# Liberia - United States Department of State

- Video Remarks on the Signing of an E.O. the War and Economic Crimes Court for Liberia Beth Van Schaack, Ambassador-at-Large for Global Criminal JusticeOffice of Global Criminal JusticeWashington, D.C.													HomeOffice of Global Criminal Justice Remarks &amp; Releases&#8230;Video Remarks on the Signing of an E.O. the War and Economic Crimes Court for Liberia				hide		if(window.jQuery) {		jQuery( document ).ready(function() {			if (jQuery(".bc_middle").hasClass("collapse")) {				jQuery(".bc_ellipse").click(function(){					jQuery(".bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");					jQuery(".bc_middle").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_ellipse").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");					jQuery(".block_breadcrumbs_content").toggleClass("noflex");				});				jQuery(".bc_hide").click(function(){					jQuery(".bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");					jQuery(".bc_middle").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_ellipse").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");					jQuery(".block_breadcrumbs_content").toggleClass("noflex");				});			} else {				jQuery(".bc_ellipse").hide();			}		});	}																										Video Remarks on the Signing of an E.O. the War and Economic Crimes Court for Liberia																																		Video Remarks																														May 6, 2024																																													Tags																													Criminal Justice																															Liberia																								Office of Global Criminal Justice																																War Crimes
- The Impact of Aid on Economic Growth: Analysis of Quasi-Experimental Evaluations in Agriculture and Food Security -->			HomeLiberia						hide			 -->	$( document ).ready(function() {		if ($(".bc_middle").hasClass("collapse")) {			$(".bc_ellipse").click(function(){				$("#bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");				$(".bc_middle").toggle();				$(".bc_ellipse").toggle();				$(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");			});			$("#bc_hide").click(function(){				$("#bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");				$(".bc_middle").toggle();				$(".bc_ellipse").toggle();				$(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");			});		} else {			$(".bc_ellipse").hide();		}	}); -->The Impact of Aid on Economic Growth: Analysis of Quasi-Experimental Evaluations in Agriculture and Food SecuritySeptember 2023Rigorous quasi-experimental design studies (i.e. cause-and-effect designs that assume near-random assignment of an intervention) suggest foreign assistance, especially in value chain investments, can positively impact economic growth. Evaluations like this can help decision-makers identify projects with growth-related benefits in both agriculture and food security.BackgroundThis review examines evaluations conducted by the State Department and U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to identify which foreign assistance programs, aimed at fostering economic growth among partners, have demonstrated sustainable impacts on their economic development from 2014 to 2019. A working group analyzed information from rigorous evaluations that sought to determine whether foreign assistance projects have resulted in sustainable economic growth. The working group developed a report specifically focused on five projects that employed quasi-experimental designs on agriculture or food security.FindingsInvestments and projects focusing on agricultural value chains—enhancing, for example, production and distribution—when tailored to specific recipient groups, can yield substantial growth-related impacts, including:A 27% increase in profits from investments in- genetically modified seed investments.Minority communities being 22% more likely to be employed after participating in a job training program.Poor farmers provided with improved farming inputs and strategies are 30 percentage points more likely to use them.RecommendationsAdvocate for quasi-experimental design to improve quality of findings on sustainable economic development.Support interventions to affect change at the household and community level as they can have significant, growth-related impacts.Evaluate projects after completion to measure sustainability and emphasize building capacity to ensure long-term viability.Specify targeted communities as narrowly as possible, paying attention to dynamics of those groups while designing projects.Consider designs that actively encourage participation to ensure rigorous design without denying services to any community.Evaluation QuestionsIs there quantitative evidence that foreign assistance programs have produced sustainable economic growth in the agriculture sector?Does the evidence suggest some of these types of projects are more effective than others?What are the lessons that can be learned from the design of these projects?Approach, Methods, &amp; DataThe report examined 15 evaluations, chosen from a pool of 2,285. These 15 were selected based on the study criteria. Data scientists applied this criteria to searches using computer programming code on the Department of State and USAID databases of projects from 2015-2019. From the 15 evaluations, there were additional criteria added to determine inclusion in the report – specifically, evaluations needed to have positive findings, utilize quasi-experimental or experimental techniques, and represent final evaluations. One mid-term evaluation was included because it covered a five-year period. This led to five evaluations, out of the 15, to be included in the final report. The report sorted these five evaluations into two broad categories (specifically, value-chain investments and training and outreach investments), summarized their key results, tried to reasonably compare the projects, analyzed the findings to offer insights, examined research designs for all 15 projects to find broader lessons learned from how the projects were evaluated, and suggested next steps.Detailed FindingsBroadly, the projects analyzed were impactful, suggesting that foreign assistance can help lead to economic growth. However, the evaluations did not capture outcomes well after the interventions had concluded, only intermediary ones, so the positive impact to long-term economic growth would require further study.Value-chain investments might have a particularly strong return, at least in the shorter term: While the wide variation in the types of projects made it unfeasible to directly compare them, projects directly investing in value chain inputs did appear to have stronger returns compared to those providing training and strengthening organizations. The latter may have more sustainable outcomes because they invest in people and institutions, but the lack of projects measuring outcomes after their completion made that impossible to conclude.Targeted projects can have significant, growth-related impacts: projects that were very targeted were particularly successful. Specifically, the project in Colombia providing job training to Afro-Colombian and Indigenous populations led to a 22% increase in employment, and the project in Bangladesh providing genetically modified eggplant seeds to prevent a particular type of pest led to a 27% increase in profits. These are substantial results that directly address economic growth.Notable outcomes: communities in Colombia job training program were 22% more likely to be employed, 31% more likely to have retirement benefits; farmers in Bangladesh provided genetically modified eggplant seeds had a 27% increase in profits; those benefiting from water associations in Tajikistan cultivated .14 more hectares of high value crops; Ugandans encouraged to use e-verification of agricultural inputs were more likely to use better quality maize and herbicides; and Liberians trained on better agricultural strategies and techniques were 29 percentage points more likely to implement them.The evaluations were rigorous, ensuring confidence in their accuracy, which helps inform future work: There were important implementation and design lessons learned when examining all 15 projects under consideration for the report, particularly those that did not have positive results. First, it is likely that issues with project design affected the conclusions. Specifically, several projects failed to address the possibility that control group participants may have received similar interventions funded by other donors. This could eliminate much of a project’s measurable impact, since both control and treatment groups would be getting a similar treatment. Other projects would have benefited from more careful planning when they measured outcomes – for example, one project only had data for one year of implementation because they did not consider farming seasons when timing their surveys.Detailed RecommendationsAdvocate for quasi-experimental design to improve quality of findings on sustainable economic development: Quasi-experimental design relies on the near-random assignment of an intervention. Researchers who apply this method to existing data assume that they have identified a valid comparison group with which they can determine the impact of an intervention. Unlike experiments that are conducted- in the lab or field, researchers do not have the same amount of control in quasi-experiments. In this method, hidden variables may interfere with determining the impact of an intervention. Still, quasi-experiments can advance rigorous and ethical research.Support interventions at the household and community level as they can have significant, growth-related impacts: Given that most foreign aid projects are implemented in local communities or regions, the outcomes should be measured at the household or community level.Evaluate projects after completion to measure sustainability and emphasize building capacity to ensure long-term viability: Must examine outcomes well after projects finish to measure long-term gains.Specify targeted communities as narrowly as possible, paying attention to dynamics of those groups while designing projects: Projects are most likely to achieve success when they can really focus on the issues recipient groups face, and design around them to optimize delivery of services to them.Consider employing &#8216;encouragement&#8217; designs to maximize rigorous design without denying services to any community: Encouragement designs actively invite participation in the treatment groups. The difference in participation rates between those actively encouraged (the treatment group) and those not (the control group) contribute to assessing an intervention&#8217;s impact. This approach is ethically preferable as it does not withhold treatment from a control group, especially in impoverished regions receiving foreign assistance.Learning SummaryThe Department of State held four “Pause and Reflect” meetings to identify key lessons from this review that could inform current thinking and improve existing practices in the US Government (USG). Some of the lessons identified during the meetings were:The research products that resulted from this study capture important, growth-related insights. These insights can be used to inform (or provide background to) briefing checklists, information memos, interagency multilateral agendas, and other materials. In other words, there are efficiency and intelligence gains from ensuring that personnel at the Department of State have access to and can use the research products that resulted from this study.Dissemination of the findings will help raise awareness of USG efforts to support economic growth-related activities. It will provide examples of where growth-related programming has had impact.
