209053

JPRS 83629

8 June 1983

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

No. 2807

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19980608 199

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JPRS 83629

8 June 1983

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

No. 2807

CONTENTS

INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

State of African Studies in China Reported

(Colin, Margaret Legum; WEST AFRICA, 9 May 83)

Details on Indian Ocean Pact Given

(AFRICA NOW, May 83)

Report on ECA Meeting in Addis Ababa

(WEST AFRICA, 9 May 83) ,

Reportage on OATUU's Tenth Anniversary Conference

(THE ETHIOPIAN HERALD, various dates) ,

Celebrations Begin

General Council Session

Nine-Point Resolution

Solidarity Rally

Solidarity Declaration

ANGOLA

Ambassador Outlines Cooperation With Italy

(Luanda Domestic Service, 23 May 83) 18

UNICEF Team Reports on Food Shortage, Health Projects

(AFRICA NOW, Apr 83) 19

'ANGOP' Criticizes 'Doctors Without Borders'

(Editorial; ANGOP, 20 May 83) 21

UNITA Radio Reports FALA Actions 16-30 April

(Voice of Resistance of the Black Cockrel, 20 ¥±y 83)... 23

-a - [III - NE & A - 120]
SADCC Official Discusses Transportation Projects

(Luanda Domestic Service, 24 May 83)

BENIN

Briefs

Kerekou Promoted

CAMEROON

Brighter Prospects for Reconciliation Noted

(AFRICA NOW, May 83)

ETHIOPIA

Government Deals With Nationalities Question

(AFRICA NOW, May 83)

Ethiopia's African 'Vocation' Discussed

(WEST AFRICA, 9 May 83) •

Briefs

Gojjam Mapped

Delegation to Bulgaria

USSR Journalists' Agreement

Afghan Revolution Supported

GDR Farmers' Agreement

GABON

Observers Reportedly Consider Bongo Firmly in Control

(Jean-Pierre Challard; AFRICA, Apr 83)

GHANA

Article Weighs Role of Chiefs in Nation

(R. K. B. Kyerematen; WEST AFRICA, 9 May 83)

'PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC' Urges No Boycott of OAU Summit

(Accra Domestic Service, 24 May 83)

IVORY COAST

World Bank Tactics Seen Teaching Secondary Teachers 'Harsh

Lesson'

(Mark Doyle; WEST AFRICA, 2 May 83)

KENYA

Editorial Hits Ugandan Claims of Support for Guerrillas

(Editorial; THE KENYA TIMES, 6 May 83)

- b -

25

26

27

29

31

34

34

34

35

35

37

44

46

47

48
Israeli Dancers Try To Make Political Capital From Visit

(THE WEEKLY REVIEW, 6 May 83) 49

Moi Hits Out at Leaders' Disunity

(THE WEEKLY REVIEW, 6 May 83) , 51

KANU Chairman for Mombasa Fights Back

(THE WEEKLY REVIEW, 6 May 83) 54

Ntimama Takes Issue With Probe Report

(THE WEEKLY REVIEW, 6 May 83) 56

Editorial Scores Strikes in Essential Services, Industries

(Editorial; THE KENYA TIMES, 5 May 83)... 58

Another Sugar Factory for Kwale Proposed

(THE KENYA TIMES, 28 Apr 83) 59

Briefs

BAT Revenue 60

'KENYA LEO' Sold Out 60

Parochial Recruitment Rejected 60

LIBERIA

U.S. Reportedly Uses All Means To Keep Nation Under Its

Influence

(WEST AFRICA, 2 May 83) 62

PRC Members 'Given Full Protection' During Civilian Rule

(J. Blamo Robinson; NEW LIBERIAN, 6 May 83) 64

Provisions of New Draft Constitution Analyzed

(Eddie Momoh; WEST AFRICA, 2 May 83) 66

Doe's 'Policy Reversal' Stuns, Confounds Observers

(DAILY OBSERVER, 3 May 83) 68

Nation Meets IMF Criteria, To Receive Additional Funds Under

SDR

(Sam H. Johnson; NEW LIBERIAN, 3 May 83) 70

Nine Nationals To Take Three-Month Agricultural Training in

ROK

(NEW LIBERIAN, 3 May 83) 71

Civil Servants To Receive April Paychecks on 'Scheduled Basis'

(J. N. Elliott; NEW LIBERIAN, 3 May 83) 72

- c -
'Blasting Caps' Reportedly Stolen From EXCHEM

(J. N. Elliott; NEW LIBERIAN, 5 May 83) 73

Bakers Say Poor Quality NMC Flour May Cause Bread Output To

Cease

(T-Max Taah; DAILY OBSERVER, 5 May 83) 75

Military Tribunal Counsellor Resigns To Enter Politics in 1985

(DAILY OBSERVER, 4 May 83) 76

Briefs

Loans to AFC for Revitalization 77

Thirty-Day Ultimatum Clarified 77

MADAGASCAR

Party Leaders Express Views on Various Subjects

(MADAGASCAR MATIN, 19, 20 Apr 83) 78

Major Party Leaders' Views

Views on Single-Party System

MALAWI

Party Activities To Be Intensified

(DAILY TIMES, 15 Apr 83) 81

Railroad Track Improvements To Be Made

(DAILY TIMES, 15 Apr 83) 83

Briefs

Meat Prices Rise °^

MALI

Leaders, Members Comment on UDPM Objectives

(L'ESSOR, 31, 29 Mar 83)...

Boubacar Dicko Interview

Assarid Ag Imbarcawane Interview

Mohamedoun Ag Assadeck Interview

Boubacar Diallo Interview

1982 Seen as Crucial Year, by Sekou Oumar Doumbia

Independent, Planned Economy Sought, by Alphonse S.

Berthe

MOZAMBIQUE

Maputo Reports U.S., World Reaction to Raid

(Maputo Domestic Service, 24 May 83)

d -

85

94
Chissano Discusses South African Raid With de Cuellar

(Maputo in English to Southern Africa, 24 May 83)......... 96

Reporters Visit Scene of Air Raid

(Maputo in English to Southern Africa, 24 May 83) 98

Black Market Activity Causing Food Shortages

(THE HERALD, 2 May 83) 99

Briefs

Army Promotions Given 101

FRG Ambassador Condemns Raid 101

Swedish Cooperation Talks Held 101

NAMIBIA

Torture, Biological Warfare in Namibia Claimed

(Mike Osborne; AFRICA NOW, May 83) 102

'EL MOUDJAHID' Interviews SWAPO Leader

(Sam Nujoma Interview; EL MOUDJAHID, 29-30 Apr 83) 106

Police Harassment of Reporter Scored

(Editorial; WINDHOEK OBSERVER, 7 May 83) 108

Cross-Examination of Former Security Chief Reported

(WINDHOEK OBSERVER, 7 May 83) 110

Political Attitudes, Fears Studied

(Denis Beckett; FRONTLINE, May 83) 114

Some Outstanding Political, Business Leaders Profiled

(Denis Becke tt; FRONTLINE, May 83) . 118

'WINDHOEK OBSERVER* Lists Documents Seized From Gwen Lister

(WINDHOEK OBSERVER, 7 May 83) 122

Trip Through Ovamboland Described

(Denis Beckett; FRONTLINE, May 83) 123

Briefs

Three By-Elections 127

NIGERIA

Further Reportage on Violence in Kano

(Abdulhamid Babatunde; NEW NIGERIAN, 5, 6 Apr 83) 128

Political Clash

NPN Supporters Arrested

- e -
Corruption Incidents Detailed for 5-Year Period

(Tawey Zakka; NEW NIGERIAN, 14 Apr 83) 130

Gongola Schools Close, Send 500,000 Children Home

(Abu Tapidi; NEW NIGERIAN, 5 Apr 83) m

SENEGAL

Opposition Reportedly Opting for Strategy of Tension

(Ibrahima Signate; AFRICA, Apr 83) 132

SEYCHELLES

Mahe Land Registration Project Planned

(NATION, 23 Apr 83) 13b

Briefs #

Militants End Leadership Training XJ*

SIERRA. LEONE

Government Announces New Rates for Fishing Vessels

(WEST AFRICA, 9 May 83) 140

SOUTH AFRICA

Polish Emigration to South Africa Defended _

(THE CITIZEN, 10 May 83) 14i

Union Leaders Hit Back at Retrenchments

(Mono Badela; S0WETAN, 9 May 83) •

142

Move To Alleviate Housing Shortage in Mohlakeng Reported

(Len Maseko; SOWETAN, 10 May 83) 14J

WRA.B Plans Shelter for Tent People

(Ali Mphaki; SOWETAN, 10 May 83) ...... . -^

Supreme Court Liquidates Johannesburg?Company

(THE CITIZEN, 7 May 83) •

Briefs , , ,-

T-.» J 146 Paper Fined ,,

Farm Battle

Truckers Convoy

Dairy Farming

Tribal Battles ^'

Quotas Bill Plea L/]'

Boycott Shuts Down College ±üt'

Easing Maize Shortage }

4

New Deal Rejected

- f -
SWAZILAND

King's Demise Ended Traditional Relationships

(AFRICA NOW, May 83) •

149

Palace Coup Sheds Light on Obscure Traditional Politics

(AFRICA NOW, May 83) 152

UGANDA

Editorial Urges Strengthening of Local Government

(Editorial; UGANDA TIMES, 19 Apr 83) 157

UPPER VOLTA

Correspondent Examines CSP Regime After 6 Months in Power

(WEST AFRICA, 9 May 83) 158

ZAIRE

Agreements With Guinea Enter Into Effect

(ELIMA, 30 Apr 83) 161

Border Traffic Expected To Begin Soon

(Kasonga Ndunga Mule; ELIMA, 30 Apr 83) 163

MPR Official Stresses Importance of Cadre's Role

(Angelo Mobateli; ELIMA, 26 Apr 83) 164

Briefs

Japanese Farm Equipment Presented iöt)

ZAMBIA

Briefs

Mundia Praises British Aid ie>7

ZIMBABWE

Lessons Derived From ZAPU-ZANU Split

(Abdul Rahman Mohammed Babu; AFRICA NOW, May 83) 168

- g "
INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

STATE OF AFRICAN STUDIES IN CHINA REPORTED

London WEST AFRICA in English 9 May 83 pp 1115-1118

[Article by Colin and Margaret Legum]

[Text] ALTHOUGH the Chinese Academy of

Social Sciences began its African studies

programme in 1961, the Cultural Revolution completely disrupted the work of

Chinese Africanists for a period of 12

years, from 1966 to 1978. All the Africanists, like most other academics, were

forced to spend the intervening time working in peasants' communes all over the

country, with no opportunities to keep up

with developments in Africa. They were

deprived of books and specialist literature,

and had to rely for their information on

what appeared in the national press.

When they were finally allowed to return

to their studies it was to find that nothing

had been added to their library for the

whole of the 12 years — neither books nor

periodicals — and that some valuable

material had been destroyed. It says much

for the morale and dedication of Chinese

Africanists that they have succeeded so

quickly in catching up on what they lost

during the 12 locust years of the mindless

Cultural Revolution — which was decribed to us by a senior judge in Guang-

:hou (Canton) as having been, in fact, a

uvil war.

It came as a surprise, to us at least, that

an estimated three million Chinese had

died during the Cultural Revolution, many

of them through suicide because professional people, senior officials and

academics found it unbearable to endure

the indignities heaped on them in the name

of cultural re-education. One feels it would

be instructive if those academics in Africa

and the West, who had written uncritical

praise of the Cultural Revolution at the

time, were to revisit that sanguinary period

to see where they (and the revolution)

went wrong.

The Institute of West Asian and African

Studies is one of a group of autonomous

institutions engaged in international studies which are collectively attached to the

Chinese Social Sciences Academy. (West

Asia is what we call the Middle East).

Other institutions engaged in international

studies in the Academy include institutes

for the study of the Soviet Union and

Eastern Europe, United States of America, Latin America and Japan, as well as

for philosophy, literature and history.

While each institute enjoys autonomous

status, they are governed by a Board of

Directors composed of academic staff and

official appointees, which ensures party

control and influence.

The Institute of Beijing is housed in a

famous old building on Zhiang Zhi Zhong

road which is caked in history. In the late

19th-century it was the Navy's headquarters; after the 1911 revolution it was the

headquarters of Sun Yat Sen's government; in the 1920s it was the home of the

famous warlord, Duang Chi-Rey; during

the Japanese occupation it served as a

military police headquarters; and, after

World War II, it served first as the headquarters for the anti-bandit (ie anticorruption) campaign and, subsequently,

as part of the People's University.

African studies are divided ihTo~7our

main specialised groups.(l)Studies into the

differences between African cor Lries and

their politics; issues of contemporary Africa. (2) Studies of African economies. (3)

African history studies, with stress on
modern history. (4) Southern African studies.

The main focus of all four groups is the

study of national liberation movements;

this is sub-divided into six areas for project

work: problems of countries still fighting

for their independence (South Africa and

Namibia), and the contradictions within

these struggles; current tendencies in African thinking and ideology (PanAfricanism, African socialism, etc.);

changes of class structure after independence, including the nature of tribalism;

foreign policies of the big powers; and

special issues relating to Southern Africar

All the projects give a high priority to

problems of economic development.

Each staff member is allocated a topic

relating to the six project areas described

above, but members make their own plans

for tackling the topic. At the end of a year

their work is assessed by a Board of

Academics which includes members of the

Institute and of outside universities.

The present Board has 11 members, four

of them drawn from outside the Institute.

The Board meets every six months and

works closely with other branches of the

Academy, such as the Institute of World

History which is showing a growing interest

in African history. There is also a particularly close relationship with the Institute

for Economic Studies, with whom three

joint development projects are currently

being undertaken.

The Institute for West Asian and African Studies is solely a research institution.

While staff members may teach at other

universities, no teaching is undertaken in

the Institute itself. It has a staff of 27

engaged in African studies, 21 in West

Asian studies, 15 in the library, and six

engaged on editorial work. There are three

categories of members — Research Fellows, Associate Research Fellows and

Assistant Research Fellows. New staff are

recruited from among graduates who, after

three to five years, become Assistant Research Fellows. The next step up the ladder

depends on the level of their work and on

their publications. Promotions beyond

Assistant Research Fellow is decided by

the Academy. An Associate Research Fellow can also become attached to a university and teach there.

The Institute publishes West Asia and

Africa, a bi-monthly magazine, which is

intended for circulation only inside China.

It includes both original work and translations from overseas scholars. The intention

is to publish collections of essays from the

journal and to make them available to a

wider public in 1983.

The present Deputy Director of the

Institute is Prof. Wang Yue, who graduated from Sichuan (Szechuan) University

in 1948 as a student of Chinese history and

later studied in the Institute of Foreign

Affairs. He first became engaged in Africa

through his interest in the Algerian liberation struggle. He has paid only a few brief

visits to Africa, and feels somewhat restricted by having only French as a foreign

language. Most other staff members have o

working knowledge of English.

A great weakness in Africanist studies in

China arises from a lack of foreign exchange allocations which means that scholars are unable to travel in their areas of

specialisation. Apart from Prof. Wang

Yue, only one other staff member of the"

Institute, Gao Xian. has actually set foot in

Africa. It is difficult to understand why the

authorities, with China's great interest and

involvement in Africa, do not provide for

their scholars to deepen their own knowledge and expertise of the continent by

engaging in actual fieldwork. It should also

be possible to arrange for exchange programmes between the Institute and African

universities — to their mutual advantage.

We spoke in English and, for most of the

time, had the benefit of a marvellously

proficient translator from the Institute, Liu

Xi Han, who has spent two years at an

Australian University. Most of our audiences could follow us without too much

difficulty, and were able to frame their

questions in English. But we found it more

useful to have them write down their

questions after each session. Some idea of

their interest is indicated by the written

questions we received, for example:

"What did you see with your own eyes

when you returned to South Africa after 20

years?"

"What is the position of white workers in

South Africa? To what extent have privileges affected their attitudes?"

"What is your definition of the African

middle-class? What is their attitude?"

"Is it beneficial for former colonial

countries to maintain their relations with

the former colonial powers?"

"What is the degree of dependence of

British industry on raw materials from

Africa?"

"What is the relation, or connection,

between Pan-Africanism, nationalism and

socialism?"

"In maintaining and developing relations with African countries, does France
have a focal point in regions or particular

countries? If so. how is this focal point

formed? What is the reason behind it?"

Later. Prof. Wang Yue arranged for us

to have an interview with Mr. Gong Dafei,

China's Assistant Foreign Minister responsible for African Affairs.

The Minister denied that China's interest in the continent was declining.. "In

the first place." he said, "I would like to

say that very important changes are taking

place in Africa, but there are lots more to

come. The impression of a declining

Chinese interest is a superficial one. It is

not the truth.

"Over the past 33 years Africa has been

very important to us, and this has been a

consistent interest. This doesn't mean

there has been a straight line increase, but

our general policy has remained unchanged. We have not followed a policy of

expediency. Various factors determine our

consistent policy. These vary in practice,

but consistency is the key word in the

policy we have persued.'

Asked what elements determined China's African policy. Mr. Gong Dafei replied: "China and Africa have similar

backgrounds, both have suffered from

colonialist and imperialist rule. So it is very

natural that we sympathise with and support each other. For both, independence is

not the end, but the beginning of building a

new future. Both Africa and China were

backward at independence, whereas the

Western countries were developed in industry, agriculture and technology; we

weren't. So we and Africa have a common

task in correcting that.

"Every country formulates its policy

base,d on self-interest. If we don't unite

with Africa we have a weak role in

international affairs. So we need to unite

with Africa to expand our own role. This

was already our policy when Zhou Enlai

(Chou En-Lai) went to Africa in 1958 and

stated the importance of our Five Point

Principles. These relations have been much

enriched since then, but those basic principles remain unchanged despite the death of

Zhou Enlai and Mao Zadong."

He explained that the five principles

were to fight against colonialism; support

non-alignment; promote unity: support the

policy that disputes between African countries should be settled by talks among

themselves; and to oppose interference

and invasion from outside.

"We supplement these basic principles,"

he added, "by supporting Africa's efforts

at development on the basis of selfreliance, and through efforts to achieve a

New International Economic Order. When

Zhou Enlai first went to Africa not all of

the then 34 independent African countries

recognised China. Now, 45 of the 50

independent states have diplomatic relations with us. Both we and they are

satisfied with the development of relations

between ourselves. We support each other

bilaterally as well as in international fora.

We have a lot of economic co-operation

and cultural exchanges."

My next question was about how much

economic aid China has given to Africa.

"We haven't published any figures." he

answered, "but China has provided an

average of 200 million rehminbe to each

African country. For a country like ours

it's really a huge burden, considering our

own poverty. Our African friends have

compared our efforts to somebody tightening his own belt to help others."

"From our past experience we suggest to

African friends that we start with small

projects and those that yield quick results.

For example, the Tanzam railway required

lots of resources and time, and a considerable investment. This is true also of the

part we helped to build for Mauritania near

Nouakchott. We can't repeat these big

projects now."

Referring to South Africa, the Minister

said: "South Africa has a population of 20

million, a quarter of them whites who have

lived there for several hundred years. We

support the uprising of the blacks who

want to solve the problems of the country.

The situation in South Africa is different

from that in Algeria, for example. The

blacks can't drive the whites into the sea.

and the whites can't continue with apartheid for ever."

Asked how he thought the issues should

be confronted in South Africa, the Minister replied: "We believe that what is

required is that the white regime should

abandon apartheid and racial discrimination so that blacks and whites can form a

national government in which all races

co-operate. To support either whites or

blacks would only create confusion: white

interests will be smashed and this won't

benefit blacks. The big powers would get

involved and that would lead to trouble.

He pointed to what had happened after

independence in Zimbabwe "Prime

Minister Mugabe adopted a very wise

policy towards the 300,000 whites in his

country. As a result, whites now feel
secure and are staying on, and this helps

the country's economy. Many African

leaders appreciate Mugabe'^ policies,

which sets an example for South Africa."

Asked about what pressures China

thought should be applied to help bring

about changes in South Africa, the Minister said: "We should encourage international pressure. Africans should be united

in exerting more pressure of their own, and

should also put pressure on big countries

which have influence with South Africa. It

will take time; this is a protracted struggle.

For example, the Arab/Palestinian versus

Israeli struggle has gone on for a long time.

The war between them has got worse, and

will only be solved through negotiations.

The Arabs won't drive the Israelis into the

sea, and the Israelis can't for ever deny a

homeland to the Palestinians."

CSO: 3400/1439
INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

DETAILS ON INDIAN OCEAN PACT GIVEN

London AFRICA NOW in English May 83 p 24

[Text] Last month, the recently-formed Indian

Ocean Commission held its first meeting

in Victoria, the capital of the Seychelles.

The Commission which has as its

members the Seychelles, Mauritius and the

Malagasy Republic was set up in

Mauritius at the end of last year in an

attempt to make the Indian Ocean a zone

of peace which will eventually enhance

regional co-operation. This, though, is a

rather daunting task, given the fact that

the area is of great military interest.

Nevertheless the three countries are

going about it with great enthusiasm. The

April meeting discussed areas of cooperation: industrial, fishing, air and sea

communications, telecommunications, oil,

and scientific research.

The historical and traditional links

between the three countries have made the

Commission possible. Harish Boodhoo,

Deputy Prime Minister of Mauritius, said

that the meeting setting up the

Commission was an act of faith in the

future of the islands. The Commision

shall be non-political and will refrain from

meddling in the internal affairs of

members. There is room for other

members such as Reunion and the

Comoros, as well as Australia which has

shown much interest. The EEC is

enthusiastic and UNCTAD has already

offered technical and financial aid.

The development of the Indian Ocean

has been carried out in the past without

co-operation among countries in the

region and as such the Commission will

set out to redress this. This is without

doubt an ambitious project and it would

be difficult to break the dependency on

other countries.

Also, however non-political the

Commission tries to be the South African

spectre will eventually force member states

to decide on a defence strategy.

Parallel to this, Seychelles' coast guard

could provide help for Mauritius to

prevent Soviet and Korean fishing vessels

from poaching. The Saya de Malhä

fishing bench which caused some conflict

between Seychelles and the Soviet Union

would certainly be the object of oil

research since it is believed that there are

some considerable reserves in the area.

One of the sore points has been the

position regarding Diego Garcia which

Mauritius is laying claim to and which has

become a military base for the us. The

government of Mauritius, in furthering its

claim on Diego Garcia, has refused to let

any more of its workers go to the island.

Diego Garcia now has 2,000 us marines

permanently stationed on the island.

Recently, Britain stated that Diego

Garcia would be returned to Mauritius

only when it would be of no use to the

defence of the "free world." This, in

other words, means that Britain recognises

Mauritian sovereignty over the island.

At the March Non-Aligned summit in

New Delhi, Aneerood Jugnauth, Prime

Minister of Mauritius, brought up the

subject of Diego Garcia which was excised

from Mauritian territory in 1965 as a

condition for independence in 1968.

The New Delhi summit unanimously

recognised the sovereignty of Mauritius

over Diego Garcia. The summit's

declaration reads: "The Heads of State or

Government expressed, in particular, their

full support for Mauritian sovereignty

over the Chagos Archipelago, including

Diego Garcia which was detached from

the territory of Mauritius by the former

colonial power in 1965 in contravention of

United Nations General Assembly

Resolution 1514(XV) and 2066(XX). The

establishment and strengthening of the

military base at Diego Garcia has

endangered the sovereignty, territorial

integrity and peaceful development of

Mauritius and other states. They called

for the early return of Diego Garcia to

Mauritius."

This is indeed an important diplomatic

success for Mauritius. But how -? y will it

be to dislodge the Americans from the

island? The advent of the Indian Ocean

Commission may bring about a dramatic

change in events in the region •

CSO: 3400/1441
INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

REPORT ON ECA MEETING IN ADDIS ABABA

London WEST AFRICA in English 9 May 83 pp 1104-1105

[Text] -IF WE fail to live up to the responsibility

history entrusted to the present generation

of Africa, we not only become the laughing

stock of those who wish us to remain

backward and the dumping ground of their

goods but also historically accountable to

the succeeding generations of Africa for

shirking our duty". The words are those of

the Ethiopian head of state, Chairman

Mengistu Haile Marian, at the opening

session of the three-day silver jubilee

celebration of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. This was held

at the ECA's headquarters here, the Africa Hall from April 27 to 29, in the presence

of a number of invited guests, including the

present chairman of the OAU, President

arap Moi of Kenya, the presidents of

Rwanda and Zambia, the Vice-Presidents

of Botswana and Nigeria, the Prime Minister s of Gabon and Niger and the President

of the Zaire legislative council.

The Mengistu speech struck the tone of

strong heartsearching in among the

celebrations. Indeed, although the style

may have been different, the messages of

the radical Ethiopian chairman, and the

conservative Kenyan president were remarkably similar, in their message that,

faced with the increasingly grave situation

in Africa and the intransigence of developed countries, concerted action was

necessary (that is particularly via the 1980

Lagos Plan of Action).

It is interesting to compare, for example

the sections in the two speeches on food

problems, which are at the moment very

much in the forefront of African preoccupations. The Ethiopian leader said that

"although Africa is endowed with immense

agricultural resources, the region is presently dependent on grain charities of the

developed countries more than ever before

because of the inability to properly utilise

the land and because crop yields continue

declining from year to year . . . Africa

should make serious efforts to overcome

her dependence urgently". After recalling

the priority given to food and agriculture in

the Lagos Plan of Action, he noted the

numerous international reactions, and

especially the recommendations on "food

security" and "food strategies", and stressed that the developed countries should

provide greater technological and financial

support than they have been.

"Since this situation makes not only the

economy but the very existence of developing countries dependent on them, food

policy has become the main strategy of

developed countries in their intention to

perpetuate their control over developing

countries."

The Kenyan President's view was that

the food situation in Africa had deteriorated over the years "due mainly to

adverse weather conditions, rising population, high cost of agricultural inputs and

the declining external assistance. The African countries have resorted to massive

food imports which drain our badly needed

foreign exchunge. In addition to the food

imports, developed countries have tended

to use food as a political weapon, to pat

pressure on the African independent countries in order to reduce the latter's politic;,;

and economic independence". It was

therefore imperative "that we all develop

and implement national food policies to

ascertain self-sufficiency in food."

All the speakers, looking back at the

origins of the ECA, tended to draw attention to the political circumstances of its

creation. As President arap Moi said, the
beginning of the ECA was in a UN

General Assembly resolution in 1947, but

there were three further attempts over the

next ten years, during which period the

powers concerned made it clear that "they

were not prepared to relinquish their own

economic grip. Neither were they ready to

relinquish their own trading practices."

After the launching in 1958 the structural

membership was still far from satisfactory,

he said. "Of the 15 countries recognised as full members, only eight were

genuine independent African states,

while six were European nations, including such colonial powers as Britain, France

and Belgium, and the remaining member

was — of all countries — the Union of

South Africa."

So there followed another seven year

period of struggle "to make the ECA

meaningful and truly representative of

Africa". By 1963 amendments to the original terms of reference resulted in the

removal of South Africa and the withdrawal of certain other members. "And by

1965. the Commission became totally African, in the sense that its membership

corresponded to the Organisation of African Unity."

One of the main themes of the meeting

was the appreciation that many leaders

expressed of the role of the ECA in the

encouragement and setting up of different

regional groupings, and the continuing

decentralised effort of the ECA via its

MULPOCs (the regional centres of the

ECA in Tangier, Niamey, Yaounde,

Gisenyi and Lusaka). This involvement of

the ECA was symbolised by the ceremony,

which took place during the three days of

celebrations, for the admission of Rwanda

into the Preferential Trade Area — which

is the eighteen nation regional zone encouraged by the ECA in Eastern and

Southern Africa, parallel to ECOWAS and

the proposed Central African Economic

Community.

In this context there was a particularly

telling speech from the Vice-President of

Botswana. Peter Mmusi. who. although,

with Tanzania. Angola and Mozambique,

is still not a member of the PTA. made a

point of commending to the meeting the

existence of SADCC. the Southern African Development Co-ordinating Conference, nine independent countries of Southern Africa whose principal aid is reduction

of dependence on South Africa. Mr. Mmusi first of all noted the menial instutitions of

the grouping, designed to reduce its cost,

but stressed the SADCC view that the

organisation "is a practical expression of

the Lagos Plan of Action and the Final Act

of Lagos, it is a new organisation which is

in very much of a hurry because of the

pressing and urgent developmental problems facing our region. The critical factor."

he said, "is that the SADCC commands

the political will of our leaders. In our

short experience a strong political will is a

sine qua non for any regional grouping."

An interesting counterpoint among the

multitude of speeches made by outside

observers came from comparing the statements made by the representative of West

Germany (speaking in the name of the

EEC) and the spokesman of the USSR

delegation. The EEC statement served as

it were, as a substantive definition of

Western positions, in view of the short and

empty message from President Reagan.

For the EEC. the pitch was very much one

of "interdependence", ("our trade with

developing countries represents 40 per cent

of our total foreign trade") and the various manifestations of Europea'n development policy, the reverse side of which was

the Soviet statement that they consistently

opposed attempts to divide Africa into

"spheres of influence", and stood for "the

legitimate right of each nation to solve its

internal problems by itself without any

interference from outside", which was not

very different from what the EEC spokesman had just said.

Anotner theme of many speakers, in

their attempts to analyse present discontents, broached more the realm of the

psychology of decolonisation. Picking up

Mengistu's warning quoted above, the

Botswana Vice-Presidenr said: "It is an

affront to the dignity of Africans that at

this day and age Africa should remain a

basjet case and a continent synonymous

with starving children." He. too, was

disturbed by what be called "this hopeless

path of food dependency", wondering if

"the psychological impact of colonialism

was probably more traumatic than we

imagined. Often what we do and say in the

political and economic field is a mimicry of

foreigners. We are yet to think and act in

harmony with the realities of our continent

and the African experience. Perhaps 25

years is too short a period for a people to

exorcise the mental dependence engendered by centuries of colon? • . domination". The "bulk of the blasne". he said.
"now lies witn us, the indigenous leaders of

Africa".

The same probing at the deep roots of

Africa"s current condition was apparent

from the closing keynote speech of the

ECA Executive Secretary, Dr. Adebayo

Adedeji, prior to the final act of the

celebrations, the reading of a Silver Jubilee

Addis Ababa Declaration, agreed on by

the annual Council of Ministers meeting

which preceded and followed the main

events. The Executive Secretary tried to

take a more positive approach to present

anxieties, but he touched the same nerve

when he said "while it is true that our

economies still remain economically backward and that we are faced today with a

menacing crisis that challenges our very

survival, it will be a disservice to ourselves

to fail to fully appreciate the solid achievement which we have made in all sectors,

particularly in the social sector, and in the

provision of infrastructural facilities. Indeed, it is almost blasphemous to compare

our performance with that during the

colonial era. as the raison d'etre of colonialism was to subjugate, exploit and

humiliate us". One very important lesson

was that "dependent development would

lead us nowhere fast".

CSO: 3400/1439
INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

REPORTAGE ON OATUU'S TENTH ANNIVERSARY CONFERENCE

Celebrations Begin

Addis Ababa THE ETHIOPIAN HERALD in English 26 Apr 83 pp 1, 6

[Text] The Organisation of the African Trade Union Unity (OATUU) begins

the celebration of its tenth anniversary today with a conference which opens

at the assembly hall of the National Revolutionary Development Campaign

and Central Planning Supreme Council (NRDC-CPSC) here.

The OATUU, whose secretariat is located in Acera, Ghana, was founded in

Addis Ababa in 1973.

Seventy two national trade unions embracing over ten million members have

been registered as full-fledged members of the OATUU.

The OATUU, which follows a firm anti-apartheid, anti-colonialist and antizionist stand, will observe April 30, 1983 as a day of solidarity with the

African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa, and the liberation movements of Namibia and Palestine and to express support to the Ethiopian

Revolution.

Meanwhile, a large number of delegates from member countries of the

Organization of African Trade Union Unity (OATUU) have begun to arrive here

starting Sunday for the celebrations of the OATUU tenth anniversary.

They include Comrade Elias Masashi of Tanzania who is Vice-President of the

OATUU, Comrade Denis Akumu, Secretary-General of OATUU, and delegations from

Algeria, Libya, Guinea, Gabon, Congo, Mauritania and Tanzania.

In a press statement he gave yesterday on arrival here to take part in the

10th anniversary celebration of the OATUU due to begin today, Mr. Denis

Akumu said that African countries should strengthen their unity and mutual

cooperation to defend their economic and political freedom and to uphold

their national and continental dignity.

Mr. Akumu pointed out that Africans should consolidate their political

unity and cooperation to overcome their present state of baclc/ardness and

to secure total independence.
Answering questions on the achievements of the OATUU in the past decade of

its existence, Mr. Akumu said that the organization played a significant

role in drawing together the trade unions of African countries for a common

struggle and added that it made considerable effort to obtain assistance

for the national liberation movements.

The organization solicited international support for the independence

struggle of Zimbabwe and also contributed a lot to the struggle against

the racist regime of South Africa, said Mr. Akumu. At present it is

extending support to the independence struggle of Namibia, the SecretaryGeneral of OATUU pointed out.

Mr. Akumu also noted that the 10th anniversary celebration of the OATUU,

which is being held here, will provide a good opportunity to the participating

leaders and representatives of trade unions to have first hand experience of

the achievements of the Ethiopian Revolution.

Also yesterday Brother Jaloud Secretary-General of the Confederation of

Arab Trade Unions, and delegations of the trade unions of Syria, Egypt,

Jordan and the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahirya arrived here to

take part in the 10th anniversary celebration of the OATUU.

The Secretary-General of the Confederation of the Arab Trade Unions urged

that workers of the Arab and African countries should coordinate their

struggle to deal with the injustices committed by Zionists and racists as

well as their patron—American imperialism. (ENA)

General Council Session

Addis Ababa THE ETHIOPIAN HERALD in English 27 Apr 83 pp 1, 4

[Text] The Eighth Session of the General Council of the Organization of

African Trade Union Unity (OATUU) opened here yesterday with keynote address

by Comrade Berhanu Bayih, PMAC Standing Committee member, Minister of

Labour and Social Affairs and COPWE Executive Committee member.

The two-day session, which will be followed by the 10th anniversary celebration of the OATUU, is being held at the Central Planning Supreme Council

(CPSC).

Comrade Berhanu said that the fact that the Eight'i Session of the General

Council of OATUU is being held here was not only a testimony of the active

participation of the All Ethiopia Trade Union (AETU) in the activities of

OATUU but is also an affirmation of Ethiopia's firm commitment to the cause

of African workers.

The OATUU, said Comrade Berhanu, has a meaningful role to play in the

economic, social, political and cultural advancement of the peoples of

Africa and in their struggle to ensure social justice.

"OATUU has a significant role in the implementation of the Lagos Plan of

Action pertaining to the effective utilisation of Africa's vast human

10
resources and particularly in the achievement of increased self-sufficiency

and self-sustainment, human resources development through participation

efforts to eliminate illiteracy, development of indigenous enterpreneuril

technical manpower and technological abilities to enable the African

peoples to assure greater responsibility for the achievement of individual

as well as collective development goals," said Comrade Berhanu.

The activities carried out by the OATUU in pursuance of its objectives,

said Comrade Berhanu, are quite remarkable. Its achievements in the field

of workers' education through seminars, colloquia and symposia which help

African workers to improve their capabilities and enable them to play their

historic role in the struggle to free Africa from underdevelopment both

at the African and international levels are quite remarkable, said Comrade

Berhanu.

However, in the light of the grace situation of workers in Africa as a

result of sufferings from multinationals and apartheid, OATUU should redouble

its efforts to play a more meaningful role in the political, economic,

social and cultural advancement of the workers of the continent, Comrade

Berhanu further stressed.

After pointing out that the Revolutionary Government of Socialist Ethiopia

Trade Union attach a great deal of importance to the objectives of OATUU,

Comrade Berhanu reviewed bitter struggle waged by Ethiopian workers against

the defunct feudo-bourgeois regime as well as against internal and external

enemies who were seeking to undermine the revolutionary process.

Comrade Berhanu expressed confidence in this connection that Ethiopian

workers would continue to be consciously engaged in the establishment of

the party of the working people of Ethiopia with the zeal and courage

they had maintained throughout the last nine years.

Comrade Berhanu said that the organization of trade unions comprising a

membership of over 260,000 workers would help in the effort to realize a

new socialist order in Ethiopia. In this regard, he mentioned the involvement of the AETU in the effort to heighten the political consciousness of

workers and in the 10-year perspective plan aimed at bringing about radical

economic, social and political changes.

He expressed sincere hope that the impact of the struggle and the victory

of the Ethiopian working people would help enhance the emancipation of the

African workers and contribute to the struggle of the working people the

world over.

Comrade Berhanu brought to the attention of the gathering the need to consider issues which have direct or indirect bearing on the welfare of the

African worker such as the issue of armament. Exposing the dangerous arme

build-up being pursued under the leadership of U.S. imperialism, Comrade

Berhanu said "OATUU is duty-bound to struggle against this threat to the

security of mankind."

11
Comrade Berhanu hoped that the meeting will come out with concrete outcome

relevant to the needs and demands of the African working masses and urged

African workers to remain vigilant against the activities of trade unxons

in the continent by imperialist conspiracies.

Nine-Point Resolution

Addis Ababa THE ETHIOPIAN HERALD in English 29 Apr 83 pp 1, -5

TText] The Eighth Session of the General Council of the Organization of

African Trade Union Unity (OATUU) ended here Wednesday night by adopting

nine-point resolution on strengthening the freedom and rights of African

workers and non-interference by outsiders in their affairs.

The two-day meeting, which was held at the Central Planning Supreme Council,

also adopted a declaration on the 10th Anniversary Celebrations of the

OATUU calling for "the redemption of mother Africa."

In its solemn 10th anniversary declaration, the OATUU General Council called

on Africans of all walks of life, more particularly on heads of state and

government, "to mobilize all people towards development and for the total

political and economic liberation of the continent, if the present seriously

deteriorating political and economic trend in Africa is to be reversed.

The OATUU leadership on its part pledged to defend African workers and their

trade unions against the violation of their rights and to foster the development of strong and viable trade unions in Africa capable of participating

effectively in national development as genuine partners of development. It

also committed itself to project internationally the true personality of

the African worker to revive his culture and to fight against all types of

discrimination and indignity whether in southern Africa or abroad. Further,

it pledged to work for the restructuring and revolutionizing the economies of

African countries with a view to achieving total economic liberation through

direct worker's and peasant's participation and to make development beneficial for the majority of the African masses.

The OATUU also resolved to work for the elimination of corruption, mismanagement and nepotism and expose without malice all practices of corruption which are hinderance to Africa's socio-economic progress.

It reaffirmed its support and commitment to the rrinciples of non-alignment

and to peace and disarmament noting that peoples of the world could only

enjoy life better at times of peace and stability.

A resolution on the security of African migrant workers and their protection,

called upon African governments to desist from expelling workers from their

countries noting such actions weaken the spirit of brotherhood among Africans

as well as unity and cooperation among states at sub-regional and regional

levels. It also called upon the OAU Secretary-General to expedite action

on the drafting of the African convention on migrant workers in close

collaboration with the OATUU Secretariat.

12
In a resolution on freedom and trade union rights, the OATUU called upon

member states of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to ratify the

African charter the "African Charter on Human and People's Rights," and in

so doing, to demonstrate to the world and particularly to South Africa the

concern of Africans for human right and dignity. It deplored the continued

detention of trade unionists in Morocco and the Central African Republic

and demanded their immediate release.

In another resolution it called for the strengthening of the Pan-African

Trade Union federations through the active participation of national trade

unions so that the federations could consolidate trade union unity at the

industrial and professional levels. The OATUU welcomed and congratulated

the Nigerian Labour Congress and the General Union of Trade Unions of Libya

for inviting to host the founding congresses of the Pan-African Federation

of Printers, Journalists, Cultural, Information and Allied Workers and the

Pan-African Federation of Banks, Insurance and Financial Institutions.

The third resolution dealt with strengthening relations with trade unions

in Latin America, Asia, the Caribbean, the Pacific and in other non-aligned

countries for the possibility of establishing trade union coordinating committee of non-aligned states that would consult on all matters of interest

during the meetings of the International Labour Organization (ILO).

In a resolution on foreign trade union interferences in Africa, the OATUU

vehemently condemned the neo-colonial attitude of those organizations towards

the OATUU and their subtle interferences in the internal affairs of African

labour movement both at national and continental levels. It also called

upon its members and affilitates to desist from joining or associating

themselves with such organizations and to remain alert and vigilant against

the intrigues and maneuvres of these organizations aimed at undermining

trade union unity in Africa.

The resolution further demanded these organizations "to close down the

divisive so-called regional organizations offices and to concentrate

instead, if they are sincere about their cooperation with Africa, to further

strengthen their relations with the mother organization—the OATUU—and

its affiliates."

A resolution on world peace and disarmament appealed to all African national

trade unions to educate the working masses on the dangers of a nuclear war

and strongly and unswervingly campaign against it. The resolution also

called for the reconversion of huge military expenditure into sound development programmes to alleviate poverty, illiteracy, disease and hunger which

affect millions of people the world over.

In a resolution on African trade union conference on rural development,

food production and war on hunger to be held in Mozambique by the end of

this year, the OATUU said it was deeply concerned with the deteriorating

situation of food production and the general economic decline in Africa.

It urged OAU member states to wage war on hunger by implementing individually

and collectively the objectives of the Lagos Plan of Action for the economic

13
development of Africa for the years 1980-2000 and free the continent from

hunger and famine.

It also congratulated the national production council of Mozambique and the

government of Mozambique for accepting to host the first African trade union

conference on rural development, food production and war on hunger, and

appealed to member unions to make the necessary preparation to attend and

contribute to the success of the conference.

The eighth resolution, on the writing of the history of African trade union

movement, has mandated the OATUU Secretariat to seek financial, technical

and scientific means for the project and to invite veteran African trade

unionists, researchers, academics as well as foreign institutions and

organizations to take part in it.

The ninth resolution on workers' education urged the intensification of

educational activities for workers at national sub-regional, regional and

pan-African levels and also called for co-operation with universities and

other training institutions with a view to qualifying workers* education.

Solidarity Rally

Addis Ababa THE ETHIOPIAN HERALD in English 29 Apr 83 pp 1, 7

[Text] Participants of the 10th Anniversary Celebrations and the Eighth

General Council Session of the Organization of African Trade Union Unity

(OATUU) staged a day-long rally here yesterday in support of the peoples and

workers of South Africa, Namibia and Palestine and the Ethiopian Revolution.

The guests of honour at the rally held at the Central Planning Supreme

Council was Comrade Berhanu Bayih, PMAC Standing Committee Member, Minister

of Labour and Social Affairs and COPWE Executive Committee Member, who also

addressed the gathering. [as published]

Other speakers included the President and Secretary-General of the OATUU,

representatives of the U.N. Anti-apartheid Committee, the Organization of

African Unity (OAU), the South African Congress of Trade Union (SACTU),

the National Union of Namibian Workers (NUNW), the Palestinian Trade

Unions Federation (PTUF) and the Pan-African Congress (PAC) of South Africa

as well as representatives of International Trade Union Movements and

Fraternal Unions and Delegates.

Comrade Berhanu Bayih reminded the gathering that international imperialism,

colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism and zionism which oppressed workers

everywhere were presently posing a great threat to international peace and

stability. He said that U.S. imperialism is cynically engaged in building

destructive nuclear arms and establishing military bases all over the

world, while the oppressed peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Palestine

remain relegated to a life of squalor and misery.

He said that despite racist South Africa's attitude that freedom is something dispensed with like crumbs and despite its futile and hypocritical

14
act of Bantustanization of hoarding human beings into desolate and barren

preserves, no amount of racist atrocity can turn back the wheels of history

and that the gallant black people of South Africa shall ultimately wrest

their freedom and independence through bitter struggle.

Comrade Berhanu stated that imperialism was using Pretoria as its gendarme

to destabilize progressive governments in southern Africa and reiterated

Ethiopia's strong condemnation of the interference, aggression and all

untoward acts by the fascist Pretoria regime against Angola, Mozambique,

Zimbabwe, Lesotho and other Front-line countries.

On Namibia, he said that although SWAPO is on the threshold of victory,

imperialism and apartheid are frantically manoeuvring to frustrate the

aspirations of the people and steal the fruits of victory. He denounced

the attempt by the American Administration to link the withdrawal of Cuban

troops from Angola to Namibian independence. He said the undisguised

purpose of this policy is to prevent SWAPO from assuming power and delay

Namibia's independence by hoodwinking world public opinion.

On Palestine, Comrade Berhanu noted that the Palestinians had been deprived

of their land and freedom for ages and are suffering untold crimes. He

said that the gruelling massacre recently perpetrated in Lebanon by imperialism and the arrogant Israeli ruling classes against the people of

Palestine and Lebanon was a matter of extreme anguish and sorrow. He

expressed confidence that the struggle of the Palestinian people shall

triumph and enable the people to regain their full rights.

On the rally's solidarity with the Ethiopian Revolution, Comrade Berhanu

noted that Africa and the rest of the world have always expressed their

firm support to the struggle of the Ethiopian people, since the onset of

the Revolution. He expressed profound thanks of the People and Government

of Revolutionary Ethiopia for the delegates for their solidarity which, he

said, would impart resilience to the struggle of the Ethiopian people and

deepen their lofty goals. Comrade Berhanu also expressed firm conviction

that the realization of these goals would not only, totally emancipate the

working people of Ethiopia but also help to further enhance the liberation

and emancipation of the working people in Africa and elsewhere.

The other speakers condemned, the collusion between international imperialism, apartheid and zionism and forces of reaction in perpetuating oppression against peoples in southern Africa, the Middle East, Latin America and

the Caribbean. They also voiced full support for and solidarity with the

struggle of the peoples and workers of South Africa, Namibia and Palestine.

They also noted with appreciations, the immense contributions made by

Socialist Ethiopia for the freedom movements in general and for the liberation struggle in southern Africa in particular, citing the assistance giv.n

to Zimbabwe on the eve of independence as praiseworthy.

The speeches were followed with film show on the struggle of the peoples

of South Africa, Namibia and Palestine.

15
Solidarity Declaration

Addis Ababa THE ETHIOPIAN HERALD in English 1 May 83 pp 1, 5

[Text] The Eighth Session of the General council of the Organisation of

African Trade Union Unity (OATUU) which also celebrated here the 10th

anniversary of the Organization has issued a declaration on solidarity with

the workers of South Africa, Namibia and Palestine.

The OATUU General Council which ended its two-day deliberations on Wednesday

had also held a rally at the Central Planning Supreme Council on Thursday

in solidarity with the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Palestine and

in support of the Ethiopian Revolution.

In its solidarity declaration, the OATUU made an urgent appeal to all

African workers to contribute to "the OATUU Solidarity Fund for Liberation"

and increase their material and moral support to the fighting masses of

South Africa, Namibia and Palestine. It also called on the international

community to increase material and political assistance to the liberation

movements of South Africa, Namibia and Palestine.

The OATUU strongly condemned the policy of repression in South Africa and

Namibia by the racist whites and the Zionists in Palestine as characterised

by arbitrary imprisonments, summary executions and massacre of patriots and

workers such as the barbarous killing of Soweto in 1976 and of Sabra and

Chartilia in 1982. It demanded the immediate and unconditional release of

all trade union and political prisoners as well as other detainees in South

Africa, Namibia and in zionist "prisons and concentration camps." It also

called for the application of the status of prisoner of war to the freedom

fighters in South Africa, Namibia and Palestine.

The OATUU also demanded the strict application of the U.N. and OAU sanctions against South Africa, particularly those of the Security Council

requesting mandatory embargo on supply of oil and petroleum products and

the strict applications of the arms embargo.

The OATUU rejected the constitutional proposals of the racist Pretoria

regime to establish a tripartite parliament for whites, the coloured and

the Indians with the view to isolating the African majority. It also

denounced imperialist manoeuvers, particularly of the Reagan administration,

tending to delay the independence of Namibia with the withdrawal of Cuban

troops from Angola.

