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JPRS 83634

8 June 1983

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

No. 2808

19980611 130

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JPRS 83634

8 June 1983

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

No. 2808

FBIS FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
MALAWI

JPRS 83634

8 June 1983

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

No. 2808

CONTENTS

INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

Briefs

Sanctions Against South Africa Sought 1

CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC

President Advocates Dynamic Tourist Policy

(AFP, 27 May 83) ; 2

CHAD

Joint Chadian-Italian Communique Issued

(INFO TCHAD, 21 Apr 83) 3

Price Explosion Noted in Ndjamena

(INFO TCHAD, 22 Apr 83) 5

GHANA

Briefs

Asamoah Returns From EEC-ACP Meeting 7

LESOTHO

Minister Explains Establishment of Ties With PRC

(Maseru Domestic Service, 22 May 83) 8

Minister Challenges Paper on Editorial

(Maseru Domestic Service, 20 May 83) 9

Ministers' Deaths May Portend Election Violence

(Dave Clemens; AFP, 22 May 83) 10

- a - [III - NE .& A - 120]
MALI

Speech by Diallo on Fourth Anniversary of UDPM

(L'ESSOR, £, 6, 7 Apr 83) 12

MAURITIUS

Foreign Companies Interested in Trade Relations

(LE MAURICIEN, 21 Mar 83) 2U

New Minister Reviews Financial, Economic Situation

(LE MAURICIEN, 30 Mar 83) 2$

New External Affairs Minister States Policy Views

(LE MAURICIEN, $ Apr 83) 27

Briefs

Libyan Aid 29

Lutchmeenaraidoo Criticizes Berenger 29

Tourism Industry Set Back 29

Sugar Industry Nationalization Demanded 30

MOZAMBIQUE

Jean-Pierre Langellier Views on RNM, USSR Aid to Maputo

(Jean-Pierre Langellier; LE MONDE, 17 May 83) 31

Jean-Pierre Langellier Expresses Views on Maputo's 'Nonaligned

Diplomacy'

(Jean-Pierre Langellier; LE MONDE, lU May 83) 35

NAMIBIA

Radio Commentary Scores 'Atrocities' Against Citizens

(Harare Voice of Namibia, 20 May 83) 38

National Party Called Only Hope for Minority Protection

(Editorial; DIE SUIDWESTER, 6 May 83) ..' U0

SENEGAL

Treatment of Senegalese in Mauritania Condemned

(LE POLITICIEN, Apr 83) k2

SOUTH AFRICA

Johannesburg Notes U. S. Honesty Toward Namibian Problem

(Johannesburg International Service, 19 May 83) U5

- b -
Johannesburg Says UN Meeting To Aid Soviet Aims

(Johannesburg Domestic Service," 23 May 83) U6

Defense Minister Hits Destabilization Charges

(Johannesburg Domestic Service, 20 May 83) U8

Prime Minister Needs To Bridge Afrikaner Rift

(Editorial; THE CITIZEN, 16 May 83) k9

Harassment of Government Opponents Reported

(Phillip Van Niekerk; RAND DAILY MAIL, 16 May 83) 51

Johannesburg Scores Deadline for Namibian Settlement

(Johannesburg International'Service, 25 May 83) 53

Johannesburg Says Terror Will Not Subdue RSA

(Johannesburg International Service, 23 May 83) 5U

Johannesburg on 'Full Justification' of Maputo Raid

(Johannesburg International Service, 2\x May 83) 55

NHK Rupture With WARC Opposed

(Dirk Van Zyl; SUNDAY TIMES, 15 May 83) 56

Stirling Claims Terrorist Bombings Linked to SACP

(Tony Stirling; THE CITIZEN, 25 May 83) 57

SACC Staff Expresses Confidence in Council

(THE CITIZEN, 26 May 83) 59

Tucsa Leader: Trade Union Movement Still Divided

(THE CITIZEN, 25 May 83) 60

Blue Rock Squatters Moved To Potsdam

(DAILY DISPATCH, 12 May 83) 6l

Energy Consumption Figures Serve as Economic Barometer

(Lawrie Bedford; THE STAR, 18 May 83) 62

Air Force HQ Takes Blast in Stride

(THE CITIZEN, 2k May 83) 6U

General Viljoen on Vital Role of Agriculture

(Chris Vick; DAILY DISPATCH, 11 May 83) ^

Ciskei Cattle Row Resolved

(DAILY DISPATCH, 12 May 83) 66

- c -
Briefs

ID Documents 67

Coloured Nurses 67

Richards Bay Exports 67

Anglican Paper Banned 68

Indians Honor Buthelezi 68

United Democratic Front 68

Black Women Join Police 69

Jaap Spurns Afrikaans Magazine 69

Migrant Black Workers 69

How Recession Affects Unions 69

Chief Mphephu Opposed 7P

GIS at Standerton 70

Increased Productivity 71

Ford Rehires Workers 71

SWAZILAND

ZAIRE

Prime Minister's Address on Ingwavuma Claim

(Prince Bhekimpi; Mbabane Domestic Television Service,

22 May 83) 73

Government Seeks To Give New Impetus to Scientific Research

(Mputu-Toko Dingani; ELIMA, 19 Apr 83) 77

ZIMBABWE

Trade Deficit Up by 67 Percent

(THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE, 6 May 83) 79

Briefs

Resettlement Loan Agreement 80

Libyan Red Crescent Donation 80

Coloreds Identify With Majority 80

Immigration Official Suspended 80

Mobile Substation for Wankie 81

Business Income Tax 81

Holidays for I98U 82

Mineral Production Value 82

DMB Turnover 82

- d -
INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

BRIEFS

SANCTIONS AGAINST SOUTH AFRICA SOUGHT—Dakar, 18 May (PANA)—The first international conference of World Trade Unions on sanctions against apartheid

(scheduled from 10 to 11 June in Geneva, Switzerland) will make it possible to

take sanctions likely to really counteract South Africa. This was indicated

by James Dennis Akumu, secretary general of the Organization of African Trade

Union Unity, OATUU, whose headquarters is in Accra, Ghana. Mr Akumu also indicated that the Geneva conference is "crucial because the struggle against

apartheid is taking a new dimension" in the face of South Africa's war-mongering. This conference will therefore make it possible to inform world public

opinion and to mobilize volunteers to fight by the side of liberation movements,

he said. "The world must now choose between South Africa and independent

Africa," Mr Akumu concluded. OATUU, which was created in April 1973, aims at

uniting African workers on the continent and in the world, to defend and to

protect African trade unions and trade union rights and to restore the African

worker's dignity. [Text] [AB181303 Dakar PANA in French 1218 GMT 18 May 83]

CSO: 3419/940
CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC

PRESIDENT ADVOCATES DYNAMIC TOURIST POLICY

AB271057 Paris AFP in French 0748 GMT 27 May 83

[Text] Ndele (Center-North of the CAR), 27 May (AFP)—CAR head of state General Andre Kolingba, currently on a visit to the northern part of the country

in the Bamingui-Bangoran region, has called for a well-planned tourist policy

to help in the government economic development program.

President Kolingba recommended a vigorous and dynamic action for the creation

of tourist enterprises worth the name.

The Central African head of state, who was addressing the people of Ndele, a

town situated at about 700 km on the center-north border with Chad, regretted

that much has not been done to develop tourism in the region despite the existing potentialities. That region has a variety of luxurious flora and fauna.

President Kolingba added that if the CAR is to share this natural wealth with

tourists of the world, then there is no point in organizing the destruction of

the countryfs fauna.

"The pleasures derived from sight-seeing safaris and hunting should not be

confused with the indiscriminate killing of our animal heritage," General

Kolingba stated. The Central African head of state called for the intensification of the fight against poaching and smuggling, and the protection of animal species in order to have a healthy environment.

The CAR head of state was making his 10th visit to the hinterland since he came

to power on 1 September 1981.

CSO: 3419/961
CHAD

JOINT CHADIAN-ITALIAN COMMUNIQUE ISSUED

Ndjamena INFO TCHAD in French 21 Apr 83 pp 2, 3

[Text] An official mission of the Italian Government, led by Roberto

Palleschi, deputy minister of foreign affairs, visited Chad from 18 to

20 April 1983.

During its visit the Italian delegation was received by Hissein Habre,

president of Chad. Then it met with Idriss Miskine, minister of foreign

affairs and cooperation; Joseph Yodoyman, minister of planning and

reconstruction; and Koibla Djimasta, minister of public health.

The visit, which reflects the friendly relations existing between the two

countries, was the occasion for an exchange of points of view on the

international political situation and on reports regarding ongoing

cooperation programs.

On this subject Roberto Palleschi recalled that his visit to Chad was a

part of a broader mission to the countries of the Sahel region, to which

the Italian Government has provided a regional assistance program of

$500 million.

The Chadian Government expressed its satisfaction at the Italian decision

to implement quickly the emergency aid program valued at $10,259,000,

which is aimed at strengthening the agricultural and food distribution

system and helping Chadians repatriated from Nigeria.

In order to help the Chadian Government in its national reconstruction

program the Italian side agreed to the financing of the following assistance

projects: (a) emergency assistance in the form of basic medicines, for a

total value of about $1.4 million; (b) an integrated rural development

program in Chari Baguirmi Prefecture; and (c) a feasibility study for the

construction of a road between Djermaya dnd Ngalafo.

For its part the Chadian side expressed renewed interest in the following

projects: (1) development of the Malo plain; (2) participation in the

sutdy of an extension of the boundaries of the Sadiki-Deresia irrigation

area; (3) rehabilitation of the Bureau of Studies and Projects in the

Ministry of State for Agriculture and Rural Development; (40 rehabilitation

of rural tracks in the Sudan area.
The Italian side took careful note of these requests and assured their

hosts that these requests will be carefully examined.

The two sides expressed a desire to see bilateral cooperation strengthened.

In this context the Chadian side stated that it would like to see a Mixed

Cooperation Commission established. The Italian Delegation greeted this

request with interest and stated that this question would be submitted to

the appropriate Italian Government agencies.

The two sides expressed pleasure at the constructive and cordial atmosphere

in which the conversations took place.

Signed in Ndjamena, 20 April 1983

For the Chadian Government: For the Italian Government:

Joseph Yodoyman Roberto Palleschi

minister of planning and vice minister of foreign affairs

reconstruction

5170

CSO: 3419/865

h
CHAD

PRICE EXPLOSION NOTED IN NDJAMENA

Ndjamena INFO TCHAD in French 22 Apr 83 p.6

[Article: "A Stroll Through the Market"]

[Text] Things are not going well at the Ndjamena market. All the housewives say this. Their complaints seem largely justified by the sharp rise

in prices which affect those economically worst off who, unfortunately,

make up the majority of the people. To learn this, it is enough to take

a trip through the major market of our capital city. It turns out that

it costs about 500 CFA francs to buy a basic necessity: a coro [measurement

of weight; equivalent not given] of millet, of rice, or of fish.

The shopkeepers only think of making substantial profits, without

considering the incomes of a certain group of the people of Ndjamena,

that is, those who have absolutely proletarian incomes. We were able to

note in passing, during a stroll through the Ndjamena market that a sack

of millet or of rice, which only costs about 7,000 CFA francs in Lai,

costs twice as much in Ndjamena. The retail measurement of weight, a coro,

is therefore worth about 500 CFA francs. Consequently, a family of six

people needs two coros of these prime necessities. In short, the merchants

are making juicy profits.

When we reached the fish market section of the Ndjamena market, we might

well have concluded that the fish.have abandoned our rivers. This is because

the price of a medium-sized carp varies between 300 and 400 CFA francs.

Some people think that it is the fish sellers who are engaging in

speculation and are making hay while the sun shines. The housewife also

complains about the fact that the price of condiments has doubled. A can

of tomato paste which used to cost 25 CFA francs now costs 50 francs and

even 60 francs in certain shops. Kitchen salt and soda which used to

cost 5 CFA francs and would last for 2 or 3 days have gone up in price, as

has a liter of peanut oil. Only meat has remained at a reasonable price;

a family of five persons can be fed for 500 CFA francs per day. The

relatively low price of meat may be based on the following circumstances:

meat coming from illegal slaughterhouses is sold in the market and is in

competition with meat coming from the officially-authorized abbatoir at
Farcha. In fact, small itinerant merchants stroll through the market

with fresh meat at a price of 100 or 200 CFA francs per coro. On the

other hand, and this has become a general practice which can be found at

virtually all street corners as well as in the market, you can buy

packages of dried meat (charmout) which some people are pleased to call

"the cattle disease." Is that what has brought down the price of meat?

Some housewives think so. In any case, prices are running away at the

Ndjamena market, particularly for food products. The government should

give serious consideration to prices as soon as possible, because over

the long term an average family will be unable to feed itself at present

prices.

5170

CSO: 3419/865
GHANA

BRIEFS

ASAMOAH RETURNS FROM EEC-ACP MEETING—The secretary for foreign affairs, Dr

Obed Asamoah, is back home after leading a two-man Ghana delegation to the

EEC-ACP [African, Carribean and Pacific] conference in Brussels, Belgium.

Speaking to newsmen on his return, Dr Asamoah said the EEC countries failed to

agree to make to make their surplus agricultural products available to ACP

countries on soft terms. He said the ACP proposed that food surpluses from

EEC countries should be turned over to ACP states and paid for in local currency.

He cautioned ACP member states to stabilize the price of their products. He

stressed that if this is not done their association with the EEC will only help

reinforce the old colonial economic structures. Dr Asamoah said Ghana earned

about 500 million European units of currency as reimbursements in losses in her

export earnings as a result of fluctuations on the world market. The foreign

secretary said the EEC countries refused to give more aid to ACP states because

they claimed reimbursement losses in export earnings as a result of price fluctuations under the Lome Convention limit their ability to do so. The secretary

said the ACP states also called on the EEC to help train more local personnel

as a means of cutting down the cost of projects in ACP countries. Dr Obed

Asamoah said that the meeting also discussed a strategy to be adopted by the

group for a new agreement on the stabilization of export earnings. The existing agreement expires in September. [Text] [AB232135 Accra Domestic Service

in English 1800 GMT 23 May 83]

CSO: 3400/1478
LESOTHO

MINISTER EXPLAINS ESTABLISHMENT OF TIES WITH PRC

MB231048 Maseru Domestic Service in English 1130 GMT 22 May 83

[Excerpts] The minister of finance, the Honorable K. T. Rakhetla, says Lesotho

has established diplomatic relations with mainland China to maximize her interests, as mainland China has the biggest population of 1 billion people in

the world.

The minister was speaking at a meeting at (Halibetsa-Magwageng) in a senior

constituency yesterday. He told the gathering that mainland China is a permanent member of the Security Council with the powers of veto and is also a

member of many such organizations of which Lesotho is also a member, such as

the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization, World Health Organization,

United Nations Education, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, and many others.

The minister emphasized that establishment of diplomatic relations with China

should not be interpreted as the acceptance of communism as an ideology. He

added that anybody who claimed that Lesotho was an agent of communism was

telling a lie. Mr Rakhetla said Lesotho is a Christian country. The Basotho

National Party and the Lesotho Government are Christian in character and will

die for Christianity.

Concerning elections the minister explained that the parliament bill has been

read for the first itme in the National Assembly and that provision of 2 million

Maluti has been made in the 1983-84 financial estimates. He said it was, therefore, important that voters of the Basotho National Party, in particular,

should gear themselves for the coming elections.

In conclusion, the minister told the meeting that all basic tax collected in

the Butha Buthe District will be spent on development projects identified by

the Butha Buthe District Development Committee. Consequently, chiefs and

development committees should push all men to pay their basic tax as that would

secure funding for development projects of their own choosing.

CSO: 3400/1476
LESOTHO

MINISTER CHALLENGES PAPER ON EDITORIAL

MB201540 Maseru Domestic Service in English 1130 GMT 20 May 83

[Text] The minister of cooperatives and rural development, the Honorable V. M.

Makhele, has challenged the editorial staff of MOELETSI WA BASOTHO [ADVISOR

OF BASOTHO] to appear live on Radio Lesotho and debate issues of which the

paper accuses the government to enable the people to judge for themselves.

Responding to an editorial of MOELETSI WA BASOTHO of 22 May [date as heard]

Mr Makhle, who is also secretary general of the ruling Basotho National Party

[BNP], refutes that the opinion expressed in the editorial is of the owner of

the paper, which is a church. Mr Makhele said not onla single day has the

editorial staff of MOELETSI approached the BNP to voice their dissatisfaction

on the changing policy of the party, which draws its support from the majority

of the people. He said MOELETSI WA BASOTHO has judged the government without

consultation and cruelly, as well as with ignorance. The minister was referring

the opinion which expressed that government instilled fear ruling by (?correction) and is [word indistinct] to Communist Parties, and MOELETSI was tired and

would talk openly irrespective of what would happen because it was the mouthpiece of the people. He said the government had been given mandates by the

people and, hence, had the sole rights on matters of politics as the church

had full responsibility on matters of religion and was not obliged to consult

the government on any decision of the church.

He said the leaderhsip of the BNP did not know of the existence of the old and

new BNP, but the BNP was one [words indistinct] formed up of members who

agreed on what the BNP stood for. He added that the BNP had not departed

from its previous policy, but as the church has its activities in accordance

with time, the BNP will change its strategy and not its policy.

CSO: 3400/1476
MALAWI

MINISTERS*DEATHS MAY PORTEND ELECTION VIOLENCE

AB220925 Paris AFP in English 0853 GMT 22 May 83

[Article by Dave Clemens]

[Excerpts] Harare, 22 May (AFP)—The mysterious deaths of two cabinet ministers

in Malawi have injected a volatile new element into the political scene following the recent neutralization of two of Life-President Kamuzu Banda's leading

opponents in the run-up to general elections in the small central African state.

The deaths last"week of Minister Without Portfolio Dick Matenje, 53, who was

also secretary-general of the ruling Malawi Congress Party, and Minister for

the Central Region Aaron Gadama have still not been confirmed officially.

However, relatives of the two men contacted by telephone from this Zimbabwean

capital yesterday said they had died and had been buried. Diplomats in Malawi

said the deaths had been the result of a "tragic accident" somewhere in southern

Malawi at mid-week, and that the boides had "turned up" at Blantrye's Queen

Elizabeth Hospital toward the end of the week.

Other diplomats said the two men disappeared after they were ordered to report

to police. „Malawi radio's vernacular language service broadcast appeals on

Wednesday and Thursday for anyone who had seen the ministers to report their

whereabouts to police.

While no unrest has been reported in the aftermath of the men's deaths, the

incident is bound to raise questions during the election-campaign.

This is especially true in view of the history of past secretaries-general of

the party. In the past 10 years, two such men—Aleke Banda and Bakili Muluzi,

Mr Matenje's predecessor—have come to grief when they were mentioned as possible successors to Mr Banda, who is officially said to be 77 but may be as old

as 84.

Aleke Banda was put under house arrest and Mr Muluzi was unceremoniously dropped.

The assassination in Harare of opposition political Attati Mpakati in March and

the condemnation to death for treason of another oppositionist, Orton Chirwa,

10
in April were seen by some diplomats as attempts by Mr Banda to "clear the

decks" of potential trouble-makers who could stir unrest in the event of the

elderly president's disappearance from the scene.