- Liberia HomeReportsBureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices&#8230;Liberia				hide	document.addEventListener("DOMContentLoaded", function(event) {	if(window.jQuery) {		jQuery( document ).ready(function() {			if (jQuery(".bc_middle").hasClass("collapse")) {				jQuery(".bc_ellipse").click(function(){					jQuery(".bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");					jQuery(".bc_middle").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_ellipse").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");					jQuery(".block_breadcrumbs_content").toggleClass("noflex");				});				jQuery(".bc_hide").click(function(){					jQuery(".bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");					jQuery(".bc_middle").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_ellipse").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");					jQuery(".block_breadcrumbs_content").toggleClass("noflex");				});			} else {				jQuery(".bc_ellipse").hide();			}		});	}});																							2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Liberia																																					Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor																																																																																							Download Report																																																							Translations																																																																 In this section										/																							EXECUTIVE SUMMARY																																													EXECUTIVE SUMMARY																															Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person																																																									a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings																																																																											b. Disappearance																																																																											c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, and Other Related Abuses																																																																			Prison and Detention Center Conditions																																																																																																																		d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention																																																																			Arrest Procedures and Treatment of Detainees																																																																																																																		e. Denial of Fair Public Trial																																																																			Trial Procedures																																																								Political Prisoners and Detainees																																																																																																																		f. Transnational Repression																																																																											g. Property Seizure and Restitution																																																																											h. Arbitrary or Unlawful Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence																																																																											i. Conflict-related Abuses																																																																																	Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties																																																									a. Freedom of Expression, Including for Members of the Press and Other Media																																																																			Internet Freedom																																																																																																																		b. Freedoms of Peaceful Assembly and Association																																																																			Freedom of Peaceful Assembly																																																																																																																		c. Freedom of Religion																																																																											d. Freedom of Movement and the Right to Leave the Country																																																																											e. Protection of Refugees																																																																																	Section 3. Freedom to Participate in the Political Process																																																									Elections and Political Participation																																																																																	Section 4. Corruption in Government																															Section 5. Governmental Posture Towards International and Nongovernmental Monitoring and Investigation of Alleged Abuses of Human Rights																															Section 6. Discrimination and Societal Abuses																																																									Women																																																																											Systemic Racial or Ethnic Violence and Discrimination																																																																											Children																																																																											Antisemitism																																																																											Trafficking in Persons																																																																											Acts of Violence, Criminalization, and Other Abuses Based on Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity or Expression, or Sex Characteristics																																																																											Persons with Disabilities																																																																											Other Societal Violence or Discrimination																																																																																	Section 7. Worker Rights																																																									a. Freedom of Association and the Right to Collective Bargaining																																																																											b. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor																																																																											c. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment																																																																											d. Discrimination (see section 6)																																																																											e. Acceptable Conditions of Work																																																																																																							EXECUTIVE SUMMARY				There were no significant changes in the human rights situation in Liberia during the year.Significant human rights issues included credible reports of: arbitrary or unlawful killings, including extrajudicial killings; torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment by the government or on behalf of the government; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; serious problems with the independence of the judiciary; serious restrictions on freedom of expression and media freedom, including violence or threats of violence against journalists and censorship; serious government corruption; extensive gender-based violence, including domestic or intimate partner violence, sexual violence, and female genital mutilation/cutting; laws criminalizing consensual same-sex conduct between adults, which were enforced; crimes involving violence or threats of violence targeting lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, or intersex persons; and systematic restrictions on workers’ freedom of association.The government did not take credible steps to identify and punish officials who may have committed human rights abuses.																														Section 1.													 Respect for the Integrity of the Person												    																																																a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings										There were several reports the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings, including extrajudicial killings, during the year.On January 20, an officer of the Armed Forces of Liberia, Abu Konneh, allegedly arrested, tortured, and killed Abraham Hanson Wleh after he allegedly burglarized a private residence. Konneh, along with several unidentified accomplices, remained at large at year’s end.																																				b. Disappearance										There were no reports of disappearances by or on behalf of government authorities.																																				c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, and Other Related Abuses										The constitution and law prohibited such practices, but there were credible reports government officials employed them. The law provided criminal penalties for excessive use of force by law enforcement officers and addressed permissible uses of force during arrest or while preventing the escape of a prisoner from custody.There were reports government authorities physically abused peaceful civilians, including persons in custody or seeking protection. There were also reports of rape and sexual abuse by government agents. In February, the Liberia Drug Enforcement Agency suspended Maryland County Commander Sergeant Targeddine following allegations of a sexual assault brought against him. According to a police report, Targeddine allegedly sexually assaulted a girl, age 16, in Harper, Maryland County. Targeddine remained free pending trial at year’s end.Impunity was a significant problem in the security forces, including the Liberia National Police’s (LNP) Emergency Response Unit and the Public Support Unit, and the Executive Protection Service in the form of soliciting bribes, disregard for rules and regulations, abuse of authority, making physical and verbal threats against unarmed civilians, and other forms of intimidation.																Prison and Detention Center Conditions						Prison conditions were harsh and life threatening due to gross overcrowding, food shortages, inadequate sanitary conditions, vermin infestation, and poor medical care that led to disease outbreaks.Abusive Physical Conditions: Gross overcrowding was a problem. The Bureau of Corrections and Rehabilitation stated prison overcrowding was caused mainly by prolonged pretrial detention, delay in preparing indictments for felony cases, and difficulties in transferring case files from magisterial court to circuit court.Administration: There were significant reports regarding prison and detention center conditions that raised human rights concerns such as allegations of employee misconduct when executing administrative actions, including possible illegal suspensions. Authorities reported they investigated allegations of misconduct.Independent Monitoring: The government permitted independent monitoring of prison conditions by the government-mandated Independent National Commission on Human Rights (INCHR), local and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), the United Nations, diplomatic personnel, and media throughout the year, including both scheduled and ad hoc visits.Improvements: To ease prison overcrowding, and as part of executive clemency issued by President Weah, the Bureau of Corrections and Rehabilitation released 127 inmates, including those convicted of armed robbery or sexual assault.The availability of medical supplies and medication available in the prisons improved. The Ministry of Health assigned medical personnel to six out of the 16 prisons in the country and lobbied for medical training for correction officers in each of the prisons.Major renovations of the F building roof in Monrovia Central Prison were completed.																										d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention										The constitution and law prohibited arbitrary arrest and detention and provided for the right of any person to challenge the lawfulness of their arrest or detention in court. The government did not always observe these prohibitions and rights.																Arrest Procedures and Treatment of Detainees						In general, the law required police to have warrants issued by a magistrate to make arrests. The law allowed for arrests without a warrant if the necessary paperwork was filed immediately afterwards for review by the appropriate authority. Nonetheless, arrests often were made without judicial authorization, and warrants were sometimes issued without sufficient evidence.The law required authorities to arraign or release detainees within 48 hours. Detainees generally were informed of the charges against them upon arrest but were not always brought before a judge for arraignment within 48 hours. The law also provided that, once arraigned, a criminal defendant had to be indicted no later than the next succeeding term of court after arrest. If the indicted defendant was not tried within the next succeeding court term and no cause was given, the law prescribed the case against the defendant be dismissed; nevertheless, cases were rarely dismissed on either ground, making this one of the most frequent abuses of the law. Approximately 60 percent of pretrial detainees, especially those held for felony offenses, were detained for more than two terms of court without a hearing.According to the INCHR, a detainee’s access to a hearing before a judge sometimes depended on whether there was a functioning court or available transportation in the area. The INCHR further stated some jurisdictions occasionally lacked both a prosecutor and a public defender, and the magistrate judge proceeded without them. Additionally, some magistrates solicited money from complainants to transport the accused or convicted to detention.Detainees had the right to prompt access to counsel, and, if indigent, an attorney provided by the state in criminal cases. The national public defender office was short staffed and faced logistical constraints that hindered visits to rural courts. Two domestic NGOs also provided legal assistance to some indigent defendants.The bail system was inefficient and susceptible to corruption. The INCHR and other civil rights observers reported judges misused the bail system, viewing it as punitive rather than a way to regulate appearance in court. Some judges reportedly used the possibility of bail to solicit bribes.Although official policy allowed detained suspects to communicate with others, including a lawyer or family member, inadequate telephone services resulted in many inmates being unable to communicate with anyone outside of the detention facility.Pretrial Detention: Although the law provided for a defendant to receive an expeditious trial, lengthy pretrial detention was a serious problem. In some cases, the length of pretrial detention equaled or exceeded the maximum length of sentence that could be imposed for the alleged crime.The use of detention as a punitive measure, failure to issue indictments in a timely manner, lack of a functioning bail system, poor court recordkeeping, failure of judges to assign court dates, ineffective assistance of defense counsel, and a lack of resources for public defenders all contributed to prolonged pretrial detention.																										