard of living of their people. The minister pointed out that Malawi,_

being a landlocked country, relies upon the ports of Nacala and Beira for its

imports and exports. He added that Malawi appreciates the assistance rendered

to her with the use of these ports, which (?help landlocked) Malawi. Mr Bwanali

said it was therefore necessary that routes to Beira and Nacala operate

(?effieiently).

In reply, Mozambique's transport and communications minister, Mr Guebuza, said

his country wants to make sure that views and experiences on transportation be

intensified to enable Malawi to make full use of the Nacala railway line for

her imports and exports because it is a lifeline of Malawi's economic endeavors.

/8309

CSO: 3400/485
MALAWI

BRIEFS

NEW POLICE BOSS—We hear of the resignation of Inspector-General of Police

Mac Kamwana. Still only 51, he had been police chief since 1971. His

premature retirement, officially on account of his age, was the result of

in-fighting in ruling circles, and not because Kamwana had been shot as is

being rumoured. In December 1985 there was already pressure on Kamwana

to resign along with Cabinet Secretary John Ngwiri. Kamwana is replaced

by his former deputy L.G. Ngwata. Ngwata has done well to fight his way

to the top of the police after being demoted and sent to a remote northern

command following the abduction from Zambia of Orton and Vera Chirwa in

1981. Assistant Commissioner Longwe remains head of the feared Criminal

Investigation Department. The change is being interpreted as a blow for

strongman John Tembo, the favourite to succeed President Hastings Kamuzu

Banda (AC Vol 27 No 18). Kamwana tended to side with Tembo in political

disputes out of mutual antipathy towards the army chiefs. Unlike his

predecessor, Ngwata does not appear to owe Tembo any favours. [Text]

[London AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL in English 4 Feb 87 p 8] /9317

CSO: 3400/472
MOZAMBIQUE

CHISSANO DISCUSSES RELATIONS WITH SOUTH AFRICA, REGIONAL ISSUES

Cape Town LEADERSHIP in English Volume 6, 1987 No 1 pp 10, 12, 14

[Interview with President Joaquim Chissano by Hugh Murray and Frederik van

Zyl Slabbert in Maputo; date not given]

[Text]

President Joaquim Chissano ofMozambique

leads acountrywhich hasofficially been slated'asthe

world's poorest. The Frelimo dream of Marxist

well-being has turned into a nightmare ofpoverty

unprecedented even on the African continent. The

economic predicament of hlozambicans is, per*

haps, best characterised by the soap ration available to each citizen: one kgper person annually.

Rut there is other more tragic evidence of the

country's ill health. The derelict port ofMaputo,

with a capacity of 12 million tons peryear, managed, during1986, to scrape togethersome 2 million tons, 800 000 tons ofit being "dirty" cargo

from South Africa.

Stories are legendof thehospitals crammedwith

people mutilated physically and spiritually by

Renamo, the resistance movement known to the

Frelimo government and its supporter? as "the

bandits ". There can be little doubt that Renamo is

havingadevastatingeffect on the territory, andalthough Chissano aridhisaidesdeny strenuously that

the rebelmovementrepresents any threat to the authorities, itis certainly layingwaste the mralareas

ofMozambique. Nearly 50% ofallproducegenerated by Mozambique's rural peasants on State

farms, for example, is destroyed before it can be

turnedinto cash.

'The only new motorcars available in Mozambique are smallSoviet models boughtover 10years

at an absurdly low rate ofinterest. There issimply

noforeign exchangeavailableto buy vehicles on any

other basis, anda motorcarindustry issomething

thatMozambique cannotsustain.

Itis easyforadiscipleof the freeenterprisesystem

to blame Mozambique's economic downfall on its

Marxist-Uninist approach to government. There

are obvious shortcomings to be laidat the door of

Mozambique's ideologues, butthe country has been

at war non-stop for 23 years. Every attempt by

President Chissano to attractforeign investment,

even with guarantees ofrepatriated dividends, is

confoundedby the security situation andhis inability to guarantee the safety ofindustrialprojects.

The cynics would say that Frelimo started the

process in its waragainst colonialPortugal. That

is also too simple.

Frelimo anditsleadersarguestrongly thatmuch

ofits currentcondition is directly attributable to the

policy of destabilisation it alleges is orchestrated

from Pretoria. They point to the Gorongosa Documents (the Vaz Diaries) which contain detailedaccounts ofSouth Africa's contact with Renamo rebels. Some ofthe evidence seems to be compelling,

although high-placedMozambicans' insistence that

the fatal aircraft accident of President Sarnora

Macheland A3 otherswasthe resultofaSouth African conspiracy, doestendtoputthis discussion on a

level of high emotion and often unsubstantiated

accusation.

Chissano was the logical choice to succeed the

ebullient Sarnora Machet. Accomplisheddiplomat

anda reputedpragmatist, hehasbeenchosen to lead

his country when itsfortunes are attheirlowest ebb.

Fluentin English andseveralotherlanguages (unlike his predecessor), Chissano appears easygoing

andinformal, if somewhatreserved.
Those who know him believe that in spite ofhis

Marxist convictions he will encourage a mixed

economy and closer ties with South Africa. It is

perhaps indicative ofhis approach that he has not

(yet) joined the call ofhis Frontline colleaguesfor

sanctionsto be imposedagainstSouth Africa.

leadership PublisherandEditor, HughMurray, andformerOpposition leaderFrederik van

Zyl Slabbert, spent three and a halfhours with

Chissano at his Maputo headquarters and found

him'to bea man of dignity andconviction. He lacks

the robustapproach thatcomesfrvmyearsin office,

but he deals with the issues ofSouthern Africa in a

forthright manner. David Goldblatt took the

photographs.

What is your view ofthe key issuesin

Southern Africa, with particularreference

to the Republic ofSouth Africa?

1 think the Frontline States want only one

thing: to create a situation offreedom for all

in the region. This has been the struggle in

Africa, which has culminated in liberation for

everyone, except Namibia from colonialism,

and South Africa from apartheid. The

Frontline States are interested in achieving

these things.

Togetherwith South Africa's neighbouring states, the Frontline States make up the

nine countries ofSADCC. The aim ofthese

countries vis-a-vis South Africa is to create a

situation offair interdependence. We talk

about decreasing dependence on South

Africa, but we acknowledge South Africa as a

neighbour. By interdependence we do not

want a situation in which one country

becomes a policeman ofthe others; particularly a country with economic supremacy

which utilises its position to suppress, or

dictate to, other countries. We want relations

ofequality. Ofcourse there are countries

which are richer than others, but when it

comes to relations between states, you must

have some sort ofequality.

We have to look at the reciprocity of

interests, and not utilise economic or military

might to squeeze others, orsuppress them,

as the South African government is doing.

You can see what is happening in Angola,

you can see what is happening in our

country. In our dialogue the South African

regime waves a very strong finger and says:

"Do this, or else. Do that, or else". We want

to change this state ofaffairs through contact

with international forums and through

dialogue with South Africa. We are trying to

make them understand that all we want is

change in the South African system.

We are notafraid ofbeing called interferers

in the internal affairs ofSouth Africa. This

has ceased to be an internal affair. Apartheid

is like slavery, which was never an internal

problem ofany country. Slavery was

condemned by the world and the whole

world had to fightagainst it. Today, apartheid

has replaced slavery in this context. Apart

from this, we don't care whatsystem (of

government) South Africa follows. We

would like to see a united South Africa, in

whatever form it might take. But we don't

believe in the concept oftribes. Maybe

Mozambique has more tribes than South

Africa, but here we have a unitary country.

We have achieved this unity in spite of

colonialism. We would like peace, and

conditions in which we are able to utilise the

wealth ofthe region for the benefit ofall. For

that matter, for the benefit ofAfrica and the

world. We are a rich region.

You talked about South Africa's military

might. To what extent is that military might

influencing the affairs ofyour country at

the moment?

Thanks to the Nkomati agreement the

South African government hesitates to utilise

(military power) against ourcountry. They

utilise it just as a warning and a threat, but

the threats are constant and frequent. The

last threat wc received in January. The

message was: ifwe gave

them the minimum

pretext, they would use

i t to attack ou r cou n try.

Indirectly, South Africa,

at least up to the month

ofDecember, has

supported the terrorists

who are acting to

destabilise our economy.

This is how South Africa is using its might

against ourcountry. We have minimised this

intervention through the Nkomati Accord

and by the contact we established with

them.

You say "until December". Doesthat

imply that at the moment there is no direct

South African involvement in Renamo,

and that their assistance has been cut off?

We speak about facts. I have facts up to

December. From January I have no facts.
That does not mean that they are not doing

it, but 1 normally don't say things which have

no base.

Isthe continued existence ofRenamo a

major obstacle to good relations between

South Africa and Mozambique?

I think our country has maintained relations

with South Africa in spite ofthe help South

Africa was giving to Renamo - military help,

and material help. Butit is South Africa

which is doing the contrary: decreasing the

utilisation ofcommon infrastructures; taking

economic measures against Mozambique

and decreasing the use ofour labour force in

South Africa, although they need this labour

force and have no economic reasons to

decrease it. They have decreased use ofour

railways and harbours. It is South Africa

which is creating problems.

Did you think that, after Nkomati, you

would get renewed investment and

increased trade from South Africa? And if

so, are you very disappointed?

There were expectations aboutthat. In that

sense, I can say, yes, we are disappointed

with the South African government. But

don'ttake this as saying that we are disappointed atthe signing ofthe Nkomati

agreement. We think it was a good thing to

do. We still think it was a good thing that we

did it, and thatis why we are maintaining the

Nkomati agreement.

What exactly isthe status ofthe Nkomati

agreement? Itseemsto be an agreement

which is more referred to as a broken

promise, than an act ofgood relationships

between the two countries.

Nkomati had the impact ofrestricting the

actions ofSouth Africa against ourcountry, in

the sense thatthey do not dare to attack

Mozambique directly using their forces,

although they are constantly looking for

pretexts on which they could justify such an

attack. The Nkomati Accord brought us the

benefit oftheir power being understood by

the rest ofthe world. The world understood

our good faith. The world understood that

we want peace. Therefore, the world

understood that it is South Africa that is the

cause ofdisturbance and destabilisation in

the region. Since we signed the Nkomati

agreement, sympathy for us has increased to

such an extent that you have countries, like

Great Britain, accepting the need for military

co-operation with Mozambique to fight the

armed bandits who are supported by South

Africa. Today we have a good understanding

even from the White House. President

Machel was able to visit Washington and

gain the sympathy ofPresident Reagan. You

have a new attitude from the American

community towards apartheid, and all ofthis

started with the Nkomati agreement. So it

broughtsomething. The Nkomati agreement is a document to which we refer when

we point to the mistakes, or let us say, the

crimes ofSouth Africa. Ifthere was no

Nkomati agreement I think that some, in

the West, would forget the sins ofSouth

Africa.

You talk aboutinternational sympathy.

What aboutinternational sympathy forthe

African National Congress(ANC)? Do

you think thisfactor will become significant

enough to allow the ANG to continue its

activities from Mozambique without any

- seriousthreat of aggression from South

Africa?

We signed the Nkomati agreement and

accepted that we would not allow the ANC

to use Mozambique to launch any military

offensive against South Africa. Not that we

were, at the time, allowing them to do so.

We were busy negotiating with them before

the Accord. In fact, since 1976 we have

negotiated with the ANC and tried to

persuade them to find a way offighting in

South Africa without using Mozambique.

We never believed it was feasible for them to

wage a strong, armed struggle in South Africa

using the same methods we used against the

Portuguese. We always considered that the

conditions were different. We still don't

believe that the ANC can achieve the

necessary results by waging war from

Mozambique. So, from the military side, we

will not give them this kind ofassistance. We

don't believe in it. On the political and

diplomatic side we have always said that we

will continue to support the ANC. In fact,

President Machel told Mr Pik Botha: "Ask

me anything, but don't ask me to kill the

ANC." So, we will continue to support the

ANC politically and diplomatically. They

will maintain theiroffice in Maputo. We are

sure that they are using theiroffice for

diplomatic and political purposes, and not for

military purposes.
Ifyou found outthatthey were using their

office for military purposes, would you put

a stop to thisimmediately?

They will not use their office for military

purposes. They don't have to utilise an

office for military purposes. I was a representative of Frelimo in Dar-es-Salaam and we

did not use this office for military purposes.

It wasn't convenient for us. We had offices

for military purposes, we had camps for

military purposes, but ifthe ANC does that it

would be acting against our agreement with

them.

So there are, to your knowledge, no ANC

(military) bases being operated in Maputo

orin the bush ofMozambique?

I discussed this with PresidentTambo, and

he was categoric that nothing ofthis kind

exists in Mozambique because the ANC

understands oursituation. The South

African government requested me to expel

from Maputo certain persons who they

thought were violating the understanding. I

believe that they are not-they were not.

Anyway, I called them and asked them to

decide whetherto stay or to leave, and told

them that there was a threat against their

lives from South Africa. So the ANC decided

to remove them, and ofcourse, they will now

have to replace them with others. They will

undertake the politicaljob, the diplomatic

job. The men will be here and the South

Africans know we have restrictions on the

number, but they cannot expect me to forbid

President Tambo or other leaders ofthe

ANC to come and visit me, or their fellows in

their office. They go to London where they

have offices, why should they not come to

Maputo? They go to London and New York

and South Africa does not attack them there.

What we are doing here is even less than

what is happening in other capitals.

Isthere no otherway forthe ANC to

become a participantin the South African

political system than through the armed

struggle?

I am not saying that the ANC should not

wage an armed stmggle in South Africa. I am

justsaying that the means and methods

cannot be the same as we applied against the

Portuguese. I think the ANC could still

conduct an armed stmggle without using

Mozambique. But, to answer your question,

there arc other ways, and I think the ANC

has followed them since its creation. You

have mass demonstrations, you have the

trades unions fight, you have all sorts of

protests. You have economic boycotts within

South Africa itself. In a lot ofthese activities

they are better off.

Actually.it is all of this

which will bring in the

final result. But, because

the South African regime

is ruthless and oppressive, the ANC is forced

to have recourse, more

and more, to violence.

Whatseemsto be at stake in South Africa is

the question of a transfer ofpowerfrom a

racial minority to a majority ofpeople.

How do you think thistransfer will take

place in South Africa?

In Mozambique the power was in the hands

offoreigners. In Mozambique the wealth

was in the hands offoreigners. In Mozambique you have a very poor country. For

South Africa things are different. The

majority ofwhites are South Africans and

they have nowhere else to go. Here, the

slogan was: "Go away, go home". In South

Africa there is no such slogan, except:

"Come and let us be a nation". This is

different. South Africa isalso an industrialised

country. There arc many differences

between my country and South Africa in

determining strategy and tactics.

The South African newspapersreported

President Kannda ofZambia saying that

there had been evidence that Mozambique

was involved in a plan to destabilise Malawi

-to stage a coup, in fact. There were

apparently documents.

We were sent a copy ofthat document. But

even ifyou read it, you don't find it implying

a coup. What I know from the three presidents: the late President Machel, President

Kaunda and Prime Minister Mugabe, is that

ifMalawi would not co-operate with us to

stop the utilisation ofits territory by the

bandits, then the three presidents would

take measures which would block the roads

out ofMalawi.

This was definite in the three countries.

That was a strategy and it still is. 1 think it

will not be necessary because Malawi

understands what it ought to do, and

understands its own interests. But I don't

10
believe that President Kaunda would have

said what they claimed he did, because

President Machel would never have thought

about staging a coup against any country in

the region. We don't believe in the change of

governments by other countries. The people

in each country are responsible forchanging

their governments.

To what extent hasthe regionalisation of

Renamo escalated the possibility of a

regional wartaking place? Many believe

thatthe problem ofdestabilisation in

Mozambique has become a common

concern to Zimbabwe, Malawi and

Zambia, and thus become ofinternational

concern. Do you have a sense thatthis is

happening?

You spoke about two things here. You spoke

about the possibility ofgeneralised terrorism

in the region. That possibility is there

because you have dissidents in Zimbabwe,

you have dissidents in Zambia, you have

movements in Malawi, and I would not be

astonished ifSouth Africa used them in order

to link up with Renamo. This would justify

the threat by Renamo that they are also going

to attack Zimbabwe. They cannot do this by

themselves, so they will have to link all sorts

ofdissidents to create groupings in the area.

Butthe majorconcern about the destabilisation ofMozambique is its effect on life in

Zimbabwe. The existence ofZimbabwe is

•meaningless without the existence ofa

friendly Mozambique. The existence of a

free Zambia is meaningless without the

existence of Mozambique. They are

supporters ofsanctions against South Africa

and they don'tsee any alternative to the

ports ofMozambique for their exports and

imports. Besides, no single country likes to

be totally dependent upon another. So, even

ifthere were no sanctions, Zimbabwe would

still need the ports ofBeira, Maputo and

Ncala.

You talk aboutsanctions. Isthere not a

grave threatthatsanctions against South

Africa will completely cripple the Frontline

States. Do you not find that a very frightening scenario?

Ofcourse sanctions will hurt. But ifyou take

into consideration that South Africa has

already decreased exports through Maputo

ofabout seven million tons to about 800 000-

900 000 tons, we already have sanctions. But

we are surviving.

They will cut our workers in South Africa

down to 30 000 (from a high of 150 000). But

we are surviving. Taking into consideration

that these two things, the harbours/railways

and the workers were Mozambique's major

source ofhard currency, we are hurting. But

the hurting ofthe Frontline States is notthe

issue. The issue is whether they are going to

hurt the economy ofSouth Africa. The

mistake is thatsometimes countriesimposing

sanctions select such sanctions as will not

hurt their own economies. There are

sanctions which in many instances do not

hurt the economy ofSouth Africa.

So will Mozambique impose sanctions

against South Africa?

Mozambique has not come to that conclusion

yet, but countries like Zimbabwe and

Zambia are speaking more and more about

imposing sanctions on South Africa, maybe

because they see that this will be the

quickest way ofmaking a difference to the

South African economy. It could happen

from Zimbabwe because there is a lot of

interdependence. In Mozambique, we are

only dependent on South Africa.

Surely the Frontline States and South

Africa should be talking aboutthese

matters. What prevents you from talking?

Apartheid.

But apartheid, like racialism in America, is

going to take a long time to disappear. You

can change the law, butthe habit of

apartheid will not, regrettably, disappear

justlike that. Surely the abolition of

apartheid is an unrealistic precondition for

talks?

We are notsaying that they have to scrap

apartheid before we talk to them. To talk

about what? This is the question. But let us

at least come to a fair understanding that wc

are going to talk aboutsomething that, at

least, is sound. Then maybe we, the

Frontline States, could say we have bilateral

contracts with South Africa. IfPik Botha

reads the notes which he took in meetings

with President Machel, he will find a lot of

good advice there. We said: "Release

Mandela. You have to talk with Mandela".

Is there not a genuine concern that

Mozambican advice is prompted by Soviet

11
imperialism? Your Soviet links and those

ofthe AN(I are obviously ofdeep concern

to most South Africans.

As you were talking I was reviewing my own

history in Mozambique and that ofthe fascist

colonial government of Portugal. I used to

wear the uniform of the Portuguese youth.

This was an organisation seen, by those who

understood politics, as a fascist organisation.

1 did not know I was wearing something

fascist and I was proud ofthat uniform. It

gave me some sort of promotion. 1 did not

know where Moscow was, I had never read a

Marxist-Leninist book, but I hated the

practices ofthe colonial regime. I remember

that I did not understand what the Portuguese

meant about communists. I left and went to

Portugal. It was from there that I went to

meetings with people who spoke about

politics and who were against colonialism. I

agreed with them because that was my

philosophy. The Portuguese authorities

questioned me and warned that I was being

indoctrinated by communists. They said:

"Be careful." I said:" I believe in what they

are saying." There was no influence ofthe

communist, ofMoscow. We went to

meetings to discuss what we felt. This is how

people fight in the end, and essentially, this

is how the ANC fights.

/9317

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12
MOZAMBIQUE

VAN ZYL SLABBERT SEES CHISSANO REGIME AS NEW ERA OF OPTIMISM

Cape Town LEADERSHIP in English Volume 6, 1987 No 1 pp 19-24

[Article by Frederik van Zyl Slabbert]

[Text]

To any white South African accustomed to I -ourenco

Marques in "the old days" - prawns and beer in the

boulevard cafes; cosmopolitan night life; noisy morning

markets and packed holiday beaches - Maputo, today, is

depressing. Visible signs ofneglect, even urban decay, are

everywhere. It is such an obvious dumping ground for all

those tired "I told you so" post-colonial cliches-aconstant

reminder thatliberation is not a one nightstand.

There is an enigmatic symbolism in the fact that one of

the spotless little enclaves of care happens to be a shrine

dedicated to Louis Trichardt and his Voortrekkers complete with a marble scroll acknowledging contributions

from the ACVV, VLV, FAK and Voortrekkerbeweging.

All other signs of Portuguese colonial rule have been removed, butsomehow the condition ofthe shrine seems to

imply a problem ofa different order.

Recently we were having breakfast at Kirkman's Camp

in Mala-Mala. I asked the young Portuguese pilot who

flew usthere, where he came from. "I was bom in Mozambique - Beira," he replied. "When did you leave?" "In

1982." "Oh, so you were there for eight years after liberation. Why did you leave?"

At first he was told they could pay half his salary in dollars and the rest in local currency. He was prepared to accept this. He loved Mozambique, but it was difficult. He

and his wife and small baby lived in a tenement building

with four other families. There was electricity because

one of them worked at the power station and could bring

home kerosene for the generator; the other worked at the

abattoir and brought some meat. Everyday they had to

queue for milk and bread. They hired a little black boy to

queue for them.

Eventually, the man behind the counter knew for

whom every little black boy queued and whatto expectin

the form of bribes. Being a pilot and more mobile, he

could get pecan nuts - highly valued. Eventually, the

whole Maputo economy depended on an intbnnal barter

system to keep it going.

One day his plane barely managed to take off from an

airstrip in the Tete province and when the cargo was

weighed at Maputo, there was more than a ton of undeclared contraband smuggled on board for bartering in the

capital. Finally, he was told they could no longer pay half

his salary in dollars. For the sake of his wife and baby, he

left. "I was lucky; I am a pilot. But the people who suffer

most are the blacks," he said.

No doubt hisstory is coloured by his own prejudice and

his own experience of the trauma that this kind oftransition brings to society. However, the date when he finally

decided to leave is significant. From 1981 the Mozambique economy went into a serious decline. It also corresponded with the change from Rhodesia to Zimbabwe and

the transfer ofRenamo to the assistance ofthe SADF.

The extent to which Mozambique was abandoned by

its colonial niters is simply staggering. Farms were left deserted; a country with a 3 000 km coast line and three

natural harbours was left with no ships at all; even coffins

were transported to Portugal from the family mausoleums

in the Lourenco Marques cemetery. Despite this, the

Maputo economy managed to painfully claw itselfback to

some kind ofrespectable growth between 1974 and 1980.

Then destabilisation began in all earnest.

