JPRS*SSA*85*086
13 September 1985

Name Race/Sex Magisterial District
2201 Nocela Stuurman B/W Somerset East

2202 Solomon Mashele Wasa . B/M oo

2203 Willem Olifant c/M "

2204 Nomelisanga Vivian Simiti B/W Somerset East

2205 lLobani Tofui Nanayasu B/W Somerset East

2206 Rosie Jack . " "

2207 Zola Patiwe B/M Port Elizabeth

2208 Monabizi Pienaar " "

2209 Zipho Mbetzele " "
2210 -Lunga Qebeyi " "
2211 Mbugizile Mabope " "
2212 + Mlungizi Getu " "
2213  Zipho Ndongeni " "
2214 Zwelinzima Kasa
2215  Zamxola Ntzuma " "
2216 Bonakele Nqonongono ,
2217 Phillip Mpijane 1 "
2218 Edward Maneli ‘ " "

2219 = Mntanbo Ziknumbuzo " "

2220 Morris Thamzanqua '
2221 °° Lujanda Gcakazi " "
2222 Aron Swelibanzi " "
2223 Stunkie Malgas " "
2224 Siphiwo Gampu
2225 Ngxowuh Lindile " "

90 More Detained
MB261222 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1219 GMT 26 Aug 85

[Text] Pretoria, Aug 26, SAPA--Police said today 90 more people had been
arrested under the emergency regulations, bringing to 2,319 the number of peo-
ple detained under the five-week-old emergency.

The total of detainees freed totals 1,183, according to lists released by the
police in Pretoria by Friday last week, although a police situation report
earlier today put the release figure at 1,103 (and total detentions at 2,197).
No releases were announced today.

Those arrested were named as (the numbering follows SAPA'S earlier list.
Friday's list should have ended at 2,225, and not 2,229, as four names were
mistakenly entered. Correction follows.):

Name Race/Sex Magisterial District
2226 Matsheldiso Melamo B/M Randfontein

2227. Maho Seboni © " "

2228 Aaron Kgomo " Benoni

2229 + Zimizane Fortune " Alberton

57



black business organizations; most major American businesses; the US
Chamber of commerce; prominent American politicians, academics and
even some US black leaders; many prominent South African Blacks; and
three-fourths of South Africa’s black population according to one recent
survey.”

The most prominent arguments in favour of investment maintain that
disinvestment will hurt primarily those it is intended to benefit: the Blacks.
Other arguments maintain that the South African economy will survive
disinvestment and indeed, may be stimulated by it, American-owned shares
will quickly be bought up at bargain prices by South Africans or by
Europeans; that it is a two-way street and hence it will also hurt Americans
(an effective argument especially in the case of pension schemes which seck to
divest from any company doing business with South Africa); that it is illegal
for anyone other than the national government to regulate foreign
commerce;* that rapid economic growth will do more to engender positive
or “desirable” political changes than would a revolution; and that American
companies in South Africa provide a very positive image for the Black
worker. Finally, others take into account the actual figures involved and
conclude, as did Helen Kitchen and Michael Clough: “... in the absence of
parallel moves by Japan and Western European states, . .. US disinvestment
would precipitate no fundamental changes in the South African economy or
political power structure’. This is echoed by James Barber who observes
that sanctions “.., are inherently unworkable: the economic
interdependence between South Africa and the West, coupled with the great
uncertainty about their effects on all concerned, renders such a policy
inappropriate”.

Within South Africa, many prominent Blacks have argued on behalf of
investment. Individuals include Lucy Mvubelo of the National Union of
Clothing Workers, Nthato Motlana,” Percy Qoboza,» Sam Motsuenyane
and the National African Chambers of Commerce, and Chief Buthelezi who
has been quite emphatic on this issue: “Whatever is said about investment in
overseas lobbies should be tested against what the people in South Africa
themselves say”’.”* The Chief also clashed on this issue with Ted Kennedy
during the Senator's trip through South Africa in January 1985: “No one has
proved to us that the suffering which will ensue within the black community
as a result of disinvestment will actually force the regime to effect the
fundamental changes which all of us are clamouring for”.

These and other Black leaders suffer a perplexing problem which they
have not been able to surmount. Their credibility to speak on behalf of the
Black masses is questioned because they operate openly in institutions
tolerated or formed by the Government, hence giving them the appearance of
being “collaborators”. Most foreigners have only a guarded respect for such
prominent Blacks or reject them outright. Yet domestically these leaders
have attained a greater degree of legitimacy than is perceived overseas.
Certainly few question Chief Buthelezi’s political acceptance by a substantial
portion of the Zulu population — the largest Black tribal grouping in South
Africa.

Another problem the pro-investors encountered is the lack of a quantified
base for determining the support each side receives. To fill this void, a study
was commissioned by the US Department of State and conducted by
Professor Lawrence Schlemmer of the Centre for Applied Social Sciences of

23



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Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets
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mation was summarized or extracted.

Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are
enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a ques-
tion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the
original but have been supplied as appropriate in context.
Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an
item originate with the source. Times within items are as
given by source.

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BUTHELEZI SAID TO BE BUILDING UP WHITE CONSTITUENCY

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 13 Aug 85 p 14

[Article by Hannes de Wet]

{Text ]

Whether it is his intention or not,
Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, Chief Minis-
ter of kwaZulu, is slowly but surely

building up a white constituency in

South Africa.

At the moment he is. probably
doing more than any other leader in
the country to make white voters
favourably disposed towards a fas-
iter pace of political reform.

Consider the situation:

Antagonism in the world commu:
nity towards South Africa is intensi-
fying. Legislation in the United
States to impose mild sanctions
against South Africa is well on its
way. Only a veto by President Ron-
ald Reagan can stop the Bill now.
President Reagan is under heavy

" pressure to approve sanctions. Thus

' far the American President has re-

‘ fused to declare sanctions as an ef-
fective punitive measure to bring
about change in South Africa.

And who is he quoting to strength-
en his case?

Chief Gatsha Buthelezi.

Chief. Buthelezi, President Rea-

cso: 3400/1023

gan told American TV viewers last

week, has warned that sanctions

would only hurt the people it was

supposed to help — South Africa’s
lacks.

blacks. :

And Chief Buthelezi is a genuine
leader of more than a third of South
Africa’s blacks, President Reagan
said.

There is nothing new about the
argument President Reagan has
used against sanctions. The South
African Government has said the
same thing umpteen times. But it
just didn’t carry the same weight as
Chief Buthelezi’s warnings.

Whites in South Africa are likely
to begin seeing Chief Buthelezi as a
possible partner in any future dis-
pensation. The Government, by
word of the Minister of Constitu-
tional Development and Planning,
Mr Chris Heunis, has indicated that
Natal/kwaZulu may have to be seen
asa unit

Another reason why Chief Buthe-
lezi may find acceptance among
whites is because of the stark con-
trast of the kwaZulu leader's utter-
ances overseas when compared

66

JPRS“SSA-85=086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

with those of Bishop Desmond Tutu.
When the Bishop is abroad he
openly joins in the condemnation of ©
South Africa. He has repeatedly
pleaded for economic pressure
against South Africa and has done
little to counter international scorn -
for President Botha’s reforms thus

far.

Chief Buthelezi, on the other hand,
although he.is presently at
loggerheads with President Botha,
told Western leaders on his recent
overseas visit: “The State President
deserves credit for some of his re-
forms thus far. The removal of the
Immorality Act and Mixed Mar-
riages Act was not just cosmetic.”

He has also credited President
Botha for officially acknowledging
the permanency of urban blacks.

Chief Buthelezi must be acutely
aware of the applause and populari-
ty he can get abroad by uncondi-
tionally slamming the South African
Government. But he refrains from
doing that.

This conduct could make whites
less hesitant to share power with
the blacks. :


LEGAL EXPERT CRITICIZES ILLEGAL POLICY ACTIVITIES ON WITS CAMPUS

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 22 Aug 85 p 20

[Article by Estelle Trengove] |

Text 7 - .

t Speaking of the police action at the

' Wits campus last week, Professor

. Johan van der Vyver said the stu-
dents were having a peaceful pro-
test on the university grounds when
the police stormed them with sjam-
boks and fired tearsmoke.

He said he believed the police
acted improperly. .

“In circles in which I move, we
often receive information describ-
ing the police as the aggressors and
the cause of the state of emergency.
I don’t want to make such a gener-

‘ alisation. I think that would be un-
fair. I think in many cases the po-

i lice do act properly, but that was

-mot the case on Monday (last
week).”

The police assaulted students left
and right, many of them women and
most of them not even participants
in the demonstration.

“] think the police acted like pigs.
Their actions were barbaric and un-
lawful. .

“Normally I would advise stu-
dents to launch civil actions against
the State to claim damages for the
assaults on them. In terms of the
state of emergency, however, one
cannot institute such actions.

“That leaves one with much pent-
up anger.

“If a student were to ask me what
to do, I-would probably tell him to
do what I do now. I come to the
campus armed, so that if I am ever

‘confronted by a bunch of rogues in
police uniforms, I will be able to de-
fend my dignity.

“And when this type of situation
arises, we have a revolution.”

. Professor van der Vyver said that
if he was so angered by the Wits.

incident, how much more angry
. were the people in the townships’

JPRS*SSA*85#086

13 September 1985

likely to be. They lived with such |
; Situations every day. 5

Speaking of the South African
Constitution he said: “My own reac-
ition was the hope that the law-
maker breaking his own laws would
become something of the past. But

within the first month, the State’;
President acted unconstitutionally ‘

‘on two occasions.

“The first was with regard to the
Coventry Four. That was the case of.
the four men caught in England for

weapon smuggling. South Africa
asked for their return, promising ;

that they would be sent back to
England to stand trial.

“Afterwards, however, it was de- -

cided that they would not be sent

TN
“I think the police acted
like pigs. Their actions
were barbaric and unlaw-
ful.”

back and the South African Govern-

ment would break its promise.”
Last year, at a National Party

congress in Bloemfontein, the State

President, Mr P W Botha, said he

personally had made the decision

that the men should not return.
“Issues regarding which the State

President may personally make de-

cisions are defined in the Constitu-

tion and do not include episodes
such as that involving the Coventry

Four. If he made the decision perso-

nally, he acted illegally,” Professor

van der Vyver said.

“In such circumstances, the State

President must act after consulta-
tions with Ministers who are mem-
bers of the Cabinet. My interpreta-
tion of the Constitution is that he
must consult all the Ministers who

77

SOUTH AFRICA


JPRS*SSA=85=086
13 September 1985

SIERRA LEONE

NEW CURRENCY GUIDELINES FOR TRAVELERS ISSUED
Monrovia NEW LIBERIAN in English 12 Aug 85 p 2

[Text] A policy statement on foreign exchange transactions at the Lungi Inter-
national Airport in Sierra Leone, has been issued by the Sierra Leonean
Government.

A Foreign Ministry release issued here Friday, quoted the statement as saying
that all persons entering Sierra Leone must declare the amount of foreign
currencies held in traveller's cheques, bank drafts and other negotiable
instruments, on a form known as "Control Form."

The release further quoted the statement as saying that upon completion,
the form must be certified and stamped by a Bank of Sierra Leone official at
the point of [word missing]

The police statement also said all foreign non-resident nationals and non-
resident Sierra Leoneans with the exception of children under 16 years of age
as well as diplomats and students returning home were to exchange upon arrival
in Sierra Leone, a minimum of $USLO0 or its equivalent in other convertible
currencies.

Non-resident visitors and tourists, the statement said, were legally required
to meet their expenses in Sierra Leone by exchanges at local banks or at
authorized hotels in the country, and that the exchanges must in each case
be recorded, stamped and endorsed by the proper authority on their [phrase
missing]

On departure, the policy statement continued, a foreign visitor is entitled
to reconvert excess leones held, if satisfactory evidence on the total amount
exchanged and expended is produced.

Statement of hotel bills by foreign non-resident guests, the release further
quoted the statement as saying, must be made in foreign currency.

cso: 3400/992

13



JPRS*SSA"85086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BODY TO MONITOR INDIAN, BLACK CONTACT

Port Elizabeth EVENING POST in English 13 Aug 85 p 4

[Text]

DURBAN — The appointment of a joint black and
Indian “Committee of 20” to monitor relations between
the two communities in Durban’s northern areas was
announced last night by Mr Yellan Chinsamy, vice-
president of the South African Black Alliance.

‘The black Kwamashu township's Mayor, Mrs Esther
Africa, was elected chairman at a meeting here yester-
day, with an Indian businessman from Duffs Road, Mr
Dookey Ramdarie, as vice-chairman.

Mr Chinsamy said the committee, comprising 10
blacks and 10 Indians, would also act as a “peace-
keeping group” and would meet at least once a week.

He said the committee was appointed on the initia-
tive of Inkatha, the Zulu movement, which, he added,
had stepped in to bring peace in unrest-torn black
townships and in black and Indian relations.

The committee had the blessing of Chief Gatsha
Buthelezi, Chief Minister of Kwazulu and president of
Inkatha and the Black Alliance, he said.

Mr Chinsamy said the “wonderful way” in which
Inkatha had put an end to the week-long rioting in
black areas showed its strength was “beyond doubt”.

Appealing to Iridians and blacks to keep calm, the
Chairman of the Ministers’ Council in the House of
Delegates, Mr Amichand Rajbansi, said he was in close
and constant touch with the Government and was able
to give the assurance that police and army action
would be readily available in the event of further flare-
ups.
“T have been touched by the willingness of many

blacks in the area to return to Indian owners goody,
including many items of furniture, looted during the
unrest,” Mr Rajbansi said.

The Gandhi shrine, which had also been destroyed in

“the unrest, had to be restored at all costs, he said,
adding that the House of Delegates would be willing to
help the Gandhi board of trustees in undertaking resto-
ration.

Community and social workers today estimated
damage to property to be more than R25 million.

In Inanda about 100 houses, shops and businesses had
been destroyed and two schools had also been burnt
down.

Mr Rajbansi told Sapa he would raise the matter of
compensation for families who suffered losses in the
unrest in Durban with the Government this week.

cso: 3400/988

| Meanwhile two doctors whose surgeries were de-
jstroyed in the Inanda rioting have been offered
employment in the House of Delegates administration,
Mr Rajbansi said.

He said the doctors were providing medical atten-
tion to Inanda refugees at the Greénbury Community
Centre in Phoenix for the time being.

All the Inanda Indian families whose homes were
Jost in the unrest would be rehoused within a month,
according to the Minister of Housing and Local Gov-
ernment in the House of Delegates, Mr Baldeo Dookie.

Meanwhile police have warned vigilante groups in
Durban's Indian areas bordering trouble-hit black
townships against taking the law into their own hands.

Indiscriminate and impulsive actions by such groups
could easily trigger unnecessary violence, a police
‘spokesman said. — Sapa '

72


cs

. Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs D.J. Louis Nel revealed that all but four African
nations trade with South Africa with the four exceptions being insignificant. SA
Digest, 31 August 1984.

7. Four commodities, gold, diamonds, coal and platinum comprise nearly 70 per cent
of South Africa’s exports. “The Rex Column” Sunday Times, 12 June 1983.

8. Adapted from data originated by Commissioner of Customs and Excise. Institute of
Race Relations, Survey of Race Relations in South Africa 1983, Johannesburg, 1984, p.
116.

9, James Barber, Jesmond Blumenfeld and Christopher R. Hill, The West and South
Africa. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1982, p. 53.

10. Survey of Race Relations, op. cit., pp. 108-115.

11. The South African Economy. Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1981, p. 85.

12. James Barber, et. a, op. cit., pp. 57-59.

13, Robert M. Godsell, “Investing in Apartheid or Investing in Reforms”, Indicator,
South Africa: Industrial Monitor, vol. 1, no. 2, 1983.

14, See the balanced presentation in South Africa: Time Running Out, The Report ofa Study
Commission on US Policy Toward South Africa, Foreign Policy Study Foundation, Inc.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981, pp. 133-146.

15. Quoted by David Hauck of the Washington-based Investor Responsibility Research
Center, in The Star (Johannesburg), 17 August 1983.

16, Elizabeth Schmidt, “* ‘Marching to Pretoria’: Reagan's South Africa Policy on the
Move". TransAfrica Forum, vol. 2, no. 2, 1983.

17, Reported in The Star, 25 August 1983.

18, Barry Streck, “The Disinvestment Campaign”, Natal Mercury, 21 November 1984.

19. See the discussion of this by Richard E. Bissell, South Africa and the United States,
New York: Praeger, 1982, chapter 4.

20. ““Sub-Sahara Africa: Its Role in Critical Mineral Needs of the Western World”. US

House of Representatives, 96th Congress, second session, Subcommittee on Mines -

and Mining, July 1980.

“Building a Constituency Against Apartheid: Africa Report (US) May-June 1984.

. Natal Mercury, 13 December 1984.

}.. Sunday Times, 13 November 1983.

. The Star (Johannesburg), 2 January 1985.

. States Information Center, The Council of State Governments, CSG Backgrounder,

Lexington, Kentucky, June 1984.

. Reported in “USA. A Survey”, supplement to Financial Mail, 7 October 1983.

. Financial Mail, 17 August 1984.

. See John Chettle, “The View from Washington”, South Africa International, vol. 14,
no. 4, April 1984,

29, The United States and South Africa: Realities and Red Hervings. Center for Strategic and

International Studies, Georgetown University, Washington, DC, 1984.

30. James Barber, et. al., op. cit., p. 51.

31. Cited by Allen C. Brownfeld, “The Voices We Never Hear”, Fiat Lux, March 1984.

32. Quoted from a speech in Sweden in the Sowetan, 24 April 1984.

33. Quoted in The disinvestment in South Africa campaign in America. Sandton: Southern
African Editorial Service, (Pty) Ltd., 1979.

34. Reported in Natal Mercury, 9 January 1985.

35. From a speech in Durban, 28 September 1983, Reprinted as “Investment in South
Africa”, South Africa International, vol. 14, no. 4, April 1984.

36. Natal Mercury, 11 January 1985.

37. Black Worker Attitudes: Political Options, Capitalism and Investment in South Africa.

Durban: Indicator Project. University of Natal, 1984.

BRR RRBBR

38. Karl P. Magyar, “The disinvestment survey: a matter mainly of economics —not
morality”, Natal Mercury, 2 October 1984.

39. Bissell, op. cit., p. 86. See also Bernard Simon, “Looking at the Codes”. Leadership
SA, “Human Resources, 1984-85".

40. See Reinald Hofmeyr, “The Sullivan Principles (and other codes), are they
relevant?” Leadership SA, vol. 1, no. 1.

41, The American Chamber of Commerce in South Africa reported that by 1983, 147 of
the 350 American companies had endorsed the code. However, these companies
employ 71 per cent of the workforce of American companies in South Africa. US
Business Involvement in South Africa, Johannesburg, 1984.

30


NEW ROLE FOR AIR FORCE IN URBAN AREAS

Port Elizabeth WEEKEND POST in English 27 Jul 85 p 5

[Text ]

cso:

THE involvement of the |

South African Air Force
in the role of defence of
the country has taken 4
new role lately — namely
involvement in urban
operations. .
The new officer com-
manding Air Force Base,
Port Elizabeth, Colonel
Karel van Heerden, who
took over command of the
base yesterday, said in his
acceptance of commantl
speech the air force would
be needed even more in
the future in the new role |
of urban operations in de-
fending the country. .
It was also needed in
keeping the peace in the’
East Cape within a so-
called revolutionary
struggle.
Col Van Heerden said
no unit could operate int
‘dependently from other
units nor could it operate
| in Isolation from the pub4
lic. i
He extended an invita-
tion to all parents of
national servicemen to
visit the base so that he
could meet them person:
ally. 1
Yesterday's parade wa:
unusual in that it involv
three distinct phases _— 4
handing over of command
parade, presentation’ of
medals and wings and a
speech to the medal re-
cipients and an accep-
tance of command speech!
sat the ‘function after-|
wards. aan

i

3400/989 -

~~ él Van Heerden took}.
over command ‘from the}
acting OC, Commandant
© A’ Buchanan, who has
beeti appointed Ops Co-or-.
;dinator AFB PE. D
The previous officer
commanding, Col C N°
Breytenbach, HCS, left on
December 31 last year
and ‘is tiow officer com-,
manding AFB Ysterplaat.
Wings were presented
to Candidate Officers P J:
de Wet. and G F Har-;
igreaves, :

“ pro-Patria awards
were presentéd to the fol-
lowing: Capt C.W Sharp,
‘Capt T R van Teylingen, :
‘Flight Sergeant E J.
“Jacobs, Flight Sgt L Q van *
Wezel, Sgt J H Coleman,
Sgt A A Herbst, Corporal
D'N Dusterhoft and Air-
man C de Wet.

Mr D J Style accepted a
posthumous Pro. Patria”

.:medal on behalf of his late

son, Lance Corporal Peter
Style.

Major Frank Daley:-was
awarded a gold medal for
30 years service) Flight,
Sgt P.C Poulton was
awarded a silver medal
for 20 years service and
Lieutenant R B Hobbs a
bronze medal for 10 years.
service, on .

101

JPRS*SSA"85=086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



Name Race/Sex Magisterial District

2341 Ronald Swartz c/M JHB [Johannesburg]
2342 Lance East " "
2343 Zaitoona Bhajat C/F "
2344 Morris Manikuo c/M "

The peoples released were named as (the numbering follows SAPA's earlier
list):

Name No. on
‘Arrest List Magisterial District

1184 Patrick Hlalele (1538) JHB
1185 Joseph Moseki (1540) "
1186 Solomon Mangope (1541) "
1187 Abram Molemane (1542) "
1188 Elen Mokhine (1536) "
1189 Patrick Lekgale (1554) "
1190 Joseph Sekgwane (1537) "
1191 Jacob Tabane (1555) "
1192 Gladwin Komane (1544) "
1193 Zacharia Matsobane (1545) "
1194 Jacob Motlhajoa (1548) "
1195 Lucas Mbewe (1547) "
1196 Raymond Monotoe (1549) "
1197 Edwin Maitse (1543) "
1198 Caiphus Mokgosi (1550) "
1199 Willem Motsikwa (1552) "
1200 Jacob Mooketsi (1559) "
1201 Moses Mabhalane (1557) "
1202 Benedict Mikhachane (1546) "
1203 Nicholas Mabote (1551) "
1204 Thaba Mmolawa (1553) "
1205 Job Lebeko (1556) "
1206 Isaac Zekhalia (1558) "
1207 Tseko Tomotomo (1560) "
1208 Clifford Tohlang. (1562) "
1209 Lucas Gabawakgosi * (1563) "
1210 Zimela Kekana (1564) "
1211 Seghloe Surprise (1565) "
1212 Richard Santho (1566) "
1213 William Tshegameno (1567) "
1214 Pule Molaba (1575) "
1215 William Molemane (1570) "
1216 Phillip Moseki (1572) "
1217 Elijah Molefe * (1574) "
1218 Wilson Zikhali (1568) "
1219 William Motshepe (1569) "
1220 Arthur Menyatso (1573) "
1221 Jacob Sekhoto (1571) "
1222 Clive Radebe (1577) "

cso: 3400/1018

37



cso:

3400/988

SCHEDULE
Magisterial Districts of Adelaide, Albany, Alexandria,
Bathurst, Bedford, Cradock, Fort Beaufort, Graaff-Reinet,
Hankey, Humansdorp, Jansenville, Kirkwood, Pearston,
lizabeth, Somerset-East, Steytlerville and ‘Uitenhage,
Cope of Good Hope;

Sasolburg, Orange Free State;

Alberton, Balfour, Benoni, Boksburg, Brakpan, Delmas,
Germiston, Heidelberg, Johannesburg, Kempton Park,
Nigel, Randburg, fontein, Roode , Van-
derbijlpark, Vereeniging and Westonaria, Task

62


Power

But peace is no nearer than
revolution. To quell the turbu- |
lence in the townships will, in
the absence of the kind of politi- |
cal breakthrough that Thursday -
failed to bring, require repres-
sion ona scale that must destroy
Afrikaner hopes of a civilised |
society for themselves.

An entire generation of black
younesters is growing up ina ,

rutalising atmosphere where °
enemies are burned, where
women who fail to observe a
boycott may have an ear sliced
off in the street, where the
worst crime is “collaboration”.
Our streets are breeding the :
kind of Middle Eastern creature
that lives and dies by the gun.

To bridge the gap, Mr Botha
offered a review of influx con-
trol but not its abolition; perma-
nence for black communities, :
but not equality; citizenship but,
not an equal franchise; permis-
sion to build houses, but not the
right to escape from that politi-
cal pressure cooker, the racial
ghetto. i

He has offered enough to risk

' his by-elections, not enough to
xreate a new political process.
So we do it the hard way. The
recession will linger, and job-
lessness will recruit anew army
of rebellious youngsters; emer-
gency powers will be extended

* and used with diminishing re-'

straint, The flight of foreign
capital will continue until we
have bought back all our assets,
and paid all our debts.

Isolation

Our foreign relations, already
in a state of collapse, will sour
and shrink, Our isolation will

* deepen and we shall become a
harder, tougher, less likeable
people.

Inless we are careful, our re-
sources will go into policing and

, security, black people will
increasingly be left to house
themselves in ZoZo huts and
shanties. Police brutality, real
and imagined, will poison politi:
cal debate and human relation-
ships. Corpses will litter the
landscape.

President Botha has prom-
ised to change the outmoded and

Percy Qoboza

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 18 Aug 85 p 22

[Text]

AS I had predicted, the eagle
has not landed. For millions of
people around the world, whose
eyes were firmly glued on the :
foings-on at the Durban City

all, expecting a major an-
nouncement, it was a let-down |
— an anticlimax to a week that.
kicked off full of promises that
a new spirit had taken over this
nation. ;

Mr P W Botha, the State Prest-
dent, seemed just the old PW con-
tinuing to live in the amazing Alice
in Wonderland world of the
National Party: cruelly oblivious of
the violence and destruction that
are tearing the country apart ...
negligent of the cries of this coun-
try fora new political direction |
that can help us restore peace and
rebuild this nation with all its po-“

ential.

The message that came out loud ‘

and clear from his speech was for
fhe whole lot to go and jump in the
lake.

Is this really what South Africa

wants? Are we made to understand ,

that, rather than looking for alter-
native policies that can address the
demands for change, this Govern-
ment has decided that it is going to
shoot its way out of trouble? Are we
to accept that there is no alterna-
tive to violence? Can this country
really thumb its nose at the inter-
national community which is close

to imposing dangerous sanctions? ,

Backlash

Even Ronald Reagan is fighting i

with his back to the wall, trying to
salvage his discredited “construc-
tive engagement His massive
support In the Senate has dwindled.

33

JPRS*SSA*85*086
13 September 1985

costly — not to say brutal, un-

just, wicked and impoverishing
! = system of influx control. He
had better do it quickly and
thoroughly.

He has promised to cut away
the strangling over-regulation
of the state, by taking powers to
do so himself if he mast. He had
better be quick and thorough, so
, that we can at least try to res-

cue ourselves from the mess the
Nats have made.

He has promised negotiations
for constitutional change, and
citizenship for certain classes of
black people. He had better act
in good faith because he sorely
needs black allies.

And he had better search un-
ceasingly for ways to establish a
process of negotiation across
the gulf that divides, for if he
does not then the emigration of
decent people, of doctors and
artists and scientists and man-
agers, will become a rout.

When that happens, the
chance of establishing middle
ground will be gone forever, and
the agony which has now begun
will have to be seen through to
its bitter end.

This is why many of his senators, “
fearing the backlash that is raging ©
in that land against “constructive :
engagement”, are beginnin,

4 think of their own political future.

It is true that the State President _

: did make some strange noises
about an alternative system to in-
flux control, He indicated that the
| System is too costly. But we told his
j vernment that almost 30 years
| ago. What worries me about the
noises he made is that he did not
! mention the immorality. of those
laws. Only the costs.

| There was also some permuta-
tion to be worked out about citizen- °
ship. This, too, depended on the
bantustans refusing to take Pretor-
ja-style independence. But the

_ birthright of our People in Bophu-

|‘ thaTswana, Ciskel, anskel and.

“Venda has, under his party’s per-



TREURNICHT WARNS OF POTENTIAL WHITE RESISTANCE TO REFORM

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 15 Aug 85 p 3

[Text]

CSO:

3400/989

THE slumbering tiger of white resistance was being
awakened by government's integrationist polici
Conservative Party leader Andries Treurnicht warn
last night.

Opening the party’s third annual Orange Free State
congress in Bloemfontein, he told more than 1000
sup| rs in the City Hall that the President P W
Botha was attempting to achieve an impossible com-
promise between white self-determination and white
subjection to black majority rule in a unitary state.

“With all t, 1 want to warn you (Botha), you
will be crushed between black radical demands and
white’s resistance which will refuse to be co-governed
by non-whites,” he said.

“I warn you, you are awakening the tiger in the
whites ... you underestimate the dormant objection
amorig the whites to the path of integration.” .

Treurnicht urged Botha to reconsider before he
continued with the implementation of his policy, and

to break loose from liberals and power-sharers."

Describing government's present course as political
recklessness, he said: “Don’t try a political experiment
that has succeeded nowhere else. Don’t place a foot on
the read to what will inevitably result in black major-

ty rule.”

He added that whites were entitled to their own
sovereignty, parliament, white government, education
systems, judi ciary, civil service and security forces,

The same right applied to other population roups
in South Africa, but within their own, geographic ly
separate homelands. — Sapa.

65

JPRS*SSA*85*086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



i JPRS*SSA*85~086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

SBDC APPLICATIONS--The Small Business Development Corporation's R30-million
aid fund received applications amounting to almost $120-million in the 23
weeks since its inception. Financed by the Government, the fund was set up in
March to provide bridging finance for small businesses with cash-flow
problems. Between March 5 and August 9, the SBDC received 10,566 inquiries
about the fund. There were 2,527 written applications worth R111,7-million
chasing the R30-million, which could be added to if President Botha's
Thursday-night address is taken into account. More than 90% of the applicants
for help have no previous connection with the SBDC. Between April and June
this year, the SBDC - a joint venture between the public and private sectors —
granted loans of $14,2 million to 569 applicants. This three-month figure is
56% of the R25-million granted to 1,428 small businesses in 1984. [Text]
[Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES [BUSINESS] in English 18 Aug 85 p 3]

AUSTRALIAN SANCTIONS—-Australia's decision to impose limited trade sanctions
against South Africa will not have a signifcant effect on bilateral trade, say
business analysts. They add that sanctions could, however, have a serious
psychological impact on Australian consumers and trade unions. "The
Australian Council of Trade Unions is meeting shortly and it could take steps
against SA which it might not have taken is its (SA) government had not acted
in this way," say SA Foreign Trade Organisation spokesman David Graham. "I
cannot see economic pressures having much effect. The Australians have more
to lose than we have," an Assocom spokesman said. A Department of Foriegn
Affairs statement said that it was disappointed that “what was in effect a
major policy statement with black participation in the decision making process
of SA should result in such negative measures". [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS
DAY in English 20 Aug 85 p 5]

BLACK UNEMPLOYMENT--Just more than half of unemployed blacks are in their
twenties, according to Central Statistical Services. Figures show that of the
516 000 jobless at the end of April 324 000 were below the age of 29 - 158 000
of them between 20 and 24 and 105 000 between 25 and 29. Economists and PFP
labour spokesmen have claimed the numbers of unemployed and seriously
unemployed blacks exceeds 20-million. According to the CSS, black workers
registered with the Department of Manpower in April totalled 46 117 - 32 138
of them males. Comparable figures in April last year are 34 184 - 21 977
males. Of a total black population of 18,692-million in April, 5,778-million
were economically active. [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 20 Aug
85 p 2]

102



' JPRS*SSA=85~086
! 13 September 1985

Name Race/Sex Magisterial District

1733 Andile Memani B/M Port Elizabeth
1734 Milukeli Magara " "
1735 Skiti Kamisele " "
1736 Harold Mahlalele " Brakpan
1737. Petro Mera " Springs
1738 Ronnie Komalo " "
1739 Abraham Komalo " "

1740 Patrick Matsiloa " Germiston

1741 Mongezi Gunguluza " Graaff-Reinent
1742 Tandeka Maloyi B/F "

1743. Melvis Peterson B/M "

1744 Dawid Claasen c/M Fort Beaufort
1745 Matemba Baardman B/M "

1746 Pinda Rumba B/F "

1747 Ntombozolo Rumba " "

1748 . Fonto Rumba B/M "

1749 Zola Rumba " "
1750 Mtuloxolo Rumba " "
1751  Monstapo Thengela B/F "
1752 Lawrence Mziwanaduza B/M Port Elizabeth
1753 Mile Koltana "

271 Arrested
MB191515 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1504 GMT 19 Aug 85

[Text] Pretoria, Aug 19, SAPA--Police said today 271 more people had been
arrested during the weekend under the emergency regulations, bringing to 2,024
the number of people detained under the month-old emergency.