It reaffirmed its support for the return of Palestinians to their homeland

and the right to self-determination and for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state in the homeland under the leadership of the PLO, the

sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.

In a motion of support to the revolutionary people of Ethiopia, the OATUU

expressed deep gratitude to the All Ethiopia Trade Union and the Ministry

of Labour and Social Affairs for hosting the Eighth Session of its General

Council and the 10th anniversary celebration of the foundation of the OATUU.

16
The OATUU warmly hailed the Revolutionary Government of Socialist Ethiopia

for the support it continues to give to the liberation struggle in South

Africa and Namibia. The leadership of the OATUU also reiterated its

admiration and total support for the literacy campaign and for the sustained

efforts the Revolutionary Government is ever making to reorganize the working

people and other sectors of the society in accordance with its objectives.

The OATUU noted with satisfaction the efforts COPWE is making to establish

the party of the working people and expressed total support and enthusiasm

for the attainment of this noble objective. (ENA)

CSO: 3400/1434

17
ANGOLA

AMBASSADOR OUTLINES COOPERATION WITH ITALY

MB241433 Luanda Domestic Service in Portuguese 0500 GMT 23 May 83

[Text] The Angolan ambassador to Rome, Telmo de Almeida, described AngolanItalian relations as being in a stage of gradual development, and he said

that some projects are expected (?to begin) in September under the terms of

the meeting of the two countries' joint commission which is taking place in

Luanda. Speaking to ANGOP the ambassador said that such cooperation covers

mainly food and light industries, oil exploration, the training of cadres,

and fishing. He said that cooperation will soon cover university education.

A fishing project is in progress, and this includes the purchase of 15 vessels from Italy, and the construction of houses for workers by an Italian

firm, and a dock to unload fish, in the Porto Amboim area. This project has

been estimated at $60 million. It is also expected that an Italian company

will fish the Porto Amboim region.

The Angolan diplomat said that all these projects necessarily imply that

Angolan cadres will be trained, and this training is usually granted by the

general directorate for cooperation of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which in fact has already granted Angola [wored indistinct] students

to be trained in the fields of oil exploration and refinery, and also in the

fields of hotel industry and agriculture.

Ambassador Telmo de Almedia said that the FAO has been cooperating with Angola

since 1977 in small agricultural projects, and that the World Food Program is

taking part in the recuperation of state coffee farms and the diary industry.

CSO; 3442/243

18
ANGOLA

UNICEF TEAM REPORTS ON FOOD SHORTAGE, HEALTH PROJECTS

London AFRICA NOW in English No 24, Apr 83 p 30

[Text]

The continuing war in Angola

is bleeding the country's

resources. However, this has

not prevented significant,

though limited, gains on the

development front, as a

UNICEF team recently discovered

There is little doubt that the present

military and political situation is imposing

very severe constraints upon the Angolan

Government's development efforts. The

Emergency Plan 1981-1985 puts domestic

food production as the first priority. In

practice, defence occupies that position.

Defence spending accounts for 25% of the

budget and 50% of the now declining

foreign exchange earnings from the

depressed markets for oil, diamonds and

coffee.

This emerged during the visit to

Angola in February of representatives

from 12 National Committees for

UNICEF in Europe.

The Vice-Minister for Planning gave

two examples of this worsening domestic

situation. The government is intending to

launch an international appeal for

$100/$200m of food aid. Food rationing

presently exists in Luanda and food

shortages are particularly acute in the

war-affected Central and Southern

Regions. In the social sphere there are no

plans to build any new schools in 1983,

despite the rapid rise in primary school

enrolments, from around half a million at

independence to 1.8m in 1981/82.

In Bengo Province, north of Luanda,

UNICEF is the leading UN agency for the

installation of clean water supplies. Water

pumps, many made in India, can be

installed within a week. But as yet only

10% of Angola's rural population has

access to piped water. Parallel to this

programme, children from the provinces

are being vaccinated by mobile teams

against measles, diphtheria, whoopingcough, tetanus and tuberculosis.

One of the most sensitive areas is the

Central Highlands where drought and war

have combined to produce a displaced

population estimated at nearly 650,000.

Children comprise 40% of this total. In

Bie Province 15 new villages have been

created to house this displaced

population. Food shortages at present

mean that only one meal a day can be

provided for the villagers. Moreover,

continued disruption of the Benguela rail

link with the port of Lobito has prevented

any emergency supplies reaching the

province by rail since last November.

Despite these circumstances efforts are

being made at the Secretariat of State for

Social Affairs to cope with the 3,600

orphaned or abandoned children through

the development of children's homes

(woefully inadequate as yet to meet the

demand) and a pre-school system. The

UNICEF group also visited Kwanzo-Sul

Province to see integrated health projects.

It became clear that the most pressing

constraint on development is still the lack

of trained people at almost all levels of

the economic and social system. After

over seven years of independence, literacy

is a mere 22%. Nevertheless, the

government has committed itself to

providing eight years of free and

compulsory schooling after the age of six.

The many kindergartens in Luanda and

the provinces are now open to a wide

social intake and are viewed as part of the

strategy to ensure more equal rights for

women. Women's subordination, said

Lucio Lara, party secretary and number

two in the government, was a traditional

problem and not simply the result of

colonisation or racism.

19
Lara made a plea for more resources

for agencies like UNICEF to work, firstly,

on behalf of all Third World countries,

then, more particularly, those in Southern

Africa — and only finally for Angola.

This low-key approach was echoed at the

Ministry of External Affairs. The socialist

path was clearly stated, but this did not

preclude co-operation with non-socialist

governments and such co-operation was

viewed as important •.

CSO: 3400/1451

20
ANGOLA

'ANGOP'CRITICIZES 'DOCTORS WITHOUT BORDERS'

AB201540 Luanda ANGOP in French 1100 GMT 20 May 83

[ANGOP editorial: "No Border, No Shame"]

[Text] Luanda, 20 May (ANGOP)—An organization of opportunistic doctors

calling itself "Doctors Without Borders" has in recent times chosen the

People's Republic of Angola as its favorite site for excursions in the service of forces perfectly identifiably with international reactionaries.

Unsatisfied with the violation of sovereign borders of independent states

on three continents, these professionals, pretending to be worried about the

health of the people of the Third World, always choose as companions forces

engaged in destabilizing countries that have opted for progressive and non- _

capitalist development. By choosing to transform their so-called philanthropic

intentions into a clear advertisement for the activities of armed bandits who

kill and terrorize peaceful and hard-working people, these doctors without

patients who offer their services for imperialist dollars are revealing their

true nature.

Not long ago, the "president" of these "Doctors Without Borders" illegally

landed somewhere in the province of Moxico as part of a trip organized by the

secret service of Pretoria with the "kind" complicity of an African neighbor

north of Angola. In the Angolan territory, the "president" of "Doctors Without Borders" calmly watched, undisturbed, an attack by the puppets against

the civilian populations of an area near the rail line of Benguela, and by his

presence became an accomplice to the crime committed. Back in his country,

Mr "President" made loud statements on French television openly praising the

leader of the "apartheid-backed" bandits, and even proposed to send in the

same clandestine way a group of his agents with mpJical supplies and food to

help alleviate the logistical difficulties facing the man who is engaged m

treason and antirevolutionary activities.

But the "Doctors Without Borders" are not alone. Other political forces are

moving fast in France to give new life to UNITA puppets. They want to return

the political credibility that the new French Government rightly reduced to

its ridiculous dimension. A so-called Internal Committee of Resistance,

patronized by Jean-Francois Revel, publisher of the weekly L'EXPRESS,

Olivier Todd, a reporter of the same periodical, and by these "Doctors Without Borders" whose headquarters is situated in the principal and most elegant

21
avenue of the French capital, resolved to promote several activities for the

armed bandits, who, in Angola and Mozambique, kidnap expatriate technical

assistants, destroy important properties, and indolently assassinate civilians .

The grand "spectacle" began on 16 May 1983 at the Lutecia Hotel with a press

conference and continued 2 days with a support meeting at the great hall of

the Mutualite Palace, which in the past, by sheer irony, housed antifascist

and antiapartheid activities.

In the interest of good relations between the two countries, which while

trying to overcome their difficulties in the past were able to adopt a correct and mutually advantageous cooperation, it would be useful for the French

Government not to allow these rioters with neither borders nor shame, wishing

to dangerously dampen the healthy climate of total understanding between the

two sovereign and independent states, to increase their activities on its

territory.

CSO: 3419/938

22
ANGOLA

UNITA RADIO REPORTS FALA ACTIONS 16-30 APRIL

MB230939 (Clandestine) Voice of Resistance of the Black Cockrel in Portuguese

to Angola 0430 GMT 20 May 83

[Text] Implementing the thoughts of the supreme commander, General Savimbi,

the Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola [FALA] have been forged in the

unwavering struggle against the enemy and in the intransigent defense of the

cause of the oppressed people of Angola. The long path of the struggle has

galvanized the people's armed wing. Drawing inspiration from the history of

our oppressed people, it is daily winning victories to destroy all the obstacles found on its path. The FALA continues to display its bravery, striking

capability, and resolve to drive from the fatherland's soil any Russian and

Cuban rabble and to destroy the gang of traitors and chieftains illegally in

power in Luanda.

In this context, from 16 to 30 April this year the gallant FALA combatants

carried out a number of military operations, and we now are going to report

some of them.

In Huambo Province, on 20 April 1983 UNITA forces ambushed an enemy force

between Mungo and Bailundo. The attack resulted in the death of 25 People's

Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola [FAPLA] soldiers and the capture of

5 other FAPLA soldiers. The following items of war were captured: 2

(?PKK's), 1 RED. 14 G-3's, 17 Russian Mausers, and 1 anti-aircraft gun of

14.5-mm caliber. Six vehicles were destroyed in the attack.

On 21 April, FALA forces stormed and captured the (Casabao) enemy barracks

in Bailundo, where the MPLA lackeys had assembled (?some youths) who were

awaiting to be shipped to Cuba. In the operation our forces killed 27 FAPLA

traitors and freed 68 youths.

In Moxico Province, on 21 April UNITA forces attacked a company of FAPLA

traitors, reinforced by one platoon of Cubans, who were guarding the bridge

over the (Maquenhe) River on the Cuvango-Teixeira de Sousa Highway. In the

operation 16 FAPLA traitors and 1 Cuban were killed. Our forces captured

33 individual weapons, 3 82-mm mortars, 75-mm cannon, 1 RED, 3 (?PKM's), 6

cases with RPG-7 shells, 1 radio transmitter, 4 radio receivers, and combat

rations.

23
In Bie Province, on 23 April FALA forces attacked an enemy motorized column

between Chitembo and Bie. Seven vehicles were destroyed: one Ural truck,

four stars, one Gaz, and one KrAZ. Our forces killed 23 FAPLA traitors and

6 Cuban mercenaries. Our forces captured 2 Czechoslovak-made AK rifles,

6 RBD's, 2 Russian Mausers, 2 German Mausers, 2 RPG-7*s 2 (?RPD?s), 1 82-mm

mortar, 1 [word indistinct], 7 wooden cases of ammunition of various caliber,

127 bombs, and civilian and military clothes.

Also in Bie Province, on 30 April an assault operation was mounted on the

(Monge) and Nova Sintra Commune headquarters by the gallant FALA combatants.

The inner area of the commune was hit. Our forces achieved the following results: They partially destroyed the [name indistinct] and Angolan Fuel

Company [SONANGOL] installations; they destroyed the post office building;

they totally destroyed the Plan R Command Post, resulting in the confirmed

deaths of 19 FAPLA traitors, 2 Cubans, 2 officers of the so-called state security, and 2 Portuguese electricians; they destroyed 12 trucks, and they captured 42 individual weapons, 6 Czechoslovak-made bazookas, 3 RPG-2's, and

2 82-mm mortars.

In Cuando Cubango Province, on 25 April an enemy battalion was attacked on

the Mocamedes railway line along the (Kuchi-Lwachenga) section. It must be

stressed that the battalion had been dispatched there to prevent the normal

march of Czechoslovak nationals captured by UNITA or even to rescue them. In

the action our forces confirmed the deaths of 35 FAPLA traitors and captured

21 weapons.

During the period between 16 and 30 April 1983, the year of the anti-Cuban

effort, our glorious FALA lost four comrades and nine others were wounded.

The nation is not a matter for discussion; it is to be defended. Kafundanga

is an example that we must follow. The struggle triumphs. United around

Comrade President Dr Savimbi we will win.

CSO: 3442/243

24
ANGOLA

SADCC OFFICIAL DISCUSSES TRANSPORTATION PROJECTS

AB241248 Luanda Domestic Service in English 1130 GMT 24 May 83

[Text] The chairman of the coordination committee of transport and communications for the Southern African Development Coordination Conference, SADCC,

Alcantara Santos, said in an interview in Luanda that the SADCC projects

given priority are correct, hence the criminal and constant attacks by the

Pretoria regime against these projects.

Alcantara Santos, the Mozambican ministers of ports and transports, further

added that the first phase of the project lies in the extending to the maximum infrastructures existing in each SADCC member country, especially ports

and railways« These projects are financed mainly by the Nordic countriesSwitzerland, Finland, Denmark and Norway—through their agencies for international development. The commission of transport and communications for

SADCC has received also substantial support from the African Development Bank

and Arab funds given in this assistance in cooperation from region to region,

Al cantara Santos went on.

The strategy of SADCC in the field of transport and communication lies in improving infrastructures inherited from colonialism and lessening dependence

on the European countries in the telecommunications field.

CSO; 3400/1467

25
BENIN

BRIEFS

KEREKOU PROMOTED—President Kerekou has been promoted from Colonel to

Brigade General by the Bureau Politique of the Central Committee of the

Popular Party for the Revolution. [Text] [London WEST AFRICA in English

2 May 83 p 1092]

CSO: 3400/1442

26
CAMEROON

BRIGHTER PROSPECTS FOR RECONCILIATION NOTED

London AFRICA NOW In English No 25, May 83 p 28

[Text]

Prospects of reconciliation between

Cameroon's ruling Union Nationale

Camerounaise and the exiled Union des

Populations du Cameroun have

brightened with the arrival of Paul Biya as

President in Yaounde. However, the

process is likely to be a slow one, not.

least because the influence of former

President Ahmadou Ahidjo is still

enormously strong.

With encouragement from President

Biya the UPC has announced that a dozen

of its leaders will be going back to

Cameroon "soon," but the party is still

highly suspicious of the government's

motives, and would like to be absolutely

certain that most of its leadership will not

be promptly thrown into jail on arrival.

The announcement of the return of the

exiles came in two press conferences given

by the UPC, in Paris on February 25 and

in Strasbourg, where there is a large

population of Cameroonians, on March

22. It was coupled with an appeal to

sympathisers for funds to allow the party

leaders to go back to Cameroon and

become established.

Yet even as UPC deputy secretarygeneral Simeon Kuissu was speaking in

Strasbourg, where he was once a hospital

doctor, the UNC central committee in

Yaounde was deciding that general

elections should be held on May 29, on a

strictly one-party basis. Any further

moves by either side immediately seemed

unlikely until the elections are well out of

the way.

The decision to make overtures'to Biya

was taken at the UPC'S first congress in 30

years after the new President had

followed his takeover last November 6

with the release of a number of political

prisoners. It is understood that the French

Government agreed to put in a word, and

Biya's response came on the steps of the

Elysee Palace after talks with president

Francois Mitterrand during his first visit

to Paris as head of state in early

February.

Biya's line was that UPC members were

welcome to return, but there was no

question of the party being recognised

legally. In response Dr Kuissu said that he

and his colleagues would not be going

back "in a spirit of defiance." They

wanted to live and work in Cameroon

"but without renouncing our political

convictions."

Dr Kuissu accused the UNC of having a

"tradition of violence," with some

political prisoners still in jail 25 years after

independence. And he rejected as

"insulting to the Cameroon people"

Biya's assertions that national unity was

still "fragile" and the country was not yet

mature enough for a multi-party system.

To Biya's claims that too many regional

or ethnic parties would spring up, fuelling

differences between North and South, the

UPC pointed to the examples of Senegal

and Nigeria.

The UPC is demanding that Biya free

what it claims to be several thousand

political prisoners and agree to give a

much wider interpretation of clause three

of Cameroon's constitution, which states

that "political parties or groups may take

part in elections subject to the law and the

principle of democracy and of national

sovereignty and unity."

The UPC, which gave the spark to

Cameroon nationalism after the Second

World War and staged an abortive revolt

against French rule in 1955, has not

forgotten the UNC campaign ag .uist it

after independence, and still reveres as

martyrs men like Ernest OuF.ndie, who

was executed in 1971 after leading a

27
CSO: 3400/1415

guerrilla war against the Yaounde regime.

But whether it could regain the support it

had under leaders like Felix Moumie

remains to be seen.

Even if its current leaders eventually

return the authorities are bound to keep a

very close eye on them, and impose a

strict ban on political activity. Its

prospects of gaining a significant share in

power, or even a following of workers

and peasants for a party led primarily by

intellectuals appear remote, and especially

so as long as former President Ahidjo

hangs on to his position as chairman of

the UNC.

Less than three months after his

surprise retirement from the Presidency,

supposedly on health grounds, Ahidjo was

back on the political scene, when it

emerged that he had been personally

responsible for the sacking in January of

four leading UNC officials, including

deputy Speaker of the National Assembly,

Moussa Yaya, one of his closest advisers

for 24 years.

It appeared that the four had opposed

Biya's appointment as President, and

Yaya for one had lobbied against it in the

north, his own home region and that of

Ahidjo (Biya is a southern Catholic). The

expulsions, with automatic loss of

parliamentary seats, were the first since

the UNC was founded in 1966.

In a week-long tour of six provinces in

February Ahjidjo called in a series of

speeches for "a strong fight against every

attempt at division, every intrigue or

poisonous campaign, every tribalistic or

sectarian spirit." And he warned that any

action contrary to national unity, at any

level, would not be tolerated.

Ahidjo urged "total and unreserved

support" for Biya, but asserted that he

had no intention of sharing power with

the new President, who was "head of

state totally." But he said that there was

"a complement between his activities and

mine," and added menacingly: "Some

people would prefer not to see me in

Yaounde again, but they will have to get

used to my presence" a

28
ETHIOPIA

GOVERNMENT DEALS WITH NATIONALITIES QUESTION

London AFRICA NOW in English May 83 p 22

[ Text ] The military government in Ethiopia has

finally taken the long overdue step of

setting up an Institute of Nationalities.

The idea was first proposed publicly in

1976, as part of the National Democratic

Revolution Programme, but it has been

the subject of much controversy. Since

1974 the central government has been

faced by an ever-increasing number of

insurrectionary movements among various

of the "nationalities" of Ethiopia,

including at least four in Eritrea.

These groups, some of which are

externally based and supported, have a

variety of aims. Most pay lip-service at

least, as the Ethiopian regime does, to

Marxism-Leninism and the socialist path

of development. The Eritrean movements

have a firm commitment, at least in

public, to independence. Most of the

others are largely committed to "selfdetermination," a fluid concept that they

seldom define.

In fact, it is as fluid as the Ethiopian

government's own concept of "regional

autonomy." The policy of regional

autonomy was actually announced in 1976

and offered to Eritreans as part of the

nine point peace plan that same year. It

was rejected out of hand. Virtually no

progress has been made in setting up any

autonomous region or towards spelling

out the reality of such a policy.

A preliminary, effort was made in the

case of one group, the Afar nationality. A

congress for Afars was called in eastern

Ethiopia in early 1977. Afars from the

regions of Eritrea, Tigre, Assab, Wollo,

Shoa and Hararghe all attended as did

some from Djibouti. The congress

unanimously supported the idea of an

Afar region and called for its immediate

implementation. The regime made no

effort to accept such a demand; it did,

however, allow a political group which

was prepared to co-operate with it, the

Afar National Liberation Movement, to

organise in Afar areas. Over the next

couple of years members of the ANLM

took over virtually all official posts at

local level, were put in charge of security

in Afar areas, of political cadres and

political education, and of the literacy

campaign. Afar is one of the 15 languages

being used m the campaign which has so

far reduced illiteracy by 50%, in the last

four years.

There have been a few other indications

recently that the government is, very

cautiously, laying the groundwork

necessary to try and satisfy some of the

legitimate aspirations of the nationalities

for a greater share in government. A

number of Somalis have been appointed

to provincial governorships in Hararghe

region, five in all, and to other posts at

provincial and district level. A positive, if

small scale effort is also being made to

appoint Oromos, Tigreans and members

of other ethnic groups in their own areas

as representatives of the Commission to

Organise a Party of the Workers of

Ethiopia (COPWE).

However, the criticism levelled against

, the central government of being too

Amhara-dominated still remains true.

COPWE's own central committee is 75%

Amhara. A similar imbalance (Amhara

make up some 23% of the population of

Ethiopia) can be seen in the senior ranks

of the army and administration.

But the relationship between the

nationalities is a complex one. The

military regime, for example, stresses that

there are nine nationalities in Eritrea; it

therefore discounts Eritrean claims to be a

nation. Then there are many smaller

groups within largely Oromo areas, and

minorities living in the region of Tigray,

the whole of which is claimed by tb*

TPLF.

, £

OI7h

i

s reason>if no other, the first

task ol the government's new Institute

will be to identify the actual number of

29
nationalities and the areas they inhabit.

There are over 80 and a total of about

280 languages and dialects spoken within

Ethiopia's present boundaries. The new

Institute of Nationalities will also have the

job of categorising the various stages of

development reached by each group.

Most important of all it has been given

the task of drawing up an administrative

structure for possible autonomous

regions, ultimately to provide a

constitutional basis for a People's

Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. The

whole of the structure when finalised will

be controlled by the party, likely to be

formally created in September 1984; at its

January congress, COPWE'S central

committee decided the time was now ripe

for the last phase of its own operations,

drawing up a party programme and a

party ideology.

The process of organising such an

elaborate constitutional (and ideological)

change will be long, complicated, difficult

and sensitive. It even took COPWE a

couple of years to find a chairman for its

own nationalities committee; and the

member of the military council who had

the job last year, Captain Tamrat Ferede,

was removed from his post in December.

Nor is it likely that the creation of an

Institute of Nationalities will have much

immediate effect on undercutting the

support obtained by the various

nationality movements and liberation

fronts. After several years of armed

struggle, or in the case of Eritrea after 21

years of fighting, the dissatisfied

nationalities will need much more than

this rather tentative step before they will

be convinced of the regime's good faith •

CSO: 3400/1441

30
ETHIOPIA

ETHIOPIA'S AFRICAN 'VOCATION' DISCUSSED

London WEST AFRICA in English 9 May 83 pp 1106-1107

[Matchet's Diary from Addis Ababa]

[Text] Little by little, the Ethiopian capital,

is returning to its historic vocation as the

soul and nerve centre of African unity. In a

sense, the vocation never left it: the headquarters of the two major truly African

organisations, the Organisation of African

Unity and the Economic Commission for

Africa (well, all right, the latter is actually a

United Nations organism, but, as out main

editorial asserted last week,-there is a

special sense in which the ECA belongs to

Africa). There had been a period after the

Ethiopian revolution, and the eclipse of

the Emperor Haile Selassie, whose gnomic figure had watched so benevolently

over the early years of both organisations,

when it seemed as if Ethiopia might be in

danger of surrendering its role in Africa.

On the one hand there was some local

hostility to the organisations, not to mention a measure of physical danger. On the

other hand other African countries, spotting the possible vacation of a throne,

seemed to be muscling each other to fill it.

But since the main candidates were Togo

and Zaire, each with their own reasons for

lacking credit in the continent, any movement to change the headquarters seemed

to lack weight, and the fact that Ethiopia

was now leaning to the Communist bloc

seemed relatively unimportant as long as it

was clear that the Ethiopians themselves

genuinely wanted to maintain Addis Ababa as African capital, for which in some

way it is really suited, for historical and

geo-political reasons. For three years at

least, relations between host country and

the two organisations have improved, and

the cordiality prevalent at the Silver

Jubilee celebrations of the ECA was a sign

of the increasing awareness of the asset the

Ethiopians know they possess here. Many

people in Addis Ababa hope that the

summit of the OAU in June, to be held

shortly after the 20th anniversary proper

on May 25.

The beauty of the surroundings of this

mist-filled basin, surrounded by hills, is

still remarkable, and the public buildings

erected in the Emperor's day wear remarkably well. Delegates to the jubilee were

received in Haile Selassie's former palace,

but one is told that the present head of

state prefers to live and work in the old

palace of the Emperor Menelik. The shanty towns Jhat encroach right to the centre

(if this is really a city with a centre) bear

witness to the continuing poverty here,

(although visitors are taken to important

new housing schemes), and there is all sorts

of evidence of the necessary maintenance

of austerity. Chairman Mengistu himself,

although all would agree this is a difficult

country to govern, with wars continuing in

some provinces, seems to have been gaining in authority. I-fe was much in evidence

at the celebrations, and his manner is easy

and relaxed, without undue security trappings. Western diplomatic sources speak

well on him, and there is much of evidence,

that, in spite of close ties with the eastern

block (especially in military assistance)

and the Mark-Lenin-Engels posters that

this is a country that will continue to

strive to be genuinely non-aligned.

Among the speeches at t

1-

-. Silver

Jubilee, it was interesting ,c note that

Vice-President Alex Ekwueme of Nigeria

made a particular point of stressing President Shehu Shagari's close and long association with the ECA which he "fondlv

31
recalls". Nigeria had participated in the

first session as an Associate member, anil

Shagari himself participated in the second

session of the Commission in Tangier early

in 1960, before Nigeria's independence.

He also as Minister of Economic Development led the Nigerian delegation to the

third session of the Commission in Addis

Ababa in 1961. during which he was

elected Vice-Chairman.of the Commission.

"He recalls vividly" said Vice-President

Ekwueme "that one of the important

topics discussed at that session was the

effect of economic groupings in Europe on

the African economies, a topical issue with

which we in Africa are still grappling".

President Shagari had also led the Nigerian

delegation to the ministerial session in

Tunis in 1971 "during which he urged the

ECA to become more operationally involved in member states. He is particularly

happy that some of his suggestions at that

time are being taken into account and are

yielding some dividends" (a reference to

the famous MULPOCs).

Gardiner honoured

It was encouraging to see. amid all the

celebrations, the white-haired figure of

Robert Gardiner, the former head of the

Ghana civil service who was for 12 years

the second Executive Secretary of the

ECA. from 1963 to 1975. a period when

the whole organisation of the Commission

was consolidated, and many of the broad

policy outlines now being pursued had

their foundations laid. Perhaps the most

eloquent tribute came, curiously enough,

from Citoyen Nzondomyo Adokpe Lingo

heading the delegation of Zaire (a country

with which Gardiner was associated in the

early sixties as head of the UN operation in

the Congo). The Zairean recalled Gardiner's role in the setting up of the African

Development Bank, the Institute of Development and Economic Planning, and

the African Centre for Monetary Studies

(the latter two are both in Dakar). The

African Economic Charter of 1973

(approved by the OAU heads of state that

vear) was also due to the determination of

three men — Gardiner. Abdel Awad Labidi

of Algeria and Kamanda wa Kamanda

(currently Zaire Foreign Minister but in

those davs OAU Assistant SecretaryGeneral for Economic Affairs). There was

general applause when Gardiner, who followed the proceedings throughout, stepped up to receive a special citation presented by the Ethiopian leader (as well as a

warm handshake). The widow of the First

Executive Secretary, the Sudanese

Mekki Abbas, who died four years ago,

also received a citation on behalf of her

late husband.

OAU prospects

The Africa Hall of the ECA complex has

the aura of history about it. Visually, the

staircase leading up to the great stainedglass window, and the painted mural near

the central auditorium showing the various

heads of state who signed the original

charter of the Organisation of African

Unity (there is still a blank spot for Togo)

could have a strangely uplifting effect on

those who frequent the premises. Above

all the fact that this is the room where the

OAU was set up and its charter signed by

the founding fathers, twenty years ago this

month, has its own potent magic. It is this

presence of the past that it is perhaps,

hoped will work its chemistry on the heads

of state who are due to assemble here

"without preconditions" on June 6 for what

will be arguably the mc&t critical summit in

the whole history of the organisation. In

the background during all the ECA

celebrations there have been speculative

discussions as to how the summit will turn

out. quite apart from the official contacts

with heads of state and delegations. Most

people I discussed the question with were

quite circumspect as to the kind of formula

which could be worked out on the Sahara

question, in view of the "no preconditions"

approach of the 12 nation contact group,

and the apparent reluctance of President

Julius Nyerere to pursue his earlier

apparently successful diplomacy with the

Saharans to voluntarily abstain from the

summit. Even so current SADR announcements that they have been invited and will

attend somehow do not seem to ruffle the

general inclination here to be cautiously

hopeful abo".t the summit. It may be that

the current rapprochement between Algeria and Morocco, and the unusual visit of

Colonel Gaddafi to Nigeria are seen as

straws in the wind. It is surely not just the

slightly heady altitude of Addis Ababa,

although this has on occasion had political

effects in the past.

Assuming the summit does meet, one of

its main duties will be to elect a SecretaryGeneral for the next four years. It is

thought that the present incumbent Edem

Kodjo is not going to stand. The whole

32
controversy with which he has been surrounded has, it seems, made him impatient

to surrender his burden. After his rather

apocalyptic speech to the Silver Jubilee

one delegate said to him admiringly "you

are Africa's bad conscience", and those in

Addis that still wonder if he might not be in

the running after all, are likely to be

disappointed. His state of mind does not

appear to be that of a candidate. Who,

then, are now in the running? Both the

Foreign Minister of Sierra Leone and Mali

(Abdulai Conteh and Alioune Blondin

Beye) are still there, with the sponsorship

of their governments, and there is now a

Gabonese candidate, Paul Okumba Okwats

wegue for whom President Bongo is engaging in active lobbying in different countries. (See this column, issue of March

14,1983). The name of Botswana Foreign

Minister Archie Mogwe still crops up, and

it does appear both that he would be

willing to be drafted and his President

would let him go. If so he would become

the front runner, although there are new

rumours that Tanzania's Foreign Minister

Salim Salim, who denied flatly last-year

that he was interested, may after all be

entering the race.

CSO: 3400/1439

33
ETHIOPIA

BRIEFS

GOJJAM MAPPED—Bahr Dar (ENA)—Cartographic work for the population and housing census in Gojjam region is nearing completion, according to Comrade

Mitik Beyene, Manager of the Statistical Office of the National Revolutionary Development Campaign and Central Planning Supreme Council. Speaking

recently to representatives of mass organizations and government departments

of the region at the auditorium of the regional teachers' institute,

Comrade Mitik said that the census programme was being carried out at

national level. Such cartographic work has already been completed in Shoa,

Wollega, Illubabor, Kaffa, Gamo Goffa, Sidamo, Bale and Arssi regions, said

Comrade Mitik adding that it was nearing completion in Gojjam and Hararghe

regions. Comrade Mitik further underlined the significance of census in

promoting control systems, in charting out development programmes and in

constructing the socialist economy. He pointed out that the Statistic

Department has been registering satisfactory results so far in accordance

with the directives of the Revolutionary Government. [Text] [Addis Ababa

THE ETHIOPIAN HERALD in English 1 May 83 p 5]

DELEGATION TO BULGARIA—A 15-member delegation from Regional Production

Campaign and Planning Departments and from Agricultural Trade, Industry and

Social Affairs Sectors left for Sofia Sunday to obtain a two-week practical

experience in socialist construction in the Bulgarian People's Republic.

The delegation members led by Comrade Animut Kinde, Chief Administrator

of Illubabor region, will gather experiences on strategies, operational

methods and execution of economic construction tasks accumulated by the

Bulgarian People's Republic in the past. Prior to the delegation's departure, Comrade Animut said that the delegation members had grouped themselves under different economic sectors and would hold talks with relevant

officials in such fields as agriculture, social arfairs, trade and industry.

The delegation, which comprises two Regional Chief Administrators and one

First Deputy Administrator, was seen off by Comrade Yemane Araya, Head of

the Manpower Organization Department in the National Revolutionary Development Campaign and Central Planning Supreme Council (NRDC-CPSC), other

officials of the NRDC-CPSC and Comrade George Petrov Kassov, Ambassador

of Bulgarian People's Republic in Socialist Ethiopia. (ENA) [Text]

[Addis Ababa THE ETHIOPIAN HERALD in English 26 Apr 83 p 3]

USSR JOURNALISTS' AGREEMENT—A two year comprehensive agreement aimed at

renewing previous agreements was signed here yesterday between the

34
Ethiopian Journalists' Association (EJA) and the Journalists' Union of the

USSR. The agreement provides for the further strengthening of relations

between the two associations and the training of Ethiopian journalists in

the USSR as well as for the technical assistance offered by the Journalists'

Union of the USSR to its Ethiopian counterpart. The agreement was signed

at a ceremony held at the EJA office by Comrade Alexander P. Kharlamov,

board secretary of the Journalists' Union of the USSR, Editor-in-Chief of

the VILLAGE LIFE, journal of the Central Committee of the CPSU, and member

of the Party's Control Commission, and by Comrade Imru Worku, acting chairman

of the EJA. Comrade Kharlamov said on the occasion that the two associations

would consolidate their solidarity in their endeavour for world peace and

equality inspired by their conviction to struggle for common progress and

prosperity of all mankind. He also emphasised that both associations have

immensely contributed towards strengthening socialism since they had established relations. Comrade Imru on his part noted that the agreement that

they had just signed will enable both associations to work together for

peace and democracy. The Ethiopian Journalists' Association, Comrade Imru

emphasised, will do everything in its power to translate the agreement into

deeds. [Text] [Addis Ababa THE ETHIOPIAN HERALD in English 29 Apr 83 p 5]

AFGHAN REVOLUTION SUPPORTED—The Ethiopian Peace and Solidarity Friendship

Committee (EPSFC) reminded all imperialist and reactionary stooges to keep

their hands off Afghanistan. In a press release issued yesterday in connection with the International Day of Solidarity and the Afghan Revolution,

the committee urged all progressive and democratic forces to intensify the

campaign of support and solidarity with the Saur (April) Revolution of

Afghanistan. Afghanistan is now fighting imperialism and counterrevolutionary groups, who are engaged in acts of sabotage and destruction

to undo the gains of the revolution, the press release added. The statement

said that US imperialism in particular has teamed up with criminals and

sworn enemies of the people to subvert the Afghan Revolution which rose

five years ago to undermine the vital interests of internal oppressors and

imperialism. The press statement further pointed out that the Revolutionary

Government of Afghanisan headed by the Peoples Democratic Party of

Afghanistan (PDPA) has put forward various construction proposals to solve

all outstanding problems with neighbouring countries in a peaceful way and

that this correct stand and peaceful overtures of the revolutionary government has won international support and solidarity. The week from the 21st

to the 27th of April has been declared by the World Peace Council as an

International Week of Solidarity with the Saur (April) Revolution of

Afghanistan. (ENA) [Text] [Addis Ababa THE ETHIOPIAN HERALD in English

27 Apr 83 p 5]

GDR FARMERS' AGREEMENT—All Ethiopia Peasants' Association (AEPA) and the

German Democratic Republic Farmers' Association (VGB) yesterday signed a

two-year joint co-operation agreement. Comrade Abdella Sonessa, Chairman

of AEPA and Comrade Hubertus Nowak Vice-chairman of the National Executive Committee of the GDR Farmers' Association initialled the r^cuments on

behalf of their respective associations. Speaking on the occasion, Comrade

Abdella said that the agreement reached earlier between the two associations

had borne fruit and expressed confidence that the present one would also

35
help foster closer relations. Comrade Abdella emphasized that the accord

would further intensify the efforts of the two associations to promote

peace and solidarity. The AEPA Chairman also spoke of the present endeavour

of Ethiopian peasants to increase agricultural productivity and thereby

become self-sufficient. He appreciated the assistance of socialist countries towards this economic sector. Comrade Abdella pledged that every

effort will be made on the AEPA side to effectively implement the co-operation

agreement. On his part, Comrade Nowak expressed satisfaction on the result

of the first joint agreement and noted that the second agreement will further strengthen relations between their associations. Comrade Nowak also

noted his impression on the progress attained by Ethiopian peasants and

pledged that all necessary steps will be taken by GDR Farmers' Association

to implement, the second joint agreement. Present at the signing ceremony

were Comrade Ambassador Guenter Mauersberger of the GDR to Socialist

Ethiopia and AEPA officials. During his visit to Bale and Arssi regions,

Comrade Nowak had visited co-operatives, the Peasants' Training Institute

of Ardaita and the Agrafa Multi-purpose Peasants' Training Institute. He

had also met peasants' association officials for discussion on subjects

of mutual interest. (ENA) [Text] [Addis Ababa THE ETHIOPIAN HERALD in

English 27 Apr 83 p 5]

CSO: 3400/1433

36
GABON

OBSERVERS REPORTEDLY CONSIDER BONGO FIRMLY IN CONTROL

Dakar AFRICA in French No 150, Apr 83 pp 23-26

[Article by Jean-Pierre Challard: "The Country of the Chameleon"]

[Excerpts] The increasingly persistent rumors that have been

circulating in Libreville for the last 3 months, both at the

diplomatic cocktail parties and among the low life in Matiti,

have finally materialized like a menacing storm that has

brooded in the sky for too long.

For weeks, all the ministries had gone into a phase of lethargy and expectation: everyday matters have been handled without

conviction, while the most fundamental decisions waited cautiously, sometimes to the greater fury of foreign visitors.

The commentaries were going at a good clip about the storm that was to carry

off the biggest swell-heads, and everyone was imagining as he liked about the

new ministerial picture, according to his indisputable parameters or his personal interests. The most absurd hypotheses circulated about the removal of

some and the promotion of others, but unfortunately, most of the diagnoses

proved entirely chimerical.

But under the ministers' mask of apparent impassivity there was a formidable

seething by the holders of portfolios to preserve their immediate futures. The

national daily L'UNION, under the caustic pen of the indescribable Makaya, ridiculed the uneasy "magnificos" who had headed back to their villages, not to

renew themselves at the sources of their home country or families but rather to

unearth the most obsolete ritualistic practices.

Hunting for the chameleon, an animal said to bring good luck, was in full

swing: killed, dried and reduced to a powder that the adept swallowed without

aversion, it was supposed to give unequalled invincibility and invulnerability.

But it must be believed that the recipe has not been successful for everyone,

unless those with bad luck or those replaced did not know the magic formula,

Redynamizing the Party

The steamroller of political change really got rolling on Friday 25 February

1983, when the secretary general and founder of the Gabonese Democratic Party

37
(PDG), El Hadj Omar Bongo, called the political bureau together at the presidential palace. A watchword emerged from this convocation: it was necessary to

"redynamize the party," which could give rise to the most diverse interpretations.

The meeting of the Third Extraordinary Congress of the party, with great pomp

on Wednesday 2 March, was to throw a little more light on the Gabonese leaders'

objectives. With President Omar Bongo's opening address, an axiom was set out:

multipartyism will never do. That is an alternative on which the Gabonese

chief of state will never give in.

The trial of the Movement for National Recovery (MORENA), which had the singleparty seed in it, crystallized in Omar Bongo an already latent aversion to a

form of democracy which, in most of the developing countries, has degenerated

into fratricidal, tribal, clannish, ethnic struggles. As a single party, the

PDG intended to remain so, no matter what the challenges and resistance to it.

The euphoria of independence that engendered this ephemeral multipartyism did

not withstand the first severe shock, and the "imported ideologies" that the

Gabonese president regularly lampoons were quashed rapidly among the political

classes—until the appearance of MORENA.

As a rally of a national character, the secretary general-founder asserts, the

PDG cannot be "synonymous with an ethnic group or a tribe." In this domain,

the government officials' decisions scrupulously respect the regional equilibrium, even if, in the semipublic companies that stash away big revenues, certain regions are "more equal than the others," it is murmured in the corridors.

In the mind of the PDG's founder, this single party is a crucible in which all

opinions, all tendencies, can be represented, provided that they do not express

themselves by systematic criticisms, automatic denigration. "Constructive

criticism" is broadly accepted, though.

A Western diplomat who had observed the closing ceremony of the extraordinary

congress, at the Palace of Conferences on Thursday 3 March, came home exhausted

after the marathon motions in which all the official groups and organisms followed one another to proclaim their "unswerving devotion" to the presidential

policy.

A Long Presidency

In this labyrinth of speeches and applause, punctuated by the sonorous couplets

of the pep groups and of the national anthem, the foreign observer could only

conclude, to the colleague he was talking with, that "nothing new" had happened .

In fact, the document sanctioning the congress had not been distributed to the

public, and the background had totally escaped this unfortunate ambassador,

wriggling on his chair for 3 hours like his colleagues, under the salvoes of

speeches inflamed and colorful despite their terminological dryness. For in

this "temple of our democracy," as the Gabonese chief of state put it, the party's official bodies passed 11 amendments of the constitution, of capital importance for the country's future.

38
The tone is set with the first article: henceforth, the party "establishes the

secretary general and founder of the Democratic Party as the candidate for the

presidency of the republic." In view of the fact that there is only one person

who has the benefit of this original attribute, it is obvious that Omar Bongo

will again be the single candidate in the next elections for the supreme magistracy.

The strengthening of power at the final level is clearly in favor of the current chief of state, and no rival, according to this new article, will be able

to enter the lists against him. His mandate would have to cease under two conditions only: Omar Bongo's voluntary withdrawal or his death; but at age 48,

and with perfect health, the Gabonese president still has a long future ahead

of him.

A Spectacular Change of Course

This gathering of powers to the person of Omar Bongo is all the firmer in that

the party, of which he is the indisputable leader, "defines the general orientation of national policy, directs the political action over the whole of the

territory and controls the action of the executive power through the intermediary of its secretary general...."

This revision of powers is considered a spectacular change of course vis-a-vis

the decentralization of competencies that characterized the preceding period,

1980-1981, during which the president of the republic had voluntarily given up

his prerogatives as head of government in favor of Prime Minister Leon Mebiame,

unburdening himself, in so doing, of three or four key portfolios that he usually kept: Defense, Information, Posts and Telecommunications.

As a former minister explains: "In sum, the chief of state is recovering by way

of the party what he had previously ceded in executive power." Is this to say

that this new waxing of fire constitutes a disavowal of the prime minister's

action? Not exactly, it is said in the political circles.

There was a rumor that Mr Leon Mebiame had wanted, 2 or 3 years ago, to withdraw from political life to devote himself solely to his private activities;

such an explanation would make the recent change a sound one. But nothing, absolutely no indication, permits one to assert that Mr Mebiame wants to give up

his post. In any case, the imperatives of geopolitics make Leon Mebiame too

important a central figure for President Omar Bongo to think seriously of separating from him. To be sure, there are at least two others who are "prime

minister material" and could succeed him; but everyone agrees that Mr Mebiame

remains an essential man on the Gabonese political chessboard.

What, then, does this new taking in hand of the levers of executive power mean?

What is undeniable is that the chief of state is arranging the possibility of

his intervening more frequently in the course of everyday affairs and of making

undisputed decisions (as he has always done, for that matter), supported by the

entire apparatus of the single party: the political bureau, the. central committee, the annual congress.

39
At the risk of stating a truism, it should be kept in mind that power in the

developing countries remains strictly personalized and that a regime often

rests on a single man, the chief, in the etymological sense of the tern,

whether the regime is a liberal or socialist one.

The bolstering of the party's powers is continued in Article 24 of its constitution, which authorizes, among the other functions of the central committee, a

right of oversight in areas as vast and diversified as protection of human

rights and of the citizen, the functioning of the public services and establishments, the output of public employees and reform of the economy and the

finances.

Elbowroom

In the course of his further consultations, President Omar Bongo signified to

the political commissioners especially that their röle as monitors, inspectors,

regulators of administrative life should be understood in a pragmatic and dynamic manner.

The central committee can make binding rulings, either by way of ordinances or

by way of resolutions or recommendations. One wonders whether the initiative

is thus passing into the camp of the party what will effectively remain in the

regular executive power, namely the government [as published].

But the central committee does not meet every day, and the political commissioners, as the chief of state has recognized, run up against some primary material difficulties that impede their action. In any case, the ministers,

jealous of their prerogatives, have never willingly accepted the idea that the

commissioners attached to their sectors should come rummaging in their dossiers—all the less so in that no law obliges them to do so.

The most striking fact about this last extraordinary congress, apart from the

primacy of the secretary general-founder, is the emergence of the minister Leon

Auge, of whom it had been asserted a bit prematurely that he was going back into the ranks. On the contrary, his exit from the government gives him elbowroom vis-a-vis Prime Minister Leon Mebiame, and his role as the party's "locomotive" has been considerably strengthened.

Taking over from Jean-Stanislas Migolet, who has been moved to an honorific

post as high representative of the president of the republic, Leon Auge has become permanent general delegate of the secretary general-founder, and activator

of the party's national permanent staff—terminology that is doubtlessly vague

to everyday people but that in reality covers many aspects.

As the main official of the party's permanent staff, Leon Auge is the regimens

principal ideologue, a competent jurist and well-versed in all juridical-administrative tricks.

Well aware of the disaffection of Gabonese public opinion, especially among the

young, with ideological questions, Leon Auge wants to set up an Information division, as the "nerve-center of any political, economic or social organization,"

40
as he himself defines it. There is a purposeful confusion between "information" and "propaganda" in a country in which, as is the case with other

African countries, the shaping of domestic public opinion is of prime importance in the face of the foreign press that enters freely, and in profusion.

Wave of Reform

As chairman of the board of directors of SONAPRESSE [National Press Co], the

company that publishes the daily L'UNION, Leon Auge thus neutralizes the official written press—if one excepts the JOURNAL OFFICIEL, which has no effect on

public opinion. The party's control over information is total when one realizes that the administrative secretary of the PDG, Zacharie Myboto, holds the

Information (and Posts and Telecommunications) portfolio and that he presides

daily over the destinies of the radio and television (RTG)—radio-television

network II being a direct emanation from the presidency of the republic.

At the same time, the University Center for Political Sciences and Development

(CUSPOD), the former party-cadres school that has grown fat, remains within the

ambit of Permanent General Delegate Leon Auge, who, a decidedly very active

person, has also contributed to the creation of an Institute of Strategic Studies in Libreville—a personal revenge against the university people who at one

time disputed his right to education in their world imbued with intellectual

superiority.

The watchword for this great upheaval has been: the party must be redynamized.

But why such a wave of reform when the single party and the presidential regime

absolutely did not appear threatened in their existence? The fact is that the

roots of this desire for change must be sought in the troubles that preceded

the trial of the MORENA people, in the sclerosis of the barons who emerged from

independence, in the rise of the Gabonese youth, integration of whom into administrative life runs up against resistance and tenacious privilege.

The groundswell that was to metamorphose the ruling political elite rose on

Saturday 5 March, when some were thinking at least of a respite for the celebrations of 12 March, marking the creation of the PDG. Alas! The storm swept

away several hopes in one camp as in the other; Prime Minister Leon Mebiame

succeeded himself, on Friday 4 March, thereby simultaneously making the government a lapsed one.

In reality, the ministerial shuffle of Saturday 5 March did not metamorphose

the structure of the government, in which a third vice prime minister had

arrived. The accession to this post of Emile Kassa Mapsi, who went from Gabon's embassy in Brussels to the post of director of Air Gabon to the presidency of the Economic and Social Council, simply reestablishes the balance after

the removal of Edouard-Alexis M'Bouy Boutzit, a native of Mouila and thus from

the same region (Mr Kassa being from Ndende).

The manifest setback for Mr M'Bouy Boutzit, previously a minister of state, who

falls back to be president of the Chamber of Commerce, is protajly linked to

the features in LE CANARD ENCHAINE, a Paris publication. A first setback from

the Ministry of Mines and Petroleum to that of Justice had been the sign announcing this exit from the government.

41
There have been other changes and removals, related far more to the upsand

downs of the conduct of affairs than to a desire for reform. In the chief of

state's various speeches on finds the outline of the major reasons for these

departures or the stagnation: infringement of the principle of solidarity even

in privileges; errors of political maneuvering; weakness of performance; ab

sence of popular support in the region of origin; notorious private life in

short, the normal hazards of any political career.