13
It was a blistering hot day when P W Botha and Samora

Machel signed the Nkomati Accord. I was sitting next to

one ofthe few sensibly clad dignitaries present-theSwazi

Minister of Foreign Affairs, wearing a skirt with a light

Mahiya cloth covering historso, a pairofleathersandals on

his feet. The rest ofus sweated and chafed in our colonial

heritage. Even Machel looked ridiculously un-African in

his white uniform. The two armies stood untwitching in

the noon sun. At one stage a general said to me: "We're

ahead four to three." "What do you mean?" I asked.

"Only three ofours have fainted so far," came the reply.

It was all a pantomimed farce, of course. The Vaz

Diaries made that clearmore than a yearlater. Thesewere

captured when a strategic Renamo camp had been overrun and showed that before, duringand afterthe signing of

the Nkomati Accord, Mozambique had been subjected to

deliberate and systematic destabilisation by its powerful

neighbour. liven the South African government did not

question the contents of those diaries. But why, for

heaven'ssake?

Itisabitcomplicated, butsomehow I believe historians

will keep coming back toApril25,1974 to find theanswer.

On that day a coup in Lisbon precipitated the independence ofMozambique and Angola and put the liberation

struggle in both countries on "fastforward". Even the departure of the Portuguese looked like a speeded-up version of the Keystone Cops in retreat. But for the South

African government, it heralded an aggressive "thump

and talk" regional policy towards its neighbours. The colonial cordon sanitairefrom West to East had been broken;

Rhodesia wasfighting its terminal battle and once thatwas

over, only African governments were on the borders with

which to deal.

And deal with them South Africa did. It took over Renamo (MNR) from the Rhodesian amiy; sent it back to

Mozambique, supported and sustained it. It invaded Angola, raided Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland and made

it clearto all and sundry thatthose surrounding itwere part

ofa total onslaught againstit.

The liberation of Mozambique did two things: it emphasised the great degree ofinterdependenceofthe countries in the region, and implied that as long as South

Africa's domestic conflict remained unresolved, liberation

for its neighbouring countries did not mean freedom.

Even if the Portuguese in Mozambique had not left in

such large numbers; even ifMachel had not initially been

such a naive and dogmatic ideologue; even "if many

otherthings, Mozambique was not going to be left alone to

work outthe consequences ofits own liberation. Not even

by signing the Nkomati Accord.

"Why does Pretoria want war?" It was January 3, 1986.

We.were in Machel's office in Maputo. Although it was a

metorical question, he jumped out ofhisscat as he asked it

and walked to and fro.

"Look at Hitler. He invaded everybody, even Russia.

But you know where the war ended? Where it began -in

Berlin. So it will be with Pretoria. I cannot beat Botha, nor

can Mugabe, Kaunda or anyone around here. Even if he

conquers us all, he would not have solved anything. I le is

fighting his own people. The war will end in Pretoria."

;' I had gone to Maputo to establish first hand the status of

the Vaz Diaries. Colonel Sergio Viera, then Minister of

•Security, gave me a detailed briefing to be followed by the

interview with Machel. There was notthe slightest doubt

in either's mind about the aggressive intent of Pretoria.

When I quietly suggested that perhaps by now, the

MNR, having exploited discontent and niral instability,

could have built up some popular following, Machel

exploded with: "There is no Renamo without theSADF,

only bandits."

As we drove to the airport over pot-holed streets, past

skeletons ofcolonial boulevard cafes, I thoughtto myself:

"Is it as simple as that?" What aboutthe ideological hyperbole; the hopelessly idealistic social engineering; the lack

ofskill and experience and the unwillingness to come to

terms with it. Did not all this play some role as well? I suppose it did.

Colonel Viera said: "Of course, we made mistakes,

many. But we are prepared to learn from them." He stopped the car at Louis Trichardt's shrine and we got out.

"Look", he said, "completely untouched." There was a

touch of pride in the way he said it. He was trying to get

something through to me and I still am not quite sure

what, except that it felt vaguely re-assuring.

Machel died in a plane crash on October 19,1986.1 was

in Bonn when I wastold the news and could not believe it.

My first reaction was that Mozambique could not hold together without him. Whatever his shortcomings, he was

an inspiring personality and one sensed the genuine affection and respectofallthose around him. On December 12,

I was again in Maputo and this time another friend met me

and drove me into town. As he talked, I began to sense a

change in the atmosphere that was confirmed by subsequent discussions with other people I met.

Without compromising anyone, I can bestsum it up by

saying that as much as Machel's death was a blow and his

memory is revered, his departure unleashed a new energy

14
and sense ofexpectation in Mozambique. MacheFs charisma was so overwhelming that very little took place without his approval or knowledge. This led to a highly individualised and centralised style ofgovernment. Chissano

was busy re-arranging anil rationalisingand the buzzwords

were "delegation" and "pragmatism". There seemed to

be a new confidence in dealing with the MNR problem.

This has to be seen against a vastly changed regional

and international climate concerning South and Southern

Africa. The year ofMachel's death saw the disintegration

of the United States' constructive engagement policy towards South Africa; the failure of the Eminent Persons'

Group initiative; the onset ofsanctions; a continuing and

extending State of Emergency in South Africa; the

broadening of foreign policy objectives by the West to

focus on Southern, rather than South Africa, with, for

example, assistance to frontline states to enable them to

become less dependent on and vulnerable to South Africa; the Non Alligned Movement Conference in Harare

and a re-appraisal ofthe viability ofthe SADCC.

The spin-off of this for Mozambique has been greater

international and especially Western interest. Britain, the

US and a number of European countries have increased

involvement, either by developing the Beiracorridorasan

alternative trade route or by stepped-up aid domestically.

The upshot ofit all is that Chissano and his government

feel less alone. They feel they are no longer going to be

pushed around and messed about while the world looks

the otherway.' Fheirdomestic travail, insofarasitrelatesto

regional conflicts, has become internationalised.

I think this is not simply a case offalse optimism.

Mozambique has been the stamping ground for most of

the ideological battles and regional conflicts surrounding

decolonialisation and the stniggle for liberation in Southern Africa. A significant and sustained change in its

domestic and international position could very well provide an important clue to how the Southern African region

is going to solve its problems ofco-existence.

19311

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15
MOZAMBIQUE

REBELO, USSR'S DOBRYNIN SIGN PARTY ACCORD

Agreement To Cover 1987-1989

MB311354 Maputo In English to Southern African 1100 GMT 31 Mar 87

[Text] In the Soviet capital, Moscow, the visiting Erelimo party Political

Bureau member and the secretary of the Central Committee for ideological work,

Jorge Rebelo, signed a plan for relations between the vanguard parties of the

two countries for the period of 1987-1989. The plan was signed in the course

of discussions between Mr Rebelo and the secretary of the Central Committee

of the Soviet Communist Party, Antoliy Dobrynin.

Also marking the 10th anniversary of the friendship and cooperation treaty,

the foreign ministers of the two countries, Pascoal Mocumbi of Mozambique

and Eduard Shevardnadze of the Soviet Union, exchanged messages of greetings

and expressed satisfaction over developments in the relations between Mozambique and the Soviet Union over the past 10 years.

Rebelo, Demichev Speak at Banquet

MB311828 Dakar PANA in English 1703 GMT 31 Mar 87

[Text] Moscow, 31 March (AIM/PANA)—Mozambique is watching "with close attention" current developments in the Soviet Union, declared the head of the

Frelimo Party ideological department, Jorge Rebelo, in Moscow yesterday.

Speaking at a banquet in his honour, Rebelo referred to "the process of renewal

that is under way today in the Soviet Union.". "We appreciate and praise this

process whose objective is to speed up the development of socialist society,"

he said. Rebelo praised "the frank and open nature of the fraternal relations

between our parties, governments and peoples. These relations, consolidated

during the struggle for Mozambique's liberation, as well as our identical

goals, served after our independence as the foundation stones for the development of technical, scientific, commercial and cultural cooperation between

Mozambique and the USSR." The friendship and cooperation treaty between the

two countries, which is exactly 10 years old today, "has served efficiently

and to our mutual.advantage, the real interests of our peoples," Rebelo

added. "The activities we have of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, are today a factor to be taken into consideration in the struggle for world peace and progress," he said.

16
Southern Africa, Rebelo continued, "lives today in a state of permanent aggression by the apartheid regime, which attacks the other countries of the

region with the aim of obliging them to submit to its designs of domination."

In this situation of war, "the multifaceted aid from the Soviet people is a

valuable contribution for which the Mozambican people and government are

grateful."

An alternate member of the Soviet Communist Party's Political Bureau,

Petr Demichev, said that "reactionary forces who are not pleased with independent policies, are trying to prevent Mozambique's development." He

added that the Soviet Union knew that Mozambique was passing through "a

difficult period," after the death of President Samora Machel, whom he described as "a courageous defender of the freedom and independence of the Mozambican people, and a loyal frined of the Soviet Union."

He pledged that "on the road of independence, freedom, social progress and

peace," the Mozambican people "will always enjoy the unshakeable support of

the Soviet Union." The friendship and cooperation treaty, Demichev said, had

stood the test of time. "Each phrase of this historic document," he added,

"reflects the unbending will of the Soviet Communist Party and of Frelimo,

to the Mozambican and Soviet peoples, to march forward, shoulder to shoulder,

in peaceful and creative work, in struggle against, the forces of imperialism,

racism and neocolonialism, and for international peace and security."

/6662

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17
MOZAMBIQUE

TRADE MINISTRY REPORTS FURTHER ON HUNGER SITUATION

MB271846 Johannesburg THE STAR in English 27 Mar 87 p 1

[By THE STAR'S Africa News Service]

[Text] Maputo—Almost 4 million people in Mozambique are facing starvation.

And their numbers are rising while food production is falling to the lowest

levels in the country's history.

This has been disclosed by the Mozambique Trade Ministry.

At the same time it has been reported the country has no money to pay for

food imports and is now totally dependent on overseas donations to feed the

starving population.

There is already hunger in Mozambique's second largest city, Beira.

The latest report from the Mozambican Trade Ministry's food security department estimates 3.9 millionpeople are going hungry.

Of these, 1.2 million have been displaced from their homes because of the

war.

Worst affected areas are the central provinces of Zambezia and Sofala with

847,000 and 781,000 people at risk respectively.

The northern province of Niassa is almost completely isolated and the only

way of moving large quantities of food into the province is through Malawi,

the report said.

At the same time Mozambique's agricultural board, Africom, says a mere 40,000

tons of grain (maize and rice) were marketed in Mozambique last year while

more than 700,000 tons are needed.

Last year's production figures are called "the lowest in the recorded history

of Mozambique agricultural marketing".

18
The main reason for the collapse In the marketing of grain is given as "the

destabilising action against the country promoted through armed banditry".

The figures mean more than 90 percent of Mozambique's food requirement will

have to come from external sources.

The Mozambique news agency AIM said, however, that "Mozambique's financial

situation is such that this year no commercial imports at all are planned."

This means Mozambique will have to rely entirely in the international donor

community to cover the gap between internal production and food requirements.

Yesterday's reports also disclosed that the country's sugar supplies were

down to 30,000 tons of which 12,000 had been donated by Sweden.

The country's requirements are 70,000 tons.

AIM also reported the rice crop in the green belt around Beira has failed

due to lack of rain. About 75 percent of the crop is expected to be lost,

with "serious implications" for the food supplies of Beira.

/6662

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19
MOZAMBIQUE

FOOD SHORTAGES THREATEN SOFALA RESIDENTS

MB271937 Dakar PANA in English 1715 GMT 27 Mar 87

[Special report by Paul Fauvet]

[Text] Beira (Mozambique), 27 Mar (AIM/PANA)—The combined effects of South

African destablisation and renewed drought mean that an estimated 609,000

people in the central Mozambican Province of Sofala are facing food shortages,

according to the provincial branch of the Disasters Control Office [DPCCN].

This figure is more than half the total population of Sofala. Manuel Nogueira,

director of DPCCN-Sofala, told AIM that poor rainfall this year had affected

the greater part of the province, with the results that seeds planted in

October had not germinated.

A report from DPCCN-Sofala points out that even reliance on drought-resistant

crops would not have had much effect, "because the production areas are

wracked with war. The war obliges people to migrate from the zones where they

were living and producing to areas not yet affected, and where conditions

for agriculture are not favourable."

Mr Nogueira said that the most serious situation was in the north of the province, in the districts of Caia, Chemba, Maringue and Cheringoma. These

are the parts of Sofala worst hit by the banditry of the South African

backed MNR.

(?A recent) joint offensive by Mozambican and (?Zimbabwe forces) has dislodged the MNR from much of northern Sofala, and has revealed the full extent

of the hunger problem. Peasants liberated from bandit control In northern

Sofala are in a desperate condition, and have been reduced to eating wild

fruit and roots.

Mr Nogueira said that it was impossible to reach these districts from the

provincial capital, Beira, since the access roads from the south have been

destroyed, and the railway from Beira to the Zambezi is out of operation

due to bandit sabotage.

20
The only possible way of bringing in large quantities of food was via.Malawi.

This would entail taking it by train from [words indistinct] bridge over the

Zambezi, and concentrating relief supplies at Sena on the south bank of the

river. The bridge and the town are now firmly under government control.

From Sena access to all the northern districts is possible. Since there is

no bridge at Sena, even the trucks needed to transport emergency aid would

have to be taken over the Zambezi by rail.

Plans are under way to rehabilitate the road and railway from Beira to the

north. "We cannot wait for this", stressed Mr Nogueira. "There is a great

danger of losing many lives before the work is finished".

For the south of the province, access is possible by sea and river to the

(?district of) Buzi and Machanga, while Dondo and Nhamatanda districts can be

supplied using the Beira-Zimbabwe road and railway. The major difficulty in

the south is with the inland district of Chibabava where the access road is in

very poor shape.

DPCCN-Sofala estimates the urgent needs for the province to 66,000 tonnes of

grain, 11,000 tonnes of beans, 11,000 tonnes of vegetable oil, and 27,000

tonnes of powdered milk.

It also calls for support in clothing. Many people in northern Sofala have

been reduced to waring bits of old sacking, said Mr Nogueira. The minimum

needs for the province are 1.7 million pieces of clothing and 611,000 pairs

of shores.

The DPCCN report says that each district in the province should have one

tractor, one land-rover and two trucks to guarantee links between the district

headquarters and the various localities. In addition a further 25 trucks

are needed by DPCCN-Sofala to distribute produce from Beira to the districts.

At the moment DPCCN-Sofala only possesses eight operational trucks "which

does not correspond to the volume of current work, or to future perspectives

when access roads are reopened".

The report calls for a further 13 tractors, 13 land-rovers and 51 trucks.

To support the transport fleet a minimum of 450,000 litres of diesel and

72,000 litres of petrol are also needed.

The report warns that "international support is urgent and indispensable in

order to avoid disaster". This support "should not be limited to food and

clothing, but should also deal with incentives for agriculture in order to

make people self-sufficient".

/6662

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21
MOZAMBIQUE

SOWETAN LOOKS BEHIND MNR LINES

MB280604 Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 27 Mar 87 pp 8, 14

["Focus" column]

[Text] Zambezia, Mozambique—Twenty-nine year-old General Calisto Meque's

story typifies that of the right-wing Mozambican National Resistance insurgent leaders and their goals. Formerly a primary school teacher from Central

Manica Province, Gen Calisto fought with the now ruling communist Frelimo

Party in the war of independence. But in 1977, disillusioned, he deserted.

"I didn't like the communist system. I saw people suffering as they suffer

now, and I didn't like it. So I deserted and joined Renamo," he explained,

sitting in his bamboo-hut command post, complete with glass windows, print

curtains and an old Portuguese map of Mozambique on one wall.

At 23, Gen Calisto led a group of 480 guerrillas to open up the rebel front in

Eastern Tete Province. "It was difficult, but we managed.

Militarily it was a big success—we expelled large numbers of the enemy," he

recalled. That was in 1981.

In 1982, Gen Calisto was sent to open up a new front here in Zambezia, one

of the country's most populated and fertile provinces.

"I had 580 men under my command. It was another military victory. We also

had a lot of support from the people, and many government soldiers deserted

to join us," he said.

It took the rebels four years to "conquer" this centre-northern bottleneck

province that stretches from the Malawi border to the Indian Ocean, cutting

the nation in half, he said, but acknowledged they had taken no major towns.

Renamo says currently some 25,000 rebels operate in all ten provinces of this

mineral-rich southeast African nation, and they claim to have isolated government forces to district and provincial capitals.

Since the war began some ten years ago, the Marxist Maputo government has

called in roughly 12,000 Zimbabwean and 5,000 Tanzanian troops to help

22
keep principal transport routes open, and is increasingly relying on foreign

aid to keep its economy afloat.

"Our military situation is presently favourable, in spite of the large numbers

of foreign troops supporting (the ruling party) Freiimo," said Renamo's 34-

year-old commander-in-chief and president, Afonso Dhlakama, a former seminary

student.

"We control some 85 percentjof the Mozambican territory. The army is concentrated in the cities, cut off from surrounding districts. The few districts

under Frelimo's control only exist because of Zimbabwe's airforce protection,"

the guerrilla leader said.

Many observers believe what is sustaining the war is the Zimbabwean airforce

and its British-trained ground troops stationed mainly across the "Beira Corridor"—an oil, rail and road route that links landlocked Zimbabwe to the

Indian Ocean.

Frelimo's morale is at rock bottom. Zimbabwe keeps that war going, not

Maputo," said one businessman who asked to remain unnamed.

Renamo has concentrated its attacks on the corridor—Mozambique' economic

artery. "The Beira Corridor is an important economic target and in so much

as Frelimo uses it as pretext to involve foreign troops in the war," Dhlakama

said.

Spawned by the Rhodesian intelligence organization and openly backed by South

Aftica until Pretoria signed a nonaggression pact with Maputo in 1984, the

image Renamo has is one of a movement without nationalist credentials, as one

senior Washington diplomat recently said after a visit to Mozambique. The

United States and Britain are not only ignoring Renamo—whom they don't consider a legitimate alternative^-they are increasing economic and humanitarian

aid to the government which they perceive as moderate in contrast to the more

hard-line pro-Soviet Angolan Government.

If the rebels are receiving any external support, it is not immediately visible.

Four weeks of criss-crossing the province on foot and.motorcycle showed,

soldiers uniformed in rags, carrying dated Soviet-made AK-47 Kalashnikovs. The

arsenal in one base consisted of 82mm Chinese- and Soviet-made anti-aircraft

guns, RPG-7S, Soviet-made light machine guns and Portuguese land-mines dating

from the colonial war—all captured material, the rebels said.

But well-informed observers of the Mozambique scene believe South Africa is

supplying the rebels with less obvious—but far more essential—intelligence

reports, boosting Renamo's military victories and keeping the country in a

shambles. With its long coastal line and three major ports, a stable Mozambique would serve as an alternative transport route for its landlocked neighbours, Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Malawi, thereby eliminating their current dependence on Pretoria.

23
Renamo argues it has a life of its own feeding off the people's growing discontent with the government's Marxist policies. And in this Morumbala district

of Zambezia at least, Renamo is very well-entrenched and enjoys strong grassroots support.

Life in their headquarters base is almost relaxed: There are football games

every Sunday, tailor shops and carpentry shops have been set up, and there is

no lack of food. Orderlies take care of such daily chores and washing and

ironing clothes, fetching water, and helping in the neverending job of fixing

motorcycles—the commanders' only form of fast transport. Messages are

handled through a network of handcranked radio transmitters hooked up to the

rebel capital in Gorongosa, a former wild game reserve park south of the

Zambezia River.

In contrast to their rag-tag appearance and make-do approach to daily life,

military heirarchy and foot-stomping-saluting discipline is strictly adhered

to within Renamo ranks, and Dhlakama, affectionately called "the old man" "0

Velho" in Portuguese by his men, is their uncontested leader.

Beneath Dhlakama are ten generals—one for every province, followed by a guerrilla military structure of province commanders, base commanders, foot soldiers and orderlies. After training, all the guerrillas are periodically

posted to different areas of the country to familiarize themselves with the

territory and different dialects, and probably to prevent the development of

any tribalistic factions.

Renamo officials deny government accusations that they conscript civilians.

"That's absurd. The life of a guerrilla is too hard. Conscription would

only lead to desertion—as Frelimo should know," said one rebel commander.

The insurgents' rank and file are made up of teenagers.like 18-year-old

officer Alves. Like many of his peers, Alves said he voluntarily joined the

rebels to "fight the communists." After basic training he served as an orderly until the age of 16 when he was trained for combat.

Renamo operates in groups of 15 to 300 men depending on the size of their

target and the number of troops protecting it, in hit-and-run attacks. "When

we attack a town, our objective is not to hold it, but to scatter the enemy,

capture their material, destroy its infrastructures and then withdraw,"

Dhlakama said. The rebels say they then wait for Frelimo to restock before

striking again.

As yet the rebels have not taken and held any major town. Apart from Dhlakama's

guerrilla-warfare rationale, this is probably more due to their limited manpower and that if they ever did take a city they would become sitting-ducks

for the Zimbabwean Air Force.

Although the guerrillas say disaffected government officers may join them in

a coup attempt, Frelimo seems to be a tightly-knit group. This cohesion was

apparent in the lack of political upheavals following Mozambican President

Samora Machel's death in a plane crash last year and the appointment of his

successor, Mr Joaquim Chissano.

24
However, some former military forces saw Mr Machel's death as an opportunity

to seek a negotiated settlement to end the war. A document, apparently

signed by veterans of the independence war, was circulated in Maputo at the

time calling for talks with Renamo and arguing in favour of an Africanization of both parties and the regime. Although the authenticity of the document has never been proven, it has been suggested this kind of initiative

could not have taken place without the support of top government officials.

"The document is positive because it calls for peace, which is the desire of

the Mozambican people. It also indicated that Frelimo's chances of defeating

Renamo militarily are remote," said Dhlakama.

Renamo's conditions for negotiations leading to cease-fire are the withdrawal

of all foreign troops and Soviet and Cuban advisors, and a national reconciliation plan followed by general free elections. As to the future, in a

recently published "political action programme," Renamo said it defended the

creation of an independent and non-aligned multi-party state, based on a system of free enterprises and a market economy, with "good relations with all

its neighbours."

/6662

CSO: 3400/376

25
MOZAMBIQUE

JOURNALIST REPORTS ON BEIRA CORRIDOR OPERATION

MB271502 Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1030 GMT 27 Mar 87

[Text] Foreign exchange.means progress and development and its acquisition

is precisely the objective of major SADCC projects, including the Beira

corridor. The Beira corridor is alive and well and a visible reality. It

can and must be improved but it is there alive and well and functioning. This

is the view of journalist Machado da Graca.

[DA GRACA] That.is the picture I received during my visit from Beira to

Gondola which involved some stopovers and a few chats. In general, the road

is good and despite some minor dilapidations and washed away tar, which

requires some minor repairs, the general view is that conditions on the road

allow greater trafficking of goods than is currently the case. Along almost

200 km from Gondola to Beira, I counted only 11 trucks carrying goods, which

is clearly not much for such an important road.

In Nhamatanda, the station master spoke about the operation of the railroad.

The situation is practically normal. Railroad sabotage today is much rarer

than it was even a few months ago and repair work is carried out with greater

speed, very often in less than 2 hours. The repair teams, which are reinforced with equipment and personnel from Zimbabwe, arrive at the site in no

time and carry out repair work. In Gondola where repair work is (?much

advanced), things are far better and trains move up and down with passengers

and freight, as I had the opportunity to confirm.