The Malawian authorities denied any involvement in Mr Mpakati's death, as

charged by his exile Socialist League of Malawi (LESOMA) . Two Malawians living

in Zimbabwe have been arrested in connection with the killing, which a Harare

prosecutor on Friday called a "political assassination plot."

Some observers in Harare believe the elections, in which Mr Banda has said at

least three candidates must run in every constituency, have a double purpose:

To provide a safety valve for nascent, desires for more grass-roots democracy

in Malawi, and to allow the president to reassert his control at the top by

appointing a new governing team after the ballot.

Elections were last held in 1978. Then, as now, all candidates must be MCP

members agreeable to Mr Banda.

CSO: 3400/1417

11
MALI

SPEECH BY DIALLO ON FOURTH ANNIVERSARY OF UDPM

Bamako L'ESSOR in French 5, 6, 7 Apr 83

CSpeech of the political secretary of the Central Executive Bureau on the

occasion of the fourth anniversary of UDPM [Democratic Union of the Malian

People]]

C5 Apr 83 p 3]

[Text] I. Improved Integration of Cadres in Implementing the Party Program

On the occasion of the fourth anniversary of the Democratic

Union of the Malian People, Mr Djibril Diallo, political^

secretary of the Central Executive Bureau, organized an important conference on Thursday afternoon, 31 March; the conferenced focussed on the contribution that cadres could make

in impelling the Party and implementing its program.

On that occasion, the auditorium of the Omnisport Stadium was

as full as ever. Administration officials and political leaders, mere rank-and-file militants, all gave an ovation to the

political secretary for the clarity of his opening speech.

The Party needs the commitment and collective contribution of

all Malians. Therefore, all cadres must meet and reflect together to find ways and means likely to help in implementing

fully the party's program.

This is essentially what the political secretary endeavored

to underline in his speech which we are publishing in full

below:

Cadres, militants of the UDPM, good afternoon!

The celebration of our Party's fourth anniversary is a happy occasion for meetings and demonstrations, one of which is this afternoon's conference whose objective it is to exchange ideas that I hope shall be both creative and precise

concerning the participation of cadres in impelling the Party and implementing

its program.

12
Already, I would like to express my desire to see you make a quality contribution and, for my part, I shall outline the subject in this introductory speech,

while taking the liberty of recalling certain points concerning our Party's

life and its program.

Our objective, to impel the Party, was [approved] at the 8, 9, 10 and 11 April

1980 meetings of the Extraordinary National Council, and at the 10, 11, and 12

February 1981 meetings of the Extraordinary Congress during which the Party

criticized itself without any complacency and defined sound and strong bases

for a political revival.

As for the end objective of this impelling action, it can be none other than

the rapid and harmonious implementation of the Party's program, in all its

dimensions—material, intellectual and moral.

Let us examine now a few major lines of this program.

The UDPM is essentially a Party within which all social categories—intellectuals, workers, farmers—are joining hands to create a harmonious and strong

entity, and the aim of its program is to create a democratic society where

solidarity and justice will prevail, a nation open to progress and cooperation,

but intent at all times on consolidating its independence and preserving its

sovereign control over the country's natural resources and the fruits of its

people's work.

The objective of our program is to meet all of the material, moral and intellectual needs of the vast majority.

To implement this program, the Party and the Administration must work in close

and loyal collaboration, and their actions must be directed toward the same

objectives.

To achieve this, and moved by a desire to avoid all sources of duality, all

causes of conflict, we must define the fields of intervention and authority

of each of the two structures, and we must start by postulating the primacy

of the Party, a concept that must be clarified and defined. In this respect,

let us summarize a few passages from the general secretary's circular No 2

dated 5 January 1979:

By primary of the political, we must understand:

- that all decisions must be considered first from the point of view of their

political implications;

- that, through authorities at various levels, the Administration is in charge

of implementing the tasks whose concepts have first been defined by Party

authorities, and of finding means to this end;

- that Party organizations that design and prepare major lines of orientation

and action for the government must, as a counterpart, concur to the implementation of these tasks.

13
It is therefore clear that the primacy thus defined is not a prerogative and

that it necessarily implies that the Administration will take part and cooperate

in designing, coordinating and controlling [the Party's program].

Essentially, the Party is based on democratic centralism and is an organization

in charge of designing, coordinating and controlling; its mission, therefore, is

to ensure the convergence of the three powers:

- the executive,

- the legislative,

- the judiciary.

Mass organizations and democratic organizations (UNTM [National Union of Malian

Workers], UNJM [National Union of Malian Youth], UNFM [National Union of Malian

Women]), are working along Party and government authorities and other state

institutions.

Contrary to the UNJM and the UNFM, which are issued from the Party, the UNTM,

being a union, retains its organic independence. However, the UNTM has chosen

responsible participation and its objectives are identical to the Party's; therefore, a regular, strengthened and narrow cooperation must be established between

the two.

This was to remind you of the relative positions of the Party and the State.

When it comes to the tasks of the Party, they will be ordered along the following lines of gravity.

With Respect to Internal Policy

- Development of national consciousness which, in our country, we know has already become strongly anchored during our glorious history.

- Guarantee of citizens' rights and security, thus contributing to the development and full enjoyment of democratic liberties.

The Party shall not fail to fight negative attitudes, and it will also

make sure that all creative energies are released so that each citizen may

make its contribution to the task of national construction.

With Respect to Foreign Policy

By writing into its constitution that it is prepared to abandon all or part of

its sovereignty to achieve African unity, Mali expressed its total faith in

this unity which, for us, is not merely a slogan to be used at public meetings.

Through its own and the government's channels, the Party shall pursue:

- a policy of friendly relations with bordering countries, respecting the

policies of all states and promoting our mutual interests;

- a policy based on the following principles:

1U
- non-interference in the internal affairs of other states;

- peaceful coexistence;

- non-alignment (which is not the same as non-commitment).

However, this foreign policy based on mutual respect and reciprocal interest,

and directed at achieving and preserving peace, shall not prevent us from doing

our duty in supporting nations that struggle for their independence.

With Respect to the Economy

A major force of any system is its cohesion, i.e. the harmony existing between

its various components and the laws that govern them. Now, our economy was

initially designed to meet the demands of colonization; it lost its cohesion

after independence, which could not fail to have a strong impact on it.

Therefore, in the light of various reorganization experiments, and based on

our traditional agricultural organization, the UDPM created the village "ton,"

the basic production unit in the rural world, created and organized by the

people themselves, with the help of technical supervision structures, and

organized by rank-and-file party cells.

The "ton" is based on the spirit of cooperation and mutual assistance that

prevails within the village community.

The return to the "ton" is not a sterile return to the past nor a decision to

work against progress. Rather, it is intended to rely, on our present achievements and patiently build a new society in harmony with our country and our

past.

Supported by the village "ton" the Party will attempt to fulfil the following

major objectives of our agricultural policy:

- to meet the people's food needs at all times;

- to guarantee and raise farm income;:-

- to keep increasing productivity;

- to meet the raw material demands of the agro-industry;

- to produce surplus agricultural products to be exported;

- to protect and develop our land;

- to educate and train farmers.

We do not need to demonstrate the need for industrialization: not only does it

increase the value of primary products and make it possible to avoid the deterioration of market conditions for these products, but it provides jobs, incentives for investment, and leads to an improvement of our foreign trade balance

through the exportation of manufactured products or through a reduction of our

imports.

15
The major orientations of the Party's industrial policy are:

- the development of agro-industries;

- the creation of a basic industry;

- the development of small and medium-size enterprises.

Considering the importance of agriculture and livestock breeding and the huge

potentialities of these two sectors, and in order to promote intersectorial

synergy, the Party is proposing in its program to process primary products on

location, thanks to the creation of agro-industrial projects, the promotion of

small and medium-size enterprises, and especially by redeploying in the industry

a large part of the traditionally dynamic class of agents of the trade sector,

and creating financial and credit institutions.

Similarly, the program provides for the rationalization of agriculture through

a policy of land development, controlled urban development, through the decentralization of state structures and the deconcentration of investments.

Concerning the trade sector, the Party intends:

- to organize and transform traditional trade to better integrate it into the

modern trade sector;

- to rationalize distribution networks and impose a strict price control to

alleviate or even abolish any speculation that could lead to a deterioration

of the material and social conditions under which the people are living;

- to strengthen the organization of state control on staple products whenever

such a control can be fully exerted by the state;

- to try to achieve a balance or our foreign trade through a diversification

of our trade partners and improved information of economic operators, so as to

improve the profitability of our exports;

- to provide impetus for the departments and organizations in charge of foreign

trade;

- to train foreign-trade cadres.

C6 Apr 83 p 3]

[Text] II. UDPM, Spearhead of our National Development

In the first part of the conference he organized on the occasion

of the first anniversary of our Party, the political secretary of

the Central Executive Bureau made it a point to recall that the

final objective in providing impetus to the Party should be none

other than the rapid and harmonious implementation of the UDPM

program in all its dimensions—material, intellectual and moral.

16
Mr Djibril Diallo touched on several aspects of Party orientations with respect to domestic and foreign policy. His second

major point dealt with economic questions.

We are continuing below the publication of this important

speech.

When it comes to our employment policy, we must start from the principle that

the right to education does not imply that the state has any obligation to^

provide jobs to all citizens in the Administration or in the public or semipublic sectors; the only obligation of the state is to encourage the creation

of jobs in all economic sectors.

As a natural consequence, our school system will be oriented toward preparation to work and to life, especially in rural areas.

Special efforts will be directed to employment: in:

- the primary sector which has not exhausted all its potentialities as far as

employment is concerned and which, in addition, contributes to a large extent

to increasing the gross national product (organization and supervision of rural

workers, incentives for the creation of part-time jobs);

- the secondary sector, which is active and dynamic and employs half of the

wage-earners; efforts to be made in this sector are covered in particular by

the investment policy that will lead to a promotion of both productive employment and vocational training.

As for the tertiary sector, it should try harder to increase job profitability

through a policy of job-upgrading, through the recruitment of qualified agents,

and through continued training and increased proficiency.

As far as the Labor Code is concerned, its objectives should be job promotion

and security, the improvement and tightening of hygiene and security conditions

within the enterprise, increased participation of the social partners in making

decisions of a social nature, an improved status for working women, a consistent vocational training policy, and incentives for private employers to hire

graduates from our technical and vocational schools.

Health and...

A healthy population being a prerequisite for a strong and expanding economy,

health-related expenditures are actually productive investments.

To meet our people's basic health needs, we shall take steps to:

- implement a primary health-care policy;

- train medical personnel, our present personnel being inadequately trained

and insufficient in number;

17
- organize rational personnel management through rigorous hiring based on the

tasks to be performed, judicious distribution to ensure a good health-care

coverage, and a regular assessment of operations;

- ensure proper supply of drugs and technical equipment;

- plan health-related operations;

- coordinate health-related operations with all economic development activities;

-adopt a new approach to social services, based on community organization and

development.

Effective action will be taken in favor of the handicapped, taking care to safeguard their dignity and secure their cooperation. The means for their readaptation are available: they will enable the handicapped to provide for themselves

and take care of their own development.

... Education For All

As far as education is concerned, considering that the system established after

the 1962 reform has achieved only some of its objectives (mass and quality education, training at the least possible cost for all the cadres required by the

country for its development, etc.), that system will be reorganized:

- for preschool education, the Department of National Education will lend its

support to the Department of Social Affairs to ensure that the personnel staffing

preschool institutions receives a more adequate training;

- for the first basic cycle, we shall look for an original formula that would make

it possible for students failing the seventh grade entrance test to receive technical and practical training that would enable them to find jobs in the production

sector;

- for the second basic cycle, which is faced with acute problems concerning the

entry of the school youth into the country's economic sector and into active

life, without changing the seventh, eighth and ninth grades of technical and

vocational schools, we plan to place special emphasis on the applied sciences,

as they are a natural preparation for technical jobs;

- as far as higher education is concerned, the most important problem by far is

that of personnel. The capacity of higher education institutions is inadequate

to receive all our high-school graduates, and the number of graduates for these

institutions increasingly exceeds the need for cadres expressed in economic and

social development plans. The creation of a university next to the schools of

higher education will be considered, as it might solve some of the problems

encountered.

Information, An Essential Sector

Concerning information, the Party guidelines state that agents must be sufficiently aware of their responsibilities to be in a position to criticize objectively

18
and constructively. Since the mass media have a determining impact on the

formation of public opinion and on the orientation of ideas and judgments,

they shall be used to ensure the moral, political and civic education of^the

citizens, and to mobilize the militants for the realization of the Party's

objectives.

The information network will be decentralized and will progressively cover

the whole country.

As for cinematographic information, it will orient its efforts toward themes

of public interest (hygiene, health, savings, agriculture, rural organizations,

etc.) through documentaries.

The Party shall resolutely commit itself to the creation of a national film

library that will show our culture and safeguard our dignity.

The primary objective of the Party's sports policy will be the creation of

full-fledged human beings, and the development of their physical, intellectual

and moral abilities.

We shall work to develop all sports (individual and team sports) and to prepare

a consistent policy and planned operations.

The Party's program, some aspects of which I have just recalled—although I

did not enter into overly technical considerations, developments that might

appear fastidious on an occasion such as this—is essentially aimed at building

a society of material and moral well-being, of national harmony, a society

of democracy and justice, open to cooperation and progress.

To build such a society, the Malian people have quite objectively and with all

due realism chosen a development course of their own, the creation of an independent and planned national economy that takes our geopolitical environment

into account and is relying primarily on our history and on our values as well

as on our present and potential resources.

This choice, which is purposely original, clearly dissociates itself from imported ideologies issued from a context that is not identical to ours and, as

a result, is often incompatible with our realities.

To be fully successful, an independent and planned national economy--!.e. an

economy controlled and oriented by a sovereign state relying on rigorous planning—is largely dependent on the degree of mobilization of the people themselves

to achieve the priority objectives defined by the Party. This is a prerequisite

if the three major sectors that underlie our economy (state sector, mixed sector, private sector) are to be impelled and made profitable, and thus enable^

our economy to develop and become less sensitive to international contingencies

and the ups and downs of the climate.

Cadres, militants of the UDPM:

Our people, having so decided through the June 1974 referendum, having reaped

the fruit of the thorough reflections of working commissions, having overcome

19
the unavoidable difficulties that hinder all great designs, our people created

the UDPM four years ago, under the serene leadership of the chief of state,

Gen Moussa Traore, who presided over its destiny with the unshakeable determination that is characteristic of men who are convinced of the righteousness of

their cause, such men as see beyond the horizon and make a country's history,

a people's history.

The instrument of convergence of Malian aspirations, ideas and actions [words

illegible], of its choice and of its program, and finally implemented, it had

to [words illegible] and be given the required final touches.

Therefore, our meetings of 5, 6 and 7 February 1981 have enabled us to adopt

the major orientations of our Five-Year Plan, the meticulousness and consistence

of certains facets of which—which are the result of a first major confrontation

of our ideas under the watchful eyes of both political and administrative authorities—are already meeting with success at home and admiration abroad, in spite

of the conflicting and weakening effects of unfavorable economic conditions and

of a poor rainfall.

Yet, once again, the outcome of the lenders' meeting has demonstrated the credibility of our system and of our approach to economic and social development.

We have also good reasons to believe that, as far as our foreign policy is concerned, the favorable turn taken by our relations with other parties, on the one

hand, and, on the other hand, the undeniable prestige of our general secretary

on the international scene and especially with the OAU, also demonstrate the

validity of the course we have chosen.

The people have relatively well received the Party's guidelines concerning the

preservation of the eco-system and the promotion of grassroots initiatives.

However, although our machine reacted well to positive impulses, its architecture and working order should be readjusted so they would better resist the

stress caused by negative forces, as was revealed at the time of the 1980 school

crisis. And, as the general secretary stated, "the strength of a system rests

in its capacity for redemption." A necessity became apparent and the Party

leadership courageously initiated the extraordinary meetings of the National

Council and the Congress which, therefore, among other things, agreed on the^

necessity to provide impetus for the Party, an objective that we are discussing

this afternoon, at least as far as cadres' participation is concerned.

Without going into details, I shall say that impelling the Party means ensuring

the progress of its expansion and advance in all fields, along the lines of

its mission, both at home and abroad.

Needless to say that providing impetus is an objective in itself, a permanent

objective of course, but also an intermediate objective that must make it

possible to achieve the Party's programmed objectives to meet the Malian people's

aspirations and to ensure its present and future well-being.

20
How can and how should cadres contribute positively and extensively to achieving

this objective, such are the questions which the Central Executive Bureau—acting as a promoter and organizer of the national consultation decided by the

Party—is inviting you to answer.

Although I rest assured that each and all of you in this auditorium has given

much thought to the best way for the cadres to participate in impelling the

Party, I would like to submit a few lines of thought on this question before I

yield the floor.

[7 Apr 83 p 411

[Text] III. To Realize Its Program, the UDPM Needs the Collective Contribution

of All Malians

The Party is the business of all. Impelling the Party requires

the collective and militant participation of the population as

a whole in the realization of a national program approved by the

overwhelming majority.

In this struggle, cadres must play an essential part. Therefore,

they must remain in the forefront... Mr Djibril Diallo, the

Party's political secretary, is now emphasizing the need to free

all energies and to fully and entirely integrate all social

categories in the national development effort.

In a first stage, the cadre must work to strengthen the Party by promoting

knowledge of its statutes, its option and its program throughout the country

and even abroad. This means that the cadre has a duty to keep himself informed concerning the structures and objectives of the Party. Therefore, all

cadres, no matter what position they hold, must act according to the Party's

guidelines, thus contributing to impress them daily upon all minds.

The image thus given must be a quality image, that goes without saying, which

means that, through the example of his devotion to the public good, through

his integrity, his probity and his body-and-soul commitment, the cadre is actually "selling" the Party.

Also, through conferences, section and Central Executive Bureau working commissions, cadres can contribute to further increase reflection within the Party.

They can thus not only consolidate the Party's lines of gravity, but also correct in time all the unavoidable deviations that will threaten any political

party.

These commissions provide an ideal setting for reflection and for impelling

the Party, provided their members are sincere, patriotic, committed, and provided the commissions are truly operational and the rules of democracy scrupulously observed during debates, and provided also the outcome of the reflections

thus expressed and the conclusions arrived are objectively assessed by the

supervising authority and lead to practical decisions of such a nature as to^

improve the country's position. Under such conditions, we shall avoid blunting

21
the enthusiasm of those who have chosen to make themselves useful to their

people by agreeing to work for the Democratic Union of the Malian People.

On a purely operational plane, those who have chosen to become cadres must

encourage grassroots initiatives, mobilize and channel creative energies toward

the realization of social and economic objectives, in conformity with our selfcentered and endogenous development policy. To achieve this, there should be

perfect synchronization between Party authorities and the Party's secular arm,

the Administration, which we intend to be essentially a "development

Administration."

Cadres must become more aware everyday of the responsibility that is theirs in

the construction of the country, and they must fully assume that responsibility

by associating themselves with the life and all activities of the Party._ They

must see themselves as lodestars for the working masses which they must inform

objectively and soundly, educate and mobilize so that our self-centered development, which rests on grassroots initiatives and total commitment, becomes a

concrete, tangible and measurable reality.

It is not superfluous to point out that the liberation of all energies, the upgrading of the labor of all social categories, the participation without reservation of the farmers, livestock breeders, fishermen, workers and intellectuals

in the national development effort, through a sincere and final commitment to

the UDPM program and its implementation, require us, cadres, to translate democracy and justice into concrete facts.