A further 78 people had been released, according to a police list released in
Pretoria. The total of detainees freed now totals 1,102, according to the
lists, although police figures released earlier today differ.

The latest people arrested named on, the latest list are (the numbering follows
SAPAS earlier list):

Name Race/Sex Magisterial District

1754  Molefi Khopane B/M Vanderbijlpark
1755. Taunyane Thobi " "

1756. David Modibede " "

1757 Isaac Mealto " "

1758 Mashome Motokeng " "

1759 Teboho Moshenohe " "

1760. Ephraim Lepati " "

1761 Seth Mazibuko " Johannesburg
1762 Moelia Ngeve " Fort Beaufort
1763 William Lamani " "

1764 Jomo Mtongane " "

43



ACCORDING TO POLICE, UNREST IS WANING

IPRS#SSA*85#086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 20 Aug 85 p 3

[Text]

Residents in townships were becoming increasingly

upset with hooliganism and it is apparent from latest |

figures and reports emanating from local communities,
that there is a marked decrease in the number and
extent of incidents of unrest, the Police Directorate of
Public Relations said in Pretoria today.

A total of 998 people were still being held in terms

of the emergency and 1 081 have been released.

Among the incidents reported were:
@ In Galeshewe near Kimberley a youth was arrested
for stoning a vehicle. In the same area a beerhall was
stoned and looted.
@In Soweto’ a vehicle was extensively damaged by

arsonists and a bus was stoned by four youths who

were arrested by the police.

+ @ In New Brighton near Port Elizabeth a butchery was
extensively damaged when a group of about seven
thugs threw two petrol bombs at it.

@An unidentified man was shot dead and a police

officer injured when youths set fire to a police van in
Zone 9 Mdantsane, East London, on Sunday night.

Warrant Officer Fezile Sigabi, stationed at Vulindela
police station, opened fire in self-defence when his ve-
hicle was stoned, said Ciskei police liaison officer Lieu-
tenant Mavus Ngwendu. A young man was shot and
died instantly and Warrent Officer Sigabi, hit on the
head by a stone, lost consciousness, he said.

In other arson attacks’ in Ciskei, six classrooms at
Whittlesea’s Masibulele Teachers’ Training College
were damaged by petrol bombs early today.

A petrol bomb was also thrown through a window
of the Toll Hotel at Seymour yesterday, causing dam-
age of about R1 000.

@ Police confirmed yesterday they had used shotgun ‘

cso: 3400/1020

85

“ part in an illegal march. No injuries were report

\ @Teachers converged on Mitchell’s Plain police
; who was taken away by police during a clash with

rounds and rubber bullets to disperse black youths in
Duncan Village on Sunday. The youths were taking
ted.

@ Police are guarding five grenade blast victims at
two Peninsula hospitals following a grenade explosion ;
in Guguletu on Sunday night.

Rewards totalling R3000 have been offered for in-
formation leading to the arrests of those responsible
for grenade blasts in the Peninsula. .
@A man and a 13-year-old boy were flown to hospital
in Cape Town from East London yesterday with seri-
‘ous gunshot wounds.

The boy, Onje Tshomapi, and a 24-year-old man, Mr
Selby Dunjwa, were taken to Conradie Hospital by: the
Red Cross air ambulance and were admitted at
6.30 pm. Onje was partly paralysed, while Mr Duhjwa
was completely paralysed, the spokesman said. panes
@ Two petrol bombs were thrown at the home of a
community council member in Nkobeela township’ at
Robertson on Sunday night, SABC radio news report:
ed. The petrol bombs, which were thrown through’ 4

» window of the home of Mr J Samuels, caused otily

slight damage and no injuries. Police arrested 61 black
males and 27 black females on charges of public, vio:
lence.

tion yesterday to demand the release of a collea;

about 1500 pupils at Westridge Senior Secondary,
School. Almost the entire staff of 59 drove in cars to the

. police station, where Mr Gordon Edwards was. ré-

leased. i.
@ “In kwa-Thema on the East Rand, police arresté a
man stoning a bus. — Sapa. Lai



JPRS*S 546850086
13 September 1995 |

LIBERIA

BUSINESSMEN CALL FOR GREATER SECURITY
Monrovia NEW LIBERIAN in English 12 Aug 85 pp 3, 6
[Article by G. Kparcon Mardoh]

[Text] Businessmen on Benson Street in Monrovia have appealed to government
to deploy adequate security men in the area to protect their businesses against
miscreants.

Mr. Nabil M. Jawhary, manager of Nabil Beauty Salon who made the appeal on
behalf of his colleagues in an interview with newsmen at the weekend, said
adequate security men are needed in the area to curb increasing criminal
activities,

He said he sustained an $8,000 loss from burglary committed on his premises
twice each year from 1981-84, out [of] which amount the CID was only able
to retrieve $1,500.

Mr. Jawhary said because the crime rate in the area intensifies especially
during the Christmas and New Year seasons, the businessmen were appealing
now so that government would provide security before this year's festivities.

He said these criminal activities occur daily on Benson Street inspite of
personal appeals he has been making to the appropriate authorities to provide
more security in the area.

He said they would appreciate were government to provide adequate security
officers in the area to protect their businesses and customers alike.

CsO:  3400/992


Buthelezi Said To Be Building Up White Constituency
(Hannes de Wet; THE STAR, 13 Aug 85).cseeesccereecececeecs

Whites Likely To Sacrifice More in New Order
(Peter Wallington; BUSINESS DAY, 21 Aug 85).....+.sseeeees

Inkatha Still Striving for Change Without Violence
(THE STAR, 17 Aug 85).cccceceesccccscesccrccceeseeesessees

Thembisa Businessmen Detained, Shops Closed
(SAPA, 30 Aug 85)..cccecceccrccvscccccsccscccescceeseseees

Shops Boycott Also Hits Black Traders
(Sam Mabe; SOWETAN, 14 Aug 85)..sseccsrccvsccccccecscceses

Body To Monitor Indian, Black Contact
(EVENING POST, 13 Aug 85)..ceeceececececcccccseceeereecees

Afrikaner Youth Leaders Reject NP Policy
(Hans Pienaar; SUNDAY TIMES, 18 Aug 85).....eseeeeeeeeeees

Soweto Mayor Says Curfew Might Endanger Residents' Lives
(THE STAR, 17 Aug 85)...ceeeccccueccecrccccsereseeeeresces

SASJ Accuses Botha of Attempting To Discredit Press
(THE STAR, 17 Aug 85)..cseceecrccnccccccccceeceerseeeseees

Significance of Conservative Party Discussed
(David Braun; THE STAR, 17 Aug 85)...sceeeeereeceeceeeeces

Legal Expert Criticizes Illegal Policy Activities in Wits Campus
(Estelle Trengove; THE STAR, 22 Aug 85)..-seeceeeeeeeeeeee

Teaching Colleges To Reduce Student. Intake
(Susan Pleming; THE STAR, 21 Aug 85).-cescscceeecceceereee

Conservative MP Voices Fears About Communist Influence
(THE STAR, 16 Aug 85).cceececesencccrcccvccceesccecscceres

Mixed Couples in Wrong Areas Can Be Reported to Police
(Norman West; SUNDAY TIMES, 18 Aug 85).....ssseeeeeeeeeees

Soweto Resident Describes Life in Township for Non-Violent Majority
(SUNDAY TIMES, 18 Aug 85).s.sceeecccceecceccecssscnccccees

Local Government Urged To Deal With Black Housing
(THE STAR, 19 Aug .) en errr

According to Police, Unrest is Waning
(THE STAR, 20 Aug 85).ccccccssevceccccecceeeessccseeretes

66

67

68

69

70

72

73

74

75

76

77

79

80

81

82

84

85



The detainees who were released were named at (the numbering follows SAPA's
earlier list):

Name No. on
‘Arrest List Magisterial District
1223 Daster Kubheka (1640) Benoni
1224 Abel Makhuba (1645) "
1225 Benjamin Makhuba (1646) "
1226 Job Makola (1670) "
1227 Sipho Maropodi (1668) "
1228 Richard Padi (1669) "
1229 Colin Matsapola (1667) Springs
1230 Harold Mahlalela (1736) Brakpan
1231 Ephraim Phale (1636) JHB
1232 Adolph Chenyane (1639) "
1233 Raymond Mokgethi (1635) "
1234 Donald Tjunke (1637) "
1235 Lafred Mmgomezulu (1638) "
1236 Floyd Manale (2038) "
1237 Michael Boikanyo (2039) "
1238 David Mabe (2040) "
1239 Moses Ramasodi (2041) "
1240 Elmond Moedi (2042) "
1241 Kenneth More (2043) "
1242 Francisco Dolamo (2044) "
1243 David Mofokeng (2045) "
1244 Gideon Balita (1583) Uitenhage
1245 Patrick Saul (1584) Alicedale
1246 Zandile Ngalo (1585) "
1247 Nade Sono (1587) Albany
1248 Mbousilo Jack (1588) Somerset East
1249 Johannes Mararman (1589) Uitenhage
1250 Pumelok Langisa (1590) "
1251 Zolile Kilili (1592) PE
1252 Mpomelolo Nqgibisi (1593) "
1253 Volisele Ngcwayi (1594) "
1254 Sikimboso Mtanpo (1595) "
1255 Zwemibanzi Mtombo (1596) "
1256 Machosonkile Piliso (1597) "
1257 Zwandele Kinana (1598) "
1258 Meu Moyoleli (1599) "
1259 Siphewo Campo (1600) "
1260 Zonwapa Soyama (1601) "
1261 Mobiselo Zono (1602) "
1262 Lindele Ngxovo (1603) "
1263 Zulada Gcakasi (1604) "
1264 Tangemga Siko (1605) "
1265 Maysayi Booi (1606) "
1266 Eric Nyati (1607) "

40


Black business, on the
other hand, seems to
support the boycott.

Dr Sam Motsue-
nyane, president of the,
National Federated
Chamber of Commerce,
said he agreed with the
spirit of the boycott be-
cause it was based on
“legitimate reasons”.
~ But he felt that there
should have been some
planning involving the
organisers and black
businessmen.

“Black businessmen
might not be able to
carry the volume of
business they will sud-
denly be faced with un-
Jess supplies of stock are
allowed to come into the
townships,” he said.

“Our children should
stop looting delivery

vans coming into the :

townships because if
that continues, shops
will go empty and the
boycott will lose the sup-
port of the consumers.
“We have reached a
stage where we want to
be on the side of the
people. We want to say

what they say and be
part of the process of
change that is going on.
‘This brings up the neces-
sity of dialogue.

“We will need to sit’
down for our plans to be
well-organised and be
co-ordinated,” Dr Mo-,
tsuenyane said.

But many blacks pre-
fer to buy from white
shops in town because of
exhorbitant prices in the
“black shops.

Dr Motsuenyane said
some busiriessmen had |
agreed to lower their
profit margins slightly
since the increased vol-
ume of business that ‘
could ‘result from the
boycott would increase
their turnover.

cso: 3400/988

‘The truth is that the
black businessman, who
had been hoping to
benefit from the boy-
cott, is caught in’ the
crossfire.

71



JPRS*SSA*85*086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

CONSERVATIVE MP VOICES FEARS ABOUT COMMUNIST INFLUENCE

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 16 Aug 85 p 4

[Text]

cso:

BLOEMFONTEIN —
Young South Africans
will be fighting with com-
munist forces ~ against
anti-communists in Mo-
zambique, the Conserva-
tive Party congress in
Bloemfontein was. told
yesterday.

A motion expressing
serious concern at South
Africa’s growing involve-
ment in Mozambique and
the Government’s “inex-
plicable and contradic-
tory actions against the
Mozambican _ resistance
movement, the MNR,
was unanimously ap-
proved.

Delegates also discus-
sed the possible involve-
ment of the South African
Defence Force in the pro-
tection of “power lines
from the Cabora Bassa
dam to the Republic.

Mr Tom Langley, CP
MP for Soutpansberg;
said the Minister of De-
fence, General Magnus
Malan, had admitted that
the Government had sup-
ported the MNR with be-

3400/1021

tween Ri2million and
R16 million and other lo-
gistic aid up to March 16
last year, when the Nko-
mati Accord was signed.

Then it had turned
around and started acting
against the MNR.

The MNR, he said, was
the Mozambican equiva-
lent of Angola’s Unita
rebel movement which
was still supported by the
Government.

Referring to the power
lines, Mr Langley said
the MNR had made it
clear it would continue
its armed struggle.

If South African troops
were used to help protect
the lines, the paradoxical

80

situation would arise
where they would be
fighting with communist:
forces, against anti-
marxists.

There were 21500 com-.
munist troops and ad-
visers in Mozambique,

‘ consisting of Cubans, Ko-

reans, Russians and

others.

These were helping, as
South Africa was, to prop
up President Machel’s
puppet regime.

Criticising the SABC,
Mr Langley said the cor-
poration’s radio and tele-
vision channels were
being used to condition
the whites in South Afri-
ca for their total abdica-
tion from power.

Speaking on a motion
condemning the “growing
partnership between the
SABC-TV, radio and:
Press against white self-'
determination”, he de-
scribed the director-gen-
eral of the SABC, Mr’
Riaan Eksteen, as one of:
“Mr Pik Botha’s mafia”.
— Sapa.



9n2112

JPRS-SSA-85-086
13 September 1985

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

"ey

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FBIS| FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE

"REPRODUCED BY
» NATIONAL TECHNICA
| INFORMATION SERVIC]

US. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE
SPRINGFIELD, VA. 2216]

"Di (ON STATE! ;
| ed for public release;
FP ibution Unlimited _ Z Ia

Hg
Ape



IJPRS*SSA*85*086
13 September 1985

SECRET RED MEAT DEAL--One man's meat is another man's poison but, in the case
of the huge beef surplus, the death of a Soviet president's gave South
Africa's meat the chop. The Meat Board confirmed yesterday that it had ,
negotiated the sale of South Africa's meat surplus to:.the Soviet Union, but
that the sale was cancelled after the death of Russian president Konstantin
Chernenko. GM Pieter Coetzee said the board was unable to sell its surplus in
any of the traditional markets, such as the European Economic Community, which
were also overstocked. The board negotiated with Russia and the surplus,
which now stands at 37 000 tons, would have been exported at a profit. The
deal was cancelled after the death of Chernenko in March. The board announced
yesterday it would make the surplus meat available to local consumers at
discount prices. It also mentioned the possibility of selling part of the
stock direct to the public, Coetzee added. At the moment meat sold at
auctions was being supplemented by the surplus in an attempt to keep prices
down. "The number of cattle being sent to abattoirs is tapering off," Coetzee
said. [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 21 Aug 85 p 3]

FRUIT EXPORTS--South Africa's fruit exports are expected to be worth a record
Rl-billion this year. Fruit farmers are happy about the rand's depreciation.
Exporters are pulling in an additional R10-million for every one US cent drop
in the exchange rate of the rand. Citrus farmers earned R300-million in
foreign currency last year from the export of 30-million 15-kilogram cartons
of fruit. This year the same quantity of exports will bring in about
R350-million. Deciduous fruit exports last year netted R360-million in foreign
currency. The Deciduous Fruit Board estimates that the fall of the rand will
increase earnings by another 20% this year. Since that forecast early this
year, the rand has slipped and it is expected that deciduous fruit exports
could earn R450-million. The export of Cape deciduous will be worth another
$210-million this year. Arend Venter, assistant. general manager of the Citrus
Exchange, told BUSINESS TIMES: "The favourable climate for fruit exporters
caused by the low rand does not mean we can automatically expand output to
take advantage of it. “There is a long lead time in fruit production as it
takes up to seven years before a tree produces.” Freight is the biggest
single cost factor, accounting for 30% of the total. Most of SA's fruit is
exported. [Text] [Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES [BUSINESS] in English 18 Aug 85 p
28)

400 LOSE JOBS--Two companies in the Port Elizabeth-Uitenhage region have dis-
missed more than 400 of their employees because of the economic recession. A
textile manufacturer at Uitenhage has dismissed 360 workers, and a leading

shoe manufacturer in Port Elizabeth has had to dismiss 70 employees. A spokes-
man for the shoe company said although the decision had been prompted by the
recession, an important consideration had also been the black consumer boycott

of white businesses. [Text] [Johannesburg Domesti é
Gur 22 fu 85 wat urg Domestic Servi¢e in English 1700

106



NAMIBIA

On Lack of Media Freedom
(Udo Froese; AFRIKA POST, Jun 85)...ccsccceccccccccccscees

SIERRA LEONE

New Currency Guidelines for Travelers Issued
(NEW LIBERIAN, 12 Aug 85)...cccscccccccccccccccscescceeees

SOUTH AFRICA

U.S. Disinvestment Moves Examined
(Karl P. Magyar; INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS BULLETIN,
No 1, 1985)...

Further Reactions to Botha's Natal National Party. Congress Speech
(SUNDAY TIMES, 18 Aug 85)..sscscceccccscceseccevcescecencs

Ken Owen
Percy Qoboza
Lawrence Schlemmer

Police Name 25 Arrested Under Emergency
(SAPA, 27 Aug 85)..secsccccccceccceseccceceseceseseseseses

Police Namelist of Arrests, Releases
(SAPA, 30 Aug 85)...ccsscccccccccccccveecercseeeceseeeeese

Continuing List of Names of Those Released, Arrested
(SAPA, various dateS).....cccesecececccecccecceeeesneeeees

40 Arrested

271 Arrested

Detainee Total at 2076

Police Arrest Another 59, Release 81
94 More Arrested

90 More Detained

Cape Town Relatives Ask Whereabouts of Detainees
(SAPA, 26 Aug 85).....

Text of Order Concerning Attendance at Funerals
(GOVERNMENT GAZETTE, 31 Jul 85).....cccccccececceceevceees

Report on How Funerals Are Turned Into Political Happenings
(Allan Soule; SUNDAY TIMES, 18 Aug 85)......seecesceeeceee

Treurnicht Warns. of Potential White Resistance To Reform
(BUSINESS DAY, 15 Aug 85)...ccccessecccccccscccesscesseees

10

13

61

63

65


Ta Seprenver

RULE OF PRIVILEGE QUERY--The time had arrived to examine the fundamentals of
the rule of privilege, said advocate Ismail Mahomed SC, in the Rand Supreme
Court yesterday when arguing against the "right" of the police in invade the
privileted relationship between an attorney and a client. Despite existing
interpretations of the law which hold otherwise, he did not believe the police
had the legal right to breach the relationship by seizing documents prepared by.
an attorney for the purpose of a civil action. Consequently, any search war-
rant purporting to authorise such an action must be invalid, he said.

Mahomed was representing the Johannesburg legal firm, Cheadle, Thompson and
Haysom, the widow of trade unionist, Andries Raditsela, and Anna Mnguni in their
action against the Minister of Law and Order, Louis de Grange, and two police
officers. They are claiming the legal costs of an urgent application brought on
May 29 in which they requested the return of hand-written notes seized by the
police. They also applied for an order declaring the police action unlawful.
[Text] [By Linda Ensor] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 22 Aug 85 p 3]

BRAZILIAN REBUFF--The signing by Brazil's President Jose Sarney of a decree
prohibiting arms exports to South Africa indicates that Brazil is or has been
exporting military equipment to South Africa, despite the mandatory UN embargo,
and despite many denials by previous Brazilian Governments. Brazil's powerful
military establishment traditionally maintained friendly links with its South
African counterparts. But the growth of trade with black Africa began to make
this a risky affair. Some of the arms exports consisted of shipments of spare
parts from third countries. Doubtless there have also been direct shipments to
South Africa of Brazilian armanents and equipment. Though South Africa's
defence industry has expanded greatly, Brazil produces a tiuch greater range of
equipment, from small-arms to the well-known Cascavel armoured car and fighter
aircraft. Though Sarney has now banned all commercial (notably Brazilian oil)
and cultural exports to South Africa, South African mining investments

(notably Anglo American and Gencor) in Brazil are unaffected. Brazil's sanctions
annoyed the South African Government almost more than the French measures, partly
because the Afrikaners have historical links with Latin America. The reasons
behind the Brazilian move are three-fold: the greater political sensitivity

of the Sarney government to Brazil's black population (there are general
elections in Brazil next year); Nigeria, which concluded a big arms deal with
Brazil last month conditional on the severance of Brazil's links with

South Africa; and the current unrest in South Africa. When a Brazilian naval
delegation visited Lagos in February, the South African question was the main
obstacle to the implementation of a military cooperation agreement negotiated
over a year earlier. The chief of staff of the Brazilian armed forces, Admiral
do Amamral Olivera, called on Nigeria's defence minister, Maj-Gen. Domkat Ball,
last month, assuring him that the necessary steps to sever links with South
Africa were about to be taken, Nigeria is an important market for Brazil. In
1981 it already accounted for 3.3 percent of Brazilian exports, mostly manu-
factured goods rather than the usual primary commodities. Despite Nigeria's
economic decline, barter deals have increased the value of Brazil's exports to
Nigeria. Brazil is regarded as a model by some of Nigeria's military leadership.
[Text] [London AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL in English 14 Aug 85 p 2]

cso: 3400/990

107



within South Africa would recognize the political and economic
requirements of all communities, while at the same time ensuring that at least
confederal association could become an attractive proposition to
neighbouring countries in southern Africa. The entire region could in this
way be stabilized politically, the established economic core could be
expanded to serve a greater southern Africa community, and foreign
investments could quickly flow into the entire area in unprecedented volume.
This is of course a matter which goes considerably beyond only the parochial
and short-term debate on disinvestment, but it is a dimension that has neither
been debated nor calculated.” And, it would be a positive solution to a
problem that has been approached to date with a generally negative
philosophy.

Any official US Government backing of sanctions against South Africa
has a built-in self-defeating mechanism. Measures which succeed in reversing
the power position of Whites and Blacks in South Africa as the result of
economic pressure will probably result in a devastated economy and the
prospect of a bitter and protracted struggle for power which will only
exacerbate the economic disruption. Should this lead to a radicalization of the
entire southern Africa region, America’s original concerns will hardly have
been advanced. Niether the means nor. the end would serve American
interests — nor those of the Black and White populations of Southern Africa,
if the objective is universal economic development in a mostly free enterprise
environment. .

While disinvestors in the US resort to perfectly legitimate tactics in
furthering their own political programmes, the response by the American
Government has been inadequate in one important respect: beyond only
voicing the desire to lessen the odious nature of apartheid and to end racial
discrimination in South Africa, no specific proposals, requirements,
timetables and long-range objectives have been offered. This, of course, is
understandable as it is commensurate with traditional diplomatic practices of
avoiding interference in internal affairs. Yet, any official US Government
sanctioning of disinvestment moves would have the effect of interfering in
internal affairs — which is enthusiastically demanded by disinvestors, public
or private.

Interference in South African affairs being unavoidable, a policy of
making specific demands within a workable timeframe, based on positive
measures relevant to the economic and political stabilization of the entire
southern Africa region, should be contemplated. Such proposals, ifaccepted,
could reshape the seemingly paradoxical relationship developing between the
US and South Africa, with liberal tactics being employed to further
conservative ends. If it can be demonstrated that the economic and social
interest of Whites (as well as of Indian and Coloureds) can be guaranteed by
engineering a fundamentally new political order in South Africa, which
allows Blacks to gain their fair share of geographic resources, a new
diplomatic offensive would be facilitated. And no country in the world has
the economic and managerial capability to extend partnership in such an
enterprise as does the United States. But repeated diplomatic platitudes of the
desire for a just society, without specific and detailed plans, will be matched
by lack of fundamental changes in South Africa of sufficient calibre to meet
the challenges of the future. America ought to extend to South Africa her full
arsenal of intellectual resources to artive at an agenda ‘Of dctiohs which will
serve the interests of all of South Africa’s communities, as well as the interésts
of southern Africa and those of the United States and Europe.

28


CONFLICTING REPORTS OF UNREST DISTURB BLACK TOWNSHIP
Johannesburg THE STAR in English 20 Aug 85 p 19

{Artdécle by Sol Makgabutlane, Chris More and Rich Mkhondo]

[Text] about news reports on the unrest in townships.

i : =| | Many are perturbed at the way police “situation Teports”

Residents of many [| reflect the news — both by the way they are described and
townships | | by omissions.

bene irene P Comments by police spokesmen in reaction to reports — in which

feelings about the reporters were witnesses or residents are being quoted — have also

f th | been criticised.
oclice ie th of | At the same time, the credibility of reporters is being questioned

. ‘on two points: residents accuse them of softening their reports,
townships. Now while police suggest that newsmen believe everything they are told
the State :

' by residents,
President has The state of emergency regulations, coupled with the “normal”
authorised a
magisterial
commission of
inquiry into some
incidents raised by
church leaders:
Another aspect of
the State of
Emergency is the
reporting of unrest
incidents, a topic
discussed here.

| walk a thin tightrope.

Township residents berate newspapers for giving credence to
‘comments by police spokesmen in which unrest victims who suf-

guilty parties:

or homes of black policemen.

“In every case where a person died the police acted in self-de-
fence, or in defence of the property of a policeman,” he said.

Residents said that they believed that in many instances police
action had been unnecessary and unprovoked.

Reporters believe this is backed up by events which reporters
, from The Star witnessed.

“thé black cornmunity has become aniioiis and concerned |

On June 10, the Commissioner of Police, General Johan Coetzee, :
said all people who were shot by police during unrest in Duduza and -;
kwaThema townships had been engaged in attacks on police patrols

laws governing the reporting of violence, has forced Pressmen to .

; fered from anti-riot action are being portrayed as having been the

Here is a brief list of cases in which reporters’ and/or residents’ .
accounts varied with those of the police. The examples are from |

reports which appeared in The Star. The version of the reporters

and/or residents fs given in light type, and that of the police in bold:

@(June 16, Soweto): Police in armoured vehicles along Potchef- :

stroom Road fired tearsmoke canisters as people streamed out of
Regina Mundi after the June 16 memorial service. As people moved
out of the gate raising their hands in a plea for peace, two tear-
smoke canisters flew in their’ direction: Retaliatory stones then
were hurled in the direction of the police. News correspondent Allis-
ter Sparks said police had not been provoked. This was reiterated
by Dr Nthato Motlana, who said police were “undisciplined”,

A section of the crowd gathered outside the church after the
" service and started stoning the police when asked to disperse. One
* policeman was slightly injured and four police vehicles damaged.

@ (June 7, Soshanguve): A reporter was told by pupils at two high.

schools that police fired tearsmoke into their clabstooms and sjam-

87

JPRS*SSA*85*086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



JPRS*SSA*85=086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

SOWETO RESIDENT DESCRIBES LIFE IN TOWNSHIP FOR NON-VIOLENT MAJORITY

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 18 Aug 85 p 2

[Text]

1 AM Joe Zwane, the father of four —
and a peace-loving resident of Or-

lando East, Soweto.
T consider myself better off than some of
_ my friends because this township Is nearest
to town.

Every morning I wake up at 4am and get
ready to go to work. I have to catch a Gam
bus to the city centre where I work as a
messenger at an engineering firm.

My wife, Gladys, was a factory machinist
until she was retrenched recently. She now
Jooks after the house. .

Thave to give my children R5 every fay
for the school bus and lunch. But my concern
these days fs for their safety with so many
rioters about. .

While I don’t usually haye to worry about

setting to work in the mornings, I face prob-
lems when I return home in the event ng

Because of the riots, buses now off load u
Just outside the township. We then have to
walk four kilometres to get home. And when
we get off the buses we are stoned by youths
for no apparent reason at all. Almost every
afternoon we have to run for cover.

Teargas

The other day we had a narrow escape
when youths attacked the bus just as we were
alighting. The bus pulled away, leaving us to
face the wrath of the children.

It is difficult to decide to fight back In-
stead of running away because you are then
branded a sell-out and something terrible
could happen to you and your family.

We were saved by the appearance of a1
army truck which fired teargas. The youtl
for cover. We were choked by the tes
gas, but at least it prevented a bloody scene.

Whether these youths are students or sim- .
ply politteat hooligans, we cannot tell.

I have often heard men complain on the
bus about this harassment and some have
vowed that they will fight back — but nobody
has done so.

It's a question of who will bell the cat.

Some of my friends have been mugged by
youths on Fridays — because they know
People carry money on that day.

82

‘One day I got home to find that my chiid-

| ren had been forced out of school by activists
who accused them of being “puppets”.

According to my eldest daughter, who Is in

; matric, the school principal had been forced
to summon all the children to assembly
where they were addressed by pupils from a
nearby high school who told them they should
not return to school until all political detain-
ees — some of whom are students — had
been released.

They were told to go home and tell thelr
parents that the school would be closed until
all their demands had been met.

It was also suggested that children who

attended multiracial private schools would

be forced to join the boycott.

Despite my meagre income, Lam forced to
shop ata local store, which doubles {ts prices
daring Hots, because T am prevented from

iopping at more competitiv
Checkers or ON Bazangy, TM Pace® like

Other townships have supermarkets that

try to sell at competitive prices, but the only _

way to get there is by bus.
pperatlng in the township:
seem to be piling up.

T bought a fridge and a TV, set from a
furniture shop in town three weeks ago but

‘With Putco not

| they have not yet been delivered because

delivery vans are being burnt in Soweto.

The store manager told me that the only
alternative was for me to organise my own
transport.

But nobody in the townships wants to be
seen carrying furniture these days, even if
the van Is not marked. People are frightened
of giving the impression that they could be

~ working for a furnitare shop.
So, until the riots are over,I cannot get my ‘

purchases delivered.
I have the responsibility to bring up my
chidren in a normal way and give them a

* good education.

But while I am at work I can never be sure
that they are safe — from rioters and from
stray police bullets.

e

trouble makers are usually not around '

when the police arrive.
Our local shopkeeper, Mr Joe Sibisi, also

has day-to-day problems with the rioters.
Though nobody dares to buy from the city

these days, for fear of reprisals by the Con-

» Problems just -



JPRS#SSA-854086
13 September 1995

NAMIBIA

ON LACK OF MEDIA FREEDOM
Bonn AFRIKA POST in German Jun 85 p 21
[Article by Udo Froese: "Press Freedom in Namibia"]

[Text] Time and again, freedom of the press has been
a topic of worldwide discussion, especially in countries
where it is ignored and often even abused.

Pretoria Governs with a Harsh Hand

In 1920, following World War I, the League of Nations mandated Namibia,

formerly German South-West Africa, to the trusteeship of what was then the
Union of South Africa. Since 1920, the territory has been administered

as a C-mandate, i.e., as an underdeveloped, hence third-class area. So far,
Namibia has not yet gained independence and to this day, the Cape government
continues to administer it with a correspondingly harsh hand. Pretoria wants
to prevent at all costs that the South-West African Peoples Organization (SWAPO)
attain power in Windhoek. For that reason, it governs with strict laws, making
it almost impossible to report on what is happening in the country, such as,
for instance, on.mining and transportation. Laws have prohibited the publication
of an English weekly because of its critical, even hostile attitude toward

the South African administration. Among other things, the paper was accused
that its "irresponsible news reports" were jeopardizing the country's security.
The WINDHOEK OBSERVER, as the newspaper is called, was permitted to reopen
after its publisher paid about DM 80,000 and put the political editor Gwen
Lister "into cold storage."

Lister had published a letter from Lt Gen Zietsmann, head of South Africa's
secret police, to the postmaster general of Windhoek. The document had been
sent to the address of the journalist by mistake. However, by her action,
Gwen Lister had violated South Africa's postal and security law. Picked up

by three high-ranking security officers, she disappeared in jail for a weekend,
was then released, but ‘had to report to the police on a regular basis. Legal
proceedings initiated against her were lifted at the last moment by Dr Willie
van Niekerk, South African administrator for Namibia.