The arrival of Mr Kassa Mapsi has produced another effect--!.e., the withdrawal

of his own sister, Mme Antoinette Oliveira, former minister of social affairs and

feminine promotion, promoted to a post of high-level state adviser. One woman

leaves, and another arrives: Mme Rose Rogombe, jurist, comes to take the pulse

of Gabonese political life while the spokesman for the presidency, Jean Ovono

Essono, wins a portfolio as secretary of state, in the place of Isaac Nguema,

secretary general of the government, a native of Bitam, like him, and leaving.

Few cadres from Ogooue-Ivindo are available, which facilitated entry into the

inner circle by Raphael Mouapa Walla, a direct relation of the political commissioner Muhammad Mouapa Beotsa. The promotion of the prime minister s bro

ther, Mathieu Nguema, should be noted also; he takes over the Merchant Marine

portfolio, previously held by Leon Mebiame, which disturbs no one.

The element that should be taken especially into account is the appointment of

General Georges Nkomah, former boss of the National Gendarmerie, who goes from

the civilian area, where he chaired the board of directors of the Office of

Ports and Roadsteads of Gabon (OPRAG), to the portfolio of minister of state

for justice, guardian of the seals.

The insistent references in the president's speeches to the "manipulation" of

the security forces by the putschists of 1964 had to lead to two major measures Henceforth, the commanders-in-chief of these units become ex-officio mem

bers of the party's central committee—they are, at this time, General Daniel

Ba Oumar (land and naval forces, governor of the capital), General Andre Nzong

(gendarmerie) and General Jean-Boniface Assele (police).

A Star-Spangled Minister

An unexpected politicization of the forces of order, one that adroitly neutralizes their action, with their chiefs taking an oath of allegiance to the secretary general-founder of the party, in addition to their traditional oath to the

chief of state, the supreme commander of the armed forces. The second measure

is of course, the naming of a brother-in-arms to Justice, for an endemic conflict pits the security forces against the magistrates, whom they consider too

yielding, not to say lax. Some joint seminars have attempted to elicit a line

of conduct that could achieve their mutual agreement in the face of the crimm

al population.

At the present, the naming of a star-spangled minister to the head of Justice

will give more vigor—at least in the eyes of the security forces—to_ their _ ac

tion against large-scale banditry, the political opposition, clandestine emi

gration, which have developed alarmingly in Gabon since 1978.

42
But if one examines the new government list carefully, one perceives that the

ground swell has not carried off anyone very much, even though the concern for

regional balance has been scrupulously respected. Aware of the disappointment

of many young Gabonese cadres, the president has promised that other changes

could take place sooner than expected.

In fact, the presidential promise has actually been kept through the intermediary of the partv, and not, as was expected, through ministerial upheaval. Two

weeks after the setting-up of the government, on Saturday 17 March, a series of

presidential decrees was to put into full effect the watchword "redynamizing

the party."

Detouring around the obstacle of a government too solidly anchored in position,

the chief of state has preferred to give to the party's organs and the permanent general delegate the human resources for a new policy. Many of these newly promoted persons have come out of the Gabonese or foreign universities, including a few people from the CUSPOD, who should act as shock troops within the

administrative apparatus of the state.

In what manner is the government/party duality going to coexist? Will there be

a burgeoning rivalry between the two Leons (Mebiame and Auge), as a high-level

civil servant in Libreville maliciously foretells? A political version of

"Kramer vs Kramer" that would in any case take place "en famille." as it is

customary to wash one's dirty linen in Gabon?

Divide-and-conquer is not a political principle unknown to President Omar Bongo, as he has often proved in the past. In any case, he is keeping a firm

grip on the tiller, as the observers of Gabonese life recognize, despite the

cutting remarks of the impatient young people, the phased-out old ones and the

clandestine modernists.

For his part, the chameleon coveted and hunted down during the period of the

rumors and the buzzing has returned to his cool and damp den, enjoying well-deserved rest and peace—a strange destiny, that of this chromatic reptile whose

peaceful existenc is intimately linked to the career of "homo politicus gabonensis."

11267

CSO: 3419/904

43
GHANA

ARTICLE WEIGHS ROLE OF CHIEFS IN NATION

London WEST AFRICA in English No 3430, 9 May 83 pp 1118-1120

[Article by R. K. B. Kyerematen]

[Text] A REVOLUTION is a process which

seeks to bring about rapid social, economic

and political change and. results in a restructuring of the relationship between classes. Any institution posing a threat to such

restructuring is likely to be dismantled.

It was the thought of many at the

beginning of the December 31 revolution

that chieftaincy was going to be abolished.

Such a thought probably arose out of the

fact that chiefs enjoyed great importance in

the "old system". However, the remarks of

Flt.-Lt. J. J. Rawlings to the National

House of Chiefs, indicate that his government has no such intention. In the address

he said: "Chieftaincy is a very old institution in this country. The chief is the

embodiment of his people. The chief

stands as a transmission belt between the

government and his people. He is the

natural arbiter and mediator between the

state and his people ... It is important

that he should play this role very well. We

expect from the chief support not

sycophancy," the PNDC Chairman added.

Chieftaincy, isr an abiding and allpervasive indigenous institution and its

importance in the rich culture of Ghana

cannot be over-emphasised. Chiefs in the

past were regarded as political leaders as

well as law-makers. They were looked

upon as spiritual giants in their communities, acting as intermediaries between their

royal ancestors and the tribe. It was also

incumbent upon chiefs to inspire creativity

in music, dance, history, poetry, carving

and weaving. This, they did, by appointing

to their courts the best in these fields.

The chief, being the custodian of the

people's land, was to ensure fair distribution of available land among the various

families in his community. He was the

economic planner and had to ensure that

the needy in his community were catered

for. In performing all these functions the

chief was the focus of the unity of the tribe.

. With the rise of colonialism and

nationalism and its attendant economic,

social and political consequences some of

these functions have been taken away from

the chiefs. Among the reasons for the

remarkable survival of this institution is the

fact that chieftaincy has a territorial base.

Every stool or skin has some property and

anyone, no matter how long absent from

the village, can go back and ask for a piece

of land, however small, to cultivate. Thus

people inherently have an abiding collective responsibility to protect this institution

which looks after their property.

Perhaps the most significant aspect of

chieftaincy is its democratic nature. Pitched against "modern" democracies, the

democratic nature of chieftaincy has not

been found wanting. Though the chief is

not elected by popular vote, he has to

govern in accordance with the popular will

for the people retain the right to destool

him at anytime. Though appointed for life,

the chiefs role is not an autocracy but a

consultative system of government. He has

to consult his councils on all decisions

affecting the society. Members of the

numerous councils which advise the chief

are selected from most of the families in

the community. It is probably thf representation of most families on sucn councils

which accounts for the respect of the

decisions of the chief. Elders on these

councils are specially chosen not because

44
of their wealth but maturity. Thus it is

possible to have both the rich and poor on

the same council. Elders who are not in

such councils are not left out. In practice,

they are allowed at meetings and to contribute by exclaiming their approval or disapproval on certain council decisions. On

very controversial issues, hundreds of

citizens turn up to express their views.

The democratic nature of chieftaincy is

to be seen not only in the constitutional

rights of the chief and council members

handed down from generation to generation but in the chiefs ability to cater for the

economic needs of all and sundry, which if

he failed to provide, could constitute an

influential motive for the demand of his

destoolment.

Whatever promise such an institution

held, long periods of European contact

virtually made it impossible for our political philosophers to build up a modern

system of government based upon this

traditional institution. The kind of respect

that people used to have for their chiefs is

no more. Chiefs now have very little

executive, legal, or political power. Special

victims of this loss of power are the

paramount chiefs in the urban areas.

Whatever influence chieftaincy might have

lost especially in the urban areas, the

institution continues to enjoy a lot of

following in the rural areas.

It is against this time-tested institution

that the People's Defence Committee

(PDCs) established by the December 31

revolution are to pitch their strength. The

PDCs are growing organs of power and

authority and are supposed to be the

bedrock on which the PNDC's restructuring programme lies. Recognising the possibility of confrontations between these two

sources of authorities, chiefs and PDC

executives have been advised on several

occasions by the Secretary for PDCs to

co-exist peacefully and to work for the

betterment of their communities.

The mobilisation of people at grassroot

level is a necessary condition for the

success of any restructuring programme.

People can be mobilised either through

force, enticement or respect for the body

calling for the mobilisation exercise. The

first tool, from experience, cannot work.

The second, possibly the best, tool for any

mobilisation exercise, is difficult to use

since at present, the economy is in such a

shambles that it cannot provide the necessary resources to entice people. We are left

with no option but to use the third tool. It

is here our chiefs can play a meaningful

role. The fact that chieftaincy continues to

enjoy a large following even in our present

condition is not in doubt.

The success of the Green Revolution

recently launched will depend largely on

the chiefs in the major food-growing areas

sitting down with the local PDC executives

and mapping out strategies for the effective

mobilisation of the rural dwellers for increased agricultural production. To solve

the problem of labour for example, the

chief can advise his people to revert to the

old system of families coming together and

helping on each other's farm.

Chiefs in the rural areas are in a better

position than the PDCs to finance the

mobilisation exercise in the initial stages

since up till now I do not know of any

known source of revenue for the PDCs.

Failure on the part of chiefs to directly

address themselves to the needs of their

communities as their forefathers did, can

spark off revolts against them, leading to

the eventual collapse of-this institution.

The« government, on its part, after such

mobilisation exercises should do everything possible to supply the rural dwellers

with some of their basic demands, chief

amongst them kerosene, soap and simple

agricultural inputs. The government

should be bold to send the growing political cadres to the rural areas to help in the

mobilisation exercise at the grassroot level

instead of mobilising industrial workers in

regional capitals who do not have the raw

materials to work with.

Whatever one might think of the role

that chiefs can play to contribute to the

success of the revolution, one cannot help

however, having the impression that some

continue to enjoy a lot of respect and it is

around these villages which feed the country, that the government should concentrate very much. With a little bit of

planning, chieftaincy, an abiding and allpervasive indigenous institution in Ghana,

can be turned into a political asset instead

of a cherished liability.

CSO: 3400/1436

45
GHANA

'PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC1URGES NO BOYCOTT OF OAU SUMMIT

AB241100 Accra Domestic Service in English 0700 GMT 24 May 83

[From the press review]

[Text] Writing under the heading "Africa Must United," the PEOPLE'S DAILY

GRAPHIC recalls that since its independence in 1975, Mozambique has not enjoyed peace, especially on its borders with apartheid South Africa.

It says for some time now the Mozambique National Resistance, MNR, backed

openly by South Africa and her supporters, has continuously raided parts of

the country. Though the country's enemies wanted to use Mozambique-Cuban

relations to disrupt the political advancement of the population, this did

not succeed. South Africa has not only hated the progressive efforts of the

people of Mozambique, it has even detested the presence of African liberation movements in Maputo.

The GRAPHIC points out that it is against this background that the air raids

were made last week. For apartheid South Africa does not only want to instill

fear among the people in these times, it also wants to brandish its weapon

of terrorism which is has shone on all progressive nations sharing borders

with it.

The GRAPHIC condemns these attacks on the people of Mozambique and calls all

African countries to seriously consider the danger that the racist regime

poses to the continent at the forthcoming OAU summit in Addis Ababa. It is

the wish of the paper that African leaders do not take lightly the current

orchestrated attempts to sabotage the summit. The paper advises African leaders that boycott of summits cannot save this continent since they only help to

strengthen the hands of the enemies of Africa, who are represented very

clearly in the racist apartheid system of South Africa. It is only unity of

purpose that can save the proud people of this continent.

CSO: 3400/1464

46
IVORY COAST

WORLD BANK TACTICS SEEN TEACHING SECONDARY TEACHERS 'HARSH LESSON'

London WEST AFRICA in English 2 May 83 p 1082

[Article by Mark Doyle: "Students of Structural Adjustment"]

[Text] The Ivory Coast's secondary

school teachers have been given

a harsh economic lesson in the

"structural adjustment" .tactics

of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and their

own Government in Abidjan.

Following a Government decision to end free housing rights —

part of overall cuts in public

expenditure — the teachers went

on strike. They have had their

salaries and union suspended

and been ordered out of their

homes.

President Houphouet-Boigny

has accused the strikers of being

politically motivated. The

economic aspects of the action

are more significant. State ex-,

penditure on education in 1981

accounted for 46 per cent of the

Current Budget. And so education was an inevitable candidate

for cuts in a country where la

conjuncture (the local tag for

poor export crop prices), has

highlighted serious structural

weaknesses in the economy.

Those structural problems —

manifested as chronic indebtedness and persistent balance of

payments deficit — have exacerbated and even surpassed the

inauspicious effects of la conjoncture.

Housing in the Ivory Coast is a

sensitive subject. It is basically

impossible on a teacher's salary

to live comfortably in the big

towns and cities. In this sense

the teachers' strike had an economic rationale. Similarly, in

February 1982, students struck

not for political reasons but in

protest at their lack of employment prospects and the continuing dominance of nonIvorians (mainly French and

Lebanese nationals) in the highest paid education sector jobs.

The 1983 Budget does not

hold^out much hope of easing'

these social strains. Current

spending (the budget g6n6ral de

fonctionnement) is to be cut by

about 7 per cent in real terms.

The capital account (the budget

special d'investissment) has been

slashed by over a quarter in

money terms alone. (Inflation

will be 8-10 per cent this year.)

The 1981-85 Plan forecasts 5.7

per cent average real annual

growth. Given that growth was

negative in 1981 and less than 2

per cent in 1982, that 5 per cent

average looks unrealistic. Real

GDP increased by almost 7 per

cent per annum in the seventies,

given rise to high expectations.

The 1983 Budget was prepared in consultation with the

World Bank and the IMF. In

1981, a three-year "stabilisation

programme" was agreed with

the Fund. In exchange, the government promised to cut new.

spending, limit domestic credit

expansion and reduce the public

sector deficit. A 484.5m SDR

Extended Fund Facility followed.

The World Bank has insisted

upon similar measures in return

for two "structural adjustment"

loans. The first, for $150m., was

approved in December 1981.

Before the loan was made the

Government told the Bank, in a

letter of intent, that it intended

to revamp the educational system to reduce the unsustainable

growth in costs". The Bank's

plan agreed that reform was

needed in the education sector.

The Bank also criticised the

structure of the education system; too much investment was

made in grand higher education

institutes, sometimes training

students in inappropriate disciplines. Scholarships, particularly

to overseas universities, were

also to be reduced.

A second World Bank loan,

about to be approved, is for

$300m. According to first reports the Government will be

asked to encourage more export

crop production (a common condition) and invest in low-cost

housing, a more novel idea.

Other conditions from both

the Fund and the Bank have

been to cut food subsidies and

reduce cheap loans to public

transport enterprises. Domestic

political pressure will probably

preclude another popular Fund/

Bank condition; the insertion of

more foreign "experts" in Abidjan ministries.

The Ivory Coast is a long way

from experiencing "IMF riots"

of the type which took place in

Casablanca in 1980 when food

subsidies were cut. But further

and more severe measures,

along the lines of ejecting people

from their homes, can be expected if the Ivory Coast is to be

satisfactorily "adjusted" in the

traditional IMF/World Bank

manner.

47
KENYA

EDITORIAL HITS UGANDAN CLAIMS OF SUPPORT FOR GUERRILLAS

Nairobi THE KENYA TIMES in English 6 May 83 p 6

[Editorial: "Ugandan Allegations"]

[Text] When nations are in turmoil or facing turbulent times there is always

a tendency for them to look outside their borders for the causes of their

strife. We would like to think that this was the case with our neighbour Uganda when writing in the weekly magazine, THE SUN, a director general

in the ministry of information accused Kenya along with other countries of

supporting the guerrilla groups that have been fighting against the government of that country.

We say accusations are irresponsible. Kenya has stated time and again its

adherence to the OAU charter and the principles of good neighbourliness

which stress non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries.

Our president who is current chairman of the OAU and a man of integrity,

has upheld the charter of that organisation and its principles. He would

therefore be the last man to allow Kenya to violate those principles.

A few months ago, there were similar charges against this country and our

president himself categorically stated that Kenya had no hand in the Uganda

problems. That should have been taken seriously by our neighbour. For

quite sometime now Uganda has faced upheavals but Kenya has done everthing

possible to assist by facilitating transit of essential goods and by

offering refuge to those who felt their lives were threatened by whatever

regime was in power. This was done as a humanitarian act which should be

appreciated and not confused for a sign of hostility towards our neighbour.

CSO: 3400/1438

48
KENYA

ISRAELI DANCERS TRY TO MAKE POLITICAL CAPITAL FROM VISIT

Nairobi THE WEEKLY REVIEW in English 6 May 83 p 11

[Text] THOUGH Kenya and Israel, have no

diplomatic" relations, ffie two ecttjätries

have kept other relations going ever since

Kenya broke off diplomatic ties in 1974

following the 1973 Arab-Israeli war and

the oil embat^o by Arab nations against

countries which were doing business

with Israel at the time. Trade links with

Israel have continued. One of Israel's

major construction companies, Solel

Boneh, is still building high-rise buildings

in the capital city of Nairobi. But the

Kenya government has never .been comfortable with this kind of arrangement

From time to time it has been caught in

an awkward situation, as it appears to be

in at present with the visiting Israeli

dancing group Bat Dor which, according

to the group's advance publicity'notice, is

making its first appearance in Africa-. The

group's brochure may have been the

cause of the trouble, for it says: "This is

the first time since the severing of

diplomatic relations with African states

that an Israeli dance company has been

invited to perform in the heart of the

Dark Continent." Even forgetting the

stupid reference to the "Dark Continent",

there was the obvious political advantage

which the Israelis were trying to get out

of the visit of the dance group. A number

of questions naturally arise out of the

visit. Who'invited the dance group? No

one would say.

The Kenya government itself appears

to have been confused by the issue of the

dance group. A spokesman for the

ministry of foreign affairs told The Kanuowned Kenya Times that the ministry

was not aware of how the group got to

be licenced to perform in Kenya. According to the foreign affairs ministry

spokesman the government is still committed to the decision of the OAU regarding "diplomatic and other links" with

Israel. The fact of the matter, of course,

was that the group had already been

licenced by the Nairobi provincial office

to start their performances on May 7.

Currently, the group is making a similar

tour of Zaire with which Israel has

recently re-established diplomatic

relations. It appears to be one of those

cases where the right hand in the Kenya

government does not know what the left

hand is doing.

But the implications of the visit, if

political, could have far-reaching effects.

The Israelis are obviously on a diplomatic

offensive to regain ties in Africa. Zaire

"was the first victory of that offensive.

Kenya would appear to be the next

target. With the President Daniel arap

Moi about to relinquish his chairmanship

of the Organisation of African Unity,

Israel must feel that it stands a better

chance to induce Kenya into resuming

diplomatic relations than at any time in

the past when-OAU considerations stood

in the way of such a resumption. The

current economic slump in Kenya may

also appea- to the Israelis to be

auspicious. Kenya has been looking for

aid abroad for stabilising her economy,

especially since the August 1 abortive

coup of last year. Those who have

responded to her SOSs have been mainly

western nations -friends of Israel. The

Arab nations have not been conspicuous

among those who have come forth with

generous aid since August last year.

Israel, though herself incapable of giving

any meaningful financial aid to Kenya (or

any other nation'for that matter) must be

49
eager to capitalise on this Kenyan goodwill towards western nations. And there

are enough people of Jewish descent

resident in Kenya and having strong

business connections with powerful individuals in the Kenyan political and civil

service system who would like to see

Kenya-Israeli diplomatic relations

restored. '

Israel will, however, have to try a little

harder and more subtlely than she has

done with the Bat Dor dance group. Her

propaganda approach in this case is as

heavy-handed as the Arabs' used to be in

matters of relations with Africa. The

publicity brochure for the dance group's

visit has offended a number of circles.

The Daily Nation this week took great exception to the brochure's reference to

Africa as the "Dark Continent." Said the

oaDer in an editorial on Wednesday:

"We all know that the term Dark Cori-,

tinent was coined by colonialists whothought Africans were half-developed

human beings, or sub-human. The same

attitude is still being used by white

supremacists in South Africa to deny the

black majority equal political and

economic rights. How then can a wellmeaning guest of Africa pick up the term

from history's dustbin and use it?"

The reference to South Africa is one of

the sore points in relations between Israel

and black African states. Israel has* very

close links with the Pretoria regime.

Israel has on a number of occasions been

accused of assisting Pretoria in the

development of nuclear weapons. The

two countries now have strong trading

ties. At the United Nations they vote in

tandem on almost all issues. These ties

are likely* to make resumption of

diplomatic relations between Israel and

black African states rather difficult. .'

CSO: 3400/1438

50
KENYA

MOI HITS OUT AT LEADERS' DISUNITY

Nairobi THE WEEKLY REVIEW in English 6 May 83 pp 4, 5

[Text] THE slanging matches between

politicians, mainly government

ministers and assistant ministers,was

beginning to get out of hand when

President Daniel arap Moi stepped in

on Labour Day and ordered his

ministers to stop washing their dirty

linen in public. "My ministers should

stop feeding the public with thrngs

which are unfit for public consumption," the president told a Labour Day

rally at Uhuru Park in Nairobi last

week. "The ministers should regard

themselves as elders, of wisdom,

although some of them are young. They

are the leaders of this country and

should show good example." Whether

that will put an end to the squabbling

which has been going on in the country's

political circles remains to be seen. In

the past, following such directives by

the president, politicians have shiefd

away from public polemics against One

another, but only for a while. Often it

has not taken more than a month before

the old order of things is re-established

and the public are once again treated to

the same things which the president says

are unfit for public consumption. It is

probably the Kenyan way of doing

things, but it does show that there is a

basic division within the Kenyan

political leadership. Yet, though the fact

of division among politicians is as old as

politics itself, there is ah interesting

subtle change in the lines of dhMön

that have manifested themselves of late.

A fortnight ago Mr. Elijah Mwangale, the minister for tourism, started the

volleys going when he and fellow

Bungoma MPs called a press

conference in Nairobi, ostensibly to

thank the president for having toured

Bungoma district and helped raise

funds for. Hararabee prelects.. But the

main point that caught the attention of

journalists was the minister's claim that

there were fellow ministers in the

cabinet who were dissatisfied with the

president's leadership. Mwangale

claimed that the ministers(whom he did

not name) were part of a disgruntled

group within the Kenya leadership

hierarchy who wanted the government

to fall and he challenged the ministers to

resign their cabinet posts now instead of

waiting for the public to throw them out

of the government at the next general

election. Mwangale talked in generalities without mentioning names or

specifying the manner in which theantiment down. A more specific charge was

left to Mr. Martin Shikuku to maJce a

few days after Mwangale's remarks.

Shikuku told a meeting in Nairobi a

fortnight ago that there was a

conspiracy to bring the governmentt

down and that the conspirators were a

group of rich businessmen, politicians

and civil servants. .

According to Shikuku, the whole

idea is *o create a disaffection

among the public against the government. Kenya was full of "hyenas",

Shikuku claimed, who were grabbing

everything and leaving little for the

average man.

The theme of "hyenas" was to receive

an even stronger emphasis from the

minister of state in the office of the

president, Mr. Justus ole Tipis, who

told a Kanu rally in Ukambani the samp

week Shikuku spoke in Nairobi that

there were "hyenas" out to bring the

Kenya government down. These, Tipis

51
said; were the leaders who sang loudest

the Nyayo (pro-Moi) song during the

day but later held night meetings "and;

used their fellow countrymen tffibwef

understanding to further their selfish

ambitions."

The first politician to take Shikuku,

Mwangale and Tipis to task publicly

for their remarks was the former mayor

of Nairobi, Mr. Andrew Ngumba, who

called a press conference at his Nairobi

office and challenged the three ministers

to name those plotting against the

government. Ngumba charged that the

ministers were guilty of misprision of

treason and should therefore >be

arrested and brought to court. "Such

leaders have grossly abused tHe'trust

bestowed on them and are inciting the

public to revolt against the cabinet,"

Ngumba told pressmen. Ngumba said

he was speaking in his capacity as a

member of the Kanu national executive

committee representing Nairobi and

asked the ministers concerned to

apologise to the president for their

remarks.

The following day Shikuku

responded to Ngumba's remarks with

charge that Ngumba was the lasjpersöji

to be speaking on such issues. "Mr.

Ngumba should re-examine himself to

find how clean he is by declaring his

wealth and how he got it," Shikuku said

in a press statement. "People like me

have already declared what we have and

others should follow suit." Shikuku,

however, tried to play down his earlier

remarks about saboteurs. "All I said is

that some rich people are milking

wananchi by smuggling cörrimötlkies

across the borders and then come back

to shout they were Nyayo," he told the

Standard newspaper the day he issued

his rejoinder to Ngumba.

That was not the end of the affair,

however, for the following^ week the

minister for lands, settlement and

physical planning, Mr. G. G. Kariuki,

joined in the fray when, in a meeting in

Nanyuki over the Labour Day

weekend, he said that the ministers who

had "rushed to the press to hurl insults

to elected leaders" were wasting their

time because, according to Kariuki, the

government has the machinery to

tell who is loyal and who is not. "We in

Laikipia (Kariuki is MP for Laikipia

West) view the utterances of such

people as full of childishness and should

be treated with the contempt that they

deserve by every Kenyan worth his

salt." Kariuki said that some leaders

appeared to be intent on confusing the

public through the mass media for

"their own selfish ends in an effort to

please their political godfathers".

Kariuki blamed the press for

highlighting issues which he said served

no purpose in nation building.

President Moi appears to nave quite a

nettlesome problem on his hands, for

there seems to be dissension everywhere he turns among his ministers and

assistant ministers, or between

ministers and their civil servants.

Recently the commissioner of cooperatives, Mr. Alfrick Birgen, and his

minister, Mr. Robert Matano (who is

also secretary-general of the ruling

party) were at loggerheads over

Matano's. decision to apologise on

behalf of Birgen for remarks the latter

had made about a coffee cooperative

union in Meru (see Weekly Review,

April 22). Birgen's work in trying to

clear what he considers to be the mess in

a number of unions also resulted in a

controversy over the salary and

. privileges of the managing director of

one ofthe country's biggest unions — the

Kenya Planters Co-operative Union,

Mr. Henry Kinyua, who was reported

by a probe committee set up by Birgen

to be earning nearly shs 100,000 a

month in pay and allowances. Many

MPs decried such lavish remuneration,

but in a debate in parliament, Mr.

Njenga Karume, the MP for Kiambaa

and assistant minister for energy, did

not think the pay too high. Karume told

parliament that in his view Kinyua's pay

should be increased to shs. 200,000 a

month because .he was doing a

commendable job for the coffee

farmers. Karume said he was surprised

that when Kinyua's job was held by a

white man no one complained about the

pay the white man was receiving, and to

prove that Kinyua was doing a good job

Karume pointed out that the KPCU

was making a profit when many

parastals (one singled out the Kenya

Meat Commission and the Pyrethrum

Beard) were making losses. "I am a

coffee farmer," Karume said. "I also

grow pyrethrum and I know when my

cheques come."Karume'sretr ..ksdrew

fire from a number oi quarters

with some trade unionists pointing out

that the assistant minister did not seem

to be concerned about bridging the gap

52
between the rich and the poor if he

could suggest that Kinyua be paid

double the seemingly high salary he

already enjoyed. The Kaüu-öwned

Kenya Times also raised its eyebrows

over Karume's defence of Kinyua's

remuneration. "It is quite misleading

for leaders to ignore the interests of our

farmers and union members and instead

resort to issuing statements that are

bound to create confusion in their

minds," the paper said in an editorial

about the matter. "Even more serious is

a situation in which such statements

come from a member within our

government because the public is at a

loss as to whether the statements are a

reflection of government views on the

matter."

Government views on most matters have of late left a lot to the imagination

as the public gets bombarded by charges and counter-charges in the press

between government ministers and assistant ministers. A good deal of the

public bickering has to do with the approach of party and general elections

which have traditionally led to a no-holds-barred fight among politicians

who otherwise have had cordial relations. But there is a subtle shift in

the divisions which Kenyans have been used to in the recent past. The

main issue that politicians seem to be talking about may be who is a Nyayo

follower and who is not, except now the personalities involved in this

political game are somewhat different. Two years ago when the issue of who

was and who was not a Nyayo person was being debated most vociferously in

public, the assault on the so-called anti-Nyayo elements was led by ministers and politicians who have in recent months taken a rather low profile

in public affairs. Apart from Mr. Stanley Oloitipitip, who still makes

front-page news about his personal wealth and how he uses it, the most

visible proponents at that time of the theme that there were anti-Nyayo

leaders were the minister for constitutional affairs, Mr. Charles Njonjo

and G. G. Kariuki. The man most opposed to the view that Kenyans could

be divided into Nyayo and anti-Nyayo people was at that time the vicepresident, Mr. Mwai Kibaki. At that time the president, after letting

the debate simmer in the press for some time, came out with a ruling that

all Kenyans were Nyayo people and that it was not right to try and divide

them into two antagonistic camps.

This time round, Njonjo is not

involved in the debate about Nyayo

versus anti-Nyayo leaders. This time

Kariuki is of the opinion that all

Kenyans are Nyayo followers, or at

least that the governments by which he

presumably meant the presidents has

ways of determining whether a person

was a Nyayo follower or not and that

there was no need for people "rushing to

the press" to hurl insults at others by

calling them names. It is as if the tables

have been turned.

If the bickering continues, as most

people think it will after a short lull, the

president will ultimately be forced to do

more than merely order ministers to

stop washing their dirty linen in public.

He will hav; to rule one way or the

other. The bet is that, as in the past, he

will go for the view that all Kenyans are

Nyayo followers — until proved

otherwise.

CSO: 3400/1438

53
KENYA

KANU CHAIRMAN FOR MOMBASA FIGHTS BACK

Nairobi THE WEEKLY REVIEW in English 6 May 83 pp 5-7

[Text] Mr. Shariff Nassir, the MP for Mombasa Central and Kanu Mombasa

chairman, never takes a blow lying down. After virtually all Mombasa MPs

and senior politicians ranged up against him a fortnight ago and vowed to

"finish" him politically, Nassir responded last weekend in his usual combative manner. The occasion was a fund-raising function in Mombasa to which

Nassir had invited a number of up-country politicians, including Mrs

Phoebe Asiyo, (MP for Karachuonyo) and Mr. Zablon Olang, (assistant minister

for constitutional affairs and MP for Ndhiwa). According to Nassir, his

critics—who include the minister for cooperative development and Kanu

secretary general, Mr. Robert Matano, the secretary general of the Central

Organisation of Trade Unions, Mr. Juma Boy, the MP for Mombasa South,

Mombasa politics since we understand

the local politics well," he said.

The presence of Asiyo and Olang,

however, did point to Nassir's

Mr. Abdallah Mwidau, an assistant

minister for economic planning and

development, Mr. Martin Shikuku, an

assistant minister for water development,

Mr. Kassim Mwamzandi and a former

Mombasa South MP. Mr. Mohammed

Jahazi (see last week's WR) were fools

and that was why Nassir had not

bothered to answer their attacks which

had been made at a meeting at Likoni in

Mombasa. "If you argue with a fool, no

one will notice the difference," Nassir

quipped at the Kanu rally held in the Old

Town. But Nassir was not above putting

forth a few of his own arguments on the

matter. Matano, Nassir claimed, was

politically dead "though he may be still

walking and talking". Nassir thought it

odd that it took his opponents almost

lour years alter the last general election to

come up with the accusation that he had

planted candidates against him in the

1979 election. "I wonder why they have

not complained before," Nassir said. As

far as he was concerned, Nassir said, his

opponents appeared to be singing to the

tune of some wealthy politicians in the

background. "I do not need mercenaries

to come and assist me and my group in

recognition of the different forces which

operate in Mombasa politics. Nassir's opponents had achieved a kind of political

coup when they had got Shikuku to

speak at the Likoni meeting and add his

voice to a general chorus of condemnation of Nassir's brand of politics.

Shikuku was not as forthright in his attacks on Nassir as were Matano and his

coastal colleagues, but Shikuku is a

Luhya and many of Nassir's constituents

in Mombasa Central are Luhya, so

Shikuku's association with Nassir's foes

could have an adverse effect on Nassir's

support in Mombasa Central. Furthermore, Shikuku arrived at the Likoni

meeting shortly after a highly publicised

and successful fund-raising campaign in

Butere at which President Daniel arap

Moi had officiated and at which the

president had said some ver praiseworthy things about Shikuku. rfis presence at

the Likoni meeting and hi* indirect attack

on Nassir could therefore be interpreted

as meaning that Nassir had fallen out of

54
favour with the powers that be and that

his opponents, who included a cabinet

minister (Nassir. is only an assistant

minister), had the green light to go for

the final political kill.

Asiyo's and Olang's presence at

Nassir's rally had the effect of reassuring

the Luo components of Nassir's constituency, and that is a fafrly sizeable part

of his support in Mombasa Central. Both

up-country MPs decried the kind of attacks to which Nassir had been subjected,

but like Shikuku they both avoided being

drawn too deeply into personalities.

Olang's presence at the meeting was particularly interesting. Olang is not only an

assistant minister for constitutional affairs but is known to be very close to his

minister, Mr. Charles Njonjo. Indeed he

is said to be the closest politician to

Njonjo among all Luo politicians. Njonjo,

on the other hand is also very close to

Juma Boy and some of Nassir's critics at

the coast. Indeed, in the past when Nassir

has complained that his opponents at the

coast were acting at the behest of some

"godfather" whom he would not publicly

name, it is thought that he had Njonjo in

mind. Olang's seeming support for Nassir

last weekend could therefore be rather

confusing for Nassir's opponents, but

then it could'also be part of the changing

politics in Kenya which only the

protagonists appear to know well. In any

case, if Nassir's opponents had thought

that he had fallen out of favour with the

powers that be, they must have stopped

and pondered the fact that at the public

rally the money Nassir contributed as a

harambee donation included a personal

donation of Shs. 10,000 from President

Moi. That presidential donation may, like

Olang's presence at the rally in support of

Nassir, be just another of the twists and

turns of Kenya politics today.

CSO: 3400/1438

55
KENYA

NTIMAMA TAKES ISSUE WITH PROBE REPORT

Nairobi THE WEEKLY REVIEW in English 6 May 83 pp 7-8

[ Text ] WHILE the two giants of Maasai poli-'

tics in Kajiado have been doing verbal

battle with each other, in Narok a different

kind of battle appears to be going on with

only one of the protagonists, Mr. William

Ntimama, Kanu chairman for Narok and

Narok county council chairman, doing

the talking, whilst the other - Mr. Justus

ole Tipis, the minister of state in the office of the president and MP for Narok

North, retains an impeccable silence.

Ntimama was goaded into issuing a press

statement last week in response to a

report of a minister of local government

probe committee which has recommended a number of measures, including

surcharges, against Ntimama and the

Narok county council clerk for illegal use

of council vehicles and for approving

.illegal allocation of council land to individuals, (see last week's WR). Ntimama

in a press statement last week admitted to

allowing a council grader to be used in

the building of an airstrip on the farm of

a former vice-president, Mr. Joseph

Murumbi. Ntimama said that the use of

the grader was proper in that the airstrip

served the Flying Doctor Service and

Police Air Wing and that the construction of the air strip was "a noble service not only to a great man such as Mr.

Murumbi but also to the people of

Kilgoris and the republic.".Furthermore,

Ntimama said, Murumbi had met all the

fuel costs for the grader, and housed and

fed the driver throughout the period in

which the grader had been used at the

former vice-president's farm in Kilgoris.

Ntimama takes issue with almost

every point in the probe committee's

report. He disputes the contention by the

committee that he misused council

vehicles. He denies that he has used his

official car outside Narok for any trip

which was not official. Regarding the

charge by the committee that he used his

official vehicle to goto his farm at Melili,

Ntimama says Melili Farm is his home

arid that it fs In Narok and in his location.

"Am I not allowed to go home, right at

my birthplace?" Ntimama asks in his

press statement. He also claims that his

driver was ordered by the probe committee to sign a document under threat of

being sacked if he did not tell the committee that he had taken two gallons of

milk to Ntimama's children in Nairobi in

the official vehicle. The driver, Ntimama

claims, went to Nairobi on an official trip

and the fact that he had an accident on

his way back had nothing to do with

Ntimama.

Ntimama is likewise not happy about

the accusation by the commute that his

council had entertained lavishly on

various occasions to the tune of Shs

44,000 which had been spent "on food

and beer" for councillors "and unnamed

guests". Ntimama's press statement

provides the names of all guests entertained by the council-and they \aelude two cabinet ministers. (Mr. Charles

Rubia and Mr. Stanley Oloitipitip when

each respectively was minister for local

government) and councillors from a

number of Rift Valley local government

authorities. Ntimama makes the point

that the council did not over-spend its entertainment vote in any of these occasions.

On the issue of allocation ji' plots in

Narok, Ntimama claims that all

allocations mentioned by the probe committee as irregular "show that the chairman of the plot allocation committee

56
who is the district commissioner of

Narok signed the plot allocation records

as correct". Most of the allocations in

question were done in 1978 and of thesethe probe committee wants .178

allocations cancelled forthwith. Instead of

those allocations, the probe committee

has recommended that the council stick

to the provisions of a circular which

went out to all government authorities in

January this year stipulating the

procedures for plot allocation. Ntimäma

thinks this is asking too much. How were

the councillors sitting to allocate plots in

1978 to know that a circular nullifying

their allocations would be issued six

years later?

According to Ntimama the whole

probe issue is politically motivated by

people (he does not name them) bent on

having the council dissolved. Ntimama

contends that his political enemies got

together a group of people in Narok and

sent them to Nairobi on February 3 this

year to make a statement to the ministry

of local government demanding that the

Narok County Council be dissolved.

They submitted a twenty-point

memorandum which, Ntimama claims,

became the bible of the probe committee

which was subsequently formed to investigate the finances and management of

,the council. "The twenty-point

memorandum was compiled by my

political opponents and it was based on

gossip and hearsay," Ntimama claims.

"Right from the word go, the probe team

adopted an arrogant and biased attitude

in their investigations. They were under

pressure to find grey areas at all costs.

During their five weeks stay in Narok,

this team did not interview me although I

had availed myself to them. They did not

want to hear the other point of view."

The other point of view, as far as

Ntimama and his supporters in Narok

are concerned, is that their council is

among the three best run councils in the

country. Not only does Narok County

Council not face any financial crises "like

other local authorities", Ntimama claims,

but it manages to provide a host of services to the people of the district. "Every

year, Narok County Council spends Shs

800,000 to assist wananchi in putting up

extra classrooms, building dispensaries

and for the construction of cattle dips,"

his press statement said. "Every year my

council spends Shs 140,000 on school

bursaries to help needy and disabled

children in secondary schools. . . . The

relations between councillors and chief

officers and the employees have always

been very cordial. We can claim to be

among the best three councils in the

republic."

In view of the above, Ntimama insists,

the investigations into the affairs of the

council "have not come to us because of

mismanagement of our affairs but

because some politician wanted to get

Narok County Council dissolved under

any circumstances and also to get my

name smeared." ,

In the past the only politician who has

done battle with Ntimama in Narok is

Tipis,, but Tipis was not about to rise to

Ntimama's bait on the issue. He

remained, as usual, silent.

CSO: 3400/1438

57
KENYA

NTIMAMA TAKES ISSUE WITH PROBE REPORT

Nairobi THE WEEKLY REVIEW in English 6 May 83 pp 7-8

[Text] WHILE the two giants of Maasai poli-'

tics in Kajiado have been doing verbal

battle with each other, in Narok a different

kind of battle appears to be going on with

only one of the protagonists, Mr. William

Ntiniama, Kanu chairman for Narok and

Narok county council chairman, doing

the talking, whilst the other - Mr. Justus

ole Tipis, the minister of state in the office of the president and MP for Narok

North, retains an impeccable silence.

Ntimama was goaded into issuing a press

statement last week in response to a

report of a minister of local government

probe committee which has recommended a number of measures, including

surcharges, against Ntimama; and the

Narok county council clerk for illegal use

of council vehicles and for approving

illegal allocation of council land to individuals, (see last week's WR). Nümänia

in a press statement last week admitted to

allowing a council grader to be üÄed in

the building of an airstrip on the farm of

a former vice-president, Mr. Joseph

Murumbi. Ntimama said that the use of

the grader was proper in that the airstrip

served the Flying Doctor Service and

Police Air Wing and that the construction of the air strip was "a noble service not only to a great man such as Mr.

Murumbi but also to the people of

Kilgoris and the republic." Furthermore,

Ntimama said, Murumbi had met all the

fuel costs for the grader, and housed and

fed the driver throughout the period in

which the grader had been used at the

former vice-president's farm in KÜgöris.

Ntimamä takes issue with almost

every point in the probe committee's

report. He disputes the contention by the

committee that he misused council

vehicles. He denies that he has used his

official car outside Narok for any trip

which was not official. Regarding the

charge by the committee that he used his

official vehicle to goto his farm at Melili,

Ntimama says MelÜi Farm is his home

and that it is In Narok and fin his location.

"Am I not allowed to go home, right at

my birthplace?" Ntimama asks in his

press statement. He also claims that his

driver was ordered by the probe committee to sign a document under threat of

being sacked if he did not tell the committee that he had taken two gallons of

milk to Ntimama's children in Nairobi in

the official vehicle. The driver, Ntimama

claims, went to Nairobi on an official trip

and the fact that he had an accident on

his way back had nothing to do with

Ntimama.

Ntimama is likewise not happy about

the accusation by the committe that his

council had entertained lavishly on

various occasions to the tune of Shs

44,000 which had been spent "on food

and beer" for councillors "and unnamed

guests". Ntimama's press statement

provides the names of all guests entertained by the council - and they uv

elude two cabinet ministers. (Mr. Charles

Rubia and Mr. Stanley Oloitipitip when

each respectively was minister for local

government) and councillors from a

number of Rift Valley local government

authorities. Ntimama makes the point

that the council did not over-spend its entertainment vote in any of these occasions.

On the issue of allocation ji plots in

Narok, Ntimama claims that all

allocations mentioned by t! .e probe committee as irregular "show that the chairman of the plot allocation committee

56
who is the district commissioner of

Narok signed the plot allocation records

as correct". Most of the allocations in

question were done in 1978 and of these

the probe committee wants .178

allocations cancelled forthwith. Instead of

those allocations, the probe committee

has recommended that the council stick

to the provisions of a circular which

went out to all government authorities in

January this year stipulating the

procedures for plot allocation. Ntimäma

thinks this is asking too much. How were

the councillors sitting to allocate plots in

1978 to know that a circular nullifying

their allocations would be issued six

years later?

According to Ntimama the whole

probe issue is politically motivated by

people (he does not name them) bent on

having the council dissolved. Ntimama

contends that his political enemies got

together a group of people in Narok and

sent them to Nairobi on February 3 this

year to make a statement to the ministry

of local government demanding that the

Narok County Council be dissolved.

They submitted a twenty-point

memorandum which, Ntimama claims,

became the bible of the probe committee

which was subsequently formed to investigate the. finances and management of

,the council. "The twenty-point

memorandum was compiled by my

political opponents and it was based on

gossip and hearsay," Ntimama claims.

"Right from the word go, the probe team

adopted an arrogant and biased attitude

in their investigations. They were under

pressure to find grey areas at all costs#.

During their five weeks stay in Narok,

this team did not interview me although I

had availed myself to them. They did not

want to hear the other point of view."

The other point of view, as far as

Ntimama and his supporters in Narok

are concerned, is that their council is

among the three best run councils in the

country. Not only does Narok County

Council not face any financial crises "like

other local authorities", Ntimama claims,

but it manages to provide a host of services to the people of the district. "Every

year, Narok County Council spends Shs

800,000 to assist wananchi in putting up

extra classrooms, building dispensaries

and for the construction of cattle dips,"

his press statement said. "Every year my

council spends Shs 140,000 on school

bursaries to help needy and disabled

children in secondary schools. . . . The

relations between councillors and chief

officers and the employees have always

been very cordial. We can claim to be

among the best three councils in the

republic."

In view of the above, Ntimama insists,

the investigations into the affairs of the

council "have not come to us because of

mismanagement of our affairs but

because some politician wanted to get

Narok County Council dissolved under

any circumstances and also to get my

name smeared." ,

In the past the only politician who has

done battle with Ntimama in Narok is

Tipis,, but Tipis was not about to rise to

Ntimama's bait on the issue. He

remained, as usual, silent.

CSO: 3400/1438

57
KENYA

EDITORIAL SCORES STRIKES IN ESSENTIAL SERVICES, INDUSTRIES

Nairobi THE KENYA TIMES in English 5 May 83 p 6

[Editorial: "Strikes in Essential Services"]

[Text] Strikes involving workers in an essential service or industry are

illegal in this country. This much is well-known and appreciated by all.

We therefore view with some alarm the decision by the workers of the East

African Power and Lighting Company to go on strike.

The ramifications of such a strike given the fact that the company is the

sole supplier of electrical power for both industrial and domestic use in

this country, are far too wide and serious to ignore. The state would be

failing in its obligation if action were not taken to end such a strike at

once.

We have also noted the attitude of workers who at a time when their colleagues celebrate their day, Labour Day, they choose to go on strike. But

having said all this, we do not imply that workers have no genuine grievances. Nor do we condone the somewhat arrogant attitude of bosses who

deny knowledge of any problems whereas their workers have downed tools.

We, however, cannot fail to see a link in a series of recent events. In

the past we have had robberies by people posing as members of the armed

forces, and two days ago thugs tampered with a rail road causing a derailment of a train. We know we have a few disgruntled and misguided elements

within our midst.

This calls for vigilance from all wananchi against these forces of disruption. We must not allow this country to be derailed from its course of

peace, love and unity.

CSO: 3400/1438
KENYA

ANOTHER SUGAR FACTORY FOR KWALE PROPOSED

Nairobi THE KENYA TIMES in English 28 Apr 83 p 9

[Text] Kwale, Wednesday, (KNA)—Msambweni in Kwale district requires an

additional sugar factory to cater for the sugar cane farmers who are

allegedly not being served effectively by the Ramisi sugar factory.

During a special district development committee (DDC) meeting held at

Kwale county hall recently and chaired by the area district commissioner,

Mr. Antony Oyier, it was decided that the proposed factory be built by

Kwale cooperative societies and if unable any other interested investor

may be given a chance.

The meeting which was held to discuss 1984-88 development plan proposals

for divisional and district development committees also recommended that a

full post office be built in Msambweni and subscribers Trunk Dialling (STD)

facilities be installed in Kwale and Msambweni townships with a connection

to Mombasa.

Addressing the participants the district development officer, Dr. Kerakori

Oigara, who is also the secretary to the committee pointed out that it was

important to take into consideration projects that have already been started

before embarking on new ones, hence abandoning of projects before completion

would be avoided.

He also advised the committee that when recommending proposed projects to

the DDC for implementation, they should be aware of the integrated development policy where all aspects pertaining to the development of such projects

are taken into account so that they do not suffer from coordination setbacks.

Speaking at the same function Oyieri called on civil servants going to a

common destination on official business to travel in one vehicle in order

to save on fuel expenses.

The DC said that since all departments would be getting their development

funds directly at the district divisions, locations and sublocations.

CSO: 3400/1438

59
KENYA

BRIEFS

BAT REVENUE—BAT Kenya Limited contributed shs. 800 million to the government

revenue last year, according to a report issued yesterday by the company's

chairman, Mr. B. M. Gecaya. Noting that the tobacco industry was a major

source of revenue to the government, the report said the company had succeeded in developing an indigenous tobacco crop and that the firm was now

self-sufficient with tobacco requirements. The report further noted that

the tobacco project had saved the country valuable foreign exchange and

assisted tobacco farmers with inputs. The chairman said the company was

anxious to get an export market for Kenya tobacco. To achieve this goal he

said, "We must ensure that Kenya tobacco is of a high quality and is competitively priced". The BAT Kenya Developments poultry business made a

loss for the past three years, according to the report issued by Gecaga

during an annual general meeting. The chairman said failure to obtain

licences for the importation of parent stock day-old chicks, had contributed

to the poor performance. [Text] [Nairobi THE KENYA TIMES in English

6 May 83 p 11]

'KENYA LEO' SOLD OUT—Mombasa, Wednesday, (KNA)—Eager readers grabbed

copies of the Kiswahili newspaper KENYA LEO as soon as they hit the streets

after being launched by President Moi. By mid-morning a number of newspaper

vendors in Mombasa had sold out their copies to enthuasiastic wananchi.