The people's interest in the Party cannot fail to increase if we, cadres, manage to fulfil all of the following prerequisites:

- create a true democracy by making a reality of democratic centralism; the

fundamental principle of the UDPM;

- banish from our lives unjust and demoralizing practices (nepotism, favoritism,

arbitrary, exactions, abuses, etc.);

- fight negative behavior (absenteeism, indifference, etc.);

- promote respect for public property at all levels;

- convince each citizen that he must make a contribution to the country's

construction task, and make sure that the Party is not confiscated by a

minority, as we were always taught by our general secretary;

- develop an ethic of work well done, and all the virtues that go with it,

and condemn idleness and the vile deeds it leads to.

The UDPM cannot be anything but the Malian People's Party, and the sole objective of its program is the total and harmonious development of the Malian

people in an atmosphere of national concord.

Thus, it is a national duty to share in the Party's life.

22
Now, cadres, militants of the UDPM, it is your turn to speak.

I thank you for your kind attention.

[L'ESSOR's Conclusion]

The debates started with the discussion of several important problems. Among

the problems discussed were those concerning human and material resource management, the need to define means for a permanent control of the coexistence conditions of the three economic sectors (state, mixed and private sectors). Also,

the question of the clear choice of the Party and the need to further integrate

school children and students into the rural life were discussed, as well as the

possible creation of a Propaganda Secretariat at district level to promote the

establishment of actual and continued relations between rank-and-file militants

and the leadership.

To all these questions, Mr Djibril Diallo answered satisfactorily. He expressed

again the constant concern of the Party and its general secretary to establish

a.permanent debate of ideas with the cadres so as to make it possible to correct

objectives, should it become necessary, to reflect more fully the people's

aspirations.

The fundamental objective of the UDPM is to bring Mali into a state of advanced

development: this is a generous task that requires the commitment of all citizens

and the participation of all in implementing the Party's program. To achieve

this, Mr Djibril Diallo pointed out, urban and rural populations must be made

aware of these problems and kept informed. Only then will it be possible to

arouse the collective interest and enthusiasm which the UDPM needs to win its

generous fight.

9294

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23
MAURITIUS

FOREIGN COMPANIES INTERESTED IN TRADE RELATIONS

Port Louis LE MAURICIEN in French 21 Mar 83 p 4

[Text] Seventeen foreign firms would like to establish trade relations with

the island of Mauritius. Some are interested in having representatives or

agents in Mauritius, while others would like to act as commercial agents in

their respective countries.

Six American firms are included on the list. Two of them are located in

Chicago and California, and they would like to appoint a representative in

Mauritius. A service enterprise is looking for a Mauritian agent with some

experience in foreign trade. There are also three import-export companies

which would like to establish "mutually profitable working arrangements" with

local firms.

Three offers have also been received from Canada. Two enterprises are seeking

partners in Mauritius while the third, specializing in the international

marketing of cdnsumer items produced in Canada and the United States, wants to

have an exclusive distributor or a commercial agent.

A firm of Australian consultants is prepared to serve as the representative of

a number of firms in Mauritius which would like to export products to

Australia. Another firm in Portugal is seeking a "partner-manager" for an

office to be opened in Mauritius. The other applications come from France, the

United Kingdom (the firm in question makes its services available in Europe),

Nigeria, South Africa, India and Thailand.

5157

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2k
MAURITIUS

NEW MINISTER REVIEWS FINANCIAL, ECONOMIC SITUATION

Port Louis LE MAURICIEN in French 30 Mar 83 pp 1, 4

[Text] Mr Vishnu Lutchmeenaraidoo, deputy from Souillac/Riviere-des-Anguilles

and a director of the Intracorp Company, will be the new minister of finance

and economy, replacing Mr Paul Berenger, who has resigned, in that post.

When asked about the position in favor of the Jugnauth government he adopted,

Mr Lutchmeenaraidoo made the following statement to us this morning.

"I have a terrible problem of conscience. I feel seriously torn between my

conscience and party discipline. I have done everything to bring about a

reconciliation within the MMM between Messrs Jugnauth and Berenger. I defended the view that the MMM does not have the right, after a 60-0 victory and

with 42 deputies in the parliament, to go over to the opposition. I maintained

that it is necessary to give the new government its chance. I even proposed to

Paul Berenger that I serve in an interim capacity in his place in the Ministry

of Finance for a period of 2 months, during which order could be reestablished

within the party. I was even about to resign as a deputy.

"Finally, after intensive consultations with my constituency in the district,

and after establishing that by splitting in two, the MMM was leaving the field

free for communalism of the 60s style, I stood firm in my decision to support

the Jugnauth government, whether as a back-bencher or within the government

itself as minister of finance."

We learned that Mr Lutchmeenaraidoo will be sworn in next week. He was one of

the leading economists in the MMM economic commission prior to the elections

last 11 June, and he was very close to Mr Paul Berenger.

On Monday, Mr Lutchmeenaraidoo was present at the prime minister's press conference, but he remained silent, even refusing an invitation from Dr Beedassy

to sit in the front row with the ministers.

In assuming the duties of the minister of finance and economy, he is taking on

a heavy responsibility. As soon as he is sworn in, he will leave for

Washington for negotiations with the IMF and the World Bank. Sources close to

the future minister hint that he will talk with Mr Jugnauth today about government solidarity on the issue of an austerity economic policy, following the

total breakdown of the PSM, during its Sunday meeting concerning that policy.

25
However, it is said that Mr Lutchmeenaraidoo intends to encourage a meeting on

the highest level between the Mauritian government and the SMI and the World

Bank to discuss the serious repercussions of the policy these bodies are imposing on the island of Mauritius. But those close to the future minister of

finance and economy indicate that austerity will nonetheless be an inevitable

prospect, and that all of the members of the government should reach agreement

thereupon.

The future minister of finance and economy is 37 years of age. He has a

masters degree in business management and a diploma in marketing from the

Higher School of Commerce.

Deputy Vishnu Lutchmeenaraidoo was the focus of harsh criticisms made by Mr

Paul Berenger on Monday afternoon in Quatre-Bornes. Mr Berenger accused Mr

Lutchmeenaraidoo of voting on Saturday for the rupture of the alliance with the

PSM [Malagasy Socialist Party] during a meeting of the parliamentary group at

Quatre-Bornes, and for the adoption by the MMM of an opposition position "in

order subsequently to support the Jugnauth government." The vote, taken by

secret ballot, was unanimous in favor of abandoning the alliance, Mr Berenger

said.

5157

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26
MAURITIUS

NEW EXTERNAL AFFAIRS MINISTER STATES POLICY VIEWS

Port Louis LE MAURICIEN in French 5 Apr 83 pp 1, 8

[Text] "There will be no major changes in the foreign policy of the country,

except in certain cases in which the emphasis may be reduced." This was the

first statement on the policy of his ministry made by the new minister of

external affairs, Mr Anil K. Gayan. He made the statement this morning after

being sworn in at the Chateau du Reduit. The ceremony took place, as is usual,

with the governor general, Sir Dayendranath Burrenchobay, presiding, and with

the prime minister and the wife of the new minister also being present.

Given the present situation, the new minister's priority will be the French

tourism problem. During his stay in Paris last week, Mr Gayan began the

necessary negotiations with the officials at the embassy of Mauritius in Paris

with a view to obtaining an exemption for the island of Mauritius. "A letter

will be submitted to the French minister of external relations, Mr Claude

Cheysson, today, and further negotiations will be necessary," the new minister

said. Let us note that even before his visit to Paris, Mr Gayan had agreed to

serve as foreign minister. As is already known, the French government has

imposed restrictions on tourists who will henceforth have the right to

possession of no more than 2,000 French francs in foreign exchange. The negotiations on behalf of the island of Mauritius have been taken up on our sister

island by Senator Verapoulle (see article elsewhere in this issue).

The first deputy from Curepipe-Midlands, Mr Gayan is married and has two

children. He also serves as a municipal councilman in Curepipe. Graduating

from the Curepipe Royal College in 1968, he pursued his law studies in Great

Britain. He is one of the Mauritian citizens most interested in issues pertaining to the law of the sea. For the past 7 years at least he has participated in the work of the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.

Let us note, moreover, that despite this appointment to government service, the

first deputy from Curepipe-Midlands plans to retain his seat as municipal

councilman in Curepipe, to which he was elected during the elections last

12 December. In fact, Deputy Gayan will be the only individual in Mauritius

to serve simultaneously as deputy, minister and municipal councilman.

27
"I am not planning to resign immediately from the municipal post in Curepipe,"

Mr Gayan told LE MAURICIEN this morning. The new minister maintains that as a

municipal councilman he needs first to draft a report for the internal investigation commission appointed in the municipality of Curepipe to clarify: (1)

the use of a van and (2) the circumstances surrounding the demolition of the

historic old municipal market in Curepipe and the building of a modern market.

5157

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28
MAURITIUS

BRIEFS

LIBYAN AID—Libya has agreed to advance the sum of 12.2 million rupees to

finance six development projects in the capital within the Port Louis-Tripoli

twin city context. Lord Mayor Bashir Kodabux, who spoke to the press

yesterday, announced that the delegation from Port Louis, which was to have

visited Tripoli in the month of October, will have to move its trip forward to

the month of July, at the request of the authorities in Tripoli, for the purpose of establishing the operational methods for a special fund to finance

these projects. [Text] [Port Louis LE MAURICIEN in French 8 Apr 83 p 5] 5157

LUTCHMEENARAIDOO CRITICIZES BERENGER—During his speech, Mr Lutchmeenaraidoo,

the new minister of finance, first expressed regret at the resignation of 12

ministers, which occurred without prior consultation with the various party

levels, and without even consulting their constituencies. "This is a very

serious thing," Mr Lutchmeenaraidoo said. He attacked those who have sought to

represent themselves as "indispensable." "On the platforms, these ministers

say that 'zotte fine donne coup de pied a zotte ministere, mais le soir, dans

banne reunion zotte pe dimande si pena encore ene ti place pou aotte.'" Mr

Lutchmeenaraidoo recalled the various stages in the recent crisis which led to

the collapse of the MMM. He denounced the activities of Mr Paul Berenger, who,

he added, "manipulated the various party levels which had initially voted to

approve seats for the resigning ministers as 'back-benchers.'" But later, on

the initiative of Mr Berenger, the Central Committee resolved to "force Mr

Aneerood Jugnauth into challenging the PSM, a thing he would not do." And so

it was that the resigning ministers decided to sit in the opposition. Along

another line of thinking, Mr Lutchmeenaraidoo deplored the fact that "the

solidarity of 11 June has today disappeared. Mo honte comme Mauricien, comme

militant pou dire li moi, et l'histoire pou juge sa banne dimoune la," the

speaker exclaimed. [Text] [Port Louis LE MAURICIEN in French 9 Apr 83 p 5]

5157

TOURISM INDUSTRY SET BACK—The recent decision by the French government to reduce travel allowances for French tourists (2,000 francs for adults and 1,000

francs for children) travelling to countries outside the franc zone will have

very serious, if not catastrophic, effects on the tourist industry in

Mauritius. Tourism Office circles expressed the view that this measure could

cause reduction of about 45 percent in the number of tourists visiting—last

year the island of Mauritius welcomed about 121,000 visitors—and a drop in

income estimated at 200 million rupees. We might note that tourist income in

29
1982 totaled 400 million rupees. [Text] [Port Louis LE MAURICIEN in French 2

Apr 83 p 1] 5157

SUGAR INDUSTRY NATIONALIZATION DEMANDED—The Monday session of the Avramovic

commission was devoted to hearing the representatives of the SILU [Sugar

Industry Laborers Union] and the UASI [Union of Artisans of the Sugar

Industry]. Mr Bidianund Jhurry, whose task it was to speak of the employment

conditions in the sugar industry, initially stressed the struggle waged by the

two unions to obtain recognition, on the one hand, and for the establishment of

an investigation commission to cast light on industry affairs, on the other.

This has been a struggle waged despite official repression and the negative

attitude of the MSPA [Mauritius Sugar Producers Association]. Mr Jhurry stated

that the unions did not have access to the real industry figures, while on the

other hand, the industry had chosen to pursue a "hysterical and systematic

press" campaign. Because of its attitude, the trade union leader believes, the

MSPA should have been on the defendants' bench. But the workers have confidence that the commission will put an end to the domination of the industry by

an oligarchy. [Text] [Port Louis LE MAURICIEN in French 23 Mar 83 p 4] 5157

CSO: 3419/931

30
MOZAMBIQUE

JEAN-PIERRE LANGELLIER VIEWS ON RNM, USSR AID TO MAPUTO

Paris LE MONDE in French 17 May 83 p 5

[Article by special correspondent Jean-Pierre Langellier: "Faced With the RNM

Rebellion, Maputo Is Looking for More Effective Western Aid"]

[Text] Maputo—"The struggle goes on." Eight years after independence, this

old slogan of the FRELIMO, the only Mozambican party, retains all its strength.

It should even be understood to the letter. For the past four years, Mr Samora

Machel's government has been fighting—and vainly attempting to crush—a rebellion that it had underestimated for too long. Now, fully aware of the true

ratio of forces in the field and of the danger represented by the Mozambican

National Resistance (RNM) the FRELIMO proclaimed 1983 "the year of all-out struggle against armed bandits." Since 1979, the RNM has consistently expanded its

field of action and increased its troops. It is now operating in 10 of the

country's 11 provinces. Alone the Cabo-Delgado province, in the extreme north

of the country, the FRELIMO's cradle and stronghold, is spared. The two central

provinces, Manica and Sofala, where the country forms like a bottleneck, are

still sheltering the major centers of rebellion. It is practically impossible

to use the Beira-Maputo road, the only land connection between the South and the

Center. More recently, the RNM has established itself in little populated areas

in the Zambeze, Gaza and Inhambane provinces, as well as in the Tete and Maputo

areas. Certain coastal towns, like Inhambana and Vilanculos, are almost totally

isolated and receive their supplies essentially by sea.

The RNM is believed to have 8 to 12,000 people. According to Gen Sebastiao

Mabote, the army chief of staff, there is an average of 1,000 rebels in each

of the provinces concerned. But some of them are, so to say, "part-time combatants" who return to the RNM depending on the seasons and the needs. It is

impossible to know how many have been enrolled by force. Certain families follow the rebels, especially when the latter have enough to feed them.

In this war without a front and without a true battle, food is used as a weapon.

When the Mozambican army manages to provide adequate food supplies to villages,

the quality of its intelligence network improves dramatically. The rebels are

also well-equipped. According to some witnesses, each combattant carries three

weapons: a pistol, an automatic rifle and a rocket-launcher. Their radio communication system is excellent. On the other hand, they have no sophisticated

heavy weapons and no means of transportation; they move on foot.

31
The RNM's methods are those traditionally used in such a case: harassment of

convoys, attacks of rural garrisons, ambushes, destruction of warehouses, sabotage of economic objectives—bridges, railroads, high-voltage power lines, oil

pipelines—and the murder of local officials "to make an example." By kidnapping foreign experts and missionaries—which are then released safe and sound—

it makes sure that its existence is publicized in Europe. The RNM is now holding five foreign citizens. The most recent kidnapping, that of an Italian technician, took place late in April.

Yet, none of the RNM raids warrants the assumption that it has a true guerrilla

army with a single command and acting in close coordination. The rebels attack

an isolated target in force, occupy a village for a few hours, burn crops

(30,000 tons of wheat are said to have been lost that way in 1982), then disappear into the bush. They seldom try to make contact with FRELIMO units, and

just make the best of the enemy's deficiencies: insufficient troops, defective

logistics, lack of readiness to fight. The Mozambican army consists of 20,000

men. It would need twice as much to resume initiative.

The political inconsistency of the RNM, the lack of an ethnic basis that would

enable it to consolidate the positions it has gained, its use of terror rather

than persuasion are as many weaknesses. The RNM "visits" villages but does not

"cultivate", them in depth. Contrary to what the FRELIMO used to do during the

liberation war, the RNM does not leave any political structure when it leaves.

It claims that "after 10 years of struggle" the FRELIMO "was never in a position

to circulate in such vast areas," but until now it has created no true "liberated zone."

As always in such cases, the local population is hesitant, taken hostage by

both sides.

Defense of the "Socialist Homeland"

Last year, the RNM launched two offensives: the first one in August, in the

Zambeze province; the second in December in the South. General Mabote led the

counteroffensive and drove back rebel infiltrations which had come as close as

100 km from Maputo. Since then, the army has restored the situation north of

the capital. It would be risky to conclude that the RNM is losing momentum,

for the "lull" observed in the past few weeks also reflects a change in the

FRELIMO's policy.

For a long time, the government imposed silence on RNM activities. This silence

gave rise to a spate of uncontrollable rumors. In a second stage, the press

provided good "coverage" of the war, which was used at home to justify the

creation of people's militias, and abroad to support accusations against South

Africa, since the latter is providing vital logistic support to the RNM. Today,

official discretion is again de rigueur.

Engagements resumed a few weeks ago, but no one will mention them. Late in^

April, a rescue team was unable to help drought victims, 80 km from the capital,

because of the prevailing insecurity. In Maputo, the International Red Cross

Committee is operating an orthopedic center for war amputees. Judging from

32
the rate of admission at the center—an average of 40 wounded per month—and

the length of the waiting list—approximately 200 people—fighting has not

slowed down. One wounded out of two is a civilian. Many victims are women

who chanced on a mine on a bush dirt road while they were fetching water.

The government is wary of triumphing. "The enemy will reorganize itself

thanks to its permanent ties with South Africa," General Mabote predicted last

February. Repression against the rebels has intensified. For the first time

since independence, four opponents were executed publicly in January, in front

of a crowd of 2,000, in a small town north of Maputo. Two ministers attended

this summary executions. After a collective trial, in February, the Beira

revolutionary military court sentenced five RNM members to death, and six foreigners—five Portuguese and one British citizen—to long terms in jail. The defendants were accused of taking part in a sabotage operation in the port. Since

the reinstatement of the death penalty for "crimes against state security" in

1979, some 15 people have been executed.

The government has adopted various measures to "better protect the socialist

homeland." In March 1982, it entrusted military command in the provinces to

officers—often former FRELIM0 rebels—born in the region where they are serving and whose people and language they know. In June, it instituted basic

paramilitary training—it lasts 45 days—especially for workers in charge

of protecting their factories. Some chose to leave their jobs rather than

practice with a rifle at the dawn of a working day that is often followed by

a political meeting.

Former reservists have been recalled to train the newly created people's militias.

Officers who had become bureaucrats have returned to active duty. Weapons have

been distributed to the people, an operation that was more symbolic than effective since munitions are lacking for the rifles that were so generously : distributed.

Inadequate Soviet Aid

The major weakness of the army is due to the nature of Soviet aid. The latter

is totally inadapted to antiguerrilla warfare. After independence, the victorious revolution dismissed most of the rebels who were often little educated

and were judged unfit for redeployment in a "modern army." On Moscow's advice,

the government started buying heavy weapons and created a conventional army.

At the Nampula military academy, Soviet instructors are training tankers according to methods applied in Warsaw pact countries.