Radio and television in Namibia continue to be looked upon as the mouthpiece
of the South African government. Only television is transmitting local néws

10


JPRS*SSA*852086
13 September 1985

Name Race/Sex Magisterial District

2072 Eric Mapuma B/M Port Elizabeth‘
2073 Welcome Joma " "
2074 Jonathan Bonani " "
2075 Gowan Fani " "
2076 Wilton Tzane " "

Police Arrest Another 59, Release 81
MB221357 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1339 GMT 22 Aug 85

[Text] Pretoria, Aug 22, SAPA--Police said today 59 more people had been
arrested under the emergency regulations, bringing to 2,135 the numbet of peo-
ple detained under the month-old emergency.

A further 81 people had been freed, according to a police list released in
Pretoria. The total of detainees freed now totals 1,183, according to the
lists, although police figures released earlier today said 1,102 had been freed
out of a total of 2,131 people detained. “

The latest people arrested were named as (the numbering follows SAPA'S
earlier list):

Name Race/Sex Magisterial District

2077 David Phalane B/M Jhb
2078 Andries Musi "

2079 William Makhamatha " "
2080 David Diutuwileng

2081 Bessie Fihla B/F "
2082 ~E. Swartz c/M "
2083 Wayne Daniels " "
2084 Ezekiel Selepe B/M Randburg

"

2085 Daniel Maja "
2086 Charles Malatji " "
2087 Mandla Mashobane " "

2088 Bella Mahlangu B/F "
2089 Herman Fisher c/M Jhb
2090 Johan Pennekin " "

2091 Steven Molekoa B/M Benoni
2092 Glen Tshabalala "

2093 Abednego Motsopi " "
2094 Ben Mkhwanazi " "
2095  Buloyane Mashele " "
2096 Steven Molefe " "
2097 Kapenic Makoko " "
2098 Phillip Khanyile " "
2099 Mafatshe Mokoena " "
2100 Klokkie Mataung " "

2101 Michael Mthembu B/M "
2102 Raymond Karoolis c/M Albany
2103 Michael Mpuntshe B/M "

52



JPRS*SSA*85*086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

LIBERAL SPIRIT IN NATION PRAISED
Port Elizabeth WEEKEND POST in English 20 Jul 85 p 10

[Article by Dirk van Zyl]

{Text ] GRAHAMSTOWN was this

week the venue of a gather-
ing of one of the most re-
markable groups of South

Africans ever joined to- ©

gether in one organisation
— the members of the old
Liberal Party.

And through their
gathering, aimed at an his-
torical appraisal of. their

-Tole and achievements be-
ifore they were forced to

dissolve when the passing’

of the Prohibition of Poli-
tical Interference Act in
1968 legally compart-
mentalised politics in South
Africa along racial, lines,
they once again focused at-
tention full-square on one

of the most misunderstood

- and often much ma-

ligned — philosophies in the ,

world.

And who better to set the

tone among delegates from

- all over South Africa and of
all races than the venerat-

: ed, world-renownéd author,
philosopher and former LP

‘leader, octogenarian Dr
Alan Paton, whose alert-
ness of mind and astuteness
of insight would still put
many young intellectuals to
shame.

And who could ever for-
get his book, Cry the Be-
loved Country, in which
one of the cancers in South
African society, migrant

| labour, is laid bare with

{such compassion and
understanding for the
victims?

In these times the warn-
ing at the end of the book is
particulalry apt: that a
tragedy may be inherent in
ascenario that when whites
eventually reach out to
their fellow South Africans
who happen to be black,

they may find it is too late:

that the black man has

~ turned his back on them. (It

is salutary to remember
that the book was published
more than 30 years ago).

At the opening dinner of
the Liberal Party workshop
this week, a former promi-
nent party member, Mr Er-
nie Wentzel, SC, (national
chairman of the South Afri-
can Institute of Race Rela-
tions) said that Cry the Be-
loved Country had
changed the lives and out-
looks of many people.

In paying further tribute
to Dr Paton, Mr Wentzel
said those who had met him
had “known they have
known a great man”,

Dr Paton put his seal on
the importance and valid-
ity of liberalism in an inter-

view with the Evening Post
during the conference when

94

|

- he said: “If there is no hope
for the Liberal philosophy,
there is no hope anywhere.”

Generosity of spirit, tol-
erance towards others, a
repugnance of authoritar-
ianism, a love of freedom,

{ absolute respect for the
| Rule of Law and for the
dignity of one’s fellow man
, Were among the hallmarks
| ofa true Liberal, Dr Paton
| said.
i Ina paper, former mem-
i ber Professor Tony

Mathews, dean of Natal
University's Law faculty,
told delegates: “The disor-
der and the conflict all
around us today seem to me
to vindicate the Liberal
faith in an integrated solu-
tion to South Africa’s poli-
tical problems.”

Dr Paton said the party

} had always been more pre-
occupied with moral issues
than constitutional models,
but this was to an extent
contradicted by Prof
Mathews’ reference to the

} chise in a unitary state”.

«This, he pointed out, was '

, today the policy accepted
| by most black South Afri-
cans and remained “as

party as having had a “pro- ;
© gramme of universal fran-

‘unacceptable as ever” to’

‘ most whites.


AFRIKANER YOUTH LEADERS REJECT NP POLICY

JPRS*SSA=85=086

13 September 1985

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 18 Aug 85 p 8

{article by Hans Pienaar]

{Text]

cso.

“tion at
‘form by the Government.

INFLUENTIAL leaders
among the Afrikaner youth
have expressed their frustra-
slow pace of re-

While reiterating their al-
legiance to the National Par-

Rf ‘as the “only force” with ~
the

ability to bring about re-
form, they have stated their
rejection of its current poli-
ey.

The main points of the
thinking among the youth
leaders are: .

@ Disappointment at the
rejection by Mr Chris Heunis
of “grey areas” ever being
National Party policy.

© The belief in federalism
as the only viable constitu-

3400/1022

tional structure of the future.

@The replacement of in-
flux control with a policy of
controlled black urbanisa-

ion. .

@A single constitution
with single citizenship gov-
erned by a Bill of Rights and
veto rights for minorities:

@The unacceptability of

the perception that the
armed forces are prime

73

forces in maintaining a poli- -

tical ester which is unac-
ceptable to blacks.

Most of these points were
agreed on at a meeting be-
tween Stellenbosch Univers-
ity student leaders and mem-
bers of the Inkatha Youth
Brigade this week, said SRC.
President Le Roux van der
festhuizen.

It was also agreed that the
decision-making process on
structural reform should in-
volve all South African peo-
ples.

SOUTH AFRICA


“ception, been taken away” fori?
them for ever and ever.

It’s no use deluding ourselves |
that it was a political process that
came from the voluntary agrée-

~ ment of the bantustans. n

We know, all of us, that it was a |
decision that was rammed down |
the throats of our people, aided and
abetted by a few politicians who
have no inkling of what political
dignity means, or even appreciate
the values of freedom and human
personality.

One simply has to go through the
numbers of people who voted in
these bantustan elections to see
that only an outrageous minority «
bothered to turn out.

But then what do you say about a
government that will accept only :
six votes as an expression of the
will of the people?

And all of us have to stand on the
sidelines while our country is being
Jed on the path of chaos, Those of us
who believe in the process of non-
violent change to the system have
necessarily to raise our voices even
more vigorously than we have thus
far. '

‘As Bishop Desmond Tutu so
timeously observed this week,
peaceful protest is becoming even

, More difficult these days. Yet the
quest for peace and justice must
; continue, and the commitment to
their attainment must be pursued
* relentlessly.
The piggest and most hurtful as-
; pect of Mr. Botha’s speech was his
latant refusal to release Mr Nel-
; Son Mandela. I have said time and
‘again that his unconditional re-
! lease from prison will help create
an atmosphere of hope in this coun-
try that the Government is genuine
in its desire to enter into serious
and genuine negotiations with
black people.
‘ If this Government could release
Robey Leibbrandt, a man who
, committed the most heinous of
: crimes against his nation — that of
betraying it to its enemies — then it
is mystifying that the quality of
mercy does not extend to its politi-
cal opponents.
; Not that Mandela needs any
! mercy from anybody. Nobody must
underestimate the man’s will to
‘ suffer, He is in prison because, like

Lawrence Schlemmer

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 18 Aug 85 pp 22

[Text]

“THE State President’s speech on ‘Thursday ‘was ‘unsurprisn ly”

disappointing within the context of National Party poli

‘ics. The

expectations raised about the speech had been large, foolish and {

almost preset to be disappointed.

vi ectations ‘were projections of our own anxieties and
conterne nbott South ‘Atrica’s current problems: They paid little

heed to the rules and traditions o:

National Party leadership.

A reliable recent poli by Mark-en-Meningsopnames Ltd
has shown that the image of the Government among Afri-
kaners has fallen, rather then improved, in the past few
months — in a ratio of roughly 40 to 25 percent. \

Obviously the state of the eco-
nomy is a prominent reason.
ually important, however, is

a fear that the Government is |

vacillating, uncertain, vulner-
able to pressure and unable to
uell the current unrest. These
fears appear not to be insignifi-
cant among the English-speak-
ers either.
Mr Botha: lives with this
knowledge, and he is also not the
man to stroke the hand that is

34

JPRS*SSA*85*086
13 September 1985

, Mr Botha and his people, he was hit
by the bug to be Tree,

! Mr Botha’s own historical ex-
‘perience must tell him that the
| luman soul's quest for freedom
can never be suppressed.

Savaged

| One merely has to take time off

‘and Speak with the young people of
Soweto to realise just how this
Country has savaged those young-
sters.

When I listened to Mr Botha on
television, like millions of South Af-
ricans, I was overcome by a sense
of hopelessness, sustained only by
the knowledge that to help bring
peace to this country is a duty — a
God-given duty — of every one of
us.

The polarisation has gone far
enough. Hearts have been hardened
enough. But we must continue to
pull out the reserves of human
stamina to continue fighting for the
establishment of a Fist: society.

For all of our sakes, our chil-
dren’s sakes, and for the sake of our
country, we must overcome.

| beating him. He made a point of

mentioning all the pressures,
idemands and advice with which
he is surrounded at present.
Pandering to pressure is not his
style, nor is it the substance of
is politics.

“’- True

It is true to say that the final
fall-back position of this Gov-
ernment under pressure is to re-


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1900
1901
1902
1903
1904
1905
1906
1907
1908
1909
1910
1911
1912
1913
1914

Ndumiso Kahlu
Monde Lumnka
Dalidurpo Hani
Dawid Zammani
Mbulilo Nkanati
Mzolei Minnie
Nduduza Shabla
Marris Matomela
Nzalisero Kila
Mathews Mengo
Longela Maluhle
Luelala Debe
Lundi Meanzi
Thobile Basuti
Thembile James
Nywandile Neslono
Zandile Yopkwe
Mbulelo Soboni
Sanele Koombhalala
Umbulelo Thongwisi
Vuyani Sanka
Zolani Ngcwelese
Siphino Foster
(unreadable)
Mzolesi Ngqansweni
Lungisi Ngwaxela
Mzwakhe Solo

Kola Gola

Xolani Mkhobeli
Tobile Kula
Welcome Ngohla
Ludwe Nganlana
Mdovisile Blom
Temba Goduka
Xolile Qona

Enoch Tshabalala
Mbolelo Ngqolombe
Monde Ntunzi
Mbolelo Mkonto
Nkonzinath Sithungu
Zingiske Mbaya
(unreadable)
Andile Mbusiso
Gladstone Njalene
Erich Sangaprice
Nkunze Mlozane
Raymond Yakaza
Vusumzi Zenzile
Zandisile Magqogqo
Mntuwaye Nkohla

46

Race/Sex

B/M

Magisterial District

Port Elizabeth

"


The names of the people detained are (the numbering follows SAPA'S earlier

list):
Name

2025
2026
2027
2028
2029
2030
2031
2032
2033
2034
2035
2036
2037
2038
2039
2040
2041
2042
2043
2044
2045
2046
2047
2048
2049
2050
2051
2052
2053
2054
2055
2056
2057
2058
2059
2060
2061
2062
2063
2064
2065
2066
2067
2068
2069
2070
2071

Mzandele Zwane
Gladstone Mdnage
Hakison Mazelana
George Munella
Amon Nkomo
Inazenzia Mkhone
Sipho Mpthi
George Plaakie
Sipho Jokazi
Naptali Sepholo
John Parkie
Hendrik Monana
Horis Shabalala
Floyd Manale
Michael Moukanyo
David Mabe

Moses Ramasabo
Almond Moede
Kenneth More
Fransisco Dalamo
David Mofokeng
Deon Nduma
Matthews Fisant
Victor Ngogo
Benjamin Rigala
Mzamatwana
Joseph Martin
Mtimase Manzia
Notyotyo Blayi
Nomaokhiza Njamakazi
Tembile Nangu
Boy Charlie
Khulekile Gukula
Maxwell Rala
Lennox Grootboom
Ncebe Mdledge
Mile Koltana
Laurence Mziwanadoda
Molia Mahloso
Gibson Ncipa
Daliwonga Khaza
Momeundiso Kulathi
Bonginkosi Dilisa
Mtomboti Gotwana
Martin Glover
Pieter Ntozini
Zola Mtatzi

Race/Sex

51

B/M

Magisterial District

Springs
Benoni

Germiston
Springs

"

"

"

Germiston
"

Johannesburg
"

Klipplaat
Uitenhage
n

"

Port Elizabeth

Albany

Port Elizabeth
"

Vereeniging

Alicejale
. "

” Albany
"

Port Elizabeth

Albany

Port Elizabeth
"



Name

1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
1920
1921
1922
1923
1924
1925
1926
1927
1928
1929
1930
1931
1932
1933
1934
1935
1936
1937
1938
1939
1940
1941
1942
1943
1944
1945
1946
1947
1948
1949
1950
1951
1952
1953
1954
1955
1956
1957
1958
1959
1960
1961
1962
1963
1964

Monwabisi Kolosa
Matwa Mpnumezi
Mlandeli Xosa
Johnson Mosinala
Donald Mewulaiyi
Teffeky Sidingi
Disanga Wapi
Philip Ngoka
Kylethu Chisi
Norman Qamtoeti
Antony Tembikile
Erich Hiili
Zongezinele Silhopovi
Zolile Nqonqeni
Attunti Tito
Mkhulule Cwathe
Zolani Lepile
Zandisile Zekele
Mncedi Gombe
Sidney Yalweni
Sonnyboy Tom
Tobile Ndyoyi
Vukile Mahayisa
Aniole Tetanye
Mvula Mani
Egzilo Mccezula
Lighton Tshenese
Welile Mpokele
Madota Kitsana
Ngoda Zomo
Thembile Ntsele
Mbuyiseli Halem
Chadrack Dabula
Fam Nqola
Chrispin Shatai
Mlungisi Naradows
Mzukisi Williams
Tozamile Dondashwe
Vuyo Mgxashe
Xolisile Magxaki
Patrick Vuso
Zolisa Vuani
William Ntonyanto
William Fani
Reuben Pati

Duma Magwagwa
Rebecca Scoltz
Charglene Nissan
Momamed Hassing
David Roseshi

Race/Sex

47

B/M
"

Magisterial District

Port Elizabeth
"

Grahamstown
Uitenhage
"

"
Port Elizabeth
"

"

Fort Beaufort

Somerset East
"

"

Uitenhage

Graaf f-Reinet
"

Springs
"



SIGNIFICANCE OF CONSERVATIVE PARTY DISCUSSED

JPRS*SSA-85=086

3 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 17 Aug 85 p 12

[Article by David Braun]

[Text]

Pausing in his painful ministrations to my jaw’ .

earlier this week, my dentist asked me: “What’s
happened to Treurnicht? Why’s he so quiet lately?”

My mouth was too full of dental gadgetry to ven-
ture anything but a gargled reply, but.I also won-
dered why the Conservatives had been out of the
news.

In all the publicity of recent months of the state
of emergency, escalating urban unrest, the diplo-
matic crises, volatile stock market and the rise and
fall of expectations of the State President’s reform
announcements, the Conservative Party, which Dr
Andries Treurnicht leads, has almost been forgot-
ten.

Yet the CP is in the process of holding provincial
congresses this week in the Free State and next
week in the Transvaal. .

The agenda for the Transvaal congress landed on
my desk, co-incidentally, the, day after my visit to
the dentist. .

Apart from its cover, it might have been the
agenda of last year’s congress, or that of the year
before.

While South Africa agonises over weighty issues
of state — the very future of the nation — the
Conservatives are gathering by their hundreds, if
not thousands, to bemoan the fate of white Chris-

_ tian civilisation.

Flipping through the Transvaal congress agenda
it was immediately evident that by far the majori-
ty of the resolutions to be debated were negative.
They slammed the Government for. integrating the
races on almost every front.

Resolution Number One, for example, re-affirms

» the party’s position on a white South Africa, and
calls on the congress to appoint a committee of
experts to decide and report on the methods by
which white sovereignty can be restored in the
white fatherland.

Number Two rejects what it terms the Govern-

+ ment’s intention to extend political participation ,
and joint decision-making to blacks at the highest
level with whites in a unitary state.

The third rejects the Government's policy of “al- .
lowing the uncontrolled entry of blacks into white
areas”, while the fourth and fifth reject the exten- -
sion of the “new integration policy” 1

And so one can go on down the agenda, noting

cso: 3400/1021 .

76

the condemnation of the scrapping of the law pro-
hibiting “political interference”, the integration in
the civil service, the repeal of the laws banning sex:

and marriage between members of different race,
groups, the opening of the CBDs for multiracial :

trading, the integration of sport until “even school
level” and the state of integration in the security
forces,

There are also resolutions which attack the Gov-
ernment’s “sycophantic” foreign policy and “weak”
reaction to foreign pressure (especially from the
United States). One point expresses unease over
Government policy to associate with Marxist and

“neo-communist” governments.

These issues do not merely show how far back
the clock will.be turned if the CP should come to
power — they would almost suggest a catalogue of
National Party Government achievements in
breaking down separation.

One would not be surprised if the Minister of
Foreign Affairs, Mr Pik Botha, pulled out a CP
congress agenda as proof of the right-wing threat
whenever he briefed foreign colleagues on the Na-
tional Party’s pace of change.

Elsewhere in the agenda, it becomes evident that
although the CP may have been keeping a low pro-
file in recent months, it has not wasted any time in
signing up disgruntled Nationalists.

The number of branches:in the Transvaal, for
example, has grown by 10 percent in the last year
to a total of 1 450. Most political observers believe
that National Party membership in the same
period has declined.

Dr Treurnicht says in his report that the CP is
firmly based on the white nation. The party is suc-
cessful because it is able to steer the will of the
white people to survive.

“Whoever is prepared to sacrifice and lose blood
for that will, shall
wards of victory,”he says.

Next week some of the limelight may fall briefly
on the CP Transvaal congress. It may make for a
significant, if not bizarre, footnote in South African
history. :

South Africans of all races should, however, not
underestimate the significance of the CP. In theory,
at least, the party is closer to winning power than
any other political entity currently in opposition to
the Nationalists. .

profit from the fruits and re-*

t


IPRS*SSA~85=086

13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

CHURCHES DIFFER IN REACTION TO MEETING WITH BOTHA

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 20 Aug 85 p 19

{Article by Estelle Trengove]

{Text]

‘Three church delegations gave different, '

reactions to meetings -held yesterday with

the State President to discuss the situ-':

ation in South Africa.

The view of the delegation headed by the An- :

lican Archbishop of Cape Town, Archbishop

hilip Russell, was that there was a wide gap ;

between the perceptions of the Government and
those of the black community.

While Mr P W Botha clearly believed he was lead-
ing the country on the road to reform, township peo-:
ple felt no real change was taking place, the group
said.

Archbishop Russell was accompanied by the Meth-
odist Church president, the Rev Peter Storey, the
Southern African Catholic Bishops’ Conference presi-
dent, Archbishop Denis Hurley, the Presbyterian
Church moderator, the Rev Alan Maker, the Revs
Stanley Mogoba and Ernest Baartman of the Method-
ist Church, Catholic Bishop Peter Buthelezi and the
Revs E du Plessis and BK Diudla of the Congrega-
tional Church,

Archbishop Hurley said the two perceptions of
South African reality were so different that commu-
nication had been almost impossible. Mr Botha did
not get the point that there was something drastically
wrong in the country.

The delegation hoped Mr Botha heard its funda-
mental message that there was a desperate need for
framatic action, but Mr Storey said: “We are not sure

“he did.”

A Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (NGK) delega-
tion, however, left its meeting with Mr Botha and
other Cabinet ministers feeling the Government was

cso: 3400/1020

i

86

‘in control of the situation.”

WORRIED ABOUT VIOLENCE

The NGK had been worried about the violence, in+
, timidation and destruction of property in the town-
ships and had approached Mr Botha to gain “first-
hand knowledge” of what was going on, the NGK
moderator, the Rev Kobus Potgieter, said:
Mr Botha promised his delegation that “Christian
principles would be upheld” when the Government
needed to take action on the unrest.

The Government also undertook to end the state of
emergency as soon as possible, Mr Potgieter said.

A United States Baptist minister, Reverend Jerry
Falwell, and his delegation were also satisfied with
the outcome of their discussions with Mr Botha.

Mr Falwell, who claims to have a following of
7,5 million people in the US, said he was convinced
the South African Government was making progress
and reform was taking place.

Mr Falwell and his team are making two hour-long
video programmes of interviews with people in South
“Africa who are opposed to disinvestment: These will
be broadcast on US religious TV channels before the
US Senate is due to vote on’ sanctions against South
Africa.
He said he was told by Mr Botha that apartheid
was not the government’s policy — apartheid was a
Social reality. The government's policy was reform.
Since arriving in South Africa, he had spoken to a
number of people “and we have yet to find one person
in South Africa who wants disinvestment”, he said.
However, Mr Storey said Mr Falwell’s perception
of the situation in South Africa was wrong. “He hasn’t
the slightest idea of what goes on in the hearts and
minds of South Africa’s people,” he said.



Name:

1267
1268
1269
1270
1271
1272
1273
1274
1275
1276
1277
1278
1279
1280
1281
1282
1283
1284
1285
1286
1287
1288
1289
1290
1292
1293
1294
1294
1296
1297
1298
1299
1300
1301
1302
1303
1304
1305
1306

cso:

Stanki Malgas
Sindele Potvi
Arthur Swarts
Arnold Solomon
Bulelo Butana
Myuselelo Tini
Cuprian Maulwana
Michael Nyanda
Joseph Nyanda
Sihaan Receit
Migrandile Maku
Mzoxolo Dick
Varule Jonas
Mhophe hogeazi
Veleboyi Mattews
Sonwabo Nanga
Moses Magjabi
Monde Falentein
Mongameli Falentein
Fikile Majola
Stoffel May

T. Mani

Phintle Gekema
Jackson Johannes
Abraham Manyati
Jojel Baka
Dereck Isaacs
Maartin Volstruis
Jack Salter
Martin Goliat
Bingo Sobikwa
Nophumzile Mzizi
Moses Dikoebe
Petrus Letoane
Abraham Tau

Seth Mazibuko
Bhekea Nkozi
Kenneth Ngobese
Domenic. Chirwa

3400/1018

No. on
Arrest List

- Magisterial District

(1608)
(1609)
(1493)
(1494)
(1494)
(1496)
(1497)
(1498)
(1499)
(1500)
(1501)
(1502)
(1503)
(1504)
(1505)
(1506)
(1508)
(1510)
(1510)
(1511)
(1512)

(797)
(1582)
(1610)
(1612)
(1612)
(1619)
(1620)
(1621)
(1622)
(1628)
(1660)
(1647)
(1648)
(1716)
(1761)
(1664)
(1665)
(1666)

41

PE

Uitenhage
"

Uitenhage
"

"
"
PE
Uitenhage
PE
"

"

Uitenhage
"

"

"
Albany
"
Vereeniging
"

"

JHB
"

"
w



fore once more at a speech he made in Bulawayo in
November 1980 in which his inflammatory remarks
are. widely accepted as causing the subsequent
Entumbane battle between enraged Zipra and Zanla
guerrillas camped in the city.

The ministry of women’s affairs, like intelligence,
is brought under the direct control of the prime
minister’s office. The importance of Zanu-PF’s
women’s leagues has been growing, as shown by
their role as political storm-troopers in the recent
township violence where they systematically evicted
opposition supporters. For several days anarchy reig-
ned-in the townships with police refusing to inter-
vene. The violence followed a speech by the prime
minister at which he declared that the time had come
to kill the bull, a reference to Nkomo and Zapu’s
election symbol).

Callistus Ndlovu, the urbane Harvard-educated
Zapu defector, beaten decisively in the election,
becomes a senator and moves from mines to indusry
and technology; Richard Hove moves from trade
and commerce to mines; Kumbirai Kangai goes from
industry and technology to energy and water devel-
opment; newcomer David Karimanzira takes over at
youth, sport and culture, and the other new face,
Mrs Amina Hughes, who stood unsuccessfully as a
coloured Zanu-PF candidate in Bulawayo, is made
a senator and deputy minister of transport. Chris
Anderson stays on as minister of public service and
the only white in cabinet, while John Landau, who
was deputy minister of trade and commerce, is out.

The ‘‘dissident’’ factor

Security in post electoral Zimbabwe continues to
be a major concern for the government. Zanu-PF
claimed that the Zapu victory in Matabeleland was
due to “dissident” intimidation. of voters. The
government continues to give publicity to ‘‘dissi-
dent” attacks and atrocities, and these are duly
reported in the western media. But the real culprits
behind the government’s ‘“‘dissident’’ statistics are
often more difficult to identify. The Inyathi shoot-
ings probably the bloodiest incident this year, illu-
strates the information problem which obscures the
entire. ‘‘war’’ in the south/west.

The Inyathi shooting was first reported in the
Herald of 13 April 1985, which stated that ‘“‘seven
people were killed and seven injured. when dissidents
opened fire on a packed restaurant in Inyathi
district...” Among those killed, reported the Herald,
were the two children of the restaurant owner Micah
Bhebe. The Herald, however, failed to mention that
Bhebe was a member of Zapu’s central committee
and: played a large part in securing Zapu successes
in local government elections in the area. The Herald
quotes only one informant in its description of the
attack during which gunmen apparently opened fire
on the restaurant complex from point blank range,
firing over 70 rounds. However, it transpires that

111



JPRS-SSA- 85-086

13 September 1985

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

ConTENTS

INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

FRG Aid for Hydroelectric Projects Reported
(FRANKFURTER ZEITUNG/BLICK DURCH DIE WIRTSCHAFT,
5 JUL 85). secceccccccccesccvccceccscesceecccsccsssccsseees  L

GHANA
Ministry of Trade's Export Division Undergoing Reorganization
(Charles Neequaye, Raymond Abang; GHANIAN TIMES,
13 AUg 85) .ccccccccccccccecccccccccvecseresceesessssseeees 3
Mobisquads To Be Formed in All Schools
(Joe Bradford Nyinah; PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC, 14 Aug 85).. 4
Briefs
Europeans Deported for Racism 5
LIBERIA
Businessmen Call for Greater Security
(G. Kparcon Mardoh; NEW LIBERIAN, 12 Aug 85).....++++ 6
Briefs
Sirleaf Trial Report Reactions 7
MOZAMBIQUE

Portuguese Artists Aid Starving
(WEEKEND POST, 20 Jul 85)..ceseccescecccccecccceseceeccere 8

Refugees Fall Prey to Lions in South Africa's Kruger Park
(Neil Hooper; SUNDAY TIMES, 4 Aug 85)...sseeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 9

-a-



JPRS*SSA*85"086
! 13 September 1985

ECONOMIC EMERGENCY--Christie Kuun, senior GM of Saambou, yesterday called for
the introduction of a variety of emergency economic controls on the economy to
prevent a further deterioration. Kuun, also vice-president of the Afrikaanse
Handelsinstituut, said at a Stellenbosch seminar that unless the authorities
intervened and introduced selective economic control measures, South Africa
would soon have to contend with an uncontrollable decline in living standards.
He said it must be kept in mind that conditions on the capital account were
not within SA's control and every possible attempt should therefore be made to
increase the balance on the current account. Control measure should include
an information campaign to encourage sales of SA products, a ban on the
importation of products and an increase in local saving by tax concessions on
interest to 13% or, alternatively, all products could be subject to GST and
the rate brought down to 10%, Kuun said. [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in
English 22 Aug 85 p 2]

TWO AIRLINES NEEDED--Two airlines for national and regional routes in Souther
Africa will make the air transport industry more efficient, says Jackie
Walters of the Department of Transport Economics at the Rand Afrikaans
University. "Aviation policy in South Africa dates back to the Air Services
Act of 1949 and has resulted in an underdeveloped private sector role," he
says. His comments come after an extensive research programme by his
department. He suggests local policy should be based on the deregulated
airline policies of Canada, Australia and the United States. These countries
allow competition between the national and private airlines. “Many of the
original objectives in the establishment of SAA have been achieved,” says
Walters, “and this necessitates a re-evaluation of the role and function of a
national carrier." He says deregulation led to more competitive effective
aviation systems where smaller carriers had important roles. Innovative fare
policies and increased flights also resulted. During the 1983/84, private
operators in South Africa carried only 10% of all domestic passengers and 2,6%
of air freight. "The general consensus among operators,” says Walters, “is
that present legislation does not promote commercial aviation, but has an
inhibiting effect on the industry. Subsidies for non-profitable routes could
be cut by using a secondary airline with specialised equipment suitable for
such routes, he says. "This carrier would compliment SAA's services, rather
than compete with SAA." [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 19 Aug
85 p 6]

DENMARK'S EAC TO STAY--Denmark's largest privately-owned undertaking, the East
Asiatic Company, does not plan to end its SA operations. The group's
presiding MD, Henning Sparsoe, says the EAC would keep its SA interests
despite recent cutbacks in shipping and trade. During a brief visit to the ~
managers of EAC Graphics in Johannesburg, he said the closure of the Danish
consulate in South Africa and the Danish government's trade restrictions and
“regrettable” investment sanctions against South Africa would have a limited
effect on EAC. EAC Graphics is a leading supplier of graphic arts material
and equipment to the SA printing trade. Its turnover amounts to 5% of the
group's operations worldwide. The group has about R80m invested in South
Africa. EAC would stay while commercially viable and welcome in South Africa,
says Sparsoe. [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 19 Aug 85 p 6]

104



cso

3400/1022

Stiff-limbed and bored
after hours of cramped
travel, the mourners
formed themselves into

juads representing a host

UDF-alfillated civic or-
ganisations,

Leaders spurred the co-
horts into motion. Unfurl-
ing banners and flags, they
jogged round a dusty com-
mon chanting protest slo-

ans. The emotional force
gan to gather.

Angles

In the makeshift amphi-
theatre in the shadow of the
township church, the at-
mosphere was carnival-
like. People ‘perched in
trees and on rooftops.

Media men ferreted
about checking equipment
and seeking out the best an-
gles. They had come from
many corners of the world
to document South Africa
in the throes of so-called
revolution,

Then the curtain rose on
the opening scene. There
were 16 speakers, amon;
them the veteran banner
activist, Mrs Helen Joseph,
She cut an tunttkely figure of
resistance as she fraily
punched the sky with her-
fist. Amandla!

Around lunchtime, the
heat, dust and the intermin-
able speeches began to take
the edge off the proceed-
ings. Organisers sensed the
restlessness and skilfully
threw in a twist.

The master of ceremo- «

nies made a dramatic an-
nouncement. “Buses carry-
ing our people from Port
Elizabeth have been
stopped at a roadblock near
Peddie. Our people have
left the buses and they are
marching to meet us on
foot. Will all bus drivers
come forward and go and
collect our brothers.”

The crowd roared their
disgust and the adrenalin

64

flowed once moré, the heat
and discomfort forgotten.

Some newsmen scuttled
off to cover the protest
march, The seasoned “fu-
neral correspondents” hung -
back — they'd seen this be-
fore, at the Cradock funeral «
of four murdered civic
leaders on July 20.

Scars

Meanwhile a skilled op-
erative worked his way
through the crowd. He
stripped off a tattered shirt
and displayed his back
meshed with scars.

“Look how I was beaten

* by the boere,” he cried. His

audience hissed angrily and
he moved on.