The demand for the newly launched Kanu newspaper KENYA LEO yesterday was

very high in Kakamega town as the paper did not take more than an hour to

be sold out. Interviewed by KNA a daily newspapers distributor in the town,

Mr. Jamin Aluvusia, said a number of old men turned up to buy their Kanu

paper which they said had bigger prints which could enable old people to

read easily. [Text] [Nairobi THE KENYA TIMES in English 5 May 83 p 4]

PAROCHIAL RECRUITMENT REJECTED—The government will not entertain the idea

of recruiting candidates for the National Youth Service on administrative

divisional basis because that will encourage parochialism. This was

stated yesterday in parliament by the minister for regional development,

science and technology, Mr. Nicholas Biwott, while replying to a question

tabled by the MP for Nyambene South, Mr. Mathew Adam Karauri. He has

sought to know the number of young people recruited into the N^ional Youth

Service from Tigania division since the inception of service. Biwott told

Karauri that between 1964 and 1974 there were no records available. Since

then, he said, 335 youngsters from Meru district had been recruited into

60
the service. He added that of the 53 young people recently recruited from

Meru, four were from the member's division. The government is to spend a

total of shs. 55 million to promote water development projects in Busxa

South, an assistant minister for water development, Mr. Kassim Mwamzandi,

told the MP for the area, Mr. Peter Okondo. Mwamzandi who was answerxng a

question told the member that the government was already constructing phase

one of Bunyala-Bumala water project at a cost of shs. 25 million. This

would cover Bunyala South, Bunyala/North, Hakati, Sio Point and Port

Victoria. [Text] [Nairobi THE KENYA TIMES in English 6 May 83 p 5J

CSO: 3400/1438

61
LIBERIA

U.S. REPORTEDLY USES ALL MEANS TO KEEP NATION UNDER ITS INFLUENCE

London WEST AFRICA in English No 3429, 2 May 83 pp 1055-1056

[Text] ON APRIL 12, 1985, an executive President of Liberia shall be inaugurated. Until

then, a lot of politicking is going to take

place as local and external interests sort

out their horses and jockeys in the struggle

for dominance in the constitutional

framework. Most of this activity will take

place behind closed doors. The simple

reason for this is the fact that Head of

State, S. K. Doe has not given any indication of when open political activity will

once again be permitted in Liberia.

The directive for would-be politicians to

declare themselves and resign from their

present official positions within this past

month of April was very strange. If political activity remains banned indefinitely,

why should any official declare their ambitions two years early even if threatened

with exclusion from contesting elections

"when the appropriate time comes"? At

first glance, this question appears difficult

to answer. Furthermore, no clues have

been given because at the time of going to

press, one had not heard of any official

resigning.

Perhaps the clue lies in Article 83(a) of

the draft constitution: "Parties or organisations which, by reason of their aims or

the behaviour of their adherents, seek to

impair or abolish the free democratic

society of Liberia or to endanger the

existence of the Republic shall be denied

registration". This clause will form part of

the basic laws of Liberia from April 12,

1985 onwards if this draft Constitution goes

through. However, Dr. S. K. Doe has

already given himself and the PRC room to

ban anybody now in office from standing

for elections simply because in April 1983

they did not declare themselves. More

importantly, any such ban will be irreversible according to Article 114 of the draft

Constitution which contains Transitional

Provisions rendering inviolate "executive,

legislative, judicial or administrative actions taken by the People's Redemption

Council or by any persons, whether military or civilian, in the name of that Council

The sense and significance of these

clauses becomes clearer when one examines the evolution of the PRC Government in the overall context of Liberian

politics.

The People's Redemption Council was

wildly popular because it appeared to have

come to "redeem" Liberians from bondage

in a domestic system strangely reminiscent

of colonialism. "In the cause of the people

. . . until final victory," the struggle was to

continue. However, this was not to be.

Within one year, the PRC Government

was warning against the introduction of

"foreign ideology" just as the late William

Tolbert had been. Master Sergeant Doe

declared in favour of benevolent capitalism. Commanding General Quiwonkpa

warned against "foreign elements" and

their Liberian Sympathisers allegedly

trying to "introduce socialist and communist ideologies".

What was happening during that year

was the deployment by the US of all its

local and external means to make sure that

Liberia did not wander outside its sphere

of direct influence. With investments of

over $700m. in Liberia, at least three

major intelligence-gathering electronic installations and an extremely large CIA

bureau, plus the powerful Voice, of America transmitter, Liberia was an important

strategic asset to the US, f r. this interest

was openly declared in Washington.

The murder of Preside.it William Tolbert, the execution of 13 leading officials,

62
followed by apparently progressive policy

statement warned the US that there existed

the real possibility that the dominant ideology and politics in Liberia might move

away from direct alignment with the US.

Therefore, Washington worked hard to

keep the soldier boys happy using their

diplomatic and financial muscle as well as

their local allies in the deposed True Whig

Party. It was therefore no surprise when

the PRC Government adopted open hostility to Libya and the Soviet Union in 1981.

Apart from restoring confiscated property to all except the 13 executed TWP True

Whig officials, a quick survey of official

personnel in Liberia since April 12,1980 to

date reads like a True Whig Party government, stage two: One can see Jackson

Doe, former TWP vice-chairman and a

senator, now an adviser to Dr. Doe on

national and international affairs; George

Boley, member of the TWP Task Force (a

think tank), then a PRC Minister of State

for Presidential Affairs, then Education

Minister; Emmanuel Shaw (TWP Task

Force chairman), then a PRC Deputy

Minister of State for Presidential Affairs

(on economic matters); Charles Sherman

(Finance Minister under William Tubman,

then a Senator) a member of the National

Economic Review Committee under the

PRC; Scott Toweh (a TWP executive member, and Deputy Agriculture Minister)

then a PRC Deputy Minister for Postal

Affairs; Sumo Jones (Lofa County Superintendent and a Senator) then Minister of

Commerce before becoming Labour

Minister; Troho Kparghai (TWP executive

member and Postal Affairs Minister) now

chairman of the National Investment Commission; Edward Kesselly (TWP executive

member and Information Minister) then

vice-president of the Mesurado Company

under the PRC; Emmanuel Gardiner

(TWP member and Deputy Economic

Planning Minister) then a PRC Economic

Planning Minister; Mrs. Kesselly, head of

the civil service under the TWP and the

PRC; Patrick Minikon (TWP head of

national security and Assistant National

Security Minister) then a PRC Minister for

National Security; Edward Massaquoi

(head of Tolbert's bodyguard) then a PRC

chief security co-ordinator; Wilfred Clarke

(head of Tolbert's bodyguard before Massaquoi; Deputy National Security Minister) then PRC Director of National Police;

Winston Tubman (TWP member, UN

Ambassador) now Justice Minister; John

Rancy (leading TWP member) now Minister of State for Presidential Affairs.

The populist slogans of the early days have

naturally died down. The economy is being

steered with generous prescriptions and

assistance from the US, the IMF, and the

World Bank. Social indicators have

worsened if anything, and it is reasonable

for top government officials to be very

sensitive to allegations that new-found

wealth and luxury is making them grow fat

and forget the poor people who are still

"catching hard time".

Political activity in Liberia remains banned therefore discussion of this draft Constitution and the direction that politics.

should take in 1985 is a potentially dangerous enterprise. It is not necessarily dangerous for the horses and jockeys wearing the

colours provided by the True Whig Party

and their American allies. Their brand of

politics and attachment to the old ways do

not threaten vested and entrenched interests in Liberia. Therefore, one can speculate on Dr. Doe's presidential ambitions —

is he "respectable enough for US/True

Whig interests, or will they in two years

have found a more suitable candidate,

Alvin Jones, Baccus Matthews? Might

intemperate political activity cause the

military to postpone the return to constitutional rule so that "order" can be restored

and "maturity" be demonstrated? All this

fits in the existing framework. One can also

see the potential for a split between a right

wing of the True Whig Party, and a liberal

wing that could use a Baccus Matthews as a

populist vote-catcher.

But it is harder to see a place for a party

of the Tipotehs, Fahnbullehs and other

Liberians seeking to end the old order and

qualitatively transform the society and the

economy. These Liberians have been disappointed, not reassured, by the evolution

of the "RC, seeing this process as retrogression simply because many old faces

from Tolbert's time are back in office

doing the same old things.

The curious thing about the Liberian

situation is that Dr. Doe's PRC intends

to keep the lid firmly shut on the bubbling

pot of politics. It will be a diffipult undertaking in the next two years.

CSO: 3400/1444

63
LIBERIA

PRC MEMBERS »GIVEN FULL PROTECTION' DURING CIVILIAN RULE

Monrovia NEW LIBERIAN in English 6 May 83 pp 1, 6

[Article by J. Blamo Robinson]

[Text] Members of the People's Redemption Council

have been given full protection under the

draft constitution when the nation returns

to civilian rule in 1985.

According to . the

draft constitution, no

court- or other tribu^

,na'l shall entertain

any action whatsoever

against any persoar or

persons who assisted

in br inging 'about

the change of govern»-

ment in Liberia on

April 12, 1980.

The draft constiturtion also states that

no action shall be

taken against .anyone

in the civilian government, regarding the

suspension of the Liberian constitution Of

July 26, 1847; the establishment, functioning and actions of-the

PRC, the • People'. s

Supreme Court, the

Special 'Military";*Tribuna 1, and other organs,

established by the PRC.

Under the transit-io-h^-

al provisions of the

draft constitution, no

court or other tribunal, shall entertain,

any action against

anyone regarding the

imposition of any

penalties, including

the death penalty, or

the confiscation of

any property by or

under the authority

of the PRC through a

decree made by that

Council in pursuance

i of but not limited, to,

the- measures undertaken by the Council

to punish persons

guilty of crimes and.

malpractices . to the

detriment of the Siberian nation, the

people, the economy,or

the public interest.

The draft constitution also states th.t

all treaties,executive

and other international agreements concluded by the PRC Govern64
ment or prior governments in the name of

the"'Republic- of*Liberia

shall continue1 to be

valid and binding on

the Republic.

Also, all foreign anddomestic debts or

other loans and obligations contracted by

the PRC Government or

prior governments, or

any agency or other

authority In the»name

of the Republic of Liberia shall continue

to be binding on and

enforceable by the

Republic of Liberia..

According to the

draft constitution, the

Legislature shall, by

statute enacted no

ia^feir than one year

afteir the coming into

force of the constitution, prescribe the

guidelines and determine the. procedures

under which the President shabby reason

of illnessf be declared f incapable of

carrying out the

functions and duties

of his office.

The person so elected

President of Liberia

shall be inaugurated

as President on April

12, 1985, and the constitution shall come,

into force simultaneously with the inauguration.

CSO; 3400/1450

65
LIBERIA

PROVISIONS OF NEW DRAFT CONSTITUTION ANALYZED

London WEST AFRICA in English No 3429, 2 May 83 pp 1054-1055

[Article by Eddie Momoh]

[Text] THE RULING People's Redemption

Council (PRC) has released texts of the

new draft constitution presented to it on

the eve of this year's Redemption Day on

April 12. The draft contains 13 chapters

with at least 115 articles. Unlike the dusty,

bulky and complicated 1847 suspended

constitution, this new document is simple

and straightforward. It is more a reality of

the present political trends in this century's

Liberia than the archaic document which

governed the country until 1980.

The draft document stipulates that the

government shall be divided into three

branches: the legislature, executive and

judiciary with emphasis on their independence from each other. The executive shall

be the President and his cabinet ministers,

the legislature will be made up of a Senate

and a House of Representatives, both of

which must have equal powers to legislate.

Each bill or resolution which shall have

passed both houses before it becomes law,

will be laid before the President for his

approval. If the President grants approval,

it shall become law. If, on the other hand,

he does not approve the bill or resolution,

he shall return it with his objections to the

House in which it originated. In so doing,

the President may disapprove of the entire

bill or item or items thereof.

This clause in Chapter V, Article 37, of

the new draft constitution, sharply contrasts with the old document which undeT

Article 2, Section 1, effectively and implicitly gave the President overriding powers

to go ahead with a resolution or bill with

little consideration for either the House of

Representatives or the Senate after they

had first seen the bill. And unlike the 1847

colonial relic which said that for any citizen

to become a legislator, he "must own and

live in a hut for which he pays the hut tax",

Article 32 of the new draft document

emphasises that any citizen of Liberia may

become a legislator as long as he or she had

attained the age of 25 years and been

domiciled in the constituency to be represented not less than one year prior to the

time of seeking election.

The senate shall be composed of senators elected for a term of eight years by the

registered voters while the House of Representatives shall be elected for a term of

four years, also by registered voters. Any

member elected to either of the houses

through a by-election will only have to

serve the remaining term of a member

whose death, expulsion or resignation had

in the first place created the vacancy.

Like the previous document, the new

draft states that the executive powers of

the Republic shall be vested in the President who shall be Head of State, Government and commander-in-chief of the

armed forces of Liberia. But unlike the old

document which is elaborately vague on

either the election of the President or his

dismissal, the new draft constitution stipu/

lates that the President of the next Republic shall be elected by universal adult

suffrage of registered votes (and not property owners as in the old constitution) and

shall hold office for four years. And no

person shall be President for more than

two consecutive terms. He may, however,

be a candidate after the lapse of at least

one term; he may also be rem<~'ed from

office by impeachment for treason, bribery

and other felonies, violation of the constitution or gross misconduct. Whatever al!

these will mean depend on the interpretation

66
of the Supreme court. The vice-President may

succeed the President for reasons of death,

resignation, impeachment or otherwise.

The Chief Justice will be the head of the

Judiciary. He and the associate justices of

the Supreme Court shall, with the consent

of the Senate, be appointed by the President who also has wide powers to many

other public appointments.

Chapter VIII deals with political parties

and elections. It says all elections shall be

by secret ballot of every Liberian citizen

"of sound mind, except members of the

Police and the armed forces", and being

not less than 18 years of age, shall have the

right to be a member of a political party.

Under the same chapter. Article 82

emphasises that no association, by whatever name, shall function as a political party

unless such body meets the minimum

requirements laid down by the Electoral

Commission and is registered with it. Registration requirements shall include filing

with the Electoral Commission a copy of

the constitution of the association and

guidelines of the independent candidate

and his organisation, a detailed statement

of the names and addresses of the association and its officers and fulfilment of the

provisions of sub-sections (b), (c), (d) and

(e) hereof. A denial of registration or

failure by the Electoral Commission to

register any applicant may be challenged

by the applicant in the supreme court.

But according to Article 83, parties or

organisations which, by reason of their

aims or the behaviour of their adherents,

seek to impair or abolish the free democratic society of Liberia or to endanger the

existence of the Republic shall be denied

registration; others who may have been

registered but have during campaign displayed physical force or coercion in promoting any political objective, shall have

their registration revoked. A deposit, in an

amount to be determined by the Electroal

Commision, shall be paid by or on behalf

of each candidate for an elective office and

said deposit shall be forfeited unless the

candidates polls at least 5 per cent of the

total votes cast in an election.

Furthermore, the returns of any election

shall be declared only by the Electoral

Commission not later than 15 days after

voting and any person or party who complains about the manner in which the

elections were conducted or who challenges the results thereof, shall have the

right to file a complaint with the Electoral

Commission. Such complaints must be

filed not later than seven days after the

announcement of the results of the elections. Subsequently, the Electoral Commission shall, within 30 days of receipt of

the complaint conduct an impartial investigation and render a decision which may

involve a dismissal of the complaint or a

nullification of the election of a candidate.

Any political party or independent candidate affected by such decision, shall not

later than seven days appeal against it to

the Supreme Court.

Significantly too, the new draft constitution makes provisions for an independent

Judiciary Service commission, an Electoral

commission, Office of Auditor General

and an Ombudsman commission whose

members are to be appointed by the

President BUT wifh the recommendation

of the Senate.

CSO: 3400/1444

67
LIBERIA

DOE'S 'POLICY REVERSAL' STUNS, CONFOUNDS OBSERVERS

Monrovia DAILY OBSERVER in English 3 May 83 pp 1, 10

[Excerpt]

In what appears to be a stunning policy reversal, the Head of

State, CIG Samuel K. Doe, said Sunday that Government officials

who did not resign against his April 30 deadline "would have the opportunity to run for elective positions when the ban (on politics) is

lifted".

In a highly dramatic reaction to the resignations, announced Saturday of Mr. G.

Baccus Matthews, Director

General of the Cabinet, Mr.

Oscar Qaiah, Managing

Director of the National

Housing Authority (NHA),

and Mr. Marcus Dann,

Deputy NHA Managing

Director for Technics! Services, the Head of State said

he did not believe that there

were only, "three" potential

potitkians kt the country.

"Those who did not

resign", he sssid, "«re wöimg

to wait for the appropriate

time".

"With only three persons

resigning", be said, "the

Council is sufficiently convinced that the majority of

Government officials and

pabHk corporation executives

are willing to work for the

promotion of the goals and

objectives of the PRC

Government".

The Head of State said he

believed that there were hundreds of other citizens who

envision a political future,

but were not anxious to

resign from the Government

at this time.

It was against this

background that the Head of

State threw this bombshell:

"...as the process of civilian

rule gains momentun, such

dedicated, patient and willing individuals would have

the opportunity to run for

elective positions when the

ban is lifted".

Ban On Politics

Meanwhile, the Head of

State cautioned Messrs. "Matthews, Quiah and Dahn "to

remember that the ban on

political activities is in force

and they should govern

themselves accjrdingly".

By that announcement, the

Head of State has simply

68
stunned and confounded

observers of the political

scene...and politicians as

well.

'Not A Trap'

What does he mean by that

statement? What did he mean by

the March 30 statement in the

first place? Does his statement

Sunday cancel out his firs'

statement, or does it simply

fulfill if? Did he anticipate who

might have resigned? Or was he

simply testing the loyalty, patience and dedication of his

lieutenants? Are all Government

officials now free to contest elections in 1985? If so, how does

this match with his March 30

statement? Finally, was the

March 30 statement a trap?

These are some of the poignant questions that have suddenly beset the minds of Liberians

and people around the world,

who have been closely watching

political developments in Liberia

during the last several weeks.

The last question was

answered last Wednesday by the

Minister of Information, Dr.

Peter Naigow, who called the

press to the Ministry's conference room and announced

that "Dr. Doe's statement (of

March 30) was not a trap"

None of the reporters who attended the crowded press conference,

suggested that it was a trap; it was

the Minister's voluntary submission

that it was not.

Dr. Naigow reiterated the Head of

State's concern, that those who remained in Government while I.jrboring political airibitions for 1985

could be engaging in conflict of interest.

The Information Minister then

declared that those Government officials who' did ii&t resign from office "would be barred from politics,

whether they engaged in clandestine

political activities or not".

CSO: 3400/1450

69
LIBERIA

NATION MEETS IMF CRITERIA, TO RECEIVE ADDITIONAL FUNDS UNDER SDR

Monrovia NEW LIBERIAN in English 3 May 83 pp 1, 6

[Article by Sam H. Johnson]

[Excerpt] Liberia has met the criteria of the International Monetary Fund

(MF), and is to receive an additional $10 million under its Special Drawing

Right (SDR) by the end of this month.

The amount is part of Liberia's request from the IMF for budgetary support

amounting to about $100 million for the 1982/83 fiscal year. Liberia has

so far received about $80 million from the IMF.

But Acting Finance Minister, Captain John Bestman says there is another IMF

condition the nation must satisfy if it is to receive the $10 million.

According to Minister Bestman in an interview yesterday, Liberia will have to

pay out some $8 to $10 million due external creditors as of May 14 in order

to obtain full eligibility for the IMF drawing.

Minister Bestman is optimistic that Liberia would meet this requirement as in

the case of the first, adding, "we have already begun to gather the needed

resources."

Regarding the IMF performance criteria met last Friday by the Liberian Government, Minister Bestman said this was done well below the requirement.

Explaining why the limitation on government's expenditures as required by the

IMF, Minister Bestman said it is most essential that during period of economic

adjustment that expenditure be kept in line with revenue intake.

He said it was also important to limit the amount government borrows from

public banks because if government continues to compete for the same resources

as other sectors, this will limit the public banks' services to these other

sectors.

Minister Bestman said it was equally important that foreign re sources of the

National Bank of Liberia be kept in relation to what it owes abroad. Asked why

particular attention is paid on meeting the IMF requirements, Minister Bestman

said this was so because most assistance to the country are tied to its standing with the international financial body.

CS0; 3400/1450 70
LIBERIA

NINE NATIONALS TO TAKE THREE-MONTH AGRICULTURAL TRAINING IN ROK

Monrovia NEW LIBERIAN in English 3 May 83 p 7

[Text] Nine Liberians have been selected to undergo a three month training

programmes in various agricultural fields in the Republic of Korea.

The training programmes are to be conducted as a follow-up of the agreement

between Korean and Liberian government signed during Head of State Samuel K.

Doe's visit to Korea in May last year to strengthen cooperation between the

two countries.

The first batch of the participants, Alvin Harris and K. Obe Quoi, both of the

Agriculture Ministry, departed here Sunday for Korea to study livestock feeding

and management. Their training programme will run from May to July.

The second group, comprising of Lt. Andrew Naimah, Thomas Freeman, S. Momo

Kromah, Matthew Browne, C. Nathaniel Porte, and Edwin Bonar are to leave here

at the end of the month.

Naimah and Freeman will study agricultural mechanization; Kromah and Browne

will be trained in rice production; while Porte and Bonar will undergo training in fresh water agriculture. Their programme also covers three months.

The Deputy Minister for Technical Services at the Rural Development Ministry,

Captain J. Edward Saygbe will leave on October to undergo a three-month rural

development technology programme.

Mr. Tae Ik Chung, counsellor at the Korean Embassy here, said yesterday that

his government expects the nine Liberians to effectively contribute to the

agricultural productivity of Liberia after their training in Korea.

CSO: 3400/1450

71
LIBERIA

CIVIL SERVANTS TO RECEIVE APRIL PAYCHECKS ON 'SCHEDULED BASIS'

Monrovia NEW LIBERIAN in English 3 May 83 pp 1, 6

[Article by J. N. Elliott]

[Text] Civil Servants are to begin receiving their April pay-checks this

morning, according to Acting Finance Minister John Bestman in an interview

yesterday evening.

However, the disbursement of pay-checks will be made on a scheduled basis,

meaning all ministries and agencies will not be paid today. Some will receive their pay during the course of this week, the Minister added.

Mr. Bestman said civil servants should have begun receiving their pay earlier

but the delay was due to the printing of the checks by the United Security

Insurance on Randall Street, Monrovia.

The Acting Minister said in order to arrest the delay in the disbursement of

civil servants' checks, government has purchased a computer (Wang) that would

be used in the printing of government checks.

The equipment, he said, will also be used to store soft and hardware information. Bestman did not elaborate on the type of information of which he spoke.

According to him, the computer estimated at less than $200,000 has already

arrived in the country. It will be installed within the Ministry of Planning

and Economic Affairs soon, he said.

Asked what government had been using all along to print its checks, he said:

"We were paying $200,000, annually for the use of a renter IBM computer,

whose lease agreement expired last December.

CSO: 3400/1450

72
LIBERIA

'BLASTING CAPS' REPORTEDLY STOLEN FROM EXCHEM

Monrovia NEW LIBERIAN in English 5 May 83 pp 1, 6

[Article by J. N. Elliott]

[Excerpt]

The West African Explosive and Chemicals

Limited (EXCHEM),

located in Marshall

Territory, Montserrado County, has been

burglarized. Authoritative sources there

say more that 10,000

units of explosives

have been discovered

missing.

The burglary reportedly occurred on

April 23, following a

power blockout .'at

EXCHEM's plant, a few

miles from the Roberts

International Airport,

security sources probing the case said

Tuesday.

They (security sources ) told the NEW'

LIBERIAN that the burglary might have been

an "inside job", owing

to the fact that .it

was repo rte dly'"." di s -

covered minutes after

the power outage

during.. the second

shift "{10 p.m.), April

23..

According to reports,

' once the power was restored, it was discovered that magazine

number one (a storage

facility) had been

broken into and the

explosives ;.reportedly

stolen. The .storage

w;as - said to have 'been

locked prior to; the

power' failure. :

'

:vSö ".fax., Dixön Gbann,

. custodian for the six

strbrage facilities at

EXCHEM, along with two'

. of the plant's security guards whose iden- !

tities remain undis- I

closed, are being investigated by the CID

in Marshall for their

suspected involvement

in the alleged theft.

Probe into the af-

'fair began April 2k,

It is being held at

the Robertsfield

branch of the CID, the

NEW LIBERIAN reliably

learned Tuesday.

73
Commander Molley K.

Johnson of the RIA Detachment of the CID,

along with a top EX-'

CHEM security personnel who are said tobe

leading the inquiry,

are reportedly in pursuit of an alleged accomplice identified as

Amos Gardiah, a casual

employee at the explosive plant.

CID agents are said

to have established

that the back of the

fence surrounding the

plant had been used

as entrance and exit'

routes by the alleged

burglars.

It is also believed

that the alleged theft

was an "inside job",

because, the second

door leading - to

Storage . No. one, had

reportedly been left

opened. , The first of

two doors which hadr"

been locked was opened,

but neither the locks

nor " the explosives

have been .retrieved,

plant sources added.

They also disdlosed

that, besides suspect ..

Gba>m, three qth«rs

within the plant-rs

heirar.chy also possessed keys to the magazines. However, they

have not yet been forwarded for questioning

_by the CID.

The case, . being

pieced together by the.

CID and other security

forces, is a two-fold

one. First, the burglary as a crime by

itself, and,, the motive for taking the

particular items since,,

according to our sources, explosives can

only be bought upon

acquiring a permit

from government Justice machinery, specifying _ the purpose for

which the explosives

are required.

. When Mr. R. D. Stanger, General Manager

of Exchem, was contacted Tuesday by the

NEW LIBERIAN, he confirmed the alleged

theft.However, 'he disclosed - that it was

only., "blasting caps"

that had been stolen.

He did not elaborate.

CSO; 3400/1450

74
LIBERIA

BAKERS SAY POOR QUALITY NMC FLOUR MAY CAUSE BREAD OUTPUT TO CEASE

Monrovia DAILY OBSERVER in English 5 May 83 p 12]

[Article by T-Max Taah]

[Text]

The bakers said that the

quality of flour produced by

the National Milling Company in Buchanan, Bassa

County, is not good few baking quality bread. This could'

end in the suspension- of production of bread,' they warned.

The National Milling

Company was granted a

monopoly for the production

and supply of LI^R FLOUR

last December when ihe

Commerce Ministry announced a ban on the importation of flour in Liberia.

Displaying bags of rejected

bread reportedly baked Tuesday night, the acting president of the Bakers Association, Carlos Martin, told the

Daily Observer that consumers were refusing their

products because of the

unusual texture of the bread.

He said as a result of this,

bakeries are losing thousands

of dollars daily.

The bakers also disclosed the

present condition of the* locally

CSO: 3400/1450

produced flour has greatly affected the life span (four days)

of a loaf of bread. They put the

life of bread baked from LIFE

FLOUR to ftrdJiy after which

"the bread starts to get rotten".

The bakers -charged that

since the ban, the National

Milling Company had failed

to "exercise quality control

because there are no competitors".

Apart from this, they said,

locally produced flour is sold

at $33 against the $27

previously charged for a bag

of imported flour.

"Inspite of this increase of

eight dollars in the price of a

bag of Life Flour, we have

been told not to increase the

price of bread. This flour

problem has made things

even worse financially", the

bakers noted. , The bakers averredthafto

avoid ä possible closure of

bakeries in the contry, they

have launched What is referred to as "reflex action"

under which LIFE FLOUR is

still being used.

But the Manager of

Liberia's largest bakery, Mr.

Livoti Ealio of Monrovia

Bakery, said this would not

continue for long as losses increase financially.

The association, therefore,

recommended that ^the

Government lift the ban_par-

'tially. "Let 50tper cent of the

market be opened for the importation <af, flour", they

said.

The bakers noted that

opening of the market partially would force the National Milling Company to

improve its flour and give

consumers and bakers the

choice for quality bread.

Deputy Commerce

Minister, Clarence Momolu,

who met with the ninemembSr association expressed Government's concern

over the issue and promised

that the case would be

studied for an immediate

solution.

75
LIBERIA

MILITARY TRIBUNAL COUNSELLOR. RESIGNS TO ENTER POLITICS IN 1985

Monrovia DAILY OBSERVER in English 4 May 83 pp 1, 10

[Excerpt]

The Defense Counsel of the

Special Military Tribunal,

Counsellor E. Wade Appleton,

has resigned in order to enter

politics in 1985.

Appleton, a tough-minded

and highly principled lawyer,

resigned last Friday, April 29.

In a letter to the Defense

Minister, Maj. Gen. Gray D.

Allison, Counsellor Appleton

said he was not seeking the

presidency, but possessed "a

strong desire to organise a

Democratic Party to contest for

seats in the House of Representatives and the Senate."

He was actually the second

person to resign, after Mr.

Gabriel Kpoleh, a night school

teacher (April 26), in response to

the Head of State's call on all

government officials with

political aspirations to resign by

April 30 or be barred from

politics in 1985.

The Head of State has sihce

reversed his directive, following

the resignation of Cabinet Director General G. Baccus Matthews, Mr. Oscar J. Quiah,

Managing Director of the National Housing Authority, and

the Deputy NHA Managing

Director, Mr. Marcus Dahn.

The Head of State took the

country by complete surprise

when, on Sunday, after receiving

the three resignations, he

declared that those Government

officials who hadinottresigned would,

be free to run tot political office

in the 1985 elections.

•When contacted and asked

what would be his position in the

light ofthe Head of State's latest

statement, Counsellor Appleton

replied that he was standing firm

by his resignation.

He said he was never inducted

into the Army, but was only asked by the Government to serve

"on the Military Tribunal as

Defense Counsel.

Defense Minister Allison confirmed yesterday that he had

"accepted" Mr. Appleton's

resignation and had forwarded it

to the Head of State for his

"final approval".

The purpose of his party, he

said, would be to critically

monitor as an opposition, the

democratic principles of

whatever ruling paifcy may be in

power.

In an interview with the Daily

Observer at the weekend,

Counsellor Appieton said he

would make Monrovia his base,

but would enlist membership

from throughout the country.

He said when the ban on

politics is lifted, "hopefully

within four to five months", he

will begin campaigning for

membership, and for seats in the

new Legislature.

CSO; 3400/1450

76
LIBERIA

BRIEFS

LOANS TO AFC FOR REVITALIZATION—A French agricultural institution,

Caisse Centrale, and the Liberia Bank for Development and Investment

(LBDI), are to provide $31 million under a loan agreement, to the

African Fruit Company (AFC) in Sinoe County, to help revitalize its operations. The African Fruit Company, a subsidiary of the Mesurado Group of

Companies, was early last year shut down because of mismanagement and acute

financial problems. Under the loan agreement, Caisse Centrale is to provide

$25 million, while LBDI will provide $6 million. During a meeting held

yesterday with the two institutions, Agriculture Minister, Joseph N.

Boakai, said that his Ministry had for the last few months been concerned

about the closure of AFC. He, however, promised to adapt all possible

measures in restoring tranquility on farms operated by AFC so as to ensure

the successful implementation of agricultural programs throughout the country.

[Excerpt] [Monrovia DAILY OBSERVER in English 6 May 83 pp 1, 10]

THIRTY-DAY ULTIMATUM CLARIFIED—The Co-Chairman of the PRC, Major General J.

Nicholas Podier, Jr., Tuesday clarified that Head of State Doe's 30-day ultimatum given political aspirants "was a strategy designed to find out those

who were committed to the government or over ambitious for political office." .

According to Vice Head of State Podier, CIC Doe's ultimatum was never intended

as an intimidation to any official serving in the PRC administration. CoChairman Podier made the clarification in the joint assembly chambers of the

Capital when members of the Council met with representatives from the Ministries of State, Finance, Information, Defense, Planning and Economic Affairs

as well as the National Bank of Liberia for briefing on the state of the national economy. Gen Podier used the occasion to thank officials of government

who did not resign and reiterated that the PRC "Stands by its commitment to

return Liberia to civilian rule by 1985." [Excerpt] [Monrovia NEW LIBERIAN

in English 5 May 83 pp 1, 3]

CSO; 3400/1450

77
MADAGASCAR

PARTY LEADERS EXPRESS VIEWS ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS

Major Party Leaders' Views

Antananarivo MADAGASCAR MATIN in French 19 Apr 83 p 2

[Text] RADIO FRANCE INTERNATIONALE [RFI], which had previously broadcast an

interview with President Didier Ratsiraka (see our 8 April edition),

yesterday devoted considerable air time to several Malagasy personalities.

RFI broadcast the various interviews its special correspondent, Philippe

Leymarie, had with two Malagasy journalists—Jacob Andriambelo, the head of

MADAGASCAR MATIN, and Remi Ralibera, president of the Council of the Order

of Journalists—and with the heads of the leading parties in the FNDR [National Front for the Defense of the Revolution]. Interview subjects included

President Didier Ratsiraka, who is also secretary general of AREMA [Vanguard

of the Malagasy Revolution]; Richard Andriamanjato, the national president

of the AKFM/KDRSM [Congress Party for Malagasy Independence/Democratic

Committee to Support the Malagasy Socialist Revolution], and the national

president of VITM [People's Movement for National Unity], Marojama

Razanabahiny.

Mr Andriamanjato answered our RFI colleague's questions by introducing

listeners to his party.

"The AKFM," he said, "is along with MONIMA [National Movement for the

Independence of Madagascar] the oldest of Madagascar's political parties. At

the present time, AKFM is pleased to see that the ideas it has espoused for

some years have now been embodied in a governmental program for the entire

country, by means of the Charter of the Malagasy Socialist Revolution. Not

only that, but AKFM is playing a large role in the evolution of Madagascar's

policy by virtue of its international ties, which have been maintained

throughout the neocolonial period, under all the various regimes that have

been in power here. We have always maintained ties with the progressive

countries, the progressive parties around the world and the socialist

countries. And I think that AKFM makes a considerable contribution to

Malagasy policy in this way." In answer to the question wha'. distinguishes

AKFM from the united front: "I would say that we have offered a very clear

alternative, and this is what distinguishes us from the others. Namely, from

78
the start we endorsed scientific socialism, for a planned economy, for

rationalized organization of society; we also militated for greater discipline

in the country at every level. In all these particular fields, we think

that we have more experience than the other parties currently m the front.

Then I should also say that, not only because of its approach to problems but

also with respect to relations between the leaders of the country, AKDM _

by its very existence (it is 25 years old this year) and indeed because of it

enjoys a certain prestige in the country as the flag-bearer, if you will, of

that incessant struggle that began with the pursuit of independence and

continues in the effort to build the new society."

The Secretary General of AREMA Speaks

Then it came time for AREMA's secretary general, Mr Didier Ratsiraka, to

speak on behalf of his party. "Certainly, at least in the decentralized

communities, AREMA has had to turn over a new leaf. That is, we fielded new

candidates but those who were not unworthy, those who have done a good job,

have remained in their positions, and the people gave them a vote of confidence. Now in terms of leadership, we are preparing for the future, we are

training leaders for the next generation; and the results are a clear and _

irrefutable proof of the fact that the majority of the population believes in

AREMA, because they have seen its performance. One would have to be blind

not to see what AREMA has done.

The VITM

Next, Mr Razanabahiny Marojama, the national president of Vonjy [VITM],

talked about his political movement. "I think," he said, "that a party is

always created by its relationship to some particular historic event. And

what distinguishes us from the other parties is that it was created at a

historic moment for Madagascar, namely in 1973, on 28 February, when the

country was more or less on the verge of making a major historical blunder,

turning to tribalism. That is to say that some regions in Madagascar were

almost compaigning against other ethnic groups, and it was at that point that

we thought it was necessary to create a party to preserve national unity, so

that the people of every region would feel themselves to be citizens of

Madagascar."

Tomorrow we will look into a subject discussed by Philippe Leymarie's

interlocutors, namely the issue of multi-party or single-party government.

Views on Single-Party System

Antananarivo MADAGASCAR MATIN in French 20 Apr 83 pp 1, 2

[Text] We continue with the series of interviews with eminent Malagasy

personalities that RADIO FRANCE INTERNATIONALE [RFI] broadcast on Monday 18

April. Also, today we will discuss a sensitive issue which is exciting

considerable debate in Malagasy political circles: two-party versus oneparty government.

79
First of all, RFI's special correspondent turned to President Didier

Ratsiraka. "Well, in general, when one forms a political party it is in

order to try to come to power. From that standpoint, everyone does what he

think he has to do. But in terms of mobilizing the population to make the

revolution a success, I think that—and this is a general self-criticism—

speaking in terms of AREMA, AKFM, Vonjy, MFM [Militants for the Establishment of a Proletarian Regime] or MONIMA—I think that the situation is not

yet satisfactory (...)." (The president continued with the remarks published

in our 8 April edition).

Next to speak on this prickly issue was the head of AKFM, Richard

Andriamanjato, who said: "Our relations with President Ratsiraka could be

described as excellent. Moreover, our relations did not begin with the

creation of the AREMA party. AKFM's relations with Didier Ratsiraka date

back to before 1975, in other words to before the Red Book and the new

Constitution. Back then we were trying to grapple with the question of the

country's future. Even back then we had said that it was essential for

Madagascar's leftist movements to unite in order to build a new society. And

people even went so far as to consider the creation of a new party, a single

party. The front at the time was not considered a party front; instead,

it was considered there should be a single party, a youth organization, a

women's organization, a single trade federation, and the army, and that these

would be the five component elements of the front.

"Unfortunately," the AKFM leader continued, "we were unable to create the

single party for various reasons involved with our historical development,

and so we created a party front. In my opinion, the role Didier Ratsiraka

has played is an important one, and a successful one in terms of Madagascar's

political history, because since 1947 that history can be summed up as a

continuing search for a way to unite the country's progressive elements. And

it was Didier Ratsiraka who succeeded in doing this, by establishing the

front which now embraces all the leftist elements in the Malagasy political

9516

CSO: 3419/859

80
PARTY ACTIVITIES TO BE INTENSIFIED

Blantyre DAILY TIMES in English 15 Apr 83 p 2

MALAWI

[Text] THE three-day Regional Party conferences

which were held in the

Southern, Northern and

Central regions ended

on Wednesday with delegates pledging to intensify Party activities.

The South passed 11

resolutions, the North 12

and the Centre 14.

SOUTH

The delegates pledged to

continue, with renewed dedication, to remain solidly

behind His Excellency the

Life President, personally,

the Party and Government.

They also pledged to continue observing unity, loyalty, obedience and discipline, the four Party cornerstones.

They pledged to protect

and preserve the hard won

freedom and independence

by continuing to maintain

peace and calm, law and

order. They further pledged to the Ngwazi thatthey

would never allow anyone

to disturb the present tranquillity.

They said they would

continue sending their children to school including

Moslem children, and to

see to it that girls complete

primary school education.

They will wipe out allthe

outstanding debts in respect of the 1982 Party

cards, and continue to account for all Party card monies, they said.

They reaffirmed to continue working.- hard in the

fields and diversify food

crop production.

The delegates pledged to

continue observing rules of

hygiene in order to be

healthy for good health was

a prerequisite to hard work

in the fields.

They further lauded the

Ngwazi forsending some of

his Mbumba to West Germany and some district

Party officials to Britain on

educational visits.

They unanimously congratulated the Life President for giving them the

opportunity to elect their

own MPs, and resolved to

educate the people in their

respective areas on the election process and pledged to

appeal for mass registration

of voters to ensure that the

forthcoming general elections were successful.

Delegates resolved that

with reverence and humility, they would pray to God

to give the Life President

long life so that his people

and future generations may

continue to enjoy the fruits

of independence.

NORTH

In the Northern region

the delegates pledged to do

everything possible to

maintain genuine unity

among themselves and to

eliminate any sectionalism

so that the country continues to develop in an atmosphere of peace and

tranquillity.

They saluted His Excellency the Life President for

his wisdom and foresightedness in creating the spirit

of self-reliance in the people of this country.

They congratulated the

Ngwazi for setting aside

Youth Week during which

the youth joined by their

elders construct school

blocks, bus shelters, roads

and teachers' houses.

Delegates thanked His

Excellency the Life President for setting aside Mothers' Day and the international day of prayer for the

women of this country.

They hailed the Ngwazi

for his untiring efforts in

building the needed infrastructure which has greatly

transformed the economic

activities of the Northern

Region.

Delegates expressed

their gratitude to the Life

President for introducing

the rural electrification

programme which will

greatly be".f \c the rural population in the region and

the wholf country.

81
They resolved to rededicate themselves to serious

farming especially in the

growing of cash crops such

as wheat, dark fire-cured

tobacco, Burley and coffee

which he the Ngwazi introduced in the region.

They discussed at length

the treasurer's report and

resolved to complete the

renewal of Party membership before the 1983 annual

convention of the MCP

They congratulated the

Life President for uplifting

the status of his Mbumba

in society and for teaching

the Mbumba how to look

after their families through

well organised courses on

home economics.

The delegates resolved

that husbands as partners

should co-operate with

their wives in the proper

upbringing of their families.

They congratulated the

Ngwazi for regarding the

League ofMalawi Youth as

' a spearhead of the Malawi

nation because as a result

the youth play a big role in

the development of the na-

, tioii.

Delegates, as parents,

pledged to continue guiding the youth of this country to prepare them for

their rightful positions in

the development of the nation.

CENTRE

At the Lilongwe conference, Mr. B.J. Bisani, MP

for Chiradzulu South and a

member of the National

Executive Committee represented His Excellency

the Life President and the

National Executive Committee of the Party. Mr.

E.A. Mussa Gama, MP for

Zomba North represented

the regional committee of

the Party in the South and

Mrs. E. Msuku Nominated

MP from Nkhata Bay represented the regional

committee of the Party in

the North.

The conference, among

other resolutions noted

with satisfaction, the existing co-operation between

Party officials, chiefs, civil

servants, the Police and the

Malawi Army. They further thanked the Ngwazi

for the peace and calm, law

and order prevailing in the

country, a necessary prerequisite in the process ofnation building and economic

development.

Delegates noted the slow

progress in the renewal of

Party membership cards.

In this regard, they resolved to intensify the renewal

of membership campaign

and pledged to ensure that

every eligible member renewed his or her membership.

The conference wholeheartedly thanked the Life

President for establishing

the League of Malawi

Women and pledged to

continue to strengthen its

activities in all areas and

districts in the region.

—Mana

CSO: 3400/1408

82
RAILROAD TRACK IMPROVEMENTS TO BE MADE

Blantyre DAILY TIMES in English 15 Apr 83 p 1

MALAWI

[Text] WORK is in progress to rehabilitate

the railway track

from Salima to the

border in Nsanje

for easy movement

of trains at a faster

speed -than before

and on a better

track» a spokesman

for the MalawiRailways headquarters

told meyesterday in

Blantyre.

The work is being aided

by the British Government.

In addition to this, he

said,, the Malawi Railways

is at present negotiating to

buy second and third class

coaches for its passengers

and small coaches will be

bought in the following

year.

He told me that with the

increased demand of passenger service between

~ MchurjvLilongwe, Salima

and Limbe, the Malawi

Railways is preparing to establish a much faster train

service- -

x

Railway passenger travel

increased by 15 per cent

last year, according to a recent government economic

report.

The spokesman announced that a daily third class

passenger service between

Limbe and Mchinji is to be

introduced with effect from

next Monday, April 18.

According to the time

table the Mchinji bound

train will depart Limbe in

the morning at 4.30 am and

arrive Mchinji ar 11.00 pm,

while the. Limbe train will

depart Mchinji at 5.00 am

and arrive- Limbe at 3.05

am daily.

He said although this

time table was comperatively slow, the railways will,

with all efforts gradually

speed up the movements

because their aim is to provide a fast night and comfortable train service between Lilongwe and Limbe.

The spokesman added

that the normal daily train

service between Salima and

Limbe is still operative. It

departs Salima- at 5.00 am.

and arrives Limbe at 4.10

pm.

CSO: 3400/1408

83
MALAWI

BRIEFS

MEAT PRICES RISE—Prices of meat from the Cold Storage Company are to be

increased with immediate effect, the Ministry of Trade and Industry announced

in Lilongwe yesterday. The increases apply only to Cold Storage meat sold

in Blantyre City, Lilongwe City and Zomba Municipality. The announcement

says that as meat from Cold Storage now attracts a surtax of five per cent

on the wholesale price, it has become necessary to increase the retail

prices by the same margin, according to a report by the Malawi News Agency.

[Text] [Blantyre DAILY TIMES in English 29 Apr 83 p 1]

CSO: 3400/1408

84
MALI

LEADERS, MEMBERS COMMENT ON UDPM OBJECTIVES

Boubacar Dicko Interview

Bamako L'ESSOR in French 31 Mar p 3

[Interview with Boubacar Dicko, general secretary of the Mopti Section of the

UDPM [Democratic Union of Malian People], by A. Sangho; time and location of interview not specified]

[Text] [Question] Mr General Secretary, this year the UDPM is celebrating the

fourth anniversary of its founding. What does your section see as the keynote

of this event?

[Answer] The Mopti Section of the UDPM believes this anniversary has a dual

theme, unity and harmony.

Unity of the Malian people, achieved within the Democratic Union of Malian People.

Harmony among the rank and file, thanks to the policy of reconciliation recommended and advocated by the Party through its democratic organizations.

[Question] The Second UDPM Congress stressed making the Party dynamic again.

What measures have been taken at your level to make that undertaking effective?

And what actions do you envisage in the future to strengthen the process that

has already begun?

[Answer] Making the Party dynamic again went ahead with a move by the BEC

[Central Executive Bureau]. It consisted of renewing the terms of all of the

Party's officers, with the following basic recommendations:

a) democratic choosing of leaders, observing the principle of "the right man

for the right place";

b) defining criteria for choosing candidates for different leadership postr

based on: political commitment, competence and political courage.

After the renewal operations, which were characterized by rifts due to political

pressure, the section undertook a vast campaign to ease minds and effectively

reconcile the militants, then it instituted tours to make contact, to remind the

militants of the behavior expected of a good militant, which is a requirement

85
for possession of the Party's membership card, as is the obligation to attend

meetings and make a positive contribution to the discussions in the context of

healthy emulation and qualitative participation.

The rank and file were consulted as part of the process for deciding upon the

economic plans and their insertion into the Five Year Economic and Social Development Plan. Thus the people themselves decided which of their needs would have

priority and the financial means necessary for their fulfillment.

That way each militant feels that he is concerned and is participating in building a society conforming to our aspirations and based on building an independent

and planned national economy.

We are prepared to pursue all possible efforts to consolidate the Party's assets,

to strengthen its bases through an intense information policy, education for

awareness and mobilization of the living strength for the socio-economic promotion of the region.

[Question] How did you at your level perceive the directions set forth by the

Second Extraordinary Council on Economic Problems? What impact may they have in

a concrete way on your region?

[Answer] The dynamic resolutions that resulted from the Second Extraordinary

National Council on Economic Problems received the support of the rank and file

of our section.

In fact, the people necessarily perceived the many advantages, and how beneficial would be the rigorous enforcement of the decisions taken:

- among the advantages we are thinking of reducing the expenditures in the regional budget;

- increasing the sources of revenue;

- expanding the range of possibilities for state intervention at the regional

level;

- broader distribution of managers in the vital sectors of regional life;

- destroying the civil servant myth among the populace, myths that have always

had an influence on our educational system.

[Question] What are the relations at your level between the political and the

administrative side?

[Answer] At the Mopti level the section is pleased with the excellent relations

that exist between political and administrative. This is due to the dialogue

that has been instituted between officials, and their manifest willingness to

feel concerned about all problems arising among the people of the district of

which they are in charge.

