JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

PAPER DISCUSSES MANDELA'S ROLE AFTER BOTHA OFFER
MBO71852 Pretoria DIE TRANSVALER in Afrikaans 31 Jan 85 p 20
[Editorial: "Mandela's Role and the Forum Idea"]

[Text] The government's plan for a forum for dialogue with urban blacks
on their constitutional future has forced the spotlight to be turned once
again on Nelson Mandela and the ANC.

In the process, THE WASHINGTON POST published an interview with Mandela

2 days ago in which the black leader, who has been in prison for 20 years
for contravening the country's security laws, revealed a totally different
attitude to that of two decades ago.

In its editorial THE WASHINGTON POST also reasons that Mandela's statements
indicate a readiness for political negotiation with the government. Whether
or not it can be accepted after all these years that Mandela is still the
undisputed leader of the ANC, it is certainly not a foregone conclusion
regarding the man who, in certain circles abroad, is seen as the only true
voice and conscience of the blacks of South Africa.

This is so because, in the interim, there has been a shift in ideological
emphasis--one in which the Communist Party of South Africa [SACP], with
whites like Joe Slovo in leadership positions, has tightened its grip on
the ANC as an instrument of the Red ideology.

And the SACP would not like to see Mandela involved in negotiations with
the South African Government, simply because negotiations are not part of
the communist agenda for Southern Africa. This is undoubtedly a factor
which can’ bring Mandela's position within the ANC into question.

But, having said that, it remains a fact that the black leader can still
play an important rol¢ in lending momentum to the idea of a forum.

[Words indistinct] can only happen if Mandela and the ANC first turn
their backs on violence, because it remains the government's position that
negotiations are completely out of the question with an organization that
allies itself with terrorism and violence as a means of overthrowing the
existing order.

It remains a moot point whether it is still possible for the ANC to reject
anarchy. The SACP has seen to it that it maintains a firm grip on the
organization, Nevertheless, it is an interesting and significant development
that Mandela is now moving in the direction of negotiation.

Cso: 3401/97 55



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

GHANA

‘TIMES DISAPPROVES BOYCOTT OF PUBLIC TRIBUNALS
AB131037 Accra Domestic Service in English 0700 GMT 13 Feb 85
[From the press review]

[Text] The GHANAIAN TIMES editorial is on the move by the Disciplinary |
Committee of the Ghana Bar Association against lawyers who have been
defending people before the public tribunals contrary to the association's
decision to boycott the tribunals,

The paper expresses surprise that in spite of the Bar Association's
professed belief in the rule of law and the individual's freedom to
pursue any legitimate means of livelihood, it deems it fit to take this
action against some of its members. The TIMES says in the first place,
when the boycott decision was made in 1982, it was publicly challenged
because it was a minority decision by all considerations. Secondly, as
far as the paper knows, the executive of the Bar Association did not and
have not taken any measure to provide alternative legitimate means of
making a living for those lawyers who appear before tribunals, In the
third place, the TIMES says, nowhere in the constitution of the association
is it stated or even indicated that the executive can, at any time, turn
the professional body into a pressure group and use it as an instrument of
dictatorship to expel its members or to deprive them of their Livelihood.
Lastly, the paper observes that when the association's executive were
accused of hitting upon the boycott as a political move to subvert the
revolution, they denied it and claimed that the boycott decision was
based on the association's position that the tribunals were not capable of
dispensing true justice and that the tribunal system was undermining the
normal court system.

This view, in the opinion of the TIMES, has been proved wrong and the
ground upon which the boycott decision was taken has been nullified and the

decision is of no merit. ‘The TIMES therefore wants the Bar Association
to take another look at this decision.

cso: 3400/598

21



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mation was summarized or extracted.

Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are
enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a ques-
tion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the
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Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an
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Mr Jock Kay (Ind., Makoni) said the Bill gave employees and minor officials
"great power" which they were likely to abuse. He also regretted that the
Bill contained nothing which could be expected of the employee and warned that
this could lead to a situation where the "tail wags the dog".

Besides encouraging employees to be unproductive, charged CAZ MP for Borrow-
dale Brigadier John Probert, the Bill was dictatorial and disenfranchised the

employer. "Is this socialism in practice, because if it is we can do without
it."

Ministerial reply to the members' responses is expected today.

CSO: 3400/570

115



It is known, of course, that the ANC has been forced to reconsider its
terrorism campaign since the signing of the Nkomati Accord last year.

‘The clampdown on it by southern African countries throws into sharp relief
the extent to which it had always had to rely on foreign bases and government
support to sustain that campaign. Within a few months the incidence of
terrorism in South Africa committed by groups from across the border had
declined sharply. At the same time, the ANC leadership found itself

under pressure in southern Africa and elsewhere over its [word indistinct]
Soviet ideology and even its credibility as a so-called revolutionary
organization had obviously had no chance of succeeding in its aims.

Since then there has been evidence of a desire to raise the ANC profile
as a political rather than a revolutionary movement. Hence the growing
demand for the ANC to be legalized in order to take part freely in South
African politics.

Mandela's offer of a truce is significant in that context. The real
question, of course, is whether Mandela and the organization he represents

are genuinely prepared to abandon violence, and that is the question
Mandela now has to answer.

cso: 3400/595

64


JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

NEW LANDING RIGHTS REFLECT DIPLOMATIC SUCCESS
Pretoria BEELD in Afrikaans 3 Jan 85 p 12
[Editorial: "ew Doors"]

[Text] In spite of the vehemence of the international attacks against South
Africa, there are nevertheless countries that are ready to cooperate with us.
Whenever mutual interests can also promote self-interest, most countries are not
prepared to put ideological principles above healthy business principles.

For understandable reasons, South Africa does not dare proclaim all its connec-
tions with other countries from the housetops. Nevertheless, one hears from
time to time about things such as collective mealie imports, which can be to
the advantage of some of our neighboring states; about railroad agreements
which mean that South African trains play a key role even as far as Zaire in
the building of the Southern and Central African economy; about technical
assistance in a variety of areas.

All of this accentuates the impression that diplomacy is something that takes
place on two levels: a public level, which can sometimes be rather rowdy and
pugnacious, and a level of "quiet diplomacy," where sometimes remarkable cases
of cooperation and aid can occur.

Thanks to "quiet diplomacy," for example, America can enter into talks with
Russia~-and with South Africa. Similarly, South Africa can maintain continu-
ous contact with most countries in Africa, even if some of them are audibly
joining in the international chorus against us.

Mr Pik Botha's recent confirmation that landing rights for South African air-
planes have been obtained on the Comoro Islands, as well as in Somalia and
Saudi Arabia, is the most recent example of the spectacular successes that
quiet diplomacy can bring about.

This not only makes possible a more favorable flight path to the Middle East

and the eastern Mediterranean countries, but also connects South Africa with
peoples who have up to now been largely strangers to it, if not even enemies.

75



JPRS-SSA~85-019
12 March 1985

BOTSWANA

MASIRE SAYS FOREIGN MINISTER TO VISIT RSA
MB181842 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1745 GMT 18 Feb 85

[Text] Gaborone, 18 Feb (SAPA)--Botswana foreign minister, Dr G. Chiepe,
is to visit South Africa this month for talks with the South African
foreign minister, Mr Pik Botha.

In an interview with Mr Allister Sparks, President Quett Masire’ said the
meeting would discuss recent threats against Botswana by South Africa.

Mr Sparks, former chief of the RAND DAILY MAIL, is a correspondent of the
WASHINGTON POST and the LONDON OBSERVER.

The Botswana president said the pressure being put on Botswana by South
Africa to sign an accord similar to the Nkomati agreement was "taking
on a new dimension with the latest Bophutatswana threat of invading
Botswana."

Botswana saw no reason why it should enter into a peace treaty with South
Africa "since they were not at war." "We are neighbours of long standing
with South Africa," he said.

He said Botswana would continue to receive refugees fleeing from apartheid
laws in South Africa because "we have an obligation under the Geneva
Convention to do so."

He reminded South Africa that a border was a dividing line between countries
and since Botswana was unable to patrol every meter of their border,

"south Africa can do it from the other side of the fence to prevent the
infiltration of freedom fighters from entering her soil.

"If South Africa fails to prevent them, then Botswana is the last country
to be thought of doing that effectively with a small army."

His government's policy not to allow freedom fighters to operate from
Botswana to attack neighbouring states was well known, President Masire
said.

cso: 3400/600

1



Swedish Ball Bearings (SKF) says that it has not yet reported the total costs
for the procurement of the desired investments, and that in one case, involving
the procurement of video equipment at a cost of 30,000 kronor, it did not ask
for an exemption.

It has been observed, however, that the investments have contributed towards
better working conditions for employees, and that there is no reason to
“suspect that the investments occurred under circumstances which would be
punishable by law.”

Violation

Esselte's South African daughter company is known to have granted a long-term
loan to a South African firm without the knowledge or approval of the parent
company. This is an obvious violation of the South African law, according to
Mats Hellstrom, who has declined, however, to further prosecute, since Esselte
has requested that the daughter firm “correct the situation.”

One of the daughter companies of Alfa Laval has remitted a minor debt which the
daughter company owed to the parent company. This kind of transaction is not
allowed, but is not in direct conflict with the law, since the company is
inactive at present, according to the government spokesmen.

The number of Swedish Alfa Laval firms subject to review in South Africa went
down from twelve to eleven in 1983. A number of the firms have sold off all
of, or parts of, their inactive daughter companies.

The eleven firms owned a total of 32 companies in South Africa and Namibia,
one-half of which had been termed “inactive.” The Swedish daughter companies
reported a total of 63 million kronor in share capital.

This figure indicates an increase of 2.5 million kronor. The company's own
capital rose insignificantly, up to 430 million kronor. On the other hand,
sales went down 7 percent, to 1.8 billion kronor. The number of employees in
the Swedish company went down from 3,143 to 2,880 persons.

PHOTO CAPTION [photo not reproduced]

1. Foreign Trade Minister Mats Hellstrom had accusations to make against SKF,
Esselte and Alfa Laval.

9584
CSO: 3650/134

70


cso:

or progressive farmers,

ing in ‘the opposite direc-
tion,

Malawi has been en-
couraging the of
a class of black settler
colonialists, owners of
large estates who have
been steadily eating away
at the land formerly
owned by the country’s
small peasants. .
Since 1967, iarge
chunks of Malawi's com-

then Uberally distributed
among «individuals who
enjoyed the backing of

wiate political
readers’.

REVIVED

At about the same time
Malawi revived another
colonial system that had
fallen into disrepute dur-
ing the country’s lib-
eration struggle.

Using a system ‘of
patronage the authorities
encouraged the growth of
a class of rich peasants
which is ‘known as thi
“Achikumbe” in Nyanja,

“This scheme,” writes
the economist, “provided
agricultural information
and inputs to a select
number of what were
considered - » enterprising

promising communal
fanmsre who would in the ©

Process to be given
leasehold titles to the
land they occupied.”
‘With the two cl of
estate owners

Achikumbe im place in

about 1968 and both clas- :

ses largely dependent on
the government for their
survival and welfare —
credits, ,land,
services —— the stage was
set ‘for the People to
dance to Dr Banda’s tune,
and dance they did.

The estates were given

3400/590

a monopoly for the coun-
try’s main cash crops in-
intended for export:
tobacco, tea, gugar gnd
cotton, while the smaller
producers were  in-
structed to grow staple
crops and some tobacco.
The estates fold
directly. to the world
markets while the small-
er producers had to sell
to a  parastatal, the
Agricultural Development
and Marketing Corpora~
tion, Admare, which dic-
tated the price in such a
way as .to suck up
substantial profits from |
the smafl producers and |
then lend out these profits
tothe estate sector,”
By this ‘ingenious’ ptece
of social engineering the
government achieved
three of its main

“economic objectives,

writes the economist.

MAXIMISED,

“First, foreign —ex- |
change was maximised to-
finance -elite and urban
imports and symbolic’
projects, Secondly,
“through Admare the for-
ced appropriation of in-
vestible surpluses was:
undertaken to ensure the |
pyallabllity of surpluses |

that continously
‘regenerate Press ~ Hol-|
dings and estate farming. \

“ subsistence |

food production was as-
sured in a manner that
reproduced the workforce
albelt at a low level of

consumption.”

‘This, in a nutshell, was
the Malawi “economic
miracle”.

Tt consisted of taking
from the very poor,

the small ring. to
peasants, and givi to
the very rich, the estate

owners, ag well as taking
@ little bit from the not
80 poor, the Achikumbe,

28

and giving to the rich
and to the government,

From this model of de-
velopment it is clear that
the real casualties are
the great majority of
people who are neither
estate owners nor
Achikumbe and these,
essentially, are the great
mass of the poor
peasants,

Squeezed on one side
by the increasing privati-
sdtion of thelr communal
lands and on the other
side by the prices offered
. for elr produce by
Admare, they were forced
to go out and look for
wage employment on the

> Malawian estates and
} then farther afield in
| South Africa, for exam-

ple.
‘Thus between 1968 and
1977 ‘the number of

agricultural workers in
Malawi expanded more
than three: times from
50790 to 179000, while
thelr earnings either de-
clined or at best atag-:
nated. :

The threefolq increase.
in agricultural ' employ-:
ment went with an:
equally dramatic increase |

. in food production which |

the economist said it in-'
creased by 875 percent |
between 1970 and 1981, |

He concludes, however, |

' in a note that is reminis-

cent of the comment
made by the Latin
American dictator years
ago, “Thus apart from
the fact that food pro-
duction has quan-
titatively increased in
Malawi, this has not been
reflected in the welfare
of the lation,” he
says, adding that Malawi
fares “significantly worse
than 1ts neighbours who
are constantly asked to
emulate the Malawi
miracle”.


That accord is not a victory for Africa. It is a victory for South Africa and
her allies. Not a victory for us. This is where I am critical. I don't like
this, to be seen in any other light except as a retreat. A retreat one does
not have to be ashamed of. If you make a considered judgement that you can't
stand and hold that position, you move back and dig in. There is no shame in
that. That is what I sam saying.

Q: Has South Africa been doing anything that could be said is in line with
scrupulous implementation of the letter and spirit of the Nkomati Accord?

A: Nothing. Nothing. The South Africans began to break the Nkomati Accord
before they signed it. During the very negotations the South Africans pushed
into Mozambique thousands of armed bandits. When challenged, they say that
happened because they were not sure that the accord was going to be signed.
Which means that they were not negotiating in good faith at all. So they
broke it before they signed it. :

But then even after signing the South Africans continued to assist the armed
bandits. It is quite true, even Western countries know that, the South Afri-
cans kept supplying the bandits with arms. The Mozambicans are very good
about it. At first they kept hoping that the South Africans would fulfil
their part of the bargain. It is only now that they are beginning to express
their misgivings.

But the Western allies of South Africa know that South Africans continued
arming the bandits even after signing the accord. When I wask why this is
happening, the best explanation I have heard is that the South Africans claim,
or some people claim for the South Africans, that there are two governments in
South Africa.

There is the government of the two Bothas, Botha the President and Botha the
Foreign Minister. That one is very much pro the Nkomati Accord and would like
it to be honoured to the letter. And there is the government of Magnus Malan
and the security forces. This government does not like that accord at all!

They would rather fight and defeat Samora and not make any peace with him. So
it is this Second Government which continues the assistance to the armed
bandits! Now this is utter rubbish. There is only one South African Govern-

ment, and it does not honour and never intended to honour the Nkomati Accord.
They broke it even before the signed it.

Q: How long do you think it will take before South Africa is liberated?

A: I don't know. I cannot predict. But one thing happened after the Nkomati
which was very significant. South Africans used to pretend, and that Nkomati
was part of that pretence, that all their troubles came from outside South
Africa. And that they will have no trouble inside South Africa if only the
Frontline States signed more Nkomatis with them. Because they pretend all
troubles inside South Africa originate from outside South Africa, which is
absolute nonsense.

99



As for the position of the administrator-general, it is clear that there is a
definite need for parties such as the DIA to gain responsibility in governing
the country to a greater extent than the DTA had previously when it was in
power. Authorities in constitutional law feel that a government like this
could be invested with the authorities that the administrator-general now

has, with the exception of powers that are limited to the governments of inde-
pendent states. Intended by this in particular are foreign relations, arrange-
ments for nationality and customs affairs.

12271
cso: 3401/73.

35



[Scholtz] Like the ANC, the PAC continued to exist underground even though
its ideals were embodied in other bodies. One such emerging forum was the
black consciousness movement of the 70s as embodied in the South African
Students Organization [SASO] and the BPC [Black People's Convention].

Under the slogan: "Black man you are on your own," self-help, self-
establishment, and self-esteem were the objectives of black consciousness.
When SASO and the BPC were banned in 1977, the Azanian People's Organiza-
tion [AZAPO] was established as a new forum for black consciousness.
According to black-power policy, AZAPO is exclusively black. No whites

are allowed as members of the organization. Its PAC forebears' strong dislike
of communism and Marxism was in fact abandoned by AZAPO. A strong socialistic
state with a workers’ possession of all production resources is now the
strongest policy priority of AZAPO., AZAPO and the UDF differ thus in the
relations regarding whites and in the former's black socialism, regarding
the ideologically more neutral stance of the UDF. There are also clear
agreement between the two.

[Prof Dirk Kotze] The main agreement between the UDF on the one hand and
AZAPO on the other lies in the methods of political action. Both these
organizations follow basically a peaceful opposition outside the system.
They are both bound to nonviolence activities but support opposition and
noncooperation with any of the structures set up by the government, be it
at central or local level.

[Scholtz] The third main stream of black politics can be described as
pragmatic. These include all the parties in the national states and local
black authorities who in contrast to the previously mentioned two streams
are prepared to cooperate with government-created institutions for whatever
reason, Inkatha, the ruling party in Kwazulu with its 1 million members,
is by far the largest and most influential of these organizations, indeed
possibly of all black organizations here.

{Kortze] Inkatha is a mass organization which works within the system with
a view to changing South African policy in important areas. It follows

a pragmatic strategy although in some respects it differs from certain
other organizations in South Africa. It used the colors of the ANC, yellow,
black, and green, and it follows at the moment basically the same sort of
policy which the ANC followed then, namely a sort of social democracy.

[Scholtz] Inkatha is being heavily attacked by the ANC, UDF, and AZAPO
because it is labelled as a collaborator with the apartheid system.

Inkatha spokesmen say that its participation in the system is also aimed
at hindering its final implementation. Its policy states that it will not
accept independence and thus seek political accommodation within an
undivided South Africa. In the meantime, it practices negotiation and
peaceful cooperation and for it it is realistic and pragmatically necessary
to campaign for the immediate needs and development of its people, for
example, better work opportunity and education. In the whole spectrum of
black politics, Mandela is at least recognized as a symbolic leader by one

60



Brigadier Louw added that on Sunday night a group of SWAPO insurgents had
fired 60 mm mortars at a kraal complex in the vicinity of Ongwediva in
central Ovambo and four civilians, including a young child, had been
injured by shrapnel. In another incident, a cattle herder in the opera-
tional area lost a leg when cattle detonated a landmine of Soviet origin.

Brigadier Louw said SWAPO insurgents now being encountered by the security
forces were considerably younger than in the past. The indications were
that the older and more experienced men had been eliminated and that SWAPO
was experiencing "manpower problems." "I gain the impression they are
sent into the field sooner than they (SWAPO) would want them to," he said.

cso: 3400/600

31



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

COMMENTARY ON MANDELA, ANC VIOLENCE
MBO11600 Johannesburg International Service in English 1500 GMT 1 Feb 85
{Station commentary: "Nelson Mandela and the ANC]

[Text] The offer to release Nelson Mandela creates a dilemma for the
radical body in South Africa and abroad that has turned the former ANC
leader into a cult figure over the years.

In Parliament this week, President P.W. Botha offered to release Mandela
without any restrictions, the single proviso being one with which no
believer in democracy would find fault. The proviso is that Mandela would
have to undertake unconditionally to refrain from having any party in
violence as a means for achieving political [word indistinct]. Since
that is the fundamental prerequisite for democracy anywhere to exist, the
Mandela cultist can hardly object. After all, their claim all the years
has been that he is essentially a democrat whose chief concern is for the
political and economic advancement of his people.

How Mandela himself will respond remains to be seen. He was sentenced

to life imprisonment in 1964 after being found guilty on charges of
plotting and engaging in acts of revolutionary subversion and terrorism.

In his judgment at the time, the Supreme Court judge noted that the sentence
was a light one. Normally for crimes of the kind of which Mandela had

been found guilty the death sentence would be imposed. Since then there
has been much speculation, most of it uninformed and transparently political
in its motive, about whether Mandela has given up his commitment to

violence as a political weapon.

According to Lord Bethell, a member of the British House of Lords who
visited Mandela in prison last month, he shows no remorse for the
activities for which he was tried and believes the ANC's present campaign
of terrorism is justified.

On the other hand, Mrs Helen Suzman, an opposition member of Parliament,
said this week that Mandela had offered on behalf of the ANC what she
calls a truce if the government would legalize the organization and
negotiate with it.

63



Things got so hot inside South Africa after Nkomati that the South Africans
decided to deploy seven thousands troops against their own citizens in the
so-called Black Townships. After the Nkomati and not before. The South Afri-
can regime now feel even more insecure than they were before the signing of
Nkomati. That auphoria of Nkomati is gone. It is not there.

I don't know how far we are away--from the liberation of South Africa because
sometimes these regimes, these fascist regimes can look very powerful, can
look solid from outside, but what you see is the facade of the armed forces
and the jack-boots and the police dogs. These are what we see. But inside it
is being eaten, eaten up by the termites of their own brutality. I don't know
how long it is going to be before it collapses.

But I don't think either Africa or the international community which is anti-
apartheid should be deceived by what is going on. It may go on for another
ten years, another twenty years or another thirty years, I don't know.
Because sometimes when these fascist structures begin to collapse they just
collapse.

What we must do is simply to go on struggling against them. Africa must in-
tensify the struggle inside South Africa, and keep the international community
constantly aware of the criminality of Apartheid.

I know. Africa has helped Mozambique, Angola, Guinea Bissau, Zimbabwe until
those countries became free. What did we do? We did basically two things.

We were totally united and very outspoken in the demand that those countries
should become free. Totally united and totally outspoken. Not like during
the last three years when we did not say a thing on what was going on inside
South Africa and that caused the racist regime to be more aggressive. So that
was one of the things we did.

Secondly, we provided them with material support. We never fought, we never
took up arms to go and fight for these countries. There was a war in Mozam-
bique. It was waged by Mozambicans. They did the fighting. We did not
fight. We provided them with the camps and the arms and training from some of
our friends. They did their training in Tanzania fought in Mozambique.

This is not going to happen in case of South Africa. These countries, the
Frontline States, are not going to have camps and receive recruits from South
Africa and train them in Mozambique and Zimbabwe and so forth and let them go
to fight in South Africa. We are not going to do this. The fighting never-
theless is going to take place.

And it will take many forms, inside South Africa. They are doing it now. But
there is going to be a combination of non-violence struggle inside South
Africa and a lot of armed struggle. I don't believe that independence in
South Africa is going to come without a lot of blood being shed. And Africa
must be prepared just as in the case of Mozambique and Angola and others to
support that struggle.

100


JPRS-SSA~85-019
12 March 1985

NIGERIA

LAGOS COMMENTS ON NEED TO MAKE ECOWAS MORE EFFICIENT
AB131153 Lagos International Service in English 0830 GMT 13 Feb 85
[Station commentary]

[Text] Recently, Captain Thomas Sankara, chairman of the National Revolu~
tionary Council of Burkina Faso, formerly known as Upper Volta, called

for the merger of the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS,
and the Communaute Economique de l'Afrique [as heard], better known as CEAO.

The ECOWAS is an economic organization of all states in West Africa set
up to promote economic, cultural, and social interactions among member
states. The CEAO, on the other hand, comprises mainly French-speaking
West African states with similar objectives as the ECOWAS. In effect, the
CEAO runs parallel to the ECOWAS and is therefore a duplication.

Giving the reasons for his proposal, the Burkina Faso leader said such

a bold move would confound Africa's enemies and pave the way for a more
meaningful and productive cooperation in West Africa and subsequently in
the entire continent. And perhaps more significant was Captain Sankara's
remark that it was not in the interest of Africa to have fragmented regional
groupings. Coming as it did, at a time when African countries, particularly
those in the West African subregion, are facing serious economic crunch
coupled with the ravages of drought, the Burkina Faso leader's concern
needs urgent consideration by all those concerned, especially the West
African leader. For it is precisely this fragmentation of economic
groupings that had caused setbacks for West African states and the ECOWAS
itself. For example, the Economic Community of West African States has

been unable to make any impressive achievement since its formation mainly
because of the activities of mushroom rival associations to it. The
existence of such groupings like the CEAO and the Mano River Union, MRU,
made up of Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone, is nothing but a duplication
of efforts.

Recognizing this problem, the council of ministers of ECOWAS recommended
last year in Conakry, Guinea, a merger of CEAO and the MRU with the ECOWAS.
Since then, however, nothing much has changed. Luckily enough, however,
Capt Thomas Sankara is currently the chairman of the CEAO. This places

4k.



In Newton Park, Port Elizabeth,
where a Parliamentary by-election
will be held on May 1, PFP organiser
Mr Bobby Stevenson said the recess-
ion and the depressed state of Port

, Elizabeth, aggravated by the Ford-
" Amcear merger, were major factors

hurting the NP. .
WHEN it comes to political reform, the sky

" is not merely the limit, it’s the target. This is

the message coming from overjoyed verligtes
in the National Party caucus.

These are good times for NP verligtes as
their star ascends and the latest in-word in Cape
‘Town for reform is “open-ended”. :

The man-in-the-street may scratch his head
and ask what President P W Botha is really up

* to, What is he telling his NP caucus?

Incredibly enough, he is telling them that he
does not have a blueprint for black political .
reform. In any other country it would be crazy
for a leader to say he has no definite Policy.

~ In South Africa it’s called “open-ended reform”.

The atmosphere of “anything goes” in the
NP is now so strong that the more adventurous
verligtes are even making so bold as to break
yet new ground for the party.

Such an advance was made in the white
chamber this week by Mr Wynand Malan (NP
Randburg), who has long been in the vanguard
of NP reform thinking.

In a speech that could lay the foundation for
future Government dialogue with its sworn ene-
mies, Mr Malan told the House there was wide
acceptance for the view that there ‘could be
“structural violence” by the State.

Structural violence
The term “structural violence” is often used.

by enemies of apartheid to justify their use of
violence against the State. It is being used by

. the ANC to explain why it refuses to lay down
+ arms and talk.

CSO: 3400/609

83

By recognising that the Government can be
perceived to perpetrate structural violence, Mr
Malan could have created a new basis for dia-
logue with the ANC.