After five hours of
speeches the steaming pro-
cession headed for the
graveyard less than a kilo-
metre away. The temper
ture of the crowd was dan-
gerously high.

Almost as if on cue, a
Ciskeian military van blun-
dered on to the scene and
the inevitable happened.
‘The van was the spark that
ignited the powder keg.

First one, then a barrage
of rocks rained down on the
vehicle. Three frightened
men huddled together in
the flimsy cab as- glass
shattered round them.

‘The driver, a resident of
the township, made a fatal
mistake — he jumped out
and tried to protest his in-
nocence, Then, sensing his
folly, he vainly tried to run,
but was caught and
dragged away to be execut-

ed.

One of the other two men
in the van started it and
they drove to safety.

‘Gna lonely patch of veld
behind them, their com-
rade’s body burnt under a
pyre of discarded tyres.

South Africans — and the
world — saw him burning
on their television screens.



IPRS*SSA=85=086
13 September 1985

Name (No. on List of arrests) Magisterial District
1061 G. Gulu (1363) Port Elizabeth
1062 N. Mbethe (1364) "

1063 -B. Mtangwana (1365) "

1064 T. Fudwana (1366) "

1065 L. Mbuqu (1367) "

1066 R. Stamper (1368) "

1067 Jim Ngaalwana (1369) "

1068 = T. Chmani (1370) "

1069 K. Makinze . (1371) "

1070 -B. Adam (1372) "

1071 MM. Sigwinia (1373) "

1072 J.J. Mqgineni (1375) "
1073S. Dymane (1376) "

1074 =. Fifane (1377) "

1075 -R. Matigo (1385) Uitenhage
1076 =S. Mens (1386) "

1077 *E. Malinda (1389) Port Elizabeth
1078 S. Kona (1378) Uitenhage
1079 B. Danster (1380) "

1080 ‘N.J. Niki (1381) Port Elizabeth
1081 Z.M. Gadudu (1382) "

1082 M. Mthuhlu (1383) "

1083 _Z.M. Mehlo (1384) "

1084 E.Z. Khayalethu (1390) "

1085 M. Bole (1391) Uitenhage
1086 M. Blom (1392) "

1087 J. Blok (1393) "

1088 =E.P. Gijana (1394) Port Elizabeth
1089 -T.R. Bheki (1395) "

1090 =P. Klaas (1396) Uitenhage
1091 M. Vaaltyn (1397) "
[No.'s 1092-1095 indistinct]

1095 L. Witbooi (1401) "

1096 M. Tanster (1429) "

1097. J.C. Sehlare (1209) Vanderbijlpark
1098 = A.F. Dabi (1210) Vereniging
1099S. Khota (1211) "

1100 N. Vahev (1212) "

1101 M.S. Molabane (1260) "

1102. -M. Baartman (1254) Fort Beaufort

Detainee Total at 2076
MB211025 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1017 GMT 21 Aug 85
[Text] Pretoria, Aug 21, SAPA--Police said today that 52 more people had been

arrested under the emergency regulations, bringing to 2076 the number of people
who had been detained since the month-old emergency was declared.

50


‘strategy, weaponry and logistics,
manpower, finances, the size and:
structure of the military establish- :
ment. ;

Some of these groups had to
compare the organisational ar-
rangements with established prin-
ciples of good management.

Others had to evaluate the De-
fence Force and Armscor’s func-
tions and needs in terms of the
security arrangements in several
countries of Europe, South Ameri-
ca, the Middle East and the Far
East (Geldenhuys declined to
name them).

He said they did not use foreign
defence consultants but did re-
ceive reports from South Africa’s
military attaches abroad.

Geldenhuys confirmed that the
unrest had influenced the commit-
tee: “I would say it had as much
bearing on our work as all the
other happenings of the last few

ears — economic, financial, poli-'

tical or otherwise.”

He hesitated to give details of.

how the committee was able to
plan effectively while faced with a
slump.

Management consultants, he
said, had advised that the environ-
ment should be studied and then
realistic scenarios constructed to
-work out planning.

He added that this method was
not always suitable for an organi-
sation like the Defence Force

which was faced with rapid and:

unforseen change.

“One should go more for a bal-
ance in organisation, which might
not be for any specific future situ-
ation, but which will gear you for
all the possibilities ‘that might

> crop up.”

cso: 3400/989

99



the University of Natal.” The study went beyond the question of attitudes
towards foreign investments in South Africa and it surveyed only the black
employees in the major industrial centres in which multi-national investment
is concentrated. The results of the survey produced sufficient data and offered
little reason for challenging the conclusions. About 75 per cent of those
workers surveyed support foreign investment in South Africa; 60 per cent
support capitalism as a preferred economic structure for Black-ruled
countries; South African employers specifically are seen in a negative light;
American-owned companies generate a very favourable impression at the
public image level (although slightly less so by workers at these concerns);
and workers prefer to separate political issues from the industrial sphere.

In the political realm, the survey did not uncover equally encouraging
evidence. The workers express support for more activist policies such as
armed confrontation. This is the case especially among the better educated
Blacks and residents of Soweto and Pretoria, Workers at US-owned
companies and Inkatha supporters in Natal are significant exceptions to this.
Can this seeming contradiction of greater political militancy with support for
foreign investment be squared? Ina previous analysis of Schlemmer’s survey,
I concluded:

... South Africans would be mistaken if they were to conclude that the
preference for investment and for moral radical political measures are
contradictory sentiments. . .

... Pretoria should take a cue and realize that the only true base for a
final settlement with the majority of the population rests not on
constitutions, laws, concessions, or even on elite consensus...

... Rather, this survey corroborates the view that Whites (and their
Coloured and Indian allies) have little in common with Blacks ...
except, mutual reliance on predominantly economic issues.*

While this long-awaited study was enthusiastically received by the media
and official bodies, its immediate impact is hardly discernible. The American
disinvestment movement either shrugs off the study or it simply takes the
view that proper political analysis and tactical change is not being perceived
sufficiently by the workers and that this must remain the prerogative of the
“politically-conscious” elite—domestic or foreign. The immediate
intellectual progenitor of this line of thinking is neo-Marxism with its
mandatory requirement of a “vanguard of the revolution”. This should not
be seen to imply that critics of continued investment are revolutionaries.
Most are morally-motivated and are no doubt genuinely convinced that their
disinvestment tactics are an efficient and peaceful means for attaining total
human justice for all people in South Africa. But in view of such survey data
and calls for investment by Black leaders who have attained a degree of
legitimacy among the Black community, the responsibility for rejecting such
evidence rests on the shoulders of those advocating disinvestment. The
Schlemmer survey, however valid, remains without consequence unless the
US Government undertakes a deliberate effort to validate such pro-
investment arguments by incorporating them in the policy-making process.
While the White House finds this compatible with its established policy, the
House of Representatives has rejected such evidence and the Senate, has
managed to avert punitive action by only the narrowest of margins.

24


the Republican-controlled Senate will resist forceful measures aimed at South
Africa, TransA frica embarked upon a risky but apparently successful effort at
the end of 1984 to engage in daily protests at the South African Embassy in
Washington. The immediate goal was publicity for significant legislative
changes which, however, must face Reagan’s veto powers. That President
Reagan’s Africa policy was vulnerable was quickly demonstrated when, after
a first round of demonstrations, he somewhat uncharacteristically said in a
speech on South Africa: “Quiet diplomacy is not enough. We feel a moral
responsibility to speak out on this matter"’.””

The House of Representatives, controlled by the Democrats, has been
pushing actively for sanctions against South Africa. The tactic, although to
date unsuccessful in terms of passage into law, concerns the Solarz
Amendment of banning the sale in the US of Krugerrands and US loans to
the South African Government and requiring that all US companies
operating in South Africa adhere to the Sullivan principles. The Gray
amendment (long sessional hearings in 1981 and 1982) would have banned all

+ new investments in South Africa. The Berman amendment would ensure
controls on sales to the military and to the police, and the Wolpe amendment
sought to control the export of nuclear technology and items to South
Africa.” However, even if passage of these measures could have been secured
through the House and the Senate in 1984, President Reagan would have been
expected to veto the bills. But he would prefer not to face being identified so
prominently on the side of South Africa. Reagan escaped having to resort to
his veto powers in 1984 by the narrow voting margin of a single liberal
Republican Senator. Indications are that 1985 will only increase such
pressures. During the first few days of 1985, Senator Kennedy made a highly
publicized tour to South Africa in which he publicly distanced himself from
the Reagan Administration’s policy of “constructive engagement” in South
Africa. He may be setting the stage for 1988 and his potential Presidential
candidacy in that year.

The neo-conservative mood in the Senate and in the White House at the
national level is, however, not matched in the House of Representatives to
the same extent or at the state and municipal levels. One recent study of state
legislative responses clearly demonstrates the multifarious efforts to
introduce anti-South African proposals. Although the resolutions and bills
are impressive in their frequency and scope, very few have been passed to
date. °

The most prominent and active states in this regard are Massachusetts,
Connecticut, and Michigan. Measures include the withdrawal of state
pension fund investments in companies doing business in South Africa which
do not adhere to the Sullivan Code; simple divestment of funds which are
invested in corporations and in banks doing business with South Africa, and
the prohibition of state-supported university endowment funds being
invested in any companies with operations in South Africa. Most other states
also introduced various restrictive measures but they were not passed into law
for various reasons. These efforts concerned mostly the divestment of certain
state funds from corporations or banks operating in South Africa.* But, the
fact that states have undertaken direct measures which impinge on forcign
relations, is held by some analysts to be unconstitutional. The SA
Foundation’s John Chettle argues that the “. .. Commerce Clause of the US

20


JPRSeSSA=852086
13 September 1985

FOOD SUPPLY VITAL--The crucial importance of adequate food production as a
contributory factor in maintaining a peaceful social environment was stressed
by SA Agricultural Union president Kobus Jooste in Pretoria yesterday. He
told the National Grain Sorghum conference that farmer's debts since 1975
until last year had increased from R2,004bn to R9,495bn. Higher interest
rates and the effects of drought were the biggest factors in the financial
plight of farmers. Referring to surpluses of grain sorghum, red meat and
sugar, Jooste said South Africa stood before one of its greatest political
crises. It could be said that the communists were behind everything, but the
fact was that the world was “busy with South Africa" and conditions ahead
looked anything but favorable, he said. Jooste said farmers could be thankful
that the millions of people on farms were well fed and peaceful. He hoped the
fact that there was enough food in South Africa, at reasonable prices, would
be a contributing factor to peace and calm. The SAAU watched the situation
with concern. The recession had worsened because of international pressure
and the weaker rand. This could result in the shrinking of domestic markets
and lower producer prices in a time of high inflation. Referring to the
debate on citizenship rights for blacks in homelands, and the independent
black states, and the effect of land consolidation, Jooste said changes in
government policy could have a profound influence over a wide area and on the
many farmers. [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 22 Aug 85 p 4]

RAND CURTAILS TRAVEL--The tumbling rand and related factors have caused a
further sharp slump in leisure travel abroad. Tour operators were reported
yesterday to have suffered a fall in overseas business of up to 80% compared
with a year ago. Peter Botterill, chairman of the Association of Southern
African Travel Agents, said in Johannesburg: "We are really feeling the pinch
both ways now. "While there was a marked fall in the number of South Africans
traveling abroad, particularly to areas with ahigh dollar content, there is
now also a sharp tailing-off in the volume of foreigners visiting this country
because of the adverse publicity we are getting abroad. “This is in spite of
the fact that on present exchange rate a holiday in South Africa has become a
virtual give-away for American and other foreign tourists. "Our hotels have
obviously been badly hit by this trend. But on the positive side I would say
to South Africans - now is the time to take advantage of the attractive
domestic packages being offered." [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in
English 22 Aug 85 p 4]

TIMBER AGREEMENT THREATENED--Discontent within the timber industry threatens
the collapse of the South African Lumber Millers' Association (Salma) TMA.
Sawmillers want Competition Board exemption for their timber marketing
agreement (TMA) which regulates the prices they charge merchants. However,
Salma can expect to get a "fair" hearing from the board, chairman Stef Naude
told millers at their annual meeting in Johannesburg last week. Naude said
his board accepted it could not bring in new rules that caused industry-wide
disruption. Uncontrolled, discounted sales of industrial timber - 50% of the
R300m-a-year market - forced Salma to extend the scope of the TMA this year,
establishign minimum prices for a much wider range of timbers. The old TMA
controlled the minimum price of structural timber only. [Text] [Johannesburg
BUSINESS DAY in English 19 Aug 85 p 6]

103



JPRS*SSA*85~086
13 September 19

SOUTH AFRICA

FURTHER REACTIONS TO BOTHA'S NATAL NATIONAL PARTY CONGRESS SPEECH

Ken Owen

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 18 Aug 85 p 23

(Text ]

PRESIDENT Botha’s appalling speech on Thursday night :
told us more about ourselves than about him.

We live in cloud cuckoo land.

Ever since the whites sought to achieve painless change by voting

for

the gal

new, unfinished, incomprehensible constitution, we have
tly ignored the single most important truth about South
is is a land so deeply divided that nobody can see across

We deal not with each other but with illusions of one another.
Mr Botha, speaking English before a party congress in order to
reach the biggest inte-national audience ever accorded a South

African, spoke of a “manifesto”
for change, a crossing of the
Rubicon from which there was |
no furning back. ‘

His audience heard only a bel- ,
Iicose refusal to release Nelson
Mandela, a graceless posturing,
a refusal to bargain except on
his own terms. All of it larded
with gobbledegook from the :
lexicon of Nationalist ideology: |
national tates, constitutional |

ispensation, participation. a

The misperception is total.

Black people are talking of
ruling South Africa, of Nelson ‘
Mandela as State President, of
seizing Mr Harry Oppen-
heimer’s fortune. The imagina- '
tion of the young blacks has
been captured by the utopian
idea of a socialist state in which
the means of production will be
taken from the rich whites and '
put at the disposal of “the peo-

le”, like a shop thrown open to
ters. ‘

It cannot be achieved without
war.

The Afrikaners, represented
by Mr Botha, are talking of an |
independent Afrikaner republic
in which other communities will

be accommodated — the word is
precise — insofar as justice is
compatible with Afrikaner he-
gemony.

Challenge

It cannot be achieved without
oppression.

'o bridge this gap ts the chal-
lenge that faces South African
leaders. Middle ground does not
exist, it must be created, and
that is a task that no mere politi-
clan, bound by his small-town
constituency and his caucus, can
fulfil. It demands statesman-

ship.

Give Mr Botha the credit that
he has.tried to change the con-
text of South African politics,
He has risen above himself, and
in six years he has done more
than anybody dared to expect
when he came to office. But he
is trying to sidle into the future,
hoping his followers won’t
notice.

The hard Left is undeceived.
It expected nothing of Mr
Botha’s speech on Thursday, re-
jecting in advance all possible
{ameliorative actions that might

32

challenge its own mythology:
‘| ‘that South Africa is at civil war,
: that the troops are in the sub-
urbs, that apartheid is under
siege by a freedom-loving army
that is destined to triumph.

Campaigns against conscrip-
tions and militarisation have
been launched to prepare the
way. Like the murder of black

!. policemen and councillors, they
are intended to deny Mr Botha
the instruments for the suppres-
sion of revolution.

While Mr Botha was prepar-
ing his message to the world, the
United Democratic Front was
quietly distributing to foreign
embassies its own message that
law and order was synonymous
with white domination. It de-
manded the release of Nelson
Mandela and all detainees, the
return of exiles, the lifting of t!
state of emergency, the wit!
drawal of security forces from
the townships, and so forth. .

It called on foreign govern-
ments to break diplomatic rela-
tions, and foreign businesses to
withdraw.

Nothing is so easy. The revo-
Intion is not at hand and the
white redoubt will not come
tumbling down at the sound of
trumpets. The power of the

85

State has not even been un- ;

.Sheathed, much less tested.

After 600 deaths in riots, Mr
Botha’s perspective is still that
he is employing minimum force
in 14 percent of the country. As
he said, he will do more if he
must.



Name

2150
2151
2152
2153
2154
2155
2156
2157
2158
2159
2160
2161
2162
2163
2164
2165
2166
2167
2168
2169
2170
2171
2172
2173
2174
2175
2176
2178
2179
2180
2181
2182
2183
2184
2185
2186
2187
2188
2189
2190
2191
2192
2193
2194
2195
2196
2197
2198
2199
2200

Pheminana Mlozi
Thobhi Mavimbela
Folomom Mathathe
Paulue Mkozi
Arthur Cebantoni
Ezekie Dhlamini
Qhalane Kqethang
Mopele Julias
Agbus Mazibuko
Aupake Malose

A. Mkhwanazi
Moses Maphohoza
Aaron Moketsi
Esther Ntswaki
Majola Zacharia
Joshua Beushu
Azered Velaphi
Pauline Nomumelo
Radebe Ntsala
Petrus Kubela
Poliman Mapogame
William Mahuthu
Mofokeng Mofone
Aaron Tsholonuana
Makoe Romonana
Neso Azpheus
Jabuuile Nzamela
Percu Dineka
Abram Phakiso
Solom Mothibedi
Mohlomola Mtimkhulu
Daniel Sebeabe
Michael Pocali
Welcome Rolani
Mowonca Bladi
Vuvani Rolani
Gwele Kwatelia
Welile Phillip
Temba Ngajeka
Hzwantile Magaga
Gift Mabutho
Witutuzele Mabutho
Ludwe Jafta
Sunshine Bloue
Ntomgamzi Nesi
Vuyani Booi
Mziwonke Mkele
Desember Klaas
James Klaas
Temba Bethwell

56

Race/Sex
B/W
"

B/M

January

Magisterial District

Springs
rm

Vereiniging
Vanderbijlpark
"

Cradock
. "

Somerset East
"

Albany
"

Port Elizabeth
"


Despite having promised a new-look “tough’’ cabi-
net, it looks much the same as the old one, but
without even token ‘minority’? representation.
Below are the significant changes:-

Out goes agriculture minister Denis Norman, the
only full minister to be dropped, albeit with Muga-
be’s accolades ringing in his ears. His dismissal, said
the prime minister, was in retaliation for the white
farming community’s overwhelming vote for CAZ.
The ministry of agriculture has now been amaiga-
mated with the ministry of lands resettlement, under
Moven Mahachi, the scourge of white farmers.

For the past five years Norman and Mahachi have
played a delicate double act. While Mahachi berated
white farmers as interlopers whose forebears stole
black land, Norman was quietly reassuring them that
they were secure:so long as they remained productive.

Mahachi’s bite. is. unlikely to be as strong as his
bark. But some white farmers might be jumpy.
Certainly Mugabe has served notice that their honey-
moon as a charmed white community is over. Zanu-
PF radicals point out that the country’s recent
bumper harvest was due as much to the productivity
of black peasant farmers as to their more mechanized
white colleagues.

The cabinet change with perhaps the most far-
reaching effects is the swap between Enos Nkala and
Simbi Mubako. Nkala becomes the new home affairs
minister, in charge, among other things, of the
police. Mubako recedes to the relative backwater of
national supplies. Mugabe’s assertion that the swap
was at their own request is patently unlikely.
Mubako, a British-trained lawyer was an ineffectual
home affairs minister with little political clout whose
tenure gave the police force a chance to catch its
breath after the whirlwind of Herbert Ushewokunze.

Behind the change, however, lurks a policy more
sinister. Nkala is a mortal enemy of Joshua Nkomo
and is publicly committed to the death of Zapu and
the end of Nkomo’s political career. Nkala, an
Ndebele from Filabusi in central Matabeleland, was
yet again humiliated on his home ground by an
election defeat by a Zapu rank-and-filer. His port-
folio comes his way courtesy of his second candida-
ture for the Zanu-PF ‘“‘safe’”’ seat of Kariba, where
the deputy minister died on the eve of the election.

Nkala’s new office is a clear indication that
Mugabe has now decided to go for the ‘thard
option”, which Nkala has always promoted, to crush
Zapu once and for all. Nkala is remembered for his
intemperate campaigning at the 1980 elections which
caused Lord: Soames, as governor, to proscribe him
for inciting violence. His temperament came to the

110



IPRS*SSA=85=086

13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

SOWETO MAYOR SAYS CURFEW MIGHT ENDANGER RESIDENTS’ LIVES

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 17 Aug 85 p 5

[Text]

The mayor of Soweto, Mr Edward Kunene, said yes-
terday that the curfew imposed on the township
could put the lives of residents in danger.

He was reacting to the 10pm to 4am announced
by President Botha at the Natal National Party’s
congress. It came into force last night.

“Soweto will remain as it is,” said Mr Kunene.:
“The new regulations will not restrain residents
from being in the streets during the prohibited
period. The imposition of the curfew can be likened

to putting an apple on a table and telling someone. }

not to take it. The result will be just the opposite.”
He also said the Goverment was creating an un-
safe atmosphere in the township by, i
patrolling the streets. ae ia
He claimed that soldiers go round with their rifles *
pointed at children, and this sometimes incited the -
children. . .
The Divisional Commissioner of Police for Soweto, :
Brigadier Jan Coetzee, has said most Soweto resi-~
dents’ will be able to obtain exemptions from the
curfew if they need them for valid and legal reasons. «
The brigadier said he had already had calls from”
big businesses and the Johannesburg City Council,
and it had been decided that blanket permission’

~ would be given in these cases, 7
Residents wanting exemption from the curfew ‘
should apply to their nearest police station. > ~ i
It would be granted as soon as possible, but in‘
, Some cases proof of employment would be needed.’ 5
Brigadier Coetzee said employers would have to :

cso: 3400/1021

7

issué staff'with documents confirming that they
; needed to be exempted. These should include the
person’s name and identity number.

The brigadier said the curfew was aimed at “the -
two percent of Soweto residents who are. perpetrat- .:

3 ing acts of violence and unrest”, i a 5

He apologised to “the other 98 percent” for the

inconvenience, and said the police would not be seek-
} ing to take action against them.

He: said the ‘police appreciated the role “being
. played by law-abiding citizens in discouraging the
perpetrators of this senseless violence, and we thank
them for their support in our: efforts to bring life
back to normal in Soweto”: "+." } . °

: © Brigadier Coetzee added: “I would like to assure
law-abiding people that the new measures will be
applied humanely and with discretion.’We ask only
that they have patience with us. The measures will
not remain in force for longer than necessary.”:
Meanwhile, residents say the curfew will turn
» Soweto into a dead city at weekends.
On weekends, life in the township usually starts up
about, 10 pm — just when the curfew starts.

Residents say the people who will be affected
most will be the young men and women who fre-
quent night-spots — and they fear that being forced

. to remain at home will lead to tensions and stress.
Birthday parties and weddings will also be affect
ed as these usually carry on until the early hours,
The National Soccer League brought forward the
starting time of last night's game from 8 pm to 7 pm
* to allow fans to'get home well beforé the curfew.



workers must nevertheless be judged against its expected rate of profitability
and its competitiveness against others. For the shareholder, the goal-concerns
economic objectives, but for the disinvestor, the objective concerns morals,
While they are not necessarily incompatible, the cost must be calculated and it
has its limits.*® From the perspective ofa worker who may lose his job due to
the closure of an American-owned company in South Africa, it matters little
if that company closed because of the cost of complying with the Sullivan
code, disinvestment presssure, or the loss of profitability. These companies,
however sympathetic they may be towards the plight of the victims of
apartheid, would prefer that politics be sorted out in a political forum rather
than to engage the private sector in a dubious process of social change which
amounts to a possibly inefficient re-allocation of diminishing profits for
public relations purposes. An example is the recommended provision of low-
cost housing (purchase or rental) to workers, supplied by the employer. The
cost of providing this will hardly be justified if the profitability of the entire
enterprise is threatened. Any additional costs will have to be calculated
against the competition’s position. To expand on an old economic maxim:
“there’s no such thing as a free lunch” — anymore than there is free housing.
Indeed, a motor manufacturer who gets into the housing business, is not
allocating his established economic advantage efficiently —a cardinal sin to
adherents of the free market system.

These American adherents to such restrictive codes are forced into a
position of serving political objectives, which no more guarantee long-range
prospects of continued profitability than they guarantee immunity from total
loss in the eventuality of a breakdown of the peaceful social order or the
assumption of power by a radical regime. Any new adherents to the Sullivan
principles or any American company wishing to establish in South Africa
will be confronted with the need to calculate risk under increasingly uncertain
conditions. From a political point of view, the utilization of restrictive
investment codes may be expedient because of their appearance of
compromise—the essence of democratic political bargaining. But such
compromise in the world of economic competition — the essence of the free
enterprise system which has built the West —is not possible. What matters
there is the bottom line. Corporate sharcholders will hardly tolerate losses
due to political or moral reasons.

VIL Disinvestment: The Analytic Context

In a broader perspective, the two major adversaries in the disinvestment
debate are not addressing themselves to each other’s implicit assumptions.
The disinvestors focus on racism, morality and the short-term situation,
which requires immediate rectification— with virtually any political price
being acceptable. Those advocating continued investment are split among
two broad lines of thinking: those who seek fundamental political changes
but not at the expense.of undermining the established economic structure,
and those White elitists who see continued investment as a method to buttress
their political domination with a strong economy which can dispense
rewards in terms of jobs and material welfare. It is the latter group which does
not see the debate as fundamentally a question of morality or racism, but one
of power. The progressive elimination of apartheid measures, to them, will
not stop until Blacks attain full and equal voting rights and this would reverse
the power equation. Merely to lessén.the inhuman dimension of apartheid
will never suffice and indeed, such efforts will only produce demands for

26



JPRS#$$A-854086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA
REPORT ON COSTS OF FAILED INFLUX CONTROL
Johannesburg THE STAR in English 14 Aug 85 p 18
[Article by James Clarke]
[Text] Tt is easier to provide urban dwellers with

7 . we ___..., clean water and easier to get food there too.
[Phe decentralisation of South Africa has! South Africa announced in the ’70s it was
: failed. The cities won. going to build 10 “new Sowetos” in the platte-
Now there’s speculation that President land to deflect blacks from the cities. It
Botha might give formal notice of its aban- hoped to persuade 15 million would-be city”
donment, at least in part. dwellers to forget the idea. ‘
. Coincidentally, the Urban Foundation’s So far, trying to stop influx has mauled
two most prominent governors, Mr H F Op- South Africa’s economy and cost us dearly in ;
penheimer and Dr Anton Rupert, are making terms of international standing. Billions of
1a plea for the Government to abandon influx rands and millions of man-hours have been
‘control — “cold turkey”. expended on what has been a failure.
Influx control — a classic form of social Durban is rapidly approaching the stage
engineering — has been tried many times in where it will have more squatters than citi-
‘history. Nowhere has it worked. Unless you zens. In one area the population moved from
count Cambodia. nil to 80 000 in eight months.
There, as soon as the new communist gov- But, according to Mr Chris du Plessis, pub-
: érnment took over in the mid-’70s, it succeed- _lic affairs director of the Urban Foundation,
' ed in moving 2million elderly, sick, unem- the crime rate there is not as high as in the |
i ployed and others from the capital to the rest of Durban.
| countryside, at the point of bayonets. Today Urban influx did not bring the dregs of hu-
. thousands are back. manity to town, nor did it bring the unem-
Britain spent R40 billion building “new —Ployable, he said. It brought men who were
, towns” in the countryside after World War 2° desperate to work and who had the initiative
— but succeeded in persuading only 2 million _to get up and do something about it.
people to forsake the cities. That's R20000 a Mr du Plessis said the foundation had
head. Today Western town planners believe _ found that between a third and a half of all
such moves were unnecessary, unnatural and _ households in squatter areas supported them-
certainly uneconomic. selves by working in the informal sector.
In Third World countries the general ex- But at a recent Small Business Foundation
perience has been that social problems are conference it was estimated that there were *
fewer and better dealt with in a metropolis. 400 laws inhibiting small businesses. .

cso: 3400/1023

92


LIBERIA

BRIEFS

SIRLEAF TRIAL REPORT REACTION--Reports just reaching us say the chairman of
the Special Military Tribunals, Major General Alfred Gayflor, has reacted to
the publication in today's edition of the FOOTPRINTS TODAY newspaper
captioned: Trial of Mrs Sirleaf fails to Resume. In the edition, the paper
reported that the tribunal did not resure hearing into the case involving
former Finance Minister Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf due to the alleged failure

of the three state witnesses to show up at the tribunal. FOOTPRINTS named
the witnesses as Justice Minister Major Jenkins Scott, Foreign Minister

T. Ernest Eastman, and Information Minister Carlton A. Karpeh. In his
reaction today, Gen Gayflor described the publication as false and misleading
to the public and added that no names of witnesses were released to the
FOOTPRINTS newspaper. He then told the LIBERIAN NEWS AGENCY that the paper
has been informed by the tribunal to name the reliable source that released
information to the paper in the Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf trial. The tribunal
chairman said disclosure of the reliable source will enable the court to
determine whether the alleged source is authorized to release information
pertaining to the activities of the tribunal. [Text] [Monrovia Radio ELWA
in English 2000 GMT 27 Aug 85]

cso: 3400/987



JPRS#SSA=85=086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA
SASJ ACCUSES BOTHA OF ATTEMPTING TO DISCREDIT PRESS
Johannesburg THE STAR in English 17 Aug 85 p 5
[Text]
‘The Southerh African Society of --media freedom. * to _ discredit the media.
« Journalists (SASJ) has dissociat- , “If this indeed is what the | “Of course he never actually

+ @d itself “in the strongest ternis “4 President:js planning then he is said that the media supported
‘possible”' from the remarks followingIh the’ footsteps of, , revolutionary’ movements. He
made by President Botha about . Many of the African. dietator-;,just posed a.few questions and
the media in his address to the ;Ships he is so fohd of erititising. left, theni,to, sow, the seeds of
Natal National Party congress ‘How ironic!” i doubt =
in Durban on Thursday.” ‘ithe: St Mi e ed: th we wish to say to Mr Botha

According to a statement re” the media throtgh is Audience “that every member so-
leated by the society's national how they could explain the fact ciety disassociates themselves
president, Mr David Allen, the that they are always present in the strongest terms possible
BASJ believes that Mr Botha’s With cameras, etc, at places from his remarks.
statements demonstrate that the Where violence takes place. In ate io his question
only media he will tolerate in “We can answer him very about a ee Aries one evel
etated to his te totally ery — they were doing their tionary movements, we would

answer him as follows:
“His remarks, an attempt to “That such a question could “We serve South Africa’s in-

dicredit the media in the minds be asked by a head of state interests, ALL of South Africa,

“of the public here and overseas this day and age could be taken - and that is not to be taken to
by linking them through sugges- ~ to demonstrate the most star- mean the interests of Mr Botha,
tion and innuendo to revolution-. tling naivety. But of course we the National Party, or the Gov-
ary movements, could be seen know different. Mr Botha is not ernment at the expense of any
‘as his way of preparing the way naive. His question had an en- other individual or section of
for. the eventual abolition of tirely different purpose — to our community.

cso: 3400/1021

75


MIXED COUPLES IN WRONG AREAS CAN BE REPORTED TO POLICE

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 18 Aug 85 p 2

[Article by Norman West]

[Text]

cso:

MIXED couples living in “the wrong
areas” ran be reported to the Police, the
deputy, Minister of Home Affairs, Mr
Piet Badenhorst, said at the Natal
National Party congress this week.

Mr Badenhorst was a replying to a ques-
tion from a delegate who expressed his dis-
Pleasure with Indian women — whom he
referred to by the derogatory term “Indian
Marys” and for which the Natal leader, Mr
Stoffel Botha, later apologised — living with
white men in white areas.

Delegates were assured there would be no
Ey, areas” to give sanctuary to mixed
couples. .

ersons of mixed race may now be legally
married following the repeal of the Mixed
Marriages Act and Section 16 of the Immo-
rality Act.

‘Undesirable’

But they will have to live in areas demar-
cated for them in terms of Section 12 of the
Group Areas Act which determines the group
identification of South Africans,

In an information sheet compiled by the
NP information service. it is made clear that
the NP regards mixed marriages between
different population groups “where religion,
languages and cultures differ greatly”, as
undesirable.

The NP officially considers such mar-
rages should be discouraged by churches,

arents, marriage counsel-
lors and the community “as
they cause numerous social
and other problems”,

The curious Section 12 of
the Act, which determines
what residential area a per-
son should be relegate

3400/1022

81

‘once he or she marries a per-
‘son of another colour, was set
out as follows:
@ White persons, whether
men or women, married to or
ving with a person A a
er group, are specifically
excluded from the white
. group.