86
Assarid Ag Imbarcawane Interview

Bamako L'ESSOR in French 31 Mar 83 p 3

[Interview with Assarid Ag Imbarcawane, general secretary of the Gao section of

the UDPM, by Mahamadou B. Cisse; time and location of interview not specified]

[Text] [Question] Mr General Secretary, this year the UDPM is celebrating the

fourth anniversary of its founding. What does your section see as the keynote

of this event?

[Answer] First, before I answer the question, I should like to thank all the

people in charge of the information department, particularly our press correspondent, for giving me this opportunity to express my sentiments on the life of

our UDPM Party.

Also, to answer your first question, I will tell you that the Gao section of

the UDPM is delighted with the measures taken by the BEC in its Circular No 24-

UDPM of 28 February 1983 concerning the commemoration of the Party's anniversary. The men and women of Gao's rank and file see the keynote of this anniversary as total mobilization with participation by all, for the economic and

financial recovery of our country.

[Question] The First Regular Congress of the UDPM having stressed making the

Party dynamic again, what measures have been taken at your level to make that

undertaking effective and make the Party dynamic again, and what actions do you

envisage in the future to strengthen the process that has already begun?

[Answer] At the proper time we hailed the resolutions that resulted from the

First Regular Congress of our Party. In those resolutions the Congress stressed

the necessity for all officials, at whatever level, to make our Party dynamic

again.

At the level of the Gao section, after the situation created by the campaign to

renew the authorities, we devoted ourselves first to creating a healthy political climate and then we tried hard to make all of the rank and file members

believe in the ideals of our Party. Toward that end, we used the Congress' resolutions to see that the required consensus applied in all elections (legislative, municipal, village councils, the UNJM [Malian Youth Union]).

In accordance with our option, an independent and planned national economy, we

undertook vast awareness campaigns around precise objectives for development,

especially reforestation--fighting brush fires--repairing dikes--managing pastoral lands--primary health care--relaunching the cooperative movement—schooling.

All of these actions were completed by putting in place our labor commissions,

which are currently ready to get to work and will soon be filing their reports.

Concerning actions envisaged to strengthen the process that he3 already begun,

the UDPM Gao section will continue to execute the tasks assigned to all the

structures of the Party. The section will also get down to applying the Circulars No 19, No 20, No 21, No 22, No 23 and No 24/UDPM-BEC.

87
It will also watch over the strict observance of the statutes and internal rules

of our Party.

[question] How did you at your level perceive the directions set forth by the

Second Extraordinary National Council on Economic Problems? What impact might

they have on your region in a concrete way?

[Answer] Immediately after the sessions of the Second Extraordinary National

Council on Economic Problems, the UDPM Gao section made an informational tour

in all UDPM subsections in the circle. In the course of that mission we fully

explained to the rank and file the pertinent decisions that came out of that

congress. In return, we were satisfied to see the devotion of those same members of the rank and file to the new economic orientation conceived by our Party. The rank and file also hailed the instituting of contributing to national

solidarity funds and instituting the highway toll. When all is said and done,

we have great hopes for this new vision of our national economy.

In the 1981-1985 Five Year Plan there are many priority plans concerning our

region and realizing all of those plans will enable us to attain food self-sufficiency, health for all in the year 2000, and total fulfillment of our water

needs.•

[Question] What are the relations at your level between the political and the

administrative side?

[Answer] At our level, relations between the political and the administrative

are good. It couldn't be otherwise, inasmuch as those two institutions are

working to obtain the same objectives.

Mohamedoun Ag Assadeck Interview

Bamako L'ESSOR in French 31 Mar 83 p 3

[Interview with Mohamedoun Ag Assadeck, deputy general secretary of the UDPM

Tombouctou section, by Assoura Albadia; time and location of interview not

specified]

[Text] Mr Deputy General Secretary, this year the UDPM is celebrating the

fourth anniversary of its founding. What does your section see as the keynote

of this event?

[Answer] From 24 to 31 March of this year, 1983, the UDPM celebrates the fourth

anniversary of its founding. The Tombouctou section of the UDPM believes the

theme is reflection, mobilizing to make dynamic the economic and social development of our region, which is unfortunately grappling with a persistent

drought which has already reached frightening proportions.

[Question] The First Extraordinary Congress of the UDPM stressed making the

Party dynamic again. What measures have been taken at your level to make that

undertaking effective and what actions do you envisage in the future to

strengthen the process that has already begun?

88
[Answer] Yes, the First Extraordinary Congress of the UDPM stressed making

the Party dynamic again. At the level of the Tombouctou section informational

tours have been made at all levels and special emphasis has been placed on the

smooth functioning of the basic cells: regular meetings, sending PVs [expansion unknown], placing cards. The process will be strengthened in the days to

come by applying Circular No 21-UDPM from the general secretary of the Party

concerning the utilization of trainees who have been trained abroad, to train

the militants.

[Questions] How are the directions set forth by the Second Extraordinary National Council on Economic Problems perceived at your level? What impact might

they have on your region in a concrete way?

[Answer] The directions set forth by the Second Extraordinary National Council

on Economic Problems supplement those of the first one and make it possible to

direct our nation toward sane management of the affairs of state and mobilization of all the country's living strength around the objectives of the 1981-

1985 Five Year Plan. In that area, discipline alone pays off. The impact of

these directions will be great. Enclosure and drought are the evils of our region. Only an appreciable change can bring us out of it: control of underground and surface water. The National Economic Council has laid the foundations for it: so what is needed is awareness and discipline with respect to the

orientations outlined by the Second National Economic Council.

[Question] What are the relations at your level between the political and the

administrative side?

[Answer] Relations between the political and the administrative depend on the

success of the Party's program. At our level a fruitful dialogue has been set

up in the interest of the populace, which is quite clear.

Boubacar Diallo Interview

Bamako L'ESSOR in French 29 Mar 83 p 3

[Text] The demonstrations marking the fourth anniversary of the UDPM are taking

place in tne miüst of general euphoria and reflection, seeking ways and means of

making the Party more dynamic, making it viable and achieving the objectives assigned to it.

Boubacar Diallo, a member of the BEC and general secretary of the Commune IV

section, talked about the role of the political leaders and the rank and file in

the process of making the Party dynamic again. He recommended a combined effort

on the part of the leaders, who must go to the militants and teach them over and

over again the principles and objectives of the Party, as well as their civic

duties and obligations. This means, in short, making people more aware of their

responsibilities at all levels.

There is no lack of problems and in Commune IV they are not very different from

those of tne other communes. To mention a few of these difficulties, among others, there is housing, water, electrification, health education and sanitation,

but provisions have been made to find appropriate solutions.

89
In Mr Diailo's opinion political courage is one of the conditions sine qua non

for the success of the Party, and is therefore a requirement for political

leaders. This is why they must tell the truth and refrain from making vague ana

alluring promises that have no future.

The general secretary of the Commune IV section expressed a novel opinion on the

wound afflicting many other communes, absenteeism from meetings. This is a

false problem, he said, which is rooted in the fact that the rank and file are

under-informed. According to him, there is a procedure for seeing that they

participate effectively. It is to make the news of the assemblies widely known.

To attract the rank and file to the meetings, it is necessary to take the information to them and not to be restricted entirely to communiques over the radio.

Placing the cards is not solely the affair of the general treasurer and his assistant, Mr üiallo believes, but it is the affair of all the members of the committee, who must mobilize to see that the rank and file understand the importance

of this card, which is the militant's identity. There are no bad militants, but

there are negligent militants who sometimes find that they are active members

without cards in their possession. In this connection the work of the committee

members consists of getting them interested, the tone having been already set by

the Party's Extraordinary Congress.

To Boubacar Diallo, making the Party dynamic again is an easy task, even though

it requires a certain sacrifice. The Party's action is ongoing in time and

space. It requires initiatives emanating from the grassroots as well as from

the summit, ne continued.

The militant must understand the significance of possession of the Party's card,

and fulfill all of its duties and obligations.

In short, the militant must live and breathe the Party, he said in conclusion.

1982 Seen as Crucial Year

Bamako L'ESSOR in French 29 Mar 83 p 3

[Article by Sekou Oumar Doumbia]

[Text] At a time when we are celebrating the fourth anniversary of our Party,

it is traditional to review all areas of national life. We are not going back

over all the events that marked the history of the UDPM in the last 4 years. It

is sufficient to recall here the salient events of a year that was crucial,

1982. In fact, profoundly significant events punctuated that year: in February, the Ordinary Congress; the elections of 13 June; the tree days in July and

August; and the municipal elections last October.

The democratic interplay and the rotation rule enabled the Party to gain in assurance, even though the wind of change did not spare many of the political

leaders, some of whom lost elective positions they were occupying until that

year. Seven of the 12 members of the board of the outgoing National Assembly

were defeated in their respective sections. As for the Central Executive Bureau, the terms of six of its members were not renewed by the rank and file.

90
Therefore, the officials concerned lost their positions in the last Congress

at the very highest level of the Party.

Moreover, concern for speedy decisions and greater efficiency of action led the

Ordinary Congress to authorize a concentration of offices in the BEC and the

government, to give those institutions more dynamism. Thus, on the occasion of

the cabinet reshuffle of 6 July, two BEC members, Gen Amadou Baba Diarra and

Oumar Coulibaly, were appointed ministers of state, the former in charge of

equipment, the latter in charge of planning and the economy.

in that operation, so many steps were skipped on the schedule for making the

Party dynamic, which had been adopted at the Extraordinary Congress of February

1981.

The year 1982, therefore, was the year for putting the finishing touches on renewing the managing authorities of the UDPM in order to put "the right man in

the right place" in accordance with the wishes of all the rank and file. It is

now necessary to work toward "occupying the conquered land" in the esteem and

confidence of the Malians. This, is possible if we conform to the recommendations formulated by the general secretary of the Party, Gen Moussa Traore, which

he made on 6 July after the election of the board of the new National Assembly,

when he told the deputies and the members of the National Council, "according to

our ability to understand the needs and aspirations of our people, the promptness with which we can analyze them, the adequacy of the measures we will pass

to satisfy them and, finally, how effectively we can mobilize our human and material resources to realize those measures, the men and women of the rank and

file will keep their faith in the Party and its leaders. All of this requires

that the leaders be constantly present where the rank and file are, as well as

an ongoing vigilance and availability at all levels."

Although the review reflects wnat should be retained from past activities, it

also emphasizes which actions should be increased. In this area we will create

commissions connected with all Party authorities.

Will they be commissions for endless arguing, ways to evade the problems? No.

The Party's commissions will necessarily be instruments for reflection and swift

action. They will be barometers that will make it easy to read the temperature

in the Party, efficient tools for daily work, because they are able to. meet together at any time. This means, then, that the various commissions will provide the renewed authorities with the new blood they need. Through the channel

of its commissions, the UDPM will be listening to everyone, the powerful and the

weak, to gather ideas and the best ways to make them concrete. That is where

the Party's strength resides: in allowing all of its members to take the floor

at any time, and not just an exclusive and intimidating group. It demonstrates

the ability of the UDPM member to state his ideas, to compare them with the

ideas of others and to have them applied. Thus all of us together will bring

out mobilizing themes.

In these days of reflection and remembering the political balance sheet of If 32,

let us also recall the highly symbolic gesture that the Party bestowed upon its

general secretary. "The Executive Central Bureau of the Party, in witness of

its satisfaction after all the services he has rendered and continues to render

91
to the Malian nation, has unanimously decided to confer on Brigadier Moussa

Traore the rank of General of the Army."

This promotion reveals political value in emphasizing Gen Moussa Traore's capacity for sacrifice in the national interest, in bringing to light that his was

the heavy task of coordinating the life of all the days of our Party, to make

it immortal. The BEC thus glorified,, for the rank and file, the moral authority, the expertise and the elevated spirit shown by Moussa. The promotion must

be viewed as an act of faith that was correctly evaluated by the rank and file.

Independent, Planned Economy Sought

Bamako L'ESSOR in French 31 Mar 83 p 4

[Article by Alphonse S. Berthe]

[Text] The UDPM has opted for an independent and planned national economy. On

the occasion of Party week it is sitting to consider these words by an economist: "To build an independent national economy means: to develop the economy

in a diversified manner; to equip it with the most recent technology and to create solid bases for raw materials, thus organizing an economic system with vast

scope, in which all branches are organically linked so as to make it possible,

for the most part, to procure domestically all of the agricultural products

necessary for the prosperity of the country and the improvement of living conditions."

Let us just glance at the priority projects included in the 1981-1985 Five Year

Plan. There are 79 of them, dealing with agriculture, livestock raising, agroindustry, exploitation of energy and mining potential, improvement of sanitary

conditions and education, internal and external opening up.

The world is experiencing an economic crisis that is unprecedented in its magnitude as well as its duration. Mali's 1981-1985 Five Year Plan is a real challenge to the world economic situation of today! Its goal is realization of a

program based on tne ideals of liberty, justice, peace and progress in unity,

democracy, labor and the unwavering determination of our people to jealously

preserve its sovereignty over our natural resources and the fruits of our own

labor.

In the course of this five year plan the farmer, who has already had access to

the plow, the tractor and other tools, will see his technical potential improved

qualitatively and quantitatively.

Although an appeal was made for international solidarity to finance this plan

at the money-lenders' round table in Bamako in December, the domestic financial

contribution provided for in the new five year plan is more significant than in

former plans.

Mali was West Africa's granary. At the end of our new five year plan our country should return to that position. Mali today belongs to large regional and

subregional bodies which expect a great deal of her. That everywhere in Mali we

be able to form stockpiles of all kinds of raw materials indispensable to feed

92
our people and our factories so that our production units arrive at total integration! For this reason we [illegible] the general policy and orientation

resolution of the First Ordinary Congress of the UDPM, which exhorts the rank

and file to constantly improve production and to productivity in all sectors and

workplaces. By doing this we will at last begin to see an era of prosperity for

the country, which will conspicuous for the improvement in the living conditions

of our people.

The will to succeed will not fail us. To achieve all the objectives of the

Five Year Plan, all of the nation's living strength will be mobilized in the

UDPM, in the democratic, trade union and professional organizations, and no effort will be spared.

To make our Party (the UÜPM) dynamic and revive it, to give it new inspiration,

tnis is the fundamental objective that we have set, for the realization of which

all of us, militants and leaders alike, will work together. We know that today

we have committed ourselves on our word of honor to take up the new activities

with the new leaders. Thus we have enthusiastically found ourselves with the

same thoughts in favor of a similar action to rebuild the nation.

As of that moment, all conditions have been brought together so that we may

succeed.

8946

CSO: 3419/928

93
MOZAMBIQUE

MAPUTO REPORTS U.S., WORLD REACTION TO RAID

MB241511 Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1030 GMT 24 May 83

[Text] International condemnation of the South African attack on our country

yesterday continues. The correspondent of the Portuguese news agency, ANOP,

in Mozambique, who was the first foreign newsman to arrive at the site, confirmed the existence of damaged civilian residences and Mozambican civilian

victims. Newsmen quoted by REUTER pointed out that the victims appeared to

be civilians and that they had not seen the destruction of any targets connected with the ANC or a Mozambican missile base in the area as alleged by

the South African regime.

In a statement issued in New York, UN Secretary General Javier Perez de

Cuellar deplored the escalation of violence in southern Africa and the loss öf

innocent lives.

He pointed out that the incident underlined the urgent need for peaceful solutions for the problems of the region.

In Washington, the U.S. Government deplored the intensification of violence

in southern Africa and pointed out that it did not serve any objective. State

Department spokesman John Hughes said that the South African raid against

Mozambique was not justified.

From Lisbon, the president of the Portuguese Republic, General Ramalho Eanes,

sent a telegram to President Samora Machel strongly denouncing this yet another

act of aggression against an independent state. The violation of the territory

of the People's Republic of Mozambique and the actions which followed thereafter violate all norms of international law and relations among peoples, the

message from the Portuguese statesman underlined. In another message, the

Portuguese Government condemned the South African attack and described it as

a new and lamentable stage in the escalation of violence in the area, which

Portugal deplores and condemns.

A statement from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs pointed out that

nothing could justify the aggression against Mozambique as in independent

state.

94
In Rome, the Italian foreign minister, Emilio Colombo, condemned in the

strongest terms the South African raid and described it as a detestable act

of revenge. He was speaking in the presence of Italian President Sandro

Pertini and the African members of the diplomatic corps accredited in the

Italian capital.

A number of other countries expressed condemnation of the South African

attack. They include Britain, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic.

CSO: 3442/242

95
MOZAMBIQUE

CHISSANO DISCUSSES S. AFRICAN RAID WITH DE CUELLAR

EA241546 Maputo in English to Southern Africa 1100 GMT 24 May 83

[Text] The Mozambican foreign minister, Joaquim Chissano, had had a meeting

in New York with the Secretary General of the UN Javier Perez de Cuellar.

At the meeting, Mr Chissano briefed the secretary general on yesterday morning's attack on Mozambique by the South African Air Force.

The attack was directed exclusively at nonmilitary targets and the death toll

so far is two women, two children and two men. Another 40 civilians are in

hospitals, several of them in critical condition.

Mr Chissano met the UN secretary general just before the covening of the

Security Council debate on Namibia. It is expected that over the next few

days the two men will meet again to assess the situation created by the latest

South African attack on Mozambique»

Dozens of foreign newsmen have arrived in Maputo to visit the areas south of

Maputo which were attacked. At a briefing last night, they were told by the

information minister, Jose Luis Cabaco, that none of the targets was the (?real

base) or missile site, as the Pretoria regime had claimed. Mr Cabaco said

that the main aim of the attack was to kill people in their houses and in the

streets. He displayed hundreds (?of pieces) of shrapnel which had been found

on the ground after the attack. The minister said the shrapnel had come

from fragmentation rockets clearly designed to murder people.

Meanwhile, international condemnation of the South African Air Force raid is

continuing:

Zimbabwe condemned the raid as a wanton act of aggression, saying that the

violation of Mozambique^ territorial integrity cannot be allowed to go unchallenged. The Zimbabwean Government said that it was high time the Western

powers who collaborate with the Pretoria minority regime accept responsibility

for such acts. The OAU described this act as an act of genocide and Zambia

said the raid was barbaric» Earlier condemnations came from the USSR, Portugal, Italy and France.

Inside South Africa the secretary general of the South African Council of

Churches, Bishop Tutu, denounced the raid while reiterating his support for

96
ANC's (?call) for a democratic and nonracial South Africa He added he was

against violence of all kinds from anyone [word indistinct]. The National

Union of South African Students condemned the raid saying that as long as

the blacks were deprived of political rights and repression was used to

maintain white domination there can be no peace in the country.

CSO: 3400/1467

97
MOZAMBIQUE

REPORTERS VISIT SCENE OF AIR RAID

MB250800 Maputo in English to Southern Africa 1800 GMT 24 May 83

[Text] Eighteen babies between the ages of 2 and 14 months had a miraculous

escape in yesterday's raid by the South African Air Force on civilian targets

in Matola, just outside Maputo. The babies were getting changed in the creche

of the (Somopal) jam factory when the warplanes struck, firing rockets and

machineguns. Three rockets smashed through the factory wall just in front

of the creche, and the window of the building was shattered, but by sheer

chance none of the babies was even injured. Reporters who visited the scene

said that if the rockets had been fractionally higher all the babies would

probably have died. Three workers at the factory, two of them women, were

killed in the attack.

Meanwhile, the South African ambassador in London has been offering an explanation as to why a jam factory was attacked instead of ANC guerrilla bases

and Mozambican missile sites. The ambassador said on the British radio program that the ANC must have been using the jam factory as a cover for its operations. The ambassador gave no explanation as how this might have been

carried out.

Dozens of foreign journalists have been touring the area which was attacked.

During their tour, the newsmen found many pieces of shrapnel and antipersonnel

rockets which had been fired at people and houses. The journalists were told

by the information minister, Jose Luis Cabaco, that the main aim of the attack

was obviously to kill people in their houses and in the streets. The South

African authorities have confirmed that the air raid was code-named Operation

Shrapnel.

Messages of condemnation of the South African attack on the outskirts of

Maputo are still coming in from around the world. One of the messages was

delivered at a reception today by the Federal German ambassador to Maputo,

Hasso Buchrucker, on the occasion of the anniversary of the establishment of

the fundamental law of his country. Mr Buchrucker said he viewed with great

concern the South African Air Force's military attack against Mozambican citi*---

zens of Matola, which resulted in the loss of women and children's lives. He

said the attack was a violation of international law carried Jat in contempt of

Mozambique's sovereignty and territorial integrity. The ambassador called for

an immediate end to this kind of premeditated border violations, which, he said,

could worsen tensions in southern Africa and pose a serious threat to peace,

CSO: 3400/1467

98
BLACK MARKET ACTIVITY CAUSING FOOD SHORTAGES

Harare THE HERALD in English 2 May 83 p 5

MOZAMBIQUE

[Text]

THE practice of buying

goods and reselling them

illegally at higher prices,

now common among

Mozambique's indigenous

traders has led to an

acute shortage of foodstuffs in urban centres,

particularly Maputo and

Beira.

In Naca-Ia these traders

are called kacugo, in

Beira muhalele and candonga in Maputo.; The

malpractices that stretch

from the street-corners to

the major sharks of black

markets provide a living

for about 62 percent of

Mozambique's urban families.

In restaurants, for example, patrons hardly eat

the food they buy because

it is badly cooked and

they usually check to see

if the price charged is

the same as that stipulated by law. So the. owner closes the restaurant '

and puts up a notice saying: "Closed for redecoration".

However, the owner

continues to receive his

supplies of food and drink

regularly from the staterun corporations, since he

has not bothered to inform them that he has

c:osed the restaurant.

What follows is that the

food goes out through the

back door swiftly at two

or three times the price

he would charge if he

sold it legally in the restaurant.

If the suppliers become

aware of the trick, a few

thousand dollars change

hands to silence the inspector in the state cor-

- poration. On the other

hand, the wealthy traders

buy foreign currency at

five or six times the legal

exchange rate.

They take that money

to South Africa or Swaziland, where they buy

commodities that are unavailable on the Mozambican market. They sell

these good in Mozambique

at scandalous prices that

will more than cover their

next foreign currency

deals.

Recently a new type

of illegal trading has

' emerged. It is an even

more destructive form of

muhalele. When a

foreigner visits a shop and

asks for food, the shopkeeper looks the visitor

in the eyes to ascertain

that he is a foreigner, and

then replies: "I've got

some eggs."

"OK, then I'll have two

dozen," says the foreigner.

"Well, I can sell them to

you, but it all depends,"

says the trader. "I'm not

worried about the price,"

adds the foreigner.

"The price is even

cheaper than the legal one.

But it will have to be in

foreign currency," the

shop owner tells the visitor. When the foreigner

hands over his dollars, the

satisfied shopkeeper adds:

"Don't forget, whatever

you want, come here. It's

cheaper than it is at the

Loja Franca."

The Loja Franca is

Maputo's duty-free shop.

It has many -goods, ranging from cigarettes to
cars. There visitors pay

m

foreign currency, which

goes straight to the Central Bank of Mozambique.

According to labour officials, candonga is the

result of unemployment.

Over 95 peoplea day enter

Maputo and 80 In Beira

from the countryside looking for jobs. In the city

they are unable to find

jobs. Asa result, they become candongas or

thieves.

Early this year when

the Mozambicans were

complaining bitterly that

the government had

turneda blind eye to the

problem of illegal trade,

the police suddenly

launched an operation

against the candongas and

dozens of them were detained. The radio and the

Press gave great prominence to the actions of the

police and of those members of the public who provided the information that

led to the raids.

ON TRIAL

The following day those

arrested were taken to

court. Some were put on

public trial at Hoi Ling,

in downtown Maputo next

to the central market, and

received prison sentences

ranging from six to 12

months to be served in

community rural re-education centres.

When most foodstuffs

the people were buying

from candongas at the

black markets disappeared, they started

muttering: "Now there's

nothing to feed our families. They have arrested

those who used to help us."

As one prominent businessman in Maputo put it:

"It is not enough to jail

hundreds of candongas.

But it is necessary to flood

the markets with produce, otherwise kecugo in

Nacala, muhalele in Beira

or candonga in Maputo

• will reappear and prosper

in Mozambique."— APS

Features.

CSO: 3400/1451

108
MOZAMBIQUE

BRIEFS

AEMY PROMOTIONS GIVEN—The post held by each of us is a conquest. It is a

sign of recognition by our people. The people do not forget the heroism of

their children. This statement was made by Marshal Samora Machel during an

awards ceremony for the Mozambique armed forces yesterday. The Mozambique

armed forces now have two more major generals, three brigadiers, and three

new colonels. The new general officers promoted yesterday are (Candido

Jeremias Mondlane) and Domingos Fondo, who are veteran fighters of the armed

struggle for national liberation. Matias Juma, Jose Ajape, and Manuel

Manjiche received the rank of brigadier. Manuel Antonio (Lourenco Cumbe),

and (Antonio Chicussa) were given the rank of colonel. [Excerpts] [MB211100

Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 0430 GMT 21 May 83]

FRG AMBASSADOR CONDEMNS RAID—Today, Hasso Buchrucker, the ambassador of the

Federal Republic of Germany accredited in Maputo, condemned the military ac

tion which was perpetrated yesterday by the racist Pretoria regime and left

six civilians dead. Hasso Buchrucker pointed out that his country rejected

under any circumstances the use of force to attain political ends. The FRG

diplomat was speaking at a reception he hosted on the occasion marking the

anniversary of his country's Basic Law. During the reception, Ambassador

Buchrucker underlined with satisfaction the success in relations of cooper

ation and friendship secured by his country and the People's Republic of

Mozambique in 1982. On the occasion, the minister of home trade, Aranda da_

Silva expressed the desire to further strengthen the relations of cooperation

and friendship between the two countries. [Text] [MB241555 Maputo Domestic

Service in Portuguese 1400 GMT 24 May 83]

SWEDISH COOPERATION TALKS HELD—Talks between Mozambique and Sweden began in

Maputo this morning to discuss cooperation betweer the two countries. The

Mozambique delegation is headed by Magid Osman, secretary of state for coal

and hydrocarbons, and the Swedish party by (Gustav Edgren), secretary of state

for cooperation with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. At the start of the

talks the head of the Swedish delegation said that the Swedish Parliament has

accepted the government's recommendation to increase the annual assistance to

Mozambique to 255 million krona. During his speech (Gustav Edgren) expressed

his satisfaction because the talks were being held at a time when the Fourth

Frelimo Congress has just adopted important decisions which, he stressed, will

have an impact on the scope of the next 2-year cooperation between the two

countries. [Text] [MB240943 Maputo Domestic Service in Portuguese 1030 GMT

23 May 83]

CSO: 3442/242
NAMIBIA

TORTURE, BIOLOGICAL WARFARE IN NAMIBIA CLAIMED

London AFRICA NOW in English May 83 pp 41-43

[Article by Mike Osborne]

[TextJ Africa Now has been given access to taperecordings of interviews given by a

permanent member of the South African

Defence Force (SADF) to the South African

War Resisters Movement in London. In the

course of over four hours of questioning he

made a number of startling allegations

including:

• the extensive and systematic use of

morphine and other drugs during the

interrogation of prisoners by the SADF

army of occupation in Namibia.

• the development of a binary chemical

weapons shell by Armscor (the state

armaments corporation)

• the development of an ethnically specific

weapon by the SADF — one that Black

people would be more susceptible to.

These allegations were made not out of

sympathy for the plight of prisoners, but

because the soldier was angry at the

treatment of fellow servicemen in the SADF

at the hands of their own officers.

Of course the claims of one bitter and

dubious man must be treated with caution.

However, the extent of detail in his

revelations strongly substantiates his claims

of intimate knowledge of the SADF set-up in

Namibia. Furthermore, his accusations

accord with a mass of evidence that has

been built-up in recent years concerning

South African activities in the field of

torture and chemical and biological warfare

(CBW).

The possibility of an elaborate South

African disinformation plot cannot be

ruled out, but it is difficult in this instance

to see any reasoning behind such a scheme.

Africa Now cannot reveal the soldier's

identity since he has committed an offence

punishable by death in South Africa — a

sentence that would most likely be carried

out "unofficially."

Our informant claimed that he was.

serving with the Medical Intelligence Units

in Namibia. These units have only recently

become separate entities in the armed

forces, having been set up by the South

African Medical Service under the ultimate

control of the Surgeon-General, Maj. Gen.

Nicolas Johan Nieuwoudt.

During 1980 the Senior Medical Officer

of Sector 10, the major operational area in

northern Namibia, based at Oshakati, was

an army major. He was in charge of all

casualty treatment in the sector and was

particularly responsible for the administration of drugs in the concentration camp

at Oshakati. It was when the major himself

became addicted to morphine that he

became increasingly incompetent and

consequently caused the unnecessary deaths

of many South African soldiers.

On one occasion, the major sent the

wrong type of blood to a casualty evacuation operation. Another time a "casevac"

helicopter arrived at the scene of a

landmine blast without any blood and

before transfusion was possible the injured

man was dead.

Despite the Surgeon-General's hearing of

the major's addiction and his bid to kill

himself and his wife, the SADF have been

involved in a cover-up, claims the informant. The South African Medical Service

have not been informed and his name has

not been struck off their register.

Ii was not only the incompetence of his

superior that concerned the informant. He

expressed his anger at the extent of

casualties and accidents in the operational

areas. He estimated that there were between

eight and 14 SADF deaths per week in

combat. Included accidents deaths were

running at between 55 and 60 per month.

He suggests that in 1981 alore .nere were

at least 400 combat casualties and 200

accidental deaths. These assertions contrast

with the official SADF figure as given in the

October 1982 issue of their journal.

102
Paratus. Their figures "for the period

beginning in 1979 are 107 combat

casualties, 93 military vehicle accidents and

144 shooting and explosives accidents,

giving a total of 344 deaths.

Further accusations from our source

point to gross inefficiency in the SADF. He

insisted that national servicemen were not

properly trained for combat. On one

occasion they were not even armed; when

the R4 rifle was introduced to operational

units, four days elapsed between the

handing in of their Rl 7.62 mm rifles and

the arrival of 5.56 mm ammunition for the

R4.

He further alleged that alcoholism is a

serious problem for many officers and that

morale and trust between officers of

different units is low.

It is, however, in the field of torture and

concomitant use of addictive drugs that the

most dramatic assertions have been made.

Dossier

The use of torture on.political detainees has

received great publicity in the past (see

Africa Now, April 1982). Over 50 people

have died in detention and in October 1982

a dossier of 70 statements of former

detainees claimed: electric shock torture,

interrogation while naked, enforced standing for long periods and enforced exercise,

sleep deprivation, suspension in mid-air

during interrogation, near suffocation from

bags tied .over the head, squeezing and

hitting of the testicles.

In the Oshakati concentration camp even

more horrifying methods are employed on

the captured SWAPO guerrillas or persons

suspected of being SWAPO members or

collaborators. Here prisoners are divided

into three groups: "hard-core terrorists;"

women; "tame terrorists and collaborators."

Within the camp there are two central

interrogation centres where inquisition is

accompanied by routine physical torture.

These techniques are employed by the

counter-intelligence staff of sector 10,

headed by Commandant Kassoff, in conjunction with the Senior Medical Officer

and the Medical Intelligence Officer, both

qualified doctors. A common method

employed is the use of electric shocks

administered via a field telephone. A new

method frequently utilised is the injection

of ether under a prisoner's finger nails.

Our source says: "1 have personally seen

Dr X, the son of one of South Africa's top

neurosurgeons, doing these things ... A

wounded terrorist was brought into the

sick-bay. As soon as he had been stitched

up the interrogation started. Dr X injected

ether and the prisoner passed out. he was

revived with ice water and the interrogation

continued. I have also seen Dr X supervise

the use of the field teleDhone. One of the

electrodes was stuck right up the guy's

penis."

More "persuasive" methods are used on

the so-called hard-core prisoners who often

resist physical torture methods of this kind.

These inmates are forcibly injected with

morphine over a period until they are

addicted. Then the drug is withdrawn and

interrogation commences.

The pain of withdrawal ("cold turkey")

is so intense that many prisoners talk in

return for another "fix." The drug

mogadon is used in conjunction with the

morphine in order to "control violence"

and to partially relive the cold turkey so

that interrogation can continue.

Africa Now spoke to Dr Martin

Mitcheson, director of the Drug

Dependency Unit at University College

Hospital, London, a consultant to several

drug rehabilitation units and a recognised

authority on drug addiction in Europe.

He commented that whereas an established addict might be controlled by the

withdrawal of opiates the same could not be

necessarily said for freedom fighters having

considerably greater physical and

psychological strength. However, the use of

morphine upon the isolated individual

might certainly raise the hope of extracting

information. He also pointed out that the

use of morphine in conjunction with

mogadon would be conventional treatment

for injured persons requiring strong painkilling drugs. 'This, however, would not

explain the informant's claim concerning

the repeated use of the combination.

Mogadon itself could be considered to be

a more debilitating drug than morphine.

Lynn Perry, a drugs worker with the

London agency Release, commented that

mogadon, whilst normally used as a

sleeping tablet or sedative, can be addictive

if used over a period of months and that

withdrawal from it is a lengthy and painful

process.

Users suffer mental confusion and

changes in perception akin to those

associated with hallucinogenic drugs for

up to two years after "kicking the habit."

Depressant

The informant also claimed that the drug

scopolamine was used at Oshakati, particularly on women prisoners. This drug is a

very powerful depressant of the central

nervous system and is used in psychiatric

institutions to control extremely violent

patients suffering from hypermania and

delirium. As such it is classified as a

powerful hypnotic in as much as it has a

strong calming and tranquilising effect. It

induces physical and mental depression so

that the subject is less in control of his or her

faculties than normal.

According to Release, in up to 50% of

cases short term amnesia for periods of

103
about one and a half hours are induced.

During this period the susceptibility of the

subject to suggestion may be increased.

Hence scopolamine has commonly been

known as the "truth drug" in military

circles.

The subject of drug abuse is already

familiar to the South African army for it is

an internal problem that it has suffered for

some time. As long ago as 1972 Col.

Aubrey Levin published a paper in the

South African Journal of Medicine

entitled: "The Pattern of Drug Talking

among Drug Dependent South African

National Servicemen." Research and

treatment of personnel has taken place at

Levin's institution, No. 1 Military Hospital,

Voortrekkerhoogte, in the Department of

Psychiatry.

Supervision of torture and interrogation

at Oshakati is said to be by a group of

Argentinian doctors and soldiers who

arrived in Namibia in March 1981. It was

co-incidentally in the same month that the

Surgeon-General visited Argentina. Of

course, the Argentinians are no strangers to

torture practices and it was in June 1981

that Africa Now reported that Argentinian

diplomatic personnel in Pretoria had

previously been notorious torturers in

Buenos Aires.

The informant claims that Argentinians

regularly visit Oshakatati to guide the

Medical Intelligence Units in their experiments with various chemicals that might be

useful in interrogation.

Intimidation is also used as an interrogation technique. Our witness states that on

one occasion a prisoner was placed at the

rear end of a helicopter exhaust. In the

presence of a group of prisoners his body

was blown to pieces as a lesson to the

onlookers.

Furthermore, the heads of dead guerrillas

are kept in the police morgue at the civilian

hospital in Oshakati and during the interrogation process prisoners are taken to see

them. This practice seems conceivable given

the testimony of SWAPO soldiers at the

Luanda International Commission. Here

they claimed that an officer from the 32nd

South African Battalion cut of guerrillas'

heads after a battle.

The informant had further claims to

make in relation to chemical and biological

warfare (CBWj.

This information, he claims, was given

him in the early part of 1981 by an officer

who claimed that he was involved in the

setting up of a "Chemical and Biological

Unit."

Chemicals

The officer told him that the SADF was

developing a 155mm shell which had two

compartments that contain "clear liquid

chemicals." He added that "the two

chemicals mix when the shell is in flight and

when it explodes the effect is deadly."

Much of the research was said to take place

at the Institute for Aviation Medicine (IAM)

in Pretoria.

Previously known as the Military Medical

Institute, the IAM specialises ostensibly in

the treatment of airforce personnel who

need specialist care. However, its site has 20

underground storeys used for "ultra-secret

research."

The weapons as described accords with

the binary chemical shells that have recently

been developed in the us. Binary weapons

contain two components which mix

together only after the projectile is

launched to produce a nerve gas.

In the us there are plans to produce

70,000 155mm shells of the nerve gas GB

per month and additional factories are

planned to produce binary combinations of

the even more deadly nerve gas vx. The

technology and resources required to

produce such weapons is considered trivial

for an advanced industrialised country.

South Africa's potential for production of

chemical weapons has already been

reported (Africa Now September 1981).

Nerve gases could make extremely

efficient weapons in combating guerrilla

fighters: they are very highly toxic, death

occurring within seconds of contact;

guerrillas are unlikely to have CBW protective

equipment; contamination of the battle

zone could be for as little as two days.

However, these advantages are mediated by

factors such as unpredictable weather

conditions which might blow the gas into

civilian areas.

Our informant also claims he was told

that the SADF was researching into the use

of "viruses and things like that — chemicals

or diseases that will only affect Blacks." He

thought that this involved work on sicklecell anaemia, a genetically transmitted

blood disorder to which Blacks are

significantly more susceptible than other

races.

He claimed that this work was being

carried out near the town of Louis

Trichardt in the northern Transvaal. The

location was in an unpopulated area so that

"accidents wouldn't cause too much of a

problem."

The possibility of the development of

ethnic weapons was first mooted by the

, Swedish geneticist Carl Larson in a 1970

'• issue of the us journal, Military Review,

The idea was further developed by Dr.

Richard Hammerschlag in a paper

presented at a symposium on "Chemical

Weapons and us Public Policy" :. 1974.

Hammerschlag notes that t! c concept of

ethnic weapons arises from the fact that,

"both chemical and biolojical warfare

agents might be designed to exploit

104
naturally existing differences in gene

frequencies among specific population

groups."

A growing number of findings indicate

that many proteins exist in several

genetically controlled forms in human

populations, known as polymorphisms.

The best known examples of these

polymorphisms are the blood group

substances ABO and Rh, and the existence of

sickle-cell anaemia, due to a variant;

haemoglobin molecule.

Psychological

Hammerschlag concludes that "almost

without exception, no gene has been found

that will divide a population in an absolute

sense. On the other hand, from a military

point of view it would probably be argued

that the psychological effects on a

population of incapacitating or killing 25%

of its members cannot be discounted."

Whether such research is taking place in

South Africa is unknown, but there

certainly exist the facilities at such

institutions as the National Institute of

Virology in Sandringham and the

Veterinary Institute in Onderstepoort. The

production of such biological weapons

would be greatly enhanced by the use of

genetic engineering techniques which are

also known to be in the advanced stages of

development in South Africa.

The South African Medical Association

has certainly recognised the importance of

such novel techniques. Several papers were

devoted to these subjects in its July 1981

annual congress.

For instance, Professor R. D. Woods of

the University of Cape Town gave an

address entitled: "The production of virus

vaccines by genetic manipulation

techniques." Of course scientists and

doctors do not in general" intend that their

research should be used for genocidal

purposes, but threatened states do not

always share their ethical qualms.

Disease

South Africa is a signatory of the 1975

Biological Weapons Convention, but like

many other countries retains a capability.

The possibility that governments are

carrying out research into ethnically specific

disease as part of their "defensive"

programme should not be discounted. In

the us it has been suggested by the

newspaper People's World that the Naval

Biosciences Laboratory in Oakland is a

centre for dubious research into a disease

called Valley Fever, caused by the fungus

Coccidioides immitis. It is a disease

endemic to various hot and arid areas of the

Americas and the disseminated form

develops in a far greater percentage of

Blacks than Whites. For instance, during a

dust storm at the Naval Air Station,

Lemoure, California, proportionally eight

times as many Blacks as Whites developed

coccidioidomycosis.

The Naval Laboratory spokesman, Dr

Hilary Levine, insists that the research there

is directed to creating a vaccine. However,

the institution was widely attacked during

the Vietnam war as a biological warfare,

centre and the production of vaccine that

could be withheld from some populations is

indeed a powerful military weapon.

It-is significant that a great proportion of

the research into this disease takes place in

other military institutions such as the Brook

Army Medical Centre, Fort Sam Houston,

the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology,

Washington D.C. and various war veterans

hospitals.

Research also takes place in less stable

parts of the world. In Argentina work has

been carried out into the disease by teams at

the University of San Luis and in the Centre

of Microbiology of the Faculty of Medicine

at Buenos Aires University. Their results

could easily be shared with their political

bed-fellows across the South Atlantic.«

Additional research: Chris Tyler, Massimo Pezzati

CSO: 3400/1441

105
NAMIBIA

'EL MOUDJAHID* INTERVIEWS SWAPO LEADER

PM131030 Algiers EL MOUDJAHID in French 29-30 Apr 83 p 7

[Interview with SWAPO leader Sam Nujoma by Mohamed Abderrahamani-—date and

place not given]

[Text] [Question] Mr Chairman, you are taking part in a conference whose

aim is to help find new means of rapidly implementing the UN plan for

Namibia's accession to independence. What precisely do you hope this conference will produce?

[Answer] The international conference of support for the Namibian people

[held in Paris] is very significant because of the eniment people taking part

in it who have all asserted their attachment to Namibia's liberation.

The early stages of this conference have been very interesting. The position

expressed by French External Relations Minister Claude Cheysson is important

in that it contrasts with the position adopted by the United States, which is

making the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola a precondition for Namibia's

accession to independence. Our participation in this conference gives us the

opportunity to inform people about the development of the Namibian people's

struggle. For SWAPO the aim is to alert public opinion in the capitalist

countries which are supplying South Africa with both arms and financial aid.

The IMF has just granted the Pretoria regime $1 billion credit. This is, to

some extent, a bonus for aggression.

[Question] Do you think that once this conference's conclusions and resolutions have been adopted by the UN General Assembly they have some chance of

being implemented?

[Answer] The conference was sponsored by the UN General Assembly and the UN

Security Council and, since all the participants reaffirmed in their speeches

their support for and solidarity with the Namibian cause, there is every reason to hope for practical results. The main thing is to succeed in changing

the Reagan administration's position and making European opinion aware of the

actue nature of this problem.

[Question] The Namibian people are determined to achieve their national independence and, to this end, are waging a heroic struggle under SWAPO's leadership against the South African occupier.

106
What is the situation in the field?

[Answer] At present the situation is critical. The Namibian people are living under a martial law regime. South Africa is using all kinds of means of

repression to force the populations to cease all resistance. SWAPO is determined to pursue the struggle against South African colonialism and the imperialist forces supporting it.

Real independence necessarily depends on a people's struggle. The Namibian

people are determined to make all the necessary sacrifices to liberate the

country from oppression, under SWAPO's leadership.

[Question] Do you think that the forms of aid supplied to you by the nonaligned movement and OAU in this struggle are adequate?

[Answer] No aid is ever adequate in a struggle. Nonetheless, we are aware

of the scale of the aid and support given to us by the OAU and nonaligned

movement and greatly appreciate them.

[Question] The Contact Group members have used all kinds of subterfuge to

dispute SWAPO's representative nature, thereby joining forces with South

Africa, which is using puppet parties to perpetuate its policy of domination

and exploitation. What is your opinion of this group's mission?

[Answer] The Contact Group has not succeeded in its mediating role. Moreover, it has not succeeded in its unavowed role of breaking the revolution.

In this connection it should be stressed that its members have acted as defenders of the South African regime, to which they are bound by major interests through the activity of transnational companies taking part in plundering

Namibia's natural resources. Thus for them it is advantageous to perpetuate

the domination.

[Question] The frontline countries are making major sacrifices to support

SWAPO to speed up the advent of independence for Namibia.

What strategy do you advocate to thwart the acts of aggression perpetrated

by the Pretoria racist regime against these independent states?

[Answer] The minority regime in place in South Africa is stepping up its aggressions against the neighboring countries to try to push back the tide of

freedom as far as possible. Its effort is in vain. For even if the oppression is stepped up, the resistance will continue and the struggle will only

end when the Namibian people's full inalienable national rights are restored.

CSO: 3419/937

107
NAMIBIA

POLICE HARASSMENT OF REPORTER SCORED

Windhoek WINDHOEK OBSERVER in English 7 May 83 p 10

[Editorial]

[Text] There is a wide difference between information

essential to the security of a State - and political

harassment. The latter is usually the tactic resorted to

by a Government bankrupt in policy and having but

only one recourse - to silence the voice of opposition

and of dissension. Weak Governments resort to

arbitrary actions; tyrannical systems based on the law

of the muzzle of a gun; throw people into prisons

without trial; but a civilised State/ based on the norms

of justice and decency, does ftot resort to such

methods. Thus it is a totalitarian and Police State

making use of those methods.

The Windhoek Observer had to suffer once more

last week an immense humiliation which was

depicted by the lame SWABC-TV news service

wrongly, after a staff member of that news service

was repeatedly told what the true facts were. The

poor man of couse is not that stupid - although he

sounded like an amateur in the field of reporting -

but he is under instruction to say that the Windhoek

Observer was at a SWAPO conference. That is the

music that certain of the rubbish in our country want

to hear!

The Police have the fullest right to question any

person or anybody, and to confiscate whatever

papers they deem as being necessary to prosecute the

purpose of the interrogation - to glean information

on either crime, be it political or otherwise, or for

that matter, State security.

But this newspaper in view of ^hese people's

knowledge, felt that, if they would contact us and

demand from us whatever was given to us for publication - for we have nothing else in our possession,

we will do so, for the law compels us to heed such a

request.

We asked that our political correspondent be

afforded the utmost of expediency and courtesy and

108
CSO: 3400/1443

if papers were taken from her, to have then photostatted and returned within hours - because she had

to wait a whole day for a connecting flight. That we

did not do because we are a spy of the security

systems which in our opinion are quite often acting as

agents of political harassment; no,we did it because

we believed that they were aware of Gwen Lister's

arrival at Jan Smuts, and to save this woman, who

only did her job and who was not in possession of

classified material any inconvenience,to deal with her

on the basis of speed and efficiency. After all, the

material in her possession is not classified but meant

for public dissemination. And we are not

underground agents - neither for this government or

for SWAPO. We are not in the pay of Moscow or

Pretoria.

We are fighting for a better deal for our stricken

Fatherland and we know that someone must do it,

and get up and try and speak the truth in the face of

whatever adversity. We are not seeking the praise of

the South African Government and neither the

Rubles of Moscow. We are seeking a future for our

country that is based on the foundations of

propriety, decency; of nationhood, of living in peace

and to the best advantage of all.

Must we gather from what happened to Gwen

Lister, that the South African Intelligence Services

are not even capable of introducing their own spies

into that conference? If that is the case, one can only

say God help South Africa!

And to take that woman's private papers, which

were related to diaries, notes, and telephone numbers

or contacts! After all, when we make a telephone call

to anyplace abroad, it goes through the monitoring

services of South African.

And if they request us, we will, as poor as we are,

attach recording systems to all our telephone and give

them the tapes every nightfall, of all our contacts,

engagements and even dates with women!

We have got nothing to conceal. And if there is

something that we should conceal, it is our growing

bitterness, our growing resentment against political

crimes, fostered and instituted by a Police State.

After all, many of these Johnny-come-lat;lies have

never read a book on Communism and come from

somewhere in Pretoria and then try to prescribe to a

son of the Fatherland on what is right or wrong for

his country.

109
NAMIBIA

CROSS-EXAMINATION OF FORMER SECURITY CHIEF REPORTED

Windhoek WINDHOEK OBSERVER in English 7 May 83 pp 44-45

[Text] WINDHOEK: The man who heads the

Security Police in South West Africa,

and who has taken severe exception to

the Observer's reference to this branch

of the Police as 'the Secret Police',

Brigadier Johannes Velde van der

Merwe, was called as a witness by Mr

Sam Maritz.

Brigadier Velde van der Merwe said in

evidence that he had been the supreme

Commander of the Police's Intelligence

Service from December 2, 1979 nnöl

March 25, 1983. In that period aU the

various offices of the Police's Security

Service resorted under him and were

under his command, inclusive of Opuwo

and Walvis Bay.