In an interview, Mr Malan said those who
spoke of “structural violence” referred to very
real issues such as the State's restriction of
free movement or the right to marry.

He said the goal should be to end both struc-
tural violence and revolutionary violence. “We
as the white power elite must take cognisance
of the fact that others see our policy as one of
violence,” he said.

Mr Malan also told the’ House that the Afri-
kaner people had experienced the same struc-
tural violence when it was oppressed by the
system. ,

He believes there is no ceiling to the current
reform Process — provided it observes certain
limits.

The conditions that he, and other NP ver-
ligtes set, are:

@There must be effective participation by

: every population group and

-@Groups must be given security within their

own political structures;
This thinking is beginning to sound suspicious-

. ly like the Progressive Federal Party policy

which ‘states there must be no discrimination
and no domination. All else is negotiable.

The difference is that the NP verligtes lay
more emphasis on separate structures. The PFP

. makes do with less substantial guarantees such

as a minority veto and a bill of rights.
The NP’s new open season for reform was

“also described by Mr Albert Nothnagel (NP In-

nesdal), who proposed a private member’s mo-
tion calling for all to participate in the Govern-
ment’s reform initiatives and to avoid domina-
tion, violence and boycotts as options.

Mr Nothnagel said the debate in South Africa
was open to all. The Government was not going
to the negotiating table with an R-1 rifle and
would permit no-one with an AK47.

The Government was not offering its little
finger to the black people of South Africa, but
was given its whole hand in friendship, he said.



JPRS-SSA-85-9):
12 March 1985 °

ANGOLA

UNITA COMMUNIQUE ON 28 JANUARY KALOMBOLOKA ATTACK

MB051700 (Clandestine) KUP in Portuguese to Central and Southern Africa
1200 GMT 5 Feb 85

[Communique issued by the office of the commander in chief of the Armed
Forces for the Liberation of Angola [FALA] in Jamba on 30 January]

[Text] Free Land of Angola, 5 Feb (KUP)--1. In the last 15 days, our
forces have intensified military and political activity with the aim of
suffocating Luanda.

a) As part of this strategy, at 0500 on 28 January 1985, FALA forces
attacked the town of Kalomboloka, the hometown of the late MPLA president,
Dr Agostinho Neto, 70 km south of Luanda.

b) The 3d battalion of the 84th Brigade, which was stationed at
Kalomboloka, comprised 420 troops of the People's Armed Forces for the
Liberation of Angola [FAPLA]. During the attack, our forces killed 170
FAPLA elements and destroyed seven Ural and Star trucks, as well as the
Angolan railroad station and two high-voltage transformers. In addition,
a total of four 82-mm mortars and 100 rifles were captured.

c) Efforts by the 84th and 44th brigades to protect the power line along
the Kambambe/Luanda road have not yielded good results.

2. Through lies, disinformation and displays, the MPLA is desperately
trying to block UNITA's advance, discourage the people, and demoralize
our troops.

a) There was no massacre of the civilian population in Kalomboloka. The
show staged by the MPLA is aimed at covering up the defeat suffered by the
3d FAPLA Battalion of the 84th Brigade while the MPLA was intoxicating
the Luanda residents with the so-called FAPLA victories over FALA.

b) The MPLA never admitted that there was a UNITA attack on FAPLA or Cuban
forces. On the MPLA side nobody died except the elderly, women, and
children,



BURUNDI

Visit to PRC Delegation Described
(LE RENOUVEAU DU BURUNDI, 15 Jan 85)......seecescccvsceseees

Church-Government Relations Compared With Those in Rwanda
(Jacques de Barrin; LE MONDE, 13-14 Jan 85)....ccceececseeee

GHANA
British Development Delegation Ends 18-Day Tour
(Accra Domestic Service, 8 Feb 85)..scccceeccceccecceeseecens
TIMES Disapproves Boycott of Public Tribunals
(Accra Domestic Service, 13 Feb 85)...cecccccccesccccesceeees
PNDC Head Apologizes for Attack on Editors
(Accra Domestic Service, 17 Feb 85)...scccccccccccccccccccees
Briefs
FRG-Ghana Agreement
Importation of Palm Oil Banned
LESOTHO
Briefs
TASS Receiver at Information Ministry
LIBERIA
Briefs
Court Ruling on UP Case
Distributing of Leaflets Denied
Member of Proposed UPP Arrested
MALAWL
Exile: One Step Forward, Two Steps Back
(Moeletsi Mbeki; THE HERALD, 30 Jan 85).......ccceeccecceeees
NAMIBIA

TASS Cites SWAPO Official on S. African, U.S. Policy
(TASS, 8 Feb 85)..cccccccccccccccceceeenstenseseseanerarenes

Further on SWATF Actions Against SWAPO
(SAPA, 15 Feb 85). cesccccseccccvececercesscccveseesesssvceeee

Current Political Situation Analyzed
(Riaan Louw; DIE VOLKSBLAD, 20 Dec 85)...-.ceeecececceereeees

14

15

19

21

22

23

23

24

27

29

30

32


JIPRS~SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

NIGERIA

ITF OFFICIAL FAVORS TRADE UNION AFFILIATIONS
AB091515 Lagos NAN in English 1336 GMT 9 Feb 85

[Text] Lagos, 9 Feb (NAN)--Roxy Udogwu, the African regional representative
of the International Transport Federation (ITF), said in Lagos yesterday
that it was hypocritical of African trade unionists to openly criticise
affiliations with international labour bodies.

Speaking at the closing ceremony of a 5-day seminar on the "Role of Trade
Unions in Economic Recession" at the Mainland Hotel, Ebute Metta, Mr Udogwu
said that while condeming such affiliations, African labour movements
were on the other hand gaining from the contributions of Asian workers to
the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU). He said that
trade unions were important instruments for good international relations,
stressing that they should encourage the coming together of workers, irres—
pective of racial differences, creed or religion," and by implication seek
the social, economic and cultural unity and progress of their nations."

He said that genuine working class solidarity would be derived if workers
freely associated themselves with others.

The national president of the Nigerian Ports Authority Workers Union
(NPAWU), Chief Abonema Agbonikhane, said that the union preferred
“affiliation to fraternisation because it provides it equal rights and
obligations in the ITF." He said that it was an act of denial of workers’
own right, if they were prevented from affiliation with "their own inter-
national colleagues with whom they share the same aspirations and
objectives," adding that doing so would amount to contravening the
International Labour Organisation (ILO) Convention No 87 of 1984 on
freedom of association and protection of human rights to organise.

The general secretary of the Union of Seamen and Water Transport Workers,
former Senator Joseph Ansa, said that the role of trade union education
could not be over emphasised, adding that it provided the "necessary
platform and springboard" with which workers could find solutions to their
collective problems. He said that Nigerian workers could only benefit
from such educational facilities through their collective and group
participations with other organisations.

38



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

SWEDEN'S FOREIGN TRADE MINISTER WARNS FCRMS AGALNST LNVES'TING
Stockholm DAGENS NYHE'TER in Swedish 12 Jan 85 p 8
[Article by Kaa Eneberg]

[Text] Foreign Trade Minister Mats Hellstrom ratsed a
warning fluger, in a letter to the Riksdag, aimed at a
number of Swedish firms who were guilty in 1983 of
vtolating the almost 5~year-old law forbidding new
investments tn South Africa.

“The €irms have now had enough expertence with this law that it ought to be
possible to avoid deviations from it in the future," Mats Hellstrom said in the
letter, which landed on the discussion table in the Riksdag on Friday.

The foreign trade minister, who proposed a tightening down on this law in the
Foreign Affairs Committee on Friday, said that he thinks however that the law,
according to the authorittes in charge of setting Limits—-the Commerce
Committee-~is generally adhered to fairly well.

Four Exemptions Granted

‘he yearly report rendered to the Riksdag by the Swedish Union of Corporations
indicates that in 1983 the government granted exemptions from the ban to four
firms. Sandvik and Swedish Ball Bearings (SKF) were each allowed to invest
sums of at least five million kronor. The non-socialist government had refused
requests From both of the firms on this matter days before the 1982 electtons.
Since 1979, when the law went into effect, Fifteen exemptions have been
granted, amounting toa total tnvestment.of 35 million kronor.

The basic rule is followed that new investments requiring the exemption should
not contribute to the growth of the Union of Corporations.

With the support of the Commerce Committee's observations in setting Limits,

the government maintains that certain observations can be made as regards a
uumber of firms.

69



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

REWARDS OFFERED FOR CAPTURE OF SWAPO MEMBERS
Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 13 Jan 85 p 2

[Text]

. Swapo official, Re 000 for ap ordinary hase “pi cho eal par" to win the.

errilla, RL for information on a is and minds of the local le.

THE South Aftican Defence Force in Everriiia's whereabouts and R200 for The report was compiled for the Tus.

South Africa/Namibia has offered Jocating a landmine. tice and Reconciliation Commission of

‘bounties” for the capture of Swapo “South West African Territory Force the SACBC.

Guerrillas or information about their peadguarters in Windhoek told the Sun- _The investigation ~- researched and

Movements, according to a report by day Times yesterday they would beable compiled by Miss Sarah Crowe, infor-

the South African Catholic Bishops Con- 9 reply on the alleged rewards only mation officer of the SACBC — was

‘ference (SACBC). tomorrow as no spokesman was avaii- based on interviews with church

‘The report, released in Pretoria this able. leaders, politicians, members of Swapo,

week, says the authorities are willing to ‘The report also claims that South soldiers, teachers, missionaries, work-

‘pay following scale of rewards for Africa has won the military war in ers, nurses and others, who all pre:

‘the capture of Swapo members: R20000 SWA/Namibia “with overpowering ad- ferred to remain anonymous, according
for a Swapo commandant, R10 000 fore vantage” — but is losing the second- to the report. .

cso: 3400/593

78


128081

12 March 1985

JPRS-SSA-85-019
|
|

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

FBIS

- 49980224 198

‘Dric QUALITY INSPECTED 2

FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE

ooueepey fEMENT A
Ree ian ee
i vublic releases
ROE SMI | Bpproved Te Gatimited |
dis



government. I really don't think my friends should expect me to welcome coups
automatically. I don't. Generally I don't welcome coups. After all a coup
is a coup, a coup is not a revolution.

You can never be sure whether a coup has been carried out in the interests of

the people. Many coups are carried out against the people. We have to make a
judgement about each situation and reasons of the coups and the characters of

the people taking over power and what they are doing with that power.

But generally I'm not a supporter of coups. There is no reason why I should
be an automatic supporter of coups. I believe in democracy. We may differ
about our definition of democracy. That debate is alright. But we cannot
differ very much about the need for the population to have a say in who is to
lead them in the struggle for liberation. :

I hope my friends can understand that even the very best soldiers, will find
it difficulty to mobilize the people for their development. You cannot devel-
op a Third World country without a tremendous involvement of the people. An
army cannot mobilise the people. It is very difficult, because it has its own
system. AN army can impose discipline, but mobilisation of the people is a
function of a political party. And you can't avoid it.

Q: Apparently this is your last term in office. Is it possible for the
people of Tanzania to persuade you to change your mind and go for another
Presidential term and if you don't change your mind do you think it will be
possible to have a smooth succession?

A: Well, philosophically it is possible. But one is really talking politi-
cally. I have been leading my country for a long time. If i were to stand
again this year people who were born many years after our independence would
vote for me--or against me! In fairness to the people of Tanzania, I think
the decision to step down should be mine. How can the people of Tanzania sit
down and ask me to step down?

If I decided to go'on the chances are that they would let me go on. And so I
think it is fair, if one wants to stop looking to the past and give the coun-
try a chance to look to the future, it is fair that my decision to step down
should be firm and final.

My duty to my country now is to help it through the transition to a new lead-
ership. It is not my duty to perpetuate the question: What happens when
Mwalimu goes? And I think that I have earned the right to make that decision.
I believe it is the right decision for my country and so do not propose to
change it.

Difficulties? I don't envisage too many difficulties, apart from the fear of
transition. The Party is strong. I think we can sit down rationally and
choose a candidate to recommend to the country as the next Head of State. Our
electoral system is well tried. These is no reason why the election should
not be smooth.

104


JPRS-SSA- 85-019

12 March 1985

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

ConTENTS

INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

Extensive Harbor Aid Reported
(FRANKFURTER ZELTUNG/BLICK DURCH DIE WIRTSCHAFT, 4 Jan 85).... 1

ANGOLA

UNITA Communique on 28 January Kalomboloka Attack
(KUP in Portuguese to Central and Southern Africa,

5 Feb 85) .cccscccecccecccsccevccseccsccceecessscssceescsecsees 4

Dos Santos Returns From Sao Tome Summit
(Luanda Domestic Service, 17 Feb 85)..eeseeceeceeecesecceeere 6

Briefs
Killing of 35 UNITA Members
55 UNITA Soldiars Killed
Delegation on Visit to Zaire

© ©

BENIN

Soviet Journalist Arrives for Visit
(Cotonou Domestic Service, 5 Feb 85)...eseeeceeceeeecererecees 9

Briefs
3.3. Billion CFA From FRG 10

BOTSWANA

Masire Says Foreign Minister to Visit RSA .
(SAPA, 18 Feb 85)..cceccencceccceeccecccsceccscescsrecesesseee LL

Bomb Blasts Home of Free Lance Journalist
(Gaborone Domestic Service, 13 Feb 85)...ssseeeeseeeceeeceeeee 12

Briefs
Chinese Doctors To Arrive 13



Candidate we have. Obviously if something was to happen to me now the country
would have to find a new Head of State. He is here amongst us. There must be
someone. And I keep saying that it is much better that.we should carry out
this transition together.

By: the end of this year I will have been President of my country for the 23
years. That is nearly a quarter of a century; it is not a small period. So I
feel my duty now is to help the country to get a new leadership and begin to-
retreat.

Q: What is your intention after the expiry of your term as a Party Chairman
in 1987?

A: First, I think the Party does not want me to be as:definite about 1987 as
I'm about 1985. Nevertheless I have expressed my views to the Party that
ideally I would like to step down in 1987, because we have accepted the wisdom
of combining the office of Head of State and that of Chairman of the Party.
That combination is important for the stability of our country. It is not
required by the Csontitution, we are trying to establish it only as a conven-
tion; and that is why this year I can step down as Head of State but remain as
Chairman of the Party.

CSO: 3400/588

105



UPRS-SSA-~85-0}
12 March 1985

MEMBER OF PROPOSED UPP ARRESTED--A member of the committee to organize

the United People's Party [UPP], Mr Eric Deer, has been arrested by
security personnel in Monrovia. A release from the proposed United
People's Party said Mr Deer was arrested yesterday in the offices of the
Special Elections Commission [Secom] following a meeting with Secom. The
committee has indicated that earlier yesterday Mr Deer, who reported

to its offices, expressed surprise about Secom's announcement last Friday
that he was wanted but was in hiding. According to the committee, Mr Deer
said that as far as he was aware, no one was looking for him in Nimba but
he decided to come to Monrovia upon hearing the announcement. The UPP
committee said it advised Mr Deer to immediately make himself available

to Secom and it provided some officials to accompany him. The UPP
committee said that when Mr Deer reported to Secom, Mr Harmond told him
that he must first go back to Nimba and report to the Joint Security there.
The committee said it was at Secom that Mr Deer was arrested by the security
personnel, It can be recalled that last Friday the Secom quoted the Joint
Security in Nimba County as accusing Mr Eric Deer of distributing UPP
leaflets in Nimba and that he was in hiding. [Text] [Monrovia Radio ELWA
in English 0655 GMT 13 Feb 85]

CSO: 3400/598

26


Development and Plan- | bition of Mixed Marria,
ning, faced the 45-member Act boiled down to “dis-
House of Delegates, they  criminatory legislation”.
tried all kinds of semantic! MPs in both Houses
acrobatics to explain the made the point loud and
{nexplicable. j ' clear that persons of colour
But all they succeeded in subjected ‘to the daily hu-
Roodgates of peotup bic tei dignity and integrity
of pent-up bit- and int
terns frostration and an- . by being subjected to a
fer ott indian and coloured i held lave could not be ex-
. Without exception all | impressed
have suffered directly from | with present rhetoric.
South Africa’s discrimina- Anything less than the
, tory laws. : a removal of the laws
On Wednesday the vic- / from the statute books
. tims and the perpetrators’ ould mean that the discre,
mina’
$f apartheld came face to | oto South African of a
int was a bruising reckon-

darker hue would be 1
"ihe hite ue ea tuto odie
hapless two wi uals ai ut ies
Ministers faced torrents of | Mike the provincial and
ing ¢ commitment that all mere both irony and
a commitment ‘There was
tke laws would be. strength in this weeks de-

thi i bate: it took place in a

» Serapped this session, Peelall divided [Parlia,
i * ment. was the most
Astounding intense and acrimonious at-

‘Mr de Klerk found him- tack on ‘the Government's
self with his back to the facially divisive policy by
all, In answer to a such a large number of

ion e for Schau- MPs.
dervite, Mr Charles Red- | _ The coloured and Indian

’ cliffe, he made the | MPs were attacking gov-
astounding admission for a ' ernment policy with a sta-

Nationalist Minister that tus theoretically equal to
Section 16 of the Immoral- Mr de Klerk and Mr
ity Act as well as the Prohi- _ Heunis. .

cso: 3400/609

85

er that was un-
But outside of thei in Parliament this

the al

bating rooms the ‘leashed
full Oe ee ea
It was, in fact, the reflec-
tion of the all-consuming
p-seated hatred for

these laws by communities

roded by the acid of South
Africa’s race dispensation.
The debate — searing,
bitter_and uncomfortable
— was essential. It was a
sign of some hope.
For if the sickness of rac-
: dsm, as David Curry
‘scribed it this week, is to be
cured, both sides will have *
“. to undergo the purgdtive

Naturally, this can only
form part of the therapy,
ie dete irae

legislature
down in interminable re-
criminations. Action will be
the test.

Inferior

Mr Hendrickse and Mr"

Rajbansi serve in President °
,P W Botha’s Cabinet, but
outside of that rarified fo-

rum they remain si

National Party collea;
which relegate them oun, 1
mistakably inferior stand- :-

"Sic

Hendrickse will live

tary ilage is own
e :

area. For Mr Raj- |

itis thesame.

Neither Minister can

down

Adderley Street and drop
into any restaurant without
running the risk of being re-
fused service.
Cape Town’s central
: cinemas are closed to both
men, If either wanted to
catch a train he would have
to travel in a coach marked
“non-white”. They could not
into certain hotels
which do not have
toserve “non-whit

White South Africans
might find it difficult
derstand the. it

If the tricameral Parlia-
ment is to have any credi-
it will have to be seen
killing off the

tentacles, or merely de-
scribing its characteristics.
And that was the mes-
the House of Dele-
and the House of
resentatives

Hei
- take to the President.



CRITICISM OF CONSCRIPTION MOUNTS

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 4 Feb 85 p 9

{Article by Andrew Beattie]

[Text]

Conscription has been a heated
issue in many countries, not
least South Africa.

My-country-right-or-wrong
is no longer the criterion by
which young conscripts can
easily justify obedience to the
dictates of the State.

In South Africa, especially
since escalation of the Nami-
bian conflict and the use of
‘National Servicemen in quell-
ing township protests, criticism
of conscription has mounted,
particularly from church, stu-
dent and other opposition

groups. .

The authorities would argue
that if one accepts the benefits
of citizenship, one must accept
the burden of military service
too.

This applies to whites.

But what of other groups?

One, of the most common
protests during the coloured
and Indian elections last year
was that acceptance of the
New Deal would lead to young
males in these communities
being called up.

The low percentage polls in
these elections were interpret-
ed by some as a rejection by
these communities of being
made beneficiaries of the sys-
tem at the cost of having to de-
fend it in future.

Young whites, other than

_ bona fide religious objectors,

who object to being called up

80

for national service either
leave the country or face a jail
sentence.

Some swallow their objec-
tions and report for service.

Last year the Government
introduced the Religious Objec-
tors Board to screen religious
and moral objectors and to
provide for alternative or com-
munity service for those whose
religious beliefs stopped them
from serving in the military.

This board is presided over
by Mr MT Steyn and includes
Defence Force representative
Colonel H Bosman, an army
chaplain and four representa-
tives of church groups.

It usually sits in Bloemfon-
tien, but can move to other
areas for hearings.

Last year the board re-

viewed 150 cases, says board
member the Rev Vivian
Harris, a Methodist minister.

LAWYERS _

“Almost all of these appli-
cants were granted religious
objector status,” he said.

‘Applicants are not entitled to
legal representation before the
board and the board does not
use lawyers.

Mr Harris said that once ah
applicant had put his case in
writing before the board, his

JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


JPRS-SSA-85~019
12 March 1985

ANGOLA

BRIEFS

KILLING OF 35 UNITA MEMBERS--Benguela (Angola), 6 Feb (EFE)--Fifty-five
members of the guerrilla antigovernment "National Union for the Total
Independence of Angola" (UNITA) were killed by regular troops in munici-
palities near the city of Benguela. The announcement, made by the ANGOP
news agency citing official sources, does not specify when the actions in
which the killings took place occurred. "ANGOP also reported" that

another 18 members of UNITA surrendered voluntarily to Benguela authorities.
[Text] [Madrid EFE in Spanish 1107 GMT 6 Feb 85]

55 UNITA SOLDIERS KILLED--The national defense and security forces killed
55 UNITA bandits and captured two others in recent operations carried out
in the 8th military region, according to a report by ANGOP. During the
operations, which were carried out in Balombo, Bocoio, Chongoroi and Cubal,
541 huts sheltering the counterrevolutionaries were destroyed. Taking
advantage of the Angolan forces operations against the bandits, 230 members
of the public escaped the claws of their captors and surrendered to the
People's Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola. [Text] [Luanda
Domestic Service in Portuguese 0500 GMT 6 Feb 85]

DELEGATION ON VISIT TO ZAIRE--Comrade Jose Eduardo dos Santos, the chairman
of the MPLA-Labor Party and president of the People's Republic of Angola,
this morning left for the Republic of Zaire for a 4-day official and
friendly visit at the invitation of President Mobutu Sese Seko. Included
in the presidential delegation are Comrades Dino Matross, a member of the
MPLA-Labor Party Political Bureau and minister of state security; Bernardo
de Sousa, a member of the MPLA-Labor Party Central Committee and minister
of transport and communications; Emilio Guerra, the minister of fisheries;
Ferreira Neto, the minister of health; Venancio de Moura, the deputy
minister of external relations; and Carlos Fernandes, the state secretary
for cooperation. Members of the MPLA-Labor Party and. government, as well ;
as of the mass organizations and the diplomatic corps accredited to Angola, j
were present at 4 February International Airport to see off the president. |
It is worth recalling that President. Jose Eduardo dos Santos visited
Kinshasa last December, where he attended the installation ceremony of
Field Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko to the post of chairman of the Popular
Movement of the Revolution and president of the Republic of Zaire. [Text]
[Luanda Domestic Service in Portuguese 1200 GMT 6 Feb 85]

cso: © 3442/173



JPRS: SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SENEGAL

SAUDI ARABIA SIGNS AGREEMENT ON WATER SUPPLY PROGRAM
AB122030 Dakar Domestic Service in French 1300 GMT 12 Feb 85

[Excerpts] Saudi Arabia yesterday signed in Dakar a financial agreement
concerning a village water supply program which will cost about

45.5 billion CFA francs and which is meant for 10 African countries
including Senegal. Chad will also benefit from this program and the
Chadian minister of water resources [Adoum Moussa Seif] stressed its
importance for his country to Iba Gueye.

{Begin recording] [Seif] It is a priority for all the country for we
know what is now going on. We are very much in need of drinking water
for people and animals. We think, therefore, that it is a project which
each member country of the Sahel and the Permanent Interstate Committee
for Drought Control in the Sahel has hailed with great satisfaction.
[End recording]

{Gueye] Mr Minister, did Saudi Arabia impose any conditions?

[Seif] I do not think there are any conditions because Saudi Arabia,
which is making a gift to the Sahelian countries, cannot impose any
particular conditions on the receiving countries. To be sure, there are
certain practical problems between the executing enterprises and the
receiving owing to the fact that the enterprises are after :their interests
while we, on our part, want the maximum number of wells. [End recording]

CSO: 3419/375

50



I said perhaps thirty years. That was in 1967. Well, we have not done thirty
years yet? But quite frankly, what I mean by socialism will probably take

much longer to achieve.

So I say my country is not socialist. How can we be socialist when we are so
backward and so poor and there is still so much inequality in our society? So
clearly we are not socialist. We are not self-reliant either. We can't be
self-reliant when we are still so poor, and so backward. Yet the Arusha
Declaration was on socialism and self-reliance. But it was a declaration of
objectives and both were challenges and what we need to do is simply to live
to those challenges. The objectives are still there. Nothing went wrong.

Building socialism and self-reliance is simply a long, long process. But of
course, we could have done better. We have gone through immense difficulties
during the last few years. I think we did reasonably well in the first decade
after the Declaration, from 1967 to 1977. I think we did very well.

Economically, it was a period of growth all the time. Socially I think we did
very well for that was the period of our major achievements in the social
services, education and water supply to our villages. By the end of 1977/1978
we were exporting food. There was a period we came to Nigeria to find out if
we could sell rice there!

But then after the second price hike in oil, things began to be very difficult
for us. Our problems began in 1978/79. They haven't ended. That is why it
is not very difficult for me to say that we were poorer in 1983 than we were
in 1982. For all we know we might be poorer this year than we were last year.
I don't know.

But this has nothing to do with the policy of socialism and self-reliance.
Many Third World countries which are by no means socialist are having similar
problems. In fact in Tanzania just now there is a general feeling that
perhaps the worst is over, and that things are beginning to pick up again.
I'm not quite sure. But we have gone through five very difficult years, and
that is understandable.

But when our critics ask that question usually they mean that socialism has
gone wrong in Tanzania. The idea of self-reliance has gone wrong. It has
not. It will take a long time to achieve these objectives. I think in Tan-
zania if one tries now to turn the country away from its objectives of social-
ism and self-reliance he would be in real trouble, and that itself is an
achievement.

Q: Mwalimu you haven't yet found anything wrong with the development strate-
gies you adopted since independence.

A: No.

Q: Because there is talk about moving away from socialism.

92


JPRS-SSA-85-919

12 Ma

rch 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

GOVERNMENT ACCUSED OF OVER-INFLATING MONEY SUPPLY

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 18 Jan 85 p 13

{Article by Bill Levitt]

[Text] |

The government is destroying
the fundamentals of the South
African economy by printing too
many rands and trying to con-
trol the mioney supply through
interest rates — a tactic aban-
doned by other Western nations,
gays economist Dr Frank Shos-
tal

The main problem is money
supply, which grew 42 percent
in the first 11 months of last
year against a US growth rate
of 7 percent, the head of Econo-.
metrix, an economic research
unit, told a news conference yes-

terday.