At the port of Beira, there was less activity. I. saw only 4 ships at the

port which has the capacity to hold 10. Inspector Pedro Junior later told

us that the port has been operating at 50 percent below its present capacity,

which is of about 3 million tons per year. This is mainly because of.the

paralyzation of the railroad to Malawi by acts of banditry in the service of

Pretoria interests. However, the port is operating and registering some

improvement. Next month, a project will be launched to link quay No 11 to

oil enterprises through a pipeline [preceding word in English] and only yesterday, equipment and spare parts were being unloaded to rehabilitate 10 electric cranes, according to Engineer Chuva Fernando. Now that the sector is

clearly functioning, the Biera corridor will change attitudes and procedures

in various other sectors of Beira city which is necessary to support this

fundamental project.

76662

CSO: 3400/379

26
MOZAMBIQUE

BRIEFS

AGREEMENT ON ENERGY WITH NORWAY—Mozambique and Norway have signed an agreement on the energy sector. The agreement is worth $13 million and it covers

technical assistance, the provision of equipment, and the training of Mozambicans in the energy sector. The agreement was signed in Maputo yesterday

by the representative of the Norwegian Agency for Development, NORAD, (Arthur

Sidney), and Mozambique's minister of industry and energy, Antonio Branco.

Mr Branco said that the agreement strengthens cooperation between Norway and

Mozambique. In response, Mr (Sidney) says that the agreement symbolizes

solidarity of the people of Norway with the Mozambican people. [Text] [Maputo

in English to Southern Africa 1100 GMT 27 Mar 87 MB] /6662

MANICA RESIDENTS AFFECTED BY EMERGENCY—A total of 189,000 people have been

affected by emergency situation in Manicä Province because of actions carried

out by armed bandits in the pay of Pretoria. A report from the Ministry of

Trade points out that there is an acute shortage of food, clothing, tents,

soaps, medicine, and other products. These shortages, the reports say, are

felt more in the north of Manica Province. [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service

in Portuguese 1730 GMT 27 Mar 87 MB] /6662

FOOD DISTRIBUTION IN ZAMBEZIA PROVINCE—The department of prevention and combat of natural disasters in the Zambezia province has distributed food and

clothing to the population recently freed from the yoke of the armed bandits

in the Mopeia district. According to the Zambezia regional station, there

are more than 8,000 persons, mostly women and children, in Mopeia who urgently

needed food and clothing. Zambezia province is considered to be most affected by the activities of the armed bandits supported by South Africa.

[Text] [Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 0800 GMT 26 Mar 87 MB] /6662

ECONOMIC PROGRAM CRITICISM INVITED—Maputo, 29 Mar (AIM/PANA)--Mozambican

President Joaquim Chissano declared yesterday in Macava, on the outskirts of

Maputo, that his office is open to receive any queries and criticisms about

the economic recovery programme currently being implemented. The programme

has involved a 420 per cent devaluation of the currency, the metical, and a

round of price increases. There have also been major changes to wage and tax

legislation. Speaking to a mass meeting after a visit to an agricultural cooperative in Machava, which forms part of the Maputo green belt, President

Chissano said that a major effort to increase agricultural production was

necessary, if the country was to do away with food queues and pay off its

27
foreign debt (which currently stands at about (?43) billion U.S. dollars).

Asked by the president what their main concerns were, participants at the

meeting spoke of a shortage of schools, and of problems related to transport, food supplies and [word indistinct]. Mr Chissano told them that Prime

Minister Mario Machungo has appointed a commission to investigate why there

was a delay in the supply of basic foods and other rationed goods in March.

[Text] [Dakar PANA in English 0930 GMT 29 Mar 87 MB] /6662

USSR OIL DONATION—At the port of Beira last Thursday, a Soviet oil tanker

unloaded 8,500 tons of oil out of 22,500 tons destined for Mozambique. The

oil, donated to Mozambique by the USSR, was unloaded successively at the

ports of Maputo, Nacala, and Beira. [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service in

Portuguese 0500 GMT 29 Mar 87 MB] /6662

RELATIONS WITH MALAWI—Zacarias Kupela, secretary general of the organization

of the Mozambican Youth, OJM said, in a press conference in Maputo today

that the recent visit of the OJM delegation to Malawi was in the context of

our country's efforts to develop peace, good neighbprliness, and fruitful

cooperation among SADCG countries. Kupela emphasized that the first official

activity in Malawi of the OJM delegation was a meeting with Malawian Life

President Kamuzu Banda, to whom the delegation delivered a message from

Mozambican President Joaquim Chissano. The message expressed the readiness

of the Mozambican Government and people to strengthen bilateral cooperation.

According to the OJM secretary general, Life President Dr Kamuzu Banda praised

the historic relations between the Malawian and Mozambican peoples and said

they are brother peoples. Kamuzu Banda added that the borders between the

two countries are artificial and were created by colonial powers to perpetuate

the domination and exploitation of the peoples. [Text] [Maputo Domestic

Service in Portuguese 1730 GMT 28 Mar 87 MB] /6662

WFP TO REHABILITATE RAILROAD—The World Food Program, WFP, says it will help

Mozambique in rehabilitating the railway line of Nacala. The world body

says it will supply several materials to be used in the reconstruction of the

railway line which links Mozambique and the landlocked Malawi. The railway

has been out of operation since 1984 due to sabotage action by the South

African-backed MNR bandits. [Excerpt] [Maputo in English to Southern Africa

1100 GMT 27 Mar 87 MB] /6662

RAILROAD AID FROM USSR—The People's Republic of Mozambique last year received R50 million worth of various equipment for railroad construction,

including rails and other material. Soviet participation in Mozambique's

economic rehabilitation projects is within the framework of the friendship

treaty signed between the USSR and the People's Republic of Mozambique 10

years ago. During a meeting at the USSR Consultate in Beira last Thursday,

it was stressed that the USSR wants to expand aid, especially in the fields

of geology and mines. [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 0800

GMT 28 Mar 87 MB] 76662

28
POTENTIAL PRC, PAKISTAN COOPERATION—The Frelimo Party Political Bureau member,

minister of transport and communications, Armando Guebuza, said China and

Pakistan had expressed great interest in cooperation with Mozambique. Leiutenant General Guebuza was speaking at a press conference in Maputo yesterday

after the visits he recently made to China and Pakistan. He said the aim of

the visit to Pakistan was to study the Pakistani realities and for his delegation to explain to them the current situation in Mozambique. About China,

General Guebuza said the Chinese people are now trying to work on [words

indistinct]. In the visit to China, General Guebuza headed a party delegation while in Pakistan he led a government delegation. [Text] [Maputo in

English to Southern Africa 1100 GMT 26 Mar 87 MB] /6662

ITALIAN FINANCING FOR RAIL PROJECT—Italy is to grant Mozambique $46 million

for the renovation of the Dondo railroad in the northern region of Sofala

Province, announced Rui Fonseca, chairman of the Beira corridor project. Accordingly, starting next month Italy will send Mozambique various types of

equipment to be used in the construction. [Excerpt] [Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1400 GMT 26 Mar 87 MB] /6662

MACHUNGO ON RSA, 'ARMED BANDITS'—Mozambican Prime Minister Mario Machungo

has said that Mozambique's problems are southern Africa's problems, which

result from the existence of apartheid. Mario Machungo, who was answering

a question posed by a reporter from IZVESTIYA, the official organ of the USSR

Supreme Soviet Presidium, stated that Zimbabwe's and Tanzania's participation

in the struggle against the armed bandits is a result of the Pretoria regime's

actions against the whole region. In this regard, Mario Machungo stressed

that South Africa is trying to export its internal conflict and explosive

situation to southern Africa by training, financing, and infiltrating armed

bandits to destabilize the region. The head of the Mozambican Government said

that the peoples of the region are aware that there is no alternative to winning the struggle against the armed bandits. [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 0500 GMT 31 Mar 87 MB] /6662

SHIPYARD DIRECTOR PRAISES SOVIET COOPERATION—The friendship and cooperation

treaty signed by Mozambique and the USSR 10 years ago has resulted in concrete action. For example, Jose Correia Ganacnio, deputy secretary of the

Mozambique Workers Organization, and (Valentin Aliuskin), first secretary of

the Soviet Embassy in Maputo, at the head of two delegations today visited the

Maputo shipyard and its floating dock. On the occasion, (Jose Jofrid)/director of the shipyard, discussed the operation of the dock since its acquisition: [Begin Jofrid recording] We can say that since the beginning of the

operation of our complex in 1982 up to 31 December 1986, we were able to repair 357 ships, of which 122 were from the USSR. During this period, apart

from Soviet ships, we also repaired 171 Mozambican ships, and another 64 _

ships from other country's such as the GDR, Spain, Greece, and so on. This

demonstrates the importance of our cooperation, which has permitted us to produce more and obtain direct professional training as our workers have been

working side by side with Soviet technicians. [End recording] [Text] [Maputo

Domestic Service in Portuguese 1730 GMT 30 Mar 87 MB] /6662

29
APPEAL FOR ADDITIONAL FOOD DONATION--The Ministry of Trade recently published

a document appealing for additional food donations, particularly cooking oil

and sugar. The document warns that the sugar situation is critical. Sugar

supply forecasts for 187 have been estimated at 30,000 metric tons, whereas

minimum consumption amounts to 80,000 metric tons. Other forecasts say that

cooking oil requirements are 15,000 metric tons, but this year's production

will not exceed 5,000 tons. [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese

0500 GMT 27 Mar 87 MB] /6662

IMF DELEGATION DEPARTS—An IMF delegation, which has been on a 2-week visit

to our country, returned to New York today. During its say in Maputo, the

delegation held talks with Finance Minister Abdul Magid Osman and Eneias

Comiche, governor of the Bank of Mozambique. [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service

in Portuguese 1900 GMT 27 Mar 87 MB] /6662

RICE CROP L0SS--In Beira city, 75 percent of the rice crop has been lost due

to lack of rain. An area of 5,000 hectares had been earmarked for the crop

in the Sofala provincial capital, and production was expected to be about

7,000 metric tons. The director of Beira greenbelt has said that the loss in

the rice crop will have serious implications in the supply of the local residents. He said that in order to compensate for the situation and to take advantage of recent rains, large quantities of corn, bean and vegetable seeds

are required. [Text] [Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 0400 GMT 27 Mar

87 MB] /6662

CSO: 3400/378

30
ZIMBABWE

BRIEFS

PILOTS TRAINED IN LIBYA, DPRK—The prime minister, Comrade Robert Mugabe, today presented wings to 17 offiers of the Air Force of Zimbabwe. Fourteen of

the pilots trained in Libya, one in the DPRK, and two trained under the Air

Force of Zimbabwe. Comrade Mugabe told the graduates that Thornton Air Base

in Gweru that the situation in Mozambique requires well-coordinated.operations

between the air and the ground forces. [Text] [Harare Domestic Service in

English 1115 GMT 26 Mar 87 MB] 76662

CITIZENS WORK AS RSA AGENTS—Minister of state for security, Comrade Emmerson

Munangagwa, says there are still many Zimbabweans working as South African

agents despite several arrests by security forces. In an interview with

ZIANA in the capital today, Comrade Munangagwa said the agents seek to penetrate the army and to sabotage communication and power links. The minister

added that the greatest danger to Zimbabwe security is economic sabotage by

local and foreign businessmen who take money out of the country to foreign

banks. [Text] [Harare Domestic Service in English 2000 GMT 30 Mar 87 MB]

76662

TELEPHONE SERVICE WITH INDIA—Harare, 24 Mar (ZIANA/PANA)—Another satellite

dish—the one facing the Indian Ocean—is to be installed at the Mazowe satellite station near Harare, the Zimbabwean Minister of Information, Posts and

Communications, Nathan Shamuyarira, said today. At the inauguration ceremony

of international subscriber installed (ISD) telephone service from India to

Zimbabwe, at the Posts and Telecommunications Corporation (PTC) head office

in Harare, Shamuyarira said the ministry was now independent in the field of

telecommunications. Shamuyarira took the first call from India and spoke to

his counterpart there, Arjun Singh. The aid of the ISD is to link Zimbabwe

to about 143 countries. [Text] [Dakar PANÄ in English 1424 GMT 25 Mar 87

EA] 76662

NEW LIBYAN OFFICIAL CONGRATULATED—The prime minister, Comrade Robert Mugabe,

has sent a congratulatory message to the general secretary of the General

People's Congress of the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Comrade

.('Umar al Montesin), on the assumption of the duties of a prime minister [as

heard]. Comrade Mugabe said the appointment comes at a time when some parts

of Africa are facing the throes of war and imperialism. In a similar message,

the minister of foreign affairs, Comrade Witness Mangwende, said it was with

pleasure that I have learned of your appointment to the esteemed office of

secretary for foreign relations [as heard] of the Socialist People s Libyan

Arab Jamahiriyah. [Text] [Harare Domestic Service in English 2000 GMT

28 Mar 87 MB] 76662

CSO: 3400/377 31
SOUTH AFRICA

THREE CANDIDATES DISCUSS BLACK UNEMPLOYMENT ISSUES

MB051356 Johannesburg Television Service in Afrikaans 1830 GMT 3 Apr 87

[Report on separate interviews with PFP Harry Schwarz, finance spokesman;

CP MP Koos van der Merwe; and Minister of Manpower and Public Works

Piet du Plessis, by unidentified reporters on the "Network" program; videorecorded passages in quotation marks]

[Text] [Reporter] "Mr Schwarz, what are the chief reasons for black

unemployment?

[Schwarz] "One of the causes is natural population growth. But the chief

reason today is the fact that in 1984 the government adopted measures that

caused people to lose their jobs, that caused the business to go bankrupt, and

that caused a general atmosphere of distruct, which in turn resulted in most

people losing their jobs. In addition, over the years we have been following

incorrect policies to tackle joblessness. We should have provided education

and training. It takes quite a long time to give people this type of education and to see its results. There are many reasons for joblessness, but they

come down to the wrong approach followed over the decades in South Africa.

[Reporter] "What do you see as a solution to black unemployment?

[Schwarz] "We have a program whereby work can be provided for people to improve

their quality of life. That is to say, we will get people to build their own

houses, to upgrade amenities to acceptable standards, to lay down the lines

for the required electrical power, and to provide all the infrastructure that

is required for modern living. You know, anyone who has built his own house

will not set that house on fire. We are sure that we will accomplish two

goals: to provide work and to obtain stability in our country. Quite

naturally, we should see to it that people are encouraged to employ workers.

At present they are inclined to purchase machinery rather than employ people to

do the work. This was the greatest mistake in the past. We should also use

our money in the best possible way in building cheap industrial sites to

stimulate employment. This is what we can all do to tackle unemployment

in South Africa.

32
[Reporter] "How should the money be disbursed to overcome unemployment?

[Schwarz] "In the first place, let me say I do not believe in giving money

to people who are not employed. I think it is better for the people to get

money for work performed. That is why we should provide employment

opportunities. A person feels much better in receiving money for work that

has been performed than in being on the dole. I think it is quite essential

that we create opportunities for people to set up new industries, where

this can be easily accomplished. In keeping with improving the qualxty of

life, this should be done first within their own residential areas. I

think it deserves the highest priority."

[Van der Merwe] "I choose specifically to address myself to white unemployment, because I represent whites in parliament and I fight openly for the

rights of whites. But, when you are talking about black workers, the chief

cause of unemployment is a very weak government. The government has no plan;

it has no plan for agriculture; it has no plan for sorting out our financial

problems; it has no plan to solve the unemployment problem. However, the

greatest problem with the government is its new political dispensation, m

terms of which South Africa is now one undivided country, with 17 percent

of its population white and 83 percent other colors. To expect the 17 percent of the population that is white to give employment to the 83 percent

that is not is absolutely impossible. That is the problem.

[Reporter] "What solutions do you see to the problem?

[Van der Merwe] "The solution is a political one: the dispensation of

separate development. In other words, there should be different states to

allow the creation of a white state, in which the interests of the whites

will have precedence in schooling, training, and employment opportunities.

In a similar fashion, the Zulu can provide for his own people in Zululand,

with their interests coming first. But, I am saying the white interests

must have precedence.

[Reporter] "In what other ways, besides the provision of money, can the black

unemployment problem be solved?

[Van der Merwe] "I think money is not the solution. The Solution is political.

To expect 17 percent of"the population to give assistance to people of other

colors constantly makes simpletons of white people. Today the white man is

being milked by everybody. It is always: Give sir, give sir, give sir. 1

thin£ it is high time that blacks, Indians, and coloreds began to address the

unemployment problems of their people. The white man must attend to the

problems of his own people. . This is right. Everyone must look after himself.

I attend to the whites.

[Reporter] "But money will be needed for these activities.

33
[Van der Merwe] "Money will be needed, and I think it is high time that

the first available funds be used first here in white South Africa for the

benefit of whites. If there is something left, it should be handed to

the blacks, so that they can now begin to sort out their own problems on

their own terms. We can no longer stand being milked any further."

[Du Plessis] "South Africa's unemployment problem is structural, in that the

explosive population growth is such that it is impossible to provide enough

job opportunities each year. Annual economic growth cannot meet these

demands. Another reason we have an unemployment problem in South Africa is

the ongoing economic recession that has been with us for years. This, of

course, has accentuated the structural unemployment problem. Furthermore,

we must remember that for the past 6 years we have suffered long periods of

drought, which has a negative impact on the agricultural sector. People

employed on farms lost their jobs. Other factors responsible for unemployment

are the effects of disinvestment and economic sanctions. These also took

their toll on South Africa. Another factor, naturally, is that we have a

very limited industrial infrastructure in South Africa and there is a

shortage of managerial skills at the executive and middle levels. There is

a shortage of skilled manpower in South Africa. Another factor that aggravates

the unemployment problem is that the level of technical education of the

majority of the population is quite low. The result of all these factors is

that the unemployment situation in South Africa has reached a critical level.

[Reporter] "What do you see as a solution to black unemployment?

[Du Plessis] "Well, you know, the government's standpoint is not to look at

the unemployment problem in terms of color. We look at the whole spectrum.

In other words, whites, eoloreds, Asians, and blacks are taken into account

in all the measures that are initiated. We seek to accommodate all groups.

Now, the only workable permanent solution to unemployment is the attainment

of the highest possible economic growth using our natural resources and

other allied resources in South Africa. We must achieve a minimum economic

growth of at least 4 and 1/2 percent per year to be able to meet the demand

for new jobs. The second solution is to tackle the root cause of unemployment. The high population growth rate must be checked. That is why the

government has recently embarked on an ambitious population development

scheme, so that the problem can be dealt with right at its source.

[Reporter] "How should money be spent to end unemployment among blacks?

[Du Plessis] "In 2 years we provided 885 million rand for short-term employment opportunities, as well as for training the unemployed. We had an

unbelievable success, because in this period we achieved 850 million work

days. As of 31 March this year, we have trained 558,000 persons. What

naturally is interesting is that where we tackled the unemployment problem,

the climate of unrest subsided."

/8309

CSO: 3400/484

34
SOUTH AFRICA

VLOK DISCUSSES BLACK DEMANDS, STATE OF EMERGENCY, PRESS CENSORSHIP

Cape town LEADERSHIP in English Volume 6, 1987 No 1 pp 28, 30, 32

[Interview with Minister of Law and Order Adriaan Vlok by Martin Schneider;

date and place not given]

[Text]

IMW and Order Minister Adriaan Vlok is the

mostjuniorministerin StatePresidentP WBotha's

cabinet, but wields considerablepower as the man

mainly responsibleforenforcinggovernments arsenal'oj'securitylegislationand'State'oj'Emergencyregulations.

Vlok, 49, sewedin theDepartmentof Justiceas

aprosecutor, magistrate andundersecretary in the

department's head office before becomingprivate

secretary toformerJusticeMinisterPietPelserand

then a private secretary in the office offormer

Prime MinisterJohn Vorster. He enteredpolitics

in 1974 as Member ofParliamentfor Verwoerd-

" burg. HewasinterviewedIry Martin Schneider.

Schneider: In the official view, whatis the

state ofunrestin the country and what are

the main problems confronting you?

Vlok: The main areas ofunrest, right from

the beginning and still now, are the PretoriaWitwatersrand-Vereenigingarea and the

Eastern Cape. Unrest started in the

Sebokeng area near Vereeniging in September 1984. It spread quickly to the Eastern

Cape and the rest ofthe PWV area.

But I believe visible unrest in the country

is under control as far as possible, though I

must emphasise that the stone throwing and

the petrol bombing is only part ofthe multidimensional revolutionary onslaught in

which we are involved. But you can really not

say that every facet ofunrest is completely

under control. It is fanned by a terrorist or-'

ganisation which can take its time, which can

pick its targets and which can act when it is to

its best advantage. One ofour problems, of

course, is that we don't have enough policemen. We have about 55 000 and thatincludes

the former Railway Police. This means we

don't have a ratio ofmore than two policemen

per thousand people. This is one ofthe lowest

ratios in the world. Thisis simply not enough,

particularly when you consider that ordinary

crime has risen quite alarmingly. Even ifthe

unrestsubsides completely and we win this

revolutionary onslaught, we will still need

more policemen to combat crime and give

better protection to our people, particularly

in view ofpopulation growth and the

worldwide increase in crime.

Do you plan to expand the police force

significantly?

Yes, I intend to give it a very high priority. I

believe in the concept ofthe Bobby on the

Beat. My predecessor announced that we intend to increase the force over a ten year

period to about 86 000. This is, ofcourse, a^

costly operation. But security-wise, we don't

have enough manpower and that is why we

have to rely heavily on the Defence Force to

help us. It is as simple as that.

A further burden on the police results from

grievances in our country which the activists

and revolutionaries use to their advantage.

Grievances in some black townships we have

identified are, for example, a lack ofproper

housing, insufficient educational facilities

and, generally, a lack ofsuitable water and

35
electricity supplies and proper streets.

And then, of course, they are also exploiting the question ofpolitical rights for blacks.

How faris government prepared to go to

meet black demandsfor political rights?

This very important issue is in the hands of

the State President and a special cabinet

committee, but as far as I'm concerned, government is determined - and the State President has said it again and again -that it is prepared to negotiate with blacks for their inclusion in the decision making process up to the

highest level. Government is really serious in

this regard. We realise that all South Africans

must have the opportunity to participate in

the politics ofthe country.

I low urgently does government view the

need to redress the political grievances?

Governmentis giving the highest priority to

that. We have made studies ofsimilar situations in the rest ofthe world, which show that

ifyou are to win a revolutionary war there are

three important aspects which must be borne

in mind. You have to address the security

situation; secondly, you have to address grievances and bring good government to the

ordinary people and, thirdly, you have to

address the political situation. This is exactly

what government is doing at the moment.

You say govermentis looking atthe question ofpolitical rights. Meanwhile, governmentsays thatifthe African National Congress renounces violence, it would be prepared to talk to the ANC. What are you prepared to discuss? What is negotiable.

You must appreciate that with these questions you are taking me completely outside

theambitofmyjob as Minister ofLawand

Order. This matter is being given the highest

priority by the State President and the special

cabinet committee.

Isn'tthe political aspect asimportant asthe

Law and Order aspectin your portfolio?

You might have to fightthis warfor as long

as political grievances exist, so it'simperative that political grievances are negotiated.