Since March 28 of this year, he said,

he had been associated with the Security

Police's head office in Pretoria.

He started his career in South West

Africa a? supreme chief of Security

Police with the rank of Colonel, but last

year he had been promoted to the rank

of Brigadier. At Opuwo his task, force

consisted of Warrant Officer Harmse,

Constable Botha, a temporary member

named Constable du Plessis, Sergeant

Ruben Ipinge, and 25 special constables.

The escalation of terrorism, as the

Brigadier put it, started in Kaokoland,

and he had been compelled to reinforce

the Security Police's task force there

and Captain Pat King and Sergeant

Oberholzer were sent there.

Led by Mr Maritz, Brigadier van der

Merwe said that discussions had taken

place in the beginning of May 1980

between members of his branch, the

South African Defence Force and

Police, and attended by himself.General

Dolf Gouws, Commanding the Police in

South West Africa and General Jannie

Geldenhuys who commanded the Army

in South West Africa at the time.

At the discussions they decided that

drastic steps be taken to get the

conditions in Kaokoland under control..

Brigadier van der Merwe said that it was

decided at that meeting to concentrate

as far as possible on the morale of the

Kaokoland inhabitants, to strengthen

such morale and at the same time to try

and curb insurgency activities.

That was why he had sent Captian

King there in temporary capacity and

placed him in control with the explicit

order to concentrate on the gathering of

information in regard to insurgency

activities, investigations in regard to

terror activities and to move around in

the area and to try and fortify the

morale of the local people there and

where possible, to organise them in such

a manner that they could offer

resistance to SWAPO insurgents.

Brigadier van der Merwe explained to

Mr Justice Mouton that Captain King's

assignment was disassociated from the

Security Branch at Opuwo, the Branch

Commander and the normal activities of

that branch.

Of course said Brigadier van der

Merwe, Captain King was c b.iged to cooperate on a very close basis with the

Branch Commander at Opuwo,but that

110
did not mean that Captain King had

supervised the activities of that Branch

or had stood in command of Sergeant

Harmse, who was the Branch

Commander.

The one was assigned exclusively to

investigate insurgency activities and the

other was in charge of the normal

activities of the Branch.

Brigadier Velde van der Merwe said

that at the start of 1980 SWAPO

intensified its onslaught in Kaokoland,

naking use of terror tactics, as he called

, intimidation, landmines and holding

of meetings from place to place, .fro»

where propaganda documents were

distributed with a view to creating the

same conditions in Kaokoland as which

prevailed in the Ovämbo-speaking

region at the time.

He said that it was normal terror

practice to create a condition of fear in

order to get the people into one's power

so that these people could act

mindlessly, so that these people could,

then later called upon, afford the

insurgents assistance. To cite the extent

of the gravity of the infiltration,

Brigadier van der Merwe said that

during the course of 1980, a total of 13

murders had taken place, all of them

members of the inhabitants there; there

were 22 landmine incidents; two cases of

sabotage and other incidents when

information was received, that

insurgency activities were taking place in

the area.

At present, said the Brigadier, the

personnel strength of his Security Police

at Opuwo consisted of 19 permanent

members, including two warrant

officers and 186 special constables.

Presently the threat in that region was

not bigger than in 1980. Therefore, said

the Brigadier the personnel strength in

1980 was below what it should have

been.

On August 18, 1980, he received a

report from Opuwo that 25 people of

the village of Okavare in the Kaokoland

had been arrested and detained for

questioning. Brigadier van der Merwe

then explained, in response to question,

how the system of documentation

worked in his department, thereby

elucidating how the communication

from Opuwo was received, dealt with

and filed.

A report from Opuwo mentioning Mr

Johannes Kakuva was received by him

on September 12, 1980. The people were

held in terms of the provisions of

Security Proclamation AG9 of 1977.

Colonel Coffee said the Brigadier

was the officer assigned with the task of

deciding whether a detainee should be

held longer than the prescribed period

and said the Brigadier, he could recall

that on August 28, 1980 Colonel Coffee

was involved in a radio conversation

with the Security Branch at Opuwo to

discuss the continued detention of

people held there. Brigadier van der

Merwe said that he supported further

detention and in fact had tabled a report

to the Adminstator General in which he

recommended continued detention of

these people and the reasons why.

Information had been received, he said,

that these people whose further

detentions was ordered, had contact

with insurgents and had provided aid to

guerrillas.

Brigadier van der Merwe cited the

names of those people who were to be

detained further in terms of his

recommendation.

The Brigadier cited briefly the reasons

why each of these people had to be held

longer, inter alia that they had admitted

attending meetings convened by

> insurgents, had provided infiltrators

with food and water, and so forth.

He added that charges of murder had

also been investigated. Thus, on August

28, 1980, the office of the AG issued

warrants in which the continued

detention of these people was ordered

for a further two months.

Brigadier van der Merwe read from

documents, but in terms of an earlier

ruling by Mr Justice Mouton the

classified papers of the Security Police

handed in at the trial may not be

disclosed.

Brigadier van der Merwe said, after

reading the documents, that continued

detention of the detainees was a matter

111
even supported by Mr K. Riruako,

described by the Brigadier as the

Paramount leader of the Herero people.

What was asked for, the witness said,

was an extension of the warrants to

enable the Police to hold the detainees

for a further two months as from the

date of October 1980.

. It was imperative he said, that those

people co-operating with the infiltrators

be removed from the community.

Brigadier van der Merwe said that the

vey essence of the survival of the

insurgent was precisely the person who

was prepared .to afford the infiltrator

with information related to the

movements of either Police of Army

forces.

Another problem was then that once

the Security Forces got into contact

with these people who had afforded aid

to the insurgents, they were unwilling to

help either the Police or the Defence

Force. As a result of this tactic, said

Brigadier van der Merwe, the insurgent

had such a network of helpers in the

Ovambo-speaking region that at one

stage it was virtually impossible to cope

with the situation.

In Kaokoland, he went on, SWAPO

attempted to create the same conditions

and his Branch had been geared to curb

this sort of thing as far as possible. That

way why, he went on, the moment it was

realised that certain members of a

specific region had given in to the

insurgent, they were in the power of

the insurgent, to remove those people

from the community. There was simply

no other method or manner to campaign

terrorism, he said and particularly so

because Paramount Chief Riruako had

said quite correctly, that the presence of

these people would adversely affect the

morale of all the inhabitants of

Kaokoland and eventually it could

contribute to a situation leading to

uncontrollable conditions.

Mr Maritz showed more letters

written by the Branch,some of them ot

the office of the AG and others to the

head office of the Police and the

Brigadier indentified them and gave

evidence on each one shown to him. He

said that he was the officer who

eventually signed a document that was a

recommendation that the detainees be

released. At the time he signed that

paper, matters had improved

considerably in the Kaokoland and the

Security Forces had succeeded in

getting, as he put it, a grip on the

situation. It was no longer necessary to

keep the detainees in further detention,

Brigadier van der Merwe said.

Mr Maritz put it directly to the

Brigadier to comment on the

suggestions made in Kakuva trial that

certain detainees were kept seperate and

detained as such in order to circumvent

the possibility of them leaking

information about the death of Mr

Johannes Kakuva - a death intimated by

the applicants in the matter before

Court, being the Kakuva family.

In reply the Brigadier said that if there

was a substance of truth in such a

suggestion, then it should be accepted

that the Security 'Police had deliberately

misled the AG and in doing so his

Branch could not even have dished up

other stories in order to make further

detention possible. He repeated what he

said earlier, that his Bramch was in

permanent contact with Paramount

Chief Riruako.(the Paramount

reference being that of the Brigadier.)

With him there was liaison and

negotiations.

Mr Maritz asked Brigadier van der

Merwe about the method of

interrogation of those villagers of

Okavare who were detained in terms of

Security Proclamation AG9 of 1977.

Mr Maritz specifically wanted toknow

about the issues of being blindfolded, of

whether the detainees were allowed to be

seated or whether they had to lie on their

stomachs when questioned and whether

their hands were tied behind their backs.

The Brigadier said that he was not

exactly acquainted with the methods in

the case of Johannes Kakuva and others

when they were interrogated. But in the

operational area it was fimperative

that when people were arrested to

blindfold them so that one could not see

who the other detainee was.

112
Asked about compensation there was

to Police informers, Brigadier van der

Merwe said that already in May 1980 at

the meeting between his branch,the

Army and SA Police, it had been

decided to print pamphlets and to offer

as a reward R2 000 or ten head of cattle

for information, which could lead to the

arrest or death of an insurgent or

insurgents.

The pamphlets were distributed and,

said Brigadier van der Merwe, he had a

personal discussion with Captain King

in regard to the compensation offered

and told the Captain that as far as

possible the offer had to be utilised in

order to gain as much information as

possible.

Brigadier van der Merwe asserted that

it was vital to protect the identity of a

person under arrest when taking him out

into the region on an investigation. He

admitted that it might have been

offensive to memers of the community

that a blindfold was used, but his

Branch had been compelled to make use

of this method in order to protect the

man under detention and the others who

were being questioned.

Asked to describe the administation

of a security branch such as Opuwo,he

said that it was the task of his Branch

to gain information and to make this

available to the Security Forces in order

to expedite action to curb terror attacks

and in turn to save lives. In the case of

his Branch information was places in

secret files, there was an investigation

diary in each of these secret files in

which all information which was

regarded from the point of security as

important was duly entered into.

Brigadier van der Merwe gave a

lengthy detailed explanation of how the

security system documentation worked.

There was no court ruling specifically in

regard to this but it is perhaps prudent

to omit it from the news columns in view

of the ever-readiness to pound the

Observer.

CSO: 3400/1443

113
POLITICAL ATTITUDES, FEARS STUDIED

Braamfontein FRONTLINE in English May 83 pp 29-32

NAMIBIA

[Excerpt from part one of two-part series by Denis Beckett:

Tragedy Behind the Land of Comic Opera"]

"Namibia, The

[Text] " ""^ETER Kalangula must suffer some

-^anxious moments. All three of his

X predecessors were murdered. First

Chief Filemon Elifas, the first chairman

of the Administration for Ovambos. Then

Clemens Kapuuo, first president of the

DTA. Most recently, Pastor Cornelius

Ndjoba, who had succeeded both Elifas

and Kapuuo. When he resigned the two

posts Kalangula followed him into each.

Kalangula, however, is amiable and

easy-going by any standards — let alone

by the standards which might be expected of a person with such a shadow hanging over him.

He quit one of those offices — the

DTA - early last year, disenchanted with

the DTA's refusal to break down its own

ethnic divisions and form a single united

party. Keeping up his Ovambo job, he at

the same time started a new party — the

Christian Democratic Alliance for Social

Justice, which sets out to be an entirely

non-ethnic party and, at last, the real

alternative to Swapo.

On the face of it, the SA government

should be much less keen on Kalangula's

CDA than on the DTA. But not so. The

CD A is clearly the favourite of the Army

and Kalangula is being cultivated as the

potential leader of a "moderate" antiSwapo government. The irony in this is

considerable. Kalangula walked out of the

DTA because it overstressed ethnicity and

minority group interests. P.W. Botha then

dropped the DTA for almost exactly the

opposite reasons and apparently in the

hope of steering SWA politics back into

an undiluted ethnic mould. Now, as

Mudge says, "Kalangula is the SA government's blue-eyed boy. It doesn't make

sense."

One element of it does, at least in

Southern Africa's race-obsessed context.

Whatever the colour of his eyes, Kalangula's skin is black. Moreover, he is an

Ovambo. One of the things the government had against Mudge was that he was

the wrong colour for the job. Maintaining

that it is impossible for a white leader to

rally support against a black nationalist

organisation, the government in effect

dropped its last white hope in Namibia,

while continuing in South Africa to

militate against whatever possibilities

there are of whites acquiring credibility in

black eyes.

So'omething else which makes sense to a

lot of people is the joint committee set

up by Kalangula and the Army to hear

complaints about army atrocities. Everyone, even the most enthusiastic Swapo

supporters, says that the soldiers have

been behaving better since the committee

became active.

Kalangula himself asserts firmly that

the successes of the committee have won

the CDA enormous support.

Jeter Kalangula has a true third-world

civil service office, with an anteroom

packed with petitioners and complainants

and people with problems. T*- , crankhandle telephones repose on his desk.

Behind him is displayed a large drawing

of the Ampstaf vir Ovamboland se Wetgewende Raad. Kalangula is hospitable and

immensely articulate, speaking English

114
like an Englishman.

He also speaks Afrikaans like an

Afrikaner, which is not nearly as rare a

feature among black leaders up there as it

is in SA.

Here, most black hotshots of over 30

or 35 or so would happily indulge in a

little banter in Afrikaans - especially

when they're abroad, or when there are

foreigners present, when some mysterious

chemistry takes place and it becomes a

joy and fulfilment to give expression to

their South Africanism. But you'll look a

long way to find one who'll actually

speak Afrikaans seriously.

Not so in SWA — there's no embarrassment at all attached to Afrikaans, and

there are plenty of blacks who speak it

fluently and in the purest tones. Which,

to South African ears, rings nearly as odd

as the sound of black people chattering

away in German.

Kalangula, since his departure from

the DTA, has become a prime exponent

of that most popular of Namibian sports —

DTA-bashing. "When I was president of

the DTA there were many people here —

like the people in education — who

wouldn't speak to me. Everybody assumed that they were SWAPO sympathisers.

Now they are behind the CDA.

"We have had to work hard to get

sympathy away from SWAPO. We're

succeeding. Our meetings are now wellattended. There is much discussion. In

the past the people did not want to talk

— now they are making positive contributions. The biggest change is that in the

past a lot of people used to think that

without Nujoma there was no independence. Now they are openly saying that we

— the CDA - can bring about real

independence. They applaud us openly

now, they do not hide their support."

Kalangula concedes that there "used

to be" brutality on the part of members

of his new-found friend, the Army, but

claims that change has been drastic since

he and the Army started their joint

committee of enquiry. "The attitude of

the people to the Army has become good.

They used to be scared to even go near a

base. Now they go there even if they

can't speak Afrikaans." Kalangula admits

that there are still problems. The Army

co-operates fully, he says, so do "some"

of the police unit's.

"Is Koevoet one of those or not?"

Long silence. Finally: "I have no

comment to make on Koevoet."

Doesn't Kalangula suffer from the

time-honoured problem of middle-men in

extreme situations? That the "masses"

turn down collaborative, co-operative,

alternatives in favour of the crisp one

which they believe will turn the tables?

That they have a natural tendency to leap

into the arms of quick radical solutions

which don't clutter their promises with

cautions about being nice to the oppressors?

Kalangula denies it. Nope. That

doesn't apply in Namibia. He's there to

stay, he affirms - sincerely and nobly,

but one wonders quite how realistically.

There is a long list of unhappy characters

of history who have denied it before him

- Kerensky, Spinola, Bakhtiar,

Muzorewa. . .

It's not surprising that there are people

who call Kalangula "Kalorewa". Indeed,

it would be surprising if they didn't. The

little bishop has passed his name into

Southern Africa's public life. Any

moderate, of whatever stamp, can and

does get labelled with the Muzorewa tag

by his opponents. There was plenty of

"Mudgerewa". On the one side from

people accusing Mudge of being the

fellow-traveller whose role would be to

deliver the country to the Marxists. On

the other, from those who said that his

purpose was to sell phony change to the

blacks without frightening the whites or

demanding sacrifices of them.

Amiable Apostle of Resistance

OOM Sarel Bekker's fundamental

approach to political issues is

not far removed from that of the

aide of ex-President Nixon who got

himself into a lot of hot water by

telling journalists that he didn't know

why there was so much fuss about

"the black question". "There's no real

problem" he said. "Niggers only need

three things to keep them happy —

loose shoes, tight pussy, and a warm

place tj sleep."

Oom Sarel likewise has difficulty

working out why everybody's getting

so hot and bothered about a political

dispensation. "The black man of

Suid-Wes is not politically conscious"

he said. "If he gets a full stomach,

sex and drink, then he's doodtevrede".

Why, then, all the visible evidence

of dissatisfaction — such as the fact

that something of the order of one in

ten of the menfolk of Owambo have at

one stage or another gone off to fight

115
for Swapo? "Ah" says Oom Sarel.

"The blacks are very suggestible — you

get all these people telling the black

man that he's been getting a raw deal,

and he starts to believe it."

Oom Sarel has no doubts about the

outcome of a U.N. supervised election.

Swapo would win, he says. This would

not be because of the natural inclination of the voters, but because of the

circumstances. "If we lose control,

they see the U.N. coming in, then they

think 'daar vlug die boere'. They

think the boere have lost, so they must

vote Swapo because the U.N. is baas

now and the U.N. is on Swapo's side".

Needless to remark, that is not a

proposition upon which Oom Sarel

looks with any great enthusiasm. He

repeats flatly and unequivocally that

"the whites will not accept a Swapo

government" They would overthrow

it, by whatever means at their'disposal.

Oom Sarel maintains firmly that it's

possible for the whites to keep power

indefinitely; it's possible to keep the

races separate forever; it's possible

to raise the white birthrate; it's

possible to sublimate black nationalism

"like we keep the sex drive under

control by working hard". It's possible

even for SWA to go back to what it

was once before — with only white

people in white places and no blacks

coming in and sitting down at the

table next to you.

Like most extreme right-wingers,

Sarel values the approbation of blacks,

and believes that blacks have healthy,

manly, respect for him — but not for

the Nats and other liberals, who gatkruip them. Indeed, as Sarel strolls

down Kaiserstrasse he's constantly

raising his arm in greeting to all sorts

of people, of every different complexion. Some of them — even some of

sophisticated ex-exiles - even go so

far as to gladden his heart by calling

him "Baas". Sarel maintains that this

displays their natural veneration for

the white man, and believes that it

makes them feel uplifted to have

chatted with the Baas. Not all the

blacks would entirely agree, but there

is something fundamentally encouraging in the fact that people holding

world-views as remote as it is possible

to get can nonetheless find room for

civility and jocularity within them.

Despite his fulminations and vows

to resist to the death, it's difficult to

imagine Oom Sarel quitting SWA. It's

not beyond the bounds of possibility,

even, that within his time the stage

will arrive where Oom Sarel and his

kind have not only become used to

sitting at adjoining tables at the Cafe

Schneider with people of other colours,

but might even be sitting at the same

table. Sure, right now that looks like

a daydream. But then, a mere five

years ago the thought of as much as

sharing floor space would have

provoked cries of skande.

Erukyk hoe lyk hulle nou.

Mr Big

FRANS Ndongo made his way as

far as Std. 6 at school. Then,

what with family finances pressing, and the high school miles away

from home and not being particularly motivated - seeing as how the

teachers didn't seem to have much

idea of what they were teaching, and

whatever it was hadn't helped them

greatly, anyhow - Frans quit.

He started doing odd jobs, and a bit

of tailoring.

Now he is one of the richest people

in Namibia. His huge HQ complex —

bottle stores, agencies, wholesalers,

garage - is surrounded by a large

double-security fence, and covers

several acres. Frans' Merc is the Merc

of all Mercs, and amongst the top nobs

around South West, where the status

symbol is not whether you have a

Merc but what kind of Merc you have,

Frans holds the prize. His 1982 Mercedes 500 ELC is the pride of Namibia,

and is reputed to be worth something

in six figures,

in six figures.

Which is probably less than his

other runabout — a huge ungainly

monster which looks like it escaped

from the set of The Empire Strikes

Back. Ndongo explains that there is a

clear division of labour. The Mercedes

is strictly for trips South - to Tsumeb

and Windhoek. Tar roads only. The

armoured car is for travelling on the

dirt roads of the North, where the

landmines are.

Plenty of people say nasty things

about Mr. Ndongo. One of the stock

stories in the guesthouse \r the white

part of Oshakati is that any Ndongo

employee caught pilfering is never seen

again. That, the implication is, explains

116
why he has done so well. He can turn

the ruthless ways of the wild to work

for him. Next morning we check this

story out with our Ovambo friends,

who at first respond with a hearty

laugh. Pilfering employees get sacked,

they say; and maybe prosecuted if the

scale is big enough. On reflection, one

of the Ovambos gets very irritated:

"How can they think such things of

us?"

From a different, perspective, there

are other people who say that the

"sell-outs", the Ndongos and Kalangulas who have made good through

the white man's system, are so unpopular that they have to ride around

in armoured cars. That causes Ndongo

great hilarity. "What do they think?

That the landmine has got my name

on it? Nobody is safe on the dirt roads

of the north without an armoured car."

Is Ndongo apprehensive of the prospect of a Swapo victory? Theoretically,

he should be one of the biggest losers

— an indigenous millionaire in the

heartland of a left-wing government.

He responds with heat, albeit not

wholly to the point: "No. No. Why

do you blame Swapo for everything?

Tell your government to take away

their landmines. Tell your government

to take away Koevoet. Not only

Swapo does bad things."

Teutonic Twist

THE ethnic fixation in Namibia

leads to assorted odd twists. One

of these is personified by the

stately figure of Werner Neef. Neef

is the No. 2 man (and reputedly the

principal bankrotter) of Peter Kalangula's Christian Democratic Alliance

and is appropriately nicknamed "The

Prussian Squire".

Neef stands nearly two metres tall,

brandishes a moustache of the Kaiser

Wilhelm tradition, dresses not only

in suits (itself a rarity in SWA) but

suits of such impeccable cut that

he would be the envy of a Hamburg

bank manager, and is abundantly

endowed with a teutonic dignity

which a slight hardness of hearing

serves only to augment. . "'

Only in Namibia could such a man

be found, as he iv'seated in the

National Assembly as the ethnic

representative of that most un-Prussian

of peoples — the Ovambo.

CSO: 3400/1444

117
NAMIBIA

SOME OUTSTANDING POLITICAL, BUSINESS LEADERS PROFILED

Braamfontein FRONTLINE in English May 83 pp 30, 33-35, 37

[Excerpts from part one of two-part series by Denis Beckett

Tragedy Behind the Land of Comic Opera"]

[Text] Peter Kalangula Man in the Middle

"Namibia, the

AMONG followers of labour affairs

in South Africa, it is a kind of

innocent source of one-upmanship

to be able to tell the AWUs from one

another. "The AWUs" are the proliferating black trade unions, most of whose

names end in ". . . and Allied Workers

Union". There is MAWU - Metal and

Allied- and then there is GAWU, EAWU,

BAWU, SAAWU, PPAWU, SFAWU,

TAWU, SPAWU, BCAWU, etc.

Understandably, any labour-watchers

who are able to keep tabs on that lot tend

to feel that they must be pretty expert.

The bad news is that actually they're

still in the little league. They should make

their way to Namibia, and try to figure

out one political party from another.

That'll really tax them.

There's SWAPO, of course, and the

DTA. But then there are some 44 others

as well. There's the Original Namibia

Party, a fundamentalist bushman party

with similar principles to those North

American Indians who demand the

cancellation of the sale of Manhattan to

Peter Stuyvesant. There's Aksie Red

Blank Suid-Wes Afrika, which makes the

HNP look soft. There is the resounding

SWAPDUF, the SWA People's Democratic United Front, which now, in case

this is not explicit enough, also goes by a

second name - The Damara DTA. To

confuse the unwary a little further there

are not one but two NUDOs, and there is

both an NCDP (Namibia Christian

Democratic Party) and an entirely

separate party called NCDP-Pillay. Then

there's a Riemvasmaak United Party, and

so on. Some, of course, exist in little

more than name alone, and quite a few

consist of just a couple of enthusiasts

with a letterhead and a roneo machine.

But they're there.

Nor is this the worst of it. There are

the local codes. AG8, AG9, AG26,

Resolution 435. . . South-Westers drop

this kind of language into their conversation as readily as you or I might employ

an "and" or a "but". Bewilderment is an

emotion not hard to associate with a

foreigner trying to understand Namibia.

But relief, after a fashion, is at hand.

One need merely wander along to the

Cafe Schneider and order a cup of coffee.

If some enterprising dramatist were to

invent the Cafe Schneider, the critics

would say: "Nice idea, but it stretches

the imagination too far."

Which indeed it does, even allowing

for truth being stranger than fiction. The

Cafe Schneider, in the middle of Windhoek, is the nerve centre of a goodly part

of Namibian politics. On a fine day, one

has a good chance of bumping into the

leaders of ten or fifteen political parties,

including parties which would ban,

imprison or do worse to one another had

they the chance, sitting at adjoining

pavement tables discussing strategy over

cups of coffee.

There's Oom Sarel Bekker, leader of

the HNP, expounding his belief in the

permanence of white re

r

.aCance. At the

very next table, the leaders of SWANU

are discussing the nationalisation of

private property.

118
The other tables are populated by the

usual collection - soldiers, tourists,

leaders of other political parties . . .

Among them, more likely than not, are at

least three or four politicians who have

within the last few weeks said things

about one another which in another era

would have given rise to duels to the

death.

Political debate in South West is

robust, to put it mildly. It is standard

practice for newspapers to carry wild and

abusive criticisms by politicians of one

another — ". _. . He doesn't even know

where his parents are from. . . he is. . .

based on hypocrisy, greed, selfishness and

hatred" reads part of a recent dispute.

"With your hair split into the air, eyes

red, and your face hanging ... I never

knew you were such a coward. . ." is

from another.

A third: "Mr Likando's remarks are

Abominable, Inane, Childish and

Bizarre". One editor writes of another —

the latter the proud holder of a doctorate

- that he is a traitor, spineless, a total

amateur, and that SWA's biggest misfortune was hisrarrival, and concludes: "If

this is still not clear to you please get

another Doctor of Literature to explain it

to you."

Th, .he rapier, so often the favoured

weapon of political debate in more

temperate climes, is jjnknown to Windhoek. There the battleaxe holds sway.

There are rules, though. Such as that you

no longer fling ethnic labels around in the

same crass way as we do in SA. Not in

print, anyhow. You don't bluntly call

people Hereros, Namas, or whatever. You

politely refer to them as "Nama-speaking

citizens". Whereafter, formalities fulfilled, you can go ahead in good conscience

to indulge in whatever ethnic labelling

you like. As in this recent example: "Why

do certain Herero-speaking leaders, like

you, never tell the truth?"

Since practically everybody involved,

on both the giving end the receiving,

takes tea at the Schneider, the scene there

ought, by rights, to look like something

out of Gunfight at the OK Corral. In fact,

the politicos who've been throwing the

most dreadful abuse at one another in

public nod civilly and exchange greetings

when they meet at the cafe.

SWANU, in theory the most left-wing

party of the lot, has its offices next door,

on the top floor of a building which

proudly displays the inscription

"Departement van Nasionale Onderwys"

at its portals. In pride of place in the

SWANU office is a photograph of its two

top Comrades with the late Chairman

Mao, all looking very pally. SWANU's

central committee is called nothing else

but the Politburo.

To a South African the sight requires

more than a little adjustment. Comrades?

Chairman Mao? Politburo? It beggars the

imagination to try to envisage the

equivalent in South Africa. Any party

here which indulged in even one tenth so

bold a flirtation with the symbols of the

Iron Curtain would soon find that the

only government building it could acquire

premises in would be Pretoria Central or

Modderbee.

Also within spitting distance of the

Schneider is the Windhoek office of

SWAPO itself. The office is closed up

now - the people manning it had faced

too much harrassment, explains Daniel

Tjongarero, SWAPO's chief internal representative. But it's still there, and

SWAPO is still paying the rent. Again, it's

difficult to imagine the ANC putting up

its board on a suite in the Carlton Centre,

which is the SA equivalent. Tjongarero

himself now operates from the Council of

Churches offices in a largely white residential suburb on the outskirts of the

city. He's been in and out of jail more

times than he cares to remember, but he's

still there, in the open, a card-carrying

member of the organisation which the

South African government painstakingly

portrays as the next thing to Satan.

"What kind of communications do you

have with SWAPO outside?" I ask.

"Normal."

"What! You mean if you want to speak

to Nujoma you just pick up the phone

and dial?"

"Well it's a bit difficult when he's in

Luanda, 'cause the phone connections

aren't too good. But if I want to speak to

Gurirab in New York I just speak to him."

"Of course," adds'Tjongarero, as an

afterthought, "they listen to what we're

saying."

Of course.

Ec

********************

tOM the Cafe Schneider perspective,

the notion of Namibia as the Land of

Gilbert and Sullivan becomes seductive. It

becomes easy to forget that behind these

urbane sophisticated ladies and gentlemen

there are hordes of warriors bent on

bringing one another's lives to an end.

Easy to forget that half the women in the

119
North have forgotten what it is like to

wear anything other than black.

R.or me, the sobering came abruptly:

In the midst of all the laughing and

joking around the coffee tables, an old

acquaintance strolls by. Warm greetings.

More laughing, more joking.

Then I ask after a mutual friend, one

Oom Hans. I remembered Oom Hans with

warmth from years gone by, when he had

striven mightily and with overwhelming

sincerity to turn me from the error of my

liberal ways and convince me that 'n

kaffer was not the same thing as 'n mens.

Suddenly, the laughing and joking was

gone. My friend's face clouded over.

"Oh no. No." he said, shaking his head:

"Oom Hans is bad. Bad, man. He doesn't

speak to anyone any longer."

What?

"No, he doesn't shave either. Or

change his clothes. Nothing. There's some

who say he doesn't wash. He just sits, all

day..."

How could this be? Oom Hans? The

friendliest and most courteous figure

between Qshikango and Ariamsvlei (true,

the friendliness was for whites, but he

was certainly courteous to the blacks as

well, mense ofte nie).

"Ja. His son was killed. In the war. A

few years ago. He's been strange ever

since." ' .

Speechless and damp-eyed, I realised

that I had read at the time of Oom Hans'

son's death. But it had meant nothing.

Just another statistic. Another couple of

centimetres of newprint with another

South West casualty story. We've gotten

so used to that stuff you can read it without even seeing it.

Now, only, did its meaning become

real.

How many other shattered fathers?

How many still to come? Are there

fathers in Owambo too who are driven

insane by their sons' deaths? How many

more sons, never to become fathers themselves?

Who needs this dämfool war?

********************

XV HETORIC aside, that is a very good

question. Who does need the war?

It's an extra odd war anyway. Both

sides are fighting for exactly the same

thing, or so they say. Independence in a

free, democratic non-racial society.

That in itself represents quite an irony.

After all, less than ten years ago the mere

breath of independence was considered

practically treasonable. Nearly all adult

South Africans, and South-Westers, were

brought up in an environment where

South West was officially and unquestioningly considered "ours". Our fifth

province, in effect, and the claims of the

United Nations and the judgements of the

world court were dismissed with fury and

indignation. Then, suddenly, all that was

turned on its head. South Africa's

desperation to rid itself of its vexed

annexe became second only to its

desperation to avoid a SWAPO government as its neighbour.

Initially, the hysteria about SWAPO

was mainly because it represented an

exact counterpoint to the whites'

definition of their own interests. No

constitutional safeguards. No special

privileges for whites. SWAPO, like ZANU,

meant black man's country. And in SWA,

as in Rhodesia, the whites initially swore

that they would keep the power forever,

and subsequently found themselves

instead making frantic efforts to promote

the kind of black government which

would leave them with more power than

their numbers alone assigned them.

X'hat basic fear of SWAPO as the party

of the black man is still there. But in the

meantime a number of things have happened. For one, the South African

government has painted itself into a

corner. It has so assiduously portrayed

SWAPO as the next thing to the antiChrist that it is now impossible for it to

allow SWAPO into government - or to

risk having it voted into power.

Instead, it is obliged to keep waging

this costly and damaging war - which

chews up something in the vicinity of

Rl 000 000 000 a year - towards an end

which seems unprofitable, to say the

least. Despite its military power, the

SADF's prospects of actually putting an

end to SWAPO are clearly no greater than

were the Americans' prospects of putting

an end to the Vietcong. To many SouthWesters, even those who enthusiastically

support the anti-SWAPO campaign, it is

difficult to see any longterm end result

other than the Army finally quitting.

Which is necessarily an admission that all

those lives and all that expense were in

vain. And the longer i' il goes on, the

more militaristic and presumably totalitarian as well SWAPO becomes, and the

120
less the prospect of an effective shared

government.

Something else which has changed is

the attitude of the whites. True, by and

large the whites remain about as far Right

as it is possible to get without falling off

the edge of the spectrum. But now that

the prospect of majority rule is an

immediate reality and no longer a

distant threat which a lot of tough talk

can still claim to be able to stave off

forever (as applied five years ago and still

does in South Africa) the perspective

alters somewhat.

As Andre du Toit has put it: "The

thought that they themselves as Afrikaners may have yet to live with black

majority rule is a thought that powerfully

concentrates the Afrikaner mind". But

whereas in South Africa it is only the

young, and thus powerless, who feel the

need to suffer that concentration, in SWA

it applies to everyone.

The result is that the whole frame of

reference — the whole political vocabulary

— is thoroughly different to South

Africa's. Okay, you do still hear plenty of

people thumping tables and promising to

beat the daylights out of the kaffirs. But

you also hear people saying — openly,

without shame and without eliciting

horror or outrage — such things as that

the war is really South Africa's war and

why don't they get out öf Namibia, or

that maybe socialism; can be lived with

after all.

The question of international recognition is a much greater factor in the minds

of many whites than South Africans tend

to assume. We, unaffected by the issue,

take it that recognition is a matter for

governments, and really doesn't have

much to do with the people. But time

and again white South-Westers say —

again, openly - that they want to be able

to hold their heads up as citizens of an

accepted nation. Under a SWAPO government? "Well, if that's the way it's got to

be . . ." Already the white population has

dropped drastically over the last f:r.v

years, and at 70 000 is less by .<;. .- ;

35 000 than a 1970 census projected it

would be by now. Most of the departed

consist of returning South African civil

servants (who have largely been replaced

by blacks). Opinions differ as to what

sort of exodus there would be were

SWAPO to take over now, but many

believe that it would be low. Certainly,

the refrain: "We'll wait around, and see

how it goes. . ." crops up regularly.

SWA is often said to be depressed and

demoralised, and white morale is said to

be low. It doesn't strike this observer that

way. Rather than depression, the hallmark is confusion.

An enormous amount depends on

Zimbabwe. As one astute observer of the

SWA scene notes: "The mood here goes

up and down like a yo-yo, in exact

proportion to news from Zimbabwe.

You'll hear people saying 'Ag man it's not

that bad in Zimbabwe'. People have

friends and relatives there and they hear

that it's livable and life goes on. Then

there's some new disaster there and everybody says: 'See, see what happens when

you have a black government' ".

Sounds familiar. An independent

Namibia will play the same role for us in

SA.

CS0: 3400/1444

121
NAMIBIA

'WINDHOEK OBSERVER' LISTS DOCUMENTS SEIZED FROM GWEN LISTER

Windhoek WINDHOEK OBSERVER in English 7 May 83 p 10

[Text]

WINDHOEK: Many people are talking in Windhoek at

present about the confiscation of documents from Gwen Uster

on her arrival back from Paris last weekend. Naturally the

inclination is to say "Well, she must have had something

subversive in her possession"! So for the benefit of these

people, we are listing the documents and booklets confiscated

in the terms of the Criminal Procedure Act of 1977.

They arc as follows:

Ix booklet "Namibia - Strength of the Powerless" (a booklet

taken overseas by Gwen - she received it through the post two

years ago!) •

lx booklet "Plunder of Namibian Uranium",(in UN brochure}

lx booklet UN Council for Namibia - Meetings in Panama City

lx booklet Namibia's Stolen Wealth, (in UN brochiire)

lx booklet "Trade Union Action on Namibian Uranium'',

lx booklet "Apartheid's Army in Namibia (also a booklet

received in through the post in Windhoek and taken abroad by

Gwen). • : '• ' "'; '•

lx booklet A Trust Betrayed - Namibia

Ix UN Council for Namibia - Meeting in Algiers Algeria (in

UN brochure). :

A

lx sheet "UN International Conference ... Paris 25 T29 April

1983" I

Ix statement by the Synod of Bishops (released in Namibia

itself)

lx statement issued by World Campaign

Ix Objective: Justice (in UN brochure)

lx sheet with PAC emblem

lx UN Info Service - international Conference on Namibia

Ix UN Info Service - International Conference on Narnbia

2x Episcopal Churchman for SA

Ix AFP interview with Sam Nujoma

2x PAC-The PAC six

2x UN background release

lx Folder UN

4x handwritten pages (Gwen's rough notes)

- lx SWAPO press release

lx World Campaign - Marconi Radar to be exported (story in

all SA newspapers)

lx press statement by Sam Nujoma

lx Bonn's Policy on Southern Africa

lx Southern Wisconsin draft resolution

:

lx Episcopal Churchman - fact sheet

lx Oil Tankers of SA

jxPoster of Sam Nujoma (also in UN booklet)

-•lxPamphlet UN Internatical Conference (in UN brochure)

Tx UN Decree No 1 (in UN brochure)

lx Repression and Human Rights in Namibia (in UN brochure)

lx list ofjournalists participating in encounter

lx encounter forjournalists

Vlx 4 sheets photocopied, starting from page 4 .

I lx UN Council for Namibia Pamphlet (in UN brochure)

2x SWAPO Political Program (also in UN brochure)

lx Provisional list of Participants and Observers in conference

lx statement by Paul Lusakaka (delivered at the conference)

lx speech by Paulo G. Jorge (Angolan Foreign Minister speech

at conference)

lx statement by President of SWAPO (at press conference in

Paris)

lx speech by Nujoma, issued by Episcopal Churchman

lx Report of Bristol Commission of Inquiry

lx memo to all friends of Namibia

lxf Namibia - Back to Basic Principles

lx Pamphlet - The Grand Design

lx Barclays Shadow Report

lx press release

lx 33 typed pages - (also on minerals)

3x typed pages (Copies of my stories sent from Paris)

CSO: 3400/1443

122
TRIP THROUGH OVAMBOLAND DESCRIBED

NAMIBIA

Braamfontein FRONTLINE in English May 83 pp 34-37

[Excerpt from part one of two-part series by Denis Beckett: "Namibia the

Tragedy Behind the Land of Comic Opera"]

[Text] Tt\HE drive north from Tsumeb is

different now. Ten years ago, I did

it regularly, driving a 20-ton railway

truck. We'd leave at midnight and

occasionally - especially after rain -

have to nudge elephants off the road.

Aah! That made you know you were in

Africa!

There are no elephants now. And the

birds - they breed them big up there,

huge majestic monsters of the hawk and

eagle families - have thinned out an

awful lot. There are still the kudu,

though. From the cab of a 20-tonner

these were just another of the rewards of

Africa. But driving at night in a dinky

Datsun the perspective is different. Kudu

become bewildered by headlights, and are

apt to run for them, like rabbits, sometimes jumping right into them. In which

case the bells will shortly toll for whoever

had been in the front seat. . "

Another change is the permit system.

Then, civilian visitors-to Owambo would

spend days or weeks in acquiring permits;

all sealed, checked, countersigned and

hedged about with provisos. One of these

was that the permit could be withdrawn

at any time without reasons being given.

Others included stipulations that white

permit-holders would dress with decorum,

would refrain from communicating with

the local population, and would not

commit any acts which would reduce

respect for the white race.

Nowadays, you sommer go.

The Owambo border is still marked by

the high fences of the "Stock Disease

Control Point". And now, not a long way

further, there is a second, explicitly military, control point. But this is a flimsy

formality in comparison with the vast

documentation which was required

before.

Name,* car number, address — that's

about all.

The road itself is much the same.

"You've got to grant the South Africans

that they make the best roads in Africa,"

says one of our party, a black man

recently returned from years of exile:

"Aaii! Those Zambian roads. . ."he

shakes his head ruefully.

What has changed, drastically, is the

occupancy of the road. Then, the traffic

was sparse. Occasional trucks, a few

whites, mainly officials or reps, in cars,

and even fewer blacks in cars - these

latter causing huge offence to my SAR

co-driver, who had a beat-up old heap

himself and treated the sight of any black

man in a smarter vehicle as a demonstration that the natural order of things had

gone awry.

Now, it's more common to see locals

- locpops, the Army calls them in its

politer moods, from "local population",

or PBs in Afrikaans, from "plaaslike

bevolking" -- driving their own SBAregistered cars. In fact, there's plenty

evidence of the famous "Ovambo milJk ;

aires", traders and franchise-hold.;;.s

who've made good. Around Owambo the

proportion of Mercedes to other cars

must be one of the highest in the world.

Jjut the main difference is the military

presence. Which is everywhere. One can

live an entire lifetime in South Africa and

never, even cumulatively, lay eyes upon

123
as many South African military vehicles

as it is possible to see at one time on the

Ondangwa road. Huge columns of

awesome khaki weapons of war rumble to

and fro ceaselessly. Sandbags, fortifications, watchtowers and mounted antiaircraft cannon are the signs of the times.

I was soon disabused of one misconception. By going to Oshakati, I had

thought, we would be seeing Owambo.

Not so. Oshakati and Ondangwa are

fortified towns - safe areas. The war

doesn't happen there, except for the

inevitable spin-offs which occur when

guns, grenades, bombs and hostility are

all present in abundance.

Swapo once dropped a few missiles on

Oshakati — which is now walled, fenced

and barricaded like a feudal keep — and

odd unexplained explosions and other

accidents keep happening. But for the

most part Oshakati is no more representative of Owambo than, say, Saigon was

representative of Vietnam. The action is

elsewhere, and Oshakati is a home for

those who've been displaced by that

action.

There are two ways of looking at

Oshakati. For the whites, it consists of

the fortified town. For the blacks, it is

eight or so separate complexes — one of

these being the white part and the other

seven being what were once relatively

settled black villages and are now overcrowded squatter camps. Nobody knows

how many refugees have flooded to

Oshakati to escape the war, but what is

easy to see is that it is far too many.

The squatter camps are large rambling

collections of corrugated iron shanties

with occasional communal taps dotted

about at remote intervals. Pit lavatories

are not unknown, but for the most part

hygiene is non-existent. Beer cans and

waste, human and otherwise, are scattered everywhere. Huge puddles of brack,

stinking, water abound. Hardly anybody

apart from the bottle store proprietors

and the cuca-shop owners have any visible . means of support. In the circumstances

it seems slightly inexplicable that the

people give every appearance of passing

livable lives.

H.Low the cuca-shops survive is a

mystery in itself. The cuca-shops — along

with the army and the mountainous anthills - are one of the central' features of

Owambo. Every fourth of fifth hut is a

cuca-shop — almost always marked by a

coca-cola placard alongside its door. Coke

signs are even more common in Owambo

than are fatherless children or women in

black.

So how can so many survive? Or do

they all buy from each other? Maybe -

they all stock different wares. Beer and

muscadel and coke are to be found in all,

but thereafter it's a matter of catch-ascatch-can. The rough undulating shelves

in one shop might stock shoe polish, skinlightener and batteries. Its neighbour

might be the place to go for wigs or

brasso. Quite how your average Owambo

housewife manages to distinguish haberdasher from greengrocer is a local secret.

But it all seems to work, and it certainly

works amiably.

Most of the bigger shops have names -

usually in English and usually unmistakably third-world. Melody Store. Joy

Store. Happy Store. One, with barely as

much as a hoenderhok within 500 yards

in any direction, is called "City Centre

Furnishers".

Another, near Ondangwa, is "Sorry".

The name is written on every wall and

several times, large, around the front

facade. The clear impression is that the

owner is very apologetic. We are told the

story behind the Sorry: the owner was

previously the manager of someone else's

shop. He told the police that his boss was

a Swapo collaborator, and while his boss

spent the ensuing 18 months in detention

he creamed the profits off into his own

pocket. All is now forgiven, apparently,

and a happy co-existence prevails.

Forgiveness is not always quite so easy

to come by. As we drive around Owambo

our locpop guides point out houses of ill

fortune with startling frequency. "The

man from that house was shot dead. . .",

"the man from that shop was killed by a

bomb. . .".

Violence is a way of life. In addition

there are some places in Owambo which

are remarkably accident-prone. One of

these is the printing press at the headquarters of ELOC, the Evangelical

Lutheran OvamboKavango Church. A

few months ago a stray shell happened to

drop through the roof, but did not

explode. ELOC advised the army that it

seemed to have left some of its property

on their premises. The army apologised

profusely, begging ELOC's pardon for

such an unfortunate accident. ELOC

might have found the apologies more

convincing had it not r ,en that the

printing press has already twice been

demolished by unidentifed armed attackers.

124
The official line, on those two

occasions, was that the attacks were

perpetrated by Swapo. This, doubtless,

did its bit to build up the South African

electorate's mental picture of Swapo as a

devil-sent collection of psychopathic

criminals. But it does not cut much ice in

Owambo, where ELOC stands in relation

to SWAPO not all that differently from

the way that the NGK stands in relation

to the S.A. government.

In another accident, in April last year,

an ELOC mission was bombed. The

SADF duly apologised, and promised to

pay out R30 000 damages. More recently

a policeman accidentally fired a mortar

into an Owambo school, killing a schoolgirl and injuring ten others.-

********************

A,J.PART from simply seeing what this

vexed province of Owambo looked like,

my main purpose was to try to conduct

some sort of ground level straw poll; to

try to gauge where the people stood.

Three different types of input were

prominent in my mind. Firstly, the

official line, which says in effect that our

boys on the border are honourably protecting the peaceable citizens of Owambo

from the evils and atrocities of Swapo.

Secondly, the fashionable opposite to

that theory, .which asserts that Swapo is

"the people's movement", with universal

support. Thirdly, the observation, common among whites whether liberal or

conservative, that the rural Ovambos are

sublimely ignorant of social and political

issues, with the implication that whatever

their attitudes may be; doesn't really

matter, since they don'f know enough to

have any possibility of being right.

This last factor was the most troublesome. If you believe in democracy, as I

do, you necessarily believe that every

adult has the same right as every other

adult to a say over the rules according to

which his life is to be conducted. Yet if it

was true, as so often claimed, that here

there was practically no concept of anything beyond the immediate confines of

the village or district, that hardly anyone

had any concept of Owambo as an entity,

let alone of Namibia as an entity, let

alone of democracy, liberty or progress. . . I wondered whether democracy

could make sense in those circumstances.

The first truth to be driven home to

me was that to speak of Swapo as a

feared gang of criminals, driving terror

into the hearts of the population, wns

simply laughable. Everywhere we went,

everyone we spoke to, was nothing oth?r

than mystified by my persistent question

ing as to whether they feared Swapo.

Finally I realised that to talk of Swap.

as the enemy simply made no sense. I' > more sense than it would make to ask,

say, the white householders of Grobleisdal or Pretoria whether they looked upon

the SA government as the enemy. They

may of course not agree with the policies

of the government. But the idea of the

government as enemy would be wholly

incomprehensible. Thus it was with

Swapo in Owambo.

B,)y the same token, it made no sen;;

to talk of the army as protector. lh..

army is the thing the people fear. I'd ask

about Swapo atrocities, and people would

shrug their shoulders and say dismissively

that Swapo ("the Plans" they usually

said, meaning members of Swapo's fore

the People's Liberation Army

Namibia) had killed informers. I'd ; .'.;:.

about the army and they'd launch into

tirades.

I was thoroughly unimpressed with the

lack of concern displayed over the

murder of "informers", I might say.

Insofar as people did support Swapo, I

also wanted to know, why did they do

so? Because it's socialist? Because it's

nationalist? Because it's essentially

Ovambo? Because they'd support anything which was against the army?

I was prepared for a multiplicity of

answers. What I was not prepared for was

• what I got, which was to discover that the

questions simply weren't valid. We were

on utterly different wavelengths. The socalled politically aware mind, adjusted to

assess proportions of loyalty and reasons

for it, makes about as much sense as an

attempt to count the angels on the head

of a pin would make in a physics

laboratory.

"Yes," runs a typical exchange, "we

like Mr Nujoma." "What about the

DTA?" "Yes we like Mr Mudge too."

"And what about the CDA?" "Yes we

like Mr Kalangula too." And so it goes

on. Whereas in white SA, if a man is a

Nat, say, then he's not a Prog and not a

Herstigte either, here one sees nothing

inconsistent with being for everyone at

one and the same time. The idea of one

outfit being right and the rest therefore

wrong simply doesn't apply.