“The government is destroy-
ing the fundamentals of the SA
economy ...and its (monetary
and fiscal) policies are sick.”

Over the next four years the
result will be disastrous, with
continued high inflation, a rand
that could plunge to $0,25 and
incredibly high unemployment,

says Dr Shostak.

The government has insisted
that it is pursuing a tight mone-
tary policy but Dr Shostak, a

| free market disciple, disagrees.

Nowhere in the world are
countries printing money as
wildly, operating at such low
productivity levels and ex-
periencing such high inflation,

he emphasised.

GE SAME ORT
4.67

8
Bs

+ YEAR AGO
5.57

3,52

FGRECAST: REAL GROSS OBMESTIC PRODUCT

Option 1

% CHAN
=p.58

2:83

eo

Option 2

71

ma

is

T
T 908 ‘ar py

TINE

ria

~ CONTROLS

Following the first oil crisis,
the West résponded by printing
money but the resulting infla-
tion cramped their economies.
The US, Japan and West Ger
many have controlled inflation
in recent years by sharply re-

, ducing the growth of their
money supply.

Controls to halt the slide of
the rand or protect local indus-
tries are not the answer. They
are expensive to maintain, cre-
ate too many bureaucratic prob-
lems and are treating the sym
toms, not the money supply



IPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

NAMIBIA

CURRENT POLITICAL SITUATION ANALYZED
Bloemfontein DIE VOLKSBLAD in Afrikaans 20 Dec 84 p 11

[Second of three-part article by Riaan Louw: "VPK Makes Progress, SWAPO is
Poking Around"]

[Text] The polarization into pronounced pro- and anti-Marxist alliances is
a new dimension in South-West African politics which came about around the
time of the talks earlier this year in Lusaka between representatives of the
Multiparty Conference [VPK] and SWAPO, according to Dr Willie van Niekerk,
administrator-general of South-Wéest. Africa.

The separation into two well-defined groups with distinct goals also has wider
implications. In contrast to the VPK, which was recently one year old and in
that time has made decided progress, SWAPO has been poking around pulling
together allies in an attempt to be in a position to react to the strategic
moves by the VPK in the direction of independence.

Ultimatum

The ultimatum issued by the VPK to SWAPO, that it indicate by 31 December
whether it is prepared to discuss around a conference table the problems sur-
rounding independence, puts further pressure on SWAPO.

SWAPO, or more specifically its leader, Mr Sam Nujoma, was asked to provide
answers to a series of questions, in part about its objectives, as part of
this report, but it chose to ignore them.

Mr Sean Cleary, head director of the office of administrator-general of South-
West Africa, believes that the creation of the VPK has definiitely had an effect
on SWAPO's long-term and short-term goals.

Struggle

According to him, the stage has been reached in the history of the struggle
for South-West Africa where the objectives of. South Africa, the five Western
countries involved in the South-West African conflict, some of the frontline
states and the overwhelming majority of the South-Wést African people are


This was done not so much for the purpose of preventing the creation of a
permanent atmosphere around elections, as the official statement maintains.
It was especially because, in this period of difficult even explosive
political, economic and social crisis, the PS felt that it would be dangerous
if the "heated" media carried the criticisms made by the opposition even
into the thatched cottages. And-all the more so, since this year the
personal appeal of Abdou Diouf, who, in 1983, was the only battle horse

of the PS, has undergone considerable depreciation.

Defender Of Democracy

And so the government, contrary to what it said in its appeals, did not
want a public opinion poll to be taken, since it had cut off the best means
of implementing one. Therefore its victory became all the easier since it
had sufficient means of going to the voters and of rousing them to vote,

if not directing them how to vote, which was something that was not available
to the opposition. The height of the irony is that it once again finds
itself today in the role of defender of democracy, with its accusations that
the militants of the opposition (the PDS and the PLP [Party for the
Liberation of the People's of Senegal]) impeded the proper conduct of the
poll. However, the opposition did not allow the ground to be pulled from
under its feet. It too sallied forth with its long list of denunciations.
This had begun even before the elections, some ascribing to a possible
performance totally negative on their part to the irregularities that would
be introduced into the voting process. So be it. But now that the dice,
loaded as they may be, are cast our political future is destined. For

the government's part, President Diouf declares that he is ready to
"interpret the message of the elections in accordance with the deep-felt,
legitimate aspirations of the people of Senegal." Unfortunately, these
aspirations, according to the reasoning of Babacar Niang of the PLP, have
not been expressed.. To vote for the PS, he said (see LE SOLEIL for Saturday,
24 November), is to vote "for the disgusting filth of our towns, the
neglect of the municipal teams on their way out, the dishonest practices

of certain rural community chairmen." But this cannot be said to represent
our aspirations. Abdou Diouf has no doubt at all about them. Political
honesty ought to force him to interpret these aspirations in another way.

To end up with what?

With a new appeal for a vote of confidence as in 1983? The present state
of the relations with the leftist opposition is not very resigned to such
an idea. The Right (MRS [Senegalese Republican Movement] and PDS) might
show itself to be amenable, but Boubacar Gueye and his party have no
political clout, while, in the PDS, the party base is still opposed to such
a vote of confidence, which, at one point, so intrigued the leadership of
this party that it was almost induced to come to terms with the idea.

So it seems more likely that a rapprochement will come from the opposition.
Its grave defeat is surely not connected with acts of chicanery alone. It
is the second time that the verdict at the voting booths proved to be
disastrous for it, even though the situation of the country should have

44


GOVERNMENT PLANS DRIVE TO BOOST RURAL INVESTMENT

Harare THE HERALD in English 30 Jan 85 p3

[Text]

cso:

3400/569

‘THE Government has drafted proposals to encourage
industrialists to invest in the rural areas, the assistant
secretary for industry and technology, Cée Ebenezer
Mudede, said yesterday.

He told a four-day conference on rural industries
and growth points in Harare that a report on research
conducted by the United Nations Industrial Develop-
ment Organisation in 1988 urged the Government to
set up district and rural service centres to provide
premises for small-scale industries,

He said. the development of small-scale rural
industries demanded incentives prick faa to be re-

vant to each region so that eveloped
received the strongest incentives,

The incentives could Include:

@ Tax exemption;
8 Interest tree Joans or reduced borrowing interest
rates;
$.; Provision of favourable foreign exchange alloca-

@ ie estabshment of institutions on appropriate

‘ite [udede, said the main main problems affecting the the
development of small-scale industries in the
areas included management and marketing etivition,
financing, foreign exchange allocations, general and
Industrial infrastructure and technical’ ‘skills, among
others,

‘The develépment of such industries was important

it created employment and raised incomes

and the general standard of Uving in the communal
areas.

The workshop has been jointly organised by the
University of Zimbabwe's de “soparttnent of rural and
fe eee and the Institute of Social Studies i in

More than 70 delegates are participating from

West Germany, Austria, Kenya, Zambia, Holland,
Tanzania, Botswana and Malawi.

113

1EPS~SSA-85-019
2 March 1985

ZIMBABWE



for that purpose. We also decided to develop the rural radio and television.
I think in regard to production that is all I wanted to say.

The last decision that is worth pointing out also concerns training and
research. The conference stressed the need to have highly qualified staff
in the communications field who are capable of processing information

in its broadcast sense as well as running the communications system we
want to set up. They should also be able to handle both the old and new
technologies. In this field, we agreed that existing training centers
should be strengthened. [End recording]

csO: 3419/275

49



enabled it to perform in a virtually better way, even if its ideological
language is less forceful than that of the PS, which deals with purely
financial concerns.

Actually, the split up among the opposition continues to harm it. And it

would be suicidal for it to go on as if nothing had happened. The regroupings
by sectors (Suxxali Reewmi) did not have the impact on the people that was
anticipated and that was enjoyed by what was called, during its brief existence,
the "Refusal Front."

The first fruits of a possible unity made a brief appearance at the joint
press conference held by the PIT and the LD [Democratic League] before the
elections. They were apparent in the language of Bathily (LD), who expressed
his regret "that the opposition was unable to regroup itself around a slogan
against the PS and make the latter the target of the election battles."

(See LESOLEIL cited above).

The presidential election of 1988 is almost here. Now today, the opposition
is in a weakened condition, despite the fact that it has a great number

of claims to make. In this way, these results must be for it more of a
revelation of its weaknesses (weaknesses of those who did not have a

share in those same results), rather than an indicator of the great capacity
of the PS militants for chicanery. The true result of these elections is not
represented by the large number of votes garnered by the PS, but rather by
the high percentage of those who abstained in the electoral college.

8089
CSO: 3419/196

45



JPRS-SSA-g5_9]
12 March 1985 °

SOUTH AFRICA

INTRA-AFRICAN SOLUTIONS, COOPERATION ADVOCATED
Pretoria BEELD in Afrikaans 27 Dec 84 p 8
[Editorial: "African Government"]

[Text] In his provoking article "Unity Through One Party?" published Monday
in BEELD, Professor Arrie van Rensburg addresses Africa's search for a charac-
teristic, pertinent governmental system for the continent.

South Africa's establishment of a new constitutional dispensation is resound-
ing proof of the recognition that Western democracy is simply not of use in an
African society, but it is certainly not the first such proof. Other African
countries~-which had in fact been ruled for years under these Western systems--
expressed their disenchantment with it by falling back into one-party struc—
tures, or, as some choose to cal] it, one-party democracies.

For white South Africans taught to view the multiparty system as the beginning
and end of all forms of democracy, it sounds like a complete contradiction to
use the word democracy in connection with a one-party state. And yet, white
South Africans of all groups have over the last 36 years willingly thrown them-
selves behind one party more and more, to the extent that it could even be said
that South Africa today has all the disadvantages of a one-party system with-
out one single advantage. (For example, a weak member of parliament still can-
not be ousted without the fear that the party will be set back.)

Now, the above does not mean that BEELD.is going to suddenly begin advocating
a one-party system for South Africa. What we do wish to emphasize on the basis
of Professor Van Rensburg's article is how foolish it would be for all African
nationalists not to shake hands, or at least talk with one another, seeking
solutions, especially here in Southern Africa where all the complexities of
the continent are present.

One thing is certain: we will not find our solutions in the council chambers
of Europe or in the debates at the United Nations, but here on our own conti-
nent. Africans of all color and beliefs would be foolish if they did not yet
believe this.

12271
cso: 3401/72

74


ANGER, BITTERNESS AMONG NEW MP'S OVER APARTHEID

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 10 Feb 85 p 21

[Article by Norman West]

[Text ]

AN MP and his wife try to book
“into a country hotel. They are re-’
fused a room because of their
colour. .

Another MP wants to take his child-
ren to a local cinema. An embarrassed
manager turns them away.

et another MP and a top trade
unionist cannot take a glass of wine in
many of the licensed establishments in
whic his members and constituents
work.

‘That is the reality of apartheid on the
street for 130 coloured and Indian MPs
elected to the country’s Parliament last -
August. And it is the same reality faced
by millions of other South Africans of
colour.

It is this-humiliation and frustration
that surfaced in Parliament this week
in torrents of bitter condemnation di-
rected at white Ministers and their race
policies.

Harsh

The debate underlined that it is not
only rhetoric that must be changed but
laws — particularly laws which
de ‘Kierk, Minister of Home Affairs, in
an amazing moment of frankness, ad-
mitted were discriminatory.

For the harsh truth is that, while
fierce debate rages on in the tricameral
Parliament over the repeal of sex laws
based on race, their imminent repeal
alone is unlikely to impress millions of
South Africans of colour caught up daily
in the tentacles of the apartheid octo-

us.
, A small minority are caught up in
: “immoral” love relationships or bound

84

. Christian” lifestyle

by “illegal” marriages.

UPRS-SSA~-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

The repeal of these laws — scheduled

touched millions who will

* for this session — would still leave un-

continue to It decides the entire life
humiliation suffer daily .: pattern of brown and black
scores of other racially | South Africans from the
discriminatory laws. : cradle tothe g grave.

At the root of apartheid, "-y_t qaeciaes.. mere one
elu of colour, in- Should go to school, where
cluding Indian Cabinet ; one an school, whe
Minister Amichand \ should live, which cine-
bansi and coloured Cabinet | 8, restaurants and hotels
Minister Allan Hendrickse, "€ May attend and, more
will testify, is tte Popula- importantly, gives licence
tion Registration Act coup. , ‘© the management of most
Ted with its stepchild, the | public establishments to
Group Areas Act. : ser ote ara ainst peo-

tion ‘on
Acrobats protection Sent

To the average white

. South African, and certain-
Hy for the

and the CP,
appeals from South Afri-
cans of colour for:the re-

‘moval of the Group Areas

Act bly only conjure
up hae of uncon-
trolled influx of blacks into
white areas or undesirable
coloured neighbours who
would be an embarrass-
ment to their “Western and

le.
obody, Hi phat
nobody, no matter: wi
colour, likes‘ undesirable
neighbours.

‘he Group Areas Act,
contrary to superficial be-
lief, does not only force peo-

Such people

‘ple to live where Pretogia’s
- bureaucrats arbitrarily de-

cide they should live.

_ The deep anger of the
: coloured and Tndian com-
munity — reflected this
by moderate
) MPs — is precisely that
| Separate is not equal. The
Group Areas Act lama-
tions usually include white
residential areas close to
the safest beaches and the
; choicest amenities.
For those of colour it is
| relegation to barren out-
backs or in townships that
serve as sprawling over-,
night dormitories largely
out of sight and out of mind
to whites, fi
When Mr de Klerk came
| face to face on Wednesday
+ with the 85-member House ©
of Representatives and his

: colleague, Mr Chris Heunis, '

Minister of Constitutional


The 5-day seminar, which ended yesterday, was jointly organised by the ITF
and the Friedrick-Ebert Foundation of Western Germany and was aimed at
examining and analysing the role of trade union officials in a recessionary
economic environment. Twenty-five senior officials of the IIF affiliate
unions in the country participated in the seminar. It was also to help the
participants find solutions which could lighten the burden of trade union
officials during collective bargaining under a recession.

cso: 3400/499

39



The Prime Minister stressed the need for good relations between commercial,
communal and resettlement farmers, which he said must be deepened to ensure

that good farming methods were exchanged.

"I should add that our communal farmers are in the great majority of cases
very keen to learn new methods of husbandry, especially were it is demon-
strated to them practically that there are real benefits to be derived from
the adoption of such methods.

"I am informed that Marondera West intensive conservation area (ICA) has done
a lot of work in trying to improve cattle management among the Chiota farmers,
while Wenimbi ICA has assisted resettlement schemes in crop and livestock
production."

Cde Mugabe assured the farmers that while they had problems with illegal occu-
pation of private farmland and streambank cultivation, the Government was
working hard to curb these practices.

Cde Mugabe said the farmers' efforts must coincide with the Government's to
promote the national economy. "Stay where you are and we will give you en-
couragement, but if you have spare land, please let us have it for
resettlement."

The Government would not tolerate absentee farmers and would not hesitate to
take over their farms and make it national land.

Asked whether the Government would nationalise farms it wanted for resettle-
ment after establishing socialism, Cde Mugabe said the right of the individual
to his property would be respected and farms would be negotiated only on a
willing-seller and willing-buyer basis.

“We are not digging a grave for our Constitution and any amendments made to
sections of the Constitution will not overthrow it," he assured the farmers.

On resettlement, he said: "We would rather the peasants be resettled on a co-
operative basis."

CsO: 3400/569

109



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

ZIMBABWE

BRIEFS

ELECTRICAL ENGINEERS RECRUIT BULGARIANS--HARARE City Council has nominated the
City Electrical Engineer, Mr Bruce Moore, and the acting distribution engin-
eer, Mr Barry Chadothe, to fly to Sofia, Bulgaria to interview suitable engin-
eers for secondment to the engineering department. The council approved the
nominations last week, and the two officials will leave once the Minister of
Local Government and Town Planning, Cde Enos Chikowore, approves the trip. Mr
Moore has received confirmation from the Bulgarian Embassy that Technoimplex
in Sofia is ready to receive two specialists from Harare to interview the en-
gineers who have already been lined up to work in Zimbabwe. The council has a
critical shortage of engineers and its efforts to recruit in India have not
been successful. [Text] [Harare THE HERALD in English 30 Jan 85 p 5]

CSO: 3400/569 END

118


NOTICE

A new serial entitled WORLDWIDE REPORT: ‘ARMS CONTROL will
be published starting in March 1985.

The new report will contain Soviet, European, and other foreign
media reportage and commentary on arms control issues, negotiations,
agreements, and treaties. Much of the material will be reprinted

from the regional FBIS DAILY REPORTS.

U.S. Government consumers may arrange to receive the new report
through regular publications distribution channels or by

contacting:

FBIS/Liaison and Requirements
P.O. Box 2604
Washington, D.C. 20013

Other consumers may order the report by contacting:

National Technical Information Service
5285 Port Royal Road
Springfield, VA 22161



during World War Two, the leaders of the Nationalist Party of these Bothas and
Malans supported the killing of Jews. Many of them were locked up during the
war, because they opposed this War against Hitler. They were in detention
during the whole period of the war after which, of course, they won in 1948
and they are still there.

All this is being conveniently forgotten by the advocates of constructive
engagement. What would Reagan have thought of constructive engagement with
Hitler? What would the Europeans have thought of a policy by major power like
the United States of constructive engagement with Nazism? They would have
called it worse than appeasement.

And why then are we expected to welcome a policy of constructive engagement
with apartheid? It is an immoral policy within an immoral regime. How should
we welcome this? I hope that Africa will see the policy of constructive
engagement for what it is. And I'm glad that many people in the United States
are waking up to this policy and are now beginning to voice their opposition
to it.

Many people in the United States are saying this is wrong. This is very im-
portant. And I hope you will continue exposing the real nature of this
policy, because we must not send the wrong signals to Washington and the rest
of the world about what we believe is going on in South Africa.

Q: Would you support some kind of a marshal plan for Africa given the pre-
vailing economic problems in the Continent?

A: Yes, I would support it. I think the first person to raise it was the
former Chancellor Kreisky of Austria. He recalled the importance of the
Marshall Plan to the recovery of Western Europe after World War II. Europe
had developed its own advanced technology, but the countries had been
destroyed by war. Had it not been for the support they got from the Americans
they would not have recovered as quickly as they did. But Africa's position
is worse, he said that Europe's position after the War; for Africa lacks the
technical and managerial expertise that Europe had.

Africa needs to acquire this expertise, but in addition Africa needs to invest
heavily in developing its basic economic infrastructure. And I did support
this idea, and in particular in developing the infrastructure. But Kreisky's
idea was not supported by the Rich North. Yet the need to develop Africa's
unftrastructure remains absolutely basic to our future development. But
America's Marshal Plan for Europe had also a political and strategic
objective!

Q: There is generally a feeling in Nigeria that you have some reservations on
the present military government, a feeling that you have somehow had a luke-
warm posture on the government. What is your attitude?

A: Yes, I got that feeling. I got the feeling that perhaps, we were lukewarm

towards the new Government in Nigeria. I don't know whether they still hold
that but I did get the impression that they did so at one time. I think this

102


JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

POSSIBILITY OF TALKS WITH ANC DISCUSSED
Bloemfontein DIE VOLKSBLAD in Afrikaans 21 Dec 84 p 10
[Ediorial: "Talks With the ANC?"]

[Text] The findings of the most recent opinion poll by the RGN [Human Sciences
Research Council] concerning white political attitudes can of course be inter-
preted in various ways. There will also be those who would simply brush the
findings aside.

Without reading too much into the findings, however, it is clear that the
dividing lines for certain matters certainly do not correspond to the present
state of political parties in the House of Assembly. This confirms the ten-
dency towards political fluidity which is in progress as part of a large
political reorganization phase.

The other thing that is obvious is that nearly the same number of white South
Africans believe that negotiations with the ANC should begin as those who
believe that such negotiations are odious. The conclusion that these two
groups are almost equal in strength confirms the observation that more and
more white South Africans, including a significant number of Afrikaners and
Nationalists, feel that the day for negotiations is rapidly approaching.

The realization that whites alone cannot decide the future of all fellow coun-
tymen is a good beginning for bargaining. Of course, it will be difficult for
the government and the ANC in their present forms to be able to begin talks
such as these. It is with good reason that voices have been raised in govern-
ment circles that the ANC must first renounce violence. The counterdemand
could also be raised that the government must first show its sincerity in
making a complete break with apartheid and discrimination, possibly through

a symbolic act which would incorporate the deletion of various laws, or the
relaxation of limitations on the ANC and on its leadership.

Such developments could pave the way for a domestic powwow. And negotiation
towards a compromise is the only thing that is going to keep the violent wind
in South Africa from reaching the hurricane strength of Lebanon or Northern
Ireland.

Last week, DIE VOLKSBLAD reported on a conversation with the ANC leadership
in Lusaka. From this it was clear that there is a considerable common basis
for conducting talks. Whoever misses or slights these opportunities will
have to bear the blame for what is then reaped.

12271 62
CsO: 3401/72


JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SENEGAL

KA COMMENTS ON TELECOMMUNICATIONS MEETING
AB111850 Dakar Domestic Service in French 0700 GMT 11 Feb 85

[Excerpts] Information and Telecommunications Minister Djibo Ka returned
to Dakar yesterday evening from Cairo where he attended the conference of
French-speaking countries’ ministers of communications. Many decisions
were made. Let us listen to the minister:

[Begin Ka recording] First of all, communication: Communication is
considered here in its full meaning. It concerns the message and the means
used to convey it. In the field of telecommunications, a proposal was
made and adopted concerning a telecommunications satellite project for the
French-speaking world to be used for communication purposes. According to
the will of the member countries of the Cultural and Technical Cooperation
Agency [ACCT], which were represented at the conference by about 20 ministers,
we also decided to establish a communications zone of the French-speaking
world. A technical committee will be set up to this effect to examine all
the technical and financial aspects of the decisions. Of course, our
country will be on the technical committee.

Still in the communications sector, a second decision was made. France,
which is going to launch a telecommunications satellite soon, made a
proposal that the possibility for putting a part of this satellite at the
disposal of the French-speaking world should be examined. Participants
in the conference accepted the proposal.

The second important decision concerns production in the field of radio,
television, and also cinema since cinema is also part of communications in
its broadest sense. Concerning the production and the joint production of
radio, television, and films, we decided to set up a special assistance
fund for joint productions in radio and television by competent organs of
the ACCT member countries because we realized that this was one of the
promising sectors but that it was an expensive proposition for each
individual member country of the organization.

Concerning cinema, we particularly stressed the need to promote African

films, that is films produced by French-speaking film producers. In this
regard, the ACCT must, in the first place, assist film festivals established

48



And I am saying that without a realisation that we are not free, a realisation
that we are still going in phase of liberation, we will not look at unity as
an instrument of liberation. Because unity is an instrument of liberation
only if you see there is need to liberate yourself. But if there is no need
to liberate ourselves there is no need for unity.

Q: As the Chairman of the OAU what hopes do you have that African states may
eventually see the need for coming together for their own socio-economic
development?

A: Well, my hope is that this realisation is gradually dawning upon us in
Africa. I believe, I hope. It is a hope and a belief. We have the Lagos
Plan of Action. It is a realisation that Africa has got to do something about
its social and economic development. During the last three or four years we
were not able to do anything.

But last year it was very clear, that there was some kind of awakening in
Africa. There is an awakening about the need to turn our attention to the
economic development of Africa. But there is also the feeling that we should
do it together. So I am hoping that since now we are going to be discussing
our economic development; and those who see it as a form of liberation are
going to keep'on saying so. For the item now is going to be on the agenda all
the time.

Although we said this summit is going to be specifically an economic summit, I
don't believe that the other summits are going.to be very different. Here I
think we are putting the economic item permanently on the agenda because the
political item is permanently there.

We still have the problem of Namibia and the problem of South Africa. But
there is going to be a realisation that this humiliation we are suffering in
Southern Africa is because we are not economically strong. If we were eco-
nomically strong we wouldn't have been humiliated by a bunch of racists.

I think there is now, in all the summits, the importance of economic develop-
ment in Africa and co-ordinating our development and working together is going
to be there. And I think it is going to be seen as a continuation of our
liberation, because that organisation was intended to continue our liberation
and that liberation and that liberation was never perceived to be only
political.

So the economic item is now on the agenda. We are now working to prepare for
that summit and I hope that that summit is going to clarify many things and
set the way for the future African economic development.

Q: Talking of the future, Mwalimu, how do you see this, how do you visualise
the new world economic order?

A: We are talking about many things, one item by one and sometimes a slight

shift in the power position. I always look at this from a political position.
The Third World is powerless. It is all those items, trade, finance, all

97



JPRS~SSA~85-019
12 March 1985

GHANA

PNDC HEAD APOLOGIZES FOR ATTACK ON EDITORS
AB171525 Accra Domestic Service in English 1300 GMT 17 Feb 85

[Text] The chief of staff of the Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC)
Secretariat today apologized to the managing director of Abura Printing Works,
owner of the PIONEER, for an (?attack) carried out on the editor of the paper,
Bafuor Ankamah, and the news editor, Mr Osei Tutu Agyemang, by some members of
the armed forces.

An official statement issued in Accra says the reason given by the soldiers
was that in the report in the PIONEER of the sixth of this month, the names
of. persons injured during the operations in Kumasi to arrest some people
plotting to destabilize the country were incorrectly reported. The name of
a member of the Security Forces was reported as being one’of the plotters.
The statement quotes the chief of staff as saying that while it was under-
standable that this error angered the loyal troops, their action was uncalled
for. The undersecretary for information has expressed the hope that the
public would not misinterpret the unfortunate incident as an official reac-
tion to the PIONEER coverage of the events in Kumasi on the second of this
month. He explained that as a local paper covering a local event, the pre-
eminence given to these events in the paper is not extraordinary. It is
unfortunate that the error occurred as it is an indication of the need for
careful checking of facts. The undersecretary said, however: It is even
more unfortunate that the soldiers reacted the way they did, since their
action was likely to be interpreted by those who did‘not wish the government
well to mean that the soldiers’ action had official approval.

CsO: 3400/611

22


Is the Church in Burundi a persecuted Church? Not really, even though it does
happen to be the object of humiliation and harassment. In this climate of mu-
tual suspicion, false rumors and alarmist rumblings soon ran all over the coun-
tryside. "The most painful part of this whole affair is that we don't know what
the government expects of us, exactly which way it wants us to turn," a priest
emphasizes. "Sometimes it's rough and sometimes it's comfortable.

Thus, in the Bururi diocese--which is the diocese of the head of state--, they
are no longer extending the visas of the foreign missionaries when they expire,
but elsewhere. they renew them almost with their eyes closed.