It gives you a far better chance ofrestoring

order.

I agree wholeheartedly with you, and what I

can say as M inister ofLaw and Order is this:

it is ofthe utmost importance that we find a

political solution that is acceptable to the

majority ofall South Africans. Success with

this aspect will surely make it more difficult

for the activist to create violence and easier

for the security forces to maintain law and

order. In the meantime, we must have the

assurancc-and in practice wc must have the

proof, not only just talk, but we must have

the proof- that the ANC, or any organisation

with which we arc going to discuss the future,

will cease all acts ofviolence, or refrain from

violence.

It is part ofmy job to ensure that these terrorist organisations, such as the ANC, stop

their acts ofviolence against the people of

South Africa, not only as propaganda ploys,

but in practice. They must prove to the country and they must prove to the people that

they have stopped the violence.

The United Democratic Front and other

organisationsrecently published a controversial advertisementin which they argued

thatthe ANC resorted toviolence only after

government had refused to enterinto

negotiations. In fact, one ofyoursenior

MPs, Albert Nothnagel, said recently previous prime ministerslike DrMalan and Dr

Verwoerd had made a grave errorin not

talking to the ANC in the Fifties. What options doesthe ANC have if, more than two

decadeslater, governmentis still considering the question ofblack political

rights?

It is, ofcourse, completely false to say that

the ANC was banned because we were not

prepared to discuss matters with them. It was

banned because ofthe

violence it perpetrated

in the country. These

facts can be verified. I

don't want to comment

on opportunities that

may or may not have

slipped through our fingers in the past. I can't

speak for the past. Wc

can only deal with the situation as it is at present and we say we are prepared to negotiate

the future ofthis country with anybody who

is prepared to renounce violence and that includes the ANC. But a very important point

-and I want to stress it-is the fact that the

ANC is controlled by the South African Communist Party.

The SACP is not interested in any reform

in South Africa. It wants to take over political

power in this country. And they know that if

they should agree to discussions and negotia36
tions around a table without their terrorist

wing to help them enforce what they want,

they are going to lose. Ifthey should start

negotiations with the South African government and all other political groups and parties

concerned, they are going to lose and they

know it. Then they will not succeed in their

ultimate goal which is to grab power and

change South Africa, firstly, into a socialist

state and afterwards to a classless communist

society. Ifthey sit down to discussions they

will have to accept a negotiated peace, a

negotiated situation, a situation oforderly

reform.

Reform on the government'sterms?

Well, we are prepared to discuss reform with

them and government is open to suggestions

on reform. Let me give you an example. Ten

years ago, it was not possible for this, or any,

governmenttogetwhitevotersinthiscountry

to accept powersharing. When, after negotiation with the groups concerned, government

deemed it in the best interests ofSouth

Africa, it has been prepared to go to the

people and put the issue before them in the

referendum of 1983. The result? Today we

have power-sharing with coloureds and Indians. This was a major change - a step for reform. Government has, therefore, proved

beyond doubt that we are prepared to move

closer to the other parties concerned. But you

see, this is the point: the ANC and the South

African Communist Party are not prepared to

move from their goal oftaking over power.

Thatis why we are poles apart.

Certainly, the ANC wantsto take over

power, butisn'titjust astrue that governmentis determined to retain power?

No. Government is prepared to share power

with the various population groups and to

broaden the base ofreal democracy in South

Africa. The proofis there for all to see.

On a group, orracial, basis?

The question ofgroup security and group

rights is very important not only to groups all

over the world. In many cases, there is clear

evidence that it is ofthe highest importance

for population groups to know thattheirrights

are protected. But in the final analysis, this

government is prepared to share power and

to broaden the base ofdemocracy, to extend

it to all the population groups in this country

and we have proved that. The SAGP and the

ANC are not prepared to do that.

You said earlier you had manpower problemsin the police force, that your enemy

could strike when it suited him and in a variety ofways. The ANC is a fairly considerable force outside the country and it has a

lot ofallies inside the country. Can you actually contain unrest and terrorism for a sustained period?

Yes, it can be done, but your approach must

be correct. We have made a study ofvarious

examples of revolutionary, terrorist wars over

the years. In some cases, they have been won

by the governments, but in the majority of

countries, the revolutionaries have actually

won.

Statistically, your chances ofvictory are

against you.

Yes thatis so, but I wantto come back to point

out there are certain basics for success. As I

have said, these are: security force actions,

good governmentand a political solution. You

must have as a firststep actions by the security

forces, based on good coordination and good

information and, very important, you must

be prepared to act against the terrorists and

the activists.

Government has been prepared to do that.

Thatis why we have the State ofEmergency

at the moment, not as a final solution, but as

an instrument to establish law and order, stability and orderly reform. Actually, I regard it

as the first step because, for instance, the

third issue-the question of political rights,

the consideration ofthe constitutional

options-will never materialise ifyou cannot

restore and maintain law and order. Because,

in an atmosphere ofunrest, ofviolence, of

intimidation, the activists will destroy whatever you are trying to achieve.

We have evidence to show that whenever

we re-established law and order, people

began feeling more secure, children started

going back to schools and life began to return

to normal. Only then can you move to the second stage and this is the addressing ofgrievances. You simply can't address the real grievances ofthe people ifthere is no law and

order. When a situation returns to normal,

you find that people, the ordinary man in the

street, start telling us where the terrorists are

and who assists them. They also provide us

with a host ofotherinformation. That has

been our experience overthe pastsix months.

People realise now thatthey arc more secure,

that the security forces are protecting them

against the activists, against the arsonists,

37
against the terrorists killing and murdering

them.

When stability has been restored and

people start feeling more secure, you must

start with the second issue-good government

for them. The government must prove to

them that it cares for them, that they are important, thatthey have something to lose, that

there is something that they can fight for.

This is why it is so important that they must

have houses oftheir own, that they must own

part ofthe land; it must be theirs. Then they

will stand up and fightthose people who want

to burn down their houses and take away their

land. The third issue is equally importantthe question ofconstitutional, political rights

for the people. It must be solved to the satisfaction ofthe majority ofthe people involved.

These three things go hand in hand. Ifwe

should do as some countries have done in the

past-solve only the fi rst or the second and

leave out the third-we will, forsure, lose this

revolutionary war. But at the same time, if

we leave out the first two basic principlesthe law and order, and the good government

-and you concentrate only on the political

aspects, we are going to lose too. This is a fact

and the government very well realises this. It

is because ofthis knowledge and our determination, that we arc going to win' thiswar.

How do you know that blacksactuallywant

the type ofreform that you nave in mind?

Well, we don't know for sure and thatis why

it is so necessary, so urgent, that they should

come and sit around a table with us so thatwe

can start talking about what they have in mind.

So we are in a kind ofCatch 22 situation.

The violence won'tstop until political rights

are granted, orseized, and government

won'ttalk about political rights untilthe

violence stops.

We are in a kind ofCatch 22 situation. But

once again, we must sec this in perspective.

It is only with the terrorist and other radical,

violent organisations that government has

problems with discussions. Government has,

for instance, already negotiated political

rights with all the independent homeland

leaders, people who are true, elected leaders

oftheir peoples. Government has also

negotiated political rights with the elected

leaders ofthe national states. The only remaining people are the blacks who live in the

cities, and in the areas outside the homelands

and the national states. This last obstacle

we'll solve, ofthat 1 am sure.

With the State ofEmergency regulations

and recent Press curbs prohibiting

publication, without official permission, ofinformation relating to

unrest and the security

forces, we have to rely

on people like you to tell

us whatis happening.

How do we know that

the information governmentis supplying

presents a true picture ofthe country?

You can't fool people and they can look

around and sec for themselves what is happening in the country. However, I want to

stress that we arc supplying all the information we can on everything that is happening

and is ofpublic importance. That I can assure

you. We give all the basic information, but,

ofcourse, we don't give the story behind the

story. We can't do that but we are constantly

looking at ways to give even more information. And ifthere is any more information,

we must give as much as possible to the public. There are times when we have to restrict

information because it could hamper an investigation, or be to the advantage ofour

enemies. But I want to stress that the South

African Police is giving all the information

that can be made available, whether good or

bad.

Whatinformation can you give us?

I believe it is vitally important to keep the

public truthfully informed about any given

situation. It quashes rumours, motivates

people and brings about a sense ofsecurity

and responsibility. The public is entitled to

know what is happening around it, but at the

same time it is equally entitled to the truth.

Therefore, government has a duty and a responsibility to protect its citizens from lies,

distortions and wilful bias. The restrictions

placed on the media in terms ofEmergency

regulations arc, therefore, not designed to

withhold information from the public, but to

protect it from lies and untruths. Therefore,

to answer your question-what information

can we give?-1 want to say: everything, as

long as it is the truth and as long as it does not

hamper an investigation, or be ofsuch im38
portance to our enemy that it could be used

to their advantage.

Aren't we getting ourselvesinto the same

situation as white Rhodesians before the independence elections? Government controlled information and, for example, led the

electorate to believe, and indeed it did believe, that Bishop Muzorewa would win

comfortably and that Mr Mugabe could

muster only minority support.

There are dangers in this regard. I will concede that, but government will not fall into

this trap. That is why I am in favour ofgiving

the maximum information to the population

in order that they can decide for themselves.

They must, however, also not be led astray.

We must also take into account the factthat

while a large proportion ofthe population are

highly sophisticated people who can decide

for themselves, many ofus can be led astray

by halftruths, emotional slogans, intimidation and so on. We have to handle a situation

in which everything government does- and

we can prove this-is presented by some to

the masses as bad or wrong. On the other

hand, everything the enemy does is being

presented to the masses as good. I am for a

balanced picture, stujiat the people can decide for themselves. Bntthen it must be factual and unbiased. That isAvhat we arc trying

to create. ,

Do we really have a balanced picture when

we are presented with information from

only one source? Isn'tit true, as someone

said recently, that South Africans read

more about what Princess Di is wearing

than whatis acUially happening in theirown

country? Many issues can't even be

debated.

Yes, the picture can be balanced ifthe information is factual and unbiased. A terrorist organisation will never supply you with correct

information. Its aim is not to enlighten; it is

to confuse.

But I think a lively debate is taking place.

Issues in the country are being debated on

every level, butwe have evidence that for the

past two years the picture that has been put

before the majority ofour population, was not

a balanced one. It was full oflies and half

truths. That is why we have put an end to it.

We couldn't carry on like this.

Itis a false perception that oureneinies will

allow free debate and free elections. Our

enemies will also not allow our people to decide for themselves. They are forcing them

to decide by way ofintimidation and deeds

ofterror- like the necklace. Government

can't compete on this level, but it has to stop

the intimidation and the spreadingoffearand

inciting material.

In a revolutionary war, the revolutionary

uses every means at his disposal to get the

support ofthe people. I /ike any conventional

political party, Bishop Muzorewa tried to get

the support ofthe people by way oftalking

and discussion. The revolutionary will do the

same, but, like the ANC, he will usca military

wing- the ANC uses Umkhonto we Sizweto tell the people to do this, or else. In these

circumstances, any ordinary politicaYoarty

will lose out every time. And nothing will be

left ofthefreedoms that we all cherish. \

Government had added to its long-standing

powers underthe Internal Security Act,

extensive additional powers underthe State

ofEmergency. Ifunrestis under control,

why did it recently introduce/additional

Press restrictions? /

Only the visible signs of»Wst-the stone

throwing, the petrol bombitjgand soonhave died down. But the propaganda war is

continuing. It has even been intensified. Although we have been able to curb the visible

signs of unrest, the revolutionaries have stepped u ptheir propaganda war againstthe country. We have seen this in the townships. Inciting pamplets and leaflets with communist

and revolutionary messages are increasingly

being used, and we have seen a rapid growth

in the so-called alternative media. They have

been published more regularly and they have

been stepping up the propaganda war, not

only against the country, but also against the

security forces. There is nothing preventing

an^newspaperfrom criticising the government. You may criticise the National Party.

But because it is a well-known strategy ofthe

revolutionaries to damage the image and

morale ofthe security forces, we have to protect them against lies and half-tniths. As they

are still accountable for their actions, we are

very careful to ensure thatthey don'toverstep

or misuse their powers. Very strict control is

being exercised in this regard.

39
How many people are in detention?

Not really as many as is claimed by some, but

itis notin the interests ofthe security ofSouth

Africa to supply tms information.

Ifthe extreme rightwing parties make progressin the coming general election for

whites, will governmentslow down its reform programme?

No, not if 1 listen to our State President.

Further, as 1 have explained, ifone wants to

win this war, and I am confident that we are

winning, then it is ofthe utmost importance

that we should continue with reform. I also

believe that the majority ofwhites in this

country are moderates who believe in the

need for reform and will stand together in the

best interests ofSouth Africa. They will give

government a clear mandate to continue with

reforms that we need for a peaceful and prosperous South Africa.

Do you believe blacks perceive the police as

protectors, or as a force which is simply

maintaining the power ofa government

whose policies they reject?

Ifwe are not seen as protectors then we must

change that perception because we are the

protectors and the scrvantsofthis country and

all its peoples. This is a very high priority with

me and I'll do my utmost to prove that. I am

very proud ofthe South African Police Force.

They are dedicated to their task and are prepared to fulfil our motto: "We protect you and

we serve you."

/9317

CSO: 3400/470

40
SOUTH AFRICA

NEWLY FORMED INFANTRY ASSOCIATION TO SIGN UP NEW MEMBERS

Pretoria ARMED FORCES in English Mar 87 p 29

[Text]

The recently formed South African Infantry Association has now completed

its ground work and is ready to sign up

members. With National Headquarters in

Pretoria the new association has not

wasted any time and has established

regional branches at each of the SADF

Territorial Commands. Only a few months old the association already has a

paid-up membership of over 1 000 and

has set itself a target of 10 000 by the

end of the year. With well over 200 000

serving and ex-lnfanteers to draw from,

this is by no means an unrealistic figure.

It is interesting to hear that members

of the Commandos are showing a keen

interest in the association with many

becoming members. Membership is

open to any man or woman who has served in the SA Infantry for not less than 12

months, or who has been associated

with the Corps in other ways or have actively supported it for a similar period.

The National Committee includes the

following members:

Chairman: General A J Van Deventer

Vice Chairman: Brigadier J S Van

Heerden

National Secretary: Cmdt A

Swanevelder

National Treasurer: Col J S Bradley

The Committee has formulated a

number of aims and objectives for the

association which are briefly.

— To verify and develop the infantry

culture and tradition.

— to maintain the history of the SA Infantry and Infantry Units.

— To foster corps-pride and camaraderie.

— To create a constructive competitive

spirit by the promoting of corps identity and pride.

— To develop transit facilities at Infantry

Units.

— To acquire holiday accommodation

•for members.

— To create a source of information on

better facilities and services in

specific areas to assist newcomers

on arrival there.

— To create a mouthpiece for the Infantry which will promote the Associar

tion's aims.

— To develop, in the long-term, an

Academic High School where pupils

can be instilled with military schooling and pride.

41
— To consider the provision of suitable

facilities for ex-servicemen and especially the war-wounded.

The idea of establishing a Military type

of High School is of special interest and

should enjoy wide support.

Young, not so young, and older Infanteers who are interested in becoming

members of the association should contact their local branch via the regional Army Command.

* Bokkop (singular); Bokkoppe (plural);

is one of the more polite names used by

other formations to describe the 'Queen

of the Battle' — the South African Infantry. It refers to the Springbuck's head

worn as a beret/cap label badge by the

Corps.

19311

CSO: 3400/470

42
SOUTH AFRICA

NEW TRAINING PROGRAM INTRODUCED FOR THOSE IN MILITARY DETENTION

Pretoria ARMED FORCES in English Mar 87 pp 19, 20, 21

[Text]

In the old days it used to be known as

'Kelly's Home' but in these times no-one

seems to remember just who Kelly was.

During and after the last war some of the

staff such as Staff Sergeant 'Spike'

Jones were perhaps better known to the

Military miscreants and generally held in

awe, rather than the actual institution

itself.

Early last December the South African

Defence Force Detention Barracks at

Voortrekkerhoogte slammed its doors

for the last time when its staff and inmates moved to the vacant civil prison at

Boksburg.

The move from Voortrekkerhoogte to

Boksburg has coincided with the introduction of a completely new and, what

appears to be, a very practical approach

to military detention barrack procedures.

This new approach is in part due to a

report rendered by a Commission of Inquiry that was appointed to investigate

and make recommendations in respect

of all aspects of the existing military

detention system.

Generally speaking time spent by

soldiers in detention has been an expensive exercise which apart from the

punishment aspect being without any

degree of productivity whatsoever. When

it is considered that approximately 40%

of the inmates are serving sentences for

what are misdemeanours rather than

crimes, the cost factors involved in the

old form of corrective punishment were

enormous. The new policy being introduced is based on the theory that as

far as possible in future the DB will

return a fit and better trained military

man to the units.

To achieve these aims Detention Barrack and attached staff will in future conduct a number of courses for the inmates which will be over and above the

normal corrective training procedures.

The following courses have been approved and it is anticipated that others will be

added to the 'inhouse' curriculum:

Storeman

Administrative Clerk

Driver and Maintenance

Communications

* Chef (assistant)

* Medical Orderly

* Training of chefs and medical orderlies

is still in planning stage and will be subject to the requirements.

In most instances the existing personnel are course qualified to instruct in

these specialities and very little if any extra instructional backup is necessary.

It is planned that in an 'in house

course' qualified men will be eligible for

early parole over and above the normal

allowed 25% remission of sentence for

good behaviour. (See Table A.)

The Detention Barracks caters for two

types of detainees, those awaiting trial

and those serving a sentence imposed

by either a Summary Trial held at the

soldier's unit — limited to 40 days, a

Courts Marital subject to the MDC or imposed by a civil court, which stipulates

that the sentence will be served in a

Detention Barracks.

43
The majority of prisoners are drawn

from a single socio-economic group, too

many of whom are sentenced to DB for

being absent without leave. Normally a

sentence imposed by a summary trial or

courts martial for being AWOL is in the

first instance suspended and only comes

into effect for a second offence of a

similar nature. In many of these, after

listening to numerous courts martial

dealing with AWOL cases, the question

can be asked if accused took advantage

of the channels that were open to him.

Time and again the plea in mitigation is

that there was trouble at home and the

man went AWOL with the intent of being

able to resolve the domestic problems.

The tragedy in too many of the cases is

that his presence in many instances

would only add to any problem, if such

existed, but that in the main no real problem existed in the first instance. It too

often being the product of a combination

usually that of a low IQ and a fertile imagination. An important factor found by

law enforcement agencies all over the

world.

This type of offence is costing the

SADF millions of rand each year and a

better understanding of the motivating

factors behind this kind of behaviour by

the individual from this socio-economic

group and the usage of the facilities that

exist at unit level, would go a long way to

reduce the prison population and unnecessary costs.

The new programme includes the requirememt that all awaiting trial

prisoners be interviewed by the Legal Officer who advises them of the probable

atittude of the Court in their particular

case. It has been found that this practice

is producing a far better degree of stability amongst the awaiting trial detainees.

Normally the natural tendency of attempting to escape added to the work of the

staff but it has been found that the new

review procedure by the Legal Officer

has resulted in an acceptance of the

facts of life by the awaiting detainees.

An interesting factor that has resulted

from these discussions between the

Legal Officer and the prisoner committed to the DB for the implementation of

sentence, has been that in a few cases

trial irregularities have come to light that

has resulted in the Legal Officer referring

the case in question back up the line for

investigation.

Prisoners sent to the DB to serve a

sentence are first subjected to an evaluation phase of seven days, after which

they are allocated to the next phase of

the rehabilitation training programme.

These phases depend on the length of

the sentence and consist of phases 4 to

6. Each prisoner undergoes an evaluation

phase of 7 days on admission to the DB.

The short term prisoners serving

sentences of up to 60 days follow the

normal routine of phase 2 and 3, as it is

not practical to involve them in any

development training due to their short

periods of detention.

During their period of detention for

periods in excess of 60 days, prisoners

are graded into three grades: C, B, or A.

As the prisoner progresses from grade

C, he enjoys more privileges (as is shown

in Table B). It must be emphasised that

the inmates are not being sent to a training institution, they are prisoners

undergoing corrective punishment and

the development training is over and

above and in addition to the corrective

training. Drill takes up to 4 hours, 30

minutes per weekday and 2 hours, 15

mins. on a Saturday.

During the number of visits made to

the DB at Boksburg staff members were

most co-operative and it was not a case

of having someone either with you or

standing behind you while you talked to

any prisoner. What was noticeable from

previous visits to DBs was that the

prisoners appeared to be more willing to

converse, it was not a question of them

taking advantage of an extra 'talk break'

to avoid drill. The conversations that I

had usually took place during an official

break. One point that came across loud

and clear, a point that will gratify all old

soldiers, is that not one of the inmates

spoken to wanted to return again as a

guest of the SADF.

Two factors that I understand have

contributed to this, what is perhaps best

described as the civilised behaviour

found at the DB, are the two FFs. Food

and Fairness. The food is good and the

treatment fair, both being continuously

monitored by the senior staff.

44
TABLE A

The 6 phases being implemented for training are designed for practical purpsoes

and consist of a varying number of 40 minute periods.

pSasel of 7 days duration, 2 and 3 are for the rest of the short term prisoners.

Phases 4 to 6 are from 28 to 60 days duration.

Each phase can supplement another and are planned to enable them to be slotted

together to teach a speciality.

As an example, a man arriving for a 60 day or more period will first be placed on

phases1,2an3, and will then go to either 4,5 or 6 to learn the part.cularspec.al.ty. If

for Snce the man is to be trained as a clerk, he will go to phase 4 and will dunng

the 28 day period complete 252 periods of instruction, in add.t.on to 81 periods,oi drill

and 87 periods of physical training. (All drill and movement within the DB .s done at

double time.)

The combined rehabilitation training schedule provides a very full programme and

on average will consist of 69 periods of 40 minutes per week.

On weekdays the programme starts at 04,15 and finishes with lights out at 20,50.

On Saturdays at 04,45 until lights out at 20,50.

On Sundays at 05,25 until lights out at 20,50.

Saturday is treated as a normal workday, while on Sundays the daily schedule

makes provision for a Church Parade, visitors and includes periods of confinement to

cells.

TABLEB

A Group One Contact * visit per week of 2 hours duration of up to 4

persons.

Write and receive 4 letters per week.

Receive parcels, food, reading material.

Possess a Radio/Tape

Carry own cigarettes.

Spend up to R6.00 per week in canteen.

B Group Two Contact visits per month of 2 hours duration of up to 2

persons.

Write and receive 2 letters per week.

Smoke 6 cigarettes per day.

Spend up to R4.00 per week in canteen.

C Group One Contact visit of 1 hour per month of 1 person.

Write and receive 1 letter per week.

Smoke 3 cigarettes per day.

Spend up to R2.00 per week in canteen.

D Group One visit or 1 hour's duration per month of one person (No

contact).

Write and receive one letter per week.

Smoke 3 cigarettes per day.

Spend up to R2,00 per week in canteen.

* (A contact visit allows a prisoner to have physical contact

with his visitors.)