e. Denial of Fair Public Trial										The constitution and law provided for an independent judiciary, but the government generally did not respect judicial independence and impartiality. Judges reportedly solicited bribes to try cases, grant bail to detainees, award damages in civil cases, or acquit defendants in criminal cases. Defense attorneys and prosecutors reportedly directed defendants to pay bribes to secure favorable decisions from judges, prosecutors, and jurors or to have court staff place cases on the docket for trial. Some judicial officials and prosecutors appeared subject to pressure, and the outcome of some trials appeared to be predetermined, especially when the accused persons were politically connected or socially prominent.																Trial Procedures						The constitution and law provided for the right to a fair and public trial, and the judiciary generally enforced this right.Defendants also had the right to a trial without delay and to have adequate time and facilities to prepare their defense, although these rights often were not observed. Defendants were generally presumed innocent under the law, and they had the right to confront and question prosecution or plaintiff witnesses, present their own evidence and witnesses, and appeal adverse decisions. These rights were sometimes not observed.						Political Prisoners and Detainees						There were no reports of political prisoners or detainees.																										f. Transnational Repression										Not applicable.																																				g. Property Seizure and Restitution										Not applicable.																																				h. Arbitrary or Unlawful Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence										The constitution prohibited such actions, and there were no reports the government failed to respect these prohibitions.																																				i. Conflict-related Abuses										On June 21, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s Enforcement and Removal Operations in Detroit, Michigan deported alleged warlord Varfley Dolley to Liberia. Dolley was a former executive of the United Liberation Movement of Liberia for Democracy, a rebel group that participated in the country’s first civil war, who was accused by the country’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of widespread human rights abuses, including rape, killings, torture, and sexual enslavement.The government did not implement recommendations on accountability measures detailed in the 2009 TRC report for crimes committed during the country’s two civil wars.																																					Section 2.													 Respect for Civil Liberties												    																																																a. Freedom of Expression, Including for Members of the Press and Other Media										The constitution provided for freedom of expression, including for members of the press and other media, and the government generally respected these rights, although with some unofficial limits.Freedom of Expression: Individuals could generally criticize the government publicly or privately, but government officials used the threat of civil defamation suits to place limits on free expression, and self-censorship was widespread as a result.Violence and Harassment: Press associations reported government officials occasionally harassed newspaper and radio station owners, as well as individual journalists, because of their political opinions and reporting.On September 24, unidentified individuals broke into the facilities of leading independent radio station OK FM 99.5 in Monrovia and damaged equipment, leading to a disruption in broadcasting. The Press Union of Liberia (PUL) denounced the attack as a deliberate attempt to obstruct the dissemination of independent news and information in the lead-up to the October 10 national elections.Censorship or Content Restrictions for Members of the Press and Other Media, Including Online Media: Although generally able to express a wide variety of views, some journalists practiced self-censorship to avoid harassment. Some but not all media outlets avoided criticizing government officials due to fear of legal sanction and potential loss of government advertising, which, according to the Press Union, was the largest source of media revenue. Other outlets avoided addressing sensitive human rights topics such as female genital mutilation/cutting.Libel/Slander Laws: Criminal libel and slander laws were repealed in 2019; nonetheless, government officials occasionally used the threat of civil defamation suits to intimidate critics or political opponents. For example, on July 14 a civil law court ordered the shutdown of Spoon Network, which had been embroiled in a defamation suit filed by Wilmot Smith, the former Deputy Director General of the Liberia Institute of Statistics and Geo-Information Services. The PUL denounced the order, considering it a direct infringement on freedom of expression and the free press. Following the closure, the government clarified it was not a party to Smith’s lawsuit, but the PUL noted Wilmot Smith was a close confidante of Finance Minister Samuel Tweh and a member of the ruling Coalition for Democratic Change (CDC) party.																Internet Freedom						The government did not restrict or disrupt access to the internet or censor online content.																										b. Freedoms of Peaceful Assembly and Association										The constitution provided for the freedoms of assembly and association, and the government generally respected these rights.																Freedom of Peaceful Assembly						A variety of civil society groups conducted demonstrations throughout the year, including outside the legislature and the Foreign Ministry. On July 19, unidentified individuals disrupted an anti-corruption rally in central Monrovia and began to throw stones at the attendees. Liberian People’s Party (LPP) presidential candidate Tiawan Gongloe blamed the government for its failure to provide protection for the gathering even though the LPP had informed the government regarding the date and time of the rally in advance.																										c. Freedom of Religion										See the Department of State’s International Religious Freedom Report at  https://www.state.gov/international-religious-freedom-reports/.																																				d. Freedom of Movement and the Right to Leave the Country										The law provided for freedom of internal movement, foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation, and the government generally respected these rights.Foreign Travel: In an effort to reduce the risk of human trafficking, authorities imposed a 90-day moratorium on international travel by persons seeking domestic service employment outside the country.																																				e. Protection of Refugees										The government cooperated with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in providing protection and assistance to refugees, returning refugees, or asylum seekers, as well as other persons of concern.Access to Asylum: The law provided for the granting of asylum or refugee status, and the government established a system for providing protection to refugees. The law forbade the forced return of refugees, their families, or other persons who could be subjected to persecution based on race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular social group, and the government generally respected those rights for refugees.Temporary Protection: The government provided temporary protection to individuals who might not qualify as refugees. Asylum seekers who presented themselves to UNHCR and the Liberian Refugee Repatriation Resettlement Commission were provided temporary protection while their cases were being adjudicated.																																					Section 3.													 Freedom to Participate in the Political Process												    																						The constitution and law provided citizens the ability to choose their government in free and fair periodic elections held by secret ballot and based on universal and equal suffrage.																										Elections and Political Participation										Abuses or Irregularities in Recent Elections: National elections were widely reported to be fair but not free of abuses or irregularities.On October 10, the country conducted presidential and legislative elections, which observers characterized as free, fair, and largely peaceful. After lengthy legal challenges to first-round results, Joseph Boakai won the presidential runoff on November 14 with 50.64 percent of the vote in a process deemed free and fair.In its official preliminary observation report on the presidential and legislative elections, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Election Observer Mission deemed the proceedings as generally peaceful.Andreas Schieder, the head of the EU Election Observers Mission (EU-EOM) in Liberia, commended the National Election Commission poll workers for their training and knowledge during the elections. Schieder stated that while some cases experienced delays, the overall organization of the elections appeared to be functioning well.Integrity Watch Liberia released a report highlighting widespread violations of campaign financing in the country. The ruling CDC party was identified as the primary violator, with the opposition Unity Party ranking second in violations. The violations included the misuse of state properties, exceeding legal limits for campaign contributions and expenditures, and the disproportionate use of state resources by the CDC.The EU-EOM also accused President George Weah and his CDC party of using state resources to gain an unfair political advantage. It noted the disproportionate allocation of airtime to the ruling party on state-owned media. Head of the Delegation of the European Parliament, Leopoldo López Gil, raised concerns regarding the misuse of state resources during the presidential runoff election. He emphasized the incumbent’s advantage in campaign financing, noting the misuse of government buildings, vehicles, and staff for campaigning during working hours. López Gil highlighted the lack of enforcement of campaign finance regulations, leading to an uneven playing field.In early November, the LNP charged 21 persons with multiple crimes in connection with the September 29 election-related violence in Lofa County, which left at least two persons dead and several injured, when supporters of the main opposition Unity Party and the ruling CDC clashed in the streets. International observers from the EU, ECOWAS, and the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy of Africa expressed disappointment in the LNP for selectively transferring partisans of the main opposition Unity Party in Gbarnga, Bong County to be investigated, while excluding members of the ruling CDC party involved.On November 27, Lawrence K. Williams, who was accused of ramming a vehicle into a crowd of Unity Party supporters in Monrovia on November 20, was charged with murder, aggravated assault, and recklessly endangering another person. Witnesses attested that Williams drove with the headlights off and the front passenger door open during the incident. The court records noted the collision resulted in the injury of approximately 27 persons and damage to property, with three victims dying while receiving medical attention.Participation of Women and Members of Marginalized or Vulnerable Groups: Observers believed traditional and cultural factors, societal pressure, and financial constraints limited women’s participation.																																					Section 4.													 Corruption in Government												    																						The law provided criminal penalties for corruption by officials, but the government generally did not implement the law effectively. There were numerous reports of government corruption.Corruption: On September 5, the FrontPage Africa newspaper reported the government issued a batch of diplomatic passports to British, Kenyan, Turkish, and Croatian nationals in August. Sources familiar with these issuances disclosed to the newspaper certain officials and lawmakers of the ruling CDC party collaborated with senior officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and various other government ministries and agencies, to facilitate the issuance of diplomatic passports to foreign individuals in exchange for payments ranging from $200,000 to $350,000 per passport.The Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission (LACC) was established by law in 2008 with a mandate to investigate and prosecute acts of corruption, as well as to educate the public regarding the ills of corruption. In July 2022, an amended law gave a new anti-corruption commission more powers and established an open and competitive process for selecting commissioners. The former Executive Director of the LACC, Edwin Kla Martin, challenged the legislature’s constitutional power to make and alter laws without limitation. In January, the Supreme Court ruled against Martin and in September, the senate confirmed seven individuals nominated by President Weah to serve as commissioners.For additional information regarding corruption in the country, please see the Department of State’s Investment Climate Statement for the country and the Department of State’s International Narcotics Control Strategy Report, which includes information on financial crimes.																											Section 5.													 Governmental Posture Towards International and Nongovernmental Monitoring and Investigation of Alleged Abuses of Human Rights												    																						A variety of national and international human rights groups generally operated without government restriction to monitor or investigate human rights conditions or cases and publish their findings. Government officials often were cooperative and responsive to their views.Government Human Rights Bodies: The INCHR had a mandate to promote and protect human rights; investigate and conduct hearings on human rights abuses; propose changes to laws, policies, and administrative practices and regulations; and counsel the government on the implementation of national and international human rights standards. The INCHR also created a monitoring unit to receive and analyze reports from field offices and prepare quarterly and annual reports consistent with its statutory mandate. Human rights groups generally considered the INCHR independent and effective.The government had not implemented most of the TRC recommendations contained in its 2009 TRC.The Human Rights Protection Unit of the Ministry of Justice convened coordination meetings to provide a forum for domestic and international human rights NGOs to identify abuses to the government, but a lack of national funding hampered its ability to implement recommendations from civil society.																											Section 6.													 Discrimination and Societal Abuses												    																																																Women										Rape and Domestic Violence: The law criminalized rape of a woman or man, including spousal and domestic or intimate partner rape and other forms of domestic and sexual violence including so-called corrective rape of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, or intersex (LGBTQI+) persons, but the government did not enforce the law effectively, and rape was a serious and pervasive problem.Government officials allegedly committed acts of sexual violence. In February, the Commander of the Liberia Drug Enforcement Agency Maryland Detachment, Sergeant Joseph Targeddine, allegedly sexually assaulted a girl age 16.Although illegal, domestic violence was a widespread problem. The maximum penalty for conviction of domestic violence was six months’ imprisonment, but the government did not enforce the law effectively. Civil society observers suggested the lack of speedy trials led some survivors to seek redress outside the formal justice system.Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C): The law did not prohibit the practice of FGM/C, and NGOs reported there was little political will within the legislature to address the issue.On February 6, the National Council of Chiefs and Elders in Liberia, headed by Chief Zanzan Karwor, instituted a national ban on FGM/C and closed a traditional rural school in Montserrado County, replacing it with a heritage and vocational center to train FGM/C practitioners with alternative skills for livelihood. During the year, local authorities closed three secretive rural so-called bush schools, where the practice took place, in three separate counties and worked with UN Women to provide training to residents.Other Forms of Gender-based Violence or Harassment: The law prohibited sexual harassment in the workplace, but it was a significant problem at work and in schools. UNICEF reported sexual harassment in schools in the form of “sex for grades” and “sex for school fees” was common.Discrimination: The law prohibited discrimination based on race, religion, national origin, color, sex, disability, age, sexual orientation or gender identity, or HIV and AIDS status. The government did not effectively enforce the law. Penalties were not commensurate with those for similar violations and were seldom applied. Mechanisms for receiving and acting on complaints were inadequate, and the government took no efforts to strengthen antidiscrimination regulations.The law provided the same legal status and rights for women as for men, but those laws were not respected in certain rural areas of the country. In rural areas, traditional practices often did not recognize a woman’s right to inherit land, and women experienced economic discrimination based on cultural traditions discouraging their employment outside the home. Anecdotal evidence indicated women were paid less than men. Programs to educate traditional leaders on women’s rights, especially those regarding land rights, made some progress, but authorities often did not enforce those rights in rural areas.Reproductive Rights: There were no reports of coerced abortion or involuntary sterilization on the part of government authorities.The Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection provided access to sexual and reproductive health services for survivors of sexual violence, including emergency contraception as part of the clinical management of rape, through one-stop centers. There were no reports postexposure prophylaxis was available as part of clinical management of rape. While public clinics throughout the country provided family planning counseling and a mix of modern contraceptive methods, access to these services at times proved difficult, particularly for women living in rural areas or those with limited financial means.According to the 2019-2020 Liberia Demographic and Health Survey (LDHS), the most recent available, 25 percent of women between the ages of 15 and 49 reported using a modern form of contraception. Among sexually active unmarried women, 45 percent used modern family planning, while 23 percent of married women used a modern method. Unmet needs for family planning, defined as the percentage of sexually active women who wanted to postpone their next birth or limit their number of births but did not use a modern method of contraception, increased slightly from 31 percent in 2013 to 33 percent, according to the LDHS. Almost half of all respondents between ages 15 and 19 reported an unmet need for family planning, primarily for the spacing of children.The LDHS estimated the maternal mortality rate was 742 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births. Postpartum hemorrhage was the leading cause of maternal mortality and accounted for approximately 34 percent of maternal deaths. In remote areas, clinics often lacked basic infrastructure and facilities, and midwives and health workers sometimes delivered babies at night without electricity. According to the survey, teenage childbearing accounted for 30 percent of all births in 2019-2020. FGM/C was a problem and contributed to maternal morbidity.There were no legal barriers related to menstruation and access to menstruation hygiene that impacted the ability of women and girls to participate equally in society, including access to education, but economic, social, and cultural barriers remained.The law was silent regarding school attendance of pregnant students, leaving school administrators to decide the course of action. Adolescent girls were often denied access to school if they became pregnant, and students who became pregnant while enrolled often did not return until after they gave birth due to fear of being bullied and stigmatized. Pregnant girls were sometimes expelled from school due to pregnancy or motherhood status.																																				Systemic Racial or Ethnic Violence and Discrimination										Although the law prohibited ethnic discrimination, the constitution restricted citizenship and land ownership to those of “Negro descent” only.																																				Children										Education: Students with disabilities and those in rural counties were most likely to encounter significant barriers to education.Child Abuse: The law criminalized child abuse, but it was not effectively enforced. Child abuse was a widespread and persistent problem, and there were numerous cases reported throughout the year, including of sexual violence against children. The government engaged in periodic public awareness campaigns to combat child rape.Child, Early, and Forced Marriage: Laws regarding the minimum age for marriage were inconsistent, setting the minimum marriage age for all persons at either 18 or 21 but also permitting girls to marry at age 16. The lowest median ages of marriage were in rural areas and the median age of first marriage generally increased with growing wealth among women age 25 to 40.Sexual Exploitation of Children: The law prohibited the commercial sexual exploitation of children and child pornography. Authorities generally enforced the law, although girls were exploited, including in commercial sex in exchange for money, food, and school fees. The minimum age for consensual sex was 18, and statutory rape was a criminal offense that carried a maximum sentence of life imprisonment. Orphaned children were particularly vulnerable to abuse and exploitation.																																				Antisemitism										There were no known reports of antisemitic incidents against the country’s small Jewish community.																																				Trafficking in Persons										See the Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report at  https://www.state.gov/trafficking-in-persons-report/.																																				Acts of Violence, Criminalization, and Other Abuses Based on Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity or Expression, or Sex Characteristics										Criminalization: The law prohibited consensual same-sex sexual conduct. “Voluntary sodomy” was a misdemeanor under criminal law with a penalty of up to one year’s imprisonment. The government enforced the law.According to the INCHR, on January 12, the LNP charged two assault victims perceived to be LGBTQI+ with sodomy instead of investigating allegations of assault perpetrated against them by residents of Paynesville City.Violence and Harassment: LGBTQI+ persons recorded instances of assault, harassment, and hate speech. LGBTQI+ crime victims were sometimes afraid to report such crimes, as well as cases of sexual and gender-based violence, to police due to social stigma surrounding sexual orientation and rape, in general, as well as fear police would detain or abuse them because of their sexual orientation or gender identity or expression.The LNP’s Community Services Section claimed improvements in obtaining redress for crimes committed against LGBTQI+ persons were a result of human rights training. Police sometimes ignored complaints by LGBTQI+ persons, but activists noted improvements in treatment and protection after officers underwent training.Discrimination: The law did not prohibit discrimination by state or nonstate actors based on sexual orientation, gender identity or expression, or sex characteristics. The law did not recognize LGBTQI+ couples or their families nor grant them rights equal to the rights of other persons.Antidiscrimination and equality laws existed, but the government failed to enforce them.LGBTQI+ persons faced discrimination in access to education, employment, health care, and housing.There were media and civil society reports of harassment of persons based on their real or perceived sexual orientation, gender identity or expression, with some newspapers targeting the LGBTQI+ community. Anti-LGBTQI+ hate speech was a persistent problem. Influential figures, such as government officials and traditional and religious leaders, made public homophobic and transphobic statements. The INCHR reported politicians and traditional leaders who referred to LGBTQI+ persons as “deviants influenced by foreign governments” fueled homophobia in the country.During the campaign period preceding the country’s national elections during the year, several candidates were openly hostile towards LGBTQI+ persons, leaving them feeling targeted in the electoral process.Availability of Legal Gender Recognition: Legal gender recognition was not available.Involuntary or Coercive Medical or Psychological Practices: There were no known reports of involuntary or coercive medical or psychological practices specifically targeting LGBTQI+ individuals.Restrictions of Freedom of Expression, Association, or Peaceful Assembly: There were no legal restrictions on those speaking out on LGBTQI+ topics or on the ability of LGBTQI+ organizations to register or convene events, but few engaged in these permissible activities due to fear of verbal or physical abuse. Anti-LGBTQI+ sentiment was a regular part of political, social, and religious discourse.																																				Persons with Disabilities										Persons with disabilities could not access education, health services, public buildings, and transportation on an equal basis with others. The government did not provide information and communication on disability concerns in accessible formats. Sign language interpretation was often not provided for deaf persons in criminal proceedings or in the provision of state services.According to a report by the African Child Policy Forum, there were some ritual attacks against children with disabilities who were accused of witchcraft. According to the National Union of Organizations for the Disabled, persons with disabilities were more likely to be subjected to gender-based violence.The constitution prohibited discrimination against persons with disabilities, but these prohibitions were not always enforced.Persons with disabilities faced discrimination in employment, housing, and health care.Election ballots were not available in braille, but visually impaired voters could be accompanied by a helper in the voting booth.																																				Other Societal Violence or Discrimination										The law classified violence by mob as a crime. Nevertheless, mob violence and vigilantism, attributed in part to the public’s lack of confidence in police and the judicial system, were common and often resulted in deaths and injuries. For example, on January 18, a group of angry commercial motorcyclists set a police station on fire in Grand Bassa County in retaliation for a cyclist who allegedly drowned after an altercation with officers belonging to the Liberia Drugs Enforcement Agency. Thirteen persons were arrested and charged with multiple crimes to include rioting, theft of property, arson, and criminal mischief.Although mob violence sometimes targeted alleged criminals, it was difficult to determine underlying reasons for attacks because cases were rarely prosecuted.The law prohibited “discrimination and vilification” of persons with HIV and AIDS, but the LDHS found no measurable change since 2007 in popular attitudes, which remained broadly discriminatory toward persons with HIV and AIDS.																																					Section 7.													 Worker Rights												    																																																a. Freedom of Association and the Right to Collective Bargaining										The law provided workers, except public servants and employees of state-owned enterprises, the right to freely form or join independent unions, bargain collectively, and conduct legal strikes or engage in “go-slow” (a protest by workers in which they deliberately worked slowly). The law prohibited antiunion discrimination and allowed unions to conduct their activities without interference by employers, parties, or government. The law provided that employers and workers could establish and join organizations of their own choosing, without prior authorization, and subject only to the rules of the organization concerned. The law provided that labor organizations and associations had the right to draw up their constitutions and rules on electing their representatives, organizing their activities, and formulating their programs. There was no minimum number of workers needed, and foreigner and migrant members were not prohibited, although a long approval process or denial on arbitrary grounds could be hurdles to registration.The government’s Labor Practices Review Board had the right to supervise trade union elections, which the International Confederation of Trade Unions termed an interference in a union’s right to organize its administration. Trade and labor unions were registered with, and licensed by, the Ministry of Labor, which represented the government in the labor and employment sector. The Ministry’s Bureau of Trade Union Affairs and Social Dialogue coordinated activities of trade unions and employer organizations in the labor sector.Public-sector employees and employees of state-owned enterprises were prohibited under law from unionizing and bargaining collectively, but they could join associations and process grievances through the Civil Service Agency grievance board. The law outlined the rules and regulations governing the conduct of the civil service as well as addressing matters affecting civil servants. Representatives from the Ministry of Labor, Labor Congress, and Civil Servants Association argued the law conflicted with the constitution, which afforded the right to associate in trade unions. Some public sector associations, including the National Teachers’ Association for public school teachers and the National Health Workers’ Union composed of public health workers, declared themselves to be unions despite the law, and the Labor Congress and Ministry of Labor backed their efforts to unionize.In October, Judge Kennedy Peabody of the Sixth Judicial Circuit Civil Law Court “A” ruled to prohibit prohibiting the Civil Service Association of Liberia from becoming a part of the Liberia Labor Congress and preventing a similar case involving the same parties from being filed.The government did not effectively enforce the law in every sector. The law did not provide adequate protection for strikers, and some protections depended on whether property damage occurred and was measurable. Penalties were not commensurate with those for other laws involving denials of civil rights. Penalties were rarely applied against violators. Administrative and judicial procedures were subject to lengthy delays or appeals and to outside interference, such as bribes, coercion, and intimidation by politicians. According to the International Labor Organization, authorities required unions to represent a majority of workers in an enterprise in order to engage in collective bargaining.																																				b. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor										See the Department of State’s annual Trafficking in Persons Report at:  https://www.state.gov/trafficking-in-persons-report/.																																				c. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment										See the Department of Labor’s Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor at  http://www.dol.gov/agencies/ilab/resources/reports/child-labor/findings/ .																																				d. Discrimination (see section 6)																																														e. Acceptable Conditions of Work										Wage and Hour Laws: The law established minimum wages for unskilled laborers and for formal-sector workers. The law also allowed workers in the informal sector to bargain for a wage higher than the legal minimum.The minimum wage of $0.68 per hour or $5.50 per day was not less than the poverty estimate of $2.15 per day. The law provided that working hours could not exceed eight hours per day or 48 hours a week. The law provided for a maximum of five hours of overtime in any week at a rate of 150 percent of the normal rate. Alleged wage, hour, and overtime violations were common in the informal sector.Occupational Safety and Health: Occupational safety and health (OSH) standards were up to date and appropriate for the intended industries. For certain categories of industries, the law required employers to employ safety and health officers and establish a safety and health committee in the workplace. Workers could not remove themselves from situations that endangered health or safety without jeopardizing their employment, and authorities did not effectively protect employees in this situation.The government did not proactively identify unsafe work conditions. The government did respond to workers’ occupational safety and health standards complaints.The government did not keep records of industrial accidents, but evidence pointed to mining, construction, forestry, fishing, and agriculture as the most dangerous sectors. Hazardous occupations were especially dangerous in the informal sector, such as illegal fishing, logging, and mining, where the lack of regulation and remediation contributed to fatalities and obscured accountability.Wage, Hour, and OSH Enforcement: The Ministry of Labor enforced wage, hour, and OSH laws. The number of labor inspectors was not sufficient to enforce compliance. Labor inspectors had authority to make unannounced inspections, but not to levy fines or initiate sanctions. There were no meaningful government efforts to prevent violations, particularly for vulnerable populations.The Labor Congress noted that, overall, occupational health and safety were lacking. The government did not effectively enforce minimum wage, overtime, and OSH laws in all sectors, especially in the small and medium enterprise sector. Penalties were less than those for similar crimes, such as fraud or negligence. Penalties were rarely applied against violators because of political interference or bribery. Observers reported labor inspectors solicited and took bribes to certify compliance with regulations, and the labor inspectorate did not track numbers of individual inspections or violations.The World Bank reported 90 percent of the population worked in the informal sector. Informal sector workers and those working part time were not covered by wage, hour, OSH, and other labor laws and inspections.																																				    							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Respect for the Integrity of the Person																																							a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings																																																						b. Disappearance																																																						c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, and Other Related Abuses																																																				Prison and Detention Center Conditions																																																																																				d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention																																																				Arrest Procedures and Treatment of Detainees																																																																																				e. Denial of Fair Public Trial																																																				Trial Procedures																																												Political Prisoners and Detainees																																																																																				f. Transnational Repression																																																						g. Property Seizure and Restitution																																																						h. Arbitrary or Unlawful Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence																																																						i. Conflict-related Abuses																																																			Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties																																							a. Freedom of Expression, Including for Members of the Press and Other Media																																																				Internet Freedom																																																																																				b. Freedoms of Peaceful Assembly and Association																																																				Freedom of Peaceful Assembly																																																																																				c. Freedom of Religion																																																						d. Freedom of Movement and the Right to Leave the Country																																																						e. Protection of Refugees																																																			Section 3. Freedom to Participate in the Political Process																																							Elections and Political Participation																																																			Section 4. Corruption in Government																Section 5. Governmental Posture Towards International and Nongovernmental Monitoring and Investigation of Alleged Abuses of Human Rights																Section 6. Discrimination and Societal Abuses																																							Women																																																						Systemic Racial or Ethnic Violence and Discrimination																																																						Children																																																						Antisemitism																																																						Trafficking in Persons																																																						Acts of Violence, Criminalization, and Other Abuses Based on Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity or Expression, or Sex Characteristics																																																						Persons with Disabilities																																																						Other Societal Violence or Discrimination																																																			Section 7. Worker Rights																																							a. Freedom of Association and the Right to Collective Bargaining																																																						b. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor																																																						c. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment																																																						d. Discrimination (see section 6)																																																						e. Acceptable Conditions of Work																																																									Tags																					Bureau of African Affairs																								Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor																								Liberia
- Liberian Songs Amplify Calls for Justice Across West Africa Beth Van Schaack, Ambassador-at-Large for Global Criminal JusticeOffice of Global Criminal JusticeOn March 5, Liberian legislators erupted in applause and song, chanting “war crimes court” and “we want justice!” The enthusiastic display came after the House of Representatives of Liberia passed a resolution to create a special court: a War and Economic Crimes Court. And on April 9, the Liberian Senate responded to the house’s call for them to pass a similar resolution. They did so, overwhelmingly, to include votes for the resolution by two longstanding opponents and former warlords, Senators Prince Yormie Johnson and Thomas Yaya Nimely. The Liberian people now eagerly await President Boakai to sign the bill into law and set up the court, as he pledged to do to the country when taking office in January.   Ambassador at Large for Global Criminal Justice Beth Van Schaack takes part in a traditional handshake with Liberian President Joseph Boakai in Monrovia, which includes ending with a snap. The momentum toward justice for the people of Liberia has been spurred by recent legislation passed creating a War and Economic Crimes Court. (Photo Courtesy of the Office of Global Criminal Justice)Liberia&#8217;s Path ForwardAfter Liberia’s civil wars ended in 2003, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission released recommendations on how the country should move forward after the violence.  This included the recommendation to create a court of some sort to prosecute war crimes and other atrocities committed during the wars. So far, however, there has been no accountability in Liberia for the perpetrators of the worst crimes or justice for victims. The new resolution is an important step toward prosecuting those crimes and ending a culture of impunity where criminals are not punished.   Across West Africa and around the world, the United States is helping communities have difficult conversations about how to build a more peaceful future after the commission of atrocities of the past. My recent trip to Liberia and The Gambia was heartening in this respect and reassured me that, in a world beset by vexing conflict and appalling mass violence, calls for justice will not go unanswered.  Healing Societal Trauma in The GambiaIn The Gambia, I joined conversations with victims of former president Yahya Jammeh’s authoritarian regime. These brave advocates have led the effort to bring wrongdoers to account and begin to heal the societal trauma left by decades of serious human rights violations. During my visit, we saw real progress: representatives from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) joined their Gambian counterparts to continue work establishing a hybrid court that will prosecute alleged perpetrators. The United States is bringing broad support to help in this effort. In addition to my own office’s programing in The Gambia—the Department of Justice to USAID to the Embassy Banjul team—we are all working closely with both victim advocates and policymakers to help the country move forward along the long path to justice.  Pursuing justice for mass atrocities is truly a global effort: in addition to its efforts at home, The Gambia has brought a case in the International Court of Justice on behalf of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation accusing Burma of violating its obligations under the Genocide Convention in its horrific treatment of Rohingya. The Gambia’s leadership shows that through a coordinated international effort, human rights violators will be held to account. We, too, remain deeply committed to being a part of that initiative.  Ongoing Diplomatic WorkOur diplomats on the ground worldwide provide vital forward momentum in this crucial work. Wherever they can, they elevate victims’ voices and offer technical support and funding.  In Ukraine, for example, they are assisting as international and Ukrainian investigators gather evidence of unconscionable war crimes and other atrocities committed by Russian officials and forces. In Colombia, they are helping transitional justice institutions include hard-to-reach survivor communities and address mass violence during the country’s 50-year war.   When those who commit grievous human rights violations not only avoid prosecution but continue to hold high-level positions in government, it sends a message of impunity that undermines faith in public institutions and prevents deep wounds from healing.    We pair those overseas efforts with continual work here at home.  In April, we brought many of our partners from Ethiopia, The Gambia, and Liberia to the United States to be part of a conversation about how our country has addressed its own legacies of violence and discrimination, with visits to Washington, Tulsa, and Montgomery. We are also working across the government to ensure that perpetrators of atrocity crimes cannot hide their ill-gotten gains in the United States or flood our markets with goods produced through forced labor or other atrocities. Together with our partners in the Department of Justice we will continue longstanding efforts to identify, seize, and return stolen wealth to victimized communities around the globe. The Department of Justice also prosecutes individuals in the United States who have made false claims on their immigration forms about their involvement in human rights abuses worldwide.  Civil society representatives have emphasized to me that when those who committed war crimes even decades ago do not face justice, it exerts a corrosive effect on society, leading to corruption and a faltering rule of law. When those who commit grievous human rights violations not only avoid prosecution but continue to hold high-level positions in government, it sends a message of impunity that undermines faith in public institutions and prevents deep wounds from healing.    Insisting on justice and restoring accountability are vital to upholding the rules-based international order and providing a measure of relief to victims of the gravest crimes know to humanity. The progress I observed in West Africa represents an important step forward on the lengthy but essential journey of transitional justice, one to which the United States remains committed worldwide.  About the Author:  Dr. Beth Van Schaack is Ambassador at Large for Global Criminal Justice at the State Department. The Office of Global Criminal Justice advises the Secretary of State and the Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights on issues related to war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. In particular, the Office helps formulate U.S. policy on the prevention of, responses to, and accountability for mass atrocities. To learn more about Ambassador Van Schaack’s work, follow @StateDept_GCJ on Twitter/X.