When they really think about it, a number of Catholics come to the conclusion,
without being masochistic for all that, that this ordeal is salutary. And when
they examine their consciences: "We are supporting structures that are beyond
us and we are prisoners of the money we receive," they say. "One thinks one can
have his say about everything. The state, by shaking up our arrogance, is of-
fering us an opportunity to find again the characteristics of a serving, poor
Church that is more alive and less demonstrative." The Christians of Burundi
and Rwanda, who complain the most, may not be the ones they are thinking of.

8946
cso: 3419/246

18



Africa will not do the fighting, nor is it expected to do the fighting, but we
must give them the tools. The liberation movements in South Africa as in
Angola and Mozambique and elsewhere which has been forced to resort to arms
must be assisted by Africa. And some countries, particularly Western coun-
tries which identify their own interests with South Africa do help South
Africa militarily; the least Africa could do is to back up the freedom
fighters.

Give them the means. We will not fight but give them the support they need.
That is all we need to do. Because they will liberate themselves. The South
Africans pretend to be another Israel. The South African situation is a
totally different situation from that of Israel. Israel does not have a
majority of Arabs. The South Africans have a majority of Blacks and Coloureds
in the country.

They cannot dominate that majority for ever. And what we need to do is simply
to support that majority in its struggle to liberate itself. We must not dis-
appoint them. They will do their own fighting. There is now this idea that
perhaps we should build a liberation army and march into South Africa. This
is impractical and absurd. The South Africans will liberate themselves as the
Mozambicans, Angolas and the Zimbabweans did. But they must get support.
Unashamed, unashamed support.

Q: What is your attitude regarding Reagan's policy of Constructive
engagement?

A: You got to give it its full title. It is constructive engagement with
apartheid. Yes. And really it has got to be exposed for what it is, it is
constructive engagement with apartheid. I know when I say that now I am told
that it is constructive engagement with all the states in Southern Africa.
This is not true.

It never was intended to be constructive engagement with Mozambique, or
Zimbabwe and Angola. It is constructive engagement with apartheid, because
the idea was that you will not get the racist to change unless you are nice to
them. And I am saying why? Why South Africans are racists. They have a
regime which is unique in the world. There is no other government in the
whole world which has a philosophy of racism as the basis of its own policy.
None.

In the United States there is discrimination against Blacks; Britain has dis-
crimination against Blacks. There is some racial prejudice possibly in every
country, including Tanzania. But the Governments of those countries discour-
age racial prejudice and legislate against racial discrimination. Only South
Africa justifies Apartheid philosophically and theologically and so makes it
the basis of its policy. South Africa is unique.

The nearest thing you could have to South Africa was Nazi Germany. This year
these people are going to be celebrating the 40th anniversary of winning the
war against Hitler. But conveniently, the advocates of constructive engage-
ment with apartheid forget that the leaders of apartheid who were adults

101



JPRS-SSA~85-019
12 March 1985

NAMIBIA

FURTHER ON SWATF ACTIONS AGAINST SWAPO
MB150940 Johannesburg SAPA in English 0937 GMT 15 Feb 85

[Text] The SWATF chief of staff operations, Brigadier Johan Louw, told a
news conference in Windhoek that security force successes against SWAPO's
present armed incursion into SWA/Namibia "are the highest ever compared to
the corresponding period of previous years." He attributed the successes
to "the ability of the security forces to adapt to changing circumstances
and greater involvement of the civilian population in the struggle against
SWAPO."

As in the past, SWAPO insurgents had adopted a "stereotype" pattern in
their present infiltration campaign. Prevailing weather conditions at this
time of the year favoured the insurgents. THey had enough water and the
rains washed away their tracks.

"Notwithstanding these advantages for the terrorists, three terrorist
groups of seven men each were wiped out on their way to infiltrate the
farming areas," Brigadier Louw said.

It was expected that a few isolated groups of SWAPO's armed wing would
still try to penetrate the commercial farming districts south of Ovambo
but the security forces and others were on the alert and prepared for all
eventualities.

Among the insurgents killed this week were four commanders of SWAPO's
“special unit," a "detachment" commander and an engineer of "CB detachment.
Their fighting names were "Bybel, Ndenga, Matsi, Iikombo, Tutu and
Johannesbom."

Brigadier Louw said equipment seized from SWAPO since the start of the
infiltration last month included 135 small arms, 54 machineguns, nine
RPG7 rocket launchers, 82 RPG7 rockets, 201 mortar bombs, 7 mortar tubes,
224 rifle grenades, 64 anti-personnel mines, 22 anti-vehicle mines, 79
hand grenades, 109 kg of explosives and one rubber boat. The boat had
been used to cross the Kunene River from Angola into SWA/Namibia.

30


MASSIVE CITIZENSHIP DRIVE

Harare THE HERALD in English 29 Jan 85 p 1

[Text]

cso:

3400/569

MORE than 3 990 people
are expected sworn-
in ag citizens in Harare
in the next three day

and thousands more will

‘take the oath throughout

the rest of the country
in the greatest. citizenship
exercise in Zimbabwe's
history.

A spokesman for the
Registiar-General’a” Of-
fice announced yesterday
tho specta} provisions that
will allow thousands of
people who have settled
rec de i

e ‘Thurs-
day deadline for registra-
tion on the voters’ roll.

Offices at Market Square
and the Drill Halt in
Harare. , .

ose who have been
toi in in writing that they
have been granted citizen-
ship should go ‘to ithe
office they epplied at at to-
day, tomorrow or Thurs-
day to take the onth of

to receive their fet

should fo tomorrow ‘and
Thursday and they will
be. sworn-in. Everyone
going to he sworn-in

111

should fako thely shflonal
registrat and tho
2 éce efor ‘mo eltizenship

wntose of those applying
for citizenship immigrated
from Malawi, Mozambl-
que, South Africa and
Zombla years ago to work
on farms and mines ond
settled, often marrying
@imbabweans,

‘The old Citizenship Act
made It ve difficult, if
not impossible, for people

to register as citizens un-
less they were fluent, in

English. The

basically requires ‘five
years’ residence and the
ppptcant to be law-abid-

ieee Maricot Sgiaré and
Drill “Hall offices will be
open from 745 am to

JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1935

ZIMBABWE



statements: "No halfway measures." This in spite of SWAPO's lack of military
successes and the fact that 60 percent of the men in uniform who are fighting
against his murder squads are black.

He is not interested in avoiding a second Angola in South-West Africa, but

will, for the sake of a position of authority, continue to do everything in
his power to plunge his native country into misery.

12271
cso: 3401/73

54


JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

ZIMBABWE

GOVERNMENT CONSIDERS ALLOCATING MORE FOREIGN CURRENCY TO FARMERS
Harare THE HERALD in English 26 Jan 85 p 1

[Text] THE Government may consider allocating more foreign currency to the
agricultural sector because the sector generates much of it for the country,
the Prime Minister, Cde Mugabe, said yesterday.

Answering questions from commercial farmers at Ruzawi Farmers' Club near
Marondera, Cde Mugabe said it was important for industry and commerce not to
forget the reason why foreign currency allocation cuts were introduced in the
first place.

“We were not doing well in our economy in past years, because of a number of
reasons I am sure you are well acquainted with. Though the position is im-
proving, some sectors; particularly the manufacturing sector, are not doing
well.

"So in view of the then prevailing economic situation we decided to share the
small piece of cake we had. However, we will consider allocating more foreign
currency to the agricultural sector because of their numerous requirements and
the fact that they generate much of it."

Irrigation

Cde Mugabe also told the gathering that the Government would launch a national
irrigation fund to enable communal, small-scale and commercial farmers to
develop their irrigation schemes.

"There is no doubt in my mind that the only meaningful measure to alleviate
future droughts is through development of water storage facilities," he said.

"The national irrigation fund will be available to enable all our farmers--
communal, small-scale and large-scale commercial--to develop irrigation
schemes."

He commended the nation's farmers for taking advantage of the current good

rains to work their land to the full and applauded their performance which he
said showed initiative and hard work.

108


cso:

3400/593

" problem, he said.

Another distressing factor is
that government’s bite of the
total economic pie will soon be
26 percent, a figure that has
been growing steadily.

. We are heading towards a
semi-socialist state while the
Western world is going the other
way.” Dr Shostak said. Instead
of allowing the economy to
grow, it is being stifled.

In this climate, low interest
rates are out of the question but
high rates don’t affect money
supply.

If the banks have the money,
they lend it out and businessmen
take it no matter what the rate
is.

“Individuals aren’t concerned
with interest rates, they're con-
cerned with cash flow.,” he said,
emphasising that businessmen
in trouble will do anything — in-
cluding taking loans at high
rates -~ to stay alive.

Dr Shostak recommends that
the Reserve Bank answer to
cabinet only and not the trea-
sury, that government depart-

72

ments trim budgets to the bone,
that government reduce the
money supply, introduce’ the
cash base concept and cut taxes.

On the gold front, Dr Shostak
sees continued low prices.

DECLINING

The two main factors are the _
depressed oil prices and the
world’s shift away from social-
ism — a situation that means
more stability, more healthy
economies and less demand for
the precious metal.

Gold will fall somewhere be-
tween $270-300, real domestic
growth will be negative until
1988 and balance of payments
would remain anaemic because
exports are performing specta-
cularly in rand terms while ac-
tually declining in dollar terms.

Inflation, as measured by gov-
ernment statisticians, could
reach close to 18 percent this
year but Dr Shostak said that
his figures — using a broader
set of indicators — shows infla-
tion at close to 35 percent.



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

LESOTHO

BRIEFS

TASS RECEIVER AT INFORMATION MINISTRY--The installation of receiving
equipment from the Soviet news agency, TASS, began at the Ministry of
Information headquarters this week, The Lesotho news agency entered into

an agreement last year which would enable it to directly receive the TASS
news agency service from Moscow. A spokesman for the Ministry of Information
and Broadcasting today said that the TASS news agency service would balance
Radio Lesotho's sources of international news. The spokesman added that

TASS news agency has the largest number of news correspondents in Africa,

and this made it possible for TASS to provide one of the best news services
on African news events. The spokesman said that by having news sources

from major Western and Eastern agencies, Lesotho news agency would be

able to greatly enhance its balanced presentation of international events

to Basotho. He added that this fell into line with the Lesotho Government's
policy of nonalignment. [Text] [Maseru Domestic Service in English 1130 GMT
7 Feb 85]

CSO: 3400/596

24


JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SAAF SWITCHES--SA Air Force's 40 Squadron from Waterkloof will be disbanded
and merge with a squadron at Lanseria to cut costs. Port Elizabeth's

Six Squadron will merge with Eight Squadron at Bloemspruit, and Seven
Squadron at D.F. Malan Airport will be redeployed to Langebaanweg, on
Saldanha Bay. [Text] [Johannesburg RAND DAILY MAIL in English 19 Feb 85
P35]

MEETINGS BANNED IN KEMPTON PARK--All meetings in the Kempton Park Magisterial
District by the Congress of South African Students [CSAS], the United
Democratic Front, and the Thembisa Civic Association, have been prohibited
in terms of the internal security act. The ban is effective until

midnight tomorrow night. Copies of the document, in which the magistrate,
Mr E.J.H. (Parsons) bans the meetings, were handed by the police to about

200 people when they artived to attend a meeting of the CSAS at Thembisa

this morning. [Text] [Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 1115 GMT

16 Feb 85]

cso: 3400/600

90


c) The MPLA policy at home and abroad is full of lies, but in the coming
months the truth will reveal itself.

d) In Kalomboloka, the home town of late MPLA President Dr Agostinho Neto,
UNITA suffered 5 dead, 11 wounded, and 3 missing against 170 FAPLA troops
killed.

Dawn of Africa. Dawn of Angola. Dawn of UNITA.

The struggle triumphs.

United we shall win.

[Signed] Dr Jonas Malheiro Savimbi, FALA president and commander in chief.

cs0: 3442/173



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

RELATIONSHIP WITH ISRAEL TERMED 'ABNORMALLY CLOSE!

East Burnham ARABIA in English Dec 84 p 39

[Text]

A candidate for “Joke of the Year” that relationship in itself is shameful. Israeli
might well prove to be a winner is the officials were insisting that Botha, who
statement made by South African Foreign had lengthy talks with his Israeli
Minister R F Botha during a visit to Tel counterpart and talked to many
Aviv recently. Israel and Africa, he parliamentarians and high-level officials,
declared, “recognise that we must not was on a strictly private vi it. This “private
create the impression that we are that affair” included a very official dinner with
close together because it is not true.” Shamir and undisclosed items on his
Their relations should not be regarded as Programme may have included talks with
“anything but normal.” Rabin, the defence minister.

This at least shows that the two However, Botha has given no
countries, who have lately been quite consolation to the few states in Africa
shameless about their close cooperation, Which were more OF Jest pressured into

fl ising that the reaking the blockade of Israel by blacl
still cannot help recognising African countries. What is disturbing to

those countries is not only that relations
between the two racist systems (as they
were voted by the UN) are abnormally
close, which is true, but that they have
even normal relations. Africans are
worried by the solid support Israel is
giving the apartheid regime and see more
than a coincidental similarity in the timing
and the tactics used in the invasion of
Lebanon and those used in the invasion of
Angola and Mozambique.
CSO: 3400/593

73



NKOMATI IS NO KXCUSE FOR 'INDTERFERVNCE,' SAYS TREURNICHY

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in Unglish 22 Jan 85 p 16

[text]

cso:

THE Conservative Par-
ty could not agree to the
Nkomati accord being
used as an excuse for
“interference in Mo-
zambique’s affairs” the
leader of the CP, Dr.
Andries Treurnicht, said
today.

Dr. Treurnicht said
South Africa must not al-
low itself to be “trapped
10 a dangerous dilemma”
in its relations with Mozam-
bique.

“Moral or active support
for President Machel’s re-

3400/593

gime, which is both Marxist
and pro-ANC, as well as
support for his political op-
ponents is totally unaccept-
able.

“Similarly, we dare not
give our support to any or-
ganization operating in a
foreign country which uses
violent methods in their ef-
forts to topple the ruling
party. We, cannot condone
terrorism in any country.

The CP leader added if it
was wrong in the past to
have given moral and other
support to Renamo (one of
the names given to rebels
fighting to topple President
Machel’s government).
“How can it now be right to
support the Marxist gov-
ernment of Mozambique
against Renamo?

“Such behaviour is not

79

part of a non-aggression
pact.”

Meanwhile, the US dep-
uty Assistant Secretary of
State, Mr Frank Wisner,
arrived in Maputo yester-
day for five days of meet-
ings with Pres Machel and
other officials.

Mr Wisner told reporters
the discussions would cover
“the situation in Mozam-
bique, the security situation
in the region and our bilate-
ral relations, which have
developed rapidly over the
last few years.”

He was scheduled today
to meet Major-General Ja-
cinto Veloso, economic af-
fairs minister, and later in
the week Foreign Minister
Mr Joaquim Chissano and
Mr Prakash Ratilal, gov-
emor of the Bank of Mo-
zambique.

JERS ~SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTIL AFRICA

He is due to meet Mr
Machel today.

Mozambique expelled
several US diplomats in
1981 as spies, during a
period of strong Soviet in-
fluence. The Marxist gov-
ermment, under economic
pressure caused by drought
and a weak economy, has
gradually strenghtened its
Western contacts _ since
then.

The United States has
become a major food donor
and is giving limited
amounts of military help.
South Africa and Mozam-
bique agreed a year ago to
end support for guerrillas
Seeking to overthrow each
other’s government, but re-
bels in Mozambique con-
tinue to conduct attacks on
road traffic and remote vil-
lagers. — Sapa-AP.



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

EXTENSIVE HARBOR AID REPORTED

Frankfurt/Main FRANKFURTER ZEITUNG/BLICK DURCH DIE WIRTSCHAFT in German
4 Jan 85 p 2

[Article by W. An.: "Harbor Projects in East African Countries; Western
Nations, Oil-Producing States, and International Organizations Are Providing
Financial Assistance"]

[Text] A number of projects for improving harbor infrastructure in the East
African region have been planned, started, or already completed (refer also
to the report on the same topic in our issue of 21 December 1982). Now as
before, efforts undertaken by nearly all East African coastal states to im-
prove loading and unloading operations in their ports are receiving the sup-
port of international organizations (World Bank Group, European Development
Fund), rich oil-producing Arab states, and individual industrial nations, in-
cluding the Federal Republic of Germany.

In mid-September 1984, the United States granted Somalia 42 million dollars in
financial assistance for modernizing the port at Kisimayu, slated to begin in
March 1985. The project, which will require a total investment of 45.2 million
dollars, is slated for completion in June 1987. The expected increase in
shipping capacity will be of benefit primarily to economic development in the
Juba Valley in the southern part of the country. In addition, the port of
Berbera on the Gulf of Aden in northern Somalia is undergoing expansion with
American aid, and from thereshipments of cattle in particular will be made to
Saudi Arabia. The existing pier will be lengthened by 330 meters, thus making
a doubling in shipping capacity possible. The American government approved
capital assistance amounting to 35 million dollars for this project and for
expansion at the Berbera airport.

In Sudan, work started at the end of 1982 on the second expansion stage for the
harbor at Port Sudan on the Red Sea, a project requiring investments estimated

at 29.3 million dollars. The World Bank Group has promised to provide about

25 million dollars' worth of financial assistance for this project, for completeion
of which two British and one Yugoslavian firm have been awarded contracts.

The project includes construction of a pier for roll-on/roll-off shipments, a
container pier, and new docks, as well as improvements in installations for
loading and unloading wheat, establishment of an independent power supply, and
construction of an administration building for the port authority.



JPRS-SSA~85-019
12 March 1985

ZIMBABWE

MISSION TO SEEK EXPORT TRADE WITH UGANDA
Harare THE HERALD in English 31 Jan 85 "Business Herald" Supplement p 9

[Text] REPRESENTATIVES of 20 companies leave Harare next week on the first
Zimbabwean trade mission to Uganda, the Zimbabwe National Chamber of Com-
merce's export promotion consultant, Mr Richard Hess, said this week.

Organised by the ZNCC and the Ugandan National Chamber of Commerce and Indus-
try, the mission will be partly financed by the funds set aside by the World
Bank for export promotion. The first such mission visited Mauritius and
Reunion last year.

"The response has been very good and all the companies will be taking samples
of their products with them for a mini-exhibition in Kampala while we are
there,"-said Mr Hess.

The mission is a follow-up to a market survey conducted by Mr Hess in Uganda
last year, which found that Uganda "was a wide-open market requiring a wide
range of products and with the money to pay for them",

The companies taking part in the mission make everything from agricultural
implements to food, wine, cigarettes, textiles, knitting yarns, industrial
fabrics, medical equipment, electricity cables, electric goods, cast metal
products, building material, hardware, clothing, shoes, cosmetics, copper
products and packaging materials. They are based in Kwekwe.

The mission will leave on February 9 and return on February 15.

CSO: 3400/570

107



ADVANTAGES OF PRIVATISATION DISCUSSED

Pretoria SOUTH AFRICAN DIGEST in English 11 Jan 85 p 23

[Text]

cso:

3400/593

Considerable benefit can be derived
from the reduction of activities in the
public sector, Professor Robert Gidlow
of the University of the Witwatersrand,
says in the latest edition of the Bank of
Lisbon's Economic Focus.

According to Professor Gidlow, the
most important factor that could make
Privatisation in South Africa an
important policy in the future, is the tax
position of the treasury, which has
worsened over past years with rising
state expenditure.

Privatisation of semi-state bodies
could reduce the subsidisation of any

institutions that incur great losses. A
second advantage is that finance for
new investments would not have to be
provided by the treasury.

The additional income from the sale
of .state assets would undoubtedly
improve the position of the treasury.

Professor Gidlow also believes that
“the scope for the sale of state assets in
South Africa is such that it will stretch
over many years”. This will bring about
a change in the structure of the capital
market, that will place less pressure on
‘shares with fixed interest.

Further benefits of privatisation are
that it will lead to increased competition
and wider consumer choice, greater
efficiency, and it would have a healthy
effect on inflation. It will also broaden
shareholding in the community.

Die Burger, January 7

77

JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


was a result of my expressing myself frankly about the coup to the Government
envoy to Tanzania. Nigeria is a big country. When a coup like that takes
place in Nigeria we feel it.

Nigeria is Nigeria. Obviously Nigerians know better what is good for their
country. Nigeria had been under a military rule before: We had worked ex-
tremely well with the military leaders. The first time I felt Nigeria was
flexing its muscles on behalf of Africa was under Murtala Mohamed.

In January 1975 we called an extraodinary meeting of the OAU in Addis Ababa,
because we had the problem of the recognition of the MPLA Government in
Angola. The South Africans were attacking the MPLA Government in Angola. And
the then United States President Gerald Ford was supporting them. He wrote to
us, I think all the heads of Africa governments before the summit, telling us
that the United States could not accept the interference by the Soviet Union
in an drea 4,000 miles away from its traditional sphere of influence or some
words to that effect.

They regarded the MPLA Goveriiment as a creature of the Soviet Union. I think
they still do so! Those were the circumstances which made us go to Addis
Abab. The MPLA had been fighting for independence of their own country for 14
years. The South Africans and the Americans were now trying to prevent them
from taking over. Becausé of this pressure from the United States, Africa
found itself divided fifty-fifty about recognising the MPLA Government.

Even revolutionary Ethiopia did not recognise the MPLA Government. We could-
n't get 23 countries and the admission is by simple majority, but we couldn't
get that figure. But fortunately for those who recognised the MPLA Government
Nigeria was with them. That made a major difference. When Murtala was killed
and Obasanjo succeeded him, we continued to work together very closely on
Southern Africa, but especially Zimbabwe.

So I explained that we have worked well with military Governments in Nigeria,
and expressed my hope that we would work closely with thise one too. But the
Military had voluntarily handed over power to a Civilian Government, and I ex-
plained why I had hoped that Nigeria would continue with a Civilian Govern-
ment. Nigeria had formulated a very difficult constitution. And we thought
that Shagari did try for four years to work that constitution.

The elections took place; he won and it appeared to us that the results had
been accepted by Nigerians. We were happy for Nigerian democracy and I was
looking forward to President Shagari's State Visit to Tanzania. I had invited
him to be our Guest of Honour for our Union Day. Then the coup took place.

80 I asked the envoy, did you expect us to welcome the coup with enthusiasm?

I said if I were to say that your Government should never trust us! For we
were honestly looking forward to a Nigeria developing democratically and you
had done a four year term and another had just started.

And so this coup was a shock to us. But that does not mean we will not work

with the Nigeria government. That is what I said. 80 I think it was this
explanation which made some people to think that we were lukewarm about that

103



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

YOUTHS RIOT IN KEMPTON PARK--Kempton Park, 13 Feb (SAPA)--Rioting youths
set fire to vehicles, a shop and a house in Kempton Park's Tembisa Township
in sporadic incidents of unrest early today. Four lorries and three

cars were set on fire at about 9 am. In other sections of the township,
youths smashed the windows of a shop and a house, before setting fire to
the buildings. Firemen managed to extinguish the flames before extensive
damage was caused. Nobody was injured and no police action was taken.
[Text] [Johannesburg SAPA in English 1108 GMT 13 Feb 85]

PILOT KILLED IN JET CRASH--A South African Air Force pilot was killed
yesterday when his Impala jet crashed shortly after takeoff in South-West
Africa. The Impala was on a routine flight from Ondangua. Its pilot,
25-year-old Lieutenant Raymond Rodel, was unmarried. This is the third
mishap within 5 days involving fighter aircraft. On Friday a Mirage F-1
of 3 Squadron, Waterkloof, was damaged when it caught fire after landing
at Langebaan in Cape Town, and on Monday, a Mirage 3 from 85 Combat Flying
School was damaged when it crashed at Pietersburg. The aircraft performed
a near perfect wheels-up landing after the pilot had ejected. [Text]
[Johannesburg Television Service in English 1400 GMT 13 Feb 85]

VIOLATIONS OF LUSAKA ACCORD--Since the signing of the Lusaka Agreement by
South Africa and Angola early last year there have been 120 violations of
the agreement. The Lusaka Agreement lays down, among other things, that
the Angolan Government must see to it that southern Angola is free of
SWAPO bases and terrorists. In return for this, South Africa would
withdraw its forces to the border between South-West Africa/Namibia and
Angola. A joint monitoring commission has been set up to see to it that
the terms of the agreement are honored. South Africa has accepted
responsibility for 3 of these 120 violations. At the weekend Angola
accused South Africa of being responsible for a continued climate of war
in Angola. [Text] [Johannesburg International Service in English 1100 GMT
5 Feb 85]

DYNAMITE FACTORY BLAST--Johannesburg, 13 Feb (SAPA)-~An explosion rocked
the Modderfontein dynamite factory in Kempton Park this afternoon, killing
three people and injuring 23, a spokesman for AECI [African Explosives
Chemical Industries] told SAPA tonight. Sabotage was not suspected, the
spokesman added. The explosion occurred at 5:07 pm in the blasting

88


JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

NEWSPAPER URGES MANDELA TO CONSIDER PRESIDENT'S OFFER
MB051200 Johannesburg THE STAR in English 1 Feb 85 p 10
[Editorial: "Mandela Offer: The Implications"]

[Text] The President's offer to release Mr Nelson Mandela is staggering

in its simplicity, but complex in its consequences. Only extremists could
argue with the terms for Mr Mandela's release which have been set by

Mr Botha's Government. We are inclined. to agree with the president that

the choice of staying in jail or leaving is now up to Mr Mandela, and with
Mrs Suzman that it will influence Mr Mandela's choice favourably if his
wife, Mrs Winnie Mandela, was unbanned and no longer restricted to Brandfort.

It would be naive to believe that Mr Mandela faces an easy choice. He
has spent 22 years in prison. vowing not to abandon the armed struggle
against apartheid--indeed, it has been his very steadfastness in this
matter that has built him into the martyred hero he has become. If he
now abandons his stance he might also be abandoning his constituency.

And what reasons could he give for changing his views? Has the government
changed sufficiently for him to be able to say that the struggle has moved
into a new phase? Have the fundamentals that made him abandon peaceful
political means in favour of violence now altered dramatically?

Angry and impatient black people in South Africa will seek a different
leader if Mr Mandela changes from a hawk to a dove overnight. Yet we
must urge him to consider the president's offer most carefully: If

Mr Botha can make the effort, Mr Mandela should try hard to make a similar
effort in the hope that it can bring peace between black and white in this
country. At the same time it is vital that the government take further
steps to remove the grievances which led to armed struggle in the first
place.