At face value that might be seen as a

125
demonstration of this proverbial Ovambo

ignorance. It didn't strike me that way,

though. Rather as a sensible pragmatic

approach. And it struck me that it had

taken a trip to this remote corner of

Southern Africa to learn something

fundamental about politics as a whole.

Namely, that it is all much more multidimensional that we tend to think. Isn't it

after all pretty simple-minded to assume

that anyone's entire set of attitudes can

be summed up under the heading of the

Party he professes to support?

The Owambo trip also did a lot to

settle my concerns about democracy and

ignorance. At pne point, while we were

sitting on the ground outside a cuca-shop

drinking warm beer and listening to a

group of women describing how their

sons had been detained, it struck me

strongly that the relationship between

learning and humanity is truly a distant

one. What did it matter that these women

knew nothing about the balance of payments or constitutional systems? For the

people who were showing us around, in

particular, I acquired tremendous respect

- and plenty of admiration for some of

the customs we saw, such as the outstanding hospitality. I ended up quite hot

under the collar at the thought that anyone could reasonably claim that these

people had less right than anyone else to

involve themselves in the running of their

society.

[Boxed Item_

Dots on the Map

NEVER have so few fought so

bitterly for so much. Namibia

has the second lowest population

density of any country in the world

(narrowly beaten by Outer Mongolia.)

It is almost exactly the same size as

France, West Germany and Belgium

combined. Yet its total population —

1,1 million - is considerably smaller

than the population of Soweto. And

the area of Soweto; in turn, is about

the same as four or five of the larger

suburbs of northern Johannesburg

combined.

The sparcity sparks its own set of

indigenous Namibian jokes. Looking

at a map of the territory, fairly well

spattered with dots and place-names, a

stranger remarks that there seem to be

lots of small towns. "Those aren't

towns", scoffs a seasoned Namibian.

"If there's a small dot it means

there's a cuca-shop. If there's a bigger

dot it means there's a cuca-shop with a

gas fridge. And if there's a very big dot

it means there's a cuca-shop with a gas

fridge that works."

CSO: 3400/1444

126
NAMIBIA

BRIEFS

THREE BY-ELECTIONS—Windhoek.—The three main White parties in SWA/

Namibia—the National Party of SWA, the Republican Party and the Herstigte

Nasionale Party—nominated candidates yesterday for the June 22 by-elections

for vacancies in three seats for the White Legislative Assembly. All three

seats—Pionierspark, Windhoek West and Grootfontein—were previously held

by the National Party of SWA. The vacancies arose from two of the members

of the White Legislative Assembly leaving for South Africa and the death

of the third, Mr Adolf Brinkman, the representative for Grootfontein, who

was also Deputy Leader of the NP of SWA. The Republican Party, the white

component in the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance, protested strongly to the

Administrator-General, Dr Willie van Niekerk, about the state of the voters'

roll. It threatened not to take part in the election, as it charged that

many of the voters on the list were Government officials who had since moved

to South Africa. But Dr van Niekerk said in a statement yesterday only

bona fide registered voters would be allowed to take part in the elections.

The candidates for Pionierspark are: Mr Victor Verster (NP), Mr Stolla

Botha (RP) and Mr Willie Krugel (HNP). The candidates for Windhoek West:

Mr Frans van Zyl (NP), Mr Stefaans Malan (RP) and Mr Sarel Becker (HNP).

The candidates for Grootfontein: Mr Chris Liebenberg (NP), Mr Hans Ernst

(RP) and Mr Danie Harmse (HNP). [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in

English 7 May 83 p 11]

CSO: 3400/1432

127
NIGERIA

FURTHER REPORTAGE ON VIOLENCE IN KANO

Political Clash

Kaduna NEW NIGERIAN in English 5 Apr 83 pp 1, 13

[Article by Abdulhamid Babatunde]

[Text] MOBILE police units in

Kano .were yesterday put on

the alert in the wake of fresh

political violence between

rival factions of the National

Party of Nigeria (NPN) in the

state capital.

The violence began yesterday afternoon as bus-loads of

people alleged to be supporters of the Maude-faction

of the party went into town

chanting slogans and brandishing dangerous weapons.

By about 2 p.m., the office of •

the party's governorship candidate in the state, Älhaji

Aminu Bashir Wali had been

attacked by the people who

smashed window panes and

'tore posters. At least one person was confirmed injured at

(he office.

There were also reports of

sporadic clashes between the

two factions in various parts

of the state capital including

the residence of the Minister

of Commerce, Alhaji Bello

Maitama Yusuf at Tarauni

and the party headquarters

along Airport Road.

Meanwhile, mobile policemen have stepped up patrols

in the state capital while a portion of Post Office Road where

the office of the governorship

candidate is situated and

parts of Ibrahim Taiwo Road

where Alhaji Muhammadu

NPN Supporters Arrested

Kaduna NEW NIGERIAN in English 6 Apr 83 pp 1, 13

[Article by Abdulhamid Babatunde]

Maude, the state's Special

Presidential Assistant, has a

private office were sealed off

by the police.

As at the time of this report,

it was understood that an

emergency meeting between

officials of the two factions of

the party was being held atthe

Ibrahim Taiwo Road office of

Alhaji Maude but Alhäji Aminu

Wali, was said to have left

Kano yesterday morning for

Gaya on a political campaign

tour.

There were no reliable

details on casualties or arrest

because there was no one to

speak on the issue at the police

headauarters as a result qf the

public holiday.

[Text] ABOUT 41 supporters of (he

.(National Party of Nigeria

i.\'P!\'>, in Kano have been arrested in connection with last

Monday's clash between supporters of Alhaji AminU Wali. the

governorship candidate and

those of Alhaji Muhammadu

Maude, the Special Assistant to

the President.

Ä police source who gave this

figure explained that the arrests

were made from the various

scenes of the clashes and thai investigations were still going on to

identify those actually involved.

At the various scenes of the

clashes, six vehicles were seen

smashed while the private office

of Alhaji Mohammadu Maude

along Ibrahim Taiwo Road was

also attacked.

Both Alhaji Aminu and Alhaji

Maude along with some other

party officials were yesterdav invited to the state police headquarters and held a meeting wfth

the Com r isioner of Police for

Kano State, Alhaji Sani Wali.

Also yesterday, the governorship candidate of the NPN in

128
Kaduna State, Alhaji LawalKaita

was in Kano and told newsmen

that he had held discussions with

both Alhaji Aminu and Alhaji

Maude with a view to evolving a

permanent solution to the problem. , £

.He was of the view that last

Monday's clash was the work of a

"small clique" in Kano.

At an interview, Alhaji Aminu

the governorship candidate traced the root of the problems in the

party in the state to the primary

elections held late last year for

.governorship nomination.

He said it was human for those

who lost to feel embittered but

pointed out that a gentleman's

agreement was reached .soon

after the nomination congress to

pave way for co-operation between the two sides.

Alhaji Aminu expressed disappointment with the deterioration

! of the situation and urged all party supporters in the state to put

ttie interest of the party above

personalities. He said Monday's clash was preceded by an

attack on the state secretariat of

the party during which the principal organiser of the party was

beaten up by disgruntled

elements.

He. stressed that Fie had all

along been appealing for unity

and co-operation and remarked

that "we shall not sit back and

allow people to destroy the party". \ Meanwhile, calm has returned

to the areas affected and the cordon put up by the police have

been removed.

CSO: 3400/1409

129
NIGERIA

CORRUPTION INCIDENTS DETAILED FOR 5-YEAR PERIOD

Kaduna NEW NIGERIAN in English 14 Apr 83 pp 1, 13

[Article by Tawey Zakka]

[Text] ABOUT 96 million Naira was received as kick-backs and bribes on 322

government contracts worth 4.6 billion Naira between 1978 and 1982, a social

science lecturer at the University of Benin, Dr. Festus lyayi, claimed in Zaria

yesterday.

Presenting a paper titled "Corruption as a Method of Primitive Accumulations: Cost and Implications" at the current National Seminar on "Corruption and Indiscipline." Dr. lyayi said

that he got his figures from a "detailed" examination of newspaper reports of bribes, frautf-j.

kick-backs and extravagant expenditure from 1978 to 1982.

He noted,'however, that his

figures were highly conservative as they excluded "a

large number of cases that

usually are not reported." '

Dr. lyayi said the

discoveries, in any case,

showed the extent to which

official corruption had grown

in this country.

He thought that the emerging

local capitalist ruling class saw

corruption as the sole means of

accumulating monetary capital,

having been crippled from birth

by European imperialism, which

ensured control of economic

powers by expatriates even after

independence.

The Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Act (1972) which was

meant to wrest ownership of the r

means of production, distribution

and exchange from foreigners

had, according to him, not succeeded because foreigners still

controlled the necessary

monetary capital.

Faced with these difficulties,

Dr. lyayi explained, corruption

.increasingly became the major

source of accumulating that

capital which the local capitalist

class lacked.

According to him, corruption

.thrived within the ruling classbecause it had access to all

sources of public funds, such as.

taxes and profits from the exploitation of economic resources.

Another participant, Mr. Tony

Edoh, in his paper "The Effects

of Indiscipline and Corruption on

the Effective and Efficient Functioning of the Civil Service," suggested a separate code of conduct

for the civil service, to give it an

image and character of its own."

CSO: 3400/1409

130
NIGERIA

GONGOLA SCHOOLS CLOSE, SEND 500,000 CHILDREN HOME

Kaduna NEW NIGERIAN in English 5 Apr 83 p 1

[Article by Abu Tapidi]

[Text] A TOTAL of 563,554 children in primary and post-primary institutions in

Gongola State have been sent home as a result of the deteriorating financial

position of the state government. . . Breakdown showed that 486,9« were from primary schools, 58,878 from secondary

schools, 16,005 from teacher's colleges and 1,728 from vocational training centres.

An investigation by the New Nigerian revealed that the state government was now owing

various contractors who supplied food to post-primary institutions more than five million Naira.

Most of the primary school

teachers have also not been paid

their salaries for periods ranging

from three to six months.

Primary, schools in the state

were closed down since

September, last year, following a

strike action by the state branch

of the Nigeria Union of Teachers

(NUT)' to back up its demand for

payment of all outstanding

salaries, fringe benefits and leave

grants to teachers.

Although the third-term holiday was planned to begin on

March 25 and end on April 25, this

vear the government has extended it to May 31 tentatively in order

to settle the debt owed to the food

contractors and to enable it

enter into a new agreement.

However, all final-year

students are expected to resume

on April 25. because they are

scheduled to start writing their

final examinations within two

weeks of resumption.

A letter *From the state's

Ministry of Education, copied to

all principals, secretaries to local

governments and all divisional

inspectors of education directed

all principals to make sure that

all students knew the change

in the resumption date for the

third term.

The investigation also showed

that 33,210 out of 58,878

enrolments into the secondary

schools and 3,013 out 16,005 in

teacher's colleges as well as all

the students of the 17 vocational

training centres are day

students.

Registration into form one in

the various schools started in

January and lasted up to

February, this year contrary to

September as stipulated in the

school calendar.

A similar letter to parents also

requested them to provide their

children with certain items

without which they would not be

registered for the term.

These included aluminium

plates, exercise books,

maths set, school uniforms,

recommended textbooks for

English, maths, social studies,

integrated science, transport

money, detergent, toilet paper,

school fees arid other basic

requirements.

The state's Commissioner for

Education, Mr. Dauda Kefas Zing

said the government "decided

"to extend the holiday period to

May 31" to enable us settle about

five million Naira debt to food

contractors in the post-primary

schools and we hope to prepare

adequately for their feeding

before recalling the students".

CSO: 3400/1409

131
SENEGAL

OPPOSITION REPORTEDLY OPTING FOR STRATEGY OF TENSION

Dakar AFRICA in French No 150, Apr 83 pp 31-32

[Article by Ibrahima Signate: "What Is the Opposition Going to Do?"]

[Text] More than a month after legislative and presidential

elections that produced a very broad victory for the Socialist

Party, which is in government, there is still a certain effervescence to be noted within the Senegalese opposition, which

remains under shock from the overwhelming score run up by the

majority formation. Thus, the political climate is still

charged with electricity. Quite obviously, as regards the opposition, it is a time for displaying resentment and not for

unwinding.

One will get an idea of the atmosohere that prevailed through a few excerpts

from position statements that have followed one another since 27 February. The

Senegalese Democratic Party, in a declaration from its political bureau, rejects "totally and definitively the results of the so-called elections of 27

February and considers that the Socialist Party has perpetrated a civil electoral coup d'etat, and thus considers legitimate any form of peaceful protest

against the confiscation of power effected by the PS [Socialist Party] and its

government... and calls for new elections, free and democratic, under neutral

control."

In the view of the Democratic League-Movement for the Labor Party, "the official results of the balloting reflect the opposite of the political reality of

the country and create a situation fraught with dangers. The institutions coming out of the election frauds cannot claim any credible legitimate authority

...." For the Party for Independence and Labor (PIT), "the elections were held

in an intolerable context of moral violence which was prevented only by the political maturity of the opposition and of the citizens from degenerating into

serious confrontations.

United against the Government

Speaking, for its part, of electoral gangsterism, the People's Democratic Movement (MDPj of former council president Mamadou Dia "commits all its militants

to consider themselves mobilized more than in the past for the political and

social battles called for by the situation born of the violation of democracy."

132
In a statement, the cadre for unity of anti-imperialist electoral action, which

groups the parties that supported the candidacy of Mamadou Dia for the presidency, denounces the "electoral masquerade" and asserts that "the frauds were

so massive that they appeared in the eyes of everyone as a provocation aimed

simply at provoking bloody events so as to use them as a pretext for antidemocratic measures."

The disappointments born of the mediocre election results, or frankly bad ones

in certain cases, have caused as an aftereffect, within the opposition, a reflex of union around a rejection of the results and of a desire to give the

government a hard time by harassment maneuvers on the social and political level. Incapable of coming to an agreement on a single candidacy at the time of

the presidential elections, 11 opposition parties (with necessity doubtlessly

ruling) have now decided to unite their efforts in contesting the legitimacy of

the government issuing from the 27 February election—on the initiative of the

PDS [Senegalese Democratic Party], whose leader, attorney Abdoulaye Wade, seems

to want to run the show.

A Parallel Government?

One of the things the coalition has done is to issue a long joint declaration

that calls for "radicalization of the social and political struggles against

the neocolonialist regime in place and the trade-unionists in its service, so

as to put an end to the exploitation of the popular masses." Also two meetings

in a public square in Dakar, with many people in attendance and under the vigilant regard of the forces of order in combat uniform and ready to take action

upon the least disorder. The first was held on 7 March, and the second on

19 March. These meetings—long sessions of collective release—make it possible, by what was said at them, to form a more precise idea of the intentions

of the opposition and of its state of mind, thanks to the unbridled eloquence

that characterizes this kind of gathering.

On 19 March, Mr Wade, who since 27 February has shown a certain state of excitement (which was already known in him, though to a lesser degree, just after

the surprise surrender of power by Senghor), revived an idea that he had previously expressed: i.e., the setting-up of a parallel government, or shadow government, on the model, in a way, of what is done in Great Britain. In the mind

of its promoter, this government would go so far as to dispatch one of its members wherever a member of the Abdou Diouf government was going on a mission

abroad, for the purpose of countering its action by challenging its legitimacy.

So far, the proposal for a countergovernment does not appear to have attracted

any perceptible support in the ranks of the other political formations. Mr

Wade has further suggested that 3 April, the date on which President Abdou Diouf took his oath of office, should be considered a "day of national mourning"

and that the 23rd anniversary of independence should be boycotted. The first

"Mawdo," Mamadou Dia, always equal to himself, let himself go on to say, on the

same occasion: "We do not know Abdou Diouf; let us not recognize him and let us

have no ties with him."

133
Toward Destabilization?

There as also been the inevitable blustering. Thus, Mahjmout Diop, of the African Independence Party (PAI)—which in the elections garnered the eloquent

number of 5,146 votes—proclaimed: "Let us choose someone from among ourselves

to lead; the others will follow, and we shall overthrow those who are presently

in power!"

Thus also, Mbaye Bathily, of the Socialist Organization of Workers (a small,

obscure Trotskyist group), wrote: "Abdou Diouf should not take the oath of office!"

The fact is that all this agitation creates an unwholesome political climate,

nourished by increasingly wild rumors.

Fantasies and caprices have free rein. Some people are led too readily to take

their secret desires for realities of the moment. Thus, psychoanalysis should

fly to the aid of political science to help try to understand certain attitudes. The fact is that the results of 27 February have made certain politicians neurotic. Let us only hope that they will not end up going mad.

Meanwhile, it is all as if the opposition had opted, at least implicitly,, for

a strategy of tension—though it has trouble formulating clearly the nature of

the concrete actions that it envisions taking. Furthermore, the second unitary

meeting that it held was only a repetition of the first one. But things could

change in the future.

The truth is that the opposition finds itself at a crossroads, facing the following alternative: either to accept, reluctantly, the verdict of the ballot

boxes and consequently prepare better for future political and electoral battles, or try to "destabilize" the regime by constant political and social agitation. For the time being, in any case, the climate is not one of appeasement, and it is thus the latter alternative that seems to find favor among the

opposition. Although a few splits, in this regard, have appeared within it.

Professor Sheikh Anta Diop's Democratic National Rally (RND), for example, has

clearly let it be understood that it "will associate itself only with legal,

logical, realistic and well-thought-out actions." In addition, it has been

noted with a certain surprise that the Party for Independence and Labor (Marxist-Leninist) is ostensibly cool toward all of the opposition's joint manifestations.

Are the strikes which at this moment are affecting certain secondary-education

establishments and a part of the university the precursor signs of a calculated

rupture of the social consensus that has prevailed in the 2 years that President Abdou Diouf has been exercising power? The question may indeed by asked

in the light of the threats brandished by the opposition.

The Reserve of the SUDES

In the Faculty of Science, after a strike of more than 1 month and despite the

broad concessions granted by the minister of higher education, the strike was

first renewed on 19 March and then finally suspended. The students are still

134
running the risk of not being in a position to pass their year-end examinations. The lycees of Dakar, Saint-Louis and Thies have experienced—and some

of them are still experiencing—various movements in favor of demands that may

start up again at any moment, taking on a political coloration. The SUDES

(Sole Democratic Trade Union of Teachers of Senegal), which groups most of Senegals' teachers, from primary to higher education, could be tempted to abandon

the reserve in which it has confined itself since the assembly that was held in

1981 and in which it played a leading role. It is sparked by militants of the

opposition. It is quite obvious that a social explosion animated by the difficulties that all the Senegalese are experiencing in their daily lives, as a result of the economic crisis, would fit in perfectly with the opposition^ designs. Indeed, all its action is founded on this calculation, so that in the

contest of strength that the opposition wants to impose on the government, it

is on the economic and social level that everything will be staked in the last

analysis.

Abdou's Trump Cards

If the economic and social climate deteriorates further, it goes without saying

that the opposition will find it a preferred resource for accentuating its

harassment and making trouble for the government. Whence the interest, for

President Abdou Diouf, of striking a heavy blow at the start in the area of

economic recovery, with a view to improving, within a reasonable time, the living conditions of his compatriots, who for the moment are "rather sticking out

their tongues." Generally speaking, the Senegalese president does not lack

trump cards in the face of the opposition's big maneuvers. In the eyes of the

vast majority of the Senegalese, he incarnates legitimacy. He does also in the

eyes of international opinion. The verdict of the Supreme Court, relating to

both the presidential and legislative elections, leaves no doubt on this subject. Abdou Diouf is consequently in a position, should the need arise, to

make his legitimacy respected with all the vigor required.

On the social front, he is in a position, on the whole, to control the situation through the action of the National Confederation of Senegalese Workers

(CNTS), which is allied with the Socialist Party and is easily the country's

No 1 trade-union organization. The arrival in office of a new leadership,

called the "renewal" leadership, directed by Madia Diop, an outstanding tradeunionist held in high regard by the workers, has given it a second wind and a

considerable revival of influence. Sectorial strikes decided on by the opposition unions may get more or less support, but a general strike on the national

scale of such a nature as to shake the political structure is not within the

power of the opposition. The relationship of forces rules out that possibility. Thus the pathway is a narrow one for this opposition, which, furthermore,

for the sake of its own political survival, does not want to set itself up deliberately as a troublemaker that public opinion could point its finger at.

In this order of ideas, consolidation of the fragile Senegalese democratic edifice requires that the opposition not reject President Abdou Diouf's outstretched hand. Politically too, it would not pay. But can reason hold sway

where waves of passion are still breaking? Perhaps it would thus be a good

idea to let time—and the president—work things out.

11267

CSO: 3419/909 X35
SEYCHELLES

MAHE LAND REGISTRATION PROJECT PLANNED

Victoria NATION in English 23 Apr 83 pp 1, 2

[Text]

A HUGE Land Registration Project that is expected to cover the whole of

Mahe over the next four

years will be launched on

Monday in a major exercise

that should facilitate the

demarcation of boundaries,

land administration and the

allocation of land for development.

The project, financed jointly by the Seychellois and British Governments, will complete the Land Register of all

property on Mahe. Since

1965, when the Register was

set up under the Land Registration of Title Act, nearly

4,000 parcels (pieces) of

land have been officially recorded.

Starting in Takamaka,

South Mahe, on Monday, a

special team will identify and

systematically survey the

nearly 6,000 remaining parcels of land for most of which

there'is not an approved survey.

At the same time, evidence

will be collected to enable

ownership and other interests

not yet on the Land Register

to be recorded.

Seychelles' contribution to

the project will be R 4.15 million, paying for all the administrative expenses and the

salaries of the 15 Seychellois

involved. The British Government will contribute R 3.5 million to cover equipment, materials and the salaries of

five Britons in the project.

The project team is led by

a British surveyor, Mr Douglas Arnott as the Adjudication Officer.

"A Land Register comprising a complete register of

ownership and other interests

in land, together with an

index map of surveyed boundaries will be extremely useful

in speeding up land transactions for both agricultural

and, housing development,"

Mr David Lefoon, the Chief

Surveyor told Seychelles

Agence Presse.

He added that although the

Survey Division was technically capable of carrying out the

exercise, the present staffing

level would not permit a speedy registration of the 6,000

parcels on Mahe. It was with

this in mind that the project

was conceived.

The Register, the Chief Surveyor continued, would show

at all times the legal situation

of land, a defined boundary

of each piece of land, the

name and address of the owner and details of any interests

affecting the land.

"This will make dealings in

land much more secure, faster and cheaper. The Register will help in the public administration of all activities

associated with land," Mr Lebon said.

The process starts with the

Minister for National Development declaring a certain area

as an Adjudication Area by

public notice in the Official

Gazette.

The adjudication area is

then divided into sections

which are also described and

defined in the Gazette.

136
For example, in preparation

for Monday, South Mahe has

already been declared an adjudication area, including the

electoral areas of Takamaka

and Baie Lazare and those

parts of Anse Louis and Anse

Royale south of Les Canelles

Road.

In turn, the Takamaka electoral area has been defined

as an adjudication section.

PUBLIC MEETINGS

Once a section has been

identified, public meetings

will be held there to explain

the whole process and answer questions.

The meetings in the Takamaka section will be held in

the Takamaka School dining

hall at 5.30 p.m. on Monday

for the lower Quatre Bornes

area, at the same time on

Wednesday, April 27 for the

upper Quatre Bornes area

and at 3 p.m. on Saturday

April 30 for other land in the

section.

Everyone claiming an interest in land in the section

that has not yet been recorded on the Land Register will

have two months to make his

claim. This includes owners,

tenants of leases over two

years, mortgages, usufractuari.es (jouissance) and other

interests such as right of

way. Anyone in doubt as to

whether or not their land has

already been registered on

the Land Register should

check with the Land Registry

Office in Victoria.

Claim forms are available

free from the Project Office

at the wooden buildings opposite English River School

and near the SHDC blockmaking plant on 5th June

Avenue.

But where a section is far

from Victoria, a Recording

Officer will visit the area to

provide forms and assistance.

Claimants will also have to

mark and clear their boundary corners in co-operation

with their neighbours before

the surveyors arrive.

Before the actual field work

starts, another notice will inform claimants who are land

owners where and when the

boundary demarcation and

survey will begin.

After the boundaries have

been agreed and pointed out

to the surveyor, claimants will

have to take documents or

other evidence of title and

interests to the project office

so that the recording may be

completed. An absolute title

will be recorded where there

is a good documentary title

going back more than 20

years or where ownership has

been acquired by prescription in accordance with the

Civil Code.

In the case of a dispute

over boundaries or ownership

or any rights or interests that

cannot be solved by mutual

agreement, the Adjudication

Officer will hold a public inquiry, following civil court

procedure if the need arises.

The Survey Division hopes

that most of these problems

will be resolved between the

people concerned without the

need of an official inquiry.

Cases already before the

Supreme Court will continue

although no new land suits

will be allowed in an adjudication section except with

the express permission from

the Registrar of the Supreme

Court.

When all field work in a

section is finished and disputes decided, all the adjudication records and survey index maps showing the parcels

and their boundaries will be

put on display for three

months at the project office.

This is to allow claimants to

make corrections or people

with interests to register objections.

NO HINDRANCE

For example, should a person who has already put in

his claim as an owner sell his

land, he and the new owner

will be able to correct the adjudication record as to the

ownership of the parcel when

the record goes on display.

The objective is to carry

this scheme out with the least

hindrance to anyone, the Survey Division said.

After the three months, the

final land and survey records

for the section will be handed over to the Government.

The Land Registrar will

compile the registers for each

property and the Chief Surveyor will look after the survey

records and maintain the property index maps.

137
Appeals to the Supreme procedure will be allowed Anyone who wants to know

Court questioning any acts or within three months of a sec- more about the project can

decisions by the Adjudication tion being declared final. visit the project office for exOfficer on points of law or planations.

SAP

CSO: 3400/1431

138
SEYCHELLES

BRIEFS

MILITANTS END LEADERSHIP TRAINING--The 109 Pioneers and Young Pioneers

who were attending the second leadership training camp at Anse Boileau

school over the past week, went home on Saturday morning. The young

militants were told by Anse Boileau SPPF Branch Chairman Miss Simone

Amephy, before they broke camp, that the one week programmes were to help

them to become true soldiers to safeguard the Seychellois Revolution. She

also warned them against the destructive ideas that will exist in the country

and repeated the importance of discipline which she said must thrive in a

working and responsible nation. Camp leader Marc Didon reminded the Pioneer

and Young Pioneer leaders that the society has confidence in the important

role the youth of Seychelles have to play in the development of the country. As in other training camps, the Pioneer and Young Pioneer leaders from

districts of Mahe, Praslin and La Digue, were grouped into "Solidarity",

"Unity" and Vigilance" and had an opportunity to compete against each other

in the many activities organised for the training programmes. SAP [Text]

[Victoria NATION in English 24 Apr 83 p 10]

CSO: 3400/1431

139
SIERRA LEONE

GOVERNMENT ANNOUNCES NEW RATES FOR FISHING VESSELS

London WEST AFRICA No 3430 in English 9 May 83 p 1148

[Text]

Government has announced

new rates of royalty fees for

fishing vessels plying Sierra

Leone's territorial waters.

Fishing trawlers will pay Le90

per gross registered tonnage,

while shrimp vessels will pay Le

150. This represents a 100 per cent

increase, and is back dated to

January 1, 1983.

Making this announcement at a

press conference the Minister of

Agriculture, Dr. Abass Bundu

who is also Ag. Minister of Natural

Resources explained that the increase was nothing spectacular

since the new fees were still substantially lower than royalty fees

paid in several other West African

countries where such fees range

between US$200 and US$225.

He said to bring the rates

charged in Sierra Leone in line

with those levied in other countries, government has decided that

instead of a 200 per cent increase

this year, the increase will be done

in two stages, the second phase

deemed to come into effect next

year.

He,said that no illegal fishing

will be tolerated in the country's

territorial waters after April 13.

and that any vessel caught contravening the rules will face the

full penalty of the law.

Dr. Bundu also said that with

immediate effect, the Ministry of

Natural Resources will give very

careful consideration to all applications for renewal and for new

fishing licences. Each applicant

will be required to produce a certr

ficate of duty paid on total catches

landed last year, income tax or

company tax. and the gross registered tonnage of the vessel to be

licenced. Annual returns of total

catches and the amount exported

or sold locally together with returns of foreign exchange lodged

with the Central or Commercial

banks for total catch exported

would also be required.

The Minister spoke of government's intention to look into the

joint venture agreement of private

fishing companies with a view to

ensuring that enough fish was

available for sale locally. He believed that a high rate of transhipment of fish took place at sea

between fishing trawlers and their

parent vessels resulting in a hi'r

loss of foreign exchange earnin...

for the country.

CSO: 3400/1451

140
POLISH EMIGRATION TO SOUTH AFRICA DEFENDED

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 10 May 83 p 18

[From "Letters to the Editor"]

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text] RECENTLY, during a

Press conference in Zimbabwe a representative of

the Solidarity Movement

in the West, Mr J Milewski reportedly stated

that he is against the Polish emigration to South

Africa since, to quote his

reported words:

"Polish emigration to

South Africa was tantamount to denial of a

livelihood of a Black

worker".

It's incredible how badly informed well-meaning

people ca" be, since it is

not secrt iat Poles recruited are each selected

for his specific skills and

qualifications not readily

available in South Africa.

These people, besides

doing essential jobs, will

increase the training and

employment possibilities

for all.

We are very grateful to

both official Government

representatives and private individuals for their

help, kindness and understanding of the Polish

plight.

Mr Milewski should be

primarily concerned with

fairness and. proper employment, commensurate

to the skills acquired by

his compatriots in the

mother country and,

therefore, should be very

pleased to hear that the

Poles are only employed

in well-defined and specificjobs.

Surely from both the

Polish and Black workers

point of view, it is better

for the Poles to advance

within their job specifi-

-cations, contributing to

the wellbeing and training

of their, fellow workers

(including, most certainly, the Blacks), than to

stagnate in the refugee

camps of Austria and

Western Germany, with

minimal future of permanent settlement and practice oftheir trades.

Who better can really

assist and explain to the

politically inexperienced

Black workers of this

country what is the genuine path to multiracial cooperation and happy industrial co-existence than

the Poles, who most certainly know what a Russian Communist-dominated "Worker's Paradise" is all about!

The Polish emigrants

can give their fellow

Black workers not only

the benefit of their skills,

but also protect them

from taking a wrong path.

EYDEVIRION

Chairman of Federation

of Poles in Southern Africa Johannesburg

CSO: 3400/1435

141
UNION LEADERS HIT BACK AT RETRENCHMENTS

Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 9 May 83 p 3

[Article by Mono Badela]

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text]

The deepening recession and its resultant retrenchments and high

rate of unemployment is

leaving in its wake the

dreaded spectre of debt,

poverty and frustration

among countless blacks.

A glaring picture of

this was evident when

Iscor Steel Industries in

Pretoria earlier in the

year retrenched more

than 40 percent of their

5 000 workers, mostly

blacks.

The general secretary

of the General and Allied Workers' Union

(Gawu), Mr Sidney Mufamandi. said that during recession bosses try

to maintain their profit

rate and do this at the

expense of workers by

cutting back their labour

costs and dismissing

large numbers of workers.

He agrees that retrenchments may occur

during an economic crisis but claims that recession always follows a

boom period in the

economv.

CSO: 3400/1432

WHILE bosses and the Government say retrenchments are unavoidable during a recession, trade union leaders say companies retrench to maintain huge profits.

In a boom bosses

make very great profits.

In fact South Africa had

one of its greatest economic booms between

1979 and 1982.

He said bosses could

use the high profits

made in this period to

support workers during

the recession.

Instead, he claimed,

the workers who made

the profits for the company were now put onto

the streets.

During recession, inflation increases and

workers are faced with a

rocketing of prices in

hoxisehold subsistence

goods which make their

burden even heavier, he

said.

He also claimed that

bosses use retrenchments to weaken and

disorganise worker organisations in the factory by dismissing leaders. The workers who

remain behind were

overworked because

bosses wtmt to maintain

a high level of production and because these

workers are also doing

the job of the retrenched workers.

Mr Mufamandi said:

"One realises that retrenchments are aimed

at consolidating the

bantustan strategy. Contract workers are hardest hit and forced to go

back to the 'homelands"

and are subjected to

drought and general

poverty in the balkanised homelands.

"This forces them to

join Governmentcreated institutions like

the army," he said.

According to the

Metal and Allied Workers' Union (Mawu).

"these companies did

not retrench to stay in

business but to maintain

huge profits".

Different trade unions

have put forward suggestions on how they

plan to fight retrenchments.

Some of the alternatives are:

• Managements should

give factory committees

142

or unions long notice of

an intended retrenchment and provide full information explaining

why it is necessary;

• All overtime must be

stopped. The bosses

cannot be retrenching

workers and still have

enough work for overtime. By working short

time the number of

hours which all workers

work may be reduced,

so the bürden of the lack

of work is shared.

If retrenchment is to

take place, trade unions

suggest the following

guidelines:

• "Last in. first out" —

workers with the shortest service should be retrenched first. This prevents the bosses from

getting rid of older

workers who have given

long service to the company;

• Workers must receive

severance or redundancy pay according to

the number of years

they have served the

company;

* i
SOUTH AFRICA

MOVE TO ALLEVIATE HOUSING SHORTAGE IN MOHLAKENG REPORTED

Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 10 May 83 p 2

[Article by Len Maseko]

[ Tex t ] THE SERIOUS housing

shortage in Mohlakeng,

Randfontein, will soon

be alleviated following

Government approval of

a R3,6-müiion housing

scheme.

The project, which

has already been approved by the local community council and the

West Rand Administra-

. tion Board (Wrab), involves the building of

about 400 houses in the

township.

Wrab's director of

community services, Mr

Steve Burger, said yesterday the surveying of

sites in the area had

already started and that

this process would be

completed within the

next two weeks.

LOAN

"The Department of

Co-operation and Development has given us

the green light to build

the houses. AH that is

left for us now is to obtain a housing loan from

the National Housing

Commission, from

whom we have asked

R3,6-million," Mr Burger said.

The sqheme will go a

long way towards solving the housing crisis in

the area, he added. The

last batch of houses in

Mohlakeng were built in

1978 and, since the inception of the local community council, no

houses have been built

in the township.

SCHEME

Meanwhile a scheme

involving the building of

about 800 houses at a

cost of R10-miilion in

Dobsonville has been

started. The first batch

of eight houses, which

will serve as showpieces

for prospective home

buyers, is nearing completion.

Dobsonville Council

Chairman Mr B Mashao

said yesterday contractors had already started

work on the servicing of

sites, for which the

council had set aside Rlmillion. In addition, the

council has made available 350 sites for

development by individuals.

CSO: 3400/1432

143
SOUTH AFRICA

WRAB PLANS SHELTER FOR TENT PEOPLE

Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 10 May 83 p 2

[Article by Ali Mphaki]

[Text] LIVING IN tents and being exposed to the bitter cold of the night will soon be a thing of the

past for the about 30 families at Chicken Farm

near Kliptovvn.

The West Rand Administration Board

(Wrab) will erect prefab

structures at the farm,

the Reverend Cecil Begbie of the Witwatersrand Council of

Churches (WCC) said.

Mr Begbie added that

an agreement was

reached between the

WCC and Wrab that no

additional tents may be

pitched at the farm as

Wrab will erect prefab

units to house the families.

This move by Wrab,

comes after a series of

meetings with the WCC

over the plight of the

families. On Saturday

top officials from Wrab

and five trucks uprooted

25 tents that were

pitched at "Mochaeneng" by the WCC to

house the stranded families whose shacks were

demolished by Wrab

about three weeks ago,

and resettled them at

Chicken Farm.

Mr Begbie said yesterday morning they

were busy at Wrab's Jabavu offices trying to

help some of the families who have not been

housed yet. Mr Begbie

said although there

might be some who do

not qualify to be in

Johannesburg, they

hoped to get in touch

with organisations like

the Blach Sash and the

South African Institute

of Race Relations to

help them.

He said he was grateful for the role the Press

had played in exposing

the plight of these people.

Wrab's chairman Mr

John Knotzee said no

private organisation will

be allowed to pitch tents

in the'area. He said an I

"agreement" has been

reached between him

and the WCC that no

additional tents will be

pitched and if any organisation had money to

house these people, "let

them give it to us as we

are in a better position

to use it by building

these people houses instead of tents".

He said the appalling

conditions of sleeping in

tents as reported in The

SOWETAN yesterday

were a matter of great

urgency to Wrab and

they were arranging

"something" for the

families.

CSO: 3400/1432

144
SOUTH AFRICA

SUPREME COURT LIQUIDATES JOHANNESBURG COMPANY

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN' in English 7 May 83 p 3

[Text] A JOHANNESBURG

company whose owner is

accused of using forged

Armscor documentation

to secure loans for himself

and his companies, was

provisionally liquidated in

the Rand Supreme Court

yesterday.

In an urgent application before Mr Justice H

Preiss, the provisional

wind up order of Allied

African Metal Spinners

Pty Ltd was granted, because it cannot meet a

debt of more than Rl,6-

million to Ace-.Hamil International Pty Ltd, clearing and forwarding agents

ofJohannesurg.

The managing director

of Ace Hamil, Mr Dieter

Ehrentraut said in papers

before court, his company

loaned the amount of

Rl 629 791 to Allied African during transactios

conducted between him

and Mr Colin Stein who

acted in a personal capacity on behalf of the

companies Allied African

Export, Front Line Systems, Allied African

Food Services, Copper

Unique and Acapulca

Restaurant

He stated that his company's total claim against

Allied African exceeded

R2,7-million.

Mr Ehrentraut >aid he

was informed by the

police that Mr Stein is at

present in jail awaiting

trial on charges of fraud,

theft, forgery and uttering. He was arrested at

Jan Smuts Airport on

April 27 shortly before he

departed for London.

According to Mr Ehrentraut he was told by a

senior Pretoria police officer on May 5 that Mr

Stein used forged Arms

cor documentation to establish fraudulent letters

of undertaking and

guarantees in favour of

others to secure loans-,

The return date of the

orderis June 7.

CSO: 3400/1432

145
SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

PAPER FINED—PERSKOR Limited, represented by Mr Harald Pakendorf, and Mr

Pakendorf in his personal capacity as Editor of DIE VADERLAND, were

convicted in the Johannesburg Magistrates' Court yesterday of contravening

the Police Act by publishing a photograph of people who had not yet appeared

in court. The photographs, published on the front page of DIE VADERLAND,

January 27 issue, were of Commodore Dieter Gerhardt and his wife, Ruth.

The magistrate, Mr L S du Toit, found circumstances warranted a suspended

sentence. Perskor, against whom a previous conviction was proved, was

fined R200, suspended for five years, Mr Pakendorf was fined R100, suspended

for five years. In judgment yesterday the magistrate said Cmdre Gerhardt and

his wife were taken into custody on January 20. They were still in custody.

By January 27, the date of the publication of the photograph, they had not

appeared in court. They have still not appeared in court and are being

held under Section 29 of the Internal Security Act. DIE VADERLAND published the photograph of the couple with black strips across^their faces.

The magistrate found the black strips were "very ineffective . In mitigation, defence counsel said many other newspapers named the couple and wrote

about them and some overseas publications used photographs. Mr J Grobler,

prosecuting, said in his opinion what DIE VADERLAND did was "sheer defiance of the law". The article mentioned that the publication of photographs

was prohibited at that stage and yet published a photograph with a partially

blacked-out face. [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 10 May 83

P 2]

FARM BATTLE—Three mineworkers were battered to death with knobkieries

when a gang of about 20 Blacks launched an early morning attack on labourers

on the farm Irene, near Welkom on Saturday. Police said several shots were

also fired in the fighting. The farmer, Mr H P Flake and his family were

awakened when a bullet shattered a bedroom window at about 1,45 am. When

the attackers were driven off by the farm labourers, the bodies of the three

men were discovered. They have been identified as those of mineworkers on

a Goldfields mine. Police who have opened a murder and attempted murder

docket, are seeking a motive for the attack. [Text] [Johannesburg THE

CITIZEN in English 10 May 83 p 8]

TRUCKERS CONVOY—A convoy of military and commercial trucks will be travelling

more than 5 000 km around South Africa over the next month helping raise

funds for the men on the border. "Convoy" is a project organised by the

Southern Cross Fund and sponsored by a truck corporation. Convoy will call

146
at 40 major truck dealers where a joint function will be held with the

Southern Cross Fund and details of a fund-raising competition announced.

Four sedan cars will be offered as prizes, for which the Southern Cross

Fund hopes to collect R500 000. The project was launched with a gala dinner

and send-off attended by Reef mayors in Sandton.—Sapa. [Text]

[Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 10 May 83 p 8]

DAIRY FARMING—Maseru.—The Lesotho government planned to expand dairy

farming in Lesotho to make the country self-sufficient and to reduce

dependence on South Africa, the Minister of Agriculture and Marketing, Mr

Peete, said in the National Assembly in Maseru yesterday during debate on

his budget vote. Plans were to increase milk production from 1 000 litres

to 10 000 litres a day at the Botsabelo dairy plant in Maseru. He also

announced that a new maize mill would be established in Maseru soon.—

Sapa. [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 11 May 83 p 5]

TRIBAL BATTLES—Durban.—All was quiet in two areas on the Natal South

Coast yesterday where earlier, 11 people were killed and three cows were

butchered during faction fighting. Police were still in force in two areas

near Amanzimtoti and the Umnini area near Umkomaas. So far, about 232

people have been arrested. The police have also confiscated assegais,

knobkerries and knives used in the battles. In the Amanzimtoti area, eight

people were killed and the three cows butchered. A number of people were

also injured and two cars were damaged. In the Umnini area, police found

the bodies of three people after repeated clashes. The cause of the faction

fights have not yet been established. [as published] [Text] [Johannesburg

THE CITIZEN in English 10 May 83 p 15]

QUOTAS BILL PLEA—Publicly-funded educational institutions, such as universities, should "have the right to admit any prospective student irrespective

of race, colour or creed," the South African Jewish Board of Deputies said

in a statement issued in Johannesburg yesterday. In appealing to the

authorities to scrap the Universities Quota Bill, the statement read:

"Mindful of the fact that during certain periods of its history, the Jewish

people have been at a disadvantage as a result of quota systems in education,

the South African Jewish Board of Deputies appeals to the authorities to

relinquish the Universities Quota Bill."—Sapa. [Text] [Johannesburg THE

CITIZEN in English 11 May 83 p 5]

BOYCOTT SHUTS DOWN COLLEGE—Durban.—The Springfield College of Education

was shut down yesterday while more than 1 000 students continued boycotting

lectures and demanding that the Rector, Dr Ganesh Nair, meet them. The

boycott, which started on Monday, followed student protests over a political

meeting at the college last Friday at which the Minister of Internal

Affairs, Mr F W de Klerk and other government officials had been invited.

The meeting was organised by the Indian council. Meanwhile, more than

1 000 students at the University of Durban-Westville met yesterday and

condemned the attitude of Dr Nair towards his students. They ^cided to

petition Mr De Klerk to intervene on behalf of the college, students.—

Sapa. [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 11 May 83 p 3]

147
EASING MAIZE SHORTAGE—To supplement South Africa's available supply of

white maize, yellow maize will be mixed with white—70 percent white and

30 percent yellow (maximum 35 percent)—from next month. Mr Hennie Nel,

general manager of the Maize Board, said in a statement yesterday: As an

interim measure it has become necessary to introduce mixing for the first

time since 1973/74, because of the very poor maize crop this year. There

is a consumer preference for white maize for direct human consumption, but

we simply don't have the supplies to continue producing pure white maize

products". Mr Nel said there were two avenues open. "We can exhaust our ^

supplies of white maize and then go on to pure yellow maize, or we can mix .

He said experience had shown that by mixing, less disruption was caused to

the consumer. The possibility of importing white maize had been investigated, but it had been found that only insignificant stocks of inferior

quality at unrealistic prices were available. Although the milling industry

will not produce any white maize products after June 1, the retail trade

will have until June 16 to dispose of existing stocks of white maize products The Maize Board expects the present situation to continue until at

least May 1984.—Sapa. [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English

11 May 83 p 111

NEW DEAL REJECTED—Nearly 1 000 people who attended a meeting at the Dorcas

Creche Hall, in Western Township, rejected as fraudulent "the new deal'

proposed by the Government and pledged to fight for a new undivided, nonracial, democratic South Africa. The meeting also unanimously accepted a ^

declaration which rejected in total the reform proposals of the President s

Council to form itself into the anti-Presidential Structure to oppose the

implementation of these proposals. University of Witwatersrand lecturer_

Dr Ismael Mohammed was unanimously elected chairman of the Transvaal AntiPresident's Council. Guest speaker Rev Frank Chikane described the Government's new constitutional proposals as a package of hypocrisy. Messages

pledging solidarity with the Transvaal Anti-PC Committee were received from

the Council of Unions of South Africa, Congress of South African Students,

Natal Indian Congress, Transvaal Indian Congress, Black Students' Society,

Release Mandela Committee, Soweto Committee of Ten, Soweto Civic Association, South African Allied Workers' Union, General Workers' Union and the

Muslim Students' Association. [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English

9 May 83 p 2]

CSO: 3400/1432

148
SWAZILAND

KING'S DEMISE ENDED TRADITIONAL RELATIONSHIPS

London AFRICA NOW in English May 83 pp 38-39

[ Text ] Recent events in Swaziland, triggered off by

the death of Sobhuza II in September last

year, have largely been mystified and

obscured, especially by the sensationalism

characteristic of most Western reports of

Third World events. Although individuals

can influence history, and Sobhuza was

certainly one such individual, they can do

so only under certain socio-political and

economic conditions.

The current political struggles within the

Swazi ruling elite are a manifestation of the

various forces within "traditional" and

"modern" society, and of the interests

which the two major factions of the elite

represent. Both factions — the so-called

moderates and the conservative, right-wing

"traditionalists" — derive their status and

authority from the traditional power base.

For the last 20 years, since the official

opposition was crushed in the early 1960s

with the close collaboration of Britain as

the colonial power, and through the use of

British forces — the Highland Regiment

— Sobhuza had very skilfully played off

one faction of the elite against another.

After independence in 1968, with the

White settlers behind him Sobhuza

incorporated several former members of the

opposition parties, for example, Sishayi

Nxumalo who is presently the most

important man in the right-wing faction

and who was Sobhuza's roving ambassador

— i.e. the link between big multinational

capital and the "Swazi Nation" as Sobhuza

euphemistically referred to himself.

Sobhuza manipulated the political system

to serve his own interests and the interests

of those surrounding him. In this way he

was able to survive the changes at

independence.

Any elements who tried to gain power

outside his patronage system were crushed,

either through detention — for example Dr

Ambrose Zwane, leader of the former

opposition party, the Ngwane National

Liberatory Congress (NNLC) has been in and

out of prison during the last 15 years. He

has now become quite ineffective and is not

seen by the state as posing any real threat.

The case of Ngwenya is another example

of how any attempt to gain power outside

of the Dlamini patronage system was dealt

with severely. Ngwenya won a seat during

the so-called elections of 1972, elections

which were supposed to show that

Swaziland was a free and democratic

country. But, Ngwenya was denied the seat

on the alleged grounds that he was not a

"real" Swazi — i.e. that he had not been

born in Swaziland but in KaNgwane

instead. KaNgwane is one of the two areas

in South Africa which the Swazi rulers now

claim belong to Swaziland.

Ngwenya was declared a prohibited

immigrant and deported to KaNgwane in

1972-73, and in 1976 when the talk about

"re-unification" with the "lost children of

Swaziland" began in real earnest, the

allegations against Ngwenya were conveniently forgotten. A mere three years

later, the people of KaNgwane had become

Swazis who should rightfully be part of

Swaziland.

Soon after the Ngwenya incident

Sobhuza suspended the Constitution in

1973, and introduced a provision allowing

for the detention without trial of

individuals for periods of 60 days at a time,

a provision which is still in use presently in

Swaziland.