Student officers study for seven years, learn Russian and spend their holidays

on the shores of the Black Sea, like their Czech or Bulgarian colleagues. But

they are not taught either close combat or bush survival techniques. The Maputo

army possesses tanks and missiles., which are useless against the RNM, but none of

the light helicopters it needs so badly. The USSR, which is getting rid of

its stocks, refuses to alter its shipments and requires advance payment in

dollars for all Mig spare parts. It looks as if Moscow does not want to give

the FRELIM0 the means for a rapid victory. As long as the rebellion goes on,

some cynics will add, is not massive military aid and the presence of several

hundreds of Soviet advisors necessary, as in Erythrea for instance?

33
The number of military advisers from socialist countries is estimated at 800 to

1,000. They do not seem to take part in combat. East Germans, like elsewhere

in Africa, are in charge of security services. There are approximately 200

Cubans.

There is an increasing number of North Koreans in Mozambique; they are said to

have agreed to train a first combat group of 60 men in antiguerrilla warfare

in North Korea.

To these should be added those that the RNM calls the "international brigades":

400 Tanzanians and some 3,000 Zimbabweans. The former are essentially training

non-commissioned officers near Maputo. As for Mr Mugabe's soldiers, they are

on the field. They stand guard along the Beira-Mutare pipeline which supplies

oil to Zimbabwe, and watch over the Maforga pumping station. They form mixed

patrols with the Mozambican army and maintain a garrison in the head town.

Tied up by inadequate Soviet aid, Mozambique is trying to diversify its suppliers.

It called on several western countries—France, Great-Britain, Portugal—as well

as on Brazil and Yugoslavia. It would like to obtain light weapons, ammunition

and uniforms. London, like Lisbon, appears ready to offer punctual assistance,

but no NATO member country can do more than that to help a Marxist-Leninist

regime with close ties to Moscow. Portugal had accepted to train 80 Mozambican

officers in antiguerrilla techniques at the Lisbon military academy. The project

was postponed because, according to the Portuguese, the Maputo army cannot dispense with the officers selected.

For some time now, the RNM has been taking good care of its nationalistic

legitimacy and, in its radio broadcasts—which appear to have a rather large

audience in Mozambique—it is claiming to give priority to "the training of

cadres so there will be no political vacuum when the Machel regime is overthrown."

It announced that, in this spirit, it had organized a meeting of its supporters

in Geneva early in March. Nothing more is known about it. Quite likely, the

recent and mysterious murder of its leader, Orlando Christina, near Pretoria

(LE MONDE dated 23 April) has plunged the RNM into a state of confusion.

Four years after the rebellion started, the FRELIM0 is still referring to the RNM

combattants as "armed bandits"—unworthy of the name of opponents—while accusing this "advanced detachment of the South African army" of pursuing definite

political objectives in the service of Pretoria. This is a contradiction.

Until it has been overcome, the two sides are fighting with slogans. To the

FRELIMO's call: "Independence or death," the RNM answers: "Freedom or death."

The two agree only on one slogan: "The struggle goes on."

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3k
MOZAMBIQUE

JEAN-PIERRE LANGELLIER EXPRESSES VIEWS ON MAPUTO'S NONALIGNED DIPLOMACY'

Paris LE MONDE in French 14 May 83 p 6

[Article by special correspondent Jean-Pierre Langellier: "Maputo's Diplomacy

Is Evolving Toward Genuine Nonalignment"]

[Text] Maputo—This year, the U.S. diplomatic representative in Maputo will

be promoted to the rank of ambassador, and Mozambique is contemplating the

opening of a chancellery in Washington in the near future. These twin decisions testify to the warming up of relations between the two capitals, which

is all the more significant as, a little over two years ago—in March 1981—

Mozambique was expelling four U.S. diplomats it denounced as "CIA agents."

Washington retaliated immediately by suspending its food assistance for six

months.

The two countries had fallen out, but they did not break off relations. Last

October, the U.S. state secretary, Mr George Shultz, had a long meeting in

New York with his Mozambican counterpart, Mr Joaquim Chissano. A few misunderstandings were cleared and then things clicked. A first delegation from the

Department of State came to Maputo in December, followed by another in January,

this one headed by President Reagan's "African," Mr Chester Crocker. Right

after that, President Samora Machel received a mission sent by the U.S. Congress to explore possibilities of providing economic aid to his country. In

February, the governor of the Maputo Central Bank, Mr Prakash Ratilal, went to

the United States. Since then, unofficial meetings have taken place, especially in Paris.

Each side made an effort to hasten this reconciliation. Thus, in December, the

Mozambican minister of information pointed out that his country's recourse to

Soviet military aid had not been the result of a "deliberate choice," but merely the consequence of the refusal of western countries to accede to FRELIMO's

requests in 1977. At about the same time, it was noted that a communique marking the end of the Cuban vice-president's visit to Maputo did not contain any

explicit attack against the United States.

On the U.S. side, the "signal" took the form of an article published in January

by the Department of State in a small specialized magazine, AFRICA REPORT. Speaking of the armed rebellion in Mozambique, the author wrote: "The Mozambican

National Resistance (RNM) is just a military organization lacking any political

35
program, except a determination to overthrow the existing government. It receives

most of its support from South Africa." Washington was thus embracing the Mozambican position according to which RNM rebels could not survive long if it were

not for Pretoria's logistic support. The U.S. embassy in Maputo further spelled

out this position by confirming that this article did indeed reflect the "conviction" of the United States.

Maputo expected western countries to "express unequivocally their support to

Mozambique in the face of the South-African aggression." Late in January,

Mr Machel had a three-hour long meeting with ambassadors from the five permanent members of the UN Security Council. They informed him that they would

support Maputo "through consultation and dialogue." Washington made another

gesture by condemning the South African raid in Lesotho. Relations between the

United States and Mozambique have never been as relaxed as they are now.

The RNM made no mistake about it and, in a recent radio commentary, it denounced

"the naivete and lack of conscience of those who try to influence the U.S. public

opinion and administration," referred to "those who believe in the West and are

betrayed by it," and concluded not without bitterness: "Contrary to Moscow,

Washington cannot make up its mind."

Obviously, Maputo expects the Reagan administration to exert strong pressures

on Pretoria and cause it to discontinue its support to the RNM. For their part,

the United States declare that they wish for a return to "stability" in southern

Africa and are using their influence for that purpose. But they recognize that

they cannot dictate South Africa's regional policy.

The United States are Mozambique's first customer and wish to diversify their

interests there. Periodically, businessmen come to study investment prospects

(fisheries, energy). Invitations to tender have been issued concerning 17 offshore oil exploration permits, for which U.S. companies are in a good position.

This year, Washington has sent over 40,000 tons of cereals, half of which to

meet the pressing demand resulting from the continued drought. Bilateral financial aid, which was forbidden by Congress in 1980, could resume fairly soon.

Washington is encouraging Maputo to join the IMF and the World Bank.

Vital Western Technical Assistance

The West accounts for two thirds of Mozambican foreign trade. Its technical assistance is vital. As an example, over 500 Italian cooperation agents and

experts are working in the country. Mr Machel was due to go to London this

week where his "great friend" Margaret Thatcher was expecting him.1As for the

Scandinavians, traditional friends of the FRELIM0, they are becoming increasingly demanding concerning the feasibility of the projects they finance.

It is toward the Lome convention that Mozambique made its most spectacular gesture. In a food assistance agreement signed with Bonn last June, Maputo actually recognized for the first time "the Berlin clause."2

Now that this legal obstacle has been overcome, Mozambique as well as Angola can take part in negotiations on the renewal of the EEC-ACP association agreement. No one doubts that

36
they will then adhere to the convention. Mr Machel's government appears to have

forgotten how reluctant it used to be toward this association. Its "yes to Lome"

will give its full meaning to EEC aid for.regional development projects. In the

meanwhile, Brussels made a first gesture by granting 33 million francs to Maputo.

On the other hand, Mozambique has never seemed as far from joining COMECON as it

is now. For years, the FRELIMO has been marking time at the door of this organization. From time to time, the prospect of a "progressive integration into the

socialist economic sphere" is mentioned in Maputo. But Moscow remains hostile

to an extension of the family that would force COMECON to fulfill a mission of

aid to the Third World.

From alignment without subservience, the Mozambican diplomacy seems to be slowly

turning to genuine, although active, non-alignment. At a time when it is increasingly relying on financial and technical aid from the capitalistic world,

Mozambique is giving the USSR only token proofs of its ideological commitment.

On Poland, Vietnam or Afghanistan, Maputo espouses the Kremlin's theories. It

does not cost it much. Mr Machel, who has visited Moscow three times since 1980,

was the first African chief of state to meet Mr Andropov when the latter came to

power. But European communist countries are no longer called "natural allies"

in Maputo, and Mozambique is getting closer to China, which was represented at

the fourth FRELIMO congress, whereas it had stayed away from the third in 1977.

There is even some talk of a possible military aid agreement with Peking.

Of course, no one is expecting a reversal of alliances. The Marxist-Leninist

Mozambique is not Somalia, if only because of the haunting proximity of a powerful and aggressive South Africa. All the same, FRELIMO leaders keep reminding

their western guests that they are eager to preserve their full autonomy of

action with respect to all. "The Mozambicans are fanatics of independence," a

diplomat noted. Is it to remind them of proletarian solidarity that, on each

solemn holiday—national holiday, party congress, etc.-—a few ships from the

Soviet fleet ostentatiously come and anchor in the Maputo harbor?

FOOTNOTES

1. President Machel's trip was postponed at London's request, because of the

9 June elections. President Machel never misses an opportunity to praise

the "best British prime minister in 15 years," to whom he remains grateful

for hastening Zimbabwe's independence.

2. This clause of the Rome Treaty includes West Berlin in the EEC territory.

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37
NAMIBIA

RADIO COMMENTARY SCORES 'ATROCITIES' AGAINST CITIZENS

MB231330 Harare Voice of Namibia in English 1900 GMT 20 May 83

[SWAPO program; Station commentary]

[Text] The Pretoria regime has stepped up its wanton killing, detention, and

torture of black civilians in Namibia, given the chance by the delay of

Namibia's independence by the Reagan adminisration's insistence on the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola as a precondition to a peaceful settlement

of the Namibian dispute. This escalation wave of atrocities against the people

of Namibia is aimed at isolating SWAPO from the black majority that supports

it with the view of preventing a SWAPO victory in elections held under international supervision.

Western Kavango, in the northeastern part of Namibia, has been the center of

terror caused by the racist troops since the beginning of last month. Most of

the inhabitants of western Kavango have been driven northwards close to the

Cubango River, where the military bases of the racist South African troops

are concentrated. These innocent villagers had to leave their livestock and

other property behind, taking along only as much as they could carry while on

the run. Bushes, caves, and trees that can protect their families from sun

and other natural inconveniences is what they are living in now.

Besides the displacement of the people of western Kavango, three of the villagers were shot dead by the racist troops and four others detained. Those

killed are reported by a daily newspaper in Namibia, THE WINDHOEK ADVERTISER

of 29 April, to be two teachers and two peasants. They are Sulevi Haingura, a

teacher at Nge Village, and Tjau Musimba, school principal at Nkandi Village,

killed shortly after Easter weekend, and Asser Likuwa, a 50-year-old peasant

of Rupara Village killed on 20 April.

The racist security forces claim that Asser Likuwa was mistaken for a SWAPO

fighter by their patrol and shot dead. No further explanation was given how

it was possible to mistake Asser Likuwa for a SWAPO fighter. About the deaths

of the two teachers, Haingura and Musimba, no inquiry was made by the racist

regime as they did in many other similar cases.

Detained and tortured are Veikho Sindamba, Jonas Situmbi, Gideon Likuwa, the

son of the Asser Likuwa killed by the racist troops, and Johannes Kasamba, a

38
nursing assistant at the government clinic in Kakuhu Village. The reason for

the detention of Sindamba, Situmbi, and Gideon Likuwa, according to a racist

security force spokesman, was that tracks of SWAPO fighters were sighted close

to their kraals. Kasamba, the medical assistant, was detained and tortured for

more than 1 month because the racist security forces found it difficult to

understand how there could be a blood spoor leading to the clinic and accused

Kasamba of having given treatment to a wounded SWAPO fighter.

These sinister acts of terrorism is what the racist Pretoria regime calls

follow-up operations against SWAPO fighters. In most cases of detention, the

detainees are forced through torture to admit false charges made against them

by the security forces, and that is the way the public is fed with lies about

offenses committed by the detainees. Innocent civilians are intimidated in this

way for them not to attempt any contact with SWAPO freedom fighters. The

racist troops can only kill our people physically, but they will not kill the

convictions of the people to fight for their inalienable fights to self-determination and genuine national and social liberation. During the same wave of

terror in northeastern Namibia a Catholic father, Michaels, was prevented from

visiting his congregation in western Kavango where the killing, detention, and

torture of civilians was taking place. Racist Brigadier De Wet Roos, who

chaired a face-saving inquiry into the killing of the three civilians and the

detention of the other four, told Father Michaels that eight security force recruits were killed by SWAPO freedom fighters the previous day, on 15 April, and

that entering the area would endanger his life. The eight security force recruits killed by SWAPO fighters was an obvious fabrication, but the fact is

that the South African regime in all cases tries to cover the truth about their

terror campaigns against civilians in Namibia.

Bear in mind that the atrocities of the apartheid regime against civilians in

Namibia only stimulate and aggrevate hatred among the Namibian people for the

rule of apartheid South Africa. Racist South African rule in Namibia, which

has now lasted for more than 67 years, had never been for the good of the black

people of Namibia. It is the rule of racial discrimination, oppression, and

exploitation of the black people [words indistinct].

Thus, the people of Namibia know that nothing will change for the better by

subjecting themselves to racist rule. He will fight for change as the only

savior. We have nothing to surrender to the enemy, and nothing will stop us

from liberating Namibia to be a self-governing nation under the banner of the

South-West Africa People's Organization, SWAPO of Namibia, the sole and

authentic representative of the Namibian people.

CSO: 3400/1475

39
NAMIBIA

NATIONAL PARTY CALLED ONLY HOPE FOR MINORITY PROTECTION

MB200850 Windhoek DIE SUIDWESTER in Afrikaans 6 May 83 p 4

[Editorial: "The National Party's Record"]

[Text] The choice confronting the voter in the following byelections in Southwest Africa is clearer than ever before. Since the previous election the issues

in South-West African politics have become clearer.

Remaining true to the mandate it received in that election, the National Party

[NP] has for the past 2 and 1/2 years thrown everything into the struggle to

promote the case and further the cause of the whites and every other minority

group in South-West Africa through negotiation in a firm but responsible manner.

No one can doubt that it has achieved good results with this. This is being

acknowledged, among other ways, by the repeated assurances from South Africa

that the interests of the minority groups will be ensured in any future dispensation.

On the other hand, it has become clear beyond all doubt that the Republican

Party [RP.], a component of the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance [DTA], has committed itself to a one-man, one-vote system of government with all the inherent

dangers for the particular minority groups.

In the process, the RP has challenged the existence of second-tier governments

as meaningful institutions and is still doing so.

But the clearest evidence of the true policy of the RP is found in the recent

announcement by DTA President Kuaimo Riruako that the DTA's policy is one of

one-man, one-vote rule.

As a component of the DTA, the RP has not distanced itself from that assertion.

The choice between the NP and RP is thus clear: self-determination for the

minority groups against universal majority rule.

Regarding the third horse in the race, the Herstigte Nasionale Party, it is

clear that that party has no chance of getting enough support to become a

significant factor in South-West African politics. Its only contribution can

be to divide the conservative voting power.

Uo
To whose advantage is it? Naturally only to the advantage of the RP and everything it stands for.

Against this background the choice for the voter should not be too difficult.

There is only one party that is determined and in a position to promote the

cause of self-determination. That party is the NP of South-West Africa.

South-West Africa has no future without the assurance of self-determination for

its minority groups. A vote for the NP is thus a vote for South-West Africa.

CSO: 3400/1475

Ul
SENEGAL

TREATMENT OF SENEGALESE IN MAURITANIA CONDEMNED

Dakar LE POLITICIEN in French No 87 Apr 83 p 2

[Text] Walata is located 1,500 km to the east of Nouakchott near the

Malian border. It is on this hallowed, arid, mountainous ground at about

100 meters above sea level that a fortress formerly used as a munitions

warehouse is now being used as a penal colony to which 160 common law

offenders incarcerated in Nouakchott were transferred 2 October 1982.

The penal colony which, according to old offenders, does not exist anywhere

in Africa, is bereft of any sanitary facilities.

There is neither water nor electricity. The only source of water are some

wells 80 meters deep and located 1 km away.

The supply of water is provided by the prisoners who, using their arms and

50-liter casks, must ensure transport to the fortress.

The almost non-existent forest is 3 km from the fort. No infirmary until

at least January 1983.

The sick rely on God for care.

The bill of fare—oh! the bill of fare—consists daily of 25 kg of rice

prepared with 2 kg of meat and 2 liters of oil for 160 prisoners.

And at night, they serve a barley paste. Punishment for infractions or

simple clumsiness is an excruciating beating followed by other tortures.

It is racism, pure and harsh.

It is in these detention conditions that 15 black detainees, including five

Senegalese, have perished in less than two months.

The sick who have escaped death become cripples (paralyzed) or mental

defectives.

Among the Senegalese detainees, there are minors less than 18 years old

who, without means and parental visits, become prostitutes in order to

survive.

k2
All the dead are black—Mauritanlans, Senegalese, Guineans or Malians.

Until now, no white Moor has perished because they get better treatment

from the guards as well as some help from their fellow citizens who live

in the village.

They are the ones (the white prisoners) who are permitted to leave

unaccompanied to go to the village, and the forced labor gangs are

reserved for blacks.

What hurts the most in all this is that 80 of the prisoners will soon have

been in preventive detention for two to five years.

The problem, in fact, is the treatment of blacks, and in particular of

Senegalese, in Mauritania at the level of the courts and in the case of

workers who always have the excessive fear of being discharged without

rights or any means of recourse.

Now in Senegal, country of the Teranga, democracy, justice and equity,

the Moors are treated at every level (courts and others) in the same

manner as the Senegalese.

I will give an example of this Senegalese condemned to pay out a million

in damages to a Khartani (a black Moor) for having accused him of a theft

which took place in his house which the Khartani was paid to guard.

In Mauritania, the Senegalese would not even have the right to defend

himself in the police station. He would be purely and simply handed over

to the public prosecutors.

There is a case of about one hundred Senegalese who, after two to five

years of imprisonment on suspicion without proof, have been released

through the intervention of an important Senegalese priest who annually

visits these victims of injustice—of racism, for one must call a spade

a spade, and it is nothing other than racism.

A Victim

NDLR—The testimony of our correspondent is troubling. Only the government

of our country does not give a damn.about the lot of our brothers and

sisters who, forced from their beloved country by the rigors of a

difficult economic situation, are looking for a way to survive elsewhere.

Certainly the intellectuals who administer our country have finally

created a method to survey the emigrants—to count them while waiting to

impose a tax on the meager money orders they send to their starving

families.

U3
A mini-ministry of emigrants which was just created will meanwhile keep

busy setting up Socialist Party committees overseas because, it is said,

that in 1988 Senegalese living abroad will have the right to vote.

All this is still happening. But there are situations which only these

accused people can permit. We can not oppose racism or Moorish racism.

The white Moors who live in our country will not be victims of any

discrimination. But at least, let us make them understand that the

government of their country treats Senegalese immigrants like animals.