Townships

ag Such whites should for
e purposes of the Grouy
Areas Act be considered to te
members of that group into
which they marry or live
with, for example, should a
white man marry a black
woman, the white man is re-
irded as a member of the
lack group —— and must thus
Bo and live in a black town-
ship with his black wife.
@ With regard to the
foloured, Indian, Chinese ead
al , section
the ‘Act decrees that the man
determines the group identi-
ty — that is, the woman as-
sumes the group identity of

the man.

@A group identity change
also determines where a per-
‘son may possess and occupy
fixed property after his mar-

@ This means a white man
married to or living with a
black woman assumes the
black group identity and will
normal Me reside in a black
residential area.

IPRS#SSA"85=086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


JPRS*SSA*85*086
13 September 1985

MINISTRY OF TRADE'S EXPORT DIVISION UNDERGOING REORGANIZATION

Accra GHANIAN TIMES in English 13 Aug 85 p 3]

[Article by Charles Neequaye and Raymond Abang]

[Text]

CSOL 3400/1015

Tre Export Division of the
Ministry of Trade is
being re-organized to make
an effeotive contribution
towards the export of Gha-
na’s nontraditional pro-
ducts. .

To this end, the Ministry
has drawn up a program:
me under which a group
of officers will be tasked
to promote the exportation
of certain specific non-
traditional products.

Mr B. W. K. Caiquo, Se-
cretary for Trade, announ-
ced this when he opened
a three-week —_ induction
course for 14 assistant
commercial officers in
Accra yesterday.

The officers, he said,
would be given the neces-
sary support and encou
ragement to develop the
supply base of the product
and locate external mar-
kets in co-operation with

other Ministries, depart
ments and agencies. —
The Secretary said that
the PNDC‘s basic strategy
for achieving growth and
development was to in-
crease exports and chap-
nel the increased export
earnings into the rehabilt
tation of the domestic
sectors of the economy.
Such a strategy, he not
ed, required the mobiliza-
tion of considerable re
sources to rehabilitate bar
sic infrastructure in sup
port of the export sector.
He said the PNDG since
1982, initiated program
mes to rehabilitate the
key export sectors and
had also embarked on po-
licies to improve the per-
formance of the export
sectors of the economy,
and those, he said had
yielded good results.

GHANA



since 1981. Mugabe is now probably kicking himself
for not having made it clearer to the whites what
the consequences for voting CAZ would be. He held
off at the: behest of IZG leaders who feared that
such statements’ would turn white. voters against
them. .

The pro-government Herald: newspaper has been
full of letters.from anxious whites wishing to disasso-
ciate themselves from the CAZ. vote. In fact the
white vote was not as overwhelming as the: seat
distribution: indicates. Probably only. about. half. the
whites eligible to: vote did’so, and of them only 55%
voted for CAZ.

Particularly disappointing for Zanu-PF isthe -
reluctance of minor tribal groupings to accept Shona
hegemony. The. Tonga voters in Hwange; in the
extreme north’ of Matabeleland, and the Venda
voters in Beitbridge in the extreme south were not
persuaded to support Zanu in sufficient numbers to
prevent Zapu victories in constituencies which: are
well outside the. Ndebele. heartland.. On the other
side of the country the Shona-speaking Ndau regi-
‘stered their defection by inflicting on- Zanu its one
defeat in Chipinge, where Goodson Sithole, repre-
senting the Rev. Ndabiningi Sithole’s branch of Zanu
beat William Ndangana, former leader of the -well-
known guerrilla group, the Crocodile gang, but
not an-Ndau .by 16,461 to 15,625. Next door at
Chimanimani Simon Sithole of Zanu won by 34,733
to 9,742 in a contest where Zanu strategists. would
have anticipated a walk-over. The name Sithole,
endemic within the Ndau, is also common among
the Ngoni in Malawi and Zambia, confirming that
the Ndau, sometimes known as Shangani in defer-

. ence to their Zulu ancestry, are descendents of the

celibate impis that made their way north in the
middle. of. the 19th century, marrying the local
women whose languages were soon to become the
accepted tongue of the next generation: :

But the Ndau would not consider ‘themselves
Shona, despite the linguistic connection, any more
than the Ngoni in Zambia would consider themselves
as Cewa. To win them back Mugabe will probably
use the stick and carrot approach, the carrot being
the use of government patronage to show Ndau
leaders where their best interests lie, preceded by
something like a visit of the Sth Brigade on local
manouevres, a consequence less fanciful than might
be imagined, as the majority of the Ndau live over
the border in Mozambique. °

Cabinet shuffles

Mugabe’s anger at failing to make inroads into
both white and black opposition is reflected in his
new cabinet announced on Monday. The two-week
delay in its formation, after his promise that it would
be announced “‘within a few days” is an indication
of the bitter quarrels over the portfolio shareout.

109



TEACHING COLLEGES TO REDUCE STUDENT INTAKE

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 21 Aug 85 p 5

{Article by Susan Pleming]

[Text]

cso:

White teaching colleges

will decrease their stu-
dent intake by hundreds
next year because of the
Shrinking white popula-
tion and the drop in
teacher resignations.

Over the past seven
years the white school
population has dropped
considerably — in 1978
there were 185.023 pupils
in Grade 1 and Grade 2,
but by 1985 this figure
was down to 157 125,

The proposed decrease
in student intake comes
at a time of renewed in-
terest in the teaching
profession. This year hun-
dreds of aspiring teach-
ers were turned away
from the Johannesburg
College of Education and

3400/1023

Goudstad College.

: The Minister of Educa-

i tion and Culture in the
House of Assembly, Mr
P Clase, said the decline
in pupil numbers had re-
sulted in a reduction in
the quota of new students
that colleges of education
were allowed to admit.

He added that there
were plenty of job oppor-
tunities for white high
school teachers to be-
come lecturers in the
black colleges.

Although there would
be places for several hun-
dred students at white
teacher colleges next
year, Mr Clase: said it
would not be possible to
grant admission to black
students.

“The training colleges
are an ‘own affairs’ con-

79

cern and this.means that
black students will not be
allowed there,” he said.

The .rector of the
Johannesburg College of
Education, Professor Rod
Connacher, said. that of
the 800 who had already
applied to JCE for next
year, about 400 would be
accepted.

Professor Connacher
said it was “beyond his
control” to admit black,
coloured and Indian stu

“dents next year when

fewer white students

were accepted.

At present there were
eight black students at
JCE, but they were re-
gistered with the Univer-
sity of the Witwatersrand
for the Bachelor of Pri-
mary Education degree.

JPRS*SSA=85=086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


JPRS*SSA*8 52086
13 September 1985

LATE RECOVERY FORECAST--Industrial recovery will be late and short-lived. So
says Neville Berkowitz in the latest edition of THE PROPERTY ECONOMIST, a
quarterly investment report. He predicts recovery in the manufacturing
industry by mid-1987, but that "the cold draught" of the slowing US and world
economic growth will be felt in SA later that year. Berkowitz identifies
seven areas (with timings) where he says increases are needed: Exports
(forecast increase early 1986); Private consumer spending (forecast increase
early 1986); Government spending (forecast increase second quarter 1986);
Stock levels (forecast increase second quarter 1986); Obsolescence/replacement
spending; Mining industry needs; and Investment spending (forecast increase
second half 1986). Prospects for improving value and volume of manufacturing
exports look promising, says Berkowtiz. Grounds for this are the SA Foreign
Trade Organisation (Safto) export drive to US markets and government's R170m
allocation to encourage exports this year. Increases in consumer spending are
dependent on the extent and timing of the drop in interest rates, increase in
employment and pay increases after tax and inflation. The improving economy
should relieve unemployment by 1986 but the effect of pay increases will be
evident from the middle of next year. “The lid on government spending cannot
be held down indefinitely," says Berkowtiz. He expects renewed spending to
occur from the second quarter of 1986. [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in
English 19 Aug 85 p 3]

CIVIL SERVANTS COST--The rocketing cost of maintaining huge and complex
bureaucratic machinery is clearly set out in figures released in Pretoria last
week by the Central Statistical Services. The figures, according to
economists, stress the urgency of deregulation. This, together with the
hinderance of red tape, according to the Deputy Minister of Trade and Industry
and Finance Kent Durr, is smothering the creation of urgently-needed jobs.
According to CSS figures, the 650343 workers in the central government and
provincial administrations cost the country R6,145bn last year. During the
year, workers in the central government sector decreased by 1 465 to 384 612.
Provincial workers during the year also decreased by 3 142 to 259 954. Local
government workers, however, increased by 700 to 238 000 and were paid a total
of R1,992bn. Staff of “diverse statutory bodies” also decreased, by 279, to
29 797. They were paid R427,6m in 1984. -According to the figures, at the end
of March, the total number of people employed by government, the provinces'
statutory bodies and municipalities reached a total of 912 363. The total
paid out in salaries and wages in the four sectors in 1984 exceeded R8,5bn,
which was more than 25% of the national Budget. It is pointed out that a
large percentage of staff in central government, provincial administrations
and local authorities is concerned with administering regulations and that
most of them are associated with the government's race policies. [Text]
{Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 19 Aug 85 p 3]

EQUIPMENT FOR SOUTH AMERICA--South America is proving fertile ground for
Delkor Technik's know-how in mineral-processing. The company recently sold a
2 sq m horizontal belt filter to a tin mine in the Peruvian Andes, its 14th
order from that part of the world. [Excerpt] [Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in
English 18 Aug 85 p 4]

105



TOWNSHIP DESCRIBES POLICE ABUSES

JPRS~$54~8 50096
September 1995

SOUTH AFRICA

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 21 Aug 85 p 4

{Article by McKeed Kotlolo]

[Text]

: Many Mamelodi residents claim that members of the *

police force and the army stationed in the township
are committing atrocities daily since the outbreak of
unrest in the area a fortnight ago. ‘; .

Some of the victims were either left in an incoher-
ent state, while others suffered fractured limbs, gun
and sjambok wounds.

The president of the Mamelodi Parents’ Associa-
tion (MPA), Mr Louis Khumalo, said: “The policemen
have virtually taken over the township and are as-
saulting innocent people.”

A spokesman for the Police Directorate of Public
Relations in Pretoria said the allegations were very
serious “and those people can go to the nearest police
station and lay charges”. *

, . Mr Khumalo said the police should’ send a senior
‘ificer to the local police station where the residents
iwould be laying their charges this week.

* “Trouble in the township started on August 10 after
the burial of a 19-year-old high school pupil, Obed
Matlala, who was allegedly killed by local hostel in-
mates a week earlier. .

- Clashes between residents and the inmates erupted,
leaving a number of people injured and many houses
near the hostel damaged. The hostel itself was also
considerably damaged.

‘One of the police victims who is said to have been
assaulted last Monday, is Abraham Kenneth Pho-
kane (19), a Std 8 pupil at Rethabile Secondary
School. He seems incoherent, unable to talk or hear,
and is lying in the Kalafong Hospital near Atteridge-
ville.

His mother, Mrs Deborah Phokane, said “about 15”*

white policemen in a white Datsun minibus collected

her son from their home at about midnight on Mon-.-

day August 12.

She said the policemen were rude and forced their
way into the house by breaking one of the doors.

90

She added that the last time the family saw Abra-
ham in a healhy condition was when the policemen
took him into the waiting vehicle and told her not to
worry.

“But we were shocked when we saw him brought
home by some local residents the next morning. He
was so wild and could not recognise us, all he did was
to shout: ‘Maburu! Maburul’.

“He was bleeding from the ears and he appeared as
though he could not hear anything we were trying to
say to him. At one stage, he was vomiting blood and
his-face and head were swollen,” Mrs Phokane said.

“The boers, the boers killed Sakkie!”

Abraham, who was described by his family as a
quiet and faint-hearted person, was rushed to the Ka-
lafong Hospital where he received treatment.

When a reporter visited him three days after his
admission, he was talking incoherently and would re-

atedly murmur: “Maburu, Maburu abulaile Sak-
kie!” (The Boers, the Boers have killed Sakkie!).

Mr Sakkie Mokobo was also in the group that was
collected by the police the same evening that Mr
Phokane was taken. He is said to be in a critical ,
condition at the same hospital.

A senior superintendent at the Kalafong Hospital,

| Dr J van Rooy, told The Star he had been given

orders by the police not to comment on any unrest

> ease to the Press and to refer all inquiries concerning
\. unrest victims to Police Headquarters in Pretoria.

Mr Meshack Mogale (26) of 600 Section B was also
collected on the same evening by policemen claiming ,
they were looking for his younger brother.

He said they decided to take him because they :

__ could not find his brother. ‘

Mr Mogale said he was together with Mr Mokobo, :
Mr Phokane and a few others. They were all taken to
the local police station where he claimed they were



Name

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Mlilo Vaba

Neo Mqeboe
Andries Maphetla
Kwanele Ngetu
Ashbaf Mohammed
Bonnisile Ghqa
Kaplane Jafi
Samuet Nanyo
Phakamila Xangaja
Petros Klaas
Kennike Payi
Henry Hyikilawa
Payus Nontswelelo
Gryse Nzuzo
Alfred Nzimkuzu
Sidney Sam
Mzimase Melhnyama
Tempelke Phesimani
Soha Thuta
Nkosinatu Msemeheho
Kaiser Khaule
Martin Papu
Mzimkulu Jaji
Montuwaye Fonte
Zawaele Tiklie
Mbuldo Mazoka
Paleko Tiso
Lawoelie Cola
Mbayiselo Lungisi
Michael Fumbato
Vilanie Colda
Patrick Thlelewe
Vuoni Molhuna
Mzolie Vuramie
Tampiele Hoffman
Fotazelo Nwelo
Simewe Foka

Isaac Mjoli
Tembila Bewa
Nzumeni Gyeviva
Temba Makanga
Temba Speelman
Zandile Ngato
Mzikisi Fosani
Bthupiso Fihpi
Mbeko Jonas

Temba Rika

Khaye Biwso
Alfred Pinos
Edwin Stuikman
John Uys

58

Race/Sex

B/M

Magisterial District

Alberton
Germiston
"

PE (Port Elizabeth)
Uitenhage
PE
Uitenhage
"

”

Kirkwood

PE
Grahamstown
Albany
Alexandria
Bedford

PE

Kirkwood
"

PE



Name

1115
1116
1117
1118
1119
1120
1121
1122
1123
1124
1125
1126
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1159
1160
1161
1162
1163
1164

Yusuf Ismail
Molawe

Kokoena
Thebehani
Shabane
Makgalehele
Ntshingila
Khoza

Tamapo
Seepoole
Ndlovu

Modikse

Samuel Majola
Yonsimia Sokhanyile
Amos Mjekhule
Johnny Melle
Gideon Maboza
Zoline Moshani
Khandlethu Mnikina
Payina Besman
Shadrack Matuduka
Lungile Nonduwana
Koke Dyantyi
Vukile Jerreck
Vuyisile Mantle
Thembesile Sandlo
Piki Ngcingola
Israel Mantamaro
Mluleki Thandoni
Jacobus Hlele
Sibonisile Gqezengele
Xolani Ngesi
Sipho Nxusa

Fanni Ivy

Xola Wabaka
Raymond Nbenga
Victor Dolashe
Roland White
Susan-Ann Lund
Lucky Sejana
Salelo Solulo
Sithembiso Mangati
Owen Lumbe
Cynthia Kwanini
Painke Ngubo

Sam Mayo

Richard Yarnicker
Manganiso Doro
Vumile Bokwe

Toyn Zahela

PEMA ERAS

(No. on arrest list)

54

(1468)
(1649)
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(1714)
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(1430)
(1431)
(1435)
(1438)
(1656)
(1296)

(695)

(762)

(831)

(832)
(1003)

Magisterial District

Krugersdorp
Vereeniging
"

Jhb

Pe

Pe

Uitenhage
Pe

Graaff-Reinet
"

"

Jansenville
"

Randburg



blatant affront to human dignity is but a small one, in view of perceived
gains. The first can be to some extent assessed, but not the second. The effect
of sanctions could be counterproductive, in that (one) the aggricved section
of the community may suffer more in consequence and, (two) what of other
political systems, equally repulsive, but ignored by the international
community? Both arguments offer plausible validity. But this could be an
inadvertent call for no action. What is needed is a comprehensively
formulated principle to universalize the invocation of sanctions. In the
absence of such universal principles, South Africa may almost be excused for
accusing the rest of the world of reverse discrimination.

Nevertheless, the world has advanced beyond the United Nations
principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of member states although
organized world-wide political consensus mechanisms to deal with perceived
moral attitudes are in their infancy. Resorting to legal and historical defensive
arguments will hardly suffice to ward off such pressures. The accusing
countries base their arguments on moral foundations, derived mostly from
their own social and religious ethics. In effect, these list apartheid, along with
a number of other offences, in the realm of human rights, but the
identification of apartheid as requiring more pressing attention than, for
example, limb amputations in some Muslim countries, or incarcerations in
mental hospitals in the Soviet Union, or using children as combatants in Iran,
derives from a purely emotional base. Perhaps South Africa is singled out
precisely because of its substantial European population and consequent
embarrassment to the West. The plethora of other offences occurring
routinely in other distant Third World and Asian lands are to be “expected”,
duc to the assumed but unmentioned general lack of civilisation as
understood in the terms of the Judaeo-Christian ethos.

Economic boycotts and other forms of restrictions will remain as tools of
change short of war. South Africa is merely a precedent for such policies to be
universalized in future. Short of retaliation via war, an aggrieved country will
have but two options available as responses: one, by fending off economic
pressure by a demonstration of invulnerability or two, by succumbing to
such demands and responding with fundamental reforms. The mounting
cost of defending the economy will at some point reach a ceiling and will be
exacerbated by the additional cost of developing a garrison state to ward off
escalating internal pressures. Succumbing to pressures for fundamental
reform will require a more economically acceptable response but at a very
high political cost.

Ml The Economic Stakes

South Africa’s economy, which has become the focus of those advocating
punitive sanctions, has traditionally had a built-in shock absorber which
moderated the effects of world-wide recession via a corresponding increase in
gold prices. But in 1984, South Africa experienced a rapidly-declining
exchange rate between the Rand as against the US Dollar and European
currencies, coupled with a steady drop in the price of gold, rising inflation
and unemployment, and a host of other corresponding negative economic
developments. For once, South Africa's vulnerability to external economic
pressures was convincingly demonstrated.

Over half of South Africa’s GDP derives from import and export
activities. The country relies on a very narrow range of exports, mainly

16


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1857
1858
1859
1860
1861
1862
1863
1864

Race/Sex

Fris Mfene

Zumtwe Homi
Mnyamezeli Mpepo
Semphine Fumpa
Phikisani Jackson
Xola Novo

Veza Ncandama
Payl Fani

Rotsi Fayani
Alfred Hoye
Mavali Mahlnwyana
Siphiwo Smith
Mbulelo Mtuya
Lindile Leonard
Diemelakewe Daytinani
Eric Vikilahle
Kola Jacobs

Wanga Monaka
Gilbert Thanda
Andile Mpusiso
Michael Tshula
William Tsili
Erich Nkolo
Humphrey Yolasiwa
Mogsana Mitgnut
Yolani Mpepho
Tembekile Wauhope
Richard Petani
Foueweuo Tluoxe
Malweradile Makqawalana
Tembile Jamane
Vandene Nkonone
Dawid Moeshoeshoe
Nukile Mtaleni
Mputa Selane
Mziwonice Qowane
Wonga Fulela
Sinob Didi
Mthuthuzeki Mtwaidi
Telesa Gungliluza
Zwelane Maphongwana
Mathews Mona
Ntumi Mnobeli
Erich Mendi

Wella Nduna

Cis Qomfo

Peter Ngoina
Tulane Thoms
Pumzile Tuze
Ngosinatu Quanta

45

B/M

Magisterial District

Port Elizabeth


Name Race /Sex Magisterial District

2015 Kennith Molosiwa B/M Johannesburg
2016 Phillemon Malatse " "
2017 Edward Mdeleze " "
2018 Isaac Moalusi " "
2019 Bhngane Hlongwane " "
2020. Isaac Tladi " "
2021 Joseph Mashuza " "
2022  Gudoba Mabaso B/F "
2023 Daniel Moselekatse B/M "
2024 Emmanuel Ragwadi "

The following people were released (numbering follows SAPA'S earlier list):

Name (No. on list of arrests) Magisterial District
1025 M.P. Mokone (59) Krugersdorp
1026 J. Selimela (60) "

1027. J.S. Tsoari (87) Vanderbijlpark
1028 R.M. Fannie (88) "

1029 T.W. Mokolo (89) "

1030 Solly Phakoe (84) "

1031 Abraham Mbongo (85) "

1032 Vincent Khumalo (86) "

1033. J.0. Sehlare (1029) Vanderbijlpark
1034 A.F. Dabi (1210) Vereeniging
1035 S. Khota (1211) "

1036 N. Vahed (1212) "

1037. M.S. Mohlabane (1260) "

1038 =B.I. Mtembu (1335) "

1039 D.D. Sithole (1402) Randfontein
1040 D.F. Mahlaba (1651) Vanderbijlpark
1041 Jabulani Xaba (537) Johannesburg
1042 Lawrence Njilele (702) "

1043 T.V. Mkhinje (1346) "

1044 M. Mchophela (565) Port Elizabeth
1045 N. Ndcina (757) "

1046 «6S. Mtati (1228) Albany

1047. -T. Mahlako (1231) Port Elizabeth
1048 A. Mni (1233) "

1049  M. Mqcuka (1294) "

1050 «=C. Ntam (1279) "
1051S. Khulu (1340) "

1052. S. Fuyan (1341) "
1053S. Nyamfu (1344) "

1054 W. Mpinana (1345) "

1055 M.S. Ngxangxeni (1357) "

1056 D. Bata (1358) "

1057 G. Ntonsie (1358) "
1059S. Malgas (1361) "

1060 M. Mglani (1362) "

49



cso: 3400/1021

‘are members of the Cabinet,” he :
said.

“The second occasion (on which
Mr Botha acted unconstitutionally)
was related to his announcement of
his Cabinet. He declared that the
convention of joint responsibility for
Cabinet decisions by Ministers
would fall away. .

“I believe the reason for this deci-
sion is widely known. The Indian
and coloured members of the Cabi-
net were very unhappy that they
were not consulted in the case of the
Coventry Four. According to consti-
tutional convention, they should
have had joint responsibility if it
was a decision by the Executive.”

Professor van der Vyver said this
left the Indian and coloured mem-
bers of Parliament in a very weak
Position, because decisions could be
made even if they did not agree
with them.

“Constitutional conventions can-
not be changed by a decision of the

State President, but only through
legislation.

“I would plead that our Constitu-
tion should make greater provision
for a broader spectrum of interest-
ed parties to watch that it is ad-
hered to.

“In security legislation there is
Provision for situations in which the
actions of the Security forces are
above the law. The most notable ex-
ample is detention for questioning
which excludes the right of the
courts to question the reasons for a
detention,”

Professor van der Vyver pointed
out that this power of detention was
awesome. “It is arbitrary,” he said.

“One seeks assurances that these
powers will not be abused. But they
are abused, as we see from evidence
led in court hearings. I believe our
South African Police have the tech-
niques at their disposal to break any
person possessing information with-
in 48 hours.”

78



JPRS*SSA"85=086
13 September 1985

in Afrikaans three times a week. As for radio, its news department consists
essentially of white South Africans. The current-events section of Radio
Windhoek's news department is headed by Johan Steenkamp, who reportedly is also
a major in the military security service of the South African armed forces in
Namibia.

Five years ago, the country's approximately 15,000~20,000 German-speaking
inhabitants received a German-language transmitter. Since its establishment,
the program of 130 trnasmission-minutes a week has grown to 6,180 transmission-
minutes per week. Thus, the German program of the Namibian radio probably has
been the fastest growing program of that body, and without doubt, it also has
been the most diversified and comprehensive one. In addition, it was the only
one producing its own broadcasts since the purely Afrikaans-speaking news
department apparently was in no position to do so. The broadcasts were free

of any subjective influence by South-African thinking and mentality, according
to Juergen Hecker, former chief of the German department. As a result, the
jisteners considered the news broadcasts of the German radio program to be neutral
and objective and to present both sides; and that was true not only for the
German-speaking audience.

For instance, when an interview with Windhoek lawyer Anton Lubowski, the first
white member of SWAPO, was transmitted, the broadcast caused considerabie diffi-
culties for the department head and hence the entire German section. The stated
reason was that SWAPO must receive no publicity whatsoever. But at the same time,
the editorial department, which strictly follows Pretoria's line, had to transmit
political commentaries.

It would have been desirable if the radio management had shared the view of
the German section, but this was not the case. Quite the contrary, the pre-
ferred objective evidently was to "knock into shape" the German program,
which at the time overshadowed the other programs, and above all to severely
restrict its independence in news broadcasting.

Out Of 13 Editors, Seven Have Left

It was even rumored in the news department of Radio Windhoek that the identity
of the German section was to be eliminated. The program director told the
editors that objective items would be undesirable if they ran counter to the
broadcasting policy. In the meantime, Werner Talkenberg, the senior official
and, with 66 years, at retirement age, was promoted to become chief and Hecker's
successor. Seven of the German section's 13 professionals drew the consequences
and left.

The level of reporting today rests on contributions the ARD [Working Group
of FRG Broadcasting Institutes] is making to various magazine broadcasts
and they are considered to be the best of what can be heard in Namibian
radio. The new chief, a former pilot of the German air-force, continues

to play in his "Military Marches and Brassband Music" broadcast hits such as
"Bombs Over England" and other Third-Reich music.

11



Name

2104
2105
2106
2107
2108
2109
2110
2111
2112
2113
2114
2115
2116
2117
2118
2119
2120
2121
2122
2123
2124
2125
2126
2127
2128
2129
2130
2131
2132
2133
2134
2135

The following people have been released (the numbering follows SAPA'S earlier

list):
Name

1103
1104
1105
1106
1107
1108
1109
1110
1111
1112
1113
1114

Timothy. Yolingana
Zilizile Lana
Mhlabeni Mbutsha
Lendi Lali
Mlulelu Danster
Sandile Getshe
John Momo
Mtheteli Mbende ni
Sinelele Goyela
Linodiwe Skade
Nontana Mbatshe
Mzikisi Poti
Mtunsi Badu
Tembile Ngalo
Vuyisi Nzwana
Lifa Mangama
Phakamile Duasi
Thombile Gojela
Songesile Lose
Khayalethu Mzizi
Thozamile Notoyanto
Zali Mpuntshe
Xolo Pakuwana
Linda Mankama

Ben Sttenkamp
Daniel Williams
Norman Nqamboji
Donald Magcadi
Medikaja Mlunkulhni
Richard Mtsa
Edward Mijobile
Patience Murawha

Meriga Kene
Tembinkosi Banga
Isak Tsottetsi
Victor Madikiza
Obed Khumala

Ben Zulu
Bonniman Mtintso
Saraphina Sepeta
B. Mtembu
Darlington Sithole
Daniel Mahlaba
Yusuf .Dadoo

Race/Sex

B/M

(No. on arrest list)

(1434)
(1433)
(1623)
(1491)
(1487)
(1486)
(1488)
(1524)
(1335)
(1402)
(1651)
(1467)

53

Magisterial District

Albany

Uitenhage
"

Cradock
Fort Beaufort

Jhb

Magisterial District

Benoni
Springs
Benoni
Brakpan
"

Benoni
Vereeniging
Krugersdorp
Vanderbijlpark
Krugersdorp



Churches Differ in Reaction to Meeting With Botha
(Estelle Trengove; THE STAR,. 20 Aug 85)..ccsscccecvcsecoes

Conflicting Reports of Unrest Disturb Black Township
(Sol Makgabutlane, et al.; THE STAR, 20 Aug 85)........006

More Criticism of Press on Reporting Unrest
(Andrew Beattie; THE STAR, 20 Aug 85).....sceecevececceees

Township Describes Police Abuses

Report on Costs of Failed Influx Control
(James Clarke; THE STAR, 14 Aug 85)..cccccccsevevcvesceces

Resettlement Scratched for 2 Transvaal Communities
(SAPA, 27 Aug 85).sceceserecscercccccceccnceececesenseesee

(McKeed Kotlolo; THE STAR, 21 Aug 85)...eccsecsccevevvvecs

Liberal Spirit in Nation Praised

Study of Traveling Time Spent for Homelands Commuters
(THE STAR, 3 Aug 85)..ccccccccccccccccccccncssccccccenenee

Geldenhuys Heads Committee To Review Full Military Machine
(Peter Honey; BUSINESS DAY, 14 Aug 85)....cceccecevecccces

Defence Force Sets Up Emergency Radio Network for Civilians,

(Dirk van Zyl; WEEKEND POST, 20 Jul 85)...ccseeeceveceeees

Military

New Role for Air Force in Urban Areas
(WEEKEND POST, 27 Jul 85)..sseccccsccercccecccsscerscseees

Briefs

ZIMBABWE

(Andrew Walker; THE STAR, 13 Aug 85)...cccccscsccceceseves

SBDC Applications
Australian Sanctions

Black Unemployment

Food Supply Vital

Rand Curtails Travel
Timber Agreement Threatened
Economic Emergency

Two Airlines Needed
Denmark's EAC To Stay

Late Recovery Forecast
Civil Servants Cost
Equipment for South America
Secret Red Meat Deal

Fruit Exports

400 Lose Jobs

Rule of Privilege Query
Brazilian Rebuff

Analysis of Elections Results

(AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL, 17 Jul 85)..csseseececccccccscoceece

-d-

86

87

89

90

92

93

94

96

98

100

101

102
102
102
103
103
103
104
104
104
105
105
105
106
106
106
107
107

108


i
JPRS#SSA~85—086 |
13 September 1985 _

SOUTH AFRICA

SHOPS BOYCOTT ALSO HITS BLACK TRADERS
Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 14 Aug 85 p 4

[Article by Sam Mabe]

[Text] A S the boycott of white businesses. spreads to new?

areas, a number of questions have been raised in the<

black community.
Yesterday a businessman in Soweto’s Diepkloof township shook his
head, saying he was frightened about events in the township this week.
He is running out of stock to sell. Delivery trucks coming into the township
are intercepted by youths, looted and set alight.
“We thought it was good for the political activists to call on the community to:

buy black, but where are we expected to
“Are our people expected to starve?

“Not only that, but ~
every minute lam
scared that my shop
might be the next to go
up in flames — they are
burning shops indiscrim-
inately.”

Most blacks agree
with the demands put
forward by the Con-
sumer Boycott Commit-
tees in Pretoria and
Johannesburg this past
weekend. The boycotts
Started in the Eastern
and Western Cape.

The Transvaal com-
mittees are demanding,
among other things, the |
lifting of the state of
emergency, the release :
of political prisoners and
the withdrawal of troops.
from black townships.

The intention is to
persuade white busi-
nessmen to talk to the
Government todo
something about these
grievances. t

But there are very ob-
vious flaws with the ,
planning.

_length of the boycott.

It is not only the white
retailers who will suffer.

In fact some shops in the «

Eastern Cape have had °
to close down, leading
some people to believe
that the boycott was
very effective .

But the people in the
black townships have to
eat; they need the goods

,that only white com-

merce can provide. So
the black shopkeeper
will still have to go to
the white wholesalers
for their stock. This
might be done openly or
it might have to be done
secretly.

Thus the white whole-
salers and manufactur-
ers will continue to
flourish, whatever the,

White ‘money in re-
tailing will then be trans-
ferred to manufacturing

:and wholesale business.

The assistant manager
of the Johannesburg
Chamber of Commerce,

70

get our goods from?” he said.

Mr A Malherbe, says
white business will de-
vise some means to
cushion itself against the
effects of the boycott.

“White business is not ”
‘the Government and
does not govern the
country,” he said yester-
day.

Butinthe same
breath he said the open-
ing of central business
districts to all race
groups was the result of |.
‘the initiatives of. white
business. :

White commerce and
industry has influenced’
Government thinking
since 1976. They are+
largely responsible for:
99-year leasehold. and
other “reforms”. i

It is therefore not sur- -
prising that some people.
believe that the con-
sumer boycott will yield
the results they want.