There has never been a better opportunity for reconciliation between the
African National Congress and the government. A truce between the two
would open up a new debate, and that debate would have as its goal a
lasting constitution acceptable to all South Africans. It is a goal
worth striving for.

cso: 3400/595

56



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

NGK DECISION ON INTERNATIONAL TIES. CRITICIZED
Johannesburg RAPPORT in Afrikaans 6 Jan 85. p 12
[Editorial: "Unfortunate"]

[Text] It was an unfortunate decision made by the plenary executive council
of the NGK [Dutch Reformed Church] to suspend ties with the Reformed Ecumenical
Synod [GES], pending a final decision next year by the General Synod of the NGK.

Even if the General Synod were to decide to maintain membership in the GS,
what has happened could seriously hamper future relations.

For all practical purposes, the NGK is now isolated, because the GES is the
last international ecclesiastical body of which the NGK was a full member.

The implications can be far-reaching, not only for the NGK, but also for other
members within the Dutch Reformed family which have supported and assisted the
NGK in Ottawa as well as in Chicago. It might seem that the NGK in Africa in
particular has been left in the lurch.

The reasons given by the plenary executive council are unconvincing. What is
apparently at issue is that the GES refused to appoint an investigatory commis-
sion to look into certain fundamental grievances regarding GES positions. But
Professor John Heyns of the University of Pretoria is entirely right in ques-
tioning whether the NGK for its part presented its grievances in a statement.

It is moreover incomprehensible that this decision has been made now, in view
of the fact that the General Synod is meeting next year, when the NGK's posi-
tion can be formulated again. In contrast, the GES is not meeting until 1988,
which means that the GES cannot reconsider its positions now.

In virtually every realm, South Africa is fighting against isolation. In the
ecclesiastical realm, virtually the only voice heard in the world is that of
Dr Alan Boesak and Bishop Desmond Tutu. It is thus a shame that this decision
was made, obviously based on the attitude of one person who feels that there
are advantages to be gained from the planned establishment of a new ecumenical
body, the extent and influence of which are unknown factors.

12271
cso: 3401/72

52



JPRS-SSA-85-9
12 March 1985

BURUNDI

VISIT OF PRC DELEGATION DESCRIBED
Bujumbura LE RENOUVEAU DU BURUNDI in French 15 Jan 85 p 1

[Excerpt] A delegation from the National Assembly of the People's Republic of
China arrived in our country late Monday morning for a 5-day official visit.

The Chinese parliamentary delegation is headed by Rong Yiren, the vice president
of the Permanent Committee of the People's Assembly of the People's Republic of
China and chairman of the Board of Directors and general director of the Nation-
al Credit and Investment Company of China.

In a brief statement which he gave to the press on his arrival in Bujumbura, the
vice president of the Permanent Committee of the People's Assembly of the Peo-
ple's Republic of China stated that he is carrying out this friendly visit to
our country at the invitation of Burundi's National Assembly.

The Chinese and Burundian peoples, he emphasized, are linked by a profound tra-
ditional friendship. In recent years, relations of friendship and cooperation
between the two countries have developed satisfactorily. "Our stay in Burundi,"
Rong Yiren continued, "will furnish an opportunity to meet with old friends

and make the acquaintance of new friends, to learn about the National Assembly
of Burundi and your people and to exchange views on problems of common interest.
The goal is to deepen the knowledge and friendship between the legislative in-
stitutions and the peoples of both countries and to strengthen the solidarity
and cooperation between China and the African countries. I am convinced," he
concluded, "that this visit will contribute toward a further development of the
ties of friendship and cooperation between our two countries."

The Chinese parliamentary delegation, which is to remain in our country for 5
days, will visit the Regional Society for Development in Rumonge, the Theicole
Company in Teza and the Textile Complex in Bujumbura. Talks and working ses-
sions are scheduled with the president of the National Assembly and with the
representatives of the people of the District of Bujumbura.

8946
CSO: 3419/246

14



JIPRS-SSA-85~-019
12 March 1985

SENEGAL

THOUSANDS BOYCOTT MUNICIPAL, RURAL ELECTIONS
Dakar WAL FADJRI in French 30 Nov-14 Dec 84 pp 5-7
[Article by S. Thiam: . "Municipal and Rural Elections: The People Abstained"]

[Text] Being an.election evening on which the returns were amnounced one recalled
that of 1983 when the election of a president of the republic was involved!

At least from the standpoint of the vote tallies. Everywhere it was a tidal

wave for the PS [Socialist Party] Nothing, absolutely nothing for the
opposition. This was foreseeable, as was the all but general indifference

with which the polling was conducted.

Facing the PS were only 3 of the 14 parties of the opposition, although the
PIT [Party for Independence and Labor], for certain reasons joined in

the obstructionism that, according to that party, stood in the way of proper
pre-election procedures, [text missing] had preferred to reduce its
participation to its most simple expression (see our preceding issue). But
these reasons as well as the absence of the PDS [Senegalese Democratic Party],
which is the main group in the opposition, cannot explain the dominant
feature of these elections, which is more significant than the victory of the
PS, that is, the high rate of abstention.

As a matter of fact, democracy had been "assassinated" a year ago. A harsh
blow to the hope that the people could still keep a hold on the ballot boxes
so that they would be able to determine their future, a blow dealt by the
acts of chicanery orchestrated by the PS and later approved by the president.
Many hopes finally frustrated in the bosom of the people and the determination
never to begin all over again, never to lend their support to any such thing
again. They kept their promise, especially in that important fringe of the
electorate that defines itself as "apolitical" and whose vote is guided by
feelings prompted by the economic crisis, feelings motivated, as they are,

by the election platforms.

And so, in these municipal and rural elections, voting was not a duty of the
citizen, but rather a duty of the militant. The chicanery of the PS in
1983 contributed much to this result, the decisions made by the government
arid then by the PS this year played their part as well. Mainly the act of
keeping the official media (radio and television) out of the campaign and
by so doing arranging it so that the latter would pass unnoticed.

43



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SENEGAL

PARLIAMENT ADOPTS NEW LAW ON PRISON REMAND
ABO91256 Dakar PANA in French 1045 GMT 9 Feb 85

[Excerpt] Dakar, 9 Feb (APS/PANA)~-Preventive remand no longer exists in
Senegal. It has been replaced by a remand which must not exceed 6 months.
Moreover; the judge who wants to oppose bail for a suspect must give

strong reasons for his order which can be challenged at an appeals court.

These are just some of the articles of the important draft bill adopted
unanimously by the Senegalese parliamentarians who met in a plenary session
on Friday under the chairmanship of Daouda Sow, speaker of the National
Assembly.

This law amends the penal code and it results from the national judicial
conference held in Dakar from 5 to 9 May 1984 to lay the foundations for
thorough reform of the legal system and its guiding principles.

The new law adopted by the parliamentarians will adapt the penal code
procedure to the law adopted on 2 February 1984, setting up regional and
provincial magistrate courts and justices of the peace. It will also
provide for better protection of individual freedoms through measures
concerning the main points of the Senegalese legal system. The new law is
aimed at a speedy trial and it also covers the issuance of checks with
insufficient funds. Under the same law, no trial must be adjourned more
than three times. It suspends preliminary investigations in cases
involving juvenile offenders and--a unique case in the world--it provides
for disciplinary sanctions against judicial staff found not respecting the
deadlines contained in the new text.

CSO: 3419/275

47



That Saudi Arabia is playing such a key role in the new route is not only a
triumph for healthy trade practice, but also an acknowledgement of the fact
that thousands of South African Moslims make pilgrimages to Saudi Arabia every
year. But the biggest miracle of all is the possibility that flights will

be made to Jewish-ruled Israel via Moslem-ruled Saudi Arabia.

The days of diplomatic miracles are apparently not over yet.

12271
cso: 3401/72

76


JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985
BENIN

SOVIET JOURNALIST ARRIVES FOR VISIT
AB061108 Cotonou Domestic Service in French 1930 GMT 5 Feb 85

[Text] Strengthening the bonds of cooperation and friendship between the
Union of Soviet Journalists and the Beninese Journalists Association
[AJB]--it is within this context that one can place the purpose of the
visit to Benin of Comrade (Emilianov Vasiliy), the editor in chief of the
SOVETSKAYA LITVA newspaper and a member of the Union of Soviet Journalists.
Comrade (Emilianov) came to Cotonou at the invitation of the AJB, some
members of which visited Moscow in 1981. Upon his arrival in Cotonou this
morning, Comrade (Emilianov Vasiliy) willingly answered questions put to
him by the press. First, the guest of the Beninese press defined the
purpose of his visit to Benin to (Simie Laite).

[Begin (Emilianov) recording in Russian fading into French translation]

In the first place, I would like to thank you very much for the warm
welcome accorded me by the Beninese journalists. The purpose of my
presence here in Benin is to strengthen the friendship existing between the
two associations--the AJB and the Assocation of Soviet Journalists--and
also to strengthen the friendship between the two peoples. This mission
is an important one as the Soviet people are preparing to celebrate the
40th anniversary of their victory over the forces of Hitler. It is also
important because it will contribute to the strengthening of our friendship
to enable us to fight imperialism. I would also say that it would be a
satisfactory mission if it could help in strengthening the relations of
friendship existing between our two countries. [End recording]

Answering a question put to him to learn if after his visit, which follows
an earlier one paid to Moscow by an AJB delegation, he hopes to strengthen
the relations between the Union of Soviet Journalists and the AJB, Comrade
(Emilianov) gave the following response:

[Begin (Emilianov) in Russian fading into French translation recording]

Yes, I can say that relations between our two countries are excellent, as
you know. We belong to the same international organization, which is

the International Association of Journalists, and also we had the opportunity
to meet the Beninese journalist comrades in 1983 at [name indistinct]

where we had the opportunity of exchanging views and, as you know, we have
very good relations with the Beninese journalists. [End recording]

cso: 3419/275



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SEYCHELLES

MILITIA URGED TO UPHOLD REVOLUTION

Victoria SEYCHELLES NATION in English 6 Feb 85 pp 1, 10

[Text]
MEMBERS of the Seychelles SPPF militants who had volun- to create,” the SPPF Deputy
People’s Militia have to be ex- __ teered to devote some of their Secrctary-General said.
amples of political motivation time not only to the struggle to, it was only by doing this with
and discipline if they are to create anewsociety, but also to conviction, Mr Michel added,
earn the respect of the people defend that struggle. that members of the Seychelles
they are committed to defend, * ; People’s Militia would earn the
the Deputy Secretary-General But defending the Seychel- Pt f their cor ti
of the Seychelles People’s ; lois socialist revolution did not wwe voake their on vmnisation =
Progressive Front, Mr. James _ Only mean learning how to use force in which thee eople had
Michel said yesterday evening. : 4” sn against the enemies of the fid peop

+ i people. It also meant using dif- conlidence.

He was speaking to a large | ferent methods and means in _ West Mahé, which includes
group of militia men and wo- | different situations so as to ef- Port Glaud, \ Grand’Anse,
men of West Mahé during an | fectively counter and defeat the Anse Boileau, Anse Louis and
introductory session at the | Various tactics used to try and Baie Lazare districts, is. the
Anse Boileau School before in- | undermine, hold back or re- fourth of the island’s five

~ ial asic training starts next | verse the course of the people's militia regions to start training
. . | struggle. under the continuing reorgani-
-Mr Michel, who is also the | sation of the force that was
Chief of Staff of the Seychelles | 411 this called for a proper launched in September last
People’s Defence Forces. understanding of, ands un- year. :
(SPDF), described the mitt shakeable belief in the princi- The Central, North and
as a military force made up o} ples guiding the country’s ef South regions are at various
forts to set up a new society, Mr stages of training.
Michel said. .
Yesterday’s meeting at Anse
- Boileau was also attended by
“So the militia man and wo- Mrs Sylvette Frichot, the SPPF
man never stop learning, con- Secretary for Inforamtion and
tinually take part in political Culture and the party’s Princi-
discussions and courses, and pal Co-ordinator, Major Philip
keep on strengthening their un- Lucas, the National Comman-
derstanding of the revolutio- der of the Seychelles People’s
nary principles of the new soci- Militia, and his adjutant
ety we are all working so hard Lieutenant Jason Jacqueline.
CSO: 3400/607

51



Briefs
Seven SWAPO Members Killed
SWATF Members Killed

NIGERIA

Muslims Call for Islamic Law Courts in South
(GASKIYA TA FI KWABO, 13 Feb 84)....eecsscecccsececcscceccees

ITF Official Favors Trade Union Affiliations
(NAN, 9 Feb 85). ccccceccceccccccccceccccceneccecesseesssseeee

Challenge to Validity of Decree 2 Dismissed
(NAN, 9 Feb 85). ccecceecccccccccecccecceceeeee

Lagos Comments on Need To Make ECOWAS More Efficient
(Lagos International Service, 13 Feb 85)..sseesseeececeeeeees

SENEGAL

Thousands Boycott Municipal, Rural Elections
(S. Thiam; WEL FADIRI, 30 Nov-14 Dec 84)....scseeeeeeeeeeeeeee

Poor Showing at Polls by Opposition
(Idrissou $. Biodan, Y, Ndiaye; WAL FADJRI, 30 Nov-

U4 Dec 84) .ccscccccceccccceccesscasceascsseccessesssssecereres

Parliament Adopts New Law on Prison Remand
(BANA, 9 Feb 85) .cceccccccccecceccccvscceccccssessesercccsceee

Ka. Comments on Telecommunications Meeting
(Dakar Domestic Service, 11 Feb 85)...-sseseececseseeeceeevers

Saudi Arabia Signs Agreement on Water Supply Program
(Dakar Domestic Service, 12 Feb 85)...sseececeececeserescceece

SEYCHELLES

Militia Urged To Uphold Revolution
(SEYCHELLES NATION, 6 Feb 85)..ececcsevecccccssccsscscrecerece

SOUTH AFRICA

NGK Decision on International Ties Criticized
(Editorial; RAPPORT, 6 Jan 85)...seceececeeerscsceccccccseces

Political Prospects in 1985 for Namibia Examined
(Editorial; DIE VOLKSBLAD, 2 Jan 85)...sseeeeeecseecerecevere

Paper Discusses Mandela's Role After Botha Offer
(Editorial; DIE TRANSVALER, 31 Jan :) Sen

36

36

37

38

40

4l

43

46

48

50

52

53

55



The effective answer cannot be given at this juncture, not even by the
government itself. But the government certainly has moved right to the
very threshold of the decision.

A similar sort of question can be put to the ANC leaders, and all other
black and brown leaders in South Africa.

Will they be prepared to negotiate within a framework which could imply
real power-sharing in all South Africa, but which will preserve for a

white ethnic bloc the coherence and ability to effectively limit threatening
demands?

At this stage, the resolution of South Africa's conflicts, whatever the
precise constitutional form might be, depends on both the white government
and significant black leadership--which must include the ANC--accepting

a framework of real powersharing, but with entrenched limitations on the
overriding power of any group or class vis-a-vis any other.

This is the "politics of accommodation," to borrow a phrase from the Dutch
political scientist Lijphart.

It means simply that all groups have full political status and citizenship,
and that all major groups are constitutionally and politically strong
enough to have to be included in all common decision-making.

No group, however, is constitutionally and politically able to override
any other group. From this framework, open non-ethnic democracy can
gradually emerge, as it has done in the Netherlands, Austria and, in a
sense, in the U.S.A. The possibility of the release of Nelson Mandela has
brought this issue right to the forefront.

To avoid the road that leads to gradual decay in our society, his release
and inclusion in political negotiation is essential.

Equally essential, however, is that all major South African leaders, black
and white, accept a framework of accommodation and compromise.

cso: 3400/595

68


JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

GHANA

BRIEFS

FRG-GHANA AGREEMENT--The Volta River Authority today signed an agreement with
the West German company, Messrs Allgemeine Bau Union, ABU, for construction
work required for the implementation of the project for the improvement and
expansion of the Volta Lake Transportation System. The contract price for the
project is about DM 47 million in foreign exchange and about 96.5 million
cedis in local currency. Under the agreement, the contractors will undertake
the construction of ports and workshops facilities at Akosombo in the southern
terminal and Buipe in the northern terminal of the Volta Transport System.
[Excerpt] [Accra Domestic Service in English 1800 GMT 12 Feb 85 AB]

IMPORTATION OF PALM OIL BANNED--The government has banned the importation
of palm oil since January this year because local production has considerably
improved to meet domestic consumption. Disclosing this in an interview in
Accra, the secretary for agriculture said the reason for the ban is to
encourage local producers to increase production and to intensify the
rehabilitation of oil palm plantations. He said the country now produces
60 percent of oil palm and 68 percent of palm kernel oil annually to satisfy
the local market, including the soap industry. Dr Adjei-Marfo said if the
program drawn up by the state oil palm plantation rehabilitation committee
and other oil palm producers is implemented, Ghana will be self-sufficient
in palm oil requirements by 1990 and be a net exporter in 1994,

Dr Adjei-Marfo also announced plans to assist the three universities in the
country to establish a plant pool and agricultural services centers. This
will help reactivate the extension services facilities offered to peasant
farmers. The secretary said the University of Science and Technology in
Kumasi will be the first to benefit from such an assistance. This is
because the vice chancellor has already provided the ministry with an
agricultural development program. He said the mechanization department of
the ministry is being restructured to have an (?outsert) to deal solely
with educational institutions. [Text] [Accra Domestic Service in English
0600 GMT 14 Feb 85]

CSO: 3400/598

23



There are significant communities and classes in black South Africa which
will refuse, in perpetuity, to be represented by anyone other than the ANC.
"Absent' leaders, Ike De Gaulle or Khomeini, acquire a mystique and
charisma of baffling power.

Widespread international recognition of the ANC means that the credentials
of other black leaders are constantly questioned abroad. Other significant
spokesmen for black South Africa are not listened to as they should be.

While excluded, the ANC thus creates a vacuum in the political system
which is filled by caretakers who are unable to accept full responsibility
for the people they presume to lead. Perhaps they themselves do not even
know whether or not the attention they get from opponents of the South
African Government both here and abroad is because of their own contribu-
tions, or because of the missing party they inevitably symbolise~-the ANC.

All too easily, the South African Government can look at relatively small
turnouts at their township meetings and condemn them as self-appointed
leaders.

The symbolic replacements of the ANC, whether they wish to or not operate
with part of the historic image of the ANC. The UDF, for example, has had
to deny publicly that it is an internal formation linked to the ANC,

With this image, such organisations can create excitement and expectations,
but the question arises as to whether or not they have the coherence and
the linkages with black communities to negotiate with the government and
gain acceptance for the compromises which negotiation will inevitably

lead to.

While the ANC and its leaders are exiled and imprisoned, it is left with
very little alternative but to adopt a strategy of insurgency. Its own
leadership and traditions become distorted, if not hijacked by strategic
necessity.

It is forced into a hot conflict, not only with the South African Government,
but with other legitimate black leaders who, because they are internally
located, have to adopt a totally different strategy.

In this sense it is probably very true to say that releasing the ANC to
operate openly would or could defuse the possibility of violent conflict.

In the same context (trap might be a better word) the government is forced
to harshly condemn the ANC for acts which no government can tolerate.

Dennis Beckett (Frontline, February 1985) summed up the consequences:
“Every time Minister Louis le Grange opens his mouth to denounce the ANC,
he leaves more people with the subconscious idea that the ANC is the
ordained alternative.

"Tf the ANC had hired Le Grange as a public relations officer he could not
have done a better job for them."

66


However, in sharp contrast to the peaceful intentions of the charter, the
ANC has since then opted for a violent road of terror. After the
Sharpeville unrest in 1960, the ANC was banned, and it then established the
military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe, which aimed at the violent overthrow of
the government. In a second policy document entitled "Strategy and Tactics"
in the early 70s, the ANC formally accepted violent revolution as the
method it would use for so-called. liberation--a policy which is still

valid. The Church Street explosion in Pretoria in 1983, in which 19 people
died, is only one of the attacks for which the ANC has claimed responsibility.
After that, it declared that in future it would also attack civil targets.
It is estimated that, during the past year, the ANC has committed more

than 100 acts of terrorism in South Africa. [Video of Pretoria Church
Street bomb blast, 1983]

Mandela, a founder member and leader. of Umkhonto, was traced and detained
by the police while recruiting underground for Umkhonto, In the sensa-
tional Rivonia case of 1964, Mandela and seven others, including the white
communist Denis Goldberg, were sentenced to life imprisonment for sabotage.
Can he have changed his attitude towards violence in the meantime?

[Prof Dirk Kotze, University of South Africa] Mandela has been described
as a pragmatist and a good strategist. He is also described as a social
democratic nationalist, and one can deduce from this that he does not
believe in the efficacy and merits of violence as such, but one can expect
him, as a good strategist, to lose face if he renounces violence.

[Professor C.T.D. Marivate, University of South Africa, in English] I do
not think he will find it very easy to accept the condition as laid down
unconditionally because in his mind things have not substantially changed.
So he will find it very difficult to accept the offer. We do not have an
open society yet, and this is what he stood for. So he will find it very
difficult to change his stand.

[Scholtz] With gratitude to the ANC, the United Democratic Front [UDF]
was formed 2 years ago with an initial limited aim of among other things,
to fight the new constitutional tricameral dispensation. The UDF, an
umbrella organization with 600 affiliated organization's leaders and
patrons, is composed with a few exceptions all former ANC activists and
the majority of its organizations support the Freedom Charter. In agree-
ment with this, it follows a policy of nonracialism or color blindness and
it has close relations with white bodies such as the National Union of
South African Students [NUSAS] and the Black Sash. In contrast to the ANC,
the UDF really stands for peaceful change and it is allowed to operate
legally.

[Prof Dirk Kotze] In the meantime, a second stream, namely the Africanist
stream within the ANC began to grow and resist the increasing participation
of white liberalists and especially communistic inputs in the ANC's
resistance campaign of the 50s. This has lead to the splitting of these
Africanists in the form of the Pan-African Congress [PAC] in 1959 and the
PAC joined the ANC in the 60s in violence after it was banned together
with the ANC.

59



number of workers are foreigners, have worked away at developing the rural

areas, have introduced there the cultivation of coffee and potatoes, as well as
hog breeding. As large landowners, they also run a network of "general stores"--
one per diocese~-that are similar to small supermarkets and which think nothing
of engaging on occasion in illicit activities, if only to exchange foreign cur-
rency at the unofficial price!

In addition to this rather mercantile aspect of things, the Church takes partic-
ular interest in what is published--it owns three printing plants--and what is
written; it controls part of the periodical press. The government has entrusted
to the Church the direction of nearly half of the primary schools. It also ad-
ministers 80 percent of the secondary institutions. Is this too visible a pres-
ence? "It isn't a bad thing," a Rwandan priest assures us, "because there is
nothing else nearby. We're not trying to hold on, we're filling a void."

For now, the government finds that the Church's omnipresence is to its advantage,
since it does not have the means to be everywhere at once. Thus it looks favor-
ably on the bishops' frequent trips to appeal to the generosity of the wealthy
countries, beginning, as the saying goes here, "with a pilgrimage to St Mark and
St Florin", meaning West Germany and the Netherlands. "If this aid is given
through the missions, the populace has a better chance of seeing the color of
the money than if it is sent to the government," someone here is heard to ob-
serve.

The government is also wary of taking umbrage at pious movements on the part of
a population half of which is made up of baptized Christians, somewhat steeped
in piety and very sensitive to the supernatural. The ecclesiastic profession
is still highly regarded: it is to the priest, in the absence of a people's
bank, that country people entrust their savings for safe-keeping! Religious
practice is intense; last year, the Easter high mass drew more than 30,000 of
the faithful to the Kigali stadium.

Today, all Rwanda is talking of nothing but the Virgin's appearances before
school children in Kibeho, in the southern part of the country. The "Beautiful
Lady's" messages stirred up a wave of piety, which manifests itself in a blaze
of conversions and vocations and a blossoming of prayer groups. "Even the young
have rallied," says a missionary. "They are no longer hesitant to display their
faith in public."

"That's just what the government wants," say the skeptics, who analyze this
spiritual fever as a hasty flight to escape the problems of the moment. In
their opinion, "the government is encouraging opium-religion." It is a fact
that the wife of the head of state defends, with conviction, the cause of the
Kibeho apparitions, so that some people invoke the Virgin as "Our Lady of the
11th Republic".

How long will the "honeymoon" between the government and the Church last? Al-
ready, on the school question, they are not speaking quite the same language.
As for birth control to arrest the demographic explosion, the local clergy are
well aware that Rome's intransigence on the subject is in danger of making
their lives impossible, that it would be out of place to pray that "all the
women of Rwanda shall be a credit to their motherhood", as Mwami Mutara did in
October 1946, when he dedicated the country to Christ the King.

16



nearly identical: a politically stabile, economically and administratively
competent, internationally recognized independent country.

Acceptance is growing here for the notion that the process that the VPK repre-
sents--that interest groups or political parties with divergent interests and
ideologies can come together and make a serious attempt to set aside their
differences and formulate common positions on as many aspects as possible—-

is the only solution for South-West Africa's political problems.

Spectrum

In a certain sense, the VPK can be compared in South African terms to a con-
ference of the Pan-Africanist Congress on the Left, the United Democratic Front,
Inkatha, the various colored and Indian parties participating in the political
dispensation, the Progressive Federal Party, the New Republic Party, the
National Party and the Conservative Party on the Right. This represents vir-
tually the entire political spectrum in South African politics, with the ex-
clusion of the African National Congress and the Reconstitutéd National Party.

The Turnhalle idea initiated this process 10 years ago at an adolescent stage.
Unfortunately, there was not a significant number of strong political leaders
from black ranks represented, but a process of binding together culturally was
indeed begun.

Understanding

Although few politically developed blacks were represented in Turnhalle, a pro-
cess was brought about whereby cultural and ethnic groups moved closer together
and developed understanding for their need to coexist.

What is taking place today in the VPK is a more adult, more advanced process
of rationalizing the political spectrum. At issue for the first time is ideo-
logy instead of the individual interests of ethnic. groups.

SWAPO has continued to uphold its claim of exclusivity, which has meant that
even people representing black nationalist interests who have rejected ethni-
city as a standard have turned their backs on SWAPO and become involved in
the peace process.

Status

According to Dr Van Niekerk, factors contributing to this especially were
SWAPO's unwillingness to in any way accept any.of these groups as equal part~
ners and its persistence in laying claim to its status as the only representa~
tive of the people of South-West Africa, as well:as its continuation of armed
combat as the only alternative for gaining South-West Africa's independence.

According to him, SWAPO went to Lusaka to try to break the VPK and profit from
the situation politically. In the process, the VPK without a doubt succeeded
in dealing a thorough setback to the claim 6f sole representation.