If the Senegalese government, in the name of African unity and some

inferiority complex or other, bows to the will of any little monkey

dressed as a head of state, that is its business.

In any case, it is time to stop the humiliations which victimize our

fellow-countrymen in Mauritania. As in Zaire yesterday or in France

today.

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CSO: 3419/867

hk
SOUTH AFRICA

JOHANNESBURG NOTES U.S. HONESTY TOWARD NAMIBIAN PROBLEM

MB191904 Johannesburg International Service in English 1500 GMT 19 May 83

[Station commentary: "Negotiations on South-West Africa"]

[Text] The London-based Institute for Strategic Studies has speculated that

there are serious differences among members of the Western Contact Group, and

that this would lead to the contact group losing the initiative in the settlement negotiations, with full responsibility reverting to the United Nations.

Should this indeed happen, this would constitute a serious setback in the settlement drive. The Western Contact Group was formed and took the initiative,

simply because the United Nations had disqualified itself as an honest broker.

By its words and deeds, in a multitude of resolutions, and through its financial

assistance, the United Nations has shown its partiality towards SWAPO.

Certainly, the history of this body in the negotiaitng process has led leaders

in South Africa and South-West Africa to explain repeatedly that the United

Nations cannot be trusted. Stripped of the rhetoric, the settlement problem

has a definite core, highlighted in September last year by Dr Chester Crocker

when he spoke of the necessity for developing a dialogue of mutual trust on

Namibia, an issue, he declared, that is, from the South African point of view,

central.

So far, and particularly since the United States took over the initiative in the

negotiating process, South Africa and the internal leaders of South-West Africa

have indicated that they appreciate the honesty with which the Americans have

tackled the problem. The United Nations, on the other hand, had done nothing

to rectify its position of bias. In fact, during the recent UN-sponsored conference on Namibia in Paris the world was once again treated to a spectacular

show of UN lack of impartiality.

As for objections about the link which the United States has established between

a settlement in South-West Africa and Cuban withdrawal from Angola, American

Secretary of State Mr George Shultz has said this link is inherent in a situation in which there are foreign troops poised right across the border and capable of moving across. The United States has said that it sees no security for

a fragile new and independent state of Namibia with Russian-sponsored troops

stationed across the border.

And this is a point of view with which South African and the majority of SouthWest African internal leaders agree.

CSO: 3400/1475

kB
SOUTH AFRICA

JOHANNESBURG SAYS UN MEETING TO AID SOVIET AIMS

MB230750 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 0500 GMT 23 May 83

[Station commentary: "The South-West Africa Diplomatic Struggle"]

[Text] The interminable seesawing in the international diplomatic struggle

over the future of South-West Africa, and for greater influence in the

southern African region, continues. The special meeting of the UN Security

Council that begins in New York today will yield a further tilt one way or

another. It is another step in the latest offensive to wrest control over the

diplomatic initiative from the Western Five and place it once more in the hands

of the United Nations and its Soviet radical bloc majority. Should the maneuver

succeed and the West in time be denied an effective say in the international

negotiations, prospects for a peaceful and democratic settlement for SouthWest Africa in the foreseeable future would automatically collapse. In that

international arena South Africa is little more than a bystander. It must continue to state its insistence on a free, independent South-West Africa, and

hence its opposition to a Marxist power grab in the territory; and it must continue to demonstrate its commitment to those views through military and other

action. But the diplomatic struggle is essentially between the Western and

Soviet power blocs with South-West Africa as its immediate focus, and strategic

ascendency in southern Africa as the larger objective.

The outcome of that struggle will be determined by the toughness and ingenuity

of the global adversaries. At this stage the Soviets seem to be making the

running. The Security Council meeting that begins today is the direct outcome

of the United Nations big propaganda congress in Paris last month. There,

with the Soviet Union most strongly represented and SWAPO leader Sam Nujoma

guest of honor, it was resolved that the Security Council should take over the

role of the Western contact group on South-West Africa. Further, the conference

rejected linkage of a Cuban withdrawal from Angola with independence for SouthWest Africa. Blatant though it was, it was at least a propaganda setback for

the Western initiative. There were other more substantial setbacks. A weakening of cohesiveness in the contact group itself was signaled at the conference

by France, which is concerned about its own plans for increasing its influence ...

in black Africa.

Meanwhile, the United Nations Transition Assistance Group, a UN creation instigated through Western efforts to formulate a package for fair elections, has

U6
been disbanded. Evidently the assessment of the UN secretariat is that with

the seesaw tilting back, a settlement is out for the moment. From Angola,

military intelligence is that white Cuban soldiers are being replaced by black

Cubans, presumably to counter the emotional appeal of the demand for a Cuban

withdrawal as well as to make it possible for them to merge if necessary with

the MPLA's own FAPLA [People's Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola] forces,

The Soviet strategy obviously has two aims: To raise the intensity of the

anti-western attack, and to reduce the unity and moral credibility of the

Western stand. The Security Council meeting will further both aims. The antiWestern majority will draw up resolutions that will probably have to be vetoed

by at least the United States, thereby embarrassing it as an obstacle to the

will of the majority, and further increasing tensions in the contact group.

In that global power play South Africa has a negligible part. What it can and

must do, however, is stand firm in the defense of its own interests and principles inside the subcontinent.

CSO: 3400/1475

hi
SOUTH AFRICA

DEFENSE MINISTER HITS DESTABILIZATION CHARGES

MB201848 Johannesburg Domestic Service in English 1700 GMT 20 May 83

[Text] Speaking in the debate on his budget vote in the assembly this afternoon the defense minister, General Malan, said that destabilization was at

present the most widely used term of abuse directed at South Africa. Instances

of destabilization of which the country was allegedly guilty were the raid on

ANC bases in Maseru, the latest incidents on the Transkeian border, and the

case of a habitual criminal who was alleged to have comtemplated acts of destabilization in Mozambique. These, he said, offered alarming proof of the

depths to which South Africa's foes were willing to descend.

South Africa was the most important stabilizer for the African subcontinent,

as it maintained the Southern African economy. In contrast to this, the

support pledged by the leaders of the so-called Frontline States to communistic

terrorist organizations intent on overthrowing the government was destabilization in its worst criminal form. During the past 5 years, he said, thousands

of millions of rand had reached the Frontline States through the Soviet Union

and its surrogates. In addition, millions of rand worth of arms had been

delivered to SWAPO and the ANC to attack South Africa with the object of

strengthening the Soviet Union's position of power.

Gen Malan said the tragedy of Soviet intervention in Southern Africa had been

the loss of human life over the past 5 years. More than 40,000 civilians had

been killed as a result of terrorism, while a further 83,000 had been killed

on the battlefield. It was tragic that terrorist organizations were being

supported openly and that the world shouted to high heavens whenever South

Africa flushed out nests of terrorists beyond its borders.

Gen Malan said South Africa would not hesitate to defend its territorial integrity with all the means at its disposal.

CSO: 3400/1475

hQ
SOUTH AFRICA

PRIME MINISTER NEEDS TO BRIDGE AFRIKANER RIFT

MB230848 Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 16 May 83 p 6

[Editorial: "Disunity"]

[Text] Is the rift in Afrikanerdom unbridgeable, permanent?

The PFP and its press would like to think it is. Their view has always been

that the nationalist monolity must be broken before there can be real change.

The scenario is this: The National Party fragments. The volk is no longer

unified. The National Party then has to look to the English-speakers as allies.

To get the English-speakers as allies, the National Party has to make concessions to the English ethos.

There is then a more moderate, more balanced, government in power with policies

that are less rigid, less racial, less sectional and less exclusive.

The advice to the prime minister from the PFP and its press is thus: Go for

more rather than less reform, and look to the mainly English-speaking Left,

namely, the Progressive Federal Party, for support rather than try to placate

the Afrikaner Right.

In this scenario the PFP holds the balance of power between the government and

the right.

However, the PFP and its press under-estimate the inner drives of Nationalist

Af rikanerdom.

It is not a link with the Left that is desired but Afrikaner unity. Yes, even

now, when the Afrikaner is so divided, there are voices in Afrikanerdom which

seek the reunification of the volk.

These voices are not openly raised, but are heard in the inner circles.

And if hints emanating from within the National Party are correct, the prime

minister himself wishes to see unity restored—and will do everything he can

to try and achieve this.

h?
Commenting on the by-elections (true enough, before the Soutpansberg result

was in) Mr Botha admitted the electorate was divided. And so it is.

However, the by-elections do not signal the end of national party rule, but

they do signal a split in Afrikanerdom such as the volk has not seen since the

years before and during the Second World War.

The expulsion of the Hertzogites in 1969 was no great loss and Mr Jaap Marais'

unsuccessful battle for 13 years to get an MP in Parliament shows his party has

posed no great challenge to the NP.

The real split in the ranis of the National Party and of Afrikanerdom began with

the Info affair. Reputations of leading Afrikaners were destroyed, power

struggles came to the surface, the seeds of lasting enmities were sown.

Then came the breakway of the Treurncht group, as much over personalities as

policies.

The rift was significant, the prospects of its widening real.

And so Germiston District, Parys, Bothaville, Waterberg, Carletonville and

Soutpansberg have shown the CP as a strong force.

And, unless the efforts made to heal it are successful, the rift can only

become wider.

Can the prime minister bring the volk together again?

We wonder.

To water down the reform plan will not satisfy the Right, which rejects it

completely.

To delay the: referendum and engage in a massive propaganda campaign to persuade

voters to accept the plan will not answer the right-winders rejection of the

plan.

To go ahead, in the belief that what is lost on the Afrikaner Right will be more

than made up by English-speaking support, will not bring about a reunification

of Afrikanerdom but another United Party situation.

Our belief is that the prime minister will not try to make an ally of the PFP,

but will seek-ways of bringing most of the ex-Nationalists back into the fold.

It will need a stroke of political genius to restore Afrikaner unity, but it

will be what the great majority of Afrikaners, in their hearts, will want to

see happen, however slim the chances are.

CSO: 3400/1475

50
HARASSMENT OF GOVERNMENT OPPONENTS REPORTED

Johannesburg RAND DAILY MAIL in English 16 May 83 p 7

[Article by Phillip Van Niekerk]

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text] , A SERIES of malicious pranks, curious

coincidences and outright acts of terror

against clergymen, trade unionists, journalists and civil rights activists in recent

' months are worrying Government

opponents.

Recent incidents include the distribution of

bogus pamphlets, tampering with motor cars

and various other "dirty tricks" aimed at

intimidating, shocking or inconveniencing,the

victims. • - ,

Few, if any, of the cases have been solved

and according to Bishop Desmond Tutu, the

general secretary of the South African Council of Churches, the coincidences are becoming somewhat remarkable".

There is a growing fear that an orchestrated campaign (which could become even more

ugly) is being waged against liberal and Left-

; wing critics of the Government.

Mr John Malcomess, the PFP MP for Port

Elizabeth Central, made a call in Parliament

last week for a police investigation into a

"sadistic campaign of intimidation" which

has been waged against seven Port Elizabeth

journalists over the past 18 months.

He also mentioned the case of Mrs Sandy

Stewart, an active member of the Black Sash

and the Detainees Parents Support Committee, who woke up one morning two weeks ago

to find a dead cat dangling from the doorknob

of her Port Elizabeth flat.

Iii a more dangerous incident on March 3

this year the Very Reverend Edward King,

Anglican dean of St George's Cathedral, discovered a powerful bomb attached to the

dashboard of his ear.

Several other incidents of motor cars being

tampered with have been reported.

Mr Jan Theron, the general secretary of

the African Food and Canning Workers

Union, was in George for negotiations with a

company earlier this year.

After staying overnight in the town, he

^stopped to buy petrol. He had his tyres

checked the day before and pumped to the

normal pressure of 180kpa.

The pump attendant, who insisted on looking at the tyres, found that three of

them had been inflated to a pressure of between 400 and 450 kpa, while one had

been virtually deflated.

51
-' "If we had travelled on to Cape Town with

our tyres at that pressure, we would definitely have had a blow-out. We had to conclude it

was deliberate and that someone had inflated

them during the night," he said.

According to Bishop Tutu, the cars of

several other clerygmen, including that of Dr

Alan Boesak, the president of the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, have been found

tampered with in recent months.

Several trade unionists and clergymen

have died in motor car accidents in the past

year. While there is no direct evidence suggesting foul play, the suspicion has been

voiced that not all were "accidents".

Mr Joe Mavi, the president of the Black

Municipal Workers Union, died last year

when the car in which he was travelling

overturned near Ventersburg in the Free

State. In March, two organisers of the

National Union of Mineworkers, Mr Teboho

Noko and Mr Paul Leboea, died in a smash

near Welkom.

Details of the accident are still unknown

and it took the union two weeks to trace the

bodies to the Tebä labour recruitment offices.

In March, Mr Stephen Maseko, a Pretoria

organiser for the National Automobile and

Allied Workers Union (Naawu), and a companion, died in a smash after his brakes

failed.

The Reverend James Gawe, the rector of St

Gregory's Anglican Church in Mdantsane,

died when his car overturned on the East

London to King William's Town freeway on

June 10 last year. He had just been elected

chairman of the Border Council of Churches.

At the post-mortem, which his family were

reportedly not informed of and which was

held without their permission, he was found

to have died of a broken neck and to have had

an amount of alcohol in his blood above the

legal maximum.

His wife, Mrs Emily Gawe, said Rev Gawe

never drank, nor had he allowed guests to

drink, during the 22 years of their marriage.

Mpine Moutele, the 12-year-old son of a

South African Council of Churches worker,

Mr Churchill Moutele, died when their car

had a blow-out and overturned last year. The

Rev Frikkie Conradie, of the N G Kerk in

Africa, was also killed in a motor accident

last year.

Port Elizabeth has been a major focus for

"dirty tricks" and the Black Sash has claimed

| that a "pamphlet war" has been waged

"ägälhsf various individuals and-organisations

in the area.

There have been smear pamphlets contain-

:

ing alleged details of the private lives of

>:.. trade unionists and a pamphlet, purporting to

i be issued by the S A Allied Workers Union,

viciously attacking the General Workers

f Uniont

The Sash itself has been a victim of false

pamphlets. One, distributed in black areas,

offered contraceptives, "lobola" (dowry money) and free food at the Black Sash advice

office. The other, distributed in white areas,

accused several prominent members of the

church, the PFP and the Black Sash of being

"traitorous dogs".

In addition, there have been numerous obr

i scene telephone calls to the Sash's Port Elizabeth office and photocopied pages of sex aids

have been sent through the post.

Incidents in other parts of the country include last month's mysterious burglary on the

Cape Town offices of the General Workers

Union in which union documents were removed, but a safe containing a large sum of

: money left untouched.

A mini-bus with the same number plates as

the one seen at the burglary was spotted in a

"police only" parking bay at Caledon Square

a few days later, though police have described this as a "coincidence".

On February 23, tens of thousands of pamphlets linking the National Union of South

African Students (Nusas) to the military wing

of the banned African National Congress

(ANC) were distributed at university campuses throughout the country in a slickly co-

: ordinated campaign.

[ Mrs Helen Suzman, the MP for Houghton

and PFP spokesman on civil rights, said

there were "ominous signs of a structured

chain of events, particularly in Port

Elizabeth".

She said: "If this is a campaign by a gang of

people, it is a very ugly symptom of our

times. It is hoped that the police will launch

an in-depth investigation".

CSO: 3400/1484

$2
SOUTH AFRICA

JOHANNESBURG SCORES DEADLINE FOR NAMIBIAN SETTLEMENT

MB251705 Johannesburg International Service in English 1500 GMT 25 May 83

[Station commentary: "South-West Africa"]

[Text] Attempts by radical states within the United Nations to establish a

deadline for a settlement in South-West Africa are not only unacceptable and

impractical, but constitute a ploy aimed at divesting the Estern Contact Group

of the initiative in the settlement negotiations.

The reason why a deadline is unacceptable is because what the United States

has called a dialogue of mutual trust on Namibia has not yet been achieved.

The very meeting of the Security Council, South Africa has declared, constitutes

an act of partiality towards SWAPO. The reason why a deadline is impractical

at this stage is because a settlement in South-West Africa does not depend only

on conditions within that territory. Also of paramount significance are conditions within Angola, over which neither the United Nations, the West, nor South

Africa has any control.

The United States insists, and South Africa agrees, that the Cuban forces have

to get out of Angola if there is to be any lasting settlement in South-West

Africa. In addition, the position of UNITA cannot be ignored in the settlement

processes. UNITA, which has become a powerful force in Angola, has declared

that it will ignore any cease-fire agreements reached between South Africa and

SWAPO and Angola.

Given these circumstances, all the introduction of a deadline would do would

be to play into the hands of the radical states. It constitutes a convenient

way of discrediting the Western Five Contact Group and taking the initiative

in the settlement drive our of their hands. The radical states and SWAPO are

becoming increasingly concerned over the measure of reasonableness and firmness

shown by the West in the negotiations.

The upshot is that they would want the initiative to revert back to the United

Nations, their supporters, who already regard SWAPO as the sole representative

of the people of South-West Africa. Should that happen the negotiations would

collapse. It will be recalled that during the Geneva talks the initiative reverted back temporarily to the United Nations. The Geneva conference was a

disaster in that it proved conclusively that the United Nations was irrevocably

biased towards SWAPO. Any attempt, therefore, to set a deadline for the independence negotiations cannot be condoned.

CSO: 3400/1475

*3
SOUTH AFRICA

JOHANNESBURG SAYS TERROR WILL NOT SUBDUE RSA

MB240724 Johannesburg International Service in English 1500 GMT 23 May 83

[Station commentary: "The Pretoria Terrorist Attack"]

[Text] The horror terrorist attack in Pretoria in which mainly civilians—

black and white—have died and have been maimed, brings to stark reality a

specific fact of terrorism: It is principally aimed at civilians. After all,

the terrorists' aim is to subdue and frighten the civilian population. And in

South Africa's case, the attacks are aimed at both white and black citizens.

But if those responsible for the terror believe for a moment that these acts

are going to frighten or force the authorities to adopt radical, self-destructive policies, they are guilty of a gross and tragic miscalculation. The South

African Government has much more than the necessary means to protect all its

citizens, black and white. This it has proved on many occasions in the past,

and will do so again.

South Africans of all colors and creeds^-black leaders, churches, and church

organizations—the governments abroad have strongly condemned the terrorist

attack. The chief minister of the Kwazulu national state, Chief Gatsha

Buthelezi, who is also chairman of the Black Alliance in South Africa, had

expressed deep dismay at the attack. His cochairman of the alliance, Indian

Reform Party leader Y. S. Chinsamy, called the terrorist attack sheer madness

and said it was dreadful that people could perpetrate such an act of violence.

The president of Venda, Mr Mphephu, spoke for many blacks when he said the

losses among blacks and whites were evidence that all attacks on South Africa

were aimed at all population groups, and this was why black and white should

stand together.

All South African churches have expressed shock, and the South African Council

of Churches has described the attack as naked terrorism. Pope John Paul, a

year before he himself was gunned down by a terrorist's bullet, described

terrorism as a modern form of barbarism.

The terrorists' aim is to take over the society and to change it to his prescription. Therefore he kills, maims, and intimidates the people to submit

civilians to his dictates. The only solution is to meet the terrorists' brute

force with the full strength of one's own moral and physical forces.