VI The Sullivan Principles as Compromise

Between the two diametrically-opposed positions of pro- and: anti-
investors lics an argument which has been given life in the form of the
“Sullivan Principles’. Seized upon by many pro-investors as at least a
viable—and costly—alternative to simple disinvestment, the principles
have also been incorporated in the proposals for policy-changes towards
South Africa at the official level. Private anti-investor groups however, place
less credence on this attempt at compromise because of its basic call for
voluntary adherence and its potential as only window dressing, while the
more radical arguments see it as only another method of perpetuating the
fundamental base of racism and capitalism.

Richard E. Bissell points out that the influence and antecedents to this code
came from the British, the European Economic Community and from the
South African private sector itself—in the form of the work of the Urban
Foundation.” In essence, the Sullivan Code suggested that for American
companies to continue operations in South Africa, they should introduce and
adhere to certain principles aimed at non-racial labour practices. These
principles include the racial integration of all facilities, equal pay and
employment practices, supervisory and managerial training for Blacks,
increased promotion of Blacks to supervisory and managerial positions, and
the pursuit of active policies to improve the workers’ lives. In 1978, these
principles were detailed and expanded and provisions were introduced to
monitor the progress of implementing these principles by the signatories.

As a code to be adhered to voluntarily, the inevitable happened. Not all
American companies in South Africa joined; of those which did, not all
complied with the increasingly demanding provisions; monitoring became
more difficult; and there were no provisions for enforcement.” After six
years of this well-publicized code, less than half of the 350 American
companies in South Africa had signed and even among the signatories, there
was neither complete nor enthusiastic compliance.“' The Reverend Sullivan
himself perceived that the code was having a positive effect, . by
demonstrating that US companies could operate in South Africa profitably
without furthering the interests of apartheid. But by 1984, Sullivan lobbied
Congress in order to make adherence to the principles mandatory by US
law —a position opposed by the Reagan Administration." Estimates are that
American firms have spent up to R200 million on various projects to improve
their Sullivan ratings to date.

American companies in South Africa are of course sceptical. They employ
less than one per cent of South Africa’s labour force but they are expected to
serve as the catalyst for reversing the apartheid system. Several critics have
pointed out that the actual effect of their being forced out of South Africa
would have only a limited impact on the country. South Africa’s defensive
weapons against such economic sanctions would allow for the survival of the
economy although the pressure and pain would be felt. Sanctions hurt
economic growth, which is required for the urgent creation of jobs.“ But
excessive pressure on American companies to pay for the cost of complying
with the Sullivan principles could exacerbate the entire process if the cost, of
what to them is essentially an expensive public relations function, exceeds the
margin of profit they initially calculated when they established themselves in
South Africa in the first place.

At the heart of the problem is the question of interference with the free
enterprise system. A company’s moral and humane attitudes towards its

25



INKATHA STILL STRIVING FOR CHANGE WITHOUT VIOLENCE

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 17 Aug 85 p 24

[Text]

DURBAN — Inkatha, the national cultural liberation
movement spearheaded by Chief Gatsha Buthelezi,
has been much in the news lately.
~ "As speculation mounts about a possible joint con-
stitutional future for Natal and kwaZulu, more and
more South Africans: — especially Natalians - have
become curious about the movement: what it is, how
it started, what it does, and where it’s going.

The story began in 1928 when the King of the Zulus,

King Solomon ka Dinizulu, established a cultural or:

ganisation named Inkatha kaZulu as a means of
maintaining and nurturing Zulu traditions and cul-
ture.

(The word “inkatha” is Zulu for the grass coil used
by Zulu women as a load support on the head. Politic-.
ally, it symbolises unit; )

Little was known about Inkatha kaZulu until 1975,
when Chief Buthelezi, King Solomon’s Grandson, re-
vived the organisation. .

What had previously been a purely cultural organi-
sation became a cultural and Political organisation.

With Chief Buthelezi at the helm as president, In-
katha — more political than cultural these days —
has grown into the largest black organisation in South
Africa, claiming a membership of 1 150 094.

Though most members are Zulu, the leadership is
constantly at pains to emphasise that it has many
non-Zulu members all over the country.

The Inkatha Youth Brigade accounts for 38 percent
of membership, and the Inkatha Women’s Brigade
for 36 percent.

The high percentage of youth membership is cited
by Inkatha leaders to contradict the argument by
critics that the movement is made up chiefly of older,
more conservative blacks.

Chief Buthelezi was an active member of the ANC
in the 1950s, but opted for non-violent strategies for
change after the ANC
was forced underground
and adopted violence. .

So it is perhaps no

cso: 3400/1024

68

JPRS*SSA*85"086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

coincidence that Inj
* katha’s official colours —
80ld/yellow, black and
green — are the same as
those of the ANC.
‘Chief Buthelezi re-
mains steadfastly op-
Posed to violent change
and is one of the few
black leaders in South
‘Africa who Says ‘he is
Prepared to shelve the
‘one man, one vote ideal if
the Government recog-
nises that there should be
onecitizenship for all in
a unitary state, and com-
mits itself to work to-
‘wards black/white
power-sharing.

The crux of Inkatha’s
‘views were summed
by Secretary-General Dr
Oscar Dhiomo in an ad-
dress in Durban last
week: “We believe in the
basic right of African,

‘people to a dispensation
‘involving universal fran-

chise in a single political
system.

“We are, however,
mindful of the fact that
the white minority has
deeply ingrained anxie-

‘ties regarding the possi-

bility of political domina-
tion, and therefore we
are open to negotiation «'
on this issue, Possibly
around a federal model.”


TEXT OF ORDER CONCERNING ATTENDANCE AT FUNERALS

Pretoria GOVERNMENT GAZETTE in English 31 Jul 85 pp 1-2

[Text]

Government Notice

MINISTRY OF LAW AND ORDER

No. 1746

31 July 1985

ORDERS BY. THE COMMISSIONER OF THE

SOUTH AFRICAN POLICE

Under regulation 6 of the Regulations in terms of the
Public: Safety Act, 1953, promulgated by Proclamation
R. 121 of 21 July 1985, I, Petrus Johannes Coetzee, Com-
missioner of the South African Police, hereby issue with
reference to the magisterial districts specified in the Sche-
dule the following orders in respect of funeral ceremonies,
including any memorial service, commemorative service,
funeral procession or burial, of, any person who has appa-
rently died as a result of unnatural causes:

1, (d)

(2)

@)

(4)

(5)
(6)

No memorial or commemorative service in con-
nection with a funetal of a deceased person re-
ferred to above, shall be held out of doors.

Only an ordained minister of a religious denom-
ination or organization may act as a speaker
during any proceedings at any such funeral
ceremoney. Provided that such a minister shall
not at such a ceremoney in any manner defend,
attack, criticise, propagate or discuss any form
of government, any principle or policy of a
government of a state, any boycott action, the
existence of a state of emergency or any action
by a Force or a member of a Force.

Person concerned who are attending the funeral
shall only travel by vehicle from the place
where the momorial or commemorative service
has taken place to the place where the deceased
is to be buried, and along a route determined by
a Divisional Commissioner of the South Afri-
can Police.

No flags, banners, placards, pamphlets or pos-
ters shall be displayed or distributed at or during
the funeral ceremony.

No public address system shall be used at or
during the funeral ceremony.

A particular funeral ceremony shall not be held
with regard to more than one such deceased
person.

2. A Divisional Commissioner may, on written applica-
tion, grant exemption from any or all of the
mentioned orders.

61

IJPRS*SSA*85*086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



come from the United States, which in turn absorbs 14 per cent of South
Aftica’s exports. For the United States, this represents about one per cent of
its world-wide trade. :

America’s investment in South Africa has been increasing by about 100
million dollars annually but most of it actually comes from reinvested profits
of established firms in South Africa. Returns on investment have been
considerably above average, with South Africa being ranked very favourably
in terms of investment risk. Four companics alone account for over half of
American investment in South Africa.'4 About 350 American companies
operate in South Africa and they employ some 150000 workers, about one
per cent of the work force.

American critics of investment in South Africa, however, point out that
US investment in South Africa has increased five-fold from 1966 to 1981.15
Within the first year and a half of the Reagan Administration, it was also
noted that US direct investment increased 31 per cent and that US bank loans
increased 246 per cent.'® Others maintain that the true figures of US direct
and indirect (mostly loans) investment in South Africa are perhaps distorted,
with the total sum being considerably larger than the generally accepted
figure.'7 Another contrasting estimate, attributed unofficially to the US
Consulate in Johannesburg, reported that US assets in South Africa totalled
R26 500 million. '* These latter data have not yet been sufficiently clarified but
the assumption is made that, whatever the ultimate figure, they would not
substantially alter the direction of the investment controversy.

Another aspect of the investment analysis must be referred to, although no
attempt will be made to portray a definitive assessment of the validity of the
arguments presented by the proponents. Briefly, itis conceded by many that
America’s commercial relationship with South Africa may not add up
sufficiently to be of substantial consequence to the US economy overall.
However, it is argued, America’s imports from South Africa represent very
vital minerals required for strategic purposes. The data here are well known.
South Africa has well over half of the non-communist world’s reserves of
vanadium, platinum, chrome, manganese and gold and has over half of the
world’s total reserves of the last three mentioned minerals.’ These data were
highlighted in the now famous “Santini Report’? of the US House of
Representatives. Congressman Santini, Chairman of the Sub-committee on
Mines and Mining, reported that the United States is dependent on foreign
sources to an amount in excess of 50 per cent for 24 of the 32 minerals needed
for security and the maintenance of the US economy. Noting South Africa’s
only effective alternative supplier being the Soviet Union, he concluded,
“America thus has a vital interest in the survival of South Africa as a Western
ally”.

This argument does introduce an important dimension into the sanctions
debate, in chat it diminishes in effect the size of the commercial ties but
focuses instead on the quality of those ties. The anti-sanction forces seized
upon this information with glec, while those favouring disinvestment
immediately set about to negate the importance of these minerals by pointing
to the possibility of alternative sources, substitution, recycling and
stockpiling, they also noted that South Africa’s reliance on mincrals exports
would ensure their continued availability, no matter which regime was in
power.

18


consolidate the Afrikaners, im-"~;

pose controls on the economy,
gear up the security establish-
ment and to tell the world and
the ANC to go to hell.

“Don’t push us too far” — his
most emotional words during
the speech (repeated twice) —
were not merely intended for
effect. The “garrison state” oj
tion is one very important real-
ity that his critics have to bear

mind.

Thankfully he has not altered
course, however. He did not say
anything that was new, but he
reaffirmed that common citi-
zenship would be installed, that
negotiations about black par-
ticipation at central level would
continue, that non-independent
homelands would be given cen-
tral representation and that the
realities of regional differences

would be accommodated in the '

political system — a mild con-
cession to the Buthelezi Com-
mission.

Clear

The reform process, within
the Government framework, is
still underway

It has become clear that Mr
Pik Botha has spelt out the en-
visaged process in much greater
detail in confidential briefings
in Europe. That is partly what
gave rise to all the expectations
of Mr Botha’s speech.

The assumption will be that
there are contradictions at
Cabinet level. This is not reall
the case. Anything that Pi
Botha has said can be reconciled
with the State President’s much
more general commitments.

However, three major prob-
lems arose in his speech,

One was his peremptory and
categorical refusal to issue a
statement of intent. The force-
fulness of his tone in doing so in

i
\

a speech in the Natal/KwaZulu .

region must inevitably deepen
the rift between him and Chiet
Buthelezi, who has been most
prominent in asking for such a
statement.

Quite incomprehensibly, Mr
Botha linked demands for a
statement of intent to what he
termed a wish to “destroy or-

cso: 3400/1022

derly government”. Given In-
katha’s role in damping down
the brief but serious rash of un-
rest in Durban, this choice of
words is close to being a politi-
cal insult to Inkatha and Buthe-
lezi.

Whites, Indians and coloureds
in Natal who have some sense of
responsibility towards their
black future partners in the re-
gion simply cannot let this pass.

The issue of a statement of

* intent has already become a

dangerous issue in our politics.
Mr Botha seems to assume that
what Chief Buthelezi wants is
for the Government to spell out
its negotiating position.

‘ If the Government under-
stands the demand in this way,
its refusal to provide a state-
ment of intent is understand-
able.

Assurance

As I understand it, however,
Chief Buthelezi is not asking to
see the Government's constitu-
tional proposals in advance.

-What he has asked for is the

assurance that negotiation will
be about “power-sharing” in
some variety or form.

He is saying that he is not
prepared to talk about mere
consultation or simply about the
division of powers along racial

_ or confederal lines. Power-shar-

ing is not necessarily a great
leap for the Government.

It could be argued that Gener-
al Affairs decision-making in
the Tricameral Parliament is a
form of power-sharing. The re-
sistance to a very broad state-
ment of intent about power-

“sharing is highly uncon-

structive.
Asecond major problem was

the State President's heavy im-"

plication that Nelson Mandela is
a communist. Mr Mandela’s
symbolic significance to blacks
is such that by suggesting that
he is a communist, Mr Botha has
given communism its biggest
public relations victory in
years,

Pressure

Whatever Mandela’s original
trial may or may not have sug-

35

ested, today we simply do not

now whether he is a commu-
nist or not. By making the impli-
cation, Mr Botha has actually

ut more pressure on himself to
find a way of releasing Mandela
so that the latter can speak for
himself.

A third major problem is a
constitutional issue. Mr Botha
made the point that the indepen-
dent states would be a “material

art” of a constitutional solution
lor blacks in South Africa.

This statement is dangerously
vague. Few people would
strongly resist some form of
over-arching “confederal” body
to link the Independent home-
lands and South Africa together
ina system of joint planning and
development.

Vital

If the Government intends
that black representation from
the non-independent regions and
the so-called white areas is to be
grafted onto such a body, then
the negotiation process will be
stillborn — worse, the foetus
will poison the mother.

That kind of link will exclude »
all blacks from the dialogue —
except very traditional groups
in the independent states. Great-
er clarity on this issue is vital to
any further progress on the con-
stitutional front.

One hopes that the world gets
the message that Mr Botha will
not bend to pressures which are
simply punitive and which take
no account of economic and
political realities in South
ually, b hopes

ually, however, one hopes
that avin delivered that mes-
sage, Mr Botha will now begin
to deal with his own political
realities in a less reactive way
than the tone of his speech.

The only significant black
political “allies” he ended w
with after concluding his speec!
were the African Zionists he ad-
dressed in the Northern Trans-
vaal, and that was a long time
ago in these uncertain times.
Not even his own staunchest
supporters can be happy with
‘that.



JPRS*SSA*85"086
13, September 1985

Name (No. on arrest list) Magisterial District
1165 Zwelinezine Danster (1004) Randburg
1166  Sugile Jonas (1005) "

1167 Sophie Gomo (1010) "

1168 Graham Joseph (1214) Steytlerville
1169 Collin Nappies (1215) "

1170 Elliot Poppo (1419) Jansenville
1171  Lindelwa Hempe (1420) "

1172 Thozanele Nqeza (1421) "

1173 Jabulani Xaba (537) Jhb

1174 Lawrence Njilele : (702) "

1175 Teddy Mkhinje (1347) "

1176 ~=Firoz Cacalia (1706) "

1177. Liliana Risi (1707) "

1178 Mlingi Shezi (1708) "

1179 Trevor Ngwane (1709) "

1180 John Payne (1710) "

1181 Richard Pretorius (1711) "

1182 Bernhardt Reck (1712) "

1183 Adrian Perkel (1713) "

94 More Arrested
MB231510 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1502 GMT 23 Aug 85

[Text] Pretoria, Aug 23, SAPA--Police said today 94 more people had been
arrested under the emergency regulations, bringing to 2,229 the number of peo-
ple detained under the month-old emergency.

The total of detainees freed totalled 1,183, according to lists released by the
police up to yesterday. No further releases were announced today.

The latest people arrested were named as (the numbering follows SAPA's earlier
list):

Name Race/Sex Magisterial District

2136 Benjamin Mohani B/M Johannesburg
2137 Morris Ngandela " "

2138 Moses Mathiboni " "

2139 Joseph Moloi " "

2140 Danie Johannes Otto W/M "

2141 Jabu Sikilan B/M "
2142 Pogie Dyantjies "
2143. Linda Thabethe " "

2144 Clayton Kgega " "

2145  Cebongele Kole B/W [as received] Springs
2146 Victoria Namzaa " "

2147 = Itimileng Mohlala " "

2148 Cicilia Mnghibi " "

2149 ~=Prinses Molefe " "

55



Constitution entrusts that body with the power to ‘regulate commerce with
foreign nations’ ”’.”°

Activities at the municipal level are just as intense. This is especially
because of the fact that many of America’s largest cities are run by black
mayors and city councils, or, as in the case of New York City, Blacks and
liberal Whites combine to utilize their public economic power to pressure
those companies and banks against doing business with South Africa. As of
mid-1984, 20 cities had passed various ordinances in this regard. New York’s
Employees’ Pension Fund alone is larger than the GNP of many middle-
ranked countries, and equals about half of South Africa’s entire GNP. As the
funds are invested in corporate securities, this places that city’s
administration in a very powerful bargaining position indeed.”” Other
prominent cities which have enacted restrictive measures include
Washington DC, Dallas, St Paul, Minncapolis, Seattle, Philadelphia,
Boston, Newark, Berkeley, Hartford, Davis, and many more. As in the case
of the state governments, the authority of these sub-national bodies to
involve themselves in foreign affairs directly is expected to be challenged on
constitutional grounds. Also, should these various public funds be invested
in anything but the most profitable portfolios, the public, as beneficiaries of
these funds, may begin to question why their consent in such decisions has
not been solicited.

Analyzing at least the public media controversy concerning these
disinvestment-related activities, one is struck on the one hand by the
extensive action being contemplated or generated in the attempt to restrict
mostly economic relations with South Africa, and on the other hand, how
sparse the debate is in terms of a comprehensive elucidation of the goals,
appropriate methods, and the consequences of the means employed.
Economic sanctions precedents are few and scarcely serve as models for
studying the potential effects on South Africa. It is merely assumed that
somchow such direct punitive action will pressure the South African
Government to relent on its aparthcid policies and to yield equality and
political power to the Blacks — much in the historical mould of the US civil
rights campaign during the 1950s and 1960s.

Where the anti-South African groups present specific demands, such as for
the release of currently-incarcerated labour leaders and Mandela, the South
African Government hypothesizes that succumbing to such external
pressures would only lead to a host of new and greater demands. By
acceptance of one or only a few specific demands which, if met, would
promise South Africa ensuing peace, the anti-South African activists should
realize that South Africa would demonstrate her vulnerability to escalating
demands for change which could in the end devour the very structure of the
existing order.

Yielding equal political rights is not only a question of morality and a
constitutional debate on equality, as it was in the American civil rights
campaign. In South Africa, it means that the ruling minority White elite
would yield the authority to determine their own economic and social
welfare. Where overseas critics see the problem primarily in terms of race, for
White South Africans the problem only starts with race but ends with their
perceived potential elimination as a presently-constituted society. Raceisithe
ultimate criterion for determining the defence of the existing order or the

21



cso:

3400/1020

bokked them when they

failed to identify pupils who

had stoned a police vehicle.
_ At Ga-Rankuwa Hospital
; the superintendent told (a
| reporter) that six pupils
: were treated.

Police confirm using

tearsmoke to disperse
! stone-throwing mobs, but

deny reports of injuries.
{@(July 7, Duduza): Resi-
i dents told The Star that
; police wearing balaclavas
; sjambokked them without
j provocation. The Star took
' pictures of police with
, Sjamboks and wearing ba-
 laclavas.

Police deny allegations

{ that they wore balaclavas.
» However, the Police Direc-

torate of Public Relations
: later said policemen did
wear balaclavas. They said

it was cold and police need-
ed protective clothing.

@(July 24, Daveyton): Police
shot dead four people and
» wounded 16 after a ‘funeral of
an unrest victim. Later at a
: funeral of one of four victims,
mothers of two victims said
the story carried in The Star
relating the four’s death based
‘on information from the police
was “nonsense”. ‘
‘A police spokesman said the
four were shot dead while
stoning a police vehicle.

88



CONTINUING LIST OF NAMES OF THOSE RELEASED, ARRESTED

40 Arrested

JPRS*SSA=85 0086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

MB161130 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1126 GMT 16 Aug 85

[Text] Pretoria, Aug 15 [date as received] SAPA--Police said today a further
40 people had been arrested under the emergency regulations.

According to the lists of names released daily by the police in Pretoria, 1,753
people have been detained since the emergency was implemented almost a month

ago.

At least 1,024 of these have been freed, according to the police list, although
a police situation report earlier this week put the release figure at 963.

No people had been freed for the past two days, a police spokesman said.

Those detained were named as (the numbering follows SAPAS earlier list):

Name

1714
1715
1716
1717
1718
1719
1720
1721
1722
1723
1724
1725
1726
1727
1728
1729
1730
1731
1732

Jacob Thebenani
Moses Shabane
Abraham Tau
William Makgalemele
Aaron Femele
Jonethen Hermanus
George Mabhumane
Lulamile Hermanus
Lelean Kente
Lukamaso Hene
Andile Mlilwana
Sipho Ktese

Liso Mlilwana
Tema Habana
Michael Peterson
Zukile Menemene
Mdumiso Bennie
Fikele Qumba
Zukile Matshizana

42

Race/Sex

B/M

"

Magisterial District

Vereeniging
"
"
"
Uitenhage
Port Elizabeth
"
"

Grahamstown
Uitenhage
"


cso:

3400/1022

sumer Boycott Committee supporters, town
ship businessmen are not safe elther.
Whenever there is a funeral for an unrest
victim, they have to close shop for the day.’
The same applies when unrest flares,
Youths have raided shops, helping them-
selves to food and drinks.
Black-owned bottle stores have also been

targets,

This is because they are not heavily guard-
ed like those owned by the West Rand Devel-
opment Board. Usually students help them-
selves to alcohol and then go on the rampage.

Bitterness

Often youths demand food and money,
claiming to have been sent by the Congress
of South African Students,

But Cosas has dented this, saying it was
aware that many thugs had taken advantage
of the unrest to further their own ends,

My neighbour, who is the principal of a
local high school, told me last week that he
dared not rebuke students for fear of finding

: bis house gutted.

Though children no longer go to school
except to hang around the gates, teachers
have to report daily, waiting for the students :
themselves to decide to return to lessons.

Lam worried because riots often start ip
towards the end of the year, interfering witl
children’s studies and causing them to fail.

As a struggling man with a ange family, 1
feel hitter about the school fees I have to pay
annually only to find that children cannot
write their exams or, if they do, stand to fail
because so much time has been spent outside
the classroom.

And another major concern these days is
that your house may be burnt to ash e
fact that many township houses — bought
under the 99-year leasehold scheme — are
not insured, adds to the worry.

83



JPRS*SSA#85"086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

CAPE TOWN RELATIVES ASK WHEREABOUTS OF DETAINEES
MB270645 Johannesburg SAPA in English 2223 GMT 26 Aug 85

[Text] Cape Town, 26 Aug, SAPA-~A delegation of relatives of Cape Town
detainees today handed a signed petition addressed to the commissioner of
police, to the security police at Caledon Square.

Mrs Rosalie Block, mother of Mr Graeme Block, and Mr Eric Rossouw, father-
in-law of Mr Saleem Badat, handed the letter, signed by 17 relatives, to a
senior security policeman.

The letter called for the security police to divulge the whereabouts of the
detainees and to give reasons for the arrests.

It also asked for an assurance that the detainees would not be assaulted.

After a long deliberation with the security police. the group, which included
Mrs Kathy Luckett, wife of the Anglican priest; Rev Syd Luckett, Mrs Farieda
Omar, wife of advocate Mr Dullah Omar; Mrs May Ann Adams, Mrs Veronica Simmers
and Mrs Shireen Bedat, was told that police could not divulge the whereabouts
or allow regular visits "at this stage."

The detainees, who are all being held under Section 29 of the Internal Secu-
rity Act, were. in solitary confinement, Mr Eric Rossouw said this afternoon.

With regard to medical treatment by personal doctors, the security police
said the senior district surgeon would see the detainees and their personal
doctors could contact him with regard to any special treatment or medication
they may be needing, Mr Rossouw said.

Reading matter. would be restricted to the Bible and Koran although detainees
could request study material if they were detained for a long period.

The group was later allowed to hand in fruit, sweets, biscuits and cigarettes
and were told that each detainee would. be allowed two sets of clothing which
they would be required to wash themselves.

cso: 3400/1018

60



LOCAL GOVERNMENT URGED TO DEAL WITH BLACK HOUSING

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 19 Aug 85 p 6

[Text]

There is an urgent need
to adapt local govern-
ment legislation to cope
with the housing crisis in
the black community, the
local government and
housing conference of the

. Transvaal Association of

Management Committees
was told in Johannesburg
at the weekend.

Nearly 200 delegates of
Transvaal Indian and col-
oured management com-
mittees attended.

Speakers pointed out
that housing in the Black
community had reached
a critical stage and that
finance was the solution
to this problem.

Apartheid was blamed

“for the housing crisis and

cso: 3400/1020

there were calls for it to
be scrapped.

“Blacks must be incor-
porated into the constitu-
tional dispensation,” said
House of Representatives
MP Mr FL Erasmus.

The chairman of the
Committee for Black
Housing of the South
African Institute for
Housing, Professor Toni
Lamont, predicted it
would be impossible to
eliminate the Black hous-
ing backlog within the
next few decades.

He said the economic
situation made it difficult
for the Government to
maintain its contribution
to housing.

Minister of Local Gov-

84

JPRS#SSA*85*086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

ernment, Housing and
Agriculture Mr Baldeo
Dookie said one of the
major problems was the
delay in the proclamation
of townships. There were
20 townships being de-
layed because of this.

The secretary of the
National Ad Hoc Com-
mittee for Housing of
Port Elizabeth, Mr Eddy
Samuels, said Regional
Services Councils and the
National Ad Hoc Com-
mittees had to be consid-
ered in the wider context
of changing Government
legislation.

He described the new
Regional Services Coun-
cils as “city regionalisa-
tion”.



Finally, a call for urgency must be stressed. The foreign disinvestor and
the American Government, as well as the South African Government and its
radical and even moderate opposition, all focus predominantly on the
requirement for change. The disinvestors have introduced the economic
factor as a means of leverage to the attainment of their political objective.
This too may reflect a dangerous misperception by all concerned in the
dispute.

Instituting evolutionary political change or adjusting to the effects of
revolutionary change is a protracted process. Yet both sides may in the end be
defeated by economic realities. Even without further disinvestment, the
economy of South Africa already shows such a degree of weakness that it is
conceivable an economic collapse of the country could precede any attempt at
revolutionary overthrow or any other moderate constitutional
reformulation. The origins of this recent weakening of the economy are
debatable but the increasing cost of maintaining the apartheid structure
should not be discounted as perhaps the most important contributor. Influx
control, separate amenities, resettlement, homeland’ administration,
governmental overbureaucratization, three parliamentary bodies and
attendant offices— amongst the latter being one for a racial group which
constitutes only 2,8 per cent of the population — industrial decentralization,
disproportionate military and police costs, etc— all these command a price
which may account for the economic malaise which became evident in 1984.

South Africa is also very reliant on foreign economic ties in the form of
trade, technology, labour influx, gold sales, and investments. In this regard,
the proper question is perhaps not what will be the effects of disinvestment on
South Africa’s economy but what damage has already been done by the
investments which have shied away from South Africa in the last twenty
years. 350 American companies employing one per cent of the labour force is
hardly the maximum carrying capacity of South Africa’s economic potential
to absorb such investments. In an ideal solution reflecting everyone’s political
satisfaction, the potential for economic reconstruction, growth,
stabilization, regional integration, and foreign investment from the OECD,
could be so encouraging as to suggest that a serious calculation of this greater
geographic and political perspective of the South African problem should be
undertaken. Treating the problem in only its Black/White dimension will
remain an insufficient response and will only facilitate the extension of
Africa’s economic plight besetting the rest of this continent, to the entire
southern African region.

Notes

1. “Sanctions: Real threat or myth?” Leadership SA, vol. 2, no. 1, 1983.

2. Arnt Spandau has subjected the policy of apartheid to scrutiny in order to determine
its cost in economic terms. A fifty per cent effective boycott (as of 1976) would result
in a 13 per cent decline in personal income and a tripling of unemployment in South
Africa. Economic Boycott Against South Africa, Kensyn, SA, Juta and Company, Ltd.,
1979,

3. Sunday Tribune (Durban), 19 August 1984.

4. Theo Malan, “South African and economic sanctions”. Africa Insight, vol. 11, no. 1,
1981. This figure is expanded in the estimate by J. de L. Sorour who notes that
between 60 and 70 per cent of South Africa’s gross national product stems from trade
and investment. “Director General's Report", South Africa Foundation News, April
1984, .

5. See Rolf Hasse, “Boycotts and Embargoes as a Tool of Politi
Position Paper, vol. 7, no. 4, 1984.

"South Africa Forum,

29


JPRS#SSA*85=086
13 September 1985

GHANA

BRIEFS

EUROPEANS DEPORTED FOR RACISM--Four Europeans have been deported from the
country. A statement signed by the secretary for the interior, Mr Kofi Djin,
named the four as Mr Dick Rijnbeck of KLM, Mr Helmut Kolakowski of (Aland)
Limited, and Mr and Mrs Fry of Accra Brewery Limited. It noted that the
behavior of these foreigners at their work places and in society at large
has, over a period of time, demonstrated a racist and contemptuous attitude
towards blacks. The statement said racism will not be tolerated in this
country. [Text] [Accra Domestic Service in English 0700 GMT 26 Aug 85]

cso: 3400/987



Name

1765
1766
1767
1768
1769
1770
1771
1772
1773
1774
1775
1776
1777
1778
1779
1780
1781
1782
1783
1784
1785
1786
1787
1788
1789
1790
1791
1792
1793
1794
1795
1796
1797
1798
1799
1800
1801
1802
1803
1804
1805
1806
1807
1808
1809
1810
1811
1812
1813
1814

Nonvameko Mdludui
Sandile Kona
Wandile Popo
Monde Nyashu
Mashiwa Jack
Mondau Mluzeli
Daliwonga Khonza
Gibson Neipa
Petrus Mbuli
Michael Radebe
Barani Mandlala
Steven Gadela
Simon Melani
Nkomwbi Modotyyi
Pumnlulelo Onth
Philip Mzwanene
Tembirosi Ngqolomde
Kiwo Timka
Niyisile Ntsinga
Seth Tshabalala
Tembesile Ngxabane
Johannes Mabuzwana
Welile Nkanaana
Novi Nkanaana
Sipiwo Koahlo
Nikile Prins
Mcedisi Henene
Mniniwe Adams
Lindile Mcatha
Mzwandile Richard
Mzwandile Yorkwe
Brice Mliso
Tembile Matya
Tobile Njokweni
Thabile Makhohlao
Mdumiso Sithole
Mzwandile Mavu
Nomlungisi Mcontsi
Mbulelo Blom
Makaya Mapni

Frank Neilo

Mzimne Mpina
Nopman Swartbogi
Mthuthuzeli Molly
Lolantitile Sigidi
Stanley Meintjies
Vuil Sapulana
Zanethemba Kholwaphi
Jeffrey Dlula
Anotue Mathakazeli

Race/Sex

B/F
B/M

Magisterial District

Fort Beaufort
Port Elizabeth
"

Somerset East
Cradock
Somerset East
Albany

"

Johannesburg
"

"
"

Port Elizabeth

"

Fort Beaufort
Port Elizabeth
"



MOBISQUADS TO BE FORMED IN ALL SCHOOLS

JPRS~S54-8 50086

Accra PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC in English 14 Aug 85 p 1

[Article by Joe Bradford Nyinah]

[Text]

STUDENTS Mobilisa-

tion Squads (MOBIS-

QUAD) are to be formed

in all schools in the

country as from next
academic year to form
the basis for the nation’s
yonth and. student mo-
ilisation effort.

Mr Kofi Dovio, Greater
Accra Regional liaison of-
ficer of the National Mo-
bilisation Programme
(NMP) who disclosed this
to the “Graphic” yester-
day, said the students cur-
wrently undertaking volun-
tary work in the country
would be. the basis of the
schools mobisquad pro-
gramme.