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

POLITICAL PROSPECTS IN 1985 FOR NAMIBIA EXAMINED
Bloemfontein DIE VOLKSBLAD in Afrikaans 2 Jan 85 p 6
[Editorial: "Less Hope for Peace"]

[Text] Judging from signs from the last few days, 1985 does not hold out to
South-West Africa a particularly large degree of hope for a peaceful political
settlement. The bombing of the Ondangwa post office indicates that SWAPO is
determined to continue with its policy of random violence against anyone and
everyone in South-West Africa, and that it wishes to hold this up to the world
as “part of the struggle for independence."

Sam Nujoma announced in Tunis that he is prepared to talk to the "racist South
African government," but only about the implementation of Resolution 435 and
the withdrawal of South African forces from South-West Africa. SWAPO thus
wants to continue as usual.

Perhaps a more important sign was the New Year's message by President Dos «
Santos of Angola, in which he rejected American plans for a coalition govern—
ment with UNITA in his country.

Because, as America mercifully after all recognizes, peace in South-West Africa
is inseparably tied to developments north of the Kunene, as well as in other
Southern African countries. It is a fact that roughly half of SWAPO's armed
forces are employed against UNITA. As long as the civil war in Angola conti-~
nues, they--as well as many thousands of Cubans--will continue to be necessary
to the MPLA.

President Dos Santos also made it clear that he--or his sponsors in the
Kremlin--are not interested in a reasonable settlement for Angola. He does
not want to admit that the civil war is not being waged only for ideological
reasons, but that it also--and perhaps primarily--has ethnic origins. And
in spite of the ever-worsening economy of his ravaged country, he wants to
establish his authority over the territory, without decentralization of power
or compromise with other population groups.

As long as Angola keeps to this disastrous course, there is no hope for ration-
ality with respect to South-West Africa. Sam Nujoma accordingly makes big

53



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

GHANA

BRITISH DEVELOPMENT DELEGATION ENDS 18-DAY TOUR
ABO81725 Accra Domestic Service in English 1130 GMT 8 Feb 85
[Newsreel]

[Text] A three-man delegation of the British Overseas Development
Administration has completed its 18-day official tour of Ghana. While

in the country, the delegation had talks with government and bank officials
and examined areas in which the 7 million pound aid pledged by Britain

at the Paris donor's conference could be best invested, At the end of the
tour, the leader of the delegation, Mr Ron White, talked with Newsreel's
Peter Paintsil. First Mr Ron White:

[Begin recording] [White] Well, we started off in Accra and then went
on to Kumasi for a few days. From Kumasi I went to Tamale and then back
to Accra and to Takoradi. This was largely to look into various possi-
bilities for supporting the timber industry and encouraging forestry.

[Paintsil] Why did you choose forestry as your priority area?

{White] Well, the reason really is that the Government of Ghana chose
forestry and timber as a priority area as part of its economic rehabilita-
tion program because timber is the second highest export earner for Ghana.
It comes up second after cocoa and it was regarded as a priority because
it was thought that timber was the sector that could respond most quickly
to aid imports to boost export earnings.

[Paintsil] What is the specific forestry project you intend to finance?

[White] Our main intention is to provide foreign exchange to enable

timber companies to buy essential spare parts so that they can increase
their output. We have in mind some associated projects, particularly,

a forest inventory project which we hope will enable the Forestry Department
to be able to have a fuller and more complete understanding of its resources
and become the basis of a management program for those resources. We are
thinking too of a community forestry project in the Tamale area which we
hope will encourage villagers to plant more trees.

19



SADF NOT RELEASING NUMBER OF IMMIGRANTS

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 1 Feb 85 p 6

{Text ]

cso:

3400/609

The South African Defence
Force is not prepared to
release figures on the num-
ber of immigrants who be-
came automatic South
African citizens last year
and who have now been
called up for national ser-
vice.

The SADF was replying
to a series of questions
from The Star regarding
the number of immigrants
called up this year and who
are aged between 23 and
25.

Many immigrants have
wanted to know how many
young men like them had
actually reported for their
initial two-year call-up.

An SADF spokesman
said yesterday that it was
not policy to release fig-
ures and unit strengths.

For the same reason, the
spokesman added, the
SADF were not able to re-
lease information as to
whether the January and
July intakes of this year
were larger than in 1984.

86

SERS-SSA~85,
12 March 1995 °°

SOUTH AFRICA


JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

NIGERIA

CHALLENGE TO VALIDITY OF DECREE 2 DISMISSED
AB091217 Lagos NAN in English 0732 GMT 9 Feb 85

[Text] Lagos, 8 Feb (NAN)-~-A federal high court judge today in Lagos
dismissed the application of five Taiwanese challenging the validity of
their detention.

Wang Ching-Yao, Lee Dav-shin, Lai Yee-Sheen, Huang Chieng-ho and Wung
Kuo-chin, in an application for a writ of habeas corpus against the chief
of staff, Supreme Headquarters, and three others, urged the court to
release them because their detention was unconstitutional, null and void.
Also joined in the application are the director of customs, the director
of the federal prisons, Kirikiri, and the attorney-general of the federa-
tion. Ina 23-point affidavit to support the application argued by their
counsel, Mr Olisa Agbakoba, the Taiwanese alleged that they were arrested
on 24 July 1984 and had since been detained without trial.

Mr Justice Fred Anyaegbunam said that he was satisfied that the applicants
were detained on the orders of the chief of staff acting in compliance
with Decree 2 of 1984. The judge said that the bail sought by the appli-
cants was misconceived because the decree under which they were detained
made no provisions for trial and bail. He said that the counteraffidavit
of the respondents which was not controverted, showed clearly that the
applicants were in possession of blank customs invoices, which was an
offence under the customs and excise management act and, therefore, a
prima facie case had been established against them. The chief of staff,
he said, was satisfied that the applicants, being in possession of these
forms, were in "preparation to concern themselves in the economic adversity
of the nation."

cso: 3400/499

40


cSO:

call-up was suspended until the

i, Matter was adjudicated upon.

The board is empowereed by

: statute to recognise three cate-

gories of religious objectors:
@ A person prepared to do na-
tional service and wear a uni-
form, but not to carry arms.

Those in this group are re-
quired to do two years’ service
and camps thereafter.

@A person refusing to wear a
uniform or carry arms,

He would be required to do
three years’ initial service plus
three years of camps.

@A person refusing to have
anything to do with the ‘mili-
tary, even as a non-combatant.

He would be required to do
six years’ community service.

To qualify for any, of these
categories, the applicant has to
prove that his refusal to do ser-
vice stems from a genuine and
deep-seated religious belief in
pacifism.

“Tt is not necessary that the
applicant belongs to a recog-
nised pacifist church, nor that
he is even a regular church-
goer,” says Mr Harris.

“We have recognised the sta-

_ tus of some applicants who
originally stated that their pac-

, ifism was rooted in a moral be-
lief, which we found to be fun-
damentally religious in na-
ture.”

However, he stressed that

3400/609

grant religious objector status
to objectors only if they re-
fused to serve in any military
force, not just specifically the
South African Defence Force.
Mr. Harris said he, had not

_ chosen to become involved

with the board but had been
appointed: by the Minister of
Manpower,

He added that the board had
been a significant success and
a step in the right direction.

At its inception several large
churches rejected the board
outright.

They included the Roman
Catholic and the Congregation-
al Churches.

Mr Harris said the board had
inadequate powers to deal with

- the problem of conscientious

‘objectors as a whole.

The: Catholic Church has
gone so far as to discourage
conscription.

BORDERS

Archbishop Denis Hurley,
president of the Southern Afri
Gan Catholic Bishops’ Confer-
ence, said: “In my: view any
conflict in the near future on
our borders will be in the na-
ture of civil conflict, with peo-
ple of the same country fight-
ing each oteher.

“] believe our duty is to dis-

_ courage people from getting

the board was empowered to: ‘involved in this military con-

81

flict because of the realities of
the South African situation of
oppression.”

Failing or refusing to report
for military service is a crime
in South Africa carrying a se-
vere penalty.

This has not discouraged
many young men from becom-
ing criminals because of their
beliefs.

Last year National Union of.
South African Students presi-
dent Mr Brendan Barry public-
ly declared that he had re-
signed his rank as second lieu-
tenant in the South African De-
fence Force and was no longer
willing to fight for apartheid.

. His action has not yet
brought a response from the
authorities.

Objectors to conscription on
political or other grounds are
prosecuted under the Defence
Act and usually get stiff jail
sentences.

The laws designed to dis-
courage objectors probably
owe their success to the deter-
rent force of the heavy penal-
ties they carry.

Even so, groups such as the
End Conscription Campaign
and the Conscientious Objec-
tors Support Group have
claimed growing support on
university campuses through-
out the country.



JPRS-SSA-85-0)
12 March 1985 °

SOUTH AFRICA

NEWS FOCUS EXAMINES BLACK POLITICS

MBO081122 Johannesburg Television Service in Afrikaans 1830 GMT 6 Feb 85

[News Focus program titled "Black Political Trends" presented by
A.J. Scholtz--video recorded]

[Text] Good evening. State President P.W. Botha declared last week that
he would consider releasing former ANC leader Nelson Mandela provided he

is prepared to unconditionally foreswear violence as a political instrument.
The announcement by Mr Botha poses the question: What position does South
Africa's most renowned prisoner hold in the black community after 22 years
of uninterrupted imprisonment and what would the reaction be to his possible
release?

The recent visit to South Africa by Senator Ted Kennedy demonstrated that
the black population in South Africa is politically anything but united.
He was invited by the United Democratic Front [UDF], but given a dressing
down by Chief Buthelezi and jeered by the Azanian People's Organization
[AZAPO]. As with the divergent reaction over the Kennedy visit, the
position of Mr Mandela today among the blacks can only be understood if
we can focus on the full spectrum of black politics.

Three streams will be identified: The Charterists, the Africanists, and a
third which, with certain reservations, can be labelled the Pragmatists.
The Charterists are that stream of the ANC which was established as a
political party as early as 1912. The term Charterists is taken from the
so-called Freedom Charter of Freedom Manifesto, which in 1955 was accepted
as one of the basic policy documents of the congress. That happened at a
meeting in Kliptown of the four affiliated congress groups representing the
four racial groups, including the tiny Congress of Democrats for whites.
The Freedom Charter was at that time considered to be a revolutionary
document, but the publications board decided last year that it could be
published openly. It states, inter alia, that South Africa belongs to all
its people, white and black; recognizes the existence of what were labelled
individual national groups with equal rights to existence and the protection
of their own languages and cultures; and calls for the so-called peaceful
democratization of the community. [Video recordings of various acts of
violence--the South African Coal, Oil and Gas Corporation plant 1980,
Voortrekkerhoogte 1981, Bloemfontein 1983, and mobil oil depot 1984]

58



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

WAVES OF CP CONVERTS FROM NP, NP EUPHORIA OVER REFORMS

Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in English 10 Feb 85 p 12

[Article by David Breier]

[Text]

. CONSERVATIVE Party organisers in

the Transvaal and Free State report
“thousands” of National Party mem-
bers have applied for CP membership
in the past two weeks in response to
the latest economic and political de-
velopments,

This white backlash threatens to
put a brake on reform which has
accelerated since President P W
Botha opened Parliament two weeks

ago.

Mr Hendrik van Wyk, Transvaal
secretary of the CP, said that the la-
test wave of converts from the NP

. was the biggest since the Conserva-

tives broke away in 1982...
He said that during the past three

cycle in which membership applica-
tions increased as “issues” arose, and
then flattened out again.

-years the CP had followed a regular -

But so many issues had emerged in *

the past two weeks that the party was
now experiencing an unprecedented
rush for membership.

He suggested that if the Primrose
by-election, which the CP lost nar-
rowly last November, were held now,

the CP, would win. .

The biggest single factor was the
economy, he said. The petrol price
was a major issue while the impend-
ing perks tax antagonised lower in-
come whites with State housing sub-
sidies, he said.

-Not far behind the economy were
the political developments of the last
two weeks, he added. These included

82

the proposed new deal for blacks,
freezing of forced removals and the
offer to free Nelson Mandela.

Mr Van Wyk said applications were
still flowing into CP offices through-
out the province, and party headquar-
ters would be in a position to provide
accurate statistics in a month or two.

In the Free State, the possibility
that Indians might be permitted to

live in the province has become the :

major issue.

Mr Siel Pienaar, OFS chairman of
the CP and the party’s candidate in
the Harrismith provincial by-election
on May 1, said Free Staters were
“shocked” at this development. .

“They were told.in the referendum
that Indians would not be allowed in
the Free State,” he said.

He predicted this would be a major

" issue in the Harrismith by-election as

the area would be the first to be set-
tled by Indians if the ban was lifted.
This was because a new city of

300000 people for nearby QwaQwa ,

was being planned and there would |
"be business opportunities for Indians :

from nearby Natal.

Mr Pienaar said Free Staters
were traditionally more loyal than
Transvalers and were less likely to
leave the NP. But once they left the
party, they would stay out.

Progressive Federal Party organi-
sers say they too are experiencing
new interest in the party as voters
blame the Government for the econ-
omy.


“El Nasr is now an agent for four Zimbabwe tobacco companies and we hope to
make business transactions for these companies either in Egypt or in other
countries through our branches."

Although the major exports of the two countries were similar, Mr Shehata said
Egypt could export petroleum and products such as urea fertilisers, rice and
table salt to Zimbabwe.

"El Nasr is nevertheless trying to promote Zimbabwean products in Egypt and
also to other African countries where we have branches."

He said although there may have been some initial problems when trying to do
business together because of different systems used in each country, these

were being overcome and: firm orders for exports could be realised in the next
two to three months.

CSO: 3400/570

117



EXILE:

Harare THE HERALD in English 30 Jan 85 p 2

[Article by Moeletsi Mbeki]

[Text]

AT the height of the
Third “World economic
boom in the 19609 a visit-
ing Latin American dic-
tator was asked in New
York how his country’s
economy was developing.
“The economy is doing
fine, but the people are
not,” he said with @ can-
dour: unusual for that
class of person.

Malawi has been one of
Africa’s fastest growing
economies — exporting
food while the rest of the
continent fhad its hands
stretched out, pleading
for food ald, But while

‘booming ‘the — ordin:

Malay oy) has been stead -
Hy sinking int erty,
mays an exiled Malawian
economist who declined
to have his name pub-

conf
Policies on Agriculture
Prod

and Food
Africa" held at Addis
Ababa University
recently the economist
pours acorn on the de-
scription of Malawi's de-
velopment a8. an
“economic miracle”.

‘Instead he paints a dis-
tressing Pletwre cs grind:

poverty for the v!

ne ity of the people
where two out of every
10 infants die before the
age of five for lack of
enough food and adequate
‘medical attention.

“Tg Malawi's food pol-
icy were a substantive
success and one worth

ONE STEP FORWARD, TWO STEPS BACK

27

emulating, this should be
reflected in the health
and nutritional status of
the population,” writes
the economist. “However
while aggregate food
Blowing picture, the so-
cial ‘and health in-
dicatorg of welfare give a
markedly depressing view
pf the aituation,” he adds.

AVERAGE

In 1980 life expectanc;
at birth im Malawi stood
at ‘44 years while the.
average for low-income '
countries was 50 yeara. ‘
‘The infant mortality and
child death rate for 1981
was 207 per thousand |
while the average for low
income countries was 145 i

per the

the dismal |
condition of Malawians to’
that of thelr nelghbours,

Tanzania and Zambia,
two countries. that have
been much maligned for
their agricultural policies,
he points out that Tan-
zania has a life expec-
tancy of 52 and an
infant mortality rate of
A x thousand and
Zambia about the same.

So where has Malawi's
“economic miracle” gone
wrong? .

The answer seems to
be that whereas durin;
the last 20 years most 0!
Africa has been strug-
Bling to rid itself of set-
tler colonialists and the
inequitable distribution of

that came with them,
Malawi has been work-

JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

MALAWL


for delivery of the tugboats went to the French firm of Trumel, Nancy, in the
spring of. 1983, while the contract for the loading and unloading equipment
went to the Japanese firm of C. Itoh and Co, Ltd, Tokyo, and for the consulting
services to the Deutsche Eisenbahn Consulting GmbH (DEC) in Frankfurt.

On the main island of Mahe in the island nation of the Seychelles, plans exist
for expanding and modernizing the industrial harbor, developing a modern fishing
port, and building a repair dock together with its auxiliary facilities. The
total cost of this project was estimated at 25 million dollars. The World Bank
evaluated the plan in March 1984 and will presumably participate in financing
to the extent of 6 million dollars. It is anticipated that Arab developmental
institutions, the African Development Bank, Abidjan (Ivory Coast), and in-
dividual industrial nations will also become involved. Work on the project is
slated to begin in 1985.

At the end of April 1982, the Banque Arabe pour le Developpement Economique en
Afrique (BADEA), Khartoum (Sudan), granted a credit of 8 million dollars to
the island nation of the Comoro’ for expanding the port of Mutsamudu on the
island of Anjouan. In the case of this project, the total investment runs to
about 47 million dollars. Arab developmental institutions in particular have
taken upon themselves financing equal to 36 million dollars. They include the
Islamic Development Bank, Jidda (Saudi Arabia), the Kuwait Fund for Arab
Economic Development (KFAED), Kuwait, and the [line of text appears to be
missing], Abu Dhabi. Financial resources are also coming from the OPEC Fund for
International Development, Vienna, and from the African Development Fund,
Abidjan (Ivory Coast). In the future, it will be possible for ships having a
draft of up to 10.5 meters to call upon Mutsamudu, the island nation's chief
port. Moreover, the pier will be lengthened from 130 to 250 meters and widened
to 33.5.meters and the handling of cargo will be modernized.

The HPC Hamburg Port Consulting GmbH, Hamburg, a subsidiary of the Hamburger
Hafen- und Lagerhaus-AG, and Gitec Consult GmbH, Duesseldorf, were recently
commissioned by the government of Malawi and the World Bank to prepare an in-
tegrated transportation study regarding the optimal utilization of the land
route from the port of Dares Salaam to Blantyre in southern Malawi. The assign-
ment is to be completed within a time period of 14 months.

12412
csO: 3420/27



him in a unique position to give backing to his proposal. We have no
doubt, therefore, that he will use his initiative to sell his suggestion
to other members of his organization.

In this connection, Captain Sankara has a world of experience to draw from,
for today Burkina Faso is having almost rewarding relations with Ghana

and this was made possible by the steadfast leadership of the Burkina Faso
leader. As a result of these closer ties, the two countries have been able
to protect each other's currency and trafficking in national currencies
along the two countries' borders has been reduced to a barest minimum,

if not completely checked. And for long, currency trafficking has been
the main problem between the two countries.

Nigeria, one of the strong supporters of the ECOWAS, is today experiencing
some problems, checking currency trafficking along her borders with
neighboring countries like Benin Republic and Togo who are also members

of the CEAO as well as ECOWAS. There is no doubt that a merger of the
CEAO and the MRU with the ECOWAS will give leaders like Captain Sankara
the opportunity of passing information about success of the exercise in
Burkina Faso and Ghana to other members of the ECOWAS for a trial. What
is more, mutual interchange of ideas among African leaders within one
organization such as the ECOWAS has a more meaningful impact on the lives
of millions of West Africans, and not the fragmented economic unions.

cso: 3400/499

42


In Kenya, a recently completed study financed by the United States recommends
a program of development for the port of Mombasa in Dongo Kundu, where the
possibility also exists of setting up a free trade zone. The project includes
construction of new port facilities, establishment of ground transportation
links with the free trade zone, and building of an industrial park. Total
investments for this project are set at 104 million dollars. In the spring of
1983, equipment valued at 300 million Kenyan shillings (1 Kenyan shilling =
about DM 0.19) arrived from France for modernizing the port of Mombasa, in-
cluding gantry cranes for handling container traffic. The shipment was fi-
nanced by French credit assistance. Moreover, the port at Mombasa is to re-
ceive a deeper, expanded approach channel (about 8 kilometers in length), which
will be brought to a depth of 45 feet and a width of 1,000 feet. In spring,
1982, an American dredging vessel began the corresponding operations, which
are expected to cost 504 million Kenyan shillings.

In December 1984, the International Development Association (IDA) of the World
Bank Group awarded Tanzania a 27 million dollar credit for modernizing the
harbor at Dar es Salaam. The project's sponsor is the state-run Tanzania
Harbours Authority (THA), Dar es Salaam, which has also proposed modernizing
the smaller harbors of Tanga, Mafia, Kilwa, and Lindi. As early as spring,
1984, bidding took place for modernization of the port of Dar es Salaam with
a total projected investment of 79 million dollars and including, among others,
the conversion of docks 10 and 11 into a container terminal. The British firm
of Bertlin & Partners, Redhill (Surrey), is involved in this project as a con-
sultant. With the help of the European Development Fund, the inland port of
Kigoma on Lake Tanganyika will also be expanded.

In November 1984, the Federal Republic of Germany granted Mozambique DM 23.6
million in capital assistance for installing 69 harbor cranes at the ports of
Maputo, Beira, and Nacala and for restoring the rail classification yard in Maputo
to operating condition. The total cost is anticipated to equal DM 28 million
with a foreign exchange share of DM 23.6 million, which will be covered by the
German loan. The harbor cranes were delivered and installed some time ago by

the firms MAN Maschinenfabrik Augsburg-Nurnberg AG, Augsburg, and Mannesmann
Demag AG, Duisburg.

In addition, the capacity of the port of Maputo will be increased to an annual
shipping capacity of 10 million tons with help from the Republic of South Africa.
In summer, 1983, Finland granted a loan of 4.4 million dollars for building a
container terminal at the port of Nacala. Norway provided a credit of 4 million
dollars in early 1984, which, among other things, will be used for increasing
productivity at the port of Maputo. Construction of a new deep sea port for

the processing and shipment of natural gas is being considered in Mozambique.
Significant natural gas reserves are awaiting exploitation near Pande and Timane.
Inhassoro in northern Vilanculos will presumably be considered as a location for
the port.

Within the general framework of its project-related material assistance effort,
the Federal Republic of Germany in 1981 granted the island nation of Madagascar
a loan amounting to DM. 5 million for financing the purchase of tug-

boats, loading and unloading equipment, and consulting services. The contract


JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

NAMIBIA

BRIEFS

SEVEN SWAPO MEMBERS KILLED--A total of seven SWAPO terrorists have been
shot dead by the security forces near (Oshendendo) in southern Ovambo.
According to a spokesman at Territory Force headquarters in Windhoek, the
security forces suffered no casualties. The latest incident brings to 107
the number of terrorists killed since the beginning of the year. The
security force has also confirmed that three civilians were injured in a
mortar attack by SWAPO on the (Mufalangua) residential area in (Onguadiva),
about 10 km southeast of Oshakati. According to the statement, about 15
terrorists fired six mortar shells on the residential area. Two of the
shells did not explode. One of those injured is a baby girl. The security
force says closer examination has shown that the mortar shells are of
Soviet origin, and there is no doubt that SWAPO was responsible for the
attack, In another terrorist incident, a 35-year-old man, Mr (Shitungu
Hometemeya), was injured when a cow detonated an antipersonnel mine near
(Ongwediva). Mr (Mometemeya) [words indistinct]. [Text] [Windhoek
Domestic Service in Afrikaans 1700 GMT 11. Feb 85]

SWATF MEMBERS KILLED--Windhoek, 14 Feb (SAPA)--Three more members of the
SWA Territory Force [SWATF] have died in action against SWAPO insurgents,
the SWATF announced in Windhoek today. They were Sapper Gerard Van Wyk,
21, of Rehoboth, Sapper Herklaas Feris, 20, of Windhoek and Sapper Willem
Vallien, 27, of Keetmanshoop. The SWATF gave no further details. [Text]
[Johannesburg SAPA in English 1121 GMT 14 Feb 85]

cso: 3400/596



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

ZIMBABWE

EGYPT TO IMPORT LARGE QUANTITIES OF CORNED BEEF
Harare THE HERALD in English 31 Jan 85 “Business Herald" Supplement p 9

[Text] SAMPLES of Zimbabwean corned beef have been accepted by Egyptian
health authorities, clearing the way for the export of large quantities to
that country, Egyptian sources confirmed this week.

Mr Kamel Shehata, the Harare manager of Egypt's recently registered El Nasr
trading organisation--acting as the agents--said discussions on prices were
now underway with the local suppliers, Lemco Zimbabwe Ltd.

Said Mr Shehata: "If we agree on the prices, then Egypt is going to buy very
large quantities of corned beef."

El Nasr's office was registered in Zimbabwe as a foreign trading company late
last year.

Mr Shehata said Egypt's population of about 47 million made it a huge market
for beef and the country was importing beef from countries such as Brazil and
Australia.

El Nasr had also approached the Cold Storage Commission for more imports of
beef (not corned) but a letter from.the CSC shown to Business Herald said CSC
could not meet the export demand for such a "magnitude" because of its limited
export capacity.

Egypt was also interested in importing Zimbabwe tea and some samples from the
Eastern Highlands Tea Estates company were on their way to Egypt for testing,
he said.

“Egypt has also announced its intention to import about 20 000 tonnes of re-
fined sugar every month but regrettably," he said, "Zimbabwe's refined sugar
is for domestic consumption only." El Nasr had also contacted the local cof-
fee industry about its intention to buy Arabic coffee beans.

Interest in exporting to Egypt has slowly grown since El Nasr opened an office

in the capital. One company, Baringa Ltd has sent samples of cotton baling
ties which are now being tested in Cairo. Egypt is a major cotton grower.

116


JPRS-SSA-85~019
12 March 1985

BURUNDI

CHURCH-GOVERNMENT RELATIONS COMPARED WITH THOSE IN RWANDA
Paris LE MONDE in French 13-14 Jan 85 p 7

[Article by Jacques de Barrin: "The Church, Mistress in Rwanda and Servant in
Burundi"

[Excerpts] Kigali--In the presbytery of this Kigali parish, the portrait of

Maj Gen Juvenal Habyarimana, the head of state, is several feet larger than that
of the Supreme Pontiff, which has been reduced almost to the size of a souvenir
photo. It is true that in Rwanda there is a tradition of confusion between pol-
itics and religion that goes back to the time-~around 1925--when Mwami Mutara,
the first Christian king, had the local bishop as his adviser. Today, things
seem not to have changed much: Monsignor Vincent Nsengiyumva, the capital's
archbishop, is a member of the Central Committee of the National Revolutionary
Development Movement (MRND) and chairman of its Social and Cultural Affairs Com-
mittee.

Neither discreet pressure from Rome nor open criticism by some of the clergy

has yet convinced Monsignor Nsengiyumva of the necessity for standing aloof from
the single party and leaving to Caesar that which is Caesar's, he is so con-
vinced that "it is necessary to unite in order to have peace." Some people are
suggesting, however, that in the "abnormal" position in which he finds himself,
the prelate could play a humanitarian role, for example by visiting the politi-
cal prisoners in the Ruhengeri prison. "In any case, Rwanda is not Chile," they
say. "The Church here stands behind a government that is relatively honest and
fairly tolerant."