CSO: 3400/1475

9x
SOUTH AFRICA

JOHANNESBURG ON 'FULL JUSTIFICATION' OF MAPUTO RAID

MB241907 Johannesburg International Service in English 1500 GMT 24 May 83

[Station commentary: "Attacks on Terrorist Bases"]

[Text] The confirmation received that the African National Congress was indeed

responsible for last Friday's bomb blast in Pretoria provides full justification

for Monday's air attack on ANC bases in Mozambique.

The ANC bases in Mozambique serve as a coordinating headquarters for this organization's attacks on South Africa. Terrorists are divided into specialized

groups under the leadership of Joe Slovo, a member of the South African Communist Party and the ANC, and a man who holds the position of colonel in the

Soviet KGB. This information was released soon after South African security

forces had destroyed three ANC buildings in Matola near Maputo on 30 January

1981. Then, 24 terrorists, including several prominent members of the ANC,

were shot dead. At that stage South Africa had been aware for more than 2

years that Joe Slovo and other terrorists were active in Maputo.

In Maputo there are the regional headquarters for ANC operations in Natal and

the rural and urban areas in the Transvaal. From there, terrorists are sent

to Lesotho from where they strike at targets in places such as the Free State,

the Cape, Transkei, and Ciskei.

It is for this reason that South African forces struck in December last year

at ANC bases in Maseru, killing 30 territorists. Since then the ANC has become

increasingly careless over the number of civilian casualties resulting from its

attacks. In December a black man was killed and 70 were injured in a bomb

attack on an administration board office in Bloemfontein, and in February

another 76 people were injured in a similar attack in the city.

Out of a total of 65 ANC terrorist acts in the past 3 and 1/2 years, only eight

were directed against police stations or military targets. The remainder were

soft civilian targets, including the Silverton Bank siege in January 1980.

The record, as well as the nature of ANC organizational structures, show therefore that if ANC bases in neighboring countries are not taken:out by this

country's security forces, the number of terrorist attacks and their efficiency

will increase. Certainly, hostile neighboring states harboring terrorists

cannot complain that they were not warned.

CSO: 3400/1475

55
NHK RUPTURE WITH WARC OPPOSED

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 15 May 83 p 2

[Article by Dirk Van Zyl]

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text]

A SMALL group of Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk

theologians this week

fought a rearguard action

against the church's decision to sever ties with the

World Alliance of Re-,

formed Churches (Ware).

They knew they stood no

chance of persuading fellow

delegates at the NHK's general assembly in Pretoria.

But they are sticking to

their guns.

The Rev Naas Ferreira, of

Germiston, one of six delegates out of 500 to vote

against a motion confirming

the church's decision to break

with Ware, said afterwards:

"The church should be interested in searching for the

truth. We should remain a

member of the Ware.

"We will broach the topic

again at the next NHK assembly in three years' time.

Headed

"Those of us who spoke

realised we would not sway

the church to our side, but we

retain our view."

The NHK's final rupture

with Ware, led by South African theologian Dr Alan Boesak, follows its suspension,

with the two other Afrikaner

reformed churches, from the

world body last year.

Discussion of the issue was

one of the most heated at the-*

NHK's week-long assembly in.

Pretoria.

Professor Bart Oberholzer,

of Pretoria University's theological faculty, said later the

decisionöFthe overwhelming

majority of delegates "did not

surprise me at all". *

"I don't think we will reconsider ties unless Ware

radically changes its views."

The NHK, based largely in

the Transvaal is the smallest

and most conservative of the

three Afrikaner reformed

churches. It has about 200 000

confirmed members.

' Qne of the yerligte rebels

at&is week's assembly was

"Professor Jimmy Loader, of

the University of South Africa's theological faculty.

"It is wrong in principle

that we should break ties, but

I have no choice and must

abide by the majority ruling,

although I will still give witness for what 1 believe in," he

said. •

f Professor Loader warned

delegates against making the

same mistake as Ware. "The

case for moderation is not to

be sought in one of the two

extremes," he said.

The NHK had "not once admitted a single error in the

whole matter".

The professor added afterwards: "Unless my views

change I will again raise the

subject in three years' time."

The Rev Hans Wolmarans,

of the Rand Afrikaans University's classical languages

department, was not at the

NHK "assembly, but says he

would have voted with the

minority.

He believes both the NHK

and Ware "have something to

say"to each other".

The NHK is to send observers to a conference of the ultra-consevative International

Council of Christian Churches

(ICC) in New Jersey next

month.

Warning

Membership of this body

will be considered, with other

ecumenical ties, at its next

general assembly.

But Professor Loader has

already sounded a warning

against the move.

"If our church has left

Ware, it would be inconsistent to join the ICC, who also

handle the Bible incorrectly.

"A difference between the

two bodies is the political

views they hold."

Ware is the biggest international organisation of reformed Protestant churches.

CSO: 3400/1484

56
SOUTH AFRICA

STIRLING CLAIMS TERRORIST BOMBINGS LINKED TO SACP

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 25 May 83 p 13

[Article by Tony Stirling: "Thread Links Bomb Blast to Slovo"]

[Text] IF there- is a golden

thread linking last Friday's bomb outrage in

Pretoria to other acts

of sabotage, such as

the attacks on Koeberg, Sasol and Voortrekkerhoogte, then it

lies in Intelligence that

these acts were all

planned and conceived

by the White leadership of the banned

SA Communist Party,

before execution by its

ally, the African National Congress (ANC).

Central to this link is

one man, Joe Slovo, a

former Johannesburg advocate and member of the

central committee of the

SACP, who is at the same

time the only White member of the ANC high command, who fled South

Africa 20 years ago.

Slovo, reputed to hold

the rank of Colonel in the

KGB, operates out of

Maputo, where he is reported to have under his

control 30 top ANC expatriates.

* Launching pad

For Maputo, and the

bases hit by the SA Air

Force this week, is the

launching pad and centre

of planning of terror attacks against South Africa

by the ANC.

There is a clear distinction between low-key attacks on targets such as

police stations, railway

and power lines and the

like, and acts Such as the

Pretoria bombing.

The lesser acts of sabotage and violence involve

the sending in of trained

recruits with general instructions to attack a particular type of target such

as a police station or administration block. The

regularity with which terrorists carrying out these

tasks are caught or killed

by the South African security forces suggests that

they are regarded as little

„more than cannon fodder

by their leaders and are

sent in with the intention

of demonstrating to the

ANC's local supporters

that the ANC is alive and

active.

In contrast

But in stark contrast attacks such as that in Pretoria, at Koeberg, Voortrekkerhoogte and Sasol

are carefully planned and

may even involve reconnaissance such as oc57
CSO; 3400/1484

curred in the mortar attack on Voortrekkerhoogteinl982.

This attack involved infiltration by an advance

guard of White planners

who rented a farm in the

district and conducted

thorough research of the

plan before departing to

leave its execution to

more expendable ANC

recruits.

According to security

' sources there is reason to

believe that the four major attacks mentioned,

aimed at creating a welter

of international propaganda, were each preceded by minute advance

planning by Mr Slovo and

his elites, either from

within South Africa or in

Maputo.

In connection with Friday's holocaust, however,

a name other than that of

Slovo is being whispered '

among Pretoria evaluators trying to identify precisely who was responsible.

Moumbaris

It is Alexander Moumbaris, the 45-year-old

prisoner who escaped

from the maximum security section of Pretoria

Prison in December 1979

along with two others,

Timothy Jenkins and

Stephan Lee.

Moumbaris, born of

Greek parents in Egypt,

and the other two men,

who fled South Africa via

Botswana and Zambia,

was serving a long-term

prison sentence in connection with the activities

oftheANC.

Moumbaris, together

with Slovo, was said to

have masterminded an

abortive plot to land

ANC terrorists on the

South African coast by

using a hired boat.

It was Slovo who was

said to have masterminded the escape of

Moumbaris and the other

two men.

Not clear

Just why the name

Moumbaris is being

speculated upon in relation to Friday's attack is

not entirely clear, except

that it is being said that

the planning and the act

itself bore certain hallmarks reminiscent of his

style of operation.

It would appear from

what has been pieced together that a relatively accurate timing device, and

not radio control, was

used in the detonation of

the bomb, which exploded at precisely 4.29

pm.

And it seems at this

stage that speculation that

two Botswana-based

White exiles were

responsible is not considered reliable, although

the probability of a White

involvement in the opera- ;

tion is considered likely. ;

58
SOUTH AFRICA

SACC STAFF EXPRESSES CONFIDENCE IN COUNCIL

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 26 May 83 p 15

[Text]

THE staff of the South

African Council of

Churches yesterday reaffirmed its complete confidence in the present direction of the SACC in its

effort to play a prophetic

and reconciliatory- role

"in a divided, and unjust

society."

In a statement issued in

Johannesburg the Staff

memberssaid:

"In view of the attack

on the SACC by the

SABC on May 20, following the Supreme Court's

judgment in which Mr

John Rees, the former

general secretary of the

SACC was found guilty

on charges of defrauding

the Council of its funds,

the staff members of the

SACC would like to clarify certain aspects.

Secrecy

"The SABC's comment

entitled 'Secrecy in the

SACC in conclusion

read: 'the secrecy with

which the SACC or its officials operate in South

African politics cannot be

countenanced. When the

charitable donations of

the country's churchgoers

are used for such ends,

they have the right to

know and express themselves on the practice . . .

the SACC must reveal itself.'

"The members of the

staff assert that the SACC

executes^ its prophetic

"tasks in an unjust society

above-board and does not

need to 'reveal itself as

the SABC suggests. Secondly, the staff feels that

the SABC accuses the

SACC of a vice it is guilty

of — secrecy.

Verdict

THe SABC, despite its

painstaking claim of impartiality, is known to be

the mouthpiece ofthe ruling minority which has as

its backbone secret organisations such as the

Broederbond which see

themselves as having a

Christian mission in the

general affairs of our

country.

"Furthermore, the

council's staff disdains the

inference by SABC that if

a court of law has passed

its verdict on a former individual official of the

council, the same verdict

also applies for the SACC

in general.

"Finally, amid all these

aspersions, the staff ofthe

council unequivocally

reaffirms its complete

confidence in the present

direction of the SACC in

its effort to play a prophetic and reconciliatory

role in a divided; un-

; just society, and in the

present leadership of its

current general secretary,

Bishop Desmond Tutu."

—Sapa.

CSO: 3400/1484

59
TUCSA LEADER: TRADE UNION MOVEMENT STILL DIVIDED

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 25 May 83 p 23

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text]

IT is unavoidable that intense competition will

take place over the next

few years for leadership

in the labour movement

and especially for control

of the old-established

unions with a multiracial

membership and a moderate policy, Dr Anna

Scheepers, president of

Tucsa, told the congress.

In a review of the trade

union movement in South

Africa, Dr Scheepers said

that although the movement was considerably

larger than was the position 30 years ago, it was no

less divided.

She foresaw no major

change in the position

over the next few years

and felt that it could take

decades before South

Africa had a truly united

tradeunion movement.

Dr Scheepers said that

although all labour unions

had a uniform goal in relation to wages and working conditions, Black

unions had many more

grievances when it came

to secondary areas of dispute than did the privileged Whites and, to a

lesser extent, Coloureds.

Tucsa would continue

as the main co-ordinating

body for all groups in the

country but its members

would have to accept that

because of freedom of association not everyone

would choose the same

path, although general

goals would remain the

same.

She described Tucsa as

an honourable, realistic

union organisation which

fought hard for every

worker inthe country.

Dr Scheepers -warned

employers not to become

involved in the present

struggle between unions.

Nor should they be ini timidated into giving support to the soncalled

i emergingmovement.

Divide and rule was the

oldest trick in the employers' book but if they

encouraged dissension

they would reap the bitter

fruitswhichwould result.

Dr Scheepers said Tucsa would not let its members down by giving attention to organisations

which put ideology before

the interest of the workers.

Tucsa would continue

to strive for social, economic and every other

form of justice for its

members.

Tucsa owed its independence to its being financially self-reliant. It

received all its funds from

members and had no obligation to international organisations.

CSO: 3400/1484

60
BLUE ROCK SQUATTERS MOVED TO POTSDAM

East London DAILY DISPATCH in English 12 May 83 p 7

[Text]

SOUTH AFRICA

EAST LONDON — Ciskei Public Works Department staff battled

against the clock yesterday putting up wood and

iron shacks to accommodate 70. families moved

from Blue Rock squatter

camp near Mdantsane to

Potsdam.

It was learnt vesterday

from the headman at

Potsdam, Mr Melford

April, that 600 families'

in all would be moved to

Potsdam from the squatter camp.

He said most of the

people originally lived

in Mdantsane but others

were from farms around

Mdantsane and Wilsonia.

Mr April said 50 families were resettled in

tents on Tuesday and the

government staff was

doing all it could to ensure that all families

moved to Potsdam had

something to shelter

under last night.

"I know some families

were housed in Zone 15,

Mdantsane but we have

been told they are going

to be moved to ioin the

others here," Mr April

said.

There had been no major problems and he expected it would take

some time before all 600

families were resettled.

He believed the families initially housed in

Mdantsane when the removal started would create problems when

efforts to move them

were made.

And'as carpenters1

went about their task of

putting up the dwellings,

some people* were concerned that they had not

been able to report for

work for two days. Many

women in the area are

employed as domestic

servants in Wilsonia.

Amalinda and Cambridge, East London.

Some children attend-..

ing schools in Mdantsane were hoping they

would return to school'

next week when families'

were settled in their new

homes.

Others said they would

try to get pi a c e s at

Nxamkwana School,

near Potsdam as they

would find it hard to

meet transport costs

from, their new homes to

schools in Mdantsane.

At Blue Rock heads of

families were queueing

for registration to be

moved to the new area

and the government

workers from Mdantsane and Zwelitsha were

using crow-bars to bring

down some shacks.

There was one bulldozer but it was not

being used when a reporter was at the camp. "

Perhaps the feeling of

some of the people waiting to be removed was

summed up by one

woman who said: "I can

only.hope that where we

are going we shall be

able to get permanent

homes and not have, to

move again."

Efforts to contact the

Ciskei Minister of Internal Affairs and Land Tenure, Mr B. L. Williams,

for comment were unsuccessful yesterday. —

DDR

CSO: 3400/1484

6i
SOUTH AFRICA

ENERGY CONSUMPTION FIGURES SERVE AS ECONOMIC BAROMETER

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 18 May 83 p 14M

[Article by Lawrie Bedford]

[Text] Power consumption figures in the latest Escom report indicate that the commission is a highly sensitive economic barometer for industry.

Estimates made at the beginning of 1982 indicated

that demand for electricity up to the year 2000

would grow at an average of 7,3 percent a year, implying a growth rate of two percent to four percent

above the expected growth rate of the gross domestic

product (GDP).

A five-year review of the commission's direct sales

to industrial users reflects an average yearly increase of 7,5 percent. In 1982 a deviation from the

trend occurred when direct sales to industrial consumers showed a negative growth rate of 0,4 percent

compared with 1981.

This poor performance is attributed to the overseas recession, compounded by lack of growth in

the South African economy. Electricity sales to the

mining sector increases by 0,9 percent compared

with 1981, indicating the difficulties faced in the export of South African raw materials.

Over the past five years the average annual increase in mining sales was 6,3 percent. In the same

period, mining, industry and bulk sales to municipal

supply authorities have accounted for about a third of

Escom's total sales.

Escom sold 96136 million kwh (kilowatt hours) in

1982 compared with 93 844 million kwh in 1981, a

growth rate of 2,4 percent, the lowest in 35 years.

Bulk sales to municipalities and neighbouring

states in the year under review increased by eight

percent. This, says Escom's senior general manager,

Mr I D van der Walt, is fairly consistent with the average annual growth rate over the past five years of

9,2 percent.

Sales to municipalities and neighbouring states,

which made a major contribution to the growth in

total sales in 1982, now constitute 33,6 percent of

Escom's total sales.

The negative growth rate in electricity sales to the

industrial category between 1981 and 1982 can be

seen more closely by looking at the major sectors of

industry.

62
Sales to the engineering, iron, steel and base metal

sector declined by 3,7 percent compared with 1981,

while the average annual growth rate over the past

five years was 4,3 percent.

Electricity sales to the chemical sector grew by

0,6 percent, the average five-year growth rate being

18,5 percent. Between 1980 and 1981 the growth was

25,5 percent. The bulk of this growth was due to the

Sasol projects.

In another category — foodstuffs, consumer goods,

commercial and other — electricity sales increased

by 5,5 percent. The average annual growth rate for

the past five years was 6,8 percent.

Electricity sales to the paper and paper products

sector declined by 2,3 percent. The five-year average

annual growth rate was 5,4 percent.

Increased production at the Ngodwana. pulp and

paper plant should ensure future growth in this sector, says Mr van der Walt.

Bulk sales can be divided into sales to major municipalities with partial self-generation and to other

intermediary suppliers who rely entirely on Escom.

Self-generating municipalities continued to meet

their growth by buying more electricity from Escom.

Sales to Durban Corporation, Escom's largest single consumer, increased by 9,4 percent. In 1982 sales

to Johannesburg and Pretoria municipalities reflected annual growth rates of 8,8 percent and 9,3 percent

respectively. Bloemfontein generated less power and

bought 46,8 percent more electricity from Escom

than in 1981.

4,9

4,2

3,5

2,8

2,1 —

1,4

kW.h sold per Rand of real gross

domestic product for S A

— GDP in fixed 1975 prices

0,7 '55 '60 "65 70 75 '80 '85 '90 '95 '99

This table shows that the South African economy is becoming increasingly electricity-intensive. The reasons are:

• An acceleration in industrial development.

• A swing from oil and coal to electricity as the preferred

energy form.

• Electrification of rural areas, black townships and the

railway system and the impact of high technology.

(Projection based on a 4,5 percent growth rate in GDP and

seven percent in the demand for electricity).

CSO: 3400/1484

63
SOUTH AFRICA

AIR FORCE HQ TAKES BLAST IN STRIDE

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 24 May 83 p 2

[Text]

IT WAS business as usual

at the South African Air

Force headquarters in

Pretoria yesterday.

In fact, claimed senior

officers, the bomb blast

barely caused them to falter in their duties.

While clearing-up operations in the bomb-shattered buildings continued

yesterday, virtually within

a stone's throw of Pretoria's historic Church

Square, the Staff Officer

at SAAF HQ, Commandant Solomon "Lomon"

Nortje took reporters on

a conducted tour of the

13-storey building.

He said: "As you can

see, we are going ahead

with our work. I can assure you that the terrorists failed utterly to disrupt our activities."

Glass

While workmen were

breaking out shards of

glass in hundreds of windows, covering the frames

temporarily with sheets of

plastic, head officer workers continued to go about

their duties.

Everywhere there were

stories of close escapes

from death or serious injury.

Like that of Second

Lieutenant Christa Mul-

:; ler who managed to take

the afternoon off to accompany friends, on a

last-minute invitation, to

an earlyshow at Sun City.

Damage

Cmdt Nortje said the

actual damage done by

the blast was "relatively

small" — if one discounted the hundreds of

broken windows.

The worst damage was

to the civilian shops ^>n

the ground floor. If the

ANC had been aiming at

a military strike operation

they had failed totally

In a sense the ANC operation was "amateurish". It certainly had not

succeeded in what it was

apparently intended to

do, he said.

Cmdt Nortje himself

escaped with a small cut

on his thumb from his

12th-floor office. He ascribed his escape largely

to the fact that his windows were open, and the

glass did not blast into the

office.