/9317

CSO: 3400/470

45
SOUTH AFRICA

MINISTER VOWS TO DEPORT ILLEGAL MOZAMBICAN REFUGEES

MB270825 Johannesburg SAPA in English 0108 GMT 27 Mar 87

[Text] Givani March 27 SAPA—The illegal coming and going of Mozambican refugees between their country and South Africa would not be tolerated and offenders would.be punished and deported, the minister of national health and

population development, Dr Willie van Niekerk, said today.

Opening a session of Gazankulu legislative assembly, he said that 19,358

Mozambican refugees had been registered and issued with temporary permits to

remain in South Africa and in Gazankulu.

Events in Mozambique had triggered off an exodus of people which had become an

embarrassment, and it was a matter of "grave concern" to the South African

Government.

He regretted the reasons for these people finding it necessary to leave their

country and said it was accepted that short-term assistance should be given

on humanitarian grounds.

"However, we also have clear evidence of a movement through the Kruger National Park of returning Mozambican aliens, some of them on a regular commuter basis," he said. "Their illegal coming and going between Mozambique and

the Republic will not be tolerated and offenders will be punished and deported."

There was also evidence that many illegal Mozambicans were using Gazankulu

as a stepping stone to enter the heartland of South Africa--especially the

PWV [Pretoria, Witwatersrand, Vereeniging] area where they had become part of

the illegal alien workforce. "Their presence worsens our already troublesome

unemployment problem while their wives and children are cared for in Gazankulu

as refugees." When found in South Africa, but outside Gazankulu, they would

be repatriated and their provisional permits withdrawn.

He said that in the last year 19,081 "infiltrators" had been returned to

Mozambique.

Humanitarian considerations should.not be allowed to soften the hearts of

South Africans to the extent that visitors conveniently forgot to "obey the

rules of the house."

46
"Our primary concern will remain the care of our own people."

Dr van Niekerk said it should be remembered that Mozambique's internal

situation was the main reason for the influx of illegal workseekers and displaced persons. "This will endure in all its horrors for the foreseeable

future, and we will be obliged to continue to deal with this situation for

as long as it persists."

The question facing the government was what to do with the illegal aliens in

the medium and long term.

/6662

CSO: 3400/384

47
SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

'SINISTER WEAPONS LINK' WITH U.S.—The minister of defense, General Magnus

Malan, says President Reagan's enemies are trying to disparage his administration by creating the suspicion that he is involved in some sinister weapons

link with South Africa. Speaking at the opening of the Bloemfontein show,

Gen Malan referred to speculation and the casting of suspicion that South

Africa was involved in certain weapons agreements. He said that throwing

suspicion of this kind about armaments was part of the onslaught against

South Africa. It was also being used to try to replace President Reagan's

administration with a more liberal government. Gen Malan said that South

African policy in respect of arms exports was well known. It included withhoding the names of customers of the country. [Text] [Johannesburg Domestic

Service in English 1100 GMT 28 Mar 87 MB] /6662

RSA ROLE IN SOUTHERN AFRICA—The minister of foreing affairs, Mr Pik Botha,

says he is confident that all countries in Southern Africa will realize

eventually that no solutions to the problems of the region will be possible

without South Africa. Mr Botha said at Rustenburg that the Nkomati Accord

between South Africa and Mozambique was proof of what could be achieved

despite ideological differences. He said South Africa would play a leading

role in the search for solutions. Although there would be successes and

failures, South Africa would continue on the road it had chosen. Mr Botha

said one of the principles was that a country should not make available its

soil as a springboard for terrorist attacks. He said where states allowed

this South Africa would not hesitate to strike back across its borders.

^fTextJ' [Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 27 Mar 87 MB] /6662

SADF PROTESTS TOWNSHIP RESIDENTS—-Pretoria, March 27, SAPA—The security forces are protecting township inhabitants because witnesses to a necklacing

can as little think for themselves as necklace victims, the defence minister,

Gen Magnus Malan, said tonight. Addressing a public meeting at Lydenburg

in support of NP candidate and Manpower Minister Mr Pietie du Plessis, he

said the nature of fear and intimidation was such that the security forces

would remain in the townships for as long as its inhabitants were threatened.

Terrorists could only come to power through violence and would only govern

through violence. No talks could be held with such people, Gen Malan said.

The National Party had a choice of giving the black man a hand of friendship

or of delivering him to the burning techniques of the revolutionaries. "The

National Party chooses dialogue and constructional work on the South Africa of

the year 2000 for all our children," he said. [Text] [Johannesburg SAPA in

English 1657 GMT 27 Mar 87 MB] /6662

48
MINORITY EDUCATION BUDGET INCREASE URGED—The minister of education and

development aid, Dr Gerrit Viljoen, says the financial allocations for

universities and technicons for black persons is relatively favorable compared to whites, coloreds, and Indians, when the subsidy formula is applied.

The financial allocations for black and colored schools and colleges is however less favorable compared to whites and Indians. In his address to a

graduating class at the Vaal Triangle Campus in Potchefstroom, Dr Viljoen

said in the light of the background of eliminating differences and inequalities

in the educational systems of blacks and colored, it is quite clear that whatever money is set aside for education in the future, the greatest proportion

of it must be channelled to the black and colored communities. [Text] [Johannesburg Domestic Service in Afrikaans 0830 GMT 27 Mar 87 MB] /6662

MALAN WARNS OF CROSSBORDER RAIDS ON ANC—South African Defense Minister

Magnus Malan has warned that security forces will cross borders to wipe

out ANC guerrillas. At ä meeting in Lichtenburg over the weekend, the

minister said the neighboring states cannot afford to provide safety to

guerrillas and the SADF would, in his words, sniff out any ANC members.

Malan's warning came only a day after President P.W. Botha said in Ermelo

that South Africa would cross the borders again in pursuit of theANC. South

Africa's previous invasions of Frontline States have drawn worldwide

condemnation. [Text] [Umtata Capital Radio in English 0800 GMT 30 Mar 87]

/8309

CSO: 3400/484

en-J I

49
SOUTH AFRICA

UNISA'S KARL HOFMEYR DISCUSSES ISSUE OF BLACK ADVANCEMENT

Cape Town A WAY OF LIFE: A LEADERSHIP CORPORATE PUBLICATION in English

Mar 87 pp 35-38

[Article by Karl Hofmeyr]

[Text]

The issue ofblack advancement is not unique

to South Africa. In the United States, for instance, this lias been a focus ofattention since

the Eighties. I lowevcr. South Africa is now

under the spotlight. The disinvestment and

sanctions debate in the US and Europe has

put multinational companies under pressure

to justify thcirexistence in South Africa. This

pressure has given rise to a variety of codes of

employment practice, of which the most

widely used is the Sullivan Ccfcle. One ofthe

important items in this code is black advancement and it is receiving increasing attention.

During December 1986, at the Sullivan Signatories' Convention, the progress of companies in this area was singled out as a focus

for investigation and debate.

In the local arena, too, there are new, powerful pressures on this area. In black communities there is a growing socialist orientation and an hostility to capitalism which is seen

as the handmaiden of apartheid in exploiting

and oppressing blacks. These sentiments

place the future of the free enterprise system

at risk and so threaten the survival oflocal multinational companies. In this context, black advancement is an area in which a company's bona

fides are tested.

Demographic movements and trends constitute fundamental challenges. The inexorable salience of demography indicates that if

companies are to adequately staff their organisations, they will have to fill skilled and

management positions with blacks because

the supply ofwhites will be inadequate in the

future.

In the face of these international and local

pressures, what progress has been achieved?

The relevant statistics speak for themselves.

Whereas 80% of the economically active

population in South Africa comprises black,

coloured and Asian workers, the highly skilled and managerial positions in companiesremain the almost exclusive preserve ofwhites.

In the managerial category, for example,

about 95% of the jobs are occupied by this

group. This imbalance exists although manpower specialists have stressed over the years

that the country simply cannot continue to

rely on whites to meet its requirements for

high level manpower. Companies constantly

refer to their affirmative action and black advancement efforts, but the reality is that they

have only promoted about 300 black, coloured or Asian employees into their managerial ranks each year during the last two decades. Manpower forecasts indicate thatthey

need to promote more than 10 times this

number annually during the next decade.

A number ofreasons are put forward by experts (usually white) to explain why there has

been so little progress. Eirstly, it is argued that

the white-dominated, Western bias in South

African business puts most blacks entering

the work place at a disadvantage. Basic business principles as well as business values, con50
cepts and terminology are likely to be foreign

to many new employees. Dependingon their

level of education, many will have difficulty

communicating in one of the languages of

business, namely English or Afrikaans, and

their education probably has not emphasised

qualities prized in business, such as a questioning attitude, asscrtivencss orskills in critical analysis. Most will not have completed 12

years' schooling because slightly less than 1 %

of all black workers have a standard 10 or

higherqualification.

Another explanation is the existence ofracial discrimination in business. Many managers argue that discrimination is still a dominant force in South African companies and that

it is found in every sphere oflife, from legislation which dictates where people can live to

the attitudes of white bosses towards their

black employees. They note that legislation,

such as the Group Areas Act, has prevented

blacks and whites from mixing and communicating normally outside the work place

and so an important basis for mutual understanding and acceptance is missing. On the

shop floor itself, more blatant negative attitudes founded on fear and prejudice are

seen to block advancement, while at lower

and middle management levels, negative attitudes also exist but express themselves in a

more subtle form. These managers profess to

support black advancement but do nothing

actively to support affirmative action programmes.

Manpower specialists suggest a third reason

why there are relatively few blacks in senior

positions: many companiessimply do not perceive a need to advance blacks, or they do not

want to. They are not alarmed by forecasts

which predict serious manpower shortages

and argue that they have managed to staff

their senior positions with whites in the past

and can continue to do so in the future. Some

rationalise that the investment in time and

money to train and advance blacks is prohibitive, while others argue thatthey cannot risk a

backlash from their white workers.

Despite the perceived problems and barriers, many enlightened companies have invested heavily in programmes to train and

promote black employees. Some have had limited success, but many remain frustrated by

the lack ofreal progress.

I low do blacks perceive the issues? Interviews and surveys of black employees identify the same recurring themes. One of the

problems they feel particularly strongly about

is the nature ofthe training provided forblack

employees. Many upwardly mobile blacks

maintain that insufficient attention is paid to

their individual development needs. They

find themselves participating in generic programmes which may have little to do with what

they perceive to be their personal training requirements and consequently gain the impression that some of the programmes arc being

offered simply to prove the company is concerned about black advancement.

Many of the programmes are presented

exclusively for blacks because, it is argued,

blacks are different and need special treatment.

Increasingly, blacks are rejecting this approach

as paternalistic and counter-productive. They

stress that whites and blacks can learn from each

other and that a non-racial learning environment is essential for practical and psychological reasons.

Blacks also insist that for development and

advancement to take place they will need the

same opportunities, experience and exposure

as their white counterparts. They point out

that people become proficient attheirjobs not

by attending formal training programmes, but

by being given a meaningfuljob and by having

peers and supervisors who are prepared to encourage and guide them. Whites have easier

access to this kind ofsupport, while the potential black managertends notto be accepted and

involved in the same way.

A black manager explaining the different

treatment of white and black management

trainees, observed: "The white employee is

immediately and automatically surrounded

by a network of support. I Iis boss and colleagues start working with him, explaining

things, getting to know him. The black employee does not have the same experience. I Iis

colleagues are rather more tentative in their

relations with him; some avoid him. He does

not easily become part of the team. In some

cases he is given a manual and simply told to

'start working through it'.Itis not easy forhim

to learn the job and to start feeling comfortable."

Formal training has a role to play, particularly in the development of skills, but black

51
trainees realise that the most meaningful development takes place in a work setting.

They also know that if they learn something

in a formal training programme they must

have the opportunity to apply the new skills

and they suggest that not enough attention is

paid to reinforcing what is learned. Formal

training programmes make a company feel it

is doing something positive, but without opportunities for application and support from

colleagues at the office, the behaviour of the

trainee does not change.

Another problem experienced by black

employeesis the relative absence ofblack role

models. The upwardly mobile black has few

examples of successful blacks with whom he

can identify and he wonders whether blacks

can make it in mangement. The small number

ofblack managers alsoconfirmsthe prejudice of

conservative whites that blacks cannot succeed

in business. The average white manager does

not have the experience of working with and

learning from black counterparts. The typical

white/black relationship in most companies is

based on white superiority and there arc not

enough instances where blacks manage or compete equally with whites, to change this relationship.

Black managers also identify negative attitudes as a major constraint. In many instances

these are covert and express themselves, for

example, in neutrality. If a potential manager

needs guidance and support, his supervisor

simply needs to maintain a distance between

himself and the employee and development

will be severely hampered. Blacks recognise

neutrality as the most dangerous kind ofinformal resistance because it cannot be identified

easily and because it is so effective. (Even in

the United States, where integration and affirmative action are actively encouraged, an

estimated 15% of white Americans are extremely anti-black and 60% are more or less

neutral and conform to socially approved behaviour.)

The circumstances in which most blacks

live and the impact ofracial discrimination have

a profound effecton black workers. As a black

manager putit: "Prolonged deprivation creates

a subculture ofits own - blacks are constantly

told thatthey are incompetent and they begin

to believe this; they have feelings ofbeing incapably. This is complicated by prolonged affluence on the part ofwhites which leads to a

subculture offeelings ofsuperiority."

Research in the United States into the effects of racial discrimination on the psychological development ofblack children, particularly

those in ghettos, has found that they grow up

with an ever-increasing awareness ofthenshortcomings and with an inability to embark

hopefully on any course of action that might

make things better. Discrimination and derogatory comments eventually damage feelings ofself-worth. This has direct implications

for motivation and performance because feelings of self-worth and self-esteem form the

basis ofconfidence, assertivencssand mental

health.

Another barrier experienced by black employees is what may be described as the company's "culture", 'llris reflects "how things

are done" in a company and determines what

is acceptable. 1 'he culture in South African organisations is Western and "white", with an

emphasis on individuality, assertiveness, risktaking and competition.

The upwardly mobile blackcmploycc may

or may not be individualistic or a risk-taker,

but he feels that his white colleagues don't

give him the benefit ofthe doubt. I le is black

and therefore doesn't "fit". More seriously,

he may be assumed to be affiliation-orientated or group-minded, and lacking in initiative. This is a prevailing stereotype among

whites about blacks.

The company culture is also expressed in

social norms and activities such as "in jokes",

the club, golfanddinneratthe boss's home. It

implicitly dictates who is acceptable and who

should succeed, and the potential black manager realises that he is at a disadvantage. The

informal standards which make up the culture

are not spelled outso that even ifhe wanted to

play by the mles, he would not know precisely

how to conform. As a result he finds himself

operating on the fringes as an outsider looking

in. I Ic is subtly rejected by the system by his

exclusion from the informal networks and the

all-important political "buddy" system. To get

ahead he knows that he needs cooperative relationships, friendships and help from colleagues and superiors, but as an outsider, or

someone treated as an outsider, he realises lie,

cannot do as well.

Interviews with black managers highlight

the effects of these formal and informal forces.

52
Many find themselves caught in a web in

which they arc uncertain and often confused.

The messages which they receive arc unclear

and contradictor»' and the people they work

with seem afternately supportive and then

distant.

Blacks also observe that in some cases white

managers apply double standards. Qualities

praised in whites are not acceptable when displayed by blacks. For example, when black

candidates are interviewed, those who show an

interest in politics are branded as trouble-makers. When a black supervisor questions a decision by his boss orshowssome assertiveness, he

is bcingtooaggrcssive.'I'hc effect on the potential black manager is debilitating and unless he

is particularly strong-willed, he becomes conditioned to confomi to the stereotype expected

of him.

Equally debilitating is the extra "filter"

through which the black manager has to receive

feedback and try to understand the signals he is

getting. If a white manager is overlooked for a

promotion or receives a bad perfonnance appraisal, he may question the boss's judgement

or hisown competence. The black managerhas

these doubts, but the question also lurks at the

back of his mind: "Is it because I'm black?" He

tries to separate prejudice from objective reality

but lie is never sure where the problem orgi-

«utcv This makes it difficult to decide how to

tlcal with the situation.

BLuk managers also feel they are walking a

tightrope as they try to satisfy a numberofdifferent expectations and constituencies. They

find themselves having to be assertive, but

not too assertive, friendly but nottoo familiar,

enthusiastic but nottoo emotional. Theysometimes find themselves caught between white

management and black workers, expected by

management to be its spokesmen but also expected by workers to be their representatives.

More recently, political-polarisation in the

community has added an extra dimension to

this conflict because radical groups are putting pressure on upwardly mobile blacks not

to become part of management. There have

been numerous instances where blacks have

refused promotion because ofthe strength of

this pressure. Thus, in addition to trying to

compete with their white counterparts, black

managers are surrounded by opposing tensions and need to balance a number of conflicting forces.

Many blacks now believe that black advancement is defined too narrowly as the upward mobility of blacks into senior positions.

They believe that if companies are serious

about black advancement they have to become more actively involved in changing the

social and political environmentin which they

operate. The apartheid structures are a major

constraint on what can be achieved. If business is to have legitimacy among blacks they

have to show they are concerned with the

whole person and the whole society.

The response of most companies to black

advancement has been to take a narrow and

somewhat formal approach. Perceived performance problems have been identified and

training programmes have been designed to

address these problems.

Some years ago the popular approach was

behaviour modelling: "What blacks and their

white supervisors need is interpersonal skills

so that communication and relationships can

be improved. We should change behaviour

first and then attitudes will improve." The

nexttrend was "achievement training" based

on the argumentthat blacks arc notsuccessful

because their orientation is affiliation, rather

than achievement-based.

In the last five years, numerous companies

have also developed "bridging education"

programmes designed to prepare black school

leavers or graduatesfor entry into the business

world. They address areas such as learning

skills, interactive skills, basic business principles, problem-solving and decision-making.

More recently we have been told that mentorship programmes will make a difference. The

argument here is that whites have access to

mentors who can counsel and sponsor them,

but because blacks do not have the same access, "mentors" should be appointed.

All these'approaches have theirproponents

and theircritics. Blacksthemselvesarecritical

ofsome ofthe programmes because they have

not been involved in their inception and design, and because some are perceived as discriminatory and paternalistic, or based on assumptions and stereotypes rather than facts.

The underlying problem ofthese programmes is that they represent a technical mad

hoc response to the challenge of accelerated

advancement. They are peripheral to the

main activities ofthe company. They address

isolated aspects of performance and, at best,

53
lead to improvements in interpersonal skills,

assertiveness, supervisory skills and the like.

The various programmes have not led to significant increases in the numbers of black

managers.

There is a growingawarencss that the focus

of black advancement has to shift from programmes to process. This implies that, among

other things, top management and line managers throughout the organisation have be become involved if progress is to be made. As

long as responsibility for black advancement

rests with the human resources department

and depends on formal training programmes,

very little will be achieved. At the same lime,

blacks themselves must be involved in the

design and implementation of advancement

initiatives.

A second theme which is emerging is a new

awareness by some companies of the black

manager's marginal position in organisations.

The inconsistencies, ambiguities, conflicts

and uncertainties referred toearlicrare fundamental barriers to learningand advancement.

It is clear that the potential black manager is

not part ofthat mainstream in an organisation

in which white employees arc shaped and developed as a natural part of their working experience. 'I 'bus significant progress will occur

only when the conditions and attitudes in a

company are normalised to the extent that a

black employee receives treatment and opportunities which arc similar to those of his

white counterparts. As noted earlier, this also

implies that business has to become far more

actively engaged in attempting to change

educational, social and other variables which

make it impossible to achieve this objective.

A more holistic approach is needed in which

the qualitative issues of integration, acceptance and organizational culture are addressed.

Finally, there arc now suggestions that possibly the "white" model of management has

to be adapted to incorporate some African values and approaches. This argument carries

risk ofstereotyping, but if blacks tend to display and use emotions more openly than

whites, if they tend to be more open and

straightforward in their interactions, and if

they feel more comfortable working in groups

than individually, then perhaps South Africa's management style has to incorporate

and build on these characteristics.

The Western business model cannot be

applied by whites withouttaking intoaccount

the values and strengths ofblacks: there hasto

be accommodation on both sides. Twenty five

years ago, Simon Bicshcuvel hinted at this

when he said: "Perhaps the answer lies, after

all, in a blending of the two cultural streams,

the tempering ofWestern 'go-getting', artificiality and materialism with African relaxation, spontaneity and spiritually, the displacement ofAfrican inertia and sensuality by some

of the enlightenment and idealism of the

West."

More recently C 1£ W Simkins refers to

"cultural creation: this involves developing

new practices, new styles of interaction . . .

all that is needed is some talent and the belief

that a new integrated culture is possible".

During the next five years South African

companies will be severely tested. In the face

of political and economic uncertainty they will

have to try to manage and motivate all their

employees. They will also have to contend

with increasing shortages ofskilled and management employees which can only be improved if they find ways to increase significantly the rate at which blacks, coloureds, and

Asians move into senior positions. Unfortunately their attempts over the past five years

have met with very little success and they will

need to considerably expand and change the

nature oftheir efforts.

It is not only at the level of manpower demand and supply that black advancement is

important. The stakes have become much

higher. The private sector is showing increased willingness to challenge the existence of inequalities and injustices in South

Africa. Business leaders arc speaking out on

the need for far-reaching reform. However,

for their demands to be credible and for their

bona fides to be accepted by the black comrriunity, they have to do far more within their

own corporations to eradicate discrimination,

equalise opportunities and move substantial

numbers of blacks into senior positions. The

moral basis oftheirstand against government

and thcircredibility among blacks is weakened

ifthey have not put theirown house in order.

19311

CSO: 3400/490

54
SOUTH AFRICA

TUTU CRITICAL OF CREDIT EXTENSION AGREEMENT

MB030849 Johannesburg SAPA in English 0841 GMT 3 Apr 87

[Text] Cape Town Apr 3 SAPA—International banks had done black South

Africans "a great diservice" by extending credit to the government without

extracting guarantees that apartheid would be eliminated, Archbishop Desmond

Tutu said yesterday.

Addressing a packed lunchtime meeting of the Institute of Citizenship in the

St George's Cathedral Hall, Archbishop Tutu said it appeared that the country's

creditors had adopted a softer attitude towards South Africa as a direct

result of the government's "strong-arm tactics" and reports that the state of

emergency was to be extended. "These international bodies are prolonging

the misery of blacks,"he told the audience.

It was a measure of the split between black and white attitudes that while

whites were "ecstatic" about the anticipated economic upswing, blacks believed

it would only bring more political and economic exploitation. He said that

an economic recovery coupled with an extended state of emergency would compound

white complacency and a false sense of security. The alienation of black

from white enabled the government to create an illusion of perfect quiet,

"but underneath it is seething," he said.

"Blacks do not want reform. Revolution is a word most of us want to run away

from but it means radical change and it doesn't necessarily have to be

accompanied by violence."

Blacks would also not accept the government's "darlings" as their leaders.

"The people know who their leaders are. Why do whites believe we are such

slow thinkers that we cannot make a choice? They are repeating the

Muzorewa syndrome."

Archbishop Tutu said many whites had been "shocked out of their skins" to

discover Zimbabwean Prime Minister Robert Mugabe was urbane, educated and

articulate and urged the reconciliation of black and white. "You are going

to be doubly surprised when you meet Oliver Tambo," he said to loud applause.