- The liaison officer who
was briéfing the “Graphic”
on proggess of the students
long vacation voluntary
work in Actra,said he was
overwhelmed’ by the ent-
husiastic response of the
students and their zeal to
work.

He said 500 students
have so far registered and
started work on various

ts.
he projects include the
desiltingof drains, clean-up
exercises in all: polyclinics
in Accra as well as the
Children and Mental Ho-
Spitals.
Some of the students are:
also drilling a well at Asu-

cso: 3400/1015

fan near Ofankor with the
assistance of volunteers
from: the Bank of Ghana,
Mr Dovlo indicated.

And as from today
sroupe of 50 students
would be camped at Ma-
yera and Abokobi to
undertake various volun-
tary exercises,

Another group of volun-
teers, the liaison officer
said, were working on the
national mobilisation
farms at’ Manyia, Mayera
and Abokobi.

Mr Dovlo was grateful
to the Kingof Kings Bus
Services and tae City Ex-
press for agreeing to pick
the volunteers free of
charge to and from their
assignments.

He indicated that it was
going to cost the City Ex-
press £90,000 per month to
conduct the exercise.

Mr Dovlo - further
disclosed that the Accra
City Council provides tools
and a tipper truck and lu-
bricants daily for the exer-
cise,

He said the National
‘Mobilisation Committee
and the Seventh-Day
Adventist Church have
also provided foodstuffs to
feed the students.

The students are fed free
of charge after work and
there are plans to organise
entertainments and lect-
ures for them.

September 1985

GHANA


JPRS#SSA*85"086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

POLICE NAMELIST OF ARRESTS, RELEASES
MB301318 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1302 GMT 30 Aug 85

[Text] Pretoria, 30 Aug, SAPA--Police said today 70 more people had been
arrested under the emergency regulations in the past three days, bringing
to 2,414 the number of people who have been detained under the almost six-
week-old emergency.

A total of 1,306 (no5 1,346) of the detainees have been freed, according to
police lists released in Pretoria. The release figure stood at 1,222 when
the police last gave out lists on August 27.

A police situation report earlier today, however, put the release figure at
1,218.

The people who have been arrested were named as (the numbering follows SAPA's
earlier list):

Name ~-Race/Sex Magisterial District

2345 Edward Paulus B/M PE [Port Elizabeth]

2346 Madoda Jacobs " Cradock

2347 Johnson Langman " PE

2348 Maudhonsonke Jakavula " "

2349 Trevor Tutu " JHB [Johannesburg]
"

2350 Walter Mahlangu "

2351 Mathew Modanetsi " "
2352 Zacharia Mkwana " "
2353 Robert Molakoane " "
2354 Andrew Motangh " "
2355 Andrew Kgarke " "
2356 Tsediso Habosesa " PE
2357 Siphiwo Tyelo " "
2358 Mzwandile Mewa " "
2359 Samson Dayimin " "

2360 Danile Sin " Uitenhage
2361 Benson Mangaliso " "
2362 Sebezile Busakwa " PE

2363 Ngamile Harmans

38


primary products, while importing a very wide range of capital and
consumer goods.’ As of 1982, Germany, the US, UK, and Japan together
provided 72 per cent of South Africa’s imports while taking 56 per cent of her
exports.® With reference to potential trade sanctions, a recently published
account sympathetic to South Africa estimates that ‘‘an effective embargo
would rapidly reduce the capacity of the economy to expand”, and “after a
time-lag, even the maintenance of the current level of output could becom

impossible”’.° :

While the focus of those advocating sanctions against South Africa is on
disinvestment, the effects of such measures have sometimes been over-
estimated by proponents. Little attention has been paid to the actual
importance of foreign capital inflow into South Africa, the effects of
substantial disinvestment on the South African economy and on the Black
sector, and from the foreign shareholders’ point of view the unfavourable
economic costs of the sale of these portfolios to South African investors, who
would almost certainly be able to acquire them at a fraction of the true asset
values.

Direct and indirect forcign investments in South Africa doubled between
1975 and 1981 to R32 490 million. The growth of these investments has been
slower than that of the GDP. And in 1983, over R1300 million was
disinvested— although not necessarily because of political reasons." Jill
Nattrass notes that only about 17 per cent of investment came from abroad
during the 1966-75 period." Of this figure, 55 per cent came from the EEC
countries, 13 per cent from other Europeans, 23 per cent from North and
South America, and 4 per cent from Asia. Altogether, Europeans—led by
the United Kingdom —hold over two-thirds of all foreign investment in
South Africa. Besides capital, foreign investment also encourages
technological advances and helps to stabilize the balance of payments, both
valuable concomitant benefits.'? The impact of disinvestment would be felt,
on the one hand, in terms of reduced growth rates and living standards but,
on the other hand, would also stimulate domestic investment, production
and technology—as the economic boycotts of Biafra and Rhodesia
demonstrated. .

Although the United States is neither the most important trading partner
nor the major investor in South Africa, America’s official response to private
disinvestment pressures is most closely monitored by South Africa as a
harbinger of trends that could soon spill over into her relations with Europe.
Sweden has taken the most radical steps by prohibiting any new investments
in South Africa but the miniscule commercial involvement by Sweden all but
obscures the impact in South Africa.

The most evident observation concerning South Africa’s relations with
the United States is the fact that within the context of America’s overall
economy, the commercial relationship with South Africa is very limited.
South Africa’s entire GNP is less than two per cent of that of the United
States. America’s direct foreign investment in South Africa hovers around 3
billion dollars, which is close to 20 per cent of foreign investment in South
Africa. This figure constitutes about one per cent of US investment abroad.
The United Kingdom by contrast provides close to half of the total foreign »
investment in South Africa and this represents 10 per cent of United
Kingdom investment overseas. About 20 per cent of South Africa’s imports

17


Udo Froese [the author of this article] used to be an editor in the German-

language section of Radio Windhoek until the spring of 1985. Today he is
working in Stuttgart.

7821
CSO: 3420/77

12


JPRS*SSA—85=086
13 September 1985

INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS

FRG AID FOR HYDROELECTRIC PROJECTS REPORTED

Frankfurt/Main FRANKFURTER ZELTUNG/BLICK DURCH DIE WIRTSCHAFT in German
5 Jul 85 p 2

[Text] In Togo, an important hydroelectric project is currently under con-
struction in Nagbeto at the Mono river, about 140 km north-east of the capital
of Lome, in the vicinity of the town of Atakpame. The neighboring People's
Republic of Benin will have an equitable share of this project. At issue is the
construction of a 517 meter long and 41 meter high dam and a connected power
station, which will have two groups of turbogenerators, each with an installed
capacity of 31.5 megawatts. The power station is designed to generate 150
gigawatt-hours of electricity per year. The order for the supply and installa-
tion of the turbines has been awarded to Sulzer-Escher Wyss GmbH, Ravensburg,
and for the generators to the Siemens A.G., Munich-Berlin, Erlangen plant.

The dam equipment will be supplied and installed by Krupp Industrietechnik
GmbH, Duisburg, and the French firm Neyrpic, a member of the Creusot-Loire-
Group.

In August 1984, Hochtief A.G., Essen, was awarded a DM 110 million order for

the construction of the dam and the power station building. Consulting
engineering services are provided by the French firm Sogreah, Grenoble, and the
Swiss company Elektrowatt A.G., Zuerich. They are responsible for detailed
planning and the preparation of the bidding documents as well as for construction
supervision. From the hydroelectric station, a 120 km long, 161 kilovolt
long-distance line will be built which permits the connection to the integrated
network of Ghana, Togo and the People's Republic of Benin. A Canadian consortium,
consisting of the firms of Belt, Transtec and Sintra, was selected to construct
this high-voltage line.

The’ FRG, among others, was a financial participant in this project which re-
quired the investment of about DM 363 million. In August 1984, it made avail-
able to Togo and the People's Republic of Benin through the Reconstruction
Credit Institution and Loan Bank (KfW), Frankfurt, a subsidy of DM 22 million
each to finance the electrical and electromechanical installations of the
Nangbeto hydroelectric plant. :

The CED [Communaute Electrique du Benin] is seeking to reduce the strong
dependence of Togo and of the People's Republic of Benin on electrical energy
supplies from Ghana, where the large hydroelectric plant of the Volta River



ANALYSIS OF ELECTIONS RESULTS

London AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL in English 17 Jul 85 pp 1-3

[Text]

Robert. Mugabe’s Zanu-PF emerged with an incre-
ased majority after Zimbabwe’s first post indepen-
dence elections, but the polls reveal a country divided
along tribal and racial lines. Although Zanu-PF
increased its national vote to.77% (up from 63% in
1980) it failed to make any inroads in Joshua
Nkomo’s heartland of Matabeleland, where Zapu
won all.15 seats, despite considerable anti-Ndebele
brutality on. the part of government security forces
in the five years since indpendence.

Bishop Abel Muzorewa’s UANC was, as expected,
obliterated. Less expected, however, was the single
seat picked up by the Rev.’ Ndabaningi-‘Sithole’s
Zanu party (as distinct from Zanu PF) in the south-
east Chipinge district. Sithole himself remains in
exile'in Britain threatened with arrest on charges
of subversion if he returns.to Zimbabwe.

But it was the complete surprise of the white vote
for the 20 seats reserved for white candidates under
the Lancaster. House constitution that caused real
consternation, and,-according to Mugabe, may yet
give rise to the end of ‘reconciliation’. Pundits
across. the board. predicted that: the. Independent
Zimbabwe Group (IZG), chaired by Bill Irvine,
would gain at least 15 of the reserved seats, with Ian
Smith’s renamed Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe
(CAZ), winning the other ‘five. Nobody was more
surprised than-CAZ itself.

In retrospect IZG made several. crucial tactical
errors in presenting their image to the white voter.

_ Most of them did not submit to fresh by-elections

after crossing the floor from CAZ half way through
the last parliament. Because they. had their origins
as'a CAZ breakaway, they were regarded by many
whites as turncoats and opportunists, not’ to be
trusted. It was: thought that had they won,’ they
might: have been persuaded by government either to
join Zanu-PF or vote with Zanu-PF for an early
end to the reserved white seats. White voters also
fell for a dishonest CAZ election claim that .CAZ
had good communications with government. In fact
Mugabe and Smith have not been on speaking terms

108

JPRS*SSA=85=086
13 September 1985

ZIMBABWE



JPRS*SSA*85"086
13 September 1985

WHITES LIKELY TO SACRIFICE MORE IN NEW ORDER

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 21 Aug 85 p4

[Article by Peter Wallington]

(rene) MAN Oe eae Eat
specul a 7
would include: in. his Baticon Pursue. urgently dialogue, between
peech last week were population groups;
etned by Deput Were Dr ene Genes. O Halt all forced removals.
al of Foreign “Neil. van a nerener, Van Heerden said his
at ot *h “should not be construed as fur-
Tn a speech delivered at an SA-Ger- er extrapolation on the State Pres!-
man Chamber of Commerce and Indus- te eggan on
try function, in Johannesburg, he said He warned that both black and white
ernment's answer to the unrest was would-have to make sacrifices, and that
whites would largely be the givers.
O Take a new look at common citizen- “The old order is passing, and we are
ship; heading into a new one.”
Elfake anew lok a the vision of SA : He added that there were some who
Into separate entities; did not want to see reform succeed and
towards a more equitable edu- they were a significant factor in sus-
tation system; g the unrest.
Cake a new look at influx control; ‘Vane Heerden cautioned that, while
i ep ving standards and-estab- © SA would have to contend. with even
principe of “the right tb a job rar ack ngs otk
ternative.but to, work, things out.;
cso: 3400/1024

67

SOUTH AFRICA


change of authority. But race implies much more than simply a question of
ethnic origins, language or colour as is the case in the United States, where
classic racism prevailed until at least the legal dimension was rectified to
ensure de jure equality. In this regard, South Africa has failed to demonstrate
the non-racial basis of the existing dilemma, hence her defence against
primarily morally-based charges will never be refuted by reason alone. By
the same token, no justification of the present system will ever be accepted
Overseas, as it amounts to either the perpetuation of a racially-based social
system, or the maintenance of restricted social and economic elite classes.
Both of these characteristics are simply outdated, when judged by evolving
international ideological norms.

The disinvestors then do not see why a comprehensive articulation of their
rationale is required, as theirs is fundamentally a moral concern which will
never allow for any compromise—such as greater devolution to local
authority, limited unionization, the new tri-chamber constitution,
elimination of the Mixed-Marriages Act, or even the release of Mandela.
Ultimately, the issue is political voting equality which will simply never be
yielded voluntarily by the Whites, not because of any racist notions of Blacks
being inferior, but because of the perceived fundamental disruption of their
attained social welfare level. Could this welfare hypothetically be ensured,
yielding political control to the majority would be more easily facilitated.
The disinvestors, however, do not articulate plausible scenarios or models of
a system which could ensure such reasonable expectations of all sectors of
society. Here, foreign governments are just as guilty, as they too fail to
respect the non-racial dimension of the South African question or to make
specific demands, beyond the usual nebulous requirement for “change”
which in its simplest presentation, ultimately is reduced to “‘one-man, one-
vote”. Few foreign public officials have elaborated on their countries’
potential response to such eventualities. Few also admit that under such
circumstances, there would be both increased and also spontancous
disinvestment far exceeding all that the present frenctic attempts have
generated.

V_ In Defence of Investment

The striking feature about the pro-investor position is the fact that there
are many prominent individuals and groups in South Africa and in the United
States who are very much in favour of continued or even increased
investment — albeit for different reasons. However, their failure to mount a
substantial public awareness effort on behalf of investment is just as striking.
At the heart of this failure are the radically opposed reasons for supporting
such investment. On the right, arguments have the effect of favouring the
retention of the existing political system because of the resulting economic
stability. Yet among moderates, the argument is offered that continued
investments will fuel the fabled black middle-class aspirations, which will
lead to fundamental change in the system. These two divergent arguments
hardly encourage a united effort, which in turn facilitates the predominance
of the arguments in favour of disinvestment.

The wide range of pro-investors include the US Reagan Administration
and of course the South African Government — including the opposition
Progressive Federal Party; the Indian and Coloured parties represented in the
new Tri-chamber Parliament; all homeland leaders; many South African

22



PORTUGUESE ARTISTS AID STARVING

Port Elizabeth WEEKEND POST in English 20 Jul 85 p 22

[Text]

cso:

LISBON — More than 40
Portuguese recording art-
ists have cut a disc to help
famine victims in Mozam-
bique, one of the organ-
isers of the venture said
this week.

The record, Abraco a
Mozambique (A Hug for
Mozambique), was due to
be released this weekend
along with a TV video,
said Mr Joao Gomes, di-
rector of the charity
organising the project.

Mr Gomes told a news
conference the fund-rais-
ing drive would include a

_concert in Lisbon on Tues- _
day, expected to feature

the “richest and most tal-
ented” Portuguese. music
stars, .
The project has been
organised by the Santa

Casa de Misericordia de
Lisboa, Portugal's leading

charity organisation, with
support from the State TV
and radio networks,

Some 30 public figures,

including writers and
actors, are also due to
make appeals for dona-

» tons to the project on ra-

dio and television.
“Hunger in Mozam-
bique is an atrocious real-

3400/924

7 ity, aggravated by armed

attacks that spread death,
injuries, insecurity and
panic,” said Mr Gomes

who recently visited |

Mozambique.

Abraco a Mozambique,
written by Pedro Osorio,
Jose Maria Branco, Jose

. Fanha and Dulce Fanha,
features among other per-
formers Lena D’agua,
Paco Bandeira, Paulo de

Carvalho, Manuel Freire, .

Sergio Godinho, Julio Per-
eira, Tonicha, Rui. Veloso
and Vitorino.

@The Post’s London

| Correspondent reports

that after. the Live Aid se-|

é ries of concerts for fam-)

ine relief, it’s going to be
Sports Aid.

Concert co-ordinator
Midge Ure revealed that a
sporting spectacular is be-
ing planned for later this
year, starring ice skating
stars Jayne Torvill and
Chris Dean and athlete
Daley Thompson.

But Bob Geldof, the mu-
sician whose brainchild
Live Aid was, would not
be so much involved.

‘It’s time for someone
else to come. forward,’

” Ure said. .

JPRS#SSA=850086
13 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE



quicker and further changes. Both groups of pro-investors place long-term
economic development above the question of short-term morality. Given
these divergent perceptions and assumptions in the debate, it is hardly to be
expected that the debate will be resolved easily — or at all, at the intellectual
level.”

The debate has also been dangerously over-simplified. As in most long-
standing political confrontations, sides are taken along diametrically opposite
and fundamentally irreconcilable lines. The issues, despite their immense
complexity and the plausibility of both sides’ arguments, get reduced to
essentially “yes/no” propositions. This creates some rather unlikely alliances
which rarely survive the resolution of the central conflict. For example,
should the disinvestors succeed in their objective of eliminating every vestige
of apartheid, the inheritors of power could quite possibly be of a sufficiently
militant and authoritarian disposition to dominate the entire southern
African region in a way many present-day disinvestors would hardly find
attractive. Preferably, the disinvestment issue should be viewed in its full
complexity and the resolution of the conflict, which in essence concerns the
distribution of political power in South Africa, should not have to rely on the
tool of disinvestment as the primary means available to engender change.
Such punitive measures reflect the failure of political persuasions and such
grossly-oversimplified political tactics may easily introduce as much long-
range harm as is already experienced in the present system.

In calling for a reassessment of the entire South African situation, a
broader geographic dimension needs to be introduced, in addition to a
broader political context. South Africa’s domination of the southern Africa
region is an established fact and will remain the case into the future. Hence,
any reshaping of the power structure occurring in South Africa will affect her
neighbours from Namibia, through Zimbabwe and Malawi to
Mozambique, including Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland. Yet an
alternative political structure could be introduced into South Africa which
would facilitate economic confederal integration centering on the established
economic core of South Africa. The destruction of this core will simply
preclude any such development. Such a system would expand and build on
the Whites’ continued management of that economic core with the
progressive introduction of trained and competent Blacks from the entire
southern African region into the ranks of economic management. Nor would
the Whites necessarily continue political domination over Blacks or Blacks
over Whites.

The essential problem derives from the fact that in South Africa, there
exists a somewhat unique historical situation in that a substantial number of
people from the First and the Third Worlds occupy the same geographic
space. Yielding power to the majority, who are economically members of the
Third World, is a plausible solution based on traditional patterns of
democratic thought, notions of majority government, and concepts of
human rights which prevail in the First World. However, if it is accepted that
a simple power shift from the First to the Third World may needlessly harm
one or both of these societies, then another strategy ought to be introduced.
One alternative is the physical division of the country into two but more
likely is the concept of several units and the introduction of appropriate
governmental institutions to tie the newly-created units together federally or
confederally, along largely coincident lines of econotnic interest, as is the case
in the European Economic Community. Such a fundamental political charige

27



IPRS#SSA~8 54086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

STUDY OF TRAVELING TIME SPENT FOR HOMELANDS COMMUTERS

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 3 Aug 85 p 6

[Text] -
Some homelands commuters spend more time travelling
than with their families at home, it was disclosed this
week at the Annual Transportation Convention in Pre-
toria. The Star reporter McKeed Kotlolo travelled to and
from work with Mr Simon Mnisi' of kwaNdebele who ar-
rives home at 9 pm, goes to bed 30 minutes later and is up
at 3am. He spends around six hours a day on a bus.

Hundreds of kwaNdebele residents who spend more than 40-hours a
week travelling to and from their workplaces on the Reef and Pre-
toria have little time to share with their families.

', Arecent study on the effects of long journeys on black commut-
-ers in Pretoria found some spent more time travelling to and from
* work than they did sleeping.

The study was made public at the Annual Transportation Conven-
tion in Pretoria.

It found that commuters from kwaNdebele did not participate in
“any personal activities and only a minority undertook any other

activities or household chores. ‘

The results of the research were confirmed by the The Star

* after a trip by bus to the outskirts of Siyabuswa in kwaNdebele on
Wednesday night. ‘

Because of the long journey, some people slept on the floor of the
bus between the seats while others slept standing.

*. The Star accompanied Mr Simon Mnisi of Magana go Buswa,

‘ near. Siyabuswa, to his house and spent the night there, before re-

‘ turning with him to Pretoria West where he is employed as a panél-
beater. .

* Mr Mnisi spent about seven hours daily travelling to and from
work, But others interviewed at the Marabastad Transfer Station,
on he outskirts of Pretoria, travelled for more than eight hours
daily.

The soft-spoken father of four knocks off work at 5.15 pm and
walks for about 25 minutes to catch his normal 6 pm bus at Mara-
bastad. *

We boarded the bus at 6 pm. As the bus moved off sonie commut-
ers started sleeping. And when we alighted at Siyabuswa at 8.20 pm

half the travellers were already asleep.

+ After alighting we had to walk for another 30 minutes along a
meandering gravel road and through thick bushes and a graveyard
— notorious as a hiding place for thugs — before reaching his home.
+ _ We found his children already asleep and his wife Sophie prepar-
; ing for bed. 1 .

96



MORE CRITICISM OF PRESS ON REPORTING UNREST

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 20 Aug 85 p 19

[Article by Andrew Beattie]

[Text]

Since the declaration of a state |
of emergency, the tightrope |
walk required of journalists in ,
avoiding prosecution has be- ;
come even more hazardous, and
as a result the public has a right
to ask anew: “Are we being fully
informed about what is going on |
in South Africa?”

The media inside South Africa |
have responded in varying way:
to a request by the Commission- }
er of Police to “tone down” or
“scale down” unrest reports.

So far as TV is concerned,
returning tourists frequently ob: |
serve that overseas networks |
cover the unrest far more com- |
prehensively than the SABC. :
This criticism is sometimes ex- :
tended to the local Press,

Professor John Dugard has |
alleged that the administration
of justice is tainted by racial |
Prejudice and the wide powers i
of enforcing order under the |
state of emergency — by arbi-’|
trarily apportioning guilt and |
punishment — might be abused |
by junior constables “prompted
by their own racial bias”.

In the light of increasing |
Pressure on the local Press, it |
is argued that reporting of ir-
regularities such as those per-

» ceived by Professor Dugard has |
become more difficult.

Newspapers are in many
cases reliant solely on police ac:
counts of incidents, t

As City Press editor Percy j
Qoboza put it: “The truth about

: what is happening in the town- /
; Ships is often something be-/
tween two totally contradictory : i

cso: 3400/1020

—“that “or the police~

* and that of the community.”

Mr Qoboza felt local papers
were “losing credibility.
“This happens when township

‘-residents tell reporters, for ex-

‘ on any issue involving police

ample, that a group of children
were surrounded by police who ;
fired teargas at them without
any provocation, and the news-
paper then reports that police
were “forced to fire teargas to
disperse a stone-throwing mob
of schoolchildren”, this kind of ;
situation arises.

“When the newspaper gets to!
that community, they say: ‘Hang H
on, this is not how it happened.
This undermines. a newspaper's
credibility — and it happens far
too frequently.

“The police version is far too

: often regarded as sacrosanct,

and anybody who disagrees with
that version cannot reasonably :
challenge it without facing the
wrath of section 27(b) of the Po- ‘
lice Act,” he said. H

“Credibility” problems also:
creep into affairs between re-
porters and editors, probably as
a result of the heavy onus of
proof placed on the person mak-
ing any odious allegations
against the police. In most cases
the police are given the benefit ©
of the doubt.

Foreign reporters are un-;
doubtedly in a more favourable :
position. Local reporters are ob- |
liged to quote police comment -

tion even if they are eye-wit-
hesses.y

While foreign reporters gen-
erally acknowledge their less
vulnerable position, they accept ‘

89

JPRS*SSA~85~086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

the local Press is largely, but~
not always, doing a good job de-
spite all the pressures. , '
Peter Kenny, assistant bureau ;
chief of Agence France-Presse
(AFP), said: “One cannot gener-
alise about the local Press.
Some are very fair while others
give the unrest virtually no cov- ©
erage at all.” ¥
Peter Hawthorne who is the
‘ local Time magazine correspon-
dent said: “I don’t really think it
: is true to say that overseas writ- |
ers cover unrest better than
local journalists. Frequently"
; foreign agencies lift stories out
« of the local Press,

“T must point out that the cov- ‘
erage of recent ‘funerals has
been particularly well handled
by The Star.

“But I think it is true that
under the emergency regula-
tions news editors have tended -
, to verge on being over-cautious
in criticisms of police actions.”

He added that foreign report
ers were far less inhibited about ,
possible prosecutions,

The problem of subconscious-
i ly censoring objective reportage
of fact, and, even moré so, sub-
jective feelings about particular
incidents, is common cause
among local reporters: this
springs from laws and police ac-
tion designed to suppress the ;
public’s formation of views and
expression of opinion.

| With so many laws on the

| statute book affecting the Press, *

! “telling it like it is” in South
Africa is not always possible.



REFUGEES FALL PREY TO LIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA'S KRUGER PARK

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in ‘English 4 Aug 85 pp 1, 2

[Article by Neil Hooper]

[Text] THOUSANDS of Mozambi-

cso:

can refugees — some fall-
sing prey to lions and other’
wild animals — have fled
‘through the Kruger Park
into South Africa.

This was revealed yester-
day by Mr Johan Kloppers,
who is in charge of nature
control in the park, and con-
firmed by the head of the
SAP Counter-Insurgency \
branch, Major-General Bert +
Wandrag.

Mr Kloppers said that
several hundred refugees
were crossing into the Kru-
ger Park from Mozambique
each week, often in groups of
between 60 and 80 at a time.

Fighting between Frelimo ;
and Renamo, unemployment |
and a drastic shortage of
food, were the main reasons
for the mass exodus.

General Wandrag said that
in terms of an agreement be-
tween South Africa and
Mozambique, those refugees
who were intercepted were
handed back to Mozambique. |

Lioness. |

‘The refugees are so des-

rate to get into South.
“Africa that they brave the
iwild animals in the Kruger
(Park and at least two Mo:
izambicans have been killed
iin recent months,

Mr Kloppers said: “They
are not put off by the threat
of wild animals in the park. It
vis difficult to tell how many
;have been killed, because we

tonly come across the bodies
‘by chance.

3400/924

' “A few months ago we'
i found the body of a man who
had been killed and eaten,
and more recently a young
boy was attacked by a lio-
ness. He was alive when my
men found him, but died later
lin hospital.
' “To protect themselves
against The wild animals, the
refugees build fires at night
and this has caused several
‘veld fires in the park.”
‘Mr Kloppers described the
situation as “extremely trag-
ic” adding that there was

little South Africa could do to
change it.

“The local population is
caught up in the hostilities
between Frelimo and Ren-
amo. Frelimo wants the peo-
ple to move to central camps
in urban areas, where they
will have greater control
| over them. This will also en-

sure that the local population
does not aid 10 rebels,”
he said.
« “Renamo in turn has told
‘the people to stay where they
‘are, promising to give them
: protection if they do.
“What has made the situa-
tion worse was that the crops
harvested so far were not
very good and there is not
enough food for the people to
eat, and there is none to buy
— even if they do have mon-

ey.
Tite is not a pleasant situa-
tion — it is our duty, as well
a8 that of the police and de-
_fence force in the area, to
‘intercept them and hand
them over to Frelimo at Le-

bombo.
“Frelimo does not have the
infrastructure to return these

JPRS*SSA*85*086
13 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

People to their homes and

ey must do so on foot, often

for hundreds of kilometers,
And untimately they stream
back into the

ruger Park.
“Once inside the Republic

it is impossible to detect
them as they are of the same
tribes as those living on this
side of the border and speak
the same languay

es.
“The intensity of the

stream of. refugees has in-
creased over the last few
months — a
expected it to drop as there
were harvests in Mozam-
bique for the first time in
years. But this didn’t happen
and they keep coming.

period when we

Tragic
Mr Kloppers said that

there was no indication that
the stream of reft

fugees —

mainly women, children and

elderly le — was being
used by terrorists to get into
South Africa.

“We question all of them

closely and it appears that
Mozambique is ihickin to
their undertaking of noe al-
lowing terrorists to operate
against South Africa from
their territ

ir .
“I fear that there is no

ick solution to this prob-

fem.

thot is all very ragle and all

! who are tryin,

to force thelr Co

southern Africa should come
id look for themselves what

fey are helping to create,”

licies. on

Kloppers sal


“In my view this policy is |
unsuitable both as a basis '
for negotiation between the
contending groups and as a
means for ushering in an
era in which Liberal values
will be respected and prac-
tised,” Prof Mathews'said.

Those Liberals who had
believed their party’s task
had been to “pave the way
for simple black majority
rule were wrong, particu-
larly if they thought that
such a transition would
automatically guarantee
the triumph of the Liberal
values for which they
stood.”

Prof Mathews continued:
“The task of devising a poli-
tical system for a divided
plural society in which such
values will prevail is clear-
ly an awesome one.”

The Liberal Party’s
place in history must there-
fore clearly be seen: in
terms of its philosophical
ideals, universally shared
in the civilised world, and_

_ the extent to which it’.

helped keep them alive in
South Africa, rather than in
terms of any constitutional |
policy it may have had.

Here it could be noted
that these ideals are em-
bodied, to a greater or less- }
er degree, in a number of
present organisations,
bodies and parties in South
Africa and that former Lib-
eral Party members are to
be found in a number of
leading spheres in the coun-
try's academic, political,
business and professional
life.

They are to be found,
among others, in the SA In-
stitute of Race Relations,
the Progressive Federal °
Party, Solidarity and
Inkatha and among leading
thinkers and intellectuals.

Individuals in. active
politics include Mr Pat
Poovalingham (MP for
Reservoir Hills and Soli-
darity’s national chair-
man), Mr Neil Ross
(national director of the
PFP), Mrs Irene Menell
(PFP MPC for Houghton),
Mr Brian Bishop (chairman

cso: 3400/924

, last month of the Prohibi-~

of the Civil Rights’ League ,

in Cape Town) and Mr Tom
Walters (a leading Cape
Town city councillor).
Thus,- dead though the
Liberal Party may be —
and this week’s workshop in
no way set out to resurrect
it, even in the light of the
scrapping by Parliament

tion of Political Interfer-
ence Act — its spirit very
much lives on.

The foundation of mod-
ern liberalism — drawing

‘on classical roots going

back to Socrates and St
Paul — can be said to have
been laid by two famous
18th Century documents:
the American Declaration
of Independence in 1776 and
the Declaration of the
Rights of Man drawn yp by
the French National
Assembly in 1789.

Both were concerned
with the assertion of a
peoples’ liberty.

The first formed the ba-
sis of the’ constitution of a
free United States of Amer-
ica, the British colonial
yoke having been thrown
off, while the latter was
part of the scene-setting for
the French Revolution, in
which the people ended
feudal, despotic rule.

Both asserted the prem-
ise that individual freedom
of thought and of expres-
sion is of prime importance
in the affairs of man and
that .all other freedoms
flow from that.

In South Africa’s history,
the first governmental as-
sertion (and only true gov-
ernmental one thus far?) of
liberalism could be said to
be what became known as
the “Cape liberal tradi-
tion”.

95

This included parliamen-
tary government in the
Cape on the British model,
the Rule of Law firmly
based on an independent ju-
diciary, a staunch and un-
corrupt ‘public service, a
free Press, freedom of
speech and conscience and
equality in the eyes of the
law.

But at Union in 1910, with
Cape delegates having to
compromise with the
powerful Transvaalers on
the “non-white” question by
agreeing that only whites
sit in Parliament, the Cape
liberal tradition’s defences
were breached and were to
be increasingly whittled
away by racism.

There are today, how-
ever, some signs of a rever-
sal of this process and in
conclusion one should note
that liberalism is not con-
fined to any one political,
policy, ideology or society. :

Liberals can be found in;
communist. Poland; they
were present in Nazi Ger-*
many; some Nationalists in +
this country are labelled}
“liberals” by their right: 1
wing opponents, and in|
Britain liberals can be:
found in the Conservative’
Party and conservatives in
the Liberal Party!

Liberalism’s greatest an:
tagonist is authofitarian-
ism — in whatever fornt
and wherever it |s to be,
found. a



JPRS*SSA~85=086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

DEFENCE FORCE SETS UP EMERGENCY RADIO NETWORK FOR CIVILIANS, MILITARY

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 13 Aug 85 p.5

[Article by Andrew Walker]

[Text]

An emergency radio network for civil- :

ians and military commandos in re-
mote or dangerous areas has been set
up across most of South Africa and Na- ;
mibia by the South African Defence |
Force.