On the first floor girls

working for a typewriter

company said that eight

colleagues had been badly

cut in the blast. There had

also been cases ofshock.

CSO: 3400/1484

6U
GENERAL VILJOEN ON VITAL ROLE OF AGRICULTURE

East London DAILY DISPATCH in English 11 May 83 p 7

[Article by Chris Vick]

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text]

STUTTERHEIM — The

agricultural sector could

find political answers

for South Africa in a way

no politician could, the

Chief of the Defence

Force, General. Constand Viljoen, said here

yesterday.

In his opening address

at the Agric 83 information day he told farmers

that agricultural cooperation with neighbouring states had created better links than

could have been created

on a political level.

"Agriculture can serve

as a channel of communication and a demonstration of the practical advantages of

peaceful co-existence,"

General Viljoen said.

"The value of agriculture in terms of private

initiative and capitalism, therefore, cannot be

over-emphasised.

"It is an important factor which makes a healthy agricultural sector

imperative for our survival."

General Viljoen said

agriculture could be

seen as part of the "total

strategy" for defending

South Africa. Farmers

themselves formed an

integral part of the "peoples' army" concept, particularly in the rural

areas. l

"The rural areas are

one of the enemy's most

important targets because they afford them

the way to pass to the

major centres.

"It also provides many

sofftargets förThem, and

their objective is therefore to Intimidate the

farmer into leaving his

farm and to eliminate

the farm's 'production

potential.

"In this way they plan

to erode the military defence potential and

weaken the morale of

the population in those

areas."

General Viljoen said it

was essential that farmers and their labourers were "aware of the

enemy" and ready to defend their property.

"And if we want to defend the land we must

I occupy the—land,"_-h§L

said. "All our efforts to

improve our standards

will be to no avail if we

are not able to retain our

hold over our country."

South Africa's military

call-up system had been

revised to allow for grea-

, ter involvement in the

; rural areas, General Vil-

; joen said, particularly

| where the commandos

' were concerned.

In terms of the new

; system, residents in rural areas were involved

in the defence of their

regions "365 days a

year".

"This is boosted by the

farmer's knowledge of

the area he is defending.

The enemy will never

know the area as well as

the people who live

there — an invaluable

aspect in the tracking,

interception and destruction of the enemy."

[— DDR

CSOi 3400/1484

65
CISKEI CATTLE ROW RESOLVED

East London DAILY DISPATCH in English 12 May 83 p 7

SOUTH AFRICA

[Text]

EAST LONDON — The

Commander-in-Chief of

Ciskeian State Security,

Lieutenant-General

Charles Sebe, said last

night the cattle-grazing

dispute over farms in the

Seymour district had

been "resolved amicably".

The Daily Dispatch

Port Elizabeth correspondent reports the Deputy Minister for Cooperation, Dr G. de V.

Morrison, said that

according to the South

African Ambassador to

Ciskei, the matter had

"been defused".

Dr Morrison said had

Ciskeian military forces

intervened in the "cattle

affair" on farms in the

Stockenstrom area, "it

would virtually be declaring war on South

Africa".

,He added there was no

possible way that the

Ciskei military forces

could have advanced on

the Stockenstrom district without South African retaliation.

It was learnt last night

that ministers of the Ciskeian Government had

approached an official

of the Department of Cooperation and Development earlier this week to

CSO; 3400/1484

request urgent grazing

rights on a farm which in

terms of the two governments, bilateral agreement, wQuld be handed

over to Ciskei later this

year.

The Ciskei Minister of

Agriculture, Mr L. M.

Fani, said last night that

although the ministers

who had approached the

official were aware that

at present the farms belonged to the South African Government, they

were "in desperate need

of grazing land."

Mr Fani said that he

and two other cabinet

ministers —. Mr Morris

i Sebe, Minister of Transp o rt a rid younger

brother of President

Lennox Sebe, and Mr A.

M. Tapa, Minister of

Education — "requested" grazing rights

on the farm Springfontein, from Mr Norman

Peinke, an official of

the Department of Cooperation and Development stationed at

Seymour.

Mr Morris Sebe denied

any knowledge of the incident when asked

whether he was present

or knew about it.

However, Mr George

Reynolds, the Chief

Commissioner for the

Eastern Cape, said Mr

Peinke had no authority

to grant permission for

such grazing rights and

that the farms would be

handed over to Ciskei by

bilateral agreement in

due course.

"Ciskei should negotiate through the correct

channels for such grazing and if they had

moved cattle to Springfontein, action would

have been taken to remove the cattle," Mr

Reynolds said.

The Ciskei cattle row

started about 10 days ago

when General Sebe

threatened that Ciskeian

military forces would

impound the cattle of

white farmers in the

Seymour district that

were grazing on farms

released to Ciskei.

However, a spokesman

for the Department of;

Co-operation and Development later ex-j

plained that the land

scheduled for release in

the Stockenstrom area

was to be incorporated

into Ciskei in July and

farmers in the district

were there "quite legally".

General Sebe would

not give further details

last night on how the

matter had been resolved.

66
SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

ID DOCUMENTS—Cape Town—More than a million people were still not in possession of identity documents, Mr Andre Fourie (NP, Turffontein) said. Speaking

during the debate on the Internal Affairs Department's Budget vote, he said

that up to 50 000 applications were received by the department daily. There

was a backlog of around 300 000 applications for identity documents to be

processed and the department was experiencing tremendous problems with incomplete forms, forms without photographs, and applicants who had moved or

changed names by marriage since applying. The department estimated that about

one million people, mainly from the Coloured and Asian population groups, were

still without identity documents. [Excerpt] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in

English 25 May 83 p 4]

COLOURED NURSES—Bloemfontein—Coloured women are to be employed to east the

nursing shortage at the National and Universitas hospitals in Bloemfontein.

The MEC in charge of hospital services in the Free State, Mr Humphrey Simes,

said this decision by the executive committee of the Provincial Council would

not affect other White hospitals in the province. Mr Simes said the move

would prevent a crisis at the two hospitals but would not completely solve

the shortage of nurses. A recruiting campaign to attract qualified overseas

nurses was continuing, he said. The Coloured women would nurse only in wards

for.women and children, and in intensive care units.—Sapa. [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 25 May 83 p 10]

RICHARDS BAY EXPORTS—Richards Bay—In contrast to the situation in other

ports of South Africa, the mass handling unit at Richards Bay has had to cope

with an unprecedented boom in exports. The assistant manager of Transport

Services at Richards Bay, Mr Andre Fourie, said in an interview yesterday that

although coal exports had remained relatively stable, the exporting of ferro

alloys, chrome, wood chips and rock phosphate had increased by 15 percent during the 1982-83 financial year. He said that although monthly figures were

not an accurate yardstick by which to measure harbour activity, the upward

trend was expected to continue. There was a 44 percent increase in exports

in April this year compared with April last year. An increase in the number of

ships which called at the port had also been noted, with 20 percent more vessels calling in April this year compared with a year ago. March saw a record

number of 74 vessles calling at the harbour.—Sapa [Text] [Johannesburg THE

CITIZEN in English 25 May 83 p 25]

67
ANGLICAN PAPER BANNED—Kimberley—The March issue of Seek, the Kimberley-based

Anglican newspaper which serves Southern Africa, has been banned, the editor,

the Reverend Ivor Shapiro, said this week. The issue contained a four-page

feature about the church in South West Africa. Mr Shapiro claimed the feature

consisted of accurate reporting and interpretation mainly concerning the feelings of Christian leaders in SWA about their lives and work. Mr Shapiro

said the relevant issue of the Government Gazette which he had inspected had

not contained a notice stating "Seek" had been banned. "I first read about

it in a Cape Twn newspaper," he said. "I then telephoned the Directorate of

Publications who informed me the issue had in fact been banned. "I asked

for reasons, and the spokesman said I would be informed of these in due

course" Mr Shapiro said he awaited the reasons with interest.—Sapa. [Text]

[Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 25 May 83 p 14]

INDIANS HONOR BUTHELEZI—Durban—More than 6 000 Blacks and 1 000 Indians

braved pouring rain at a South African Black Alliance meeting in Stanger on

Sunday as Indians conferred an honorary title on the Alliance's president,

Chief Gatsha Buthelezi. The chief was garlanded and presented with a white

Gandhi peace cap and the Rastriya Pita, or apostle of peace honour. Speakers

acclaimed him as a "future Mahatma," saying he would be revered in the same

way as Gandhi. A visiting missionary from India, Mr Pandit Satayapal Sharma,

who conferred the honour on the chief minister of KwaZulu, urged him to retain

the Gandhi ideal of non-violence. Chief Buthelezi expressed shock and dismay

at Friday's bomb blast in Pretoria and sympathised with victims and their

families. The Black Alliance, he said, remained opposed to any form of

violence-—"be it indiscriminate planting of explosives, or organised invasion

of innocent countries such as Lesotho." Those who held the reins of political

power in South Africa were themselves in a position to prevent the occurrence

of "such atrocities," he said. He said-Blacks regarded their exclusion from

power-sharing as an insult.-—Sapa. [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in

English 24 May 83 p 15]

UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT—A new broad-based front, the United Democratic Front,

reminiscent of the old Congress Alliance of the 1950s, was formed in Johannesburg at the weekend. More than 300 delegates representing some 28 worker,

political, civic and students' organisations gathered at Khotso House, the

headquarters of the South African Council of Churches (SACC) and in a historic

move pledged to form a united front in the Transvaal to fight the Government's constitutional programme and all other repressive legislation in

South Africa. They pledged to fight side by side for a free, democratic,

undivided and non-racial South Africa. The meeting was the latest to record

the growing opposition to the proposed new constitution which excludes the

majority of South Africans from having a say in the country's law making

bodies. The delegates also pledged to fight the controversial Koornhof Bills

that will be tabled in Parliament later this year. The delegates and observers

who filled the hall,.frequently broke out into freedom songs. The organisation

will meet again at the same venue on Saturday June 4 when the general council

of the United Democratic Front, which will comprise two delegates from each organisation, will be formally constituted. [Text] [Johannesburg SOWETAN in

English 25 May 83 p 4]

68
BLACK WOMEN JOIN POLICE—The first group of Black women to be recruited by

the SA Police will begin their training on July 8 at the Hammanskraal Police

College near Pretoria. The commanding officer of the women's force, Brigadier

D Botha, told a Press conference in Pretoria yesterday that Black policewomen

would receive the same salaries, and benefits and enjoy the same opportunities for promotion as their White counterparts. They would also wear the

same uniform. Heralding the development as "a step in the right direction",

Brig Botha said there was a great need for Black policewomen, particularly as

the force already embraced women of other race groups. The response to the

announcement that Black women could now join the SAP had been overwhelming.

Hundreds of applicants had had to be turned away. "We received more than

300 enquiries in Soweto alone," he said. Because of insufficient training

facilities at present, only 20 Blackwomen had been selected for the first sixmonth training course. But it was envisaged that, as from next year, the college would be able to accommodate two trainee groups a year. On completion

of training, the recruits would be posted to police stations throughout the

country and serve in all branches.—Sapa. [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN

in English 26 May 83 p 11]

JAAP SPURNS AFRIKAANS MAGAZINE—The leader of the Herstigte Nasionale Party,

Mr Jaap Marais, has stopped reading the only intellectual magazine in

Afrikaans, Woord en Daad. He claimed the magazine was propagating Leftwing

politics under the cloak of Calvinism. Mr Marais was invited by the magazine,

published by the Afrikaans Calvinist Movement, to join other political leaders

in answering seven questions on politics. He wrote a note saying: "The onesided propagation of Leftwing politics by Woord en Daad under the cloak of

Calvinism caused me to stop reading the magazine a long time ago and I decline

the invitation to put forward the views of the HNP on the enclosed questions."

[Text] [Johannesburg RAND DAILY MAIL in English 16 May 83 p 3]

MIGRANT BLACK WORKERS—Migrant black workers are sometimes seen as less

militant than workers with city rights after all, they have much more to

lose by striking. Not so, according to some research figures on black attitudes quoted last week by Professor Lawrence Schlemmer, of Natal University.

His research—conducted in Natal—does suggest that migrants in that area

are less sympathetic to the ANC than blacks with city rights. But it also

showed they were far more willing to consider a sustained "political" strike

than those with city rights. And perhaps his key finding was that, when asked

how the economy should be run under a black government., an overwhelming majority of those with city rights opted for private enterprise...but around half

the migrants opted for a socialist system, backing government ownership of

business. Prof Schlemmer found that the most dissaffected blacks were those

in the cities who could not find settled housing. Some black unions won't be

surprised by these findings...they have often claimed that migrants are their

most active members. [Text] [Johannesburg RAND DAILY MAIL in English

16 May 83 p 7]

HOW RECESSION AFFECTS UNIONS—The effect of the recession on the union movements is the subject of many theories. Now a perspective from a unionist

has appeared in the SA Labour Bulletin. Writing in his personal capacity,

Mr David Lewis, of the General Workers Union, makes the controversial suggestion that it is just as easy-—if not easier—for unions to recruit unorganised

69
workers in a recession as in a boom. Among the points he makes is that

black unemployment is so high—even during booms—that the extra threat of

joblessness in a recession does not have the same effect on workers as in

other industrial countries. Where unions are hit, he argues, is in trying

to maintain their position in factories they have already organised. This

becomes difficult in the face of retrenchments, tougher employer stances on

wages and the like. So, Mr Lewis argues, the less efficient emerging unions

will not disappear during the recession. They will be quite able to claim a

rising membership by simply embarking on mass recruiting campaigns. More

substantial unions will not show so great a jump in members, because they will

be busy consolidating membership. The catch is that mass union membership

easily gained in a recession is easily lost unless unions can follow through

with thorough organisation, and the unions who consolidate will emerge stronger

in the long run. But, in a swipe at some "community" unions, Mr Lewis says

unions who opt for mass "paper" membership without thoroughly organising

these workers will discredit unionism among workers they recruit and then

disappoint. Whether unions can recruit easily at present is a moot point.

But it is certainly true that unions who consolidate now are likely to emerge

far stronger than those who go on mass recruiting campaigns. [Excerpt]

[Johannesburg EAND DAILY MAIL in English 16 May 83 p 7]

CHIEF MPHEPHU OPPOSED—The opposition Venda Independence Party (VIP) is to

hold a rally at Venda's capital, Thohoyandou, at the weekend, to challenge

the Venda government's decision to make Chief Patrick Mphephu, the homeland rs life president. The rally, to which Chief Mphephu has also been invited, will be the first to have been held by an opposition party since the

homeland became independent about three years ago and it is to be held at

Thohoyandou Stadium on Saturday. The VIP's leader, Mr Gilber Bakane, told

The SOWETAN he rejected a motion tabled by the Venda National Party in

Parliament, which made Chief Mphephu the president of Venda for life. "First

of all, Chief Mphephu was imposed on the people by Pretoria. His leadership

was rejected twice in general elections of 1973 and 1978. The VIP had won

the elections but he still remained in power. "We are also going to challenge

the reasons given by the Venda National Party for making Chief Mphephu a life

president. They said it was because of his statesmanship, intelligence and

30 years of experience as a leader. "My party feels that there is no truth

in the reasons advanced because there is nothing resembling statesmanship

in Chief Mphephu. He has had poor education, was brought up in a traditional

society and has had no contact with modern ways of government. [Text]

[Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 25 May 83 p 2]

GIS AT STANDERTON—Brown Boveri SA will install the world's first comprehensive gas insulated substation (GIS) at Escom's Alpha substation, to be

built near Standerton. It will have a maximum system voltage of 800 kV. A

feature of the GIS is that all live parts are contained in standard modules,

pressurised with sulphur hexafluoride gas. The gas, a good electrical insulator, is inert, stable, odourless and non-toxic. Escom's decision to install

GIS was based on environmental considerations, apart from technical factors.

GIS substations occupy less than a tenth of the land area of others and can

be housed in aesthetically-pleasing buildings. Outdoor switchyards are subject

to the vagaries of weather and air pollution that can cause equipment failure,

70
making inspection and maintenance a regular task. GIS substations operate in

a controlled environment, so equipment malfunctions are rare and almost no

maintenance is needed. [Text] [Johannesburg THE STAR in English 17 May 83

p 17M]

INCREASED PRODUCTIVITY—Boosted productivity in certain sectors of the public

service has meant the number of new posts can be curtailed—saving the State

more than R33,5 million a year in salaries alone. This emerged from the Commission for Administrationr

s 1981/82 annual report, recently published in

Pretoria. The report said more than 120 financial incentive schemes were

the reason for increased productivity. Just over 10 000 people were now

doing the work which would otherwise have been distributed among 17 800.

Chairman of the commission, Mr Jimmy van der Merwe, said the emphasis within

the public service had shifted away from creating new posts for coping with

the increasing workloads. For this reason, wider use was being made of proven

management techniques. The merits of more than 6 000 officers has been assessed during 1981/2 and 2 900 merit advanced awarded'—more than 700 up on .

the previous year. The efficiency of nearly 7 000 senior officers had also

been appraised. Organisation and work studies were being conducted to find

economical ways of increasing productivity. He said the staff position had

improved from "grave" in 1980/81 to "manageable" during the year under review.

Figures in the commission's report put the number of posts vacant during 1981/82

at 14 percent, as opposed to 16,3 percent during the previous year. The report

said; however, "in various professional and technical fields, more than half

the approved posts were vacant and it became necessary to employ people with

less than the prescribed qualifications". The report referred to a Human

Sciences Research Council study which, it said, showed "that a great majority

of public servants have a positive attitude to both their jobs and their employers". [Text] . [Johannesburg THE STAR in English 12 May 83 p 2]

FORD REHIRES WORKERS—Port Elizabeth—The Ford Motor Company has re-hired 361

of the 507 employees it paid off during a wage dispute at the three major

Eastern Cape motor companies in August last year. In addition, the company

has now asked the National Automobile and Allied Workers' Union (Naawu) and

the Motor Assemblers and Component Workers' Union of SA (Macwusa) to trace

the remaining 146 workers for re-employment. Mr Bob Kernohan a Ford Public

relations spokesman said one of the reasons for the new intake of employees

was the introduction of a new pick up model. The other 146 were needed because of the company's normal staff turnover.—DDC. [Text] [East London

DAILY DISPATCH in English 12 May 83 p 7]

CSO: 3400/1484

71-72
SWAZILAND

PRIME MINISTER'S ADDRESS ON INGWAVUMA CLAIM

MB241410 Mbabane Domestic Television Service in Siswati 1815 GMT 22 May 83

[Address by Prime Minister Prince Bhekimpi at a ceremony in Ndzevane on 20

May to open a school, shop, and clinic—recorded]

[Excerpts] Let me convey to you the greeting of her majesty in her own words.

She said she greets you, the people of Ndzevane, and wishes you, her people,

well.

The king had advised the whole nation that in the event of his death, you

Swazi people must continue to live in peace and sharing, sharing what you have

and making sure that the nation is not torn apart.

Today, my fellow countrymen, we repeat his late majesty's strong warning that

you people of Ndzevane must unite and become one unit. Let there be no petty

differences. Perhaps the current drought is also nature's way of showing grief

at the passing away of his majesty. Well, we haven't learned from God whether

this is so. In your prayers, my fellow countrymen, request that the Almighty

provide us with support and mercy so we can return to the good times we knew

in the not too distant past.