Having shut down the Parliament, all

power reverted to Lobamba, the site of the

Royal Residence, and until 1978-79 when

the next constitution was formulated, all

legislation was passed in the form of

Orders-in-Council by the Liqoqo, headed

by Sobhuza.

While Sobhuza was alive, the contradictions between the moderates uid the

conservative, right-wing traditionalists were

kept under very tight cover, because

Sobhuza, the shrewd politician that he was,

was able to control both groups, and both

149
groups owed allegiance to him and the

Council.

The moderates who are made up

essentially of civil servants — who are

increasingly including young universityeducated Swazi — are headed by the Prime

Minister, and they administer the state.

Mabandla, who was a manager of one of

the government-created small-holder

schemes providing sugar-cane to one of the

three mills in the country before he was

made Prime Minister in 1979, was a good

example of the kind of small property

interests which the moderates represent.

They recognise that Swaziland, because

of its geographical and historical proximity

to South Africa, cannot adopt a stance very

different from its present one of peaceful

co-existence with South Africa as a

neighbour, without upsetting the applecart. Mabandla often emphasised the

significance of such a stance for Swaziland

(or rather for the interests of the ruling

elite, since the Swazi people are not given

any opportunity to express themselves on

matters of national or foreign policy), while

recognising also that the South African

regime is repressive and unjust.

Mabandla, who surprised most people by

"fleeing" to South Africa, had consistently

created the impression of a moderate man,

someone who used his position soon after

becoming Prime Minister to get the release

of some 15 individuals who had been

detained in the late 70s, and who have

probably been re-detained again or will be

sooner than later now that the right-wing

has taken control of the Liqoqo.

On the other hand, the right-wing

traditionalists adopted a more conservative

attitude, arguing for increased investment

by both multinational capital and by South

African corporations. The Swazi economy

has been shared out, through an "opendoor" policy, between South Africa and

multinational (mainly British) capital.

South African capital has almost

complete control over mining in Swaziland,

especially of coal, asbestos and until

recently iron ore which has now been

depleted. South African companies also

control the tourist and service sectors of the

economy, and tenders for infrastructural

development are usually granted to South

African construction companies. AngloAmerican, the huge South African

company, has recently moved into the

timber industry, which was previously

dominated by British capital (Commonwealth Development Corporation and

Courtaulds). Most of commercial agriculture comprising of sugar, timber and

citrus is foreign-owned, by mainly British

companies.

The relationship between the right-wing

faction of the Swazi elite, led by Sishayi

Nxumalo and South African and multinational capital is crucial for a clear

understanding of the present struggles.

Through a commercial organisation called

Tibiyo Taka Ngwane, whose director is

none other than Dr Sishayi Nxumalo, and

another parastatal, the National Industrial

Development Corporation of Swaziland

(NIDCS), the right-wing faction has been

able to establish a partnership with multinational capital and South African capital.

NIDCS offers investors cheap labour,

endless incentives and conditions conducive

to high rates of profit. The "Tibiyo

Mafia," as it has sometimes been called, is

made up of the most influential right-wing

elements — princes, White settlers (in legal

practice and in farming), representatives of

big business (sugar, timber and citrus) and

some elements from the powerful clans.

Together, these two organisations represent an emerging elite which owes its

position to its relationship with the

traditional political system. Tibiyo was and

still is the link between big business and the

king. It was set up by Sobhuza as a fund

into which mineral levies were paid:

"Section 91 of the Independence Constitution vested control over Swaziland's

mineral wealth in the king in trust for the

Nation." This wealth has not been used for

the benefit of the Swazi people, but instead

it has been used by a faction of the Swazi

ruling elite to invest in the economy, with

South African and British capital, in joint

ventures whose profits are enjoyed by these

three.

To quote an extract from the NIDCS'

Guide for Investors in Swaziland: "Wages

in Swaziland are low even when compared

with those in other African countries . . .

Swaziland has only one effective trade

union (Bank Workers' Union) . . . strikes

are rare." In fact, the Deputy Prime

Minister, Ben Nsibandze, whose office is in

charge of labour relations, is reported to

have laughed in disbelief at report by the

Times of Swaziland last year of a strike by

Swazi workers employed by Wimpey — the

British construction firm.

Secondly, the provision of land to

investors is one of the incentives offered by

Tibiyo. For example, Tibiyo, which has a

32% shareholding in the Simunye sugar

company, provided most of the land for the

project, as part of the joint venture between

"the Swazi Nation" and multinational

capital. Tibiyo is also involved in various

commercial projects ranging from ranching

to cotton production — using Swazi Nation

land.

The issue of the land deal has been

reported upon at great length in the

Western media. The issue at stake right now

is not whether the Swazi claim is right or

wrong. What is more important is that the

right-wing faction which recently consolidated itself in Swaziland will continue to

push for the land deal with South Africa.

150
The land deal does not offer any spiralling inflation, most of which is a

advantages for the Swazi people on either consequence of the very close economic ties

side of the fence — instead it would mean which Swaziland has with South Africa,

that the struggle to survive will be In effect, the standard of living of the

intensified. Already, the Swazi people in Swazi people has been dropping steadily

Swaziland have been suffering from the over the last three or four years as real

present capitalist crisis — rising prices and wages have fallen •

CSO: 3400/1441

151
SWAZILAND

PALACE COUP SHEDS LIGHT ON OBSCURE TRADITIONAL POLITICS

London AFRICA NOW in English May 83 pp 33, 34, 37, 38, 39

[TextJ A quiet palace revolution in March

removed from office the mildly reformist

Prime Minister of Swaziland, the little

independent kingdom sandwiched between

apartheid South Africa and the radical

Republic of Mozambique.

Prince Mabandla Dlamini, who was

specially chosen for the job three years ago

by the ageing King Sobhuza II, was

dismissed from it by order of Queen Regent

Dzeliwe on March 18, just eight months

after Sobhuza's death.

Five days later he was replaced by

another prince of the dominant Dlamini

clan, Prince Bekhimpi Dlamini, a more

traditionalist figure who had been an

obscure Assistant Minister in the Deputy

Prime Minister's office.

The palace coup was the result of a power

struggle between Mabandla and the

powerful traditionalists of the Supreme

National Council, or Liqoqo, to fill the

considerable political vacuum left by the

autocratic Sobhuza's death after a 61-year

reign — its Queen Regent Dzeliwe caught in

the middle.

Mabandla's loss came as a surprise not

only to himself but to most Swazis. Only a

week before he had looked to be winning

against his enemies in the 17-man Liqoqo,

which is a conservatory of tribal traditionalism that had grown into a rival

government after Sobhuza's death.

On March 15 Queen Regent Dzeliwe

summoned Swaziland's 400 chiefs to her

royal cattle kraal at Lobamba, in the

picturesque Ezulwini (Heavenly) Valley

below the hillside capital of Mbabane, to

make clear her support for Mabandla. But

over the next 48 hours huge pressure must

have been brought to bear on Dzeliwe to

make her change her mind. Dr George

Msibi, a powerful member of the Liqoqo

and one of Mabandla's arch-opponents,

admitted in an interview that other

members of the royal family had called on

the queen regent on the morning of March

17.

"They asked her to explain certain things

about the procedure she had followed at the

meeting on the 15th," Dr Msibi told Africa

Now. "I don't think they threatened her. I

don't think it came to that."

Whatever was said — and some experts

on Swazi royal tradition think it may have

been some deep and sinister hint connected

with ancient tribal lore — it clearly had a

dramatic effect on Dzeliwe's standpoint. By

that evening she had agreed to sign the

dismissal order which was published in an

extraordinary issue of the Government

Gazette next day.

Mabandla, bewildered by the sudden

turn of events, clung tentatively to office

through the weekend. But on Monday,

March 21, when it became evident that the

efficient little police force which had been

firmly behind the Prime Minister was not

going to back him against the queen

regent's order, Mabandla slipped away to

his remote mountain home near Pigg's

Peak, north of Mbabane. A week later he

went to South Africa.

The quiet coup ended on Wednesday,

March 23, when Dzeliwe again summoned

the chiefs to her cattle kraal, a large circular

enclosure with a fence of stout sticks bound

tightly together. There, as she sat looking

disconsolate in the dry manure wearing

skins and a red lurie feather in her hair to

denote her royai status, her official helper,

a prince who rejoices in the title of "The

Authorised Person", named Prince

Bekhimpi as Mabandla's successor.

The roots of the conflict leading up to

this power struggle between Mabandla and

the Liqoqo are to be found several years

back while Sobhuza was still alive.

Throughout his long rule Sobhuza tried to

reconcile his own deep attachment to Swazi

traditionalism with an awareness that his

backward little country needed to catch up

with the 20th century. He tried himself to

synthesise the two things, playing both

152
SHOT LEOPARBi

IS 'BAD OMEN'

THE leopard shot «ml kiOsd

near the Prime Minister'*

officil] residence ray be «

sign of bad luck.

"It is strange fof i leopard

to be found in a densely

populated area like

Mbabane." commented

Prince Makhungu.

"During the reign of rung

Bhunu, leopards were on the

rampage at the Mttzimba

Mountain». They «ere

killing and eating goats.

Strangely enough, after the

King directed that they

should not be killed, the

leopards stopped Utmg the

goats," Prince MaUtungtt

toldThe Times.

The last time a leopard

was UM in Swaziland the

sue Kant Sobhuza n we» still

a young boy.he said.

"You belter go down to

Lobamba and ask for the»

ion on what this

means," Prince Makhungu

advised The Times reporters.

A senior councilor from

the Mbiraneni area in the

Shisetweni District. Mr

Lokora Ngwenya told The

Tunes: "I never heard of a

leopard being found in

towns.

This b a sign ofsomelhmg

that is yseig to happen to us.

1 don't like it at al. Leopard»

are rare animals and you can

spend days trying to make

contact with one in a hum.

What ws» it do«n at

MangwaneniT

Although some peopfc

have pointed out that the

By

MANDU

MAGACUU

Emvutjini valley could have

leopards, others could not

understand how the predator

could have tone so near to

the Prime Minister's

residence without being

seen.

The last time a leopard

was reported was six yean

ago when a man at Nlondozi

escaped with serious injuries

after he clashed with the

Watted

Mr Mabhakelane

Ndzrmaodze recalled to The

Times how he heard his

friend shouting for help

-I took my young son

home and returned to the

scene," Mr Ndrmantte

said. "1 realised that my

friend was trying to kill a

topard. Armed with

knobkerries. I look my

position across the river and

waited because I could bear

its roar.

When it came my way it

went up a tree. 1 had my

three dogs but they would

not go near the animal. One

of my friend's dogs went

below the tree and started

barking. When I came close

to Die tree the leopard

jumhed upon me and

attacked viciously usmg its

hsvflegs to claw me. My

friend ran away and 1

realised that I would be

killed.

We grappled and 1

managed to push my elbow

into its mouth. My Frknd's

courageous dog ssved me

when it attacked the leopard.

When it turned on the dog I

managed to get up and run

for my life.

However, it had already

slashed my throat and I was

bleeding profusely. When I

drank water it came out

through the wound on my

windpipe. I was taken to

hospital and spent two weeks

recovering from my

wounds."

Mr Ndzimandze said the

matter was reported to

Lubamba but the late King

Sobhuza II directed that the

leopard should not be

hunted down because Mr

Noijmandze had survived.

Mr Ndzimandze stffl bears

the marks of the wounds the

leopard inflicted on him. He

has marks on his throat, the

arm and aU over his chest.

He told The Tunes that

the leopard had never been

seen in an area since his

fateful dash with the cat.

"I don't wish to ever be

involved with leopards. Once

was enough for me." Mr

NUzirnaodze's story was

confirmed by his cluef.

Prinoe Sifubs. The Prince

said he also believed that it

was a bad omen for wild

animati to be found in a

populated area.

The sign of things to

coma?: a month later Prime

Minister Mabandla Dlamini

was ousted

modern and traditional roles simultaneously, sometimes appearing at functions

wearing animal skins and feathers and at

other times in an elaborate field marshal's

uniform with gold epaulettes.

In the last three years of his life Sobhuza

did two things which he apparently thought

would help continue this attempted

synthesis after his death. One was to

reconstitute the Liqoqo and greatly increase

its powers. Sobhuza named 17 members to

the traditionalist body and gave it the

astonishing authority "to overrule any law

or decision in the national interest."

The other was to summon all the chiefs to

the royal kraal at Lobamba after the death

of Prime Minister Maphevu Dlamini in

December 1979. There, without forewarning, the skin-clad old king suddenly

pointed his fighting stick at a surprised

Mabandla standing in the crowd and proclaimed: "There, chiefs of Swaziland, is

your new Prime Minister."

Mabandla, then in his mid-40s, had not

had a day's political experience. He was the

son of one of the king's many cousins, had

a degree in commerce from the University

of South Africa, and was the successful

managing director of a large sugar estate.

What Sobhuza had in mind, local pundits

think, is that the Liqoqo should become the

policy-making body after his death,

ensuring the continuation of traditionalist

policies, but with a modern executive Prime

Minister, uninterested himself in policy

matters, to carry them out. Nice in theory,

but in practice it turned out to be strangely

naive for such a wily old ruler. Mabandla,

lumped with the job, decided to make a go

of it and started becoming his own man.

The traditionalist restraints irked him.

Insiders say he began clashing with

Sobhuza. One of his first acts was to

appoint a commission of inquiry to

investigate corruption, a growing problem

among members of the extended royal

family who think their blood entitles them

to commercial as well as tribal privileges.

Mabandla named a respected Indian

barrister from Johannesburg, Ismail

Mohammed, to head his commission. As

Mohammed started summoning witnesses,

some members of the Liqoqo began

showing increasing signs < f agitation. The

word got about that the commission's

report was going to embarrass some very

high-placed Swazis. Eventually the Liqoqo

called on Sobhuza about it, and the old

153
king went over Mabandla's head to order

the commission disbanded.

That, it could be said, marked the

beginning of the power struggle. It established Mabandla and the Liqoqo as enemies

— and also gave Mabandla a greater degree

of popular support among ordinary Swazis

than any previous Prime Minister.

Then, last August, Sobhuza died. The

political vacuum he left behind was made

even greater by the complicated and drawnout succession procedure that followed. It

was more than 80 years since it had last

been used, to select Sobhuza — as the new

infant king in the year of his birth, 1899,

and there was nobody around who

remembered the details of how the procedure was supposed to work.

To complicate matters further Sobhuza

had based his statecraft on a complex

pattern of kinship ties between the royal

house and the main Swazi clans that left

him eventually, at a conservative estimate,

with 70 wives and 150 children. Selecting a

successor from all those claimants was a

long and difficult business, particularly

since the choice is supposed to fall on an

infant son, of which there are none.

The job fell to the Liqoqo and it is

thought to have made its choice but not

announced it yet. It is considered disrespectful for Swazis to speculate on the

succession, but among foreigners the word

is that he is a lad named either Prince

Makhosetive or Makhosemuele.'He is said

to have been sent to Britain with his mother

to be educated, and will be officially named

only when his schooling is finished (see

Africa Now, March).

Meanwhile, Dzeliwe rules as regent. She

is a senior wife who was named by Sobhuza

as Ndiovukazi (The Great She-Elephant), a

theoretically important position in what is

supposed to be a dual monarchy system but

which Sobhuza dominated totally.

Little is known of Dzeliwe. She is said to

be in her mid-50s but looks much older,

with a tired, careworn face. Some say she is

illiterate, others that she can read a little

English but never speaks it. She is assisted

in her job by "The Authorised Person,"

Prince Sozisa. Little is known of him either.

In this situation both Prince Mabandla

and the Liqoqo moved to increase their

authority and virtually become rival

governments. Mabandla won most of the

early rounds, mainly because of the support

of Dzeliwe and of the police force. He

dismissed a key member of the Liqoqo,

Prince Polycarp Dlamini, from his cabinet,

where he was Minister of Justice, and

named him Ambassador to Washington.

Polycarp Dlamini, who is Mabandla's

principal opponent gathered some powerful

royals to his banner and rejected the

appointment. Mabandla climbed down.

On February 15 Mabandla suspended

Parliament, and began ruling by decree,

claiming there had been an attempted coup

against him.

When Parliament did eventually open in

late February the country heard two

different versions of the same opening

speech read on behalf of Queen Dzeliwe.

While sitting MPS heard Education Minister

Canon Siphetse Dlamini read her speech as

affirming the royalist status quo, the

common people listening on their radios

heard another version promising increased

democratisation and conferring supremacy

in government on the Prime Minister and

cabinet as opposed to the royalist Liqoqo.

The confusion gave way to a police

investigation and tough action. Insiders say

the police investigation revealed that two

members of the Liqoqo had intercepted the

copy of the original speech destined for

parliament. They were allegedly Prince

Mfanasibili Dlamini, an undistinguished

former Cabinet Minister, and Chief

Mfanenkosi Maseko, a former personal

aide to Sobhuza.

This copy of the speech was then rewritten by conservative royalists and was

read, in its amended form, to parliament.

But the group did not succeed in intercepting that copy of the original speech

which had gone to the Swazi Broadcasting

Service.

Prince Mfanasibili and Chief Mfanenkosi

were arrested in early March on charges of

sedition. Owing largely to vigorous

testimony against them by the police, they

were refused bail at successive court

appearances in the Mbabane Magistrates

Court and the Swazi High Court.

The growing anti-Mabandla royalist

faction, which also included Agriculture

Minister A K Hlophe, Liqoqo member and

MP Dr George Msibi and Home Affairs

Minister Prince Gabheni Dlamini, were

incensed at the arrests. There were private

threats from at least one royalist to forcibly

release the men from jail with the help of

the small Swazi army. And conservatives

began to exert enormous pressure on the

Queen Regent.

The tide had gradually begun to turn

against Mabandla. The first sign was when

the Queen Regent changed her mind about

Prince Polycarp and ordered Mabandla to

re-instate him as Minister of Justice.

Then followed a series of curious

incidents which looked suspiciously like a

campaign to exploit tribal superstitions to

discredit Mabandla. A leopard, something

not seen in Swaziland for years, was shot

outside Mabandla's home on the outskirts

of Mbabane by one of his security guards.

On succeeding nights first a buck then a

baboon were also shot by the guard.

154
According to Swazi lore, this amounted

to a bad omen. A zoologist who examined

the body of the leopard said it looked wellfed, as if from a zoo or a game farm.

Finally there was the Queen Regent's, big

change of mind about Mabandla himself

after the visit by the other members of the

Royal Family on March 17.

Dr Msibi hinted that the meeting had

been about the arrest of the two family

members for sedition. "She was asked to

explain why she had not followed the

agreed agenda for the meeting on the 15th

(the one at which she had endorsed

Mabandla)," Dr Msibi said.

"It had been agreed that at that meeting

she would explain the decree that

established the Liqoqo. This was to make

clear whether or not the police had

exceeded their authority in arresting two

members of the Liqoqo."

It seems clear, from what Dr Msibi said,

that Mabandla overplayed his hand in

ordering the arrest of the two Royals; and

that this incurred the wrath of the Royal

Family which put the Queen Regent at odds

with them — and herself in danger. Some

observers think the pressure on her may

simply have been a hint that unless she

stopped backing Mabandla the Liqoqo

might change their plans and name the new

king immediately.

If they did that, his own mother would

immediately become Ndlovukazi in

Dzeliwe's place and take over as Queen

Regent until the young king turns 21. But

others more versed in tribal lore say it

would be improper to make so direct a

threat against the monarch, and that more

subtle hints may have been left in the air.

For example, tnere is an ancient custom

that if a monarch comes into conflict with

the collective will of the Royal Family a

herbal poison may be slipped into his food.

Nothing is ever said, but all Royals know

about it.

It may well have been a hint as sinister as

that which caused Dzeliwe's dramatic

change of mind •

The Liqoqo: A Watchdog That Grew Too Strong

The people of Swaziland are traditionally

represented on the government by two

councils, the Liqoqo (Inner Council) and

the Libandla (General Council). It is the

Liqoqo, however, a development of the

family council and predominantly aristocratic, which wields the power in Swaziland

today and acts as a watchdog over

parliament.

The Liqoqo is under a prince who is

specially "pointed out" to the people. Not

every royal kinsman is a member: members

are chosen by the king-in-council mainly

from senior princes and from able

commoners. The principal qualifications

are ability, interest and general standing.

The king, his mother (the only woman on

the council) and the great counsellor axe exofficio members.

Traditionally the rulers continued to

consult the Liqoqo of their predecessors,

who also made suggestions for additional

suitable members. For convenience, the

council was limited in numbers, and

Sobhuza kept it down to less than 30. No

public announcement is made of any new

candidate, and there is no need to replace a

member who dies. The majority of Swazi

do not know who is on the "Liqoqo or the

special qualifications of each member.

One of the major assets of the Liqoqo is

its largely informal character. The king was

able to summon any member whom he

desired to consult or whose services he

required. He did not hold regular sessions

of the council, but discussed matters that

arose with members who were available.

Only when an important decision on policy

was necessary did he call the full Liqoqo. A

few members are always at or near the royal

villages and may advise on everyday

routine. When the king travelled, one or

two of the Liqoqo were usually in his

entourage. Thus, the Liqoqo operates

through individual members who are in

more or less constant attendance on the

king and the queen mother.

The functions of the Liqoqo, like the

personnel, are not specialised or precise.

The Liqoqo may advise, make decisions

and execute them — this applies to issues

which vary as widely as questions of land,

education, traditional ritual, court

procedure or transport. Any matter may be

referred to the Liqoqo but the sanction of

the Libandla is required on important

matters. Furthermore, the Liqoqo may on

no occasion override a decision of the

Libandla. The rulers bow before the

councils (as has been the recent case of

Queen Dzeliwe's dismissal of Prime

Minister Mabandla, where she reluctantly

agreed to the wishes of the current Liqoqo)

Members of the Liqoqo do not fear

expulsion if they speak freely, and they

openly criticise when they feel it is

necessary.

In the past when life was sufficiently

unchanging not to require many council

sessions, the Liqoqo was only summoned as

a corporate body perhaps four times a year

and the Libandla — a much larger and

more formal council, whose r .mbers

include all the chiefs, theyr leading

counsellors, prominent headmen and any

adult male who wishes to attend and

therefore by dint of its size less manageable

than the Liqoqo — only three times.

155
With the establishment of a Legislative

Council and later a single parliament after

independence in 1967, British constitutional

lawyers assumed that the Swazi National

Council (the Libandla and the Liqoqo)

would be redundant and disappear. To

them it was a symbol of a dual system in

which the traditional structure served as an

obstructive shadow government. However,

at every constitutional discussion

Sobhuza's men insisted that the Swazi

National Council be continued and receive

recognition. With independence it continued to serve as the "cultural watchdog"

of Parliament confronting new issues and

passing new legislation.

One of King Sobhuza's difficult tasks

was to keep the two bodies distinct but

complementary and not let their lines of

authority conflict. When it was reported to

Sobhuza that certain members of the Swazi

National Council exceeded their authority,

using his name to back their actions, he

called a meeting and affirmed the higher

legislative authority of Parliament. The

Swazi National Council was the foundation

of Swazi rule, he declared, not the total

structure.

When the Westminster-style constitution

was repealed in 1972, the full burden of

sovereignty was placed on King Sobhuza.

Much of the machinery of government was

retained, however. The Cabinet (Council of

Ministers) continued to meet regularly while

the Liqoqo was involved in constant

discussion and new legislation which was

generally initiated by the appropriate

Minister and drafted by the Attorney

General.

On major issues Sobhuza adhered to the

principle that the Liqoqo should arrive at a

consensus before he could make a personal

commitment on any particular issue. Three

issues were put to the Libandla as well

although it met less frequently and was

highly unlikely to reverse the decisions of

the Inner Council, but anyone present was

free to express his personal opinion.

From 1971, however, the dual system

of government began to falter and the early

harmonious co-operation within the

government was being disturbed by

differences of opinion between the Cabinet

and the Liqoqo on a variety of issues

relating to development, appointments,

qualifications and salary of government

staff, licences, citizenship and land policy.

The royal-studded Liqoqo is constituted

as follows: Prince Makhungu Dlamini,

Prince Sifuba Dlamini, Prince Ghabeni

Dalmini, Prince Mancidane Dlamini,

Prince Lusekwane Dlamini, Prince Polycarp Dlamini, Prince Mfanesibeli Dlamini,

Prince Sifo Dlamini, Chief Tsekwane

Dlamini, Chief Mavandlakazi Dlamini,

Chief Mlimi Maziya, Chief Msanakwenkose Maseko, Councillor Ndleleni Gwebu,

Dr George Msibi, Ndvuna Masenjane

Msibanze and A K Hlope, the Minister of

Agriculture. The Secretary is Robert

Mabela, who is also Secretaryfor Justice *

CSO: 3400/1441

156
UGANDA

EDITORIAL URGES STRENGTHENING OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT

Kampala UGANDA TIMES in English 19 Apr 83 p 4

[Editorial: "We Should Strengthen District Administrations"]

[Text] Before the last decade this country was evolving a policy which

was moving towards practical decentralisation of most of the services,

ranging from health, education, roads maintenance to agriculture. The

aim was to give the people the feeling that they were doing something of

their own—to satisfy their own need.

This also had the position effect of creating competitiveness among the

people of different regions and as a consequence competition tended to

stimulate development process. This kind of approach turned out to be the

fastest way of implementing development programmes because when most decisions are left to the people in the headquarters, the nation runs the danger

of getting infected with bureaucratic sluggishness.

Unfortunately during the past decade the regime that was in power decided

to disorganise whatever had been done in strengthening local administrations.

As a result there was a total collapse in virtually all services.

The main task which now faces all of us is that of restoring the strength

of local administration in order to make them strong and instrumental in

development process. In our view, the government should carry out practical

and complete decentralisation of most of the services so that decision

making is done locally as this is the only way to ensure speed and efficiency in the execution of development projects.

Most of the upcountry officers and workers admit that they are not doing

anything worth mention. From agriculture veterinary, community development to information officers, there is nothing they are doing to fight the

known enemies of the people, disease, ignorance and poverty.

Today many upcountry workers complain of the problem of shortage of facilities, and yet there is evidence that shows that the few available facilities

are being misused for personal gain by the very officers. Anu even then,

those who have the necessary facilities cannot justify their presence in

the government payroll.

CSO: 3400/1410

157
UPPER VOLTA

CORRESPONDENT EXAMINES CSP REGIME AFTER 6 MONTHS IN POWER

London WEST AFRICA in English 9 May 83 pp 1111-1113

[Text] RHETORIC, when it is not backed up

with concrete action is unlikely to have

long-term effects. The Conseil du Salut du

Peuple (CSP) has now been in power for

six months in Upper Volta and continues

to insist that its job will last for just two

years: with a quarter of that time passed/

we have seen little more than moralistic

speeches with fascinating ideas in them and

a basic spring cleaning exercise of the

administration. Some very adventurous

ideas in democratic participation have

been mooted, but they imply far-reaching

structural reforms.

Perhaps because there have been so few

concrete actions to respond to, most interest has been centred on the language in

which the CSP have presented their ideas.

This has been particularly the case for the

strongly anti-imperialist tone of Prime

Minister Sankara. A mass rally was held in

Ouagadougou recently to which foreign

ambassadors were invited. The Prime

Minister announced that imperialism was

an enemy of the people; imperialism was

watching and was trembling; imperialism

was to be buried in Ouagadougou. On the

following Monday morning, the President

received diplomats from the American and

German embassies to reassure them: this

was primarily an internal meeting and had

no effect on external relations.

The foreign press have started to take

firm positions in relation to the CSP, but

again apparently basing their assessments

on the rhetoric used rather than the ideas

proposed. The popular Paris based Jeune

Afrique had a cover photograph of Prime

Minister Sankara for a recent issue with the

large caption "The Marxists Settle In" (Les

Marxistes s'Installent). The more radical

Afrique Asie had a very flattering sixteen

page feature on Upper Volta entitled

"Two Years To Win" (Deux Ans Pour

Gagner). The previous edition had carried

a piece on Sankara's visit to the nonaligned summit in New Delhi, citing the

"progressive and revolutionary positions"

he took there. Sankara was one of the most

popular figures at the summit, they

claimed, with important Third World leaders queuing to shake his Ijand.

Meanwhile, the CSP continues its series

of initiatives which Commandant Lingani.

General Secretary of the CSP, describes as

being designed "to initiate the process of

dialogue" between the CSP and the people. A new monthly paper for literate

French speakers was established in March

called /'Armee du Peuple. Every Tuesday

evening there is a one hour radio programme "Direct Line to the CSP" (En Direct

Avec le CSP) during which CSP members

answer questions the public sends in.

The series of regional visits begun by the

CSP in Februaryliave continued; six departments had been covered, three more

were visited in the first half of April

(Centre; Centre Est; Centre Ouest). Led

by members of the CSP along with members of the Government, the visits have

become much clearer in their message and

much less evasive in their answers. The

visit to the Centre Department culminated

on April 16 with another rally in the main

square of Ouagadougou attended by several thousand people. Unlike the previous

rally, this was not an occasion for speeches,

but a question and answer session. Questions were answered by members -f the

CSP and by Ministers: although ±j President and the Prime Minister were both

present, they did not say anything. This

158
was perhaps a deliberate attempt to downplay the dominant image the two created

for themselves during the rally three weeks

previously. Security arrangements were

overwhelming, with tanks and lorryloads

of armed soldiers lining the square: many

Voltaics preferred to listen in the side

streets rather than enter the square itself.

The prime interest of the rally was not

the questions nor the specific content of

the answers, but the general refrain that

underlay almost everything the CSP said.

How do the CSP intend to/give a voice to

the peasants in remote areas? It is not for

the CSP to impose anything, but for the

peasants to organise themselves democratically through the structure which the CSP

will provide. How will the CSP organise

the country's youth? The youth must organise themselves democratically, the Youth

Minister replied. The Minister of Information explained how the state information

services were to be restructured, because

the CSP was not just there to give out a

message but to learn from the people. And

the same approach would be used after two

years of CSP rule: they had no preconceptions about the particular democratic model that would be most appropriate for

Upper Volta, but would just give the

people the chance to express themselves.

The President and the Prime Minister,

seven Government Ministers and most

members of the CSP sat in temperatures

above 40°C and on past nightfall, to say

that they were there to awaken the people's conscience. All of this was fascinating

and perhaps unique, but until the authorities start to present the specific structures

and reforms, it is no more than a set of

undefined ideas. If the CSP read the

banners at the rally, they would have

noticed one which said "Speed it up, PM"

(M. le PM, Accelerez la Vitesse).

It would be misleading to imply that only

Jeune Afrique and a few Western ambassadors are noting the more "radical" aspects

of the CSP. Since the failed coup attempt

of February 28, political arrests have continued, including Frederic Guirma who

The economy: what programme?

As well as "conscientising" The People, the

Conseil du Salut du Peuple face a daunting

task in feeding and clothing them. If pronouncements on political reforms have been

vague, those on economic reforms have been

virtually non-existent. This is hardly surprising. The room for manoeuvre is constricting

to the point of suffocation.

was the first Voltaic Ambassador to the

UN, ex President Zerbo's Minister of

Education Albert Patouin Ouedraogo, and

the union militant and leader of the breakaway Front de Refus, Joseph Ouedraogo.

This group was arrested on March 19 for

apparently plotting a coup that would

centre around a business strike.

Nor are the trade unions fully supporting

the new regime. Hamidou Baba Ouedraogo, General Secretary of SNEAHV

(the National Union of African Teachers in

Upper Volta). recently spoke out strongly

about the CSP to his union conference: he

spoke against the forced labour curfew

breakers were obliged to undertake and

against the humiliation involved in reading

a person's name out on the radio if they

were caught in a bar during working hours.

Many people are concerned that the

trials promised by the CSP of the country's

former leaders have still not begun. When

he took power in November last year.

President Ouedraogo promised that trials

3vould start in a maximum of six months'

time. That time limit is now over, but

during the April 16 rally, the Minister of

Justice announced that the files on the

leaders of the Third Republic were now

complete and that trials would begin soon.

But the biggest political problem the

CSP faces lies within the army itself. The

failed coup attempt of February 28 was just

one that hit the headlines: others are

regularly planned in the barrack rooms.

The President has delegated responsibility

for army discipline and control to Prime

Minister Sankara. and late at night most

evenings he tours the barracks around

Ouagadougou to check on security and

discipline. He travels alone in a private car,

heavily armed, and arrives unannounced.

His task is daunting; not just to prevent

political dissent, but to try and instil a

sense of social responsibility in the troops.

When you visit a Voltaic town with an

army garrison and see the way a small

group of soliriers can intimidate' the local

population, you realise at once what a long

haul it will be to begin to implement the

rhetoric of the rallies.

Upper Volta is what the aid agencies call a

"basket case"; the hundreds of aid missions

there realise that their work is not improving

the overwhelming poverty of the country and

that neither food self-sufficiency nor industrial "take off" are immediately foreseeable:

but it is also true that if the external aid flow

were to dry up. large numbers would die of

hunger.

159
Perhaps the CSP's most significant idea in

this respect is to centralise and co-ordinate

the external aid effort. The problem here is

that aid directors have their own national

interests to serve and also have egos like

everyone else.

Only about one per cent of Upper Volta's

7m. citizens are integrated into the domestic

monetarised economy, and over 90 per cent

depend on agriculture for a livelihood. An

estimated 500,000 Voltaics work on the

plantations in the Ivory Coast, repatriating

about SlOOm. per annum, though this figure

is likely to fall in coming years.

Domestic agriculture accounts for only

about 35 per cent of Gross Domestic Product

(down 10 per cent of the proportionate

contribution of a decade ago), despite the

overwhelming proportion of the population

engaged in this activity. As usual, national

budget allocations for agriculture come nowhere near either of these percentages.

The industrial sector is tiny, comprising

two textile mills (which do not cover local

needs); thirteen cotton ginneries (a rare

growth sector); a brewery; a tannery (processing leather from the vital meat crop, most of

which is exported to the coast where stockrearing is impossible because of disease);

several rice and saw mills; cigarette and

match factories; and a moped and bicycle

assembly plant, which again, does not satisfy

the local demands of Ouagadougou. "Moped

City".

Principle exports are livestock, karite

seeds and cotton; receipts from exports do

not cover imports. The balance of payments

is in chronic deficit and bankruptcy is only

prevented by remittances, international aid

and budgetary support from sources like

France. The only significant growth area in

recent years has been the tertiary (Government and other services) sector.

Some hopes are pinned on mining (gold,

nickel, manganese, phosphates and marble),

but the cost of infrastructure required — at

the moment the EEC are closest to financing

it — will be prohibitive until international

markets pick up.

CSO: 3400/1439

160
ZAIRE

AGREEMENTS WITH GUINEA ENTER INTO EFFECT

Kinshasa ELIMA in French 30 Apr 83 p 3

[Article: "Zairian-Guinean Agreements Enter Into Effect"]

[Text] Last Friday, at the Department of Foreign Affairs and International

Cooperation, Maitre Kamanda Wa Kamanda, state commissioner to foreign affairs

and international cooperation, and Mr Senainon Behanzin, Guinean minister of

agro-pastoral district farms and agricultural cooperatives, exchanged the

instruments ratifying the agreements, convention and treaty signed by the

Republic of Zaire and the People's Revolutionary Republic of Guinea.

These agreements deal with sea transport, telecommunications, the trade sector,

the creation of a large joint Guinean-Zairian commission, as well as cultural,

scientific and social cooperation.

These various agreements, the legal convention and the friendship and cooperation treaty were signed in Kinshasa on 30 September 1980.

The two statesmen declared themselves pleased to see these agreements, convention and treaty enter into effect, as this demonstrates the determination of

the two countries to strengthen their cooperation relations.

Mr Behanzin visited Kinshasa at the head of a Guinean delegation to the third

meeting of the large joint Zairian-Guinean commission.

End of the Kinshasa Visit of the Guinean Minister of Agro-Pastoral Farms and

Agricultural Cooperatives

Mr Behanzin Senainon, Guinean minister of agro-pastoral farms and agricultural

cooperatives, left Kinshasa for Conakry on Friday, at the close of a one-week

official mission to Zaire.

The two parties, Mr Behanzin stated, have once again taken this opportunity to

study the ways and means of exploiting the cooperation possibilities that are

open to the two states considering the complementarity of thei" respective

economies.

Guinea and Zaire, the Guinean minister indicated, have already signed nine

agreements covering several fields of major interest for their development.

161
During his visit to Kinshasa, Mr Behanzin visited the Maluku steelplant

(Steelmaking Company), certain textile factories and the operations of the

J.V.L.-Kolo company in Bas-Zaire.

The Guinean minister of agro-pastoral firms and agricultural cooperatives said

he was pleased with the successful outcome of his visit; upon his departure,

he was greeted by Maitre Kamanda Wa Kamanda, state commissioner to foreign

affairs and international cooperation, and by Mrs Fatou Diara, Guinean

ambassador to Zaire.

9294

CSO: 3419/916

162
ZAIRE

BORDER TRAFFIC EXPECTED TO BEGIN SOON

Kinshasa ELIMA in French 30 Apr 83 p 3

[Article by Kasonga Ndunga Mule: "Border Trade: Soon a Reality"]

[Text] Exchanges between inhabitants of the border zones of neighboring countries remain a crucial problem for the populations in the northeast of the

Republic of Zaire. Essentially, exchanges with Uganda, Tanzania, Sudan, Kenya

and the Central African Republic are involved.

Exchanges already take place; in particular, third-quality agricultural products

are traded for other products. For that reason, several border control posts

have been officially opened. They include the Aba, Bitima, Aru, Mahagi, Ndu,

Kasenyi and Doruma posts, all in the Haut-Zaire region. The various control

services—such as customs, OZAC [Zairian Control Office], immigration services,

the territorial army, the gendarmerie—were to be represented at all these

strategic points.

Some time ago, all these departments and the Bank of Zaire held a meeting at

regional level to rule on border trade. Alone the OZAC was represented only

at Bunia, Isiro, Aketi and other smaller posts.

To demonstrate the desire of the Zairian Control Office (acronym OZAC) to fully

play its role as the eyes of the Executive Council with respect to both the

quantity and quality of the products to be imported or exported, the assistant

general director of this office, Citizen Mondombo Sisa Ebambe, has made a point

of investigating in person the situation that prevails in this region, where

fraud may well become a tradition.

For that reason, he was to examine the possibility of providing certain existing

posts with vehicles or other appropriate logistic means to ensure their mobility

and, therefore, make all these posts profitable. The guest of theregion also

visited Isiro, in the Haut-Uele subregion, as well as the Kivu region, on a

similar mission.

It should be noted that, thanks to the OZAC, all border posts will be able to

follow border trade more closely and, therefore, to reduce tr abolish fraud on

official routes. In addition, this tour will enable him to get in touch with

the National Association of Zairian Enterprises whose members do not seem to

understand that the action of OZAC is quite justified.

9294

CSO: 3419/916 163
ZAIRE

MPR OFFICIAL STRESSES IMPORTANCE OF CADRE'S ROLE

Kinshasa ELIMA in French 26 Apr 83 p 7

[Article by Angelo Mobateli: "Cadre's Role In the Spirit of the MPR"]

[Text] Acting on the recommendation made by the governor of the town of

Kinshasa on Saturday 9 April at the 20-May stadium, at the end of the march

organized by town authorities to express the people's support to the Central

Committee's State Decision concerning the MPR's leadership role, Citizen

Mimbanga Moushiet Lem, acting general director and section chairman of the

MPR-DCMP (Central Medical-Pharmaceutical Depot), gave a moral lecture last

Saturday on the subject of "The Cadre's Role In the Spirit of the MPR," to

mark the creation of an "MPR Day" at the DCMP.

On the occasion of that day, Citizen Mimbanga stated, moral lectures, working

sessions and conferences centering essentially on the party will be organized

both at headquarters and in the regions, by DCMP officials.

Based on the speech made on Uillegible] April at the People's Palace by the

MPR chairman-founder, president of the Republic, Marshall Mobutu Sese Seko,

on the final report of the Central Committee meeting and on the content of

State Decision No 32-CC-83 concerning the leadership role of the party, the

DCMP acting general director stated that the MPR spirit meant for our people

that the essential values on which the action of the party is based must be

reflected collectively as well as individually in everyday's attitudes and

reflexes. The MPR spirit must flourish in a free society, because the Zairian

people are a free people and happy in their freedom.

One of the essential values that characterize the MPR spirit, according to

Citizen Mimbanga, is dialogue within the party.

Commenting on the work of the recent Central Committee meeting, the speaker

told the audience that debates had focussed on reaffirming the primacy of

the MPR as well as its leadership and prominent role in the country's life^

as a party that rallies the masses, a movement for action, ideas and creative

forces, a framework for concertation and the free debate of opinions, a source

of legitimacy and legality for all power, as Marshall Mobutu indicated in his

speech.

164
Therefore, the huge task that the Party-State must accomplish demands that posts

of command and responsibility be given only to those who are imbued with the

MPR spirit. This prerequisite, the DCMP acting general director stated, is essential because we must guarantee the perdurability of the noble values on

which we are to build a harmonious, brotherly and happy society. In closing,,

and prior to distributing the integral text of the Central Committee's State

Decision to his staff, the speaker reminded the cadres that they must play the

part of driving forces.

9294

CSO: 3419/916

165
ZAIRE

BRIEFS

JAPANESE FARM EQUIPMENT PRESENTED—According to a communique from the Japanese

embassy in Zaire, the following agricultural equipment will be officially given

to the Executive Council by the Japanese government next Monday: 67 tractors,

67 plows, 67 harrows, 37 seeders and a whole lot of spare parts. This is the

result of the agreement signed on 9 March 1982 by the Japanese government and

the Executive Council, to mark the friendship and cooperation relations that

exist between the two countries, and it is a contribution to the agricultural

machinery improvement project. The same source indicated that the state commissioner to agriculture, rural development and environment as well as the

Japanese ambassador to Zaire will attend the ceremony. [Text] [Kinshasa ELIMA

in French 30 Apr 83 p 1] 9294

CSO: 3419/916

166
GAMBIA

BRIEFS

MUNDIA PRAISES BRITISH AID—Prime Minister Mr Nalumino Mundia has commended

the British Council for its positive role in Zambian community development.

Speaking when two officers of the council called on him at his office today,

Mr Mundia said the council was also giving Zambia notable support in its manpower planning. Mr (Gordon Tindor) the British Council representative in

Zambia was bidding farewell to the prime minister after a 4-year stay in

Zambia. He is succeeded by Mr (Rupert Pymm). The prime minister assured

r (Pymm) that Zambia would give him maximum cooperation in his work. LTextJ

[MB250757 Lusaka Domestic Service in English 1800 GMT 24 May 83]

vr.

CSO: 3400/1465

167
ZIMBABWE

LESSONS DERIVED FROM ZAPU-ZANU SPLIT

London AFRICA NOW in English May 83 p 31

[Article by Abdul Rahman Mohammed Babu]

[Text] The ZANU/ZAPU, split (the two parties until

the eve of the birth of Zimbabwe were

united under the banner of the Patriotic

Front), is causing serious political and

economic damage to the country as well as

moral discomfort to Zimbabwe's wellwishers abroad. On the other hand, it is

giving comfort to the enemies of Africa,

especially the fascists of South Africa who

fully realise that a united Zimbabwe poses a

mortal danger to their survival.

In South Africa we have the two major

liberation parties, the PAC and the ANC, at

loggerheads. Many liberation supporters

outside South Africa cannot understand

why the two parties cannot come together

under the banner of a Liberation Front like

FRELIMO, FNLA of Algeria, or PLO of the

Palestinian people. The OAU which

recognises both parties as authentic leaders

of the South African liberation struggle has

repeatedly tried to bring them together to

form such a Front. Is their contradiction an

antagonistic one, or one among the people,

and if it is the latter (which it is) what are

the obstacles to a united front?

Before we answer that question, let us

first of all look into South Africa itself

where the struggle will ultimately have to be

fought. The objective reality of the country

is that it is the most urbanised country in

Africa; its productive forces, although lopsided, are also the most developed in

Africa. Production relations are of the

most extreme form of exploitation, a

condition which is very attractive to the

multinational corporations and their

respective governments who pour billions

of dollars into the country for the purpose

of maximising profits (ranging from 40% to

200%!) and for maintaining the status quo.

It is in essence, still a dependent economy in

spite of its heavy industrial base.

It has a large proletarianised working class

with a long experience of struggle against

oppression which is potentially an important

base for future revolutionary action.

Almost all of South Africa's neighbours

are weak, fragmented and riven in internal

upheavals, supported, and in many cases

engineered, by Pretoria. They are all economically dependent on South Africa and are

not thinking of any better way of alleviating

this dependency except that of re-routing

their exports and imports (the SADCC thesis)

as if this was the cause, rather than the

effect, of their underdevelopment and

dependency. None of them can fight South

Africa and the latter is utilising this weakness

, to terrorise them into denying active

military facilities to the liberation fighters

ih South Africa.

While we must despise the enemy strategically, we must at the same time take him

seriously tactically. South Africa is a

serious enemy, more serious than the

Portuguese, the Smiths, etc. Its army has a

long tradition of guerrilla warfare from the

Boer war against the British, the antiGermany guerrilla war in Namibia during

World War I to the anti-Rommel campaign

in North Africa in World War II. The Boers

are a desperate lot, with a siege mentality

whose fanaticism knows no limit, including

resort to suicidal actions.

In order to weaken its strength and take

advantage of its many weaknesses, the

revolutionaries need a unified, strong and

doggedly stubborn resistance movement

under a single, centralised leadership in the

form of a broad united front comprising all

the forces that can be united.

The South African regime of oppression

has itself become a breeding ground for the

evolution of such a leadership. The South

African liberation fighter, bv „ie very

nature of his situation, is necessarily a

different type of fighter from his or her

counterpart elsewhere, where resistance has

168
not been so severe. Proletarianised and

urbanised, they have developed a capacity

for all kinds of skills, organisational and

technical, including the skills to manufacture

grenades and other kinds of guerrilla arms.

All this has the making of a formidable

force against the fascists. What is more, the

fascists know of this eventuality which is a

source of many a sleepless night.

The entire non-White population is

oppressed, irrespective of their class or

position; Africans more so than others. The

vast majority will support any movement

that seeks to liberate themselves from their

enslavement. This is an excellent condition

for a protracted struggle. Given this

situation, and in order to be self-reliant and

subject to no external pressures (as unfortunately was the case with ZANU and ZAPU),

the revolutionaries must-aim at establishing, at some point, liberated zones inside

the country, with the objective of liberating

the countryside and surrounding the cities,

rather in the manner of the Chinese, Vietnamese and Nicaraguan experience.

On the other hand, their enemy is

intrinsically weak in spite of his manifestation of strength. His weakness lies in

the following factors: he is fighting for an

unjust cause; he is in the minority, surrounded by a hostile majority within the

country; his superior military arsenal is useless for a protracted internal war; the ruling

class is in disarray and the division in their

ranks is widening; he is virtually isolated

internationally, and his opponent, the

African masses, have a long experience of

struggle.

In other words, the objective conditions

for a revolutionary change are ripe. What

needs to be strengthened is the subjective

factor. A unified Liberation Front can

provide such a factor. South Africa's liberation will not be of a "Lancaster House"

type; it will be achieved on the battlefield

with no external "mother country" with

whom to work out compromises and accommodation. Like the Batistas and the

Somozas, the Bothas will have to be defeated

hands down.

The current Zimbabwe difficulties can be

traced in part to the day when the Patriotic

Front decided to go to the polls as separate

ZAPU and ZANU parties and not as a unified

Front. It is in essence a struggle for establishing legitimacy and if it is not handled

tactfully it may get out of hand.

It is a serious strategic and tactical error

to confuse between antagonistic contradiction and contradiction among the

people. The ZANU/ZAPU contradiction is of

the latter kind, and so is the PAC/ANC

contradiction. Its resolution is through

peaceful struggle, whereas that between the

front and the occupying power is an antagonistic one whose resolution is through the

armed struggle. All these facts are known to

the leaders of both the ANC and PAC. What

is required, what the South African masses

and the rest of Africa require, is a revolutionary will and spirit to make such a united

front a reality •

CSO: 3400/1441

END

169