/8309

CSO: 3400/483

55

/
SOUTH AFRICA

BUTHELEZI URGES DEVELOPMENT TO HALT FACTION FIGHTING

MB031649 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1502 GMT 3 Apr 87

[Text] Durban April 3 SAPA--Chief Minister Mangosuthu Buthelezi of Kwazulu

says faction fighting halts development, but only development will finally

halt faction fighting. He said development projects would have to be undertaken in the areas where fights were prevalent, SABC radio news reports.

Speaking in Umlazi at a symposium on faction fighting, Chief Buthelezi warned,

however, against donor agencies which make political decisions when they

decide to support development projects.

He said it was extremely difficult to find support from, for instance, church

donor agencies if the money was not channelled through the South African

Council of Churches.

He said some donor agencies were deeply committed to supporting the politics

of protest, and the last thing they wanted to do was to strengthen rural

communities.

Chief Buthelezi said tribal authorities were essential in the social structure

of the nation, and had to be kept out of politics.

He said money was poured into the country—for instance, from the American

administration—but it was not available in places such as KwaZulu.

He said money was channelled through people opposed to Inkatha, and this

generated more resentment, followed by conflict.

/8309

CSO: 3400/483

56
SURVEY FINDS BLACK TEENAGERS MORE POLITICALLY AWARE

Cape Town THE ARGUS in English 20 Mar 87 p 11

[Article by Michael Chester]

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text]

BLACK teenagers devote

far more attention than

their white contemporaries to

, politics and education and are

far keener about tracking the

news on serious developments

in current affairs, according

to a nationwide Teencheek

survey conducted by Research

Surveys.

They are more avid readers

of the newspapers and outnumber white youngters

three-to-one as constant viewers of TV newscasts.

All in all, says Mr Bruce

Rice, head of the project,

black teenagers are much

more concerned about the serious aspects of the world

around them.

No fewer than 98 percent of

black youngsters say educational items should be made a

first priority of coverage by

the media, compared with 57

percent of whites who rank

education as a first concern.

The ratio of black teenagers

showing deep concern about

their careers — 88 percent of

them — was also way ahead

of the white ratio.

And the up-and-coming generation of blacks is prepared

to be infinitely more independent of parental influence in

their views on politics, with 69

percent in total or frequent

disagreement with their parents, as against 43 percent of

white youngsters.

The quest for knowledge

was also found to be greater

among black teenagers in

matters of health, sex, fashions and avoidance of junk

food in their diets.

Though the survey found

;

that three out of four of all

teenagers were engaged in

sports, when asked to list the

recreations that were most

important in their lives, the

first and foremost in black

minds was reading — "showing that the most dominant aspect of young black life is a

thirst for knowledge."

Disagreements between

parents and their teenage children on moral and social issues are far more common

and much sharper in black

families than in white families, according to the survey

findings.

As many as 57 percent of

black teenagers differ radically with their parents over political issues, compared with

14 percent of their white

contemporaries

Differences on moral issues

such as sex and drinking soar

to 78 percent in black families

against 15 percent in white

ones.

Yet the generation gap as

measured by the openness of

communications between parents and teenagers is nowhere

near as wide as sometimes

made out. says Mr Bruce

57
/93-17

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Rice, who headed the research

team.

"Wc were surprised by the

closeness of relations, whatever the differences in opinion

and outlook on several key

topics. Three oul of every four

teenagers talked about good

relationships with their

parents.

"The survey mirrors a pretty wholesome lot of youngsters beginning to develop

minds of their own or holding

firm views on important issues", he finds.

"Believe it or not, most

teenagers like their parents as

they are. We asked them what

sort of changes they would

like to see most in nium and

dad. As many as 42 percent of

the blacks and 35 percent of

the whites said: "None".

"There was accord in 82

percent of families about education and career goals and in

76 percent of families on regilious issues. And most were in

accord about friendships, general attitudes and social

pastimes.

"Even so. when it comes to

exchanges of confidences,

there is inevitably a small

group of teenagers who admit

they don't tell their parents

anything. Perhaps significantly, this block in communications is four times as common

in black families than in white

families — about 18 percent

compared with only five percent or fewer."

"When it comes to parental

discipline, English-speaking

parents appear to be far the

more lenient. Only eight percent of them are considered

by their teenage children as

'very strict', as against 31 percent among Afrikaners and 35

percent of black parents.

"On the whole, South African teenagers — white and

black alike — seem to be a

well-balanced and happy

bunch with very few really

major problems in life.

58
SOUTH AFRICA

TOWNSHIP SCHOOL ATTENDANCE REPORTEDLY BACK TO NORMAL

Johannesburg CITY PRESS in English 22 Mar 87 p 4

[Article by Sandile Memela]

[Text]

TODAY marks the end of the first quarter of the

academic year in township schools - a period that has

returned a large measure of normality and progress in

black education.

A ray of hope has fallen on black education -

parents are less worried about their kids' academic

future and teachers have been relieved of fear - to a

certain extent - and.endemic violence.

The countrywide violence, resistance and arson that

has become a feature of black education in the past

three years has been replaced by constructive attempts by community leaders and pupils to come up

with an education system that accommodates the

aspirations of the black majority.

Since the outbreak of turmoil that led to the

disruption of normal schooling in the townships 10

years ago, there have been various attempts by concerned people to come up with an alternative education system.

A milestone was reached at the National Education

Crisis Committee summit held at Wits University two

years ago. The meeting proposed that the solution to

the growing crisis in township schools was "people's

education".

People's education may appear to be aimed at black

people - but it is, in fact, aimed at the educational

future of all South Africans, educationists say.

According to its exponents, people's education is

fundamentally democratic. "Whatever is decided is

decided in consultation with the people affected," said

Michael Gardner, former president of Neusa.

At the end of the conference, attended by 161

organisations, a commission was assigned to examine

people's education. And this has resulted in the trend

of various conferences being convened in an attempt to

come up with an alternative education system.

Following the Wits conference, consultative talks

between delegates of the African National Congress

and 12 leading academics from the University of Cape

Town and Western Cape were held in Lusaka.

Participants described the consultative meeting as

"already overdue" to exchange views to map out

strategies that would lay down the basis for an alternative system of education.

The Council for Black Education and Research has

been involved in the search for an alternative education system and has organised a series of lectures on

non-formal alternative education.

And teacher organisations such as Tuata recently

hosted a conference on "community-based education"

in an attempt to come up with a broader concept of

people's education.

Only last week, a two-day closed conference was

held in Witkoppen by delegates from the private

sector and leaders from the black community to

explore relevant private sector initiatives to resolve the

education crisis.

Almost a year ago, a top-level meeting between

educationists and the private sector was held in Witkoppen to discuss "education beyond apartheid" to

explore ideas for giving birth to new ideas for truly

alternative, non-racial education,

As a result, the feeling of anger and frustration that

exploded into violence and arson in black education

circles seems to be lading away.

The dramatic change can be attributed in large part

to the Azanian Students' Movement - the studentwing of the Azanian People's Organisation - who

spearheaded the "return to class" plea earlier this

year.

This call came after there was hesitancy and confusion among many township pupils about whether to

return to class or not. Most pupils were still on their

59
way lo school or milling around outside school yards

nltci Kam starling time loi school.

Bui the- trickle soon turned into a tide - as thousands

of pupils countrywide flooded back into classes.

As u result, authorities, teachers, parents and leaders for the moment appear to be relieved at the high

attendance and the absence of turmoil at schools

plagued bv unrest last year.

1 hough' features of the endemic violence are still

pan of ihe scene in township schools, the teaching

profession appears to be no longer in acute distress.

Amid some of the dilapidated buildings, charred

walls, shattered windows and mangled desks lying

outside school grounds, one sees enthusiastic pupilsgathered in groups - animatedly chatting about current lessons.

Countrywide, class boycotts last year involved over

300 000 pupils, who challenged the imposition of the

state of emergency, the detention without trial of large

numbers of activists and demanded the withdrawal of

troops from the townships.

The areas affected most seriously by boycotts and

subsequent conflict were the volatile Eastern Cape

and the Witwatersrand.

On average, 260 schools out of over 7 300 were

disrupted at any one time. The disruptions resulted in

the closure of 54 schools. Some have since been reopened.

But in certain circles there is still concern at the

slow pace of catching up on lost academic years. At

present there arc hundreds of students who have been

in the same class foi at least the past three years.

This plight in black education has forced hundreds

of black pupils to seek refuge in multiracial schools in

the suburbs. Most pupils who have gone lo private

schools are those from the upper bracket - whose

parents can afford the fees.

Meanwhile, though an atmosphere of normal learning appears to be evident in township schools, a probe

into the mood of learning institutions reveals a breakdown of discipline, fear and lack of control on the part

of teachers.

Some teachers have disclosed that relations with

their pupils were strained and that they were cautious

towards them.

They pointed out that some of the pupils still had a

negative attitude towards teachers and were hostile.

This has aroused fear of victimisation on the part of

tcschcrs

"In no way do 1 want to involve myself in a

confrontation of any sort with pupils - as they are still

capable of doing anything to me or my property," said

8 tcschcr.

The widespread relief is, therefore, tinged with an

acute awareness that pupils' demands have not been

met - so there is still smouldering anger and dissatisfaction with the status quo.

19311

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60
SOUTH AFRICA

'SECRET PLAN' TO REVERSE INDEPENDENCE DECISION REPORTED

.Johannesburg CITY PRESS in English 22 Mar 87 p 1

[Article by Derrick Luthayi]

[Text]

THE KwaNdebele government is said to be secretly

working on a plan to reverse a majority decision

by the homeland's citizens

against the acceptance of

independence by the tiny

enclave.

The clandestine move involves the detention under

the stale of emergency regulations of all known to

oppose the impoverished

homeland becoming a

"self-governing state".

The plan also includes

the removal from high office of all those identified

as unsymphathetic to the

government on the independence issue.

First to get the chop was

Health and Welfare Minister Prince Cornelius Makhosana Mahlangu - who

was detained at the Siyabuswa Magistrate's Court

last week.

Next in the firing line

was the Speaker of the

Legislative Assembly, Solly Mahlangu,followed by -

who has been demoted,

and six prominent residents who are regarded by

the government as anti-independence activists were

detained last Thursday.

Among them Sam Skosana, the son of the late

Chief Minister Simon Skosana, and Legislative Assembly member Amos

Mahlangu.

Others held in Thursday's swoop are former

sports inspector E Masango.

(Report by Derrick Luthayi, 204 Eloff

Street Ext, Johannesburg.)

/9317

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61
SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

SQUATTERS GET LAND OFFER—Squatters at Weiler's Farm near Walkerville would

be offered relocation to a site-and-service scheme due for completion

within nine months at Wildebeesfontein in the Vaal Triangle, said Chris

Ballot, MP for Overvaal and chairman of government's committee on squatters.

He said the new scheme would house more than 900 families—the number officials claimed were living on the farm. But a Black Sash spokesman said

yesterday there might be many more people living in shacks on the farm.

It is now doing a count of families in the area. White Walkerville residents

have been putting increasing pressure on politicians to have the squatters

removed from the white area. Transvaal Provincial Administration regional

director Vic Milne yesterday confirmed that the squatters would be removed

and relocated at Wildebeesfontein which would be fully serviced and would

house more than 900 families. Milne confirmed SADF members and the police

were constantly patrolirig the area to control the^-nflux of more families

to the farm. Several other families in Finetown—about 5km from Weiler's

Farm—have been left homeless after their shacks were demolished by police.

Yesterday two more shacks were demolished and the owners were taken to De

Deur police station. A police spokesman said the arrested people had

occupied the area illegally. They might be charged under the Squatting

Act. [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in Englsih 25 Mar 87 p 2] /9317

SENIOR BLACK TEACHING STAFF GETS TRAINING—A total of 9 000 senior black

teaching staff have undergone management training courses and another 4 000

will be trained in the next two years, said the Department of Education and

Training (DET). The programme is designed to help staff cope with the

specific problems relating to black education. The management programme,

said by DET director-general A.B. Fourie to be "one of the most ambitious

management projects of its kind ever undertaken," has been running for the

past two years. [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 26 Mar 87

p 1] /9317

62
SOWETANS EARN MORE THAN OTHER BLACKS—A survey conducted by the University

of SA's Bureau of Market Research recently showed Sowetans earned higher

salaries than blacks in other metropolitan areas in 1985. The survey showed

an average, income per household in Soweto was R9 624 annually, followed by

Pretoria—R9 259, then the East and West Rand at R8 628. It also indicated

that the average income per person in the same year was highest among

Sowetans at Rl 756, followed by the East and West Rand at Rl 615 and

Pretoria at Rl 505. The lowest average income per household was in Bloemfontein at R5 611, followed by Kimberley at R6 102, and Port Elizabeth with

R6 518. For Indians, the average household income was highest in Johannesburg at R18 397, compared with R14 217 in Maritzburg and R13 992 in Durban.

The highest income per household among coloureds was in Johannesburg at

R12 249, followed by Cape Peninsula at RIO 358. The survey also revealed

a marked drop in the black birth rates in metropolitan areas. [Text]

[Johannesburg CITY PRESS in English 22 Mar 87 p 2] /9317

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63
SOUTH AFRICA

AD OUTLINES ADVANTAGES OF VOTING FOR PFP

MB050828 Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 5. Apr 87 p 8

[Full page advertisement issued by the Progressive Federal Party; capitalized

passages published in boldface]

[Text] I'M GOING TO VOTE PFP BECAUSE THEY'VE HAD THE COURAGE TO PUT ASIDE

PARTY POLITICS TO FORM AN ALLIANCE OF MODERATES. [preceding four words

underlined]

I'm going to vote PFP because they're bringing talented people together to

build a new South Africa.

I'm going to vote PFP because I agree with them and Wynand Malan that there

must be real negotiation.

I'm going to vote PFP because they agree with Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi's

efforts in the Kwanatal Indaba.

I'm going to vote PFP because I agree with them and Denis Worrall that there

should be real power sharing.

I'm going to vote PFP because they agree with Wimpie De Klerk about National

Party intolerance of uninhibited political reporting.

I'm going to vote PFP because they agree with the Stellenbosch professors

that the Groups Areas Act must go.

I'm going to vote PFP because I agree with Harry Schwarz about the Government's mismanagement of the economy.

I'm going to vote PFP because I agree with Helen Suzman that the detention

of children is wrong.

I'm going to vote PFP because I agree with Colin Eglin that the time has come

to form an alliance of moderates to replace the Government.

I'm going to vote PFP because I want a new, better South Africa with security

for me, security for my family and security for all South Africans.

I'M GOING TO VOTE PFP.

/8309 64

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SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY REVIEWS CONDITIONS FOR NAMIBIA ELECTIONS

MB030527 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 3 Apr 87

[Station commentary]

[Text] Nine years ago this month South Africa accepted the proposal made by

five major Western nations for a settlement of the dispute over Southwest

Africa. Eight months later South Africa accepted United Nations Security

Council Resolution 435 as the basis for Southwest Africa's independence.

Implementation of both the Western plan and Resolution 435 have been sabotaged

by the intransigence of SWAPO and its supporters in Africa and the Eastern

Bloc.

Further negotiations between South Africa and other interested parties followed,

and in September 1982 Mr P.W. Botha, then prime minister of South Africa,

stated that the continued presence of Cuban troops in Angola was the last

major obstacle to independence for Southwest Africa. That is largely where

the matter has rested in the 4 and 1/2 years since thett.

This week, the secretary general of the United Nations, Dr Perez de Cuellar,

asked South Africa to abandon her stand on the Cuban troops issue. There are,

however, good reasons why the presence of Cuban forces in Angola is a serious

obstacle to settlement of the Southwest African dispute. There is consensus

that the basis for any such settlement must be a free and fair democratic

election in Southwest Africa. The presence of a large alien force of mercenary

soldiers just across the border would raise the specter of massive intimidation

of voters and even armed intervention across the frontier. This is all the

more so given the fact that there is virtual integration of SWAPO, Cuban

and Angolan army units in the military campaigns conducted in Angola.

The neutrality of the Angolan army during Southwest Africa's transition to

independence can be negotiated bilaterally between Pretoria and Luanda.

Any fears that either side might have of aggressive intent on the part of

the other could, for example be removed by way of a nonaggression treaty,

which South Africa has offered to conclude with any neighbor. With SWAPO

actively taking part in elections, that would leave only the Cuban military

factor in Angola, and it is a huge shadow that hangs over the independence

issue and that must be removed.

65
The real problem, however, is that the MPLA government in Angola is so

dependent on the Cuban mercenaries that their withdrawal would result in

the overthrow of the government by the UNITA resistance movement. The first

step therefore, would be for the Angolan Government to end the civil war,

accommodate UNITA in a national government of reconciliation and dispense

with the enormously costly Cuban military presence. It would then be a short

step to the long-awaited and long-desired independence of Southwest Africa.

/8309

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66
SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY ON DETERIORATION OF ANC IMAGE

MB020835 Johannesburg International Service in English 0630 GMT 2 Apr 87

[Station commentary: "The ANC"]

[Text] A year ago there was a common belief in many countries that the status

quo in South Africa was about to be overthrown and that the African National

Congress would within a short space of time take over as the government of

South Africa. The ANC was seen at that time as the authentic voice of the

people of South Africa and of having a legitimate claim to forming the

government of the country. Since then that image of the ANC has been

considerably dented. Its endorsement of the brutal black on black violence

and in particular the barbaric necklace murders has revealed its true colors,

that of a terrorist organization.

At the end of last year 34 American organizations joined forces to expose the

ANC further. The people of the United States and the world learnt that more

than half the members of the ANC's central committee were communists and that

its aim was the establishment of a Marxist dictatorship in South Africa. Its

barbaric terrorism was also exposed to United States audiences.

Now in Australia, the leader of the ANC, Oliver Tambo, is having a rough ride.

He is in Australia at the invitation of that country's prime minister but it

is clear that not all Australians share their government's adulation of the

leader of a terrorist organization specializing in murder. The mayor of

Sydney, Australia's largest city, and 27 of his councillors have refused to

shake hands with Mr Tambo. In Sydney and in Perth, Mr Tambo was confronted

by demonstrators protesting against the ANC brutality and its Marxist policies.

He was denounced as a terrorist on a television program by the chairman of

the Return Service Leage Mr Bruce Ruxton.

In South Africa, meanwhile, the opportunity is there for Mr Tambo to return

in peace and negotiate through the democratic process for a new political

dispensation for the country. He and the ANC have spurned this. Their

commitment remains one of bloodshed and revolution.

/8309

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67
SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY ON REVELATIONS OF ANC'S TRUE NATURE

MB060538 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 6 Apr 87

[Station commentary]

[Text] The ANC is well supplied by the Soviet Union with hand grenades,

limpet mines and the other weapons of terrorism. But its most powerful

weapon in the past decade or two has been that of propaganda. From a string

of offices in world capitals, and at the United Nations, it has churned out

publications, radio texts and other propaganda material. Its leaders have

basked in the [word indistinct] of the mass media overseas and have been given

lavish support by many governments, both communist and democratic.

Now, the truth about the ANC is breaking through the wall of propaganda. Last

year, 34 organizations in the United States came together to tell their people

just what the ANC stands for. Americans were exposed to facts about the ANC:

that its declared policy was terrorism, that more than half the members of

its central committee are communists, that it wants to establish a Marxist

dictatorship in South Africa; that it kills and maims innocent civilians in

bomb attacks, indiscriminately murdering both black and white, that it

endorses barbaric acts such as the necklace murders.

When he met ANC leader Oliver Tambo shortly afterwards, the American secretary

of state, Mr George Shultz, reprimanded the ANC for its policy of violence and

for the communist influence within its ranks.

Now, Mr Tambo has been visiting Australia at the invitation of the prime

minister, Mr Bob Hawke. Since his arrival in Perth towards the end of last

month, he has been the target of demonstrations and protests. The mayor of

Australia's largest city, Sydney, and 27 of his councillors refused to

attend a reception for him. He was similarly snubbed by a number of parliamentarians. In a face-to-face confrontation, he was denounced on television

as a terrorist by the chairman of the Returned Servicemens League. A fullpage advertisement in the National daily THE AUSTRALIAN, showed shocked

Australians a burning necklace victim.

68
The true nature of the ANC has been further exposed by revelations that some

members of the Tambo entourage are believed to have entered Australia using

false identities, in some cases presumably to conceal the fact that they

belong to the organization's terrorist wing, Umkhonto We Sizwe [Spear of

the Nation].

The ANC will continue to receive support from overseas governments, but the

first dents have been made in the one-sided image it and others have

presented to the world with such impunity for so many years.

/8309

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69
SOUTH AFRICA

MUSLIM COMMUNITY SPEAKS OUT AGAINST APARTHEID

Tripoli AL-DA'WAH AL-ISLAMIYAH in Arabic 18 Feb 87 PP 8-9

[Interview with Muhammad Shir Shawdhari, head of South African Islamic Council

and member of the executive bureau of the Federation of Islamic Councils of

South, East, and Central Africa, by al-Mahdi al-Jali: "The African Continent

Is in Urgent Need of Islam"; date and place not given]

[Text] Identification Card: Muhammad Shir Shawdhari was born in Pakistan in

1938. He studied Islamic studies at the University of Punjab, as well as

philosophy and Islamic history. In 1974, he was appointed by his country,

Pakistan, to be mufti of the Muslims in Mozambique. He now holds the position

of head of the Islamic Council in South Africa and is a member of the

executive bureau of the Federation of Islamic Councils of South, East, and

Central Africa.

In the furnace of the prevailing political and sectarian conflict in South

Africa, Muslims have a prominent role that has come into view during the

present decade in the history of the Islamic holy war. Muslims are now

sharing in the continuing popular war against racist minority rule, which, no

longer content with tearing up the national roots of the inhabitants and

legitimate owners of the country, has become deliberately hostile to Muslims

and grants every opportunity to Christian missionary organizations to widen

the circle of their activity in every city and village. However, Muslims

themselves need to review their resources, unite their ranks, cast out the

spirit of hollow claims to leadership, and avoid tribalism and individual

loyalties.

As Muhammad Shir Shawdhari says, most of those who are called shaykhs

immigrated to South Africa from India, Pakistan, or Bangladesh and follow, for

the most part, differing sects and factions.

[Question] The Islamic minorities in South Africa, like other Muslims in the

remaining parts of the world, doubtlessly face certain problems and

difficulties in the phases of their daily life. Can you elucidate this for

us?

70
[Answer] In answering this question, I will concentrate on the problems faced

by the Islamic minorities in southern Africa, and in South Africa in

particular, because of my thorough experience with that region of the world.

Proliferation of Opinions and Erroneous Ideas

In reality, we Muslims in the southern African region, which includes Lesotho,

Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi, Mozambique, and Botswana, in addition to South

Africa, suffer from the problem of a proliferation of opinions and very old

erroneous ideas. If I wanted to enumerate these ideas for you, believe me, I

would not be able to do so. In any case, merely as an example which does not

pretend to be exhaustive, there are many schools of Islamic thought, each with

its own standards of behavior, beliefs about Islamic law, method, etc.