- Open Letter to the People of Liberia from U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Global Criminal Justice Beth Van Schaack Beth Van Schaack, Ambassador-at-Large for Global Criminal JusticeOffice of Global Criminal JusticeMonrovia, Liberia
- Digital Press Briefing on Power of Democracy and the Future of Peacekeeping in Africa After the AU Financing Security Council Resolution U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Ambassador Linda Thomas-GreenfieldDownload or listen to the audio file here .MODERATOR:  Good afternoon and welcome to everyone from the London International Media Hub, teaming up today with our colleagues from the Africa Regional Media Hub.  I’d like to welcome our participants who are logging in from across the African continent and globally to thank all of you for joining this discussion.  Today, we’re very pleased to be joined by U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield.We’ll begin today’s call with opening remarks from Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield and then we’ll turn to your questions.  We’ll try to get to as many of them as possible during the briefing.As a reminder, today’s call is on the record.  And with that, I will turn it over to Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield.AMBASSADOR THOMAS-GREENFIELD:  Thank you very much, Margaret, and thank you all for joining us here today.  As you know, I just returned from an incredibly productive, incredibly meaningful trip to Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea Bissau.  And I&#8217;d be remiss not to note that my stop in Guinea Bissau, a country I had never visited before, means that I’ve been to all but three countries on the continent of Africa.  So that’s not too shabby. Over the past week, I covered a lot of territory – literally and figuratively.  But there were a few core themes that wove through the entire trip.The first is democracy. Anchoring this trip was the inauguration of President Joseph Boakai in Liberia – marking the country’s successful second peaceful, democratic transition of power since the end of the civil war in 2003.  And I was really honored to lead the President’s delegation for this remarkable celebration of democracy as the former U.S. ambassador to Liberia.But it’s important to note that my visit to West Africa took place amidst a backdrop of democratic backsliding in the region.And so during my time in Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea Bissau, I met with heads of government, I met with opposition leaders, members of civil society, and people representing the next generation of leaders to emphasize how civilian-led democracies deliver for people – and underscore the importance of preserving and expanding them. That was the message of my keynote address at the Liberia Chamber of Commerce on election night: that democracy is a tie that binds our two nations together.  And that both in America and in Liberia, democracy is an unfinished project – a choice we all must make not just on election day or inauguration day, but every single day.While in Liberia, I visited the historic Providence Baptist Church, where Liberia’s declaration of independence was signed in 1847 – and that continues to be a symbol of liberty and hope for Liberia.I met with leaders, including outgoing President George Weah, to commend him on his commitment to the peaceful transfer of power – and the new president, President Joseph Boakai, to discuss the importance of combatting corruption, promoting accountability, and remaining a pillar of democracy in a region roiled by threats to it.Democracy was also the topic of conversations in my meetings with Guinea Bissauan President Embalo, Sierra Leonean President Bio, and Ghanaian President Akufo-Addo, who was also in Liberia to celebrate the inauguration.And democracy was the basis for the announcement I made in Freetown a few days ago: that the United States is committing $1.5 million to support Sierra Leone’s electoral reform processes.This funding will help provide the technical and legal assistance needed to strengthen democracy in Sierra Leone – as well as fuel civilian engagement to increase everyday people’s awareness, buy-in, and ownership.Another key theme of my trip was peace and security – which are, of course, linked with democracy.This was a focus of all of my conversations with heads of state – including my sit-down with the president of Sierra Leone, whose country joined the Security Council during a particularly turbulent moment in the region – and my meeting with the Ghanaian president, whose country played a critical role in helping pass a UN financing resolution for AU peace operations.The international community has a responsibility to empower AU missions to respond to Africa’s growing security challenges.The financing resolution, which the UN unanimously adopted at the end of last year, is a major steppingstone to that end – putting African leaders at the forefront, and African people at the center.In addition to discussing peace and security with presidents, I visited the Sierra Leone Peace Museum, which honors the victims of the country&#8217;s decade-long conflict and works to promote lasting peace.  This visit was incredibly timely, and it was remarkably heart-wrenching to see the important efforts that were being made to ensure that people never forget what happened during that war.  But it was also timely as it immediately preceded my participation in a national dialogue discussion with the Government of Sierra Leone, opposition leaders, and members of the international community working to implement Sierra Leone’s agreement for national unity.I also visited Tombo Fishing Village, where I learned more about the community’s challenges with illegal fishing, as well as U.S. interventions to address climate, health, food – and food security.And finally, I had the opportunity to meet with Liberian soldiers who served as international peacekeepers as part of the UN’s mission in Mali. This is one of those full-circle moments for me.  I visited Liberia in 2005, near the height of the UN peacekeeping mission following the civil war.  To come back not even two decades later, and see Liberians contributing troops – it’s a testament to the resilience and the dedication of the Liberian people. Which brings me to the last theme of the trip, which was investing in the future of Africa – namely, women and young people.In Sierra Leone, I got to meet with an incredible group of young women leaders at Fourah Bay College, where we discussed the transformative role women play in government, business, and more.And while in Liberia, I had the opportunity to engage with alumni of the President’s Young Professionals Program and U.S. exchange programs – as well as students from my favorite school in the world. And I know that’s a lofty statement: favorite school in the world. But while I love my alma maters, LSU and the University of Wisconsin, these students attend The Linda Thomas-Greenfield Preparatory School.So: Democracy. Peace and security. Investing in women and young people.I could talk about these three priorities – and more importantly, the African people realizing them on the ground – forever.  But I want to get to your questions, and I know you want to get to them too.So let me end by just saying that this is a region that is near and dear to my heart.  I first went to Liberia and Sierra Leone in the late 1970s.  And since then, progress in the region has hardly been a straight line. But this visit, this homecoming, nearly five decades after I first touched down in Monrovia, affirmed that there are so many reasons to be hopeful about the years to come.So with that, I’d be happy to take a few questions.  So over to you, Margaret.  MODERATOR:  Thank you, Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield.  We’ll now begin the question-and-answer portion of today’s briefing.  We have a full briefing today.  And so as a courtesy to your fellow journalists, I’d ask that you limit yourself to one question related to the topic of today’s briefing, which is: the Power of Democracy and the Future of Peacekeeping in Africa After the AU Financing Security Council Resolution.So for our first question, Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield, would you please elaborate on what the AU financing resolution means for peace and security in Africa?AMBASSADOR THOMAS-GREENFIELD:  Oh, thank you so much for that question.  I am so proud of the fact that we were able to get the AU financing resolution passed.  This is something that I have personally been working on for over a decade when I served as the assistant secretary for Africa.  And so to accomplish that during my presidency – or my period at the Security Council was extremely meaningful.  And I want to take the opportunity to thank Ghana for leading the effort to move that resolution forward and get a unanimous adoption of the resolution in the Security Council.So you asked what the resolution means.  This resolution underscores the primary – the primacy of politics and the need for coherent political strategy that will guide any peacekeeping operations.  But it also gives support to the African Union, to African leadership of peacekeeping operations.  The resolution emphasizes that operations must include appropriate safeguards to protect civilians, and this was a key accomplishment of the resolution.  It provides for the UN to pay 75 percent of peacekeeping operations for AU missions, and that was something that was truly important, and we will work with the African Union and peacekeeping countries to get the rest of the funding.  But it really is a reflection of African leadership for African solutions.MODERATOR:  Fantastic.  Thank you for elaborating.Our first question from a journalist is Ms. – from Ms. Christina Okello of Radio France Internationale.  And the question is:  “Sierra Leone is joining the Security Council at a time of turmoil following a failed coup implicating the former president in a trial the opposition says is politically motivated.  What’s your assessment of the state of democracy in Sierra Leone?”AMBASSADOR THOMAS-GREENFIELD:  Democracy, as I said in my opening remarks, is not a – it’s not a straight-line process.  It is a process that is always a few steps forward and a few steps back, but we see that it is the one mode of government that provides for the people.  And Sierra Leone has made tremendous progress in moving in that direction.  I met with their commission, the national unity agreement and the commission that was set up for that, and the commission is working very deliberately to develop a process that will allow for free and fair elections that are supported by all parties.  We condemn the attempted coup that took place in Sierra Leone, and we want to work with the government to help establish a path forward, and we express our support to President Bio for his call for national unity, and his efforts to urge Sierra Leone to work together to build a unified country in the national interests of all.So we will continue to support that effort.  As I noted, we gave $1.5 million to that effort that will help the commission continue to implement their recommendations moving forward.MODERATOR:  Excellent.  And what does the recent UNSC Resolution 2719 mean for African peacekeeping missions?AMBASSADOR THOMAS-GREENFIELD:  Well, it means that these missions are going to get the support of the United Nations.  They’re going to get capacity that they may not have.  They are going to – their leadership is going to be boosted in this process.  