Manned by members of the SADF or .
police, the infrastructure for the alarm ,

and communications system now’:

covers'75 percent of the country.

ZIMBABWEAN BUSH WAR
It can be used to alert the nearest,

military base for help in the event of, :

attacks or other emergencies in re-'
mote areas.

A less sophisticated system was used
to some effect by farmers during the
pre-independence Zimbabwean bush.
war.

In some cases the lives of farmers

‘ were saved by prompt response by mil- is
itary units to SOS calls sent out from

isolated homes under attack by insu

_ Gents. I:

According to the developers, MAR-
NET is part of a programme to in-
crease preparedness for civil emergen-
cies. It is designed as an extension to
the civil defence networks which have
been established in built-up areas.

“The system has been installed to
cater for both military emergencies.
and civil defence action where prompt:
reporting and effective communication
for co-ordination are essential to re-
duce the potential loss of life and to
minimise damage,” said a spokesman
for the manufacturers, Barcom Elec-

cso: 3400/1023

cee tehecine

An artist's impression of the MARNET network.
MARNET provides a two-way communications system -
for civilian (especially farming) and defence
use

“ tronics, which developed” the system
under contract to Armscor.
“Examples are terrorist threats,
major accidents or bush fires.” 7
Specifications for the system were
drawn up by the SADF in conjunction
with the SA Telecommunication and
Electrical Power Supply Authority. :

The system is designed to automati- °
cally send out a distress signal at the
touch of a single button — either on the
radio console or placed anywhere in a
building. .

100



JPRS*SSA"8 5086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

REPORT ON HOW FUNERALS ARE TURNED INTO POLICICAL HAPPENINGS

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 18 Aug 85 p 15
[Report by Allan Soule]

{Text]

THEY have become the roadshows of death — the travelling
political funerals of unrest victims.
Radical protest organisers have taken charge of most unrest-victim
burials and shamelessly hijacked the solemnity of the traditional black
funeral.

For the black liberation cause, their propaganda value has become

incalculable.

Burial proceedings have been honed into slick publicity operations
geared to mesmerise the world’s news media with stirring visuals and
stinging words.

In the Eastern Cape and other areas of the country hit by unrest, the fu-

-neral circuit has emerged-as a huge crowd-puller. Every funeral

attracts a mass of .
black followers, who
often travel great dis-
tances at great per-
sonal cost.

They come to savour
the heady atmosphere,
to be part of a vibrant
spectacle and to ride
high on euphoric waves
of pounding militant
thetoric.

The theatrical props are
all there. Beret-wearing
sentinels pose next to
gaudy coffins Little girls

iressed in white and clutch-

ing candles ride on the bon-
nets of hearses, Banners
and flags rise above the
skyline.

Peak

‘The main cast Is careful- |
ly selected, a band of able
performers who deliver
dramatically scripted
monologues steeped in hate
and revolutionary propa-
ganda. '

Audience participation is
encouraged. And the

63

mourners revel in thelr
own role. They chant and

: sing.
+ At the inevitable climax,
the crowd frenzy has
+ reached its peak. Often it
breaks, unleashing savage-
ry and, not infrequently,
| more deaths.

Last Sunday's funeral of
murdered black activist
Mrs Victoria Mxenge in a

Ciskei village no ex-
| ception,
It was a marish re-

| run of funeral fever in its
| most deadly form. A black
soldier died. He was cruelly
pet to death in the veld by
| being stoned and burnt
; alive because of the uni-
« form he wore.
His killers were “mourn-

ers” at a funeral rally pre---
sided over by men of the
1 cloth and attended by a co- ;
: terle of white sympath-

The funeral began at
daybreak on Sunday when
the packed buses began
rolling into the village of '
Rayi, traditional home of
the Mxenge family.



IJPRS*SSA285*086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

THEMBISA BUSINESSMEN DETAINED, SHOPS CLOSED
MB301330 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1316 GMT 30 Aug 85

[Text] Johannesburg, 30 Aug, SAPA~-A number of Tembisa businessmen have been
detained and their shops closed down in terms of the emergency regulations.

The detention of the businessmen follows a meeting last Thursday between local
traders and members of the East Ran Consumer Boycott Committee which called
for the boycott. of white businesses.

Those detained are the chairman of the Tembisa Chamber of Commerce, Mr Jerry
Morakile, Mr Naboth Khoza, Mr Moses Mnguni, Mr Vuyisile Siyothula .and
Mr Ambrose Dlangamandla.

Two other people, Mr Goba Ndlovu and Mr Ishmael Seeta, have also been de-
tained.

Mr Ndlovu's wife, Mrs Ruth Ndlovu, said her husband had been taken away by
soldiers and policemen at 2.10 am on Thursday.

Shopowners in the township have also claimed that trucks delivering goods
to their shops were turned back by members of the defence force at the en-
trance to the township on Wednesday.

The wives of some of the detained businessmen said their husbands had been
summoned to the police station for questioning on Monday before they were
detained.

The wives of three of the businessmen, Mrs Dorcas Morakile, Mrs Busi Khoza
and Mrs Happy Mnguni, said their husbands had been detained on Wednesday.
They said the police said the detentions were in terms of the emergency
regulations.

Police in a convoy of cars went to the shop of Mr Khoza at Limindlela rail-
way station and ordered his wife to close the shop. They said they were
taking the action in terms of the emergency regulations.

Policemen were posted at all the shops which had been closed down.

cso: 3400/1018 69



gpRs#SSA"85
13 Septembe

U.S. DISINVESTMENT MOVES EXAMINED

086
x 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

Johannesburg INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS BULLETIN in English Vol 9, No 1 1985 pp 28-48

[Article by Karl P. Magyar, associate professor of political science and phil-

osophy at the University of Durban-Westville:
South Africa Debate:

(Text)

I The Issues

Virtually all nations of the world have been applying some form of
political and economic pressures on South Africa in order to bring about the
elimination of apartheid — the politics of separation of races— and to replace
it with a system based on the world-wide evolving perception of social
equality, human dignity and pluralistic integration.

These are morally-inspired goals which emanate as much from the
Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations as from the technology-
facilitated international communciations network which is presently in the
infant stage of developing cross-cultural and global attitudes on fundamental
questions concerning the relationship between the rulers and the ruled —
traditionally the concern of strictly internal philosophical debate.

South Africa’s officially-inspired defence demands that the principle of
national sovereignty be respected, as the United Nations Charter also
requires — Is apartheid the only offensive doctrine in a world replete with
offences against human rights? Besides, South Africa maintains it. is
embarked upon the path of reform, albeit at its own pace and its self-
determined direction.

Most of the world’s nations (however many have dubious claims to
expertise on matters of social justice) respond that if left to her own devices,
fundamental positive reforms in South Africa will never be attained and that
during the intervening time, the minority white elite will only entrench itself
further to assure its survival and its continually-accelerating prosperity.
Short of declaring and waging war on South Africa in order to right these
wrongs, it is postulated that external pressures can and must be applied to the
extent that South Africa will calculate continued intransigence to be so costly
that it will exceed the benefits to be derived by maintaining this antiquated
historical system.

MW The Tactics

The arsenal of non-belligerent weapons is very extensive. Tony
Koenderman in reviewing such economic, political and cultural sanctions
includes: the UN arms embargo, the Arab oi] embargo, investment bans,

14

[The American Disinvestment in
Short-Term Morality vs Long-Term Economic Development"]


cso:

3400/924

“The tired but loving father took a candlestick and ushered me ?

y into the children’s bedroom where he stroked the forehead of Calby
(2), who was sleeping in a cot and remarked: “This is how we live as
a family. Those who can’t wake up when I arrive only see me on
weekends when I am off duty.”

Shortly after we had seen his children, Mr Mnisi showed me
where I would sleep and bade me goodnight. I had thought he was

' going to wash and have a meal.

. But that was not to be. Mr Mnisi has his supper at work during

* the 3 pm tea break “and there is no time to wash at night or drink
tea for fear of waking up late in the morning due to tiredness.”

‘ _ Mr Mnisi, like many other workers from the homeland, does not

} drink tea in the morning and only has a full bath during weekends. ,

.. Next morning we woke up

" rather later than normal for Mr

, Mnisi — 3 am. We only had time

_ to wipe our faces in cold water

‘ so as not to miss the 4 am bus.

” "We had to walk fast to the un-
marked bus stop to catch the
bus. On arrival we found women
clad in blankets already waiting
for the same bus. They had
missed the 3.30 am bus.

.. The bus drove out of the

, township with those commuters
who had missed the 3.30am

;complaining they were also
going to miss the 6.30 am buses

; to various suburbs of Pretoria

“while others complained about
missing the 6.30am train to

. Johannesburg.

The commuters rolled them-

- Selves in their blankets and
started sleeping. Even those
who did not have seats slept-on
their feet.

The bus arrived at the Mara-"
bastad Transfer «Station at
6.25 am. and commuters imme
diately hurried off. .

We. walked to Mr Mnisi’s

‘ place of employment at a nor-

mal pace and it took us about 25
minutes.

~ A spokesman for Putco in
Pretoria confirmed that some of
the commuters travelled for
about three hours in buses. He
said other buses arrived at their
destination in the homeland at
11.30 pm. ' .

97



Much commitment —as well as money —has gone into the formulation
of the arguments of the pro- and the anti-investor groups. Except for the
strategic dimension of the need to maintain ready access to certain minerals,
one could easily argue for the simple abandonment of commercial tics with
South Africa, in view of the relatively small size of the total amount involved
and the substantial boost which human rights would receive. At issuc is the
inescapable requirement to weigh moral against economic and security
interests and this debate will not be resolved easily.

IV Arguments in Favour of Disinvestment

Those advocating disinvestment, a term which is taken to represent a wide
variety of economic sanctions, are divided into two broad groups: first,
private individuals and interest groups and secondly, public bodies and
officials. No attempt will be made to present a comprehensive list of
participants or of their history of active involvement in these campaigns.
Their efforts have seen a very large number of Participants but no single
leadership has emerged to serve as a centralized co-ordinating body. Liberal
whites are involved at the church and university levels and as mostly, but not
exclusively, Democratic Party members of the US House of Representatives
and the Senate and at all lesser levels of government. American Blacks have
been playing an increasingly important role via various organizations and in
their political capacities at the municipal level — which includes several of the
largest cities—and in the House of Representatives in which they are
represented by about 20 Congressmen.

Both private and public groups utilize a variety of tactics to maximise their
impact. Initially, various White-led groups formed study committees
(comprising mainly political and religious activists in the human tights and
black advancement sectors of US domestic politics) and sought to bring
Pressure upon America’s corporations and banks to decrease or to sever
altogether their ties with South Africa. Success was minimal, with Polaroid
Corporation having become the most significant company to opt out
altogether. Then, organizational efforts focused on applying pressure at all
governmental levels — in the true tradition of democratic politics. This latter
phase has accounted for more visible success in terms of publicity, attitudinal
changes, and legal requirements to impose official sanctions on South Africa.
A striking example is the case of the Massachusetts legislature which in 1982
enacted the nation’s most comprehensive disinvestment programme.
Michael Maren noted that “Mass Divest” joined in a national coalition
entitled “Campaign Against Investment in South Africa”. Affiliated bodies
included the American Committee on Africa, the American Friends Service
Committee (Quaker), Clergy and Laity Concerned, the Connecticut Anti-
Apartheid Committee, the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility,
the United Methodist Church office for the UN, the Washington Office on
Africa, and TransA frica.”!

The latter group, TransAfrica, has emerged since its founding in 1977, as
the chief Black lobby group in the US concerned exclusively with foreign
affairs. And of this concern, South Africa receives the lion’s share of
attention. The group pursues support from a number of sectors of the black
community but has had notable success in attracting well-known black
entertainment and sport stars. Realizing that the Reagan Administration and

19



Name

1965
1966
1967
1968
1969
1970
1971
1972
1973
1974
1975
1976
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014

Mjale Tuswe
Mxolisi Makoga
Sipho Majala
Givel Tuswa
Mzimisa Manjo
Godfrey Sipheno
Vujani Takota
Mafu Pastina
Vuzile Uzail
Sulami Nuinhluzi
Masxhosa Nelson
Kolile Magwa
Peter Matobese
Sheperd Mlaklepi
Sandle Mkwani
Patricia Motlaung
Duke Nyangwa
Lazarus Mouetsa
Johannes Makhale
Dick Mat laka
Brister Kalaote
Mirriam Toera
Simon Mokgethi
Betty Nhlapo
Mathen Khaile
Edna Malinga
Humphrey Malinga
Victor Mbunge
Michael Ndlega
Grace Photolo
Vincent Mazibuko
George Hlubi
Melibo Nqaba
Tony Gwala

Peter Mpekani
Sydney Mabula
Siphiwe Dingalo
Solomon Sibeko
Constance Moswane
Christopher Walaza
Mtonzi Mlangu
Asaph Masemola
David Tshabalala
Wilson Tshabalala
Solly Bucigo
Sipho Msimamzo
Mathews Mashoa
Tempelton Xoso
Lawrence Mbatha
Phineas Mabatha

Race/Sex

48

B/M

Magisterial District

Port Elizabeth

Jansenville
Johannesburg
"


JPRS*SSA*854086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

RESETTLEMENT SCRATCHED FOR 2 TRANSVAAL COMMUNITIES
MB280601 Johannesburg SAPA in English 2103 GMT 27 Aug 85

[Text] Pretoria, 27 Aug, SAPA--Iwo communities in the Wakkerstroom District
in the Transvaal will not be resettled, the deputy minister of development
and of land affairs, Mr Ben Wilkens, said tonight.

In a statement issued in Pretoria, Mr Wilkens said, "After negotiation with a
delegation of the Kwa-ngema black community, the government has resolved that
this community will not be resettled, but will remain permanently on the land
they occupy, namely the farm, Kaffirlokagi, in the district of Wakkerstroom,

Transvaal. .

"The community has agreed to accept 1,112 hectares of state land adjacent

to Kaffirlokagi as partial compensation instead of the 1,889 hectares of
land of the community concerned which will be flooded because of the construc-
tion of the Heyshope Dam.

“As far as the remainder of the land is concerned, namely 886 hectares, it
was agreed that the community would be compensated on cash basis.

"After similar negotiations with a delegation with the black community of
Driefontein, in the district of Wakkerstroom, Transvaal, the government
decided that this community must not be resettled either, but will also re-
main permanently on the land which they occupy: namély, the concerned por-
tion of the farm Driefontein."

"The government decisions were also discussed with the local white farming
community. The black community of Driefontein has agreed ‘to accept 212 hec-
tares of state land--a portion of the farm Grootspruit as well as for 403
hectares of the farm Roodekraal, which was offered for sale by Lotshaba forest,
to the South African Development Trust, as compensatory land instead of 615
hectares of Driefontein which will be flooded by the Heyshope Dame.

"The decision of the government is subject to the fulfillment of certain con-
ditions by the black communities concerned. For example, respecting and main-
taining of border fenses, prohibiting illegal squatting on the land concerned,
that the cultural potential of the land is not overutilised."

cso: 3400/1018
93



42. Reverend Leon H. Sullivan, “The Sullivan Principles and Change in South Africa”,
Africa Report (USA) May-June 1984

43. Bernard Simon, “Looking at the Codes”, op. cit.

44. A.B. Lumby estimates that South Africa must achieve a 7 to 8 per cent economic
growth rate in order to merely absorb new job seekers. “Sanctions: the real threat”,
Financial Mail, 25 January 1985.

45, The increased pressures of the Sullivan Code have been characterized as “low-grade
blackmail”. The Star, 17 September 1984.

46. Idiscussed this question of morality vs. power in an article “US investments do help
blacks in South Africa”. The Star, 17 August 1983.

47. Thave dealt with the structural details of such a system in an article “‘Confederal
Integration: An economic base for a new dispensation”, Africa Insight, vol. 14, no. 1,
1984,

cso: 3400/1012

31



trade restrictions, loans or investment capital restrictions, bans on sporting
ties, visa restrictions, diplomatic isolation, transportation restrictions on
flights or shipping, expulsion from international organizations, bans on the
sale of strategic weapons and other strategic commodities, the enforcement
of labour practice codes by MNCs (multi-national corporations) and a host of
cultural boycotts.'

Of these multifarious tactics, which are the most effective is open to
question, but undoubtedly the many forms of economic sanctions are the
most visible and they can also be to some extent quantified and mcasured.?

. While most of the non-OECD countries would not be significant
investors in South Africa under any circumstances, their concern lies mostly
in trade restrictions of which the oil embargo is the most effective. But the
leading Western powers are investors, hence the continued debate concerning
restrictions on such capital movements is of great consequence as South
Africa’s own internal financial resources remain limited,

South Africa’s economy is indeed highly internationalized. And it is very
vulnerable. Mining and agriculture together account for over 90 per cent of
foreign sales. Gold alone earns half the foreign earnings.’ On the other hand,
agriculture has been adversely affected recently by severe weather
conditions, while gold earnings have not fared well in the last few years.
South Africa ranks 15th among world trading nations. Imports and exports
constitute over 53 per cent of the South African GDP and this figure has not
changed significantly for twenty years.* Foreign investments exceed R30
billion. Major economic partners are the Western European nations, Japan
and the United States — countries whose imposition of economic sanctions
could hurt South Africa severcly.

Technically speaking, disinvestment, divestment, boycotts and
embargoes all have specific connotations but collectively, the international
focus of such activities has popularly come to be known as “disinvestment”.5
To promote trade restrictions by a foreign governmentis to interfere with the
market mechanism and hence in effect, a deliberate decision is made to cut
into one’s own profitability. This strategy has its limits, even with the most
vocal proponents of trade restrictions: the Sub-Saharan African states,
carrying on a quite active but mostly clandestine trading relationship.* But
disinvestment can win official backing more easily overseas, as many
governments are not enthusiastic about the export of their capital, which they
see in effect as being the export of jobs. .

Regardless of the technical subtlety of the terminology, Proponents of
such measures link economic sanctions to political change. Private
individuals make no distinction between the various forms of punitive
economic measures, while governments must calculate and moderate the
effects of those tactics which will produce a negative result in matters
concerning their own interests. Hence in Western democracies, the resort to
extra-parliamentary tactics will always be a viable option for non-
governmental bodies and especially by organized pressure groups. As they
are motivated by fundamentally political objectives, scant attention is paid by
such private groups to the calculation of the economic costs of, disinvestment
measures.

The assumption of disinvestors is that a large economy such as that of the
United States will not be as adversely affected, as the relatively small size of
South Africa’s economy and the price to be paid in order to stamp out this

15



Name

2281
2282
2283
2284
2285
2286
2287
2288
2289
2290
2291
2292
2293
2294
2295
2296
2297
2298
2299
2300
2301
2302

2303

2304
2305
2306
2307
2308
2309
2310
2311
2312
2313
2314
2315
2316
2317
2318
2319

cso:

Race/Sex

Julius Matomela
Zekeli Menjele
Mkoleko Zomdawi
Peter Jacobs
Jackson Siwtu
Mathews de Bruyn
Simon Kause
Nzukuzi Koko
Josef Boleko
Welcome Maklhi
Manabis Cosa
Munja Mabuleni
Spires Toto
Michael Mabona
Patrick Mtuikiwe
Henni Maile
Monguza Tshongweni
Peter Mofokeng
Lennox Mqinegama
James Rodwhina
Roy Tulo

Fezile Johnson
Meolisy Matume
Andile Meudiawsa
Mkululeko Klaas
Pindile Mhlopo
Siphino Mcapayi
Zoile Mesani
Vakke Mpambo
Moneesi Mpampam
Mthory Rotoman
Mcimbi Kompoto
Ina Nosusi
Johnson Herman
Mamgisi Kuunana
Madono Marhoza
Sonsele Apeke
Andrew Rownam
Franz Phuwelele

3400/992

59

B/M
"

Magisterial District

Uitenhage
"

Krugersdorp
Alberton
"

PE

Kirkwood
Uitenhage
Albany

"

Uitenhage
PE



cso:

3400/990

two days before the shooting, the police support unit
set up a camp about 200 yards from the complex. The
attack itself began with a warning shot and prolon-
ged hooting from the direction of the police camp.
Immediately before the shooting armed members of
the support unit were mingling with the drinkers but
none of them returned fire and they ‘‘disappeared’””
during the attack. During the shooting, which turned
the restaurant into a bloodbath, an armoured Police
truck moved through the complex picking up the
gunmen as they moved off into the bush.

The Inyathi incident highlights the confusion
between attacks by rebel forces and ‘‘pseudo-opera-
tions’’. by government forces. Soldiers from the 5th
Brigade. are now to be seen. in. Police Support. Unit
uniform, without their give-away red berets.

Zimbabwe’s ‘security troubles may soon spread
further afield: At a security summit held in Harare
on 13 June, Mozambique’s President Samora Machel
requested military assistance from senior military
commanders and security minister from Zimbabwe
and Tanzania. He is asking for an increase in Tan-
zanian and Zimbabwean forces currently serving in
northern arid central Mozambique, guarding the
Beira to Mutare pipeline and other key installations
against MNR guerrillas.. He. also wants. Tanzanian
and Zimbabwean troops to extend their hot-pursuit
activities (currently limited to about 10 miles) and
become fully involved in the war. Machel -has been
fully backed in his request by Tiny Rowland, whose:
company Lonhro has just made massive investments.
in Mozambique, including the Polana hotel in
Maputo, and hotels and tourist spots in Beira and
elsewhere, as well as agricultural estates. None of
this: investment will begin to pay until the war is.
brought under control.

But any Zimbabwean involvement in the Mozam-
bique war may well activate the MNR threat of
reprisals along the long common border. The south-
eastern Ndau people, whose majority live in Mozam-
bique, and some of whom number. among the ranks
of the MNR, showed their disaffection with Zanu-
PF government by becoming the only non-Ndebele
group to vote against the ruling party. In the event of

‘Zimbabwe being sucked into a growing Mozambican

conflict, the Ndau could well become a significant
security risk. :

- END -

112



Authority (VRA), Accra, at the Akosombo River, and its installed capacity of

768 megawatt has become an unreliable source of energy as a result of a long-
lasting drought period. The CEB sells the electrical power to national energy
supply companies in Togo (Compagnie de 1'Energie Electrique du Togo--CEET) and

in the People's Republic of Benin (Societe Beninoise d'Electricite et d'Eau--SBEE)
as well as to large customers in Togo (phosphate mining, clinker-brick plant

and steel works).

The dam extends over a 15,680-square-km catchment area of the Mono river.
The future water reservoir will be 47 kilometers long, and its surface wiil
cover about 175 square kilometers. The reservoir will store approximately
1.5 billion cubic meters of water. The undertaking will also create the
proconditions for agricultural and fishing projects. It could permit the
artificial irrigation of an agricultural area of about 42,000 hectares.

7821
cso: 3420/77


sjambokked, punched and kicked before they were
driven to the outskirts of the township, near the
Eerste Fabrieke Railway Station in-the early hours of
Tuesday August 13.

He alleged that on arrival.at the place, they were
told to run into the veld and the police started shoot-
ing at them. He said he was hit by rubber bullets on
the back of both thighs.

When a reporter visited him at home, Mr Mogale
could not walk properly because of his injuries which
are believed to have been caused by the rubber bul-
lets. After the police had left, he and another victim,
tried to look for Mr Phokane but could not find him
because it was too dark. ‘

“We did not search for too long for fear of being .

spotted by passing army vehicles which were patrol-
ling the area. We arrived home at about 2.30 am,” Mr
Mogale said. .

Another case is that of 57-year-old Mr Jannie Ma- ;

seko who was allegedly assaulted by police last Mon-
day evening after his 14-year-old son, Petrus, was

shot in the arm while hiding in his bedroom and his .

11-year-old grandson, Clifford Mhaule, was shot in the
hand while trying to enter a neighbour's yard.

Mr Maseko, a motor mechanic of Section D, re-
ceived treatment from a private doctor who later
referred him to hospital because of bruises caused by
sjamboks on his.back and head.

Mr Maseko said he was repairing a car in front of
his house when several people came running. Later
he head a gunshot at the back of his house.

' “[ saw a group of policemen armed with rifles and
Iran into the house for shelter. My children and wife

were hiding in the bedroom when I went into another _

room and hid under a bed.

“The policemen came into the house and kicked
open the door of the bedroom in which Petrus was
hiding. A few seconds later I heard someone say:
‘Hier is hy — skiet hom’ and a shot went off with my
son screaming for help.” He said they later searched

' the house and found him where he was hiding. “I
screamed for mercy and told them that I was the
owner of the house and I came out.”

Mr Maseko said that he and his son were taken to
waiting Casspirs where he was sjambokked by the
police and thrown to the ground before they left him.

cso: 3400/1020

91

‘Sjambokked and punched’

Another case is that of Mr Annanius Ditau, who
was visiting from Kagiso in Krugersdorp. Mr Ditau
(29) was allegedly dragged out of a relative’s Mame-
Jodi West home by the police who were patrolling the
streets in Section Q.

Mr Ditau suffered head, back and facial injuries
_and his eyes were swollen from being sjambokked
‘and punched by the police. He said his wrist watch

was damaged in the process:

Numerous other residents claimed that they were
assaulted inside their homes and shebeens. Others

- said they were confronted by the police while they

were returning from work in the evening.
Cinema-goers at the Thebu Cinema in Mamelodi

West said police tried to stop a film show on Wednes-
| day afternoon after they demanded they be allowed
to search for a person they claimed had entered the

cinema, but were refused permission and later left.

They allegedly returned the following day and
fired tearsmoke at the patrons during interval at the
cinema. Some of the patrons added that the show had
to be stopped for about an hour since it was difficult
to go back to the cinema because of the tearsmoke
that was fired nearby.

He said the police were parked a few metres from
the cinema and were laughing at the choking patrons.

The President of the Mamelodi Parents Associa-
tion (MPA), Mr Louis Khumalo, said they were not
going to submit allegations of malicious behaviour by
members of the police and army to a magisterial
inquiry because they have already decided to lay
charges.

He said the allegations against the police in Mame-
lodi-differ from those in Daveyton and other town-
ships “because our township is not affected by the
state of emergency”.

Mr Khumalo added that they had already made
arrangements with their legal advisers to accompany

* them to the local police station to lay charges before
the end of the week. He said they will be meeting
some of the legal advisers today or tomorrow.


JPRS*SSA*85=086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

POLICE NAME 25 ARRESTED UNDER EMERGENCY

MB271147 Johannesburg SAPA in English 1144 GMT 27 Aug 85

[Text] Pretoria, 27 Aug, SAPA--Police said today 25 more people had been ar-
rested under the emergency regulations, bringing to 2,344 the number detained
under the five-week-old emergency.

The number freed reached 1,222, according to lists released by the police in
Pretoria. Thirty-nine names have been added to the release list since last

Friday.

A police situation report yesterday put the release figure at 1,103 and total
detentions at 2,197.

The latest arrests: (the numbering follows SAPA's earlier list):

Name Race/Sex “Magisterial District

2320 Madada Mabhoza B/M Albany
2321 Alwitt Mdoka " "

2322 Mkhuseli -Gcdeke " "
2323 Ellede Temise " "
2324 Tambele Daweti " Kirkwood
2325 David Mogcagi " "

2326 Wesley Mbenkashe " "

2327 Mcebe Dawati " "

2328 Gladman Tsotsot " PE [Port Elizabeth]
2329 Ben Montjane mu JHB [Johannesburg]
2330 Roy David c/M "

2331 Moses Peterson " "
2332 Agmet Aabduliah " "
2333 Jerald Willason " "
2334 Joulien Williams " "
2335 Clive Michaels " "
2336 Wiltor Adams " "
2337 Julandi Hamilton C/F "
2338 Romand Fransman c/M "
2339 Newille Louw " "
2340 Chris Rich " "

36


GELDENHUYS HEADS COMMITTEE TO REVIEW FULL MILITARY MACHINE

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 14 Aug 85 p 9

[Report by Peter Honey]

[Text]

ORE than 150 organisations

and individuals from the

business, sonial, political '

and private sectors, as
well as the military, have been
involved with the Geldenhuys
Committee since it began work
June last year.

Their input is likely to deter-

mine the course of armaments
:production or procurement, as
well as the entire structure and.
development of the Defence
‘Force, for the next 10 rs, ac-
cording to the leader of the pro-
ject, Lieutenant-General Jannie
;Geldenhuys.

No facet of the military has es-:
caped review: national conscrip-
tion, strategy, logistics, manpower ,
and weaponry needs, financial re-

‘sources and organisational struc-
tures of the South African Defence
Force and Armscor are all being
evaluated in terms of the country’s
economic, political and security
requirements.

eldenhuys cautions that this
does not mean the defence struc-
ture is about to be turned on its
head. Present arrangements will
be left alone if the committee be-
lieves they are likely to meet re-
quirements.

While the slump has had an
overriding impact on the commit-
tee’s work, its effects might not be
as dramatic as many people ex-

t.

Perthe economic and financial sit-
uation has played a big role, and.
has formed the basis of some very
deep thought and research by the
committee,” says Geldenhuys.

“But our assignment was not
specifically meant to fit the De-
fence Force into the economic sit-
uation alone. The essence has, been
to look at the Defence Force and ;
Armscor in the context of the.
future needs of the country.” * ~:

~ A few of the committee's inter-
im findings have already been im-
Plementec: reductions in the num-

r of SAAF squadrons, further
streamlining of the Navy and
Armscor structures, for example,
and the appointment of a Chief of
Staff for the Defence Force, Lt-
Gen Ian Gleeson.

The major impact is likely only
after Defence Minister Magnus
Malan receives the bulk of the re-
port late this year.

Most of the strategic and wea-
ponry recommendations are clas-
sified, and will probably remain
80.

Gece was not willing to
speak much about the other find-
ings to date but he let slip that the
committee has had to consider a
recommendation to reduce
national service to one intake a

year.

Among the 26 organisations and
individuals outside of the defence
force who have made, or are still
to make, recommendations to the
committee are: the Chamber of
Mines, FCI, Sir Richard Luyt, SA
Institute of Race Relations, the
End Conscription Committee, ,
political parties and members of
the houses of Representatives and
Delegates.

I. addition 60 representations
came from within the Defence
Force and Armscor, including the
outgoing Defence Force chief, Gen
Constand Viljoen.

The Geldenhuys Committee also
appointed 21 task groups, involv-
ing about 70 people associated
with the Defence Force, to re-
search various aspects of military _

98

JPRS*SSA*85*086
13 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



Name

2364
2365
2366
2367
2368
2369
2370
2371
2372
2373
2374
2375
2376
2377
2378
2379
2380
2381
2382
2383
2384
2385
2386
2387
2388
2389
2390
2391
2392
2393
2394
2395
2396
2397
2398
2399
2400
2401
2402
2403
2404
2405
2406
2407
2408
2409
2410
2411
2412
2413
2414

James Malambile
Kennedy Mabuto
Makhosonke Matshoba
Randolph Jones
Joe Nydre
Mbuyelo Myeki
Lindile Lala
Fileka Mgeleza
Andile Ngubo
William Radebe
Kopo Masisi
Julian Cheke
George Raputsoe
Tsidiso Mabuye
Julius Khati
Gilbert Motsopo
Edwin Motshepe
Petrus Qobola
Samuel Nyamande
William Mbhele
David Pule
Samson Kolaepe
Charles Chaka
Boy Mabileda
Michael Radebe
Solomon Motaung
Beauty Pefile
Olfis Mkhosini
Zolile Dlambulo
Clifford Nondlwana
Tumelo Myoli
Siphowe Forster
Nceba Zwane
Mzimbasi Ngwatu
Vuani Samka
Siphiwe Mgxashe
Fundile Ngoqo
Vuyisile Ncandana
Benjamin Yaca
Zola Gangca
Sipho Masala
Reginals Schultz
Beathwell Nomkhena
Zandesele Rabi
Mzandile Bucwa
Lehogang Beea
Josef Makhaleme
Jovo Malima

Ben, Matiko
Steven Ndou
Dumisani Sithole

Race/Sex

“Magisterial District

B/M
"
"

c/M

B/M
"
"

B/F
B/M

39

PE

"

Vanderbijlpark
JHB
PE

"

Albany
"

Uitenhage
Vereeniging
"

PE

JHB