There are two schools of Islamic missionary activity: the School of

Transmission (tabligh) and the School of Sunnah. From the former, many

subsidiary schools branch out. The ideas of the leaders of these schools are

based on the ambitions and whims of leaders who are ignorant of Islam, spread

internal conflict, and stir up division between Muslims. You will hardly find

a mosque in South Africa that is not aflame with conflict and controversy,

sometimes ending in physical violence. What kind of religion is it, for God's

sake, in which one Muslim does not respect the opinion of his brother Muslim?

Is his opinion correct and true, and does he understand the foundations of the

faith that derive from the Qur'an, the Book of God--"falsehood comes not to it

from before it nor from behind it"? (Qur'an 41:42).

These people, who call themselves "scholars" (ulama»), accept no discussion or

debate. They will not even listen to you if you want to talk to them about

some of the fallacies they have implanted in the minds of the followers of

their intellectual schools and leaders of their mosques and educational

institutions.

As you know, most Muslims and those who are called shaykhs immigrated to South

Africa from India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. Most of them follow various sects

and factions, with their own books and publications which they publish in

these areas of Africa. It is with great regret that I say that these factions

and sects, which have nothing to do with Islam, have provided themselves with

followers and adherents even at the academic and university levels. This has

confused the ideas and minds of the rest of the Muslims, especially new

converts to Islam, whom these foolish men have started to impress with their

reactionary and destructive ideas, to the extent that some have begun to doubt

the truth and clarity of Islam.

One follows al-Hadi, another follows al-Mahdi; one follows Qadiyanl, another

follows Tijani, etc. All of these designations harm Islam and express

infidelity and disobedience.

Our Hope in Young People Is Great

You may call men to your Islamic faith in any country of the world, but it is

no part of the faith for you to call them to a particular sect. Before

becoming a missionary, I traveled a great deal. I talked and discussed,

71
listened and gave lectures. After I became a missionary 12 years ago, I

noticed that there is an extremely serious problem: No one today is prepared

to listen to you or discuss with you this religion which God wants to prevail

over the world. However, our hope in qualified young people is great, the

contemporary young people who have turned from material things and have

started to search in God's sublime book for what they have lost. We regard

them as an auspicious omen, and we have great hope that they will spread God's

call clear and pure, untarnished by the distortions of those who are narrowminded or by the ideas of ignorant and reactionary fanatics; for Islam is a

religion of progress, civilization, and freedom.

The Islamic World Missionary Society and the Important Role It Performs

On the occasion of this interview, I wish to record my esteem and appreciation

for the Islamic World Missionary Society in the great [Libyan] Jamahiriyah.

It has performed and is still performing the most important duty that any

Islamic organization has performed in the world. I have seen it with my own

eyes in that part of the world, South Africa. The organization is coming

closer and closer to the Muslims there and is bringing Muslims in that

important part of the world together again. It is now working to unite the

ranks of the Muslims and strengthen their unity, so that they will work side

by side with their African brothers to confront racial discrimination and

oppose the rule of the white racists. It has been able to convey true ArabicIslamic culture to the Muslims there and has supplied missionaries to spread

the banner of Islam among citizens of differing social and educational levels.

I say that it is the only Islamic organization—I say this not out of flattery

or to gain sympathy—that proclaims the religion of the One, the Only, the

unique, the Everlasting, the religion brought by Muhammad, free of distorted

concepts, abstruse disputations, and interpretations foreign to the essence of

Islam. It is not like those organization that proclaim special ideas and

particular schools and sects.

I have participated in many conferences and symposia held by the Islamic World

Missionary Society. What is heartening is that all these meetings

concentrated on holding to the spirit of the faith, by going back to the Noble

Qur'an, to true Islam. Perhaps the last conference I attended was the third

annual conference on Islamic missionary activity, held under the motto:

"Perform the religion and scatter not regarding it." (Qur'an 42:13) This

motto is clear in its essence.

There are many Islamic organizations that have nothing but a variety of names

and no activity worth mentioning. There are a number of reasons for this, the

most important of them being material resources and clear goals. However, the

Islamic World Missionary Society has every financial and human resource,

because the entire Libyan people is behind it and has earmarked part of its

money to support this Islamic society.

Through these resources provided by the Muslim Libyan people, the society has

been able to establish many Islamic charitable projects and to share in

mitigating many of the misfortunes suffered by some countries, such as natural

disasters, drought, and famine.

72
In particular, I have attended many of the conferences that have been held in

Africa and have found black Muslims at these conferences expressing with

complete freedom and frankness the problems they experience and the

difficulties they confront and how the society has shared to the extent of its

ability in solving most of the problems and difficulties. God grant it the

best of rewards!

Now let me answer the last part of your question, that dealing with the

problems of the Islamic minorities in southern Africa. I would say that the

problems of the Islamic minorities are hardly different from the Africans'

other problems, for they are all living in a country dominated by racism and

surrounded by unrest and instability, a country in which the white intruder

provokes the black African, the true owner of the land, by stealing his

resources and plundering his wealth, while the latter lives on the crumbs that

fall to him.

Sectarianism Weakens Muslims

All the inhabitants of South Africa, other than the white intruders, confront

many and diverse problems. If I were to mention the problems faced

specifically by Muslims, I would say that they rest with the Muslims

themselves, insofar as they have split up into factions and parties and bow

down to the leader of the sect whenever he passes in front of them. Often,

the leader of this sect is not of African origin. He may be an Indian, a

Pakistani, or a Bangladeshi. His concern may be to gather around himself

numbers of Muslims to form a group merely so that he can have leadership, not

for the sake of Islam. As for Islam, these people, together with their

leader, may not even know its name. As I mentioned before, the Africans are by

nature and character good people, trusting everyone. The church and those who

make claims to Islam have exploited the social and economic aspects and have

begun to spread among them their destructive ideas and divisive partisan

sects. They have divided the Muslims into groups and sects, calling them by

different names. They have removed from their minds the fact that the

religion of Islam calls for unity and mutual help. We are working to achieve

unity and love between all—work, self-sacrifice, and offering—and not for

their false goals that have caused the Islamic minorities to live in a state

of division and fragmentation, led by their sham leaders away from Islam's

true goals that were brought by the Prophet, may God bless him and save him.

Thus, the problems of Muslims there lie in their division and fragmentation.

If they united, the remaining problems, which are scarcely worth mentioning,

would be easy for them. All I can do at this point is to call on the Arab and

Islamic countries to contact these minorities by sending missionaries who will

launch a war against these sects and parties and unify Muslims around the

proposition, "There is no god but God; Muhammad is the messenger of God,"

following the example of what the Islamic World Missionary Society is now

doing in this country that is being fought over by denominations and sects.

73
Muslims' Holy War Against White Racists

[Question] The holy war upon which the Africans are embarking against the

white racists in South Africa has been closely connected to Nelson Mandela,

the well-known African leader. Although we are sure that there are a large

number of Muslims who have embarked upon this holy war with their African

brothers and who are now in racist prisons, the world knows nothing about

them. Why has there been this blackout of the holy war of the Muslims there?

Can you explain to the readers of AL-DA'WAH the role of Muslims in this holy

war?

[Answer] As I mentioned at the beginning of my talk, most of the Muslims now

present in South Africa came there from Asian countries. Without a doubt,

there were among them sincere men who at the same time carried on a sacred

struggle with true and righteous words and were able to join with their

African brothers, the true owners of the land in that part of the world, and

to found private schools to teach Islam and the Qur'an, without sectarianism,

fanaticism, and partisanship. I want to stress to you that the African

continent is in urgent need of the humanity-saving religion of Islam, which

provides comprehensive answers to all economic, spiritual, social, and

political problems. As you know, Christianity inundated most of Africa. In

the absence of Islamic missionaries, the Africans were influenced by

Christianity and Western systems. In spite of this, all of Africa is in

urgent need of Islam and in need of people to light the way for the Africans,

guide them on the right path, and remove the veil from their hearts. They are

also in need of people to correct for them the ideas they have embraced and to

show them the injustice of Western societies and the tragic flaws of a

fraudulent culture empty of moral and spiritual values.

Therefore, they are ready to embrace Islam: a pure Islam, free of distortions

and trappings. We made mistakes in regard to Africa, that virgin continent

that the Crusaders attacked and where the church preceded us and founded its

racist institutions and centers, exploiting an empty field that at the time

was in its pristine natural state. Unfortunately~we say this so that the

pretenders to Islam will know it—the church was able to succeed and to

convert many idol-worshipers to Christianity.

Why should we blame the Crusaders, the Zionists, and the Western systems?

They are truly the enemies of Islam. Such being their nature, how can you

blame your enemy?

What do you expect the enemy of Islam to do? God has said: "Never will the

Jews be satisfied with thee, neither the Christians, not till thou followest

their religion." (Qur'an 2:120).

There is the United Democratic Front, which is struggling for the freedom of

South Africa. There are Muslim leaders in it. There is the freedom fighter

Ahmad Katrada, who is now in racist prisons beside Nelson Mandela.

But Zionist domination of the media in South Africa has blotted out the

freedom-fighting role played by Muslims beside their African brothers. In

addition, I say that there are many Muslim doctors famous in surgery and

74
pediatrics, as well as university and law-school professors. Unfortunately,

they are not known at the level of the Islamic world because of the cloak of

silence the Zionist and Western media throw around them. Thus, Muslims are

participating in the holy war for South Africa, whether on the level of armed

struggle, or in the war by means of the pen, or in the war by means of

knowledge and learning, to manifest the truth and promote the word of God.

The Muslims are not neglectful; they are carrying out their role within the

limits of their ability. "God charges no soul save to its capacity; standing

to its account is what it has earned, and against its account what it has

merited." (Qur'an 2:286).

[Question] What effect has the Islamic September 1st Revolution had on the

masses of Muslims in the region?

[Answer] I wish to tell the readers of this Islamic newspaper that I have

done research into human history. Indeed, it is an honor for me to be living

according to the Book of God, the Noble Qur'an. In spite of the hard work and

toil, I find pleasure and happiness in research, especially when one finds

people who understand their religion and their Qur'an and who apply it on a

down-to-earth level and in fact implement it.

This historical study and research took 10 years of my life. I devoted a

large part of them to the history-making leaders of the [Libyan] Jamahiriyah,

foremost among them the Muslim revolutionary brother, Colonel Mu'ammar alQadhdhafi.

I visited many Arab and Islamic countries, including the Jamahiriyah. In all

honesty, I found that its leadership, which has made the Qur'an a law for

society, is the only leadership in the world that is applying God's path and

law correctly and in the best way. Through the action of this leadership, the

country has arrived in the arena of progress in this world, having declared

war on backwardness and ignorance, and having called for the defense of

freedom everywhere and for standing side by side with the oppressed and

persecuted, however distant they may be, and whatever their race and

nationality. On account of these goals and principles that it has announced,

the Jamahiriyah has been subjected to many difficulties and attacks, some

military, some economic, and others involving the media.

In view of my complete belief in these principles and goals on behalf of which

the September 1st Revolution was carried out, after returning to South Africa

following my attendance at the Third Conference on Islamic Missions held in

Tripoli during September of last year, I arranged a newspaper interview with

one of the well-known newspapers in South Africa, DAILY NEWS, which publishes

three editions daily. I did this in order to clarify the real picture of the

history-making leadership in the Jamahiriyah, a picture that had been

distorted by the Western press, which is dominated by international Zionism.

My interview with this newspaper lasted almost 3 hours, during which time I

refuted all the false and misleading statements about the Jamahiriyah. I

informed the reader that all the negative things said by the Western press

about the Jamahiriyah are lies and biased propaganda. I affirmed to them that

Mu'ammar al-Qadhdhafi is a man characterized by mercy, sympathy, truth, noble

75
feelings, and humility; he detests terrorism wherever it occurs, and he is one

of the few thinkers in our contemporary world.

I gave them an answer to all their questions, most of which were malicious and

perverse.

I affirmed to them that this revolution took place for the sake of humanity

and to implant human values and principles found in the sublime Book of God,

values that drive out partisanship and sectarianism, principles that call for

the unity of Muslims in order to confront their common enemy, who is living on

their resources and leaving them hungry and fragmented.

These principles and values naturally contradict and oppose the goals of

imperialism, Crusaderism, and Zionism, and these therefore have to be

combatted by action. The Jamahiriyah has been subjected to various kinds of

pressures and plots, even to wars, in a vain attempt to make it abandon these

goals and principles.

[Question] The Federation of Islamic Councils is a first step toward uniting

the Muslims in East, Central and South Africa. As a member of the executive

committee of this federation, what are the steps the council has taken to date

on this path?

[Answer] It would be a very appropriate idea on the part of the Islamic World

Missionary Society and within the ability of this 24-country council if it

were to link its efforts and resolve to play a prominent role in bringing the

Muslims together and uniting their goals, so that they might be one force, and

so that it would be difficult for their enemies to penetrate them. As your

esteemed readers know, Africa in general and the southern and eastern area in

particular are being subjected to Christianization campaigns and concentrated

destructive movements, all aimed at weakening the power of Islam in the hearts

of believers, and exploiting the economic and social circumstances of the

people of these regions.

We hope this council will be the rock on which all the plans of the enemies of

Islam and the plots of the malicious Crusaders shatter. I think the steps

taken to date in this arena are harbingers of the achievement of the council's

goals. We hope there will be a federation and Islamic councils for East

Africa, and then a federation and Islamic councils for all of Africa. I am

certain that the Islamic World Missionary Society, based on its goals, will

strive to establish such a council, because of what it means for the future of

Islam and of Muslims.

[Question] Is there a final word you would like to say?

[Answer] As you know, the media play a prominent and leading role in

spreading Arabic and Islamic culture by means that are printed, read, heard,

or seen, and they can be considered a two-edged sword if not used optimally

and scientifically in all fields. This is especially true in the field of

Islamic missionary activity, given the fact that most of those whom God has

guided to Islam are non-Arabs, only a few of whom know the Arabic language.

The meaning of the Qur'an and the teachings of Islam must be translated into

76
their languages. Especially when the translator is not fluent in both the

source and the target language, certain erroneous expressions and words may

become firmly implanted in the minds of new Muslims as a result of linguistic

error, and this confuses their thoughts.

I hope all Islamic bodies and organizations will pay attention to this aspect

and choose capable translators for all languages, lest the result be the

opposite of what was intended. I pray that God will grant success to those

who work in the field of Islamic missions, to the good of Islam and of

Muslims.

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SOUTH AFRICA

PFP'S EGLIN HAILS ALLIANCE OF MODERATES

MB010516 Johannesburg SAPA in English 2313 GMT 31 Mar 87

[Text] Cape Town, March 31, SAPA—The idea of an alternative government

based on an alliance of moderates opposed to apartheid had caught on in an

unstoppable way, the leader of the PFP, Mr Colin Eglin, said tonight.

Addressing about 600 cheering supporters at an election rally in the city

hall here, he said ordinary South Africans were "fed up to the back teeth

with the wastefulness, the incompetence and the arrogance" of the government.

The departure must be the first step in creating an alliance of moderate

South Africans who, sharing a vision of a stable, prosperous apartheid-free

South Africa, can take over from the Nats as the government of South Africa,"

Mr Eglin said.

The PFP had initiated and nurtured the alliance concept through its electoral

arrangement with the New Republic Party and by standing back for independent

candidates.

These moves had not been made without risk. "Yet the crisis facing South

Africa is such that we have to be prepared to take risks.

"We simply have to be prepared to put the broader interests of South Africa

before the narrower interests of our political party. That we have done."

The PFP's idea of a moderate alliance had at first been greeted by polite

nods.

"And yet today the idea of an alternative government based on an alliance

of moderates opposed to apartheid has caught on in an unstoppable way."

Referring to a statement by the Transvaal NP leader Mr F.W. de Klerk, that

the government's plan to give urban blacks'voting rights in the homelands

had failed, Mr Eglin said that after Such an admission, the government

should not ask for a new mandate—"it should hold its head in shame and

resign from public office."

78
The government's new "constitutional concoction" based on race would not work

and was on the rocks before it was launched.

"The latest Nat plan is not reform—it is merely a modernisation of apartheid

in the disguise of self-determination.

"Ordinary South Africans are disillusioned with a government which, in spite

of 39 years in which to get things right, has succeeded only in getting things

wrong—and today rules South Africa without any real plans for the present or

any real vision for the future," Mr Eglin said.

Mr Eglin said a new government would have to repeal apartheid laws, abolish

discrimination, race classification and the Group Areas Act and replace

compulsory separation with voluntary association.

A new constitution would have to be drawn up through which all South Africans

could take part in government.

"There is no point in running away from it as the Nats do, from the fact

that blacks too will have to be in parliament."

The PFP believed that a federal form of government involving a decentralisation

of power, proportional representation, a bill of rights and consensus

decisions on important and sensitive issues was important to the needs of

South Africa.

Referring to security, Mr Eglin said this was essential, especially in a

society that was in a process of transition.

"Action must be taken against revolutionaries who take the law into their

own hands and against terrorists who maim and kill.

"The courts must uphold the law and safeguard the rights of individuals.

"But let us remember that law and order and real stability can only be

.sustained if there is racial harmony based on justice for all in our

country. Unless security is based on justice, there can be no security for

our country."

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SOUTH AFRICA

COSATU LAUNCHES LIVING WAGE CAMPAIGN

MB301025 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1022 GMT 30 Mar 87

[Text] Johannesburg, March 30, SAPA—Despite a supreme court ruling dismissing

COSATU's application to lift a ban on the union federation's mass rally in

Soweto last weekend, the Congress of SA Trade Unions launched their living

wage campaign in Standerton without incident.

COSATU's urgent rand supreme court application to lift the government order

banning the rally due to have been held at Jabulani Stadium on Sunday, was

dismissed with costs.

About 400 shopstewards—representing the Metal and Allied Workers Union, the

National Union of Mineworkers, Transport and General Workers Union, Commercial

Catering and Allied Workers Union and the Chemical Workers Industrial

Union—attended the living wage campaign launch in Sakhile Hall.

Addressing the launch, the regional chairman of COSATU (Highveld),

Mr Gwede Mantashe, said the living wage campaign was the most important

campaign for 1987 and that workers should organise and mobilise in every

factory. \

Mr Marcel Golding of the NUM said the campaign was "part of the struggle for

a better distribution of the country's wealth."

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SOUTH AFRICA

SOLIDARITY MP LEAVES PARTY; REDDY RESIGNS POST

MB261303 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 1100 GMT 26 Mar 87

[Text] The minister of health services and welfare in the House of Delegates

and executive member of the Solidarity Party, Mr Ismail Kathrada, has resigned

from the party. He will become an independent member in the house and remain

a member of the Ministers Council. Mr Kathrada took this step after the

Solidarity executive had insisted on his resignation in the light of the

party's decision to fulfill its opposition role in the house.

Another Solidarity member of the Ministers Council, Mr J.N. Reddy, who is

minister of the budget, has decided to relinquish his ministerial post.

Solidarity's decision on its opposition status came after an ultimatum by

the speaker of parliament regarding its pact with the ruling National People's

Party.

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81
SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY NOTES LOCAL GOVERNMENT'S IMPORTANCE

MB300534 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 30 Mar 87

[Station Commentary]

[Text] The political rights of urban black people in South Africa cannot extend

only to local government and provincial administration. With that acknowledgement by the state president last week, the major focus of future reform was

explicitly stated.

Nevertheless, there can be no question of neglecting the continued development

of representative authority at the local level. It is there—particularly in

a dispensation that is moving towards the greatest practicable devolution of

powers to the lowest levels of government—that the quality and nature of

democratic participation in all political spheres in South Africa wxll be most

decisively determined.

It is against that background that the recommendations on simultaneous elections

in October next year for all local authorities in the country—white, black,

Indian, and coloured—has particular significance.

This would not have been the case in the past, when perceptions of municipal

government were formed by their minor role in the highly centralized system

of government that South Africa has had since 1910. In a period in which

even the generally uncontroversial functions fulfilled by elected councils

had to be approved by a provincial administrator, there was little interest

among those voters who were unconcerned about matters like township development and the provision of services. Polling figures of 25 percent were common.

All that will be changing dramatically in the years to come, and in their own

interests voters will have to begin paying closer attention. As instruments

of political decisionmaking and executive authority, elected local councils—

individually and in regional cooperative bodies—will begin to assume much

greater importance in the lives of the people. That has become evident even

at this early stage, in the controversies surrounding issues like attendance

at cinemas.

82
But the first big task to be tackled in the new era is evidently that represented by the regional services councils: the coordinated action of local

authorities with common concerns in developing, on a scale far greater than

anything yet attempted, their entire region. The development of such

regions as single entities will both rationalize planning and the provision

of services, and the direct efforts to where they are most needed.

The local authorities of all communities in each region will be fully involved,

and it goes without saying that the scope of the undertaking will have effects

of which their voters will have to take cognizance.

Meanwhile, other important changes will also be taking place, according to

Mr Piet Badenhorst, deputy minister of constitutional development and

planning. A technical committee and the municipal associations are investigating the devolution of more powers to, and a lessening of control over,

local authorities.

The point to departure, says Mr Badenhorst, is maximum devolution of authority

to local government to give concrete expression to self-determination at the

local level.

Municipal and regional government is the foundation on which a sound governmental system, accommodating the political rights of all up to the highest

levels while entrenching the security of minorities, is being built. From

now on the results of elections for the local town or city council will

have a considerable impact on the future of this country.

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SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY PRAISES REMARKABLE WEAPONS INDUSTRY

MB060812 Johannesburg International Service in English 0630 GMT 6 Apr 87

[Station commentary.: "South Africa's Weapons Industry"]

[Text] The United States Government has accused certain countries of supplying arms to South Africa in violation of a mandatory United Nations ban on

arms supply. Some of the countries have denied involvement. Whatever the

merits of this argument are, it's known that South Africa is able to supply

between 75 and 85 percent of her weapons and military equipment from her

own factories.

A Johannesburg newspaper, BUSINESS DAY, reports that South Africa is now

able to supply all her needs of small arms and has moved up into the manufacture of heavy caliber weapons as Well. Tanks, armored cars, mine-proof

vehicles, missile boats, and aircraft are all streaming off the assembly

lines of factories in South Africa. Composite armor, proofed against all

but the most advanced shells, are also being produced in South Africa.

This high level of military self-sufficiency in a country whose dual economy

includes a large Third World component is remarkable. Even more remarkable

is the fact that South Africa is now the world's fifth biggest exporter of

armaments. The establishment of the South African weapons industry was a

direct result of the arms boycott. In little more than a decade, the arms^

boycott was not only successfully overcome but the weapons industry was built

up into a major export industry. South Africa is not dependent today on any

other country for her military preparedness.

The arms boycott was the first economic action taken by Western nations, in

concert with others, against South Africa. Last year, a new round of

economic sanctions was introduced by Western countries. It's clear that

South Africa is already geared to overcome these sanctions with the same

skill and [word indistinct] innovation that so successfully overcame the

Western boycott.

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84
SOUTH AFRICA

ORANJEWERKERS CAUSE TENSIONS BETWEEN BLACKS, WHITES IN MORGENSON

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 20 Mar 87 p 11

[Article by Therese Anders]

[Text]

-Tensions are growing

•'in Morgenzon between

the Oranjewerkers sect

land 3 000 residents of

''Sivukile, a black location near the town.

1 The Oranjewerkers

make it no secret they

•want their proposed

•south-eastern Transvaal white homeland

eventually cleared of

'blacks.