We’ve seen a number of countries on the continent of Africa who have raised concerns about UN peacekeeping missions.  We saw that happen, unfortunately, in Mali.  We’ve seen it happen as well in Sudan.  So to have African leadership in these missions I think will help to build confidence in peacekeeping, and particularly as it relates to protection of civilians.MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question is from Mr. Moses Kollie Garzeawu of BBC World Service, Liberia.  The question is:  “What example has Liberia set for the entire region with a smooth democratic transition?  And how committed is the U.S. to helping Liberia survive from what the president said is under stress?”AMBASSADOR THOMAS-GREENFIELD:  Liberia was and continues to be under stress.  We saw Liberia go through a 14-year civil war that ended in 2003.  They have had since that time successive transitions of power and successful elections.  The first president, President Sirleaf, served for two terms; President Weah – an opposition candidate was elected, and he graciously accepted the results of a free and fair election and allowed for a smooth transition.  And that is truly an example for not just West Africa, but the entire continent of Africa.  And we really should commend Liberians for that success.The United States is committed to Liberia.  We have – we’re a country that has close historical ties that go back to Liberia’s creation, and we have been a close ally and partner to Liberia throughout.  Liberia has been very supportive and worked closely with us here at the United Nations, and we’re committed to helping President Boakai succeed.As you know, I served as ambassador in Liberia for four years during the Sirleaf administration, and we committed millions of U.S. dollars to supporting Liberia’s development.  We will continue to do that.  Since 2017, we’ve given them close to $800 million; we’ve worked to build their military.  So our commitment to Liberia is ironclad.MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question is from Mr. Mouctar Balde of Guinéenews.  He asks:  “You have very vast experience in African affairs, and you know very well the recent history of civil wars, unrest, coup – and coup in the region.  In Guinea, for instance, I have doubts that the current regime is going to transfer power to a democratic elected president.  As you know, civil wars, unrest, and crises start when the military is not playing by the rules.  What strategy can you think of in conflict prevention, or any kind of long-term unrest?”AMBASSADOR THOMAS-GREENFIELD:  Thank you for that question.  And it is a tough question, because it is something that we have all been grappling with for many, many years.  And we’ve had some – many successes, and Liberia is clearly one of those successes, and we’ve had failures, and Guinea is one of those right now.We are working to build capacity in countries like Guinea to give support to civil society, to give support to ordinary people so that they can vote and hopefully hold their leaders accountable.  But we’re also working with leadership to encourage them, to push them, to urge them, and sometimes nudge them in the right direction.  And that’s the case across the continent of Africa, and as I said, we have a lot of successes, but we have a lot of work to do to continue to push that effort.  We know that democracy delivers to people, and we know that in order for democracy to deliver, countries have to have strong leadership.  Corruption has to be addressed upfront.  That’s the message that I delivered in – very strongly in Liberia, and it’s the message that we’re delivering across the continent of Africa.  MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question is for Mr. Aggrey Mutambo, the National Media Group in Kenya:  “I would like to see a comment from the U.S. Government concerning the war in Sudan.  We are hearing reports that Iran may have supplied certain drones and other weapons to the Sudan armed forces to aid their fight against Rapid Support Forces.  Does the U.S. have concerns about this and the potential for Iran becoming a bigger threat in the Horn of Africa, and what efforts are being put in place to de-escalate the situation? AMBASSADOR LINDA THOMAS-GREENFIELD:  Look, we’re concerned about any support for these two generals to continue this war against the people of Sudan, and we’ve made that clear across the board.  What the two generals need to do is put down their arms and go back to the negotiating table and find a solution.  There will be no military solution to this war.  We’re seeing thousands of people die on both sides.  We’ve seen 6 million people be forced from their homes.  I visited Chad last year, went to the border, talked to refugees who were fleeing.  Chad is hosting over a million refugees, many of them from the first war that happened that led to the designation of a genocide.  So to see this happening again is unconscionable.  And so it is incumbent that those who are assisting these two generals to fight this war against the people of Sudan cease those efforts, and the generals go and negotiate a final deal with civilians at the table with them.  MODERATOR:  Okay.  Our next question is – we’re going to take a turn up to North Africa, Ms. Aya Sayed of Roayah News Network in Egypt.  The question is:  “There are growing concerns that UN peacekeeping operations are increasingly becoming unwelcome in parts of Africa, as countries such as Mali and the DRC requested the withdrawal of UN missions.  Do you expect that African nations would welcome AU-led peacekeeping missions?”AMBASSADOR LINDA THOMAS-GREENFIELD:  Yeah, we’re very concerned with the – the lack of support for UN peacekeeping missions.  These missions have been important to contributing to peace and security, to protection of civilians across the continent of Africa.  So what happened in the case of Mali and what is currently happening in DRC is really unfortunate.  But I do think, as you noted, that AU peacekeeping missions might be able to fill in the gap.  And that’s why it was so important that we get the AU financing resolution passed so that we are able to provide direct financing to these missions, provide capacity, provide training so that Africans, as I said earlier, can lead in this process.  MODERATOR:  Okay, we’re coming – we are coming up on time, but I want to give Carol Van Dam Falk of Voice of America an opportunity to ask her question live.  Carol, over to you.  Carol, you’re on mute.  Can you speak again?AMBASSADOR LINDA THOMAS-GREENFIELD:  Hi, Carol.  MODERATOR:  Well, I am not able to hear Carol, so I’m going to go ahead and proceed to the next pre-submitted question.  And that is – let’s see – Mr. Mohamed K. Fofanah of the Gleaner Newspaper in Sierra Leone:  “Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield, you announced that the United States plans to invest 1.5 million to support Sierra Leone’s electoral reform process.  After the announcement, an unconfirmed report has it that the U.S. is pushing for a rerun of the June 24th elections.  Do you have any comment?” AMBASSADOR LINDA THOMAS-GREENFIELD:  I’m not aware of that, but what I am aware of is that the $1.5 million will assist Sierra Leone in developing their own plans for how they will conduct elections in the future.  But there are no – as far as I know, there are no plans for an election, and certainly we have not called for that. MODERATOR:  Thank you very much.  So we are at time.  Do you have any final thoughts that you would like to share with the group before we wrap?  AMBASSADOR LINDA THOMAS-GREENFIELD:  Well, let me just say to you that the press in Africa plays an extraordinarily important role in making sure that democracy functions.  You are a key component, you’re a key tool of democracy on the continent of Africa.  I had a number of press engagements when I was on this trip.  I met with your colleague from Front Page Africa and did an interview on radio with him.  I did a press conference in Sierra Leone as well.  And again, I think your role in keeping the public informed, keeping the world informed, and also holding accountable leaders across the continent and holding me and others accountable for what we’re doing is so important.  So I just want to end with a thank you to all of you for what you do, and I look forward to continuing to engage with you in the future.  MODERATOR:  Thank you, Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield.  That concludes today’s briefing.  I want to thank all of our participating journalists.  A reminder that this briefing has been on the record.  And if you have any questions about today’s briefing, you may contact the London International Media Hub at LondonHub@state.gov.  We will be circulating a transcript to all registered participants.  Thank you.AMBASSADOR LINDA THOMAS-GREENFIELD:  Thank you.# # #
- Leveraging Tools to Promote Accountability and Counter Global Corruption HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases&#8230;Leveraging Tools to Promote Accountability and Counter Global Corruption				hide		if(window.jQuery) {		jQuery( document ).ready(function() {			if (jQuery(".bc_middle").hasClass("collapse")) {				jQuery(".bc_ellipse").click(function(){					jQuery(".bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");					jQuery(".bc_middle").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_ellipse").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");					jQuery(".block_breadcrumbs_content").toggleClass("noflex");				});				jQuery(".bc_hide").click(function(){					jQuery(".bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");					jQuery(".bc_middle").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_ellipse").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");					jQuery(".block_breadcrumbs_content").toggleClass("noflex");				});			} else {				jQuery(".bc_ellipse").hide();			}		});	}																										Leveraging Tools to Promote Accountability and Counter Global Corruption																																		Fact Sheet																														December 11, 2023																																							On the occasion of&nbsp;International Anti-Corruption Day and the opening of the Conference of States Parties to the UN Convention Against Corruption, the United States is taking the following actions to promote accountability for corrupt actors around the world. &nbsp;The Department of State is designating over 30 individuals pursuant to Section 7031(c) of the Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2023 (Div. K, P.L. 117-328), as carried forward by the Continuing Appropriations Act, 2024 (Div. A, P.L. 118-15). &nbsp;The Department of the Treasury is designating two individuals and 44 entities pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13818, which builds upon and implements the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act. &nbsp;&nbsp;Section 7031(c) provides that in cases where there is credible information that officials of foreign governments have been involved in significant corruption or a gross violation of human rights, those individuals and their immediate family members are generally ineligible for entry into the United States and must be either publicly or privately designated. &nbsp;&nbsp;ACTIONS TAKEN TO PROMOTE ACCOUNTABILITY FOR CORRUPT ACTORS&nbsp;&nbsp;AfghanistanMir Rahman Rahmani, former Afghan Speaker of Parliament,&nbsp;and Ajmal Rahmani, former Member of the Afghan ParliamentPursuant to Section 7031(c), the Department of State is publicly designating Mir Rahman Rahmani and Ajmal Rahmani for their involvement in significant corruption. This transnational corruption scheme spanned the globe as the Rahmani’s stole millions of dollars from U.S. government-funded fuel contracts. &nbsp;As part of this action, their immediate family members (Jamila Jushan Haji Mohamad Hossin, Tamana Mir Rahman, Yalda Mir Rahman, Lina Mir Rahman, and Tahmina Tajali) are also designated. &nbsp;Concurrently, Treasury is also designating Mir Rahmani and Ajmal Rahmani and 44 associated entities pursuant to E.O. 13818.