You, my countrymen, while you are residing here at Ndzevane I, for one, do not

call it Ndzevane, and I will always refer to it as Ingwavuma—you must be

assured that you are at home. Here is home, a home that has sprung up because

of unforeseen and uninvited tribulations in your former homestead sites.

The place where you left your ancestral graves in your flight here is called

Ingwavuma. Well, this place is called Ndzevane, but right now it is Ingwavuma.

What I am advising you to do is this: Matsenjwa and Mngomezulu, please unite

firmly as one. Let there be no unnecessary bickering and crossed swords, as

you have always been united in friendship in the past. Well your two clan

groups have been sharing the same ecological niche for generations, and even

today we are just witnessing a repeat of the historical cycle, with the hope

that when you are united:God will look with favor on your yearnings and not

cast damnation upon you. The wounds of forced removals will heal, and the

happy days will return.

If I can step back in time on Ingwavuma, we, the people of Swaziland, only

know that the Ingwavuma area on this side of the Pongola River belongs to the

73
Swazi nation. [Applause] We are not even trying to explore and discover if

we are really rightfully entitled to make claims to this area; it has been

ours from time immemorial. Two historical events amplify our claim.

Indeed, King Dlamini III had his royal Kraal (Lubhayaneni) facing the Pongola

River, where he died in 1750. Even the royal clan, when it emigrated from

Delagoa Bay, settled in Ingwavuma by the Pongola. From those days until today

there has been no event to dictate any change in the perception of our claim

to the territory. Prince Ngwane—King Ngwane III—reigned from (Lubhayaneni)

all the way to Mkhuse across the Pongola River. When he left (Lubhayaneni) in

the Ubomobo mountains, he built his royal Kraal at the Magudu facing Nongoma.

The Phongola River has been accepted for all purposes as the boundary between

Swaziland and Zululand since the days of King Somhlolo around 1820. At that

time Zwide's people were fleeing from Shaka's impis, and it was agreed that

they would not cross the Pongola since they were Dlamini relatives. You will

recall that King Mswati was born of the Ndwandwe nation of Zwide.

What these markers that are posted out here now in the Lubombo Range are for,

we really do not know. There is no such border, and we do not know who is

responsible for it, for we have never entered into any agreement with anyone

concerning this. [Applause]

The British who put up this fence—goodness only knows what they were up to,

doing things in the absence of indigenous Swazis. They must have been doing it

for their own benefit. They delineated the Natal and Zululand areas. According to stories given to us, the British wanted to prevent the Boers of the

Transvaal Republic from having a coastal outlet via the course of the Pongola

River. Even today, this place belongs to Swaziland, and there is no one who

should be contesting our claim. Even God knows that this is Swazi territory.

[Applause]

All this clarification is directed at you so you will understand that where

you were residing was already part of the Kingdom of Swaziland.

The Swaziland Government is busy on this matter. Consultations are continuing

to find a proper way of restoring our ownership of this land. We hope that after

the Boers have completed their wrangling with their kinsmen they will then settle

the matter with us. There is a commission the South African Government has set

up to consult with Kwazulu on this matter. The Zulus will have to show proof

of ownership of Ingwavuma. They will have to tell the Swazi nation how they

got it, since if you give someone something you always enter into a bilateral

agreement detailing the rights and limits of the deal.

Even today, you people must still assert your Swazi nationality, no matter who

comes and asks you, as you have done in the past. You Ingwavuma people are

Swazis; you will remain Swazis forever. [Applause] You have demonstrated

this right here. There are some people you left behind who are now confused

and who are agreeing that they belong to the Zulu nation. These people have

been sold on a futile, worthless path. I reaffirm what the Mngomezulu Ghief

Mbikiza, and the Mshelewanas, forthrightly told the Zulu government: They are

Swazis and not Zulus. They were exactly right speaking to those who were bent

7k
ön taking our land away by devious means. The Nyawos—Myenis also—followed

the same theme. Well, that is the truth: They are Swazis. Even those turncoats that have pledged allegiance to Kwazulu, wherever they may be, they know

the certain truth that their ancestors were Swazis—if they happen to be Nyawo,

for instance. Even today, we who are alive still sing the same song: We are

Swazis. We people in the Lubombo range are Swazis. We think that from Lubombo

and beyond our (?vicinity) those people are Swazis.

Another additional point: Truly the Tembes across the Lubombo Range belong to

the same ancestral stock from the time of our inception in Delagoa Bay. We are

brothers with these Tembes; we are one. Our ancestor Dlamini, when he left

Delagoa Bay together with (Mabunda)—they stayed together; in fact, they were

brothers. We know that when we visit them, we are just going home. We are one,

and nobody can separate us. We are still one, even today. When they are problems, they are our problems; when they shed tears, we the Swazi nation also

shed tears since they belong to our family.

Even at the time of the carving up of the Zulu Empire in 1879 after its defeat

by the British—the British chopped up Zululand into small pieces—Ingwavuma and

Tembe land were left untouched since they did not belong to Zululand. The

British carved Zululand up into chieftancies since they had conquered the area

and were dividing the spoils of war. Ingwavuma and Tembe territory remained

outside since they had not been part of the Zulu Empire. Even when the rump

end of Zululand was annexed into Natal, these two areas remained untouched.

What did that mean? What were the British up to?

It is recorded in history that on 23 April 1895 the British annexed Ingwavuma

and Tembe territory for inclusion into Zululand for administrative purposes

since the whole area fell under the control of the British Empire. That is

where the problem started. When the British finally gave up control, they did

not return the land to the people form whom they had gotten it. They just left

the matter hanging without proper resolution. The present South African Government is trying to rectify that mistake. [Applause]

Well, we believe that the Boers have been motivated by God to rectify this

British error. Even at the time of incorporation in 1895, the then Boers of

the Transvaal protested the British action and requested that the matter be

settled by international arbitration: Should these areas really be incorporated

into Natal or not? Unfortunately, the matter was not resolved because of the

outbreak of the Anglo-Boer War of 1899.

In the course of time, the Boers as good neighbors are trying to resolve the

issue. Now we hear grumblings from certain quarters about the Ingwavuma area.

Rest assured that this matter of the return of this area to its rightful owners

is being pursued diligently. We hope God and our ancestors will see us through

in this matter.

Please bear with any inconvenience you may be experiencing at the present time.

There will be a day when you shall be able to return home, God willing. Be

firm in your adherence to the law arid traditions, and never cause problems

among yourselves. Assist one another and pray for good things for one another.

75
I hope these words I am speaking are heeded, since it could happen that

tomorrow a UN team or the South African commission could arrive here to investigate the ancestral background of your people. Well, you will simply make

use of your birth right. You are of Ingwavuma, regardless of having stayed

here in Ndzevane. You will not change and be something else. You will remain

of Ingwavuma. I advise you to support this effort unstintingly to ensure

future-success. With the grace of God, you will be successful. [Applause]

CSO: 3400/1476

76
ZAIRE

GOVERNMENT SEEKS TO GIVE NEW IMPETUS TO SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH

Kinshasa ELIMA in French 19 Apr 83 p 7

[Article by Mputu-Toko Dingani: "The Revitalization of Scientific Research

in Zaire"]

[Text] Last Saturday at the CENACOF [expansion unknown], we were present at

a genuine dialogue between citizen Bayona Ba Meya, state commissioner for

scientific research, and the heads of the research centers and institutes.

This first meeting, one month after his appointment as the head of this

department, gave the state commissioner the opportunity to listen to the

problems existing in the research field and also to speak frankly and openly

to all those who are working in the various research centers and institutes.

In the opinion of citizen Bayona, one must yield to a principle of historic

wisdom which maintains that the mastery of the future first depends on a

thorough study of the past. Because, he emphasized, in the matter of

scientific research, Zaire has a past that is very rich in different

experiments of unequal value. There have already been scientific research

sessions in the past, studies of great significance have been devoted to

the state of the research question. All these efforts to give serious

thought to science cannot be reasonably ignored.

In this way the commissioner took advantage of this opportunity to emphasize

the desire of the executive council to give vitality to scientific research

in Zaire, to concentrate closely on the present state of research and to

issue directives and orders.

As regards the first point, two principal facts, in his opinion, bear witness

to the desire of the executive council to breathe new life into scientific

research: The creation of the department of scientific research, an activity

which up to now has been under the aegis of the department of higher education.

Ordinance-law number 40-82, dealing with the organization of scientific and

technological research has instituted a philosophy that enables the department

to economize in the use of funds for action and to control all the research

activities that develop in all sectors of national life, from the research

centers to the study units of public and private enterprises, through the

research centers of schools and institutions of higher learning. The

department also has the right to exercise supervision at the international

research organizations set up in Zaire.

77
In addition, the department has been assigned the mission of encouraging

and facilitating (by the granting of appropriated funds) the research projects

undertaken by private organizations or by independent researchers.

Speaking of the present state of scientific research in Zaire, citizen Bayona

indicated that it is not being studied with the idea that it is in a state

of decline. "The crux of the problem lies in the lack of publicity given to

achievements in research and this lack leads the public to think that

scientific research is at a standstill." And yet research continues to be

conducted with relative success.

The state commissioner stressed the problems which tend to curb research in

our country. The difficulty stems from the practice of placing the researchers

under the orders of permanent and unattached officers, and from the progressive

loss of scientific rigor and from a certain research spirit that is not

inclined to consider the genuineness of its results, which is the key to

our development.

Are directives issued to the researchers? They have been in some cases.

In the opinion of citizen Bayona, there is good reason to organize the

activities of the MPR in the research centers and institutes, to give the

research projects a genuine substructure, to economize on expenditures by

coordinating activities in such a way as to avoid duplication of programs,

to put the research centers on a.paying basis through the submittal of

receipts and strict management, to put an end to the situation of suspicion

prevailing in the former IRS [expansion unknown], to conceive punctual and

concrete research projects the results of which can be put into immediate

operation.

In conclusion, the state commissioner invited the heads of the research

centers and institutes to create a team spirit, which is the basis of every

successful undertaking. For his own part, he pledged to promote a genuine

feeling of fraternity among the researchers.

Citizen Bayona, who holds a doctorate in law and has served as a judge for

19 years, has already published more than 20 works.

8089

CSO: 3419/888

78
ZIMBABWE

TRADE DEFICIT UP BY 67 PERCENT

Harare THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE in English 6 May 83 p 3

LTextJ Zimbabwers external trade deficit increased by 67% in January to

November, 1982, over the same period in the previous year. The visible balance, excluding NCI transactions, showed a deficit of $159,2 million for the

first eleven months of last year, compared with a deficit of $94,9 million in

January to November, 1981.

South Africa remains Zimbabwers largest trading partner, with Zimbabwe's exports to that country valued at $131,6 million, while imports were valued at

$223 million, showing a trade deficit of $91,3 million.

Othe major trading partners Cover $10 million), were:

Country

Britain

West Germany

USA

Italy

Netherlands

Iraq

Zambia

Botswana

Japan

Zaire

Mocambique

France

Belgium

Switzerland

Spain

Canada

Exports

1to

C$000*s)

68 594

55 599

54 690

32 674

30 895

28 568

26 788

23 317

23 012

19 386

16 617

15 737

14 589

10 510

Imports

to

($000's)

152 818

78 044

99 029

21 831

18 214

20 961

30 951

51 371

5 651

51 876

6 305

21 753

10 038 3 003

25 460

CSO; 3400/1484

19
ZIMBABWE

BRIEFS

RESETTLEMENT LOAN AGREEMENT—Zimbabwe and Britain have signed a loan agreement

worth about 2.5 million dollars for resettlement purposes. The agreement was

signed in Harare yesterday by the minister of lands, resettlement and rural

development, Comrade Moven Mahachi, and the new British high commissioner, Mr

(Martin Euwen). The money will be used to resettle 709 families in the Midlands and Manikaland. Speaking at the signing ceremony, Mr (Euwen) said the

British Government is sending five new drilling rigs to Zimbabwe to ease the

water problem in the resettlement areas. [Text] [MB250902 Harare Domestic

Service in English 0400 GMT 25 May 83]

LIBYAN RED CRESCENT DONATION—The Libyan Red Crescent organization yesterday

gave a 6,000-dollar check to the Zimbabwe Red Cross as a start to a planned

series of donations to the Zimbabwean society's drought relief program. The

money was presented to the secretary general of the Zimbabwean Red Cross

Soceity, Comrade (Musafari Mupanduki) by the Red Crescent representative in

Zimbabwe, Comrade (Abdallah el-Mustani). [MB251816 Harare Domestic Service in

English 0400 GMT 25 May 83]

COLOREDS IDENTIFY WITH MAJORITY—The ZANU-PF organizing secretary, Minister of

Mines Comrade Maurice Nyamgumbo, has urged the colored community to identify

themselves with the majority of the Zimbabwean population. Addressing a rally

at Arcadia in Harare, Comrade Nyamgumbo said coloreds should attend meetings

organized by the party and also become members of the organization. In reply

the deputy minister of education and culture, Senator Joseph Culverwell, said

coloreds and Asians have resolved to be removed from the white voters roll in

their readiness to identify with the majority. Turning to education Senator

Culver well issued a warning that any private school which was not registered

within the next 18 months would be closed. He said the government would dismiss any undisciplined student or teacher and revealed that 1,500 had been

dismissed because of certain deeds. [Text] [MB220812 Harare Domestic Service

in English 0600 GMT 22 May 83]

IMMIGRATION OFFICIAL SUSPENDED—Harare, 24 May (AFP)—The Zimbabwe Government

has suspended its chief immigration officer for letting a six-member delegation

from Taiwan into the country, the HERALD newspaper reported here today.

Zimbabwe has diplomatic relations with China and does not recognize Taiwan.

The visitors, who the HERALD said were believed not to have had visas from

Zimbabwe, have been ordered to leave, according to Home Affairs Minister

80
Herbert Ushewokunze. The six arrived in Zimbabwe last week at the invitation

of the Harare Rotary Club. Mr Ushewokunze said he was suspending Chief

Immigration Officer Desmond Byrne because the official "took a weighty decision

without referring matters to me. It now remains to be discovered whether his

actions smack of deliberate sabotage of government policy." The home affairs

minsiter is responsible for police and immigration. He said he had not been

aware the Taiwanese were in Zimbabwe until contacted by reporters. [Text]

[AB240744 Paris AFP in English 0727 GMT 24 May 83]

MOBILE SUBSTATION FOR WANKIE—The first of three mobile electric substations

being supplied to feed power to Wankie Colliery's huge coal dragline at a

cost of about a million dollars was commissioned this month. The substations

are needed for the dragline to supply a continual stream of coal on the conveyor-belt system from the colliery's new open-cast mine to the Hwange Power

Station. The mobile substations feed power to the dragline and its auxiliaries. They have been so constructed that they can be moved as necessary to

accommodate the dragline's operations. The second and third of the substations, costing a total of $915 000 are due to be commissioned in the next

two or three months. A spokesman for the South Wales Electric Company in

Harare, a subsidiary of the British Hawker Siddeley organisation, said this

week that the specially constructed mobile substations were the first of

their kind in Central Africa. Each consists of three skids, interconnected

and fed at 33 kV from the Electricity Supply Commission's network. They have

been designed and manufactured to the Wankie Colliery Company's requirements

by the South Wales Electric Company, said the spokesman. A local content of

70% had been achieved for all the equipment supplied, with the SF6 breakers

only being supplied by the South Wales Switchgear firm in Britain. As reported in The Gazette recently, the first stage of the Hwange Power Station was

originally due to come into operation in March or mid-April but was delayed.

It is now expected to start feeding power into Zimbabwe's electricity network

by about June. [Text] [Harare THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE in English 6 May 83 p 2]

BUSINESS INCOME TAX--More companies submitted income-tax assessments reflecting losses than those recording taxable income during the fiscal year 1981/82,

according-to figures released this week by the Department of Taxes. Over

$297 million in income tax was paid by 5 605 registered companies during the

fiscal year 1981/82. This yield of tax resulted from a total taxable income

of $528.2 million. However, 6 374 companies submitted loss assessments amounting to $106,6 million. The sector paying most income tax was manufacturing,

where 611 companies paid $118,3 million on a taxable income of $210 million.

Within this group, $17.8 million in tax was paid by 26 companies engaged in

the basic metal industry, while 118 companies in the textiles, clothing and

footwear industry paid $17,7 million. The distribution industry, which includes wholesalers, retailers and hotels and restaurants, paid $71,8 million

tax on a taxable income of $128 million. Within the mining and quarry industry 56 companies paid $29 million tax on a taxable income of $52 million,

while 489 companies engaged in agriculture and forestry paid $14 million on

81
a taxable income of $25 million. The insurance industry, where 63 companies

submitted assessments, paid $4 million tax on a taxable income of $7 million,

while 98 companies engaged in transport paid $6 million tax on a taxable income of $11 million. Within the manufacturing industry there were 164

companies which had a taxable income of over $200 000, while in other sectors

the numbers of companies reaching this level were: distribution, 143; agriculture and forestry, 17; mining and quarrying, 22; finance and investment,

15; insurance, 13; and transport, 15. [Text] [Harare THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE

in English 6 May 83 p 1]

HOLIDAYS FOR 1984—A Ministry of Home Affairs spokesman has announced the list

of public holidays for 1984. They are: New Year's Day, Sunday January 1;

public holiday, Monday January 2; Independence Day, Wednesday April 18; Good

Friday, Friday, April 20; public holiday, Saturday April 21, Easter Monday,

Monday April 23; Workers' Day, Tuesday May 1; Africa Day, Friday May 25;

Heroes * Day, Saturday August 11; Heroes' Day Sunday August 12; public holiday, Monday August 13; Christmas Day, Tuesday December 25; public holiday,

Wednesday December 26. The list, correct at the time of going to Press, is

subject to any presidential declaration that might be made. [Text] [Harare

THE HERALD in English 11 May 83 p 11j

MINERAL PRODUCTION VALUE—The total value of Zimbabwe's mineral production in

1982 was just over $383 million, compared with $393.5 million in 1981. Almost

a third of the value of the production came from 426 000 ounces of gold valued

at $122,8 million. The next largest value of mineral production came from

asbestos with $76,6 million, followed by nickel with $49,7 million, coal

$35,8 million, copper $26,8 million, and chrome ore at $19,8 million. Iron

ore contributed $13,9 million, tin metal $11,6 million, silver $5,2 million,

and cobalt $76 000. LTextJ [Harare THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE in English 6 May 83

P 2J

DMB TURNOVER—The outgoing general manager of the Dairy Marketing Board, Mr

Eddie Cross, says the parastatal's turnover for 1983-84 will be more than $100

million. In a farewell message to DMB staff, Mr Cross, who is now the general

manager of the Cold Storage Commission, said turnover for 1982-83 was likely

to approach $90 million. This compares with the 1979-80 turnover of $40,2

million. He said the DMB had witnessed a "revolution" in employment conditions. "Three years ago a highly discriminatory system existed in respect of

wages, hours of work, pension and insurance rights and leave," writes Mr Cross

in The Dairibord house journal. "Today the board has a unified set of working

conditions which applies to all staff, a properly graded and unified staffestablishment structure and minimum wages have increased by 150 percent."

Productivity, he said, had risen by nearly 70 percent and a high reputation

had been maintained in respect of quality dairy products. [ExcerptJ [Harare

THE HERALD in English 11 May 83 p 11J

CSO: 3400/1484 END

82