' But Sivukile's

mayor, Mr Jabulani

'Makhanya, says the

Oranjewerkers "can

forget it".

Said the outspoken

schoolteacher: "This

township was established in 1912 and we're

not going to move."

Since the Vereniging

van Oranjewerkers

((honorary president is

Mrs Betsie Verwoerd)

'was formed in 1980 and

«began buying land in

i Morgenzon, the town's

black community has

:been living with the

knowledge that the

white "homelanders"

plan to evict them.

Until now the threat

has been nothing more

than emotional blusterings in Oranjewerker

brochures.

However, residents

of Sivukile now believe

the Oranjewerkers are

using a new tactic —

exorbitant water tariffs — to drive the

town's black community away.

This has been

strongly denied by

Morgenzon's mayor,

Mr Rudie van Dyk,

who is not an Oranjewerker.

Until this year, Morgenzon (white population 500) had a serious

water shortage which

led to the town council

getting a R2,5 million

loan to build a large

dam.

HIGH LEVIES

The dam is now full

and the small town is

ensured of water into

the next century. Yet

everyone in the town is

paying high prices.

Before, water from

boreholes was free, but

now the town's residents are reeling from

high water levies as

the council struggles to

pay off the loan.

White residents are

faced with a R35-amonth stand levy and

usage charge, and Sivukile's management

committee is expected

to pay R9 000 a month.

"We are being asked

to pay about R40 a

house a month for exactly nine township

taps," said Mr Makhanya.

He says none of the

township houses has

running water or electricity.

Mr Makhanya said it

was impossible for residents to pay this

amount as, on the

whole, the community

was a poor one.

There was much unemployment — exacerbated by the Oranjewerkers' policy of

not employing blacks.

The average monthly

wage for men labourers around town

was less than R200.

For a women it was

less than R50.

He said he had been

told by Morgenzon's

town clerk, Mr Frikkie

Jooste — an admitted

Oranjewerker — that

the water would be cut

off if the account was

not settled.

Mr Jooste told The

Star he could not dis85
cuss the town's water

payment problems as

the matter was in Ihr

hands of the provincial

authorities.

However, Mr van

Dyk said) water to the

township would not be

cut.

He declined to elaborate as the MP for Ermelo, Deputy Minister

Mr Hendrik Tempel,

had agreed to help

Morgenzon work out

the loan repayment

problem.

He did confirm that

it was not the municipality's plan to close

the township.

He said there were

few Oranjewerkers in

town — only four or

five families.

But according to Ermelo's former MPC,

Morgenzon farmer, Mr

Louis Rothman: "These

Oranjewerkers are

causing trouble.

"Their aim is to

move the township out

of Morgenzon beeause

they don't want any

black people in their

homeland."

He said this was

causing "bad feeling

between the black and

white communities".

Said Mr Rothman: "1

am afraid that something if going to happen here."

Mr Makhanya

shared the concern:

"There will be riots

here if the Oranjewerkers try to drive

us away."

Secretary of the

Oranjewerkers, Mr

Ben van den Berg, was

approached for comment, but refused to

speak to The Star.

However, The Star

has a copy of a letter

sent out by Mr van den

Berg to all white Morgenzon residents on

February 25 this year.

In the letter he says

the Oranjewerkers had

an official meeting

with the town council

late last year when

they made their aims

known.

These included a

land where "only Afrikaners and potential

Afrikaners live, work

and rule, in contrast to

today where the coloured people make up

almost 85 percent of

the residents of 'ons

land'".

The town's mayor,

Mr van Dyk, confirmed

the meeting had taken

place.

"But we didn't give

them our blessing. Our

council is non-political

and we are working for

the whole community."

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86

>
SOUTH AFRICA

GREY AREAS BLACK RESIDENTS FEAR VICTIMIZATION; WHITES FEAR CRIME

Johannesburg THE STAR (Metro) in English 26 Mar 87 p 8M

[Article by Joe Openshaw]

[Text]

Talking to black people about the "grey" areas

in Hillbrow, Joubert Park and Berea is like

asking Parisians for directions in English.

They understand what you want but become

suspicious, uncommunicative and unwilling to

help.

Security in some buildings is as tight as the lips of

flatdwellers and doors do not easily open.

Black people know they live in these areas illegally and, until the promised reform, on sufferance.

They fear victimisation and intimidation but, as

they point out, if whites do not want them there

they must be offered alternative accommodation.

Speaking to white people about the "grey" areas

is equally difficult. But those who are prepared to

speak make up for the rest: they say these areas

have become depressed, crime has rocketed and the

quality of life has deteriorated so much that white

people are moving out.

Both blacks and Whites agree there are more than

35 000 illegal tenants in Hillbrow and blame the

landlords for their dilemma and the high rentals

charged blacks who have no other place to stay.

Two of the only coloured people prepared to give

their names were Miss Gail Phillips (40) and her

flatmate, Miss Romina Hartogh (35), both of Lorina

Court in Quartz Street, who have been living in Hillbrow and Joubert Park for three years.

They came to Johannesburg from Cape Town to

find work and the vast flatland was the only place

where they could find somewhere to live.

"We are comfortable here and have spent a lot of

money on furniture and settling in. We have nowhere to go to if they move us out," said Miss Phillips, a word processor operator.

'Safe, comfortable and free*

Two black women from Port Elizabeth who also

share a flat in a Quartz Street building saidThey felt

safe, comfortable and free in Hillbrow although

ÄS P3yinß R41°

f0r their ^o-bearoS

"We lived in another Hillbrow building before this

where the whites were charged R150 "or a flit and

we were charged R225, but we felt secure

a.

In Sow

,et°

w

f wouW be unable to move at night

and would be charged R150 to live in a garage or

one room," said one. B B

The superintendent of a block of flats in Kotze

Street told us blacks, coloured and Indians tenanted

his building and there had never been any incidents.

These people were quiet and respectable, he said,

but he was reluctant to allow us to interview his

tenants.

At Highpoint, owned by Anglo American Properties, most of the tenants are black and security is

strict. We were not allowed in the building, warned

about taking photographs and not permitted to

speak to tenants.

With some whites it was different. At Basswood

Place, once we gained admittance, we spoke to Mr

Daniel Smith-Fourie (42) and Mr Boshoff Müller

(37), both employees of South African Airways who

said colour was not a criterion but what mattered

was the lowering of living standard.

"The corporate body at Basswood Place will not

allow blacks to live here. The quality of life would

be affected. Some of them live 12 to 14 in one flat,

the streets are littered and noise intolerable.

87
"There should be control in Hillbrow and lower

income groups dissuaded from living here," said Mr

Smith-Fourie.

Mr Trevor Kitley (47), owner of a cafe in Twist

Street said the crime rate had gone up 80 percent

since blacks had moved in.

"The glue sniffing 'Twilight Children' romanticised by Mr Alf Widman and the PFP commit burglaries, theft and other crimes.

"Women are not safe walking alone in the streets

at night. There is black prostitution and sometimes

the noise is unbearable. Whites are moving out,"

said Mr Kitley,

Outwardly, Hillbrow seemed vibrant, vital, invitingly cosmopolitan and orderly — but, in our quest,

we were indeed strangers in a foreign land.

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SOUTH AFRICA

CONTRADICTORY STATEMENTS, STATISTICS ON ILLEGALS IN GREY AREAS

Johannesburg THE STAR (Metro) in English 26 Mar 87 p 8M

[Article by Shirley Woodgate]

[Text]

Mr Pik Botha says 45 000

"black" people are living illegally in "white" Hillbrow, a

leading Johannesburg National

Party city councillor says there

are only 20 000 "blacks" in the

Hillbrow, Berea and Joubert

Park area — but Mr Piet Badenhorst, deputy minister of

Constitutional Development

and Planning, says he does not

want any "grey" areas.

Mr Badenhorst said the Government would crack down on

Group Areas offenders, adding

that Mayfair and Hillbrow

would not be declared "grey"

because the "Act makes no provision for open residential

areas".

Where complaints were

made, "there must be investigations" and he believed the

property owners who allowed

"illegal" people to live in their

premises were the guilty parties.

RAU REPORT

Two of these statements

were issued within the last two

days by top NP members. The

third is contained in a report

published in January and

drawn up by a RAU team that

included leading NP councillor

Mr Johan Fick.

• Mr Pik Botha's 45 000 figure

was suggested during his address at a NP rally at RAU on

Tuesday night.

• Mr Badenhorst's statement

was in reaction to reports in

Afrikaans newspapers that the

Government was considering

opening certain residential

areas in terms of section 19 of

the Group Areas Act.

Mr Fick's authoritative sur

vey was published in January

by the South African Foundation. His co-researchers were

Mr Christo de Coning and Mr

Nellie Olivier of the RAU department of development studies, who concluded that a third

of the population in the three

Johannesburg suburbs was already "black".

PFP MP for Hillbrow Mr

Aid Widman said this week that

the "Act was unenforceable and

was being openly flaunted

throughout the country because

the Government has failed to

provide sufficient housing for

blacks, coloureds and Indians".

The Conservative Party's Mr

Clive Derby-Lewis has labelled

Mr Badenhorst's threat to prosecute offending property

owners as an election ploy, as

the three month's leeway would

carry them to well after the

May 6 voting date.

Mr Fick's report said "pockets of integrated residential

settlement have become characteristic of most of the larger

South African cities" and goes

on to list 13 "grey" suburbs

throughout the country.

'ILLEGALS' TOTAL

Johannsburg's Housing Department has estimated that in

Hillbrow, Berea and Joubert

Park the figure for "illegals" is

9 000 coloureds. 6 000 Indians

and 5 000 blacks.

In Mayfair, there are 5 645

Indians, 6 321 whites and 936

people of other non-white

groups.

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89
SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY NOTES SOUNDNESS OF ECONOMY

MB310854 Johannesburg International Service in English0630 GMT 31 Mar 87

[Station Commentary: "Further Stimulation of the South African Economy"]

[Text] Last week we commented on the soundness of the South African economy,

as reflected in the fact that the country was able to conclude a new foreign

debt arrangement with creditor banks that was to the/satisfaction of all.

In the few days since then, there has been further evidence that the conomy

is moving ahead. South Africa's trade figures for the first 2 months of this

year show a substantial surplus.

South African exports in January and February exceeded imports by 3,500 million rand and this despite the imposition of limited sanctions by several of

South Africa's trading partners. Of.particular singificance is the fact that

South African exports to Asia rose over the 2-month period by 85 million

rand, indicating that the Asian countries are slowly beginning to.take the

commodities that countries in Western Europe and North America have [words

indistinct].

Other indicators that the South African economy is (?spurning) sanctions

and . disinvestment without [word indistinct] are the rising production of

gold, which is by far the country's biggest export earner, and the increase

in foreign exchange reserves. Capital investment is in an upswing phase and

the increasing value of the South African financial rand indicates an improvement in total investor confidence in South Africa. Unemployment is declining.

A survey of 55 companies shows that their profits have risen sharply over a

3-month period. As the South African economy continues to grow, neighboring

African states will be among those to benefit. For example, in January and

February this year, African countries increased their exports to South Africa

by 7 percent.

As South Africa prepares for a watershed election that will define the future

shape and face of political reform, the economy is geared to provide a strong

foundation for the country's future political dispensation.

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SOUTH AFRICA

RESERVE BANK REPORTS ON 1986 ECONOMY

MB271257 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1222 GMT 27 Mar 87

[Text] Pretoria, March 27, SAPA—A milk improvement in the unemployment

situation had become apparent since the third.quarter of 1986, and the

inflation rate should drop further, the Reserve Bank said today in its economic review in its latest quarterly bulletin.

Also, the much improved financial results announced by companies from approximately the third quarter of last year, "suggest the period of business consolidation, cost-cutting and retrenchment is drawing to a close and are themselves contributing to a more positive business sentiment".

Although the recent improvement, or drop, in the inflation rate was "largely

attributable to purely statistical factors," the decline had clearly been

aided by the recovery of the rand's exchange rate.

"The inflation rate stands to benefit further from the more recent advances

in the exchange rate in the third quarter of 1986 and in the first few

months of 1986."

The bank said the fourth quarter of last year, as in the quarter before, saw

a growth in the real gross domestic product at an annual rate of approximately

4.5 per cent.

"Indications, moreover, were that the recovery was becoming more broad based.

With the exception of commerce, all major sectors of the economy contributed

to the fourth quarter increase in domestic production."

Real gross domestic expenditure, on the other hand, fell back in the last

quarter of 1986.

An analysis of expenditure data nevertheless showed "a mild upward trend

in domestic spending to have been maintained."

The bank said negative elements in the fourth-quarter configuration of expenditure data included a "marked slowdown, to about two percent," in the

annualised rate of increase in real private consumption expenditure from its

third-quarter level of about five per cent.

91
There was also a "continuation of the decline in real government consumption

expenditure that had already been evident in the preceding two quarters."

Total gross domestic investment, on the other hand, rose encouragingly in^the

fourth quarter of 1986, after having bottomed out in the third quarter. 'It

thereby held out a tentative prospect that a turning point in the prolonged^

downward phase of the fixed investment cycle may finally have been reached.

Spending in the economy was still subject to inhibitions and constraints

which were not normally part of the country's business cycle. "Both investment and consumer expenditure clearly were influenced downwards during much

of 1986, as during 1985, by private decision makers enhanced sense of uncertainty and a reluctance to take longer-run views and enter into longerterm commitments."

The bank said households in 1985 and much of 1986 had sought to work down

the real burden of earlier financial commitments in the light of, among

others, the decline in real household.incomes, lower real asset values in the

fixed property market despite relatively high rates of inflation, less

bouyant prospects for steady employment and promotion, and perceptions of a

less favourable outlook for a rise in their real standard of living in the

more immediate future.

Looking at 1986 as a whole, the growth rate in real gross domestic product

was held down by the faltering of the recovery in output In the first quarter

of the year, and did not fully reach one per cent.

Aggregate real gross domestic expenditure advanced by a "modest" one per cent

from its 1985 level.. Real private consumption expenditure only marginally

exceeded its 1985 level.

"Real government consumption expenditure on balance fell below its 1985 level

by some 1.5 per cent."

Total real gross domestic fixed investment,.despite its quite significant

recovery in the second half of the year, nevertheless declined from its

average level in 1985 by as much as 16.5 per cent.

The bank said the "stady recovery in aggregate domestic production during

most of the 1986 failed to have a major impact on either employment or registered unemployment up to the third quarter of the year.

"A more material improvement in labour market conditions nevertheless became apparent in the second half of 1986.

"Signs of more significant increase in the demand for labour could be ob-^

served in the fourth quarter in certain Important sectors of the economy.

The bank said the renewed decline in real gross domestic expenditure, in

conjunction with continued growth in real domestic production, found expression

92
in a further rise in the surplus on the balance of payments on current

account to no less than R12.9 billion in the fourth quarter of 1986.

The current account surplus for the year as a whole was in excess of R7

billion.

After a mild acceleration in the third quarter of 1986, the 12-month rate of

increasein the broadly defined money supply, Mc, had slowed down again in

the fourth quarter to only 9.3 per cent in December and to less than nine

per cent in January this year. The increase in the "effective" money supply

in 1986 amounted to 18.4 per cent, which was close to the centre of the 16-

20 per cent target range set by monetary authorities for M3. The bank said

a new M3 target for 1987, ranging from 14 to 18 per cent, had been announced

earlier this month.

The central government's budgetary deficit before borrowing and debt repayments for the first 10 months of the 1986/87 financial year had amounted to

R5,652 million, mainly because of exchequer issues that ran well ahead of the

original budget estimates.

This figure, which also incorporated a part of the effect of government's

package of additional stimulatorymeasures announced in June 1986, was "some

43 per cent in excess of the original deficit estimate of R3,944 million for

the fiscal year as a whole."

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93
SOUTH AFRICA

JOHN DEERE VOTES TO STAY IN SOUTH AFRICA

MB27I347 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1342 GMT 27 Mar 87

[Text] Johannesburg, March 27, SAPA—John Deer shareholders have overwhelmingly rejected a shareholder resolution asking the company to withdraw from

South Africa, the SA subsidiary has announced.

The stay-in-South-Africa vote was taken at the company's annual meeting at

the end of last month in Moline, Illinois in the U.S.

Of votes cast, 69 per cent were against the resolution and 17 per cent In

favour. Fourteen per cent of shareholders abstained.

At the meeting, the company restated its commitment to advance fundamental

change in SA.

The company maintained, "We are an important force for change in Nitel in

the province of Transvaal, where we are located, and in nearby Diiduza, the

township where most of our black employees live.

"Our leadership and financial support have been instrumental in bringing

blacks into the economic life of the area."

New York State proposed th e withdrawal resolution.

Although a representative of the state commended the company on its South

African social responsibility activities, he nevertheless called for its

withdrawal.

In its resolution the state submitted it did not believe that selling^its

shares as a statement of its abhorrence of apartheid would have any effect

other than to harm present and future pensioners.

Therefore, New York would not sell its shareholding in Deere SA.

Mr Bill Hubbard, John Deere's managing director in SA, expressed his satisfaction at the results of the voting.

"It's reassuring to see shareholders backing management's long-term commitment in South Africa. It is particularly gratifying in the light of

the disinvestment by so many companies," he said.

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SOUTH AFRICA

•EXCITING FUTURE' PREDICTED FOR BARBERTON'GOLD MINES

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 25 Mar 87 p 15

[Article by Teigue Payne]

[Text]

Flexibility of grade to match the exigencies of the gold price and long life

make for a formula that appears to

give Eastern Transvaal Consolidated

Mines an excellent future.

Grade from its three operating

mines in the Barberton area varies

from 25 g/t to less than 3 g/t. Thus the

company can orchestrate its average

grade produced to ensure profitability,

whatever the circumstances or the

gold price, during a life expected to extend well into the next century.

Mr Rodney Yaldwin, analyst for brokers Simpson McKie, concludes after

a report on the company that its future

prospects appear exciting, with further

increases in mill throughput likely as

more mineralisation lodes are found.

The company's shares are tightly

held, but Mr Yaldwin recommends accumulating them on any price setback.

Richest of the company's mines is

Sheba which, according to Yaldwin,

has two low grade orebodies (Royal

Sheba and Margaret, both 5 g/t to

6 g/t), and the Main Reef Complex and

Swartkoppies ore bodies with grade as

high as 18 g/t to 25 g/t.

Average production grade in the

year ended June 1986 was 17,6 g/t. Because of the complex nature of the ore

bodies in the area, ore reserves are not

easily calculated, but life of the mine is

comfortably more than 20 years.

New Consort mine's mineralisation

is in particularly contorted material

and its recovery grade averages 10 g/t.

Current orebodies can support mining

for another five to six years, but exploration may extend this.

Agnes mine's two mineralised fracture zones currently being exploited

are near vertical and relatively narrow. The orebodies are low grade,

yielding about 3,5 g/t, but working

costs are relatively low.

Princeton section, about 4 kg from

Agnes, is now being developed and production should begin in 1988, building

up to 84 000 tons in that year, with

grade 5,5 g/t to 6 g/t, says Yaldwin.

Of the total 351000 tons treated in

1986, about 45percent comes from

Agnes, 33 percent from Sheba, and

22 percent from New Consort.

Production from Princeton section

would more than compensate for any

fall in production from New Consort.

According to the company's June annual report, it is investigating the economics of higher production at Agnes.

Working costs at ET Cons mines

have historically escalated at a far

higher rate than the industry average.

Capital expenditure has been, and will

remain, high.

95
The chairman, Mr Rob Wilson

agrees that prospects for the company

arc bright, although not problem-free.

A few years ago the mines were on

state assistance, a situation which has

been dramatically reversed by the

higher gold price and improved management.

Mr Wilson agrees with Mr Yaldwin

that exploration will always be at a

high level, one of the main factors contributing to high capital costs. Substantial capital will be required to expand

mining and treatment facilities, he

says.

He says\parts of New Consort are already very deep and are experiencing

heat problems, but a refrigeration

plant would not be economic at present

gold prices and on known reserves.

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SOUTH AFRICA

FOREIGN OWNED COMPANIES NOT PAYING DETAINEES

London AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL in English 4 Feb 87 p 8

[Text]

Are foreign-owned companies operating

in South Africa better employers than

locally-owned concerns? Not if they are

to be judged by the way they treat their

workers jailed under the state of

emergency. The South African Labour

Bulletin has been monitoring the situation

since the emergency came into force in

June 1986. A survey of firms in the Port

Elizabeth area — the heart of the South

African motor industry — found that not

a single foreign-owned company in their

sample was paying detained workers their

normal wages, whereas several local

companies had agreed to.

Of the 39 companies in the area

approached, 25 reported the detention of

one or more worker, 12 reported no

detainees and two were unwilling to

respond. The 25 reporting detentions

included seven foreign companies. But

while six of the local firms paid their

detained workers full or graduated pay,

no foreign-based company did so. Some

of the foreign companies paid part-pay

to the families of the detainees, but two

of the companies were providing no

benefits of any kind.

In a separate report, the bulletin

detailed individual company policies. The

Swiss-based multinational Roche is said

to have adopted the policy of 'no work,

no pay, no penalty' towards its staff, a

policy that the company has refused to

discuss with the union at its plant. Mobil

Oil has undertaken to pay detained

workers three months' pay, after which

the situation will be reviewed. In the

motor industry, General Motors has

agreed to pay its three detained employees

full wages, after initially offering to pay

half-pay into a relief fund. Ford, four of

whose workers were jailed, agreed to pay

60% of wages — 30% to the family and

30% to the worker on his release if there

is no charge — while Volkswagen pay

detainees 75% of pay.

Cudbury-Schweppes, the British-based

food and drink giant, agreed to pay three

members of the Food and Allies Workers'

Union full pay only after international

pressure from the British Transport and

General Workers' Union. Chris Menzi,

shop steward at the company's plant, is

quoted as saying: 'the company were only

sympathetic to workers in detention after

the British unions had complained'.

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SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

ECONOMIC IMPROVEMENT PREDICTED—[Embargoed until 1000 GMT 31 Mar] Cape Town,

March 30, SAPA—South Africans can look forward to a period of stable economic growth with moderate improvements in living standards and employment

levels, according to the Bureau for Economic Research (BER) at Stellenbosch

University. In a report released today the BER foresees a decline in consumer price index inflation to about 15 per cent this year with a^ considerably lower" figure possible next year. In general terms,.South Africans can

look forward to a period of stable economic growth. However, the BER warns

that these positive prospects "hinge crucially on the assumption that political stability and reform will continue." The report adds that it is also

essential that wages and salaries do not rise at an excessive rate. Real

growth in gross domestic product (GDP) is projected at 2.9 per cent and 3.5

per cent for this year and 1988 respectively. [Text] [Johannesburg SAPA in

English 0003 GMT 31 Mar 87 MB] /6662

RANK-XEROX TO SELL—Rank-Xerox has agreed in principle to sell its South

African operations to Fintech, a member of the Altron group. In its statement, the American company says a final agreement will be signe:<* £y 1 May

after the conclusion of certain formalities. It also says all 80O Rank-Xerox

employees under the leadership of the managing director Mr David English,

will be retained by Fintech after the signing of the final agreement [Text]

[Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 27 Mar 87 MB] /6662

CSO: 3400/383 END

98