These relations of mutual confidence--is it not said that the resident receives
the bishop more willingly than he receives his ministers, to take the country's
pulse?--took root at the time of the 1959 revolution, in which the Hutus brought
down the feudal regime of the Tutsis. "All of those rebels were mission chil-
dren," a priest says. "So we chose the camp of the oppressed."

The Church is reaping what it sowed, because its faithful control the destinies
of the Rwanda whose constitution opens with a declaration of confidence "in
God's omnipotence."

For all that, the Church has the temporal means to make itself heard, the Bel-

gian colonizer having passed onto it some of its tasks at the time of the trus-
teeship. It was in this way that the Catholic missions, half of whose total

15



UPRS-SSA-85-
12 March 198

BENIN

BRIEFS

3.3 BILLION CFA FROM FRG--The implementation of the Naveto hydroelectric

dam project will start soon, The project is jointly initiated by our
country and the Togolese Government within the framework of the Benin
Electricity Company, jointly owned by the two countries. The FRG has just
decided to grant a sum of DM44 million, that is some 6.6 billion CFA francs,
equally distributed to the two countries. In this connection our country
and the FRG today signed an agreement on a 3.3 billion CFA francs subvention.
[Excerpt] [Cotonou Domestic Service in French 1930 GMI 8 Feb 85] ‘

csO: 3419/275

10



Newspaper Urges Mandela To Consider President's Offer
(Editorial; THE STAR, 1 Feb 85).......cccceusceccceccacceuces

Newspaper Mulls Reasons for Mandela Refusal
(Editorial; DIE TRANSVALER, 12 Feb BS) ace eccececeeeteecesaees

News Focus Examines Black Politics
(Johamnseburg Television Service, 6 Feb 85) cece ccvccccccccces

Possibility of Talks With ANC Discussed
(Editorial; DIE VOLKSBLAD, 21 Dec 84)..ccecescecccceccececees

Commentary on Mandela, ANC Violence
(Johannesburg International Service, 1 Feb 85)....eccceeeeees

Article Views ANC Power-Sharing
(Lawrence Schlemmer; SUNDAY TIMES, 10 Feb 85) cc cccccccceccces

Sweden's Foreign Trade Minister Warns Firms Against Investing
(Kaa Eneberg; DAGENS NYHETER, 12 Jan 85).....cccceecececeuccs

Government Accused of Over-Inflating Money Supply
(Bill Levitt; THE STAR, 18 Jan 85)...ccccucecceccececcccecees

Relationship With Israel Termed ‘Abnormally Close'
(ARABIA, Dec 84)... ccceeeeeceeeecccee en ceetesceteeeeettenees

Intra~African Solutions, Cooperation Advocated
(Editorial; BEELD, 27 Dec 84)......cccecscecccccccececececces

New Landing Rights Reflect Diplomatic Success
(Editorial; BEELD, 3 Jan 85)......cccceccecevcevcuceceececees

Advantages of Privatisation Discussed
(SOUTH AFRICAN DIGEST, 11 Jan B5) ce cceeesecceccccscescsseeece

Rewards Offered for Capture of SWAPO Members
(SUNDAY TIMES, 13 Jan 85)....cccscecececcecancecccteceececees

Nkomati Is No Excuse for 'Interference,' Says Treurnicht
(THE CITIZEN, 22 Jan 85)..cceececcccvcccccceccecnccnceesecens

Criticism of Conscription Mounts
(Andrew Beattie; THE STAR, 4 Feb 85)...ccccseccscccccecccccee

Waves of CP Converts From NP, NP Euphoria Over Reforms
(David Breier; THE SUNDAY STAR, 10 Feb 85)......ecececccveeee

Anger, Bitterness Among New MP's Over Apartheid
(Norman West; SUNDAY TIMES, 10 Feb 85)......ccceccceccccceces

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84



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

TANZANIA

NYERERE APPEALS FOR AID FOR AFRICA
EA151926 Dar es Salaam External Service in English 1600 GMT 15 Feb 85

[Text] Dar es Salaam--For the second time within 4 days the chairman of the
OAU, Mwalimu Nyerere, has again appealed for emergency international food aid
for famine stricken African countries. Besides Ethiopia, he has mentioned
Angola, Burkina Faso and Mozambique as other African countries which needed
emergency food aid.

Mwalimu was speaking at his Msasani residence in Dar es Salaam when he met
ambassadors from Nordic countries, the Soviet Union and representatives of
the UN agencies based in Dar es Salaam. He is expected to make a similar
appeal tomorrow when he meets ambassadors from the socialist bloc.

He said Mozambique was facing a serious problem of floods. The southern part
of the country devastated by drought for the past 4 years was now threatened
by floods, and that food supplies were needed for the affected people because
their crops will be destroyed.

On Angola the OAU chairman said they have shortages of food because of the
war in the south and drought in some areas of the country.

Mwalimu repeated his Tuesday's (12 February) appeal for international food
aid for Burkina Faso. He said the country needed between 163,000 and 250,000
metric tons.

Mwalimu recalled his Wednesday's (13 February) warning during an interview with
a Kenya-based film company that food aid was not the real answer to the famine

problem in Africa. He reiterated that the permanent solution to the problem
is to help the peasants in the rural areas to produce enough food.

cso: 3400/610

106


JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

ARTICLE VIEWS ANC POWER-SHARING
MB100907 Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 10 Feb 85 p 20

[Article by Lawrence Schlemmer, Director of the Center for Applied Social
Sciences at the University of Natal: "To Share...or Not To Share?"]

[Text] South African politics are edging towards a crossroads which, after
centuries, could draw our divided and fragmented society together into a
more cohesive and legitimate system for all groups.

It could also take a turn towards heightened conflict, polarisation, strife
and economic decay. The wisdom of all political leaders in the next
5 years will be tested as never before.

This trend of events is most clearly crystallised in the president's
conditional offer to release Nelson Mandela, and certain other political
prisoners, held for almost 25 years. This dramatic offer has been both
welcomed and rejected (by both the CP [Conservative Party], on the right,
and Azapo on the left) amid considerable uncertainty and confusion. The
diversity of possible implications can boggle the mind.

Before considering the uncertainties, the more rational and logical issues
must be listed.

Political processes in South Africa can never become "normal" while the
ANC and its leaders are in prison or in exile.

The South African political anatomy is very robust in the white, brown
and black sectors, but with the ANC excluded there is a vital organ
missing.

The ANC illustrates the persistence of history. As the longest-established
nation-wide black political tradition, it cannot be replaced. This is
not to say that very viable black leadership cannot be found elsewhere.

It is simply that the other parts cannot function properly and with full
legitimacy while so symbolic a part is missing.

65



{Paintsil] Mr Ron White, if forestry is your priority, why the visits to
the Ikomfo Anokye and Korle-Bu teaching hospitals?

[White] Well, timber indeed is a priority but is not an exclusive priority
and there are many needs in Ghana. We have a long association with both
hospitals. We have been providing support and books and expertise and
training for a number of years and we are anxious to see how we can
strengthen what we have achieved so far.

[Paintsil] This is about your third visit to Ghana. How do you compare
these visits?

[White] This visit has been particularly exciting because I have seen a
number of changes, all. for the better. For example, while traveling
through the country, I have seen a much wider range of food and vegetables
for sale in much greater quantities. I noticed too an improvement in the
transport. For example, during my first visit in 1983, I think about

80 percent or more of the lorries I saw had a lot of bare canvas showing
on the tires. So far I have not seen one this year. We are all very
conscious that Ghana's government has started on a very courageous program
of economic reform which will be difficult to achieve but a very promising
start has been made and the signs argue well for the future. [End
recording]

cso: 3400/598

20



JPRS- Ssa-g5-91¢
12 March 1985”

ANGOLA

DOS SANTOS RETURNS FROM SAO TOME SUMMIT
MB180708 Luanda Domestic Service in Portuguese 1200 GMT 17 Feb 85

[Text] Comrade Jose Eduardo dos Santos, chairman of the MPLA-Labor Party
and president of the republic, yesterday returned from Sao Tome and
Principe, where he attended the proceedings of the 5th summit of the heads
of state of the Portuguese-speaking African countries.

During the proceedings the heads of state of the Portuguese-speaking
African countries recalled that this year the People's Republic of Angola
will host the 6th summit.

The communique issued at the end of the summit stresses the need for an
increase in trade and the rational use of transportation among the five
countries. The final communique also stresses the need for continued
efforts in the area of cadre training, a rational utilization of the most
readily available resources in these countries, as well as the implementa-—
tion of activities aimed at creating joint centers for the training of
cadres,

Due to the serious problems caused by natural disasters, the heads of state
at the Sao Tome summit appealed to the international community to urgently
intensify its massive aid to the five Portuguese-speaking African countries.

The heads of state of Angola, Mozambique, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, and
Sao Tome and Principe expressed profound concern with the worsening of
conflicts, tensions, and the arms’ race, which threatens peace and security
in the world, and are still based on the existence of colonialism,
imperialism, apartheid, and Zionism.

The five heads of state spoke about the prevailing situation in Chad,
Western Sahara, the Middle East, Central America, and East Timor. They
condemned the Indonesian regime which is carrying out a war of genocide
against the Timorese people.

The summit paid special attention to the situation in Southern Africa
which, due to its importance, was the focus of document called the Sao
Tome Declaration.



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

LIBERIA

BRIEFS

COURT RULING ON UP CASE--A probate court at the Temple of Justice in
Monrovia has announced that ruling in the case involving the objections
filed against the probation of the Unity Party's [UP] documents will be
decided shortly. This was disclosed in Monrovia today by Probate Court
Judge Eugenia H. Thompson following a ruling into the last of the two
objections filed against the UP by Al Daley and Daniel Fluo. She gave no
date. Last week the court heard the allegation of Mr Al Daley but the
ruling was reversed to be decided later. During a hearing into Mr Fluo's
objection today, his lawyers argued that as a concerned citizen, he has

the right to bring before the probate court what he called the irregularities
being committed by the Unity Party. He further contended that the documents
issued by the Special Elections Commission to the UP were illegal because

he said the documents carried the signaturé of only one member of the
commission. For their part, the lawyers representing UP argued that the
probate court has no jurisdiction over the case and should therefore refuse
the petition of the objectors. They said the objectors had no legal right
to bring the case before the probate court. [Text] [Monrovia Radio ELWA
in English 1710 GMT 5 Feb 85]

DISTRIBUTING OF LEAFLETS DENIED--The committee to organize and register

the United People's Party [UPP] has announced that no UPP member or official
has either been arrested or detained in Nimba County since Secom's [Special
Elections Commission] suspension of the organization's canvassing activities.
A release from the headquarters of UPP yesterday quotes the Nimba County
chairman of UPP, D.K. (Wilseylan), as saying up to yesterday's date all

UPP canvassers in Nimba County are accounted for and no leaflets have

been distributed by them since the suspension. Meanwhile a release issued
by UPP yesterday said it was premature for Secom to have released informa-
tion for which [words indistinct] facts. The committee further said Secom
has the list of its canvassers and a simple reference to that (?can save)
Secom from further embarrassment. The UPP has also expressed the belief
that Secom's introduction of an alleged violation of the suspension is an
attempt to divert public [attention] from the main issue of whether the
distribution of information material is contrary to the guidelines. It

can be recalled that last week Secom disclosed that some members of UPP

had been arrested in Nimba County for distributing leaflets. [Text]
[Monrovia Radio ELWA in English 0655 GMT 5 Feb 85]

25



Q: Mwalimu, in what way was the removal of the subsidies in Tresponse to the
International Monetary (IMF) demand. Because both I see have come up.

A: Well the IMF does ask for the removal of food subsidies, as they do ask
for devaluation of the currency and a whole list of other things. To the ex-
tent that you do any of those things the IMF should be satisfied. But of
course what we did was not part of a package with the IMF; and that is why we
were able to compensate the wage earners. The IMF would have opposed that
compensation, because in their view it would have defeated the whole purpose
of removing the subsidy.

Q: Mwalimu, let us move to the regional sector. The East African Community
(EAC) was formally dissolved. And now Tanzania is involved in the Southern
African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC). What lessons can Africa
learn from the EEC?

A: Well, perhaps two. One is to move cautiously in the building of unity, in
the building of economic co-operation. Better to move cautiously, brick by
brick, perhaps, we in building something as good as we had in West Africa,
than having it breakdown and the consequent disappointments and heart-break-—
ing. So perhaps one lesson we have learnt, if we were to begin again, would
be to move slowly, step by step consolidating before taking the next step.

The second lesson we have learnt, and here I hope all the countries of SADCC

would agree with me although the economists will probably not agree with me,

is that African co-operation must have a political content. Poor countries,

but even the old countries like EEC countries, are finding it extremely dif-

ficult to bring about maximum co-operation in the European Community, without
some political objectives behind the economic co-operation.

Nation states are not companies. They are states and states are not economic
entities, they are political entities and without a political dynamo inside
the whole machine of economic co-operation, it is very easy to break up. This
is what happened in East Africa.

If we had seen the political usefulness to Africa of the East African Commun-
ity it would not have broken because the economic usefulness was quite obvi-
ous. The economic value was quite clear but politically we were naive. Ina
sense I believe we were too economic. And that is why I hope that in SADCC we
will learn. SADCC, at present is very good. It has a political content. If
we destroy that political content I don't think it will function. SADCC is
not just economic.

The Frontline States are economically dominated by South Africa. But basical-
ly when they say that they want to reduce their economic dependence on South
Africa the reason why they are saying that is not economic. It is political.
And this makes the co-operation meaningful and cements it. Surely from a
purely economic point of view it could be argued that these countries should
co-operate with South Africa.

94


JPRS~SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

FURTHER DETAILS ON ARRESTS DURING SECURITY RAIDS
MB191411 Umtata Capital Radio in English 1300 GMT 19 Feb 85

[Text] Reports say at least 14 people have been arrested in nationwide
security police raids which started in the early hours of this morning,
but police have confirmed that only six people have been taken into custody
and these six will appear in court on charges of treason, James Lorimer
reports.

[Lorimer] A South African police spokesman has confirmed that six people
have been arrested on charges of high treason and will join the Durban
treason trialists. The six are United Democratic Front [UDF] President
Albertina Sisulu, National Treasurer Cassim Saloojee, Transvaal Vice
President Frank Chikane and Ismael Mohamed. Also charged are unionists
Sam Kikine and Isaac Ngcobo. Reported detained are June Mlangeni, a woman
activist and wife of a Robben Island prisoner and her daughter and son-in-law
Sylvia and Nicolas Mkhize. Unionist Sisa Njikelane is also said to have
been arrested. Two other UDF members are reported to have been arrested
at Oudtshoorn in the Cape. A number of homes have been searched as have
offices of the UDF and affiliates. The raids began at about 0300 this
morning and a large number of books and documents have been seized.

[Announcer] Reports from the Eastern Cape say trade union leader Thozamile
Gqweta has been picked up and in Johannesburg an official of the South
African Council of Churches (Tom Manthatha) is also said to have been
arrested. A senior UDF official has told me that his publicity secretary
Terror Lekota and the general secretary of the UDF Popo Molefe have not
been taken into custody.

The nationwide raids included Cape Tow. Beattie Hofmeyer reports police
have searched a number of offices in the city.

[Hofmeyer] Police are still busy searching the offices of the UDF and the
GRASSROOTS community newspaper. Earlier literature was confiscated from
the Open Books Bookshop in Observatory.

According to UDF and GRASSROOTS organisers the security police are taking
large amounts of publications as well as administrative documents.
GRASSROOTS Editor (Salim Badat) said the police seem to be concentrating
on material related to the UDF. He said they also had a search warrant
for his house. In Cape Town no one has been arrested or detained so far.

cso: 3400/600
87



In this declaration, Presidents Jose Eduardo dos Santos, Samora Machel,
Aristides Pereira, Joao Bernardo Vieira, and Manuel Pinto da Costa
expressed solidarity with Angola and Mozambique's peace initiatives for
Southern Africa, and condemned racist South Africa's continued violations
of its compromises with Mozambique and Angola.

On this topic, the five heads of state exposed the involvement and connivance
of some political, economic, financial, and military Portuguese circles in
their aggressions against Angola and Mozambique, which hinder the existing
friendship and cooperation.

CSO: 3442/178



A: Yes, there is a strong desire by the anti-socialists, mainly outside
Tanzania but also in Tanzania, strong desire and a great deal of wishful
thinking, that we are turning away from socialism. We are doing nothing of
the kind. We are not going to turn away from socialism. But naturally in
the course of implementing our policy of socialism we meet a lot of obstacles
and sometimes we are forced to make some retreat!

For instance, last year I think we made a kind of retreat! In a poor country
like this, one of the way the state can help the very poor, especially the
very poor in the urban areas, is to subsidize the prices of their staple food.
And we have been doing it, virtually since independence and that has been
helpful to our people.

Last year we decided to remove the subsidy. We were able to compensate the
minimum wage earner. We calculated in terms of cash what the subsidy meant
to a wage earner, especially the minimum wage earner. And roughly we were
able to compensate him, give it back to him in cash.

But you can't do that with regard to what they call the informal sector, the
self-employed who is either at the level of the minimum wage earner or some-
thing poorer. You can't do anything to compensate him. So in that respect
I regret that it was a retreat. So when you are forced to do a thing like
that, the wishful thinkers say that we are turning away from socialism. But
we are not; we are simply facing the economic difficulties of the present.

Another example is in education, although what we did there does not give me
the same problem as the removal of food subsidies. We have been providing
free education, primary and secondary, virtually since independence. Actual-
ly from primary up to university. And it is one of the major achievements of
the country. Because most of our people cannot afford to pay directly for
the education of their children.

Last year we did something which could be regarded as a retreat; we decided
to charge some fees for secondary education. We asked the parents to pay
some contribution towards the expenses, food and lodging in our boarding
schools, But the argument I think was quite fair and that is why ideally
it doesn't cause me very much problem. We provide free primary education.
But the parents themselves take the burden of feeding the children and pro-
viding them with accommodation.

When you move from there to the boarding school, the state takes over every-
thing: Education proper, and the expenses which in the case of primary edu-
cation are borne by the parents. We decided that although we will not ask
the parents to take the whole burden, they must contribute.

Also in respect of day secondary schools we provide free education in the
sense in which we are doing free education in primary schools. But the boys
and girls will go to the schools and go back home and so the parents will
really be providing the food and transport to the schools.

This is also a kind of retreat but as I said earlier it does not bother me

too much. But neither of these actions means that we are turning away from
socialism.

93



those items one by one. We are not getting satisfactory terms. Why? Because
we don't have the power. What we want is a shift in power. Not that we hope
to reverse the present power position. We cannot, for development has its own
logic.

Wealth is power. The United States is the United States, you can't change it.
The Soviet Union is the Soviet Union. There is a logic of development. It is
there. But the logic of economic power is being supplemented now by the
political will to dominate others. And you cannot deal with the will to
dominate others unless there is a countervailing will not to be dominated.
And this will is lacking because we are trying to be clever, or nice.

But I say that when you are struggling for liberation you cannot afford to be
nice. It is struggle. Oppressors never give up without struggle and at pres-
ent there is a deliberate intention by the very powerful nations in the world
to dominate the weak and the weak must say no, we are not going to let you
dominate us.

There is not going to be meaningful dialogue between the rich and the poor,
between North and South until the North perceives that the South is very seri-
ous about its own liberation.

Q: You are quoted to have described the Nkomati Accord as a humiliation.
Humiliation for who?

A: For Africa.
Q: And did Mozambique have any alternative in your opinion?

A: Well, perhaps not, I don't know. If you are fighting, and you find that
you have to retreat, you retreat. And if you discover that there is no alter-
native to retreating, you give up a little, and dig in. But a retreat is a
retreat. And you got to face it as a retreat. And Africa must face that
clearly as a retreat and not pretend that it is anything else. Because if we
pretend, we will not begin to dig in and fight back. We will not begin and
Prepare ourselves to move on.

The South Africans are now on the offensive. They plan to destablise all the
Frontline States. In a major struggle like the current struggle in Southern
Africa we cannot expect that we shall win every battle. And so if a country
feels the need to retreat it can do so. I could even reach some kind of ac-
commodation with the enemy. But it is no victory. It is not something to
glorify.

Perhaps Mozambique had no alternatives but to reach some kind of accommodation
with South Africa; but I say we must not glory in that retreat. Perhaps we
did not help Mozambique enough, that is why Mozambique was left with no alter-
native. Perhaps we should not try to criticise Mozambique for signing that
accord. But the accord nevertheless is a major setback to Africa's liberation
struggle.

98


JPRS-SSA-85-0;
12 March 1985

ZIMBABWE

MINORITY PARTIES AGAINST LABOR BILL
Harare THE HERALD in English 30 Jan 85 p 1

[Text] THE Independent group of white MPs yesterday joined forces with the
Conservative Alliance in a battle to stop the passage of the Labour Relations
Bill, and vowed to divide the Assembly on various clauses.

Some of their sentiments were echoed by several Zapu MPs who singled out what
they called "shortcomings, inconsistencies and contradictions" contained in
the Bill.

Mr Esmond Micklem (Ind., Northern) said the 81 pages of the Bill were a
"complication" and that the Bill was "completely discriminatory" against
employers.

He said he believed that the labour position was not a political party issue,
and urged the Minister of Labour, Manpower Planning and Social Welfare, Cde
Frederick Shava, to withhold the passage of the Bill until after the next
Parliament.

The leader of the Independents, Mr Bill Irvine, described the Bill as a
"draconian" piece of legislation which was "badly conceived and badly
drafted".

He charged that the minister had paid "scant regard" to representations made
to him by various people.

The independents did not support the Bill and would call for the division of
the Assembly on "various clauses we take exception of".

Cde Edward Ndlovu (Zapu, Mat. South) charged that the Bill was an embarrass~
ment in that it was detrimental to labour relations, "clearly the opposite of
what it was meant for".

Fellow Zapu MP Cde Sidney Malunga (Mat. North) criticised the Bill for being

contradictory in encouraging the consolidation of trade union movement when at
the same time it "undermines the whole concept".

114


of the three streams, the Charterists. What is the possibility that he
will accept the president's offer, and how will his possible freedom be
treated by black people here?

[Kotze] The consequences of Mandela's release could be that he would again
become active in South African politics, that he would become a symbolic
leader of all groups, black groups, cannot be accepted. It could, for
example, be possible that he could become active in South Africa, but the
ANC will continue with its activities and the two will have nothing to do
with each other. It is my belief that it is unlikely that Buthelezi would
back Mandela, but one can accept that he will have significant support
among the blacks.

{Marivate in English] Well it will be difficult to judge his support today
because he has been removed from society for 22 years, but he has acquired
support, a lot of support, especially among the black youth. But again it
is difficult to say whether this support is symbolic or real. If he is
released on the basis of nonviolence, it is possible that he could have
great support or he could just disappear. But the only way I see it that
would make sense actually is to unban the ANC if it is also prepared to
renounce violence, then this would give Mandela a base to work from.

cs0: 3401/97

61



Public images of black politics are affected in other ways as well. Opinion
polls are a political reality. These polls always show the ANC with very
substantial support, and clear majority support in some areas of the country.

Yet, while it is banned and its leaders are ex~communicado, serious analysts
never know what this means. Opinion polls compare like with unlike.

The ANC is endorsed as a symbol and a promise; other leaders are judged
as fallible organisers struggling against political constraints.

Thus there can be no doubt that very powerful, rational arguments exist
for the unbanning of the ANC and the release and return of its legitimate
leaders.

Furthermore, as a society theoretically committed to Western democratic
values, we have no moral right to exclude so significant an actor as the ANC.

What are the uncertainties that this prospect holds? They all relate to
the fact that the framework of government policy and that of the ANC are
still very far apart.

Is negotiation possible, even if the ANC rejects violence? To release
Mandela and not negotiate with him and his colleagues would defeat the
whole purpose of his release.

One may point out that, as yet, the government has not negotiated on
South African constitutional matters with the Butheleze Commission. It
did not negotiate with the Urban Councils Association of South Africa on
the new black municipal dispensation.

It has negotiated with Mozambique and other surrounding states and on the
issue of Namibia. As yet, however, it has not negotiated on any issue
impinging on the political power of whites in the common area of South
Africa.

The closest it has come is some negotiation (through the President's
Council and a Cabinet Committee) with coloured and Indian politicians
regarding the recently-established constitution. This, however, was within
a framework of the nonegotiability of anything other than full white
control over white affairs, and overriding white power in the common
affairs of the country.

Since other black leaders, like Chief Buthelezi and the Committee of Ten,
have refused to negotiate within such a framework, it is hardly likely
that the ANC would find it acceptable.

The crucial ‘question, then, is whether or not the policy framework of the
government is shifting sufficiently to open the door to negotiations.
In essence, the question is whether the government is willing to negotiate
about real power-sharing (which is not necessarily one-man-one-vote).

67



JPRS-SSA-85-01
12 March 1985

BOTSWANA

BOMB BLASTS HOME OF FREE LANCE JOURNALIST
MB131151 Gaborone Domestic Service in English 1115 GMT 13 Feb 85

[Text] Gaborone residents were roused by a massive bomb blast this morning
which reduced a house to. rubble, shattered windows of neighboring shops
and houses, and led to massive road blocks by the army and police around
the capital.

The occupants of the house, South African refugee Nat Serache and another
man still to be identified, miraculously escaped with minor injuries.
They were treated at the (Princess Marina) this morning and left escorted
by police.

A spokesman of the office of the president would not comment beyond
confirming the explosion and the fact that police were investigating.

But he did say that the possibility of a South African involvement cannot
be ruled out.

There have been previous bomb blasts involving South African authorities
and recently South Africa has accused Botswana of harboring what it called
terrorists. South Africa has threatened to carry out raids similar to the
one in Maseru, Lesotho, 2 years ago, in which several South African refugees
and Basotho nations were killed.

The bomb blast at (Ginger) reverberated across the sleeping city. around
1 o'clock this morning and it was an immediate subject of animated
discussion in buses and taxis as people went to work. Several people said
they immediately suspected a bomb when they heard the noise which came
shortly after a light drizzle and rumblings of thunder.

Police are still searching through the rubble and the area has been cordoned
off by heavily armed soldiers of the Botswana Defense Force and police
officers.

A large crowd was still at the scene at the time of making this report,

with dozens of cars parked in the nearby shopping complex. Everyone

leaving town is being checked. A tired looking senior police detective said
they arrived on the scene almost immediately, but would not give more details.
Botswana authorities have remained tight-lipped on the issue and a guarded
statement may be released later today.

Mr Serache is a correspondent for several radio stations around the world,
including the BBC, and also reported for a number of world news agencies.

cso: 3400/596 12


So, I hope that SADCC will learn and maintain the political ingredient of
their economic co-operation. But naturally South Africa is attacking that
political objective of our economic co-operation. We are being put on the
defensive and we are beginning to hear apologetic whispers that this co-opera-
tion is not anti-South Africa.

But it is! It is anti-South Africa. It is economic co-operation, but it is
also very much politically anti-South Africa. And it is no use being simple
indeed about it. And so that political content of economic co-operation is
always a necessity.

I believe that sovereign states trying to co-operate must have a political
objective. At the very least they must be willing to give up some element of
their sovereignty. And I believe it is also going to be true if Africa is
going to move towards really meaningful co-operation.

The Organisation of African Unity (QAU) is a political organisation. It is
not an economic organisation, and if the OAU takes up the economic co-opera-
tion of Africa as a political need we might succeed. Don't separate the two.
I keep on saying sovereignty. So I say perhaps we have two lessons: One move
slowly because we are sovereign states and secondly, economic requires politi-
cal will and therefore a political objectives.

Q: Don't you have a sense of acute frustration that over two decades after
independence, there has been little or no improvement in the material condi-
tion of African peoples and that there has in fact been a regression in many
cases?

A: Well, a moment ago I was saying that in our continent trying to develop
economically we must not forget the politics of development. I keep saying
all the time that it is not possible to separate the two; nobody does. Eco-
nomic development is never separated from the politics of a country.

How can a state avoid regarding economic development as a political matter?
So I say that first of all as an objective, our continent must see economic
development as the next phase of our liberation. It is a political matter.
The next phase of our liberation. And this means at least two things.

When Tanganyika, Zanzibar, Kenya, Uganda, Nigeria, were struggling for the
independence of our own countries, the political independence of our coun-
tries, we looked at each other as allies. The liberation movement in Tanzania
and the liberation movement in Kenya and Nigeria and India felt that they were
working for the same objectives.

If the date for independence was announced in Nigeria, we rejoiced in Tangan-
yika. If the date of independence for Ghana was announced we also celebrated.
We never undermined one another. We felt Ghana's success was Tanganyika's
success, was Nigeria's success, was Kenya's success. We. helped one another.

One nationalist movement did not sit with the imperialist somewhere and begin

back-biting or undermining another. It would have looked like treason. Why,
because we perceived the struggle for political independence as one. There is

95



If, on this side of the border, the Church and the government aré great bud-
dies, on the Burundian side they sit glaring at each other somewhat, while
Rwanda and Burundi, which used to be united under a similar Belgian protection,
appear to be "twin brothers". Except for one detail, however, that makes all
the difference: the Tutsi minority that holds the levers of command in
Bujumbura. The Catholic missions are also ill at ease in the face of a regime
that casts doubt on their loyalty to it and suspects them of wanting to "export
the revolution" they supported in the neighbor to the north, thus thrusting the
Hutus to the forefront.

The disputes between Church and government go back to the beginning independence
when the missionaries unsuccessfully played the Christian Democratic Party card,
the party that was believed to be involved in the 1961 assassination of Louis
Rwagasore, the head of the Union for National Progress (UPRONA), the party that
had become the only one. Then, at the time of the "1972 tragedy", in which a
confrontation occurred between Hutus and Tutsis, the government accused the
clergy of having "fanned the flames". Finally, it was held against the eccles—
iastic tribe, in high places, that in 1976 it had not greeted as it should have
the advent of the llth Republic, which had written "national reconciliation" in-
to its program.

The fact remains that the Church--65 percent of the population is Catholic—-
presents itself as a counter-government to a party-state whose ambition it is to
encompass everything. "Burundi's 100 rural parishes are so many places for hu-
man advancement with, gathered around the chapel, the basic education center,
the clinic, the social hall, the cooperatives, etc.", says an observer. Up to
now, the real development has been done through the missions, in which one rec-
ognizes a certain sense of organization and the common good. Local leaders are
all the more sad that they lack the means to meet that challenge.

Is that an admission of impotence? The anger of Lt Col Jean-Baptiste Bagaza,
the head of state, is directed first of all against the foreign missionaries who
comprise half of the local clergy; since 1979, 100 "revolutionary saboteurs dis-
guised as messengers of God" have thus been expelled from the country in several
waves. The government has also applied itself to erasing all signs of "obscur-
antism"; thus, it decided that the word Sunday would no longer be translated in
. Kirundi, the local language, as "the Lord's Day", but as "the Seventh Day" and
that the cross planted in the countryside must disappear from the landscape.

On the occasion of the 1984 Lent, the faithful were urged by the government to
abstain from attending mass during the week, because there is one time for all
and devotional exercises should not disturb the work on the land. No more Sun-
day service on the radio, no more Catholic newspaper. As for the papal nuncio,
he had to give up his privilege as dean of the diplomatic corps.

Could there be, in this whole string of measures, an after-taste of anticleri-
calism pure and simple? In this respect, might not the head of state have been
under the. bad.influence of the Free University of Brussels, and might not some
of his advisers who were educated in the East have come back "dead set" against
religion? "We are not against the Church," insists Emile Mworoha, the secretary
general of UPRONA. "The proof is that all the Catholic holidays are public hol-
idays. But the Church must adapt. Burundi is a secular state, and separation
of church and state is written into our constitution. Each has its role."

17



JPRS-SSA-85~019
12 March 1985

SENEGAL

POOR SHOWING AT POLLS BY OPPOSITION
Dakar WAL FADJRI in French 30 Nov-14 Dec 84 p 7
[Article by Idrissou $. Biodan and Y. Ndiaye: "Crumbs for the Opposition"]

[Text] As was to be expected, the lion's share of the votes in the 1984
municipal and rural elections went to the Socialist Party [PS] with 96.35 percent
of the count in all the rural districts and communities. The remainder is
unequally divided among the parties of the opposition that took part in

the electoral contest.

The first lesson to be drawn from these elections is that of a population

of 2 million Senegalese entitled to vote, only some 400,000 to 500,000 showed
up at the polling places. A skimpy record for the public opinion poll that
passed unnoticed in certain regions of the country.

But were these elections conducted in an open, calm atmosphere?

Since Mr Babacar Niang, leader of the PLP [Party for the Liberation of the
People's of Senegal], was absent, we were unable to learn what his
impressions were. As for the PIT [Party for Independence and Labor], M Madi
Danfakha, member of the Political Bureau and secretary of the Central
Committee, whom we met during the absence of M-Seydou.Cissokho, refused
absolutely to say a word.

On the other hand, M Mamadou Ndoye, the number two man of the LD/MPT
[Democratic League--Movement for the Labor Party], explained the first
thoughts of his party to us. He says that these elections are "a political
victory for the LD/MPT, thus narrowing by this very fact the base of the PS.
By actual count as well as by percentage, despite the call for a boycott, the
LD was able to gain a better seating. There was, however, a vast number of
fraudulent acts committed during the elections. But fortunately these
traditional cases of cheating were fortunately limited to such a degree,
thanks to the vigilance of the LD/MPT, that the PS finally

admitted its defeat. We gave them such a hard time at the voting booths
that they were unable to stuff the ballot boxes as is their usual practice."

In any case, in view of the officially published percentages, the opposition
picked up only a few points, while it suffered a great loss by restoring to the
PS, through the fault of the PDS, one rural district and 8 rural communities
that it had controlled since the last elections.

8089
CsO: 3419/196 46



JPRS-SSA~85-019

12 March 1985

TANZANIA

NYERERE DISCUSSES DEVELOPMENT, COOPERATION, AFRICAN ISSUES
Dar es Salaam SUNDAY NEWS in English 27 Jan 85 p 7

[Interview with President Julius Nyerere in Dar es Salaam reprinted from
Oshodi (Nigeria) THE GUARDIAN; date not specified]

[Text] Q: You are one leader who is very self-critical about development
since independence. For instance, speaking last year during the 20th anni-
versary of Tanzania, you were quoted as saying: "We are actually poorer than
we were in 1962. Tanzania is neither socialist nor self-reliant. We have not
reached our goal and it is not even in sight." What went wrong? Have approp-
riate lessons been learnt?

A: Well, first we have all the time been self-critical. I think it is proper
that we should be self-critical. But sometimes the reactions from the outside
world to our self-criticism makes me wonder whether we should continue being
so self-critical, because they sometimes misinterpret what we are saying or

even the purpose of the self-criticism.

We have objectives, and if we fail to achieve those objectives or if we feel
that we could have done better, we will criticise ourselves and hope that
during the next few years we can do better. But sometimes the enemies of what

we are trying to do pick it up and say, you see, they themselves admit that
they are not doing well.

But about this question of whether we are self-reliant or whether we are now
socialist and self-reliant or not; my answer always relate to our objectives.
Of course we are not socialist; and of course we are not self-reliant. It
depends upon what one means by being socialist. I never expected my country
was going to be socialist immediately after announcing the Arusha Declaration.
Because to build socialism is a process.

In 1967 after the announcement of the Arusha Declaration there was a tremen-
dous upsurge of support and I remember the youth marching for hundreds of
miles in support of the Arusha Declaration. One of the first groups of youths
to reach Dar es Salaam was a group which had walked from Tanga and they spe-
cifically asked me, "Mwalimu, how long do you think it is going to take before
this country becomes socialist?"

91



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

NAMIBIA

TASS CITES SWAPO OFFICIAL ON S. AFRICAN, U.S. POLICY
LD081515 Moscow TASS in English 1408 GMT 8 Feb 85
[Text] Freetown, 8 February (TASS)--Correspondent Aleksandr Yurin reporting:

The U.S. policy of "constructive engagement" with South Africa has led to the
toughening of the colonial regime in Namibia, said E. Ambange, representative
of the South West African People's Organization (SWAPO). Addressing the cur-
rent fourth conference of the African Regional Organization of the World Fed-
eration of United Nations Associations, E, Ambange stressed that imperialist
powers, ignoring the decisions of the world community, combine to assist
Pretoria and, in so doing, help the apartheid regime to grow stronger.

E. Ambange rejected Washington's and Pretoria's efforts to "link" the granting
of independence of Namibia with the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola.
Namibia's decolonization, E. Ambange stressed, has'nothing to do with the issue
which is within the competence only of the government of Angola.

The order imposed on the occupied Namibia by the apartheid regime, the SWAPO
representative went on to say, serves as an instrument for oppressing the
Namibian people and suppressing its national liberation movement. The policy
of the "Pretoria authorities and its Western allies leaves no other choice
to Namibian patriots but to carry on with armed struggle for freedom and in-
dependence, E. Ambange emphasised. [Quotation marks as received]

R. Utukulu, a representative of the Union of Tanzanian Workers, strongly con-
demned the policy of the U.S. administration aimed at securing its strategic
and economic interests in South Africa and Namibia. Favoring so-called "con-
stitutional reforms" by the apartheid regime, Western powers are doing every—
thing to prevent the African majority from coming to power in the republic of
South Africa and Namibia, he stressed. The representative of Tanzanian workers
urged all progressive forces of the world to support the liberation struggle
against the racist rule in southern Africa.

cso: 3400/612

29



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

BOTSWANA

BRIEFS

CHINESE DOCTORS TO ARRIVE--A total of 13 Chinese doctors, including two
acupuncture doctors, are to arrive in Botswana sometime this year to serve
in Gaborone and Francistown. The two acupuncture doctors will be expected
to work at the Princess Marina Hospital in Gaborone, and the rest of the
team at the Jubille Hospital in Francistown. The doctors’ arrival follows
a protocol which was signed between Botswana and the People's Republic of
China on Tuesday this week, A news release from the Ministry of Finance
and Development Planning says the protocol is the third in the field of
health to be signed between Botswana and China. [Text] [Gaborone Domestic
Service in English 0510 GMT 2 Feb 85]

CSO: 3400/596

13



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

NEWSPAPER MULLS REASONS FOR MANDELA REFUSAL
MB151037 Pretoria DIE TRANSVALER in Afrikaans 12 Feb 85 p.12
[Editorial: "Mandela Says No"]

[Text] From whatever angle one looks at Nelson Mandela's reply to the state
president's offer for his release, the final result is that he refused to
comply with the conditions set for his release.

What one can speculate on is the question of whether Mandela had the final
say in rejecting the state president's offer, which was made public by

his daughter at a large United Democratic Front [UDF] meeting this weekend.
That a meeting of the UDF is used to publicize an ANC leader's decision

is in itself significant especially in the light of the UDF's saintly
denial that it has any ties with terror organizations or the South African
Communist Party.

Nevertheless, this development should also be an indication of the way in
which a front which deviates from the path of peaceful negotiations is now
busy closing its ranks.

For this front it is least of all convenient that Mandela should be out of
prison. As long as he is there he can be regarded as the martyr who
sacrifices his valuable freedom for those who want to overthrow the white
government of this country; and he is out of the way of elements within
and close to the ANC who have made the organization a lackey of the
communists in the past 2 decades.

For South Africa the division between those who seek peaceful solutions
and those who see no alternative to violence cannot be averted.

Mandela or those who speak on his behalf are not the first who believe
that bloody violence is unavoidable. There are people of all races,

here and elsewhere, who acknowledge that standpoint.

Our impression indeed is that the number who are prepared to try peaceful

alternatives is growing--just as is the realization that there can be no
winner in a real confrontation in South Africa.

cso: 3401/101

57



. TECHNICAL COLLEGES GET $2.3 MILLION BOOST

Harare THE HERALD in English 26 Jan 85 p 1

[Text]

CSO:

3400/569

THOSE lecturers’ ts:
4n technical leges
frozen by. the Government
last year due to lack of
funds will be filled soon
when, Mai er De-
velopment and Training
Authority gives $2,3 mll-
Non to the Ministry of
Labour, Manpower Plan-
ning and Social Welfare
for selaries.

The minister, Dr
Frederick Shave, said in
‘Harare . yesterday . that
Mandata had agreed to
‘release ‘the funds to fill
the increasing training
requirements needed in
technical and vocational
colleges,

eaking . when he
jaunehed a scheme for the
training of technical

Polytechnic, Cde Shava
vonealed to all Zimbe-
bwean artisans, techni-
clang and other profes-
sionals to ‘seriously con-

110

sider teaching as a career.

The ministry’s institu-
tional training infrastruc-
ture was being expanded,
particulart with = the
urgent problem of school-
leavers which last year
alone was nearly 80090
students.

Cde Shava said un-
attractive conditions of
service, hich had ham-
pered the ro-
gramme, were ‘under’ re
view as the Government
had dire that every-

" thing possivte be done. to

expand training, particu-
Jarly for gchool-leavers,

It had also been decided

, that institutions should

operate throughout the
year, doing away with
terms, to accelerate

The Government was.
also looking for employ- ,
ers who were capable of

‘taking more apprentices

than thelr normal intake;

JPRS~SSA~85~01'
12 March 1985

ZIMBABWE


HARARE COUNCIL LAUNCHES WAR ON FRAUD

Harare THE HERALD in English 29 Jan 85 p 1

[Text]

cso:

3400/569

HARARE City” Council is
to spend over $103 000 on
salarles for extra staff to
fight an increase in fraud
and theft within the mu-
nictpality.

‘The decision was made
last week when the coun-
cil debated the minutes
of its finance and general
purposes committee,

The minutes indicated
that some recent munict-
pal fraud cases could

we been exposed in thefr
early stages had regular
audits been carried out,

‘The council “agreed |
that, $108 485 be spent tn |
1984/85 to cover
of additional staff, includ
ing senior accountants, | H

to investigate frauds und ;
thefts.
Cir Tozvirambirant Mu- |

slyarira said said the council’
should stamp out fraud |
‘and theft and the culprits
handed over to the police, |
He said some. a areas had’
not been covered by au- -
dits and this new expendi- .
ture on additional ac-
countants would save
council funds,

‘The increase in the,

fraud cases was attribut-
ed to the increased vol-

112

ume of work for munici-
pat audit teams, Clr Tony
Gara told the meeting
that some fraud cases had
‘been discovered only after
the offenders had left the
municipality.

New ‘housing develop-
ments in Glen View, ‘War-
ren Park, Warren D, Dzi-
varesekwa and Kuwadza-
na justified the addition
of more accountants and
there was need to make
provision for Epworth:
Tovalo jopment, the council
decid

‘The committee recom. |
mended that if proper au- |
dits were maintained the;
could “bring immiense
nancial benefit to the!
council”, -

Each audit team would |
ihave a professional as;
head with experienced as-'
sistants, Recent experi-
ences had shown that
there was a need to have
senior officers to guide
and train» employees in
the sections and to review,
their output,

But Cir A. J. Wilkins
foit fraud within the mun-
iefpality chould not be
made public through the
Press as it wag a staff
matter.

JPRS-SSA-85-019

12 March 1985

ZIMBABWE


SADF Not Releasing Number of Immigrants
(THE STAR, 1 Feb 85)..cecesccscccccssccccccccrecceesceessssees 86

Further Details on Arrests During Security Raids
(Umtata Capital Radio, 19 Feb 85).....csceeccccccecceccccsecee 87

Briefs
Youths Riot in Kempton Park 88
Pilot Killed in Jet Crash 88
Violations of Lusaka Accord 88
Dynamite Factory Blast 88
Northwest Cape Recommended for Artillery Range 89
Possible Mandela-Matanzima Meeting 89
SAAF Switches 90
Meetings Banned in Kempton Park 90
TANZANIA

Nyerere Discusses Development, Cooperation, African Issues
(Julius Nyerere Interview; SUNDAY NEWS, 27 Jan 85)....+.eee0-- 91

Nyerere Appeals for Aid for Africa
(ar es Salaam External Service, 15 Feb 85).....-eeeeee cece e106

ZIMBABWE

Mission To Seek Export Trade With Uganda

(THE HERALD, 31 Jan 85)....... ~-107

Government Considers Allocating More Foreign Currency to Farmers
(THE HERALD, 26 Jan 85).. eee eeee eee L08

Technical Colleges Get $2.3 Million Boost

(THE HERALD, 26 Jan 85).... seeeeee ellO

Massive Citizenship Drive

(THE HERALD, 29 Jan 85).. eee ceccceesees ell]

Harare Council Launches War on Fraud

(THE HERALD, 29 Jan 85)...seseseeeeceeceece seeeeeeeell2

Government Plans Drive To Boost Rural Investment

(THE HERALD, 30 Jan 85).. wee e e113

Minority Parties Against Labor Bill

(THE HERALD, 30 Jan 85).. eee eeeeeeee ell G

Egypt To Import Large Quantities of Corned Beef
(THE HERALD, 31 Jan 85)........

rere oo.)

Briefs
Electrical Engineers Recruit Bulgarians 118

-e-



JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

explosives area, and by 8 pm the fire was still burning, he said. The site
has been evacuated to prevent any additional injuries in the event of
further explosions. "It is impossible at this stage to assess the damage."
Although AECI had no idea what caused the explosion, the spokesman stressed
that it was definitely not sabotage. Latest reports from the hospital on
the condition of the injured described one as "critical," six as "serious,"
and 16 were described as having "minor injuries." The supply of explosives
would not be affected by the blast, the spokesman added. [Text]
[Johannesburg SAPA in English 1809 GMT 13 Feb 85]

NORTHWEST CAPE RECOMMENDED FOR ARTILLERY RANGE--ARMSCOR [Armaments
Corporation of South Africa] has recommended that the planned new long-
distance artillery testing range be laid out in the vicinity of Copperton,
Verneukpan, and (Grenaatboskalk) in the northwestern Cape. The deputy
minister of defense, Mr (Adriaan Vlok), says in a statement issued in
Cape Town that intensive surveys will be made of the region to determine
the precise location of the testing range. A new testing range had become
necessary because of negative reaction to the increase in testing in the
vicinity of St Lucia in northern Natal. Mr (Vlok) said that it has also
not been possible to conduct tests at the Overberg range in the southern
Cape. The preliminary survey team comprised represnetatives of the
departments of environment affairs and of tourism, of constitutional
development and planning, of agricultural economics and water affairs,

of mineral and energy affairs, and of the department of nature and
environment conservation in the Cape provincial administration. [Text]
[Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 1500 GMT 13 Feb 85]

POSSIBLE MANDELA-MATANZIMA MEETING --A meeting between Pres Kaiser Matanzima
of Transkei and Nelson Mandela, leader of the African Wational Congress, may
possibly take place in the new year. President Matanzima told DIE VOLKSBLAD
that he earlier requested such a meeting with Mandela, who is his uncle,
“However, he asked that we put this off to a later date.’ We have not yet
agreed on a date," President Matanzima said. He would neither confirm nor
deny that Mandela turned down an offer by. him and other leaders of national
states to gain the release of him (Mandela) and other political prisoners.

DIE VOLKSBLAD reported on this yesterday based on a reliable source. President
Matanzima said that he has been trying for years to effect the release of
Mandela and other political leaders. In 1976 he made representations to the
then prime minister, Mr John Vorster, and later to Mr Marais Viljoen, former
state president, as well. Last year he also made a similar petition to the
current state president, Mr P. W. Botha. President Matanzima said that the
matter is very sensitive. It is being discussed on a high level, and for

that reason he cannot disclose more details. He said that his younger brother,
acting chief Ngangomahleba Matanzima, will visit Mandela before long at the
Pollsmoor prison. However, this is only to discuss family affairs. [Text]
[Bloemfontein DIE VOLKSBLAD in Afrikaans 28 Dec 84 p 9} 12271

89



With the creation of the VPK, SWAPO realized the need to include other poli-
tical groups. By May, the VPK had advanced so: far. that President Kenneth
Kaunda of Zambia had to take note of its existence, to such an extent, in
fact, that he was prepared to bring the VPK and SWAPO together at the confer-
ence table.

Obliged

During the Lusaka talks, SWAPO was obliged to react to what it was confronted
with, and it abandoned its exclusivity of sole representation with the estab-
lishment of a so-called "patriotic front."

The fact that SWAPO will probably not react to the VPK invitation to state
before 31 December whether or -not it is going to join in the talks, together
with the VPK's plan to talk with South Africa and other interested count ries
after 15. January about South-West African independence, should not be seen as
meaning that a move is being made toward an interim government or a unilateral
declaration of independence. Seen in broader terms, the resolution of

30 October spells out three clear facts:

Violence

Dissatisfaction with the existing system of bureaucratic government and the
replacement of it with representative government. Coupled with this is dis-
satisfaction with the bloodshed resulting from violence on both sides and
with the inability of the United Nations, the Western five, the front states
and South Africa to reconcile problems and to effect the right to self-deter-
mination and independence.

The VPK supplies its own formula for eliminating the above-mentioned problems,
specifically, holding a conference of all parties to discuss the problems.

The VPK recognizes that success is dependent on SWAPO consent. However,
should SWAPO not be prepared to agree, the VPK is not prepared to be handi-
capped by this and give SWAPO a permanent veto over its future. Therefore,
the VPK will enter into talks with the South African government and other
interested parties about independence for South-West Africa.

Plan

It is impossible at this stage to determine the scope of choices that the VPK
will have after 15 January, because this will depend on what. happens in the
next month.

However, Mr Dirk Mudge, chairman of the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance [DTA],
one of the six parties in the VPK, believes that the VPK must go to South
Africa with at least a definite plan for a form of government. Such a plan
does not to this date exist.

34



some difficulty in Africa and in the Third World generally in perceiving that
we still have a struggle going on, and that it is one.

There is some wisdom in the Third World, including Africa, of each country

tyring to go it alone. Yet there is no way in which we can go it alone and
succeed. We can't. There is really no way of each poor country liberating
itself on its own. This cannot be done. I think that is first realisation.

And the second one is that if we don't agree to co-operate at least we should
try to co-ordinate our separate actions. I made a remark the other day in
Addis Ababa about debt. The creditor countries co-ordinate. Even when they
face a poor country like Malawi, Rwanda or Tanzania, they all gang up together
in Paris and lay down the conditions of repayment.

A poor country facing such a Cartel of Creditors stands no chance of a fair
deal. I was simply making a simple suggestion. That a continent like Africa
could demand that it sits down together with Creditors to agree upon the terms
of repayment. Even then it would still be a meeting of unequals. But unity
would make our weakness slightly less weak.

That remark received a lot of hostility from the Rich. They must treat the
Poor Debtors, they say, case by case. I don't know what their reaction would
be if I had suggested a Debtors Cartel which would treat the Creditors case by
case!! Supposing the whole of the OAU were to sit down together as debtors
club and call Britain alone. And then after Britain we call Belgium and after
Belgium.....This naturally would have sounded preposterous.

But Rich Counries ganging up against a single poor country looks alright.

Such is the World in which we live. So I urge unity in our relations with the
developed world, and there is no shame in it, we should work together. There
is no shame in it. Because the developed countries are working together.

They don't have to. They are so powerful they don't have to. But we are so
weak we must.

Q: Why is it that African states, or the Third World for that matter cannot
come together in the face of all these problems?

A: I believe that it has now dawned upon us that it is a necessity. When I
was referring to the first anti-colonial phase, I said that our perception of
dependence was very clear to all of us. We knew that we were colonised.

So we realised that we were in the same category. We were all the same.
India, Nigeria, Algeria, Tanganyika, Kenya, Ivory Coast. That was quite
clear. That, I think, is why it was also quite clear that we were all allies;
because of that clarity of our common state.

In the stage of neo-colonialism and total dependence on the North, there is
some absurd wisdom that by distancing ourselves from one another, and drawing
separately closer to the North, we shall somehow make it. Some countries
don't even believe that they are dependent.

96


JPRS-SSA-85-019
12 March 1985

NIGERIA

MUSLIMS CALL FOR ISLAMIC LAW COURTS IN SOUTH
Kaduna GASKIYA TA FI KWABO in Hausa 13 Dec 84 p 16

[Text] The Islamic Imams Association of the states of Oyo, Ondo and Ogun
gave its blessing to a call for establishing Islamic courts of law
[shari'a] in the southern section of the country.

The Association gave its blessing to the call in the town of Abeokuta during
the celebration of the second graduation of students of the Zulikha Abiola
Koran Studies Institute conducted at Alake and Abeokuta.

Sheikh Adam Abdullahi of Ilori, secretary general of the Imams Association,
was the first to make the call for all Muslims in the south of the
country at Tlori.

Subsequently the principal imams of Egba, Igebu+Ode, Remo and Egbado informed
a Muslim mass assembly that all Muslims in the south of the country endorse
the call to establish their own Islamic courts of law.

According to Sheikh Adam the Muslim people in the south of the country
need an Islamic court especially for marriage, divorce and estate settle-
ment cases.

The religious leader of Yarbawa, Chief M.K.0. Abiola, in discussing the

subject said that if Islamic courts have succeeded in the north of the
country then there is no reason the same cannot happen in the south.

cso: 3498/3

37