&nbsp;Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH)&nbsp;Diana Kajmakovic, former state prosecutor in Bosnia and HerzegovinaPursuant to Section 7031(c), the Department of State is publicly designating Kajmakovic for her involvement in significant corruption.  In support of narcotics traffickers and other criminals, Kajmakovic helped hide evidence, prevent prosecution, and otherwise assist criminal activity in exchange for personal gain. She also attempted to block an investigation into her apparent criminal affiliates, including Osman Mehmedagic. Previously Kajmakovic was designated by the Department of Treasury pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 14033 for being responsible for or complicit in corruption or the undermining of democratic processes or institutions in the Western Balkans.Osman “Osmica”&nbsp; Mehmedagic, former Director General for BiH’s Intelligence Security AgencyPursuant to Section 7031(c), the Department of State is publicly designating Mehmedagic for his involvement in significant corruption.  Mehmedagic collaborated with criminal networks and abused his public position to enrich himself. As part of this action, his wife Amela Mehmedagic Sehovic is also designated.  Previously, the Department of Treasury designated Mehmedagic pursuant to E.O. 14033 for being complicit in, or having directly or indirectly engaged in, corruption related to the Western Balkans, including corruption by, on behalf of, or otherwise related to a government in the Western Balkans, or a current or former government official at any level of government in the Western Balkans, such as the misappropriation of public assets, expropriation of private assets for personal gain or political purposes, or bribery.Dominican Republic&nbsp;Jean Alain Rodriguez Sanchez, former Attorney General&nbsp;Pursuant to Section 7031(c), the Department of State is publicly designating Rodriguez for his involvement in significant corruption by misappropriating public funds intended for state-financed infrastructure projects and government institutions. &nbsp;As part of this action, his immediate family members are also designated, including his spouse Maria Isabel Perez&nbsp;Sallent&nbsp;and two minor children.Haiti&nbsp;Jean-Max Bellerive, former Prime Minister&nbsp;and Minister of Planning and External CooperationPursuant to Section 7031(c), the Department of State is publicly designating Bellerive for abusing his public position by participating in corrupt activity that undermined the integrity of Haiti’s government. &nbsp;As part of this action, his immediate family members are also designated, including his spouse Myriam Estevez De Bellerive and his adult daughters Diana Jennifer Bellerive and Jessica Bellerive.Nenel Cassy, former&nbsp;SenatorPursuant to Section 7031(c), the Department of State is publicly designating Cassy for abusing his public position by participating in corrupt activity that undermined the integrity of Haiti’s government. &nbsp;As part of this action, his immediate family members are also designated, including his spouse Katherine Cassy Chery and one minor child.Herve Fourcand, former Senator&nbsp;Pursuant to Section 7031(c), the Department of State is publicly designating Fourcand for abusing his public position by participating in corrupt activity that undermined the integrity of Haiti’s government.&nbsp;Liberia&nbsp;Samuel&nbsp;Tweah, Liberian Minister of Finance and Development Planning, and Liberian Senators Albert Chie and Emmanuel&nbsp;Nuquay&nbsp;Pursuant to Section 7031(c), the United States is publicly designating&nbsp;Tweah,&nbsp;Chie, and&nbsp;Nuquay, afor their involvement in significant corruption by abusing their public positions through soliciting, accepting, and offering bribes to manipulate legislative processes and public funding, including legislative reporting and mining sector activity.&nbsp;As part of this action, their immediate family members are also designated, including their spouses Delecia Berry Tweah, Abigail Chie, and Ruthtoria Brown Nuquay,&nbsp; and Tweah and Nuquay’s minor children.Additionally, on December 8, Treasury designated Mayor of Monrovia Jefferson Koijee pursuant to E.O. 13818 for engaging, or having been a leader of an entity that has engaged in serious human rights abuse and corruption.&nbsp; In addition to serious human rights abuse, Koijee engaged in corrupt acts, including bribery and misappropriation of state assets and pressuring anti-corruption investigators to halt all corruption investigations.Republic of the Marshall IslandsKessai Note, Minister of Transportation and Communication, Senator, and former President of the Republic of the Marshall Islands, and Senator Mike HalfertyPursuant to Section 7031(c), the United States is publicly designating Note and Halferty, for their involvement in significant corruption by&nbsp;accepting articles of monetary value and other benefits in exchange for acts in the performance of their public functions. Specifically, Note and Halferty accepted bribes in the form of services and cash, in exchange for their legislative support of a bill in the RMI legislature to create a semi-autonomous region in the RMI.&nbsp;&nbsp;						Tags																													7031(c)																															Afghanistan																																														Anti-Corruption and Transparency																															Bosnia and Herzegovina																								Bureau of African Affairs																								Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs																								Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs																								Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs																								Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs																								Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs																																Corruption																															Dominican Republic																								Haiti																																Human Rights																															Liberia																								Marshall Islands																								Office of the Coordinator on Global Anti-Corruption																								Office of the Spokesperson																																Sanctions																																							United Nations																																							Visas
- Promoting Accountability in Support of the 75th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights Office of the SpokespersonOn Human Rights Day and the 75th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Department of State, in coordination with the Departments of the Treasury and Homeland Security, is taking actions to promote accountability for perpetrators of human rights abuses.  State is taking steps to impose visa restrictions on four individuals pursuant to Section 7031(c) of the Annual Appropriations Act, 11 individuals pursuant to Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, designating one People’s Republic of China (PRC) individual pursuant to the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act (UHRPA), and designating two ISIS-DRC leaders pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13224, as amended. On Human Rights Day and the 75th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Department of State, in coordination with the Departments of the Treasury and Homeland Security, is taking actions to promote accountability for perpetrators of human rights abuses.  State is taking steps to impose visa restrictions on four individuals pursuant to Section 7031(c) of the Annual Appropriations Act, 11 individuals pursuant to Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, designating one People’s Republic of China (PRC) individual pursuant to the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act (UHRPA), and designating two ISIS-DRC leaders pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13224, as amended.  Treasury is designating 20 individuals pursuant to E.O. 13818, which builds upon and implements the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act, as well as E.O. 13667, E.O. 13413 as amended by E.O. 13671, and E.O. 13664.  These actions also implement the Presidential Memorandum on Promoting Accountability for Conflict-Related Sexual Violence.  Homeland Security is also adding three PRC-based companies to the Uyghur Forced Labor Protection Act (UFLPA) Entity list.AfghanistanTreasury is designating two individuals for serious human rights abuse related to the restriction of access to secondary education for women and girls in Afghanistan, pursuant to E.O. 13818.Fariduddin Mahmood is a member of the Taliban’s so-called “cabinet” that made decisions to close education centers and schools to women and girls after the sixth grade. Mahmood serves as the so-called “head of the Afghanistan Academy of Sciences” and supported the education-related bans on women and girls.Khalid Hanafi serves as the so-called “Minister” for the so-called “Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice” (MPVPV). Since August 2021, members of the MPVPV have engaged in serious human rights abuse, including abductions, whippings, and beatings.  Members of the MPVPV have assaulted people protesting the restrictions on women’s activity, including access to education. Central African Republic (CAR)Treasury is designating three individuals contributing to ongoing instability in the CAR pursuant to E.O. 13667.Jean-Francis Bozize Jr., a CAR national and son of former CAR President Francois Bozize, has moved weapons and ammunition from neighboring countries into CAR for the Coalition for the Patriots of Change (CPC), a rebel group that has recruited child soldiers and perpetrated sexual violence.Mahamat Salleh (Salleh), a CAR national, is a CPC commander and a former zone commander for the CPC-affiliated group, the Popular Front for the Rebirth of CAR, who has raped girls and forced them into sexual slavery.Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)State is designating two ISIS-DRC (aka Allied Democratic Forces) leaders pursuant to E.O. 13224, as amended, for their leadership roles.  ISIS-DRC, a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization and Specially Designated Global Terrorist, has committed numerous abuses of human rights and violations of international humanitarian law against women and children, including involving killing, maiming, and sexual violence.Mohamed Ali Nkalubo (aka Meddie Nkalubo), a Ugandan national, is an ISIS-DRC senior advisor and deputy to ISIS-DRC&#8217;s overall leader, Musa Baluku. Nkalubo served as a communication conduit to ISIS-Core senior leaders and is responsible for disseminating ISIS propaganda in central Africa.  Nkalubo oversees ISIS-DRC attack planning and training and has personally participated in numerous attack operations, such as training the suicide bomber that conducted the April 7, 2022, attack at a bar in the Katindo military camp in Goma, North Kivu, DRC; building an explosive device that was detonated on February 5, 2022, in a market in Beni, North Kivu, killing and injuring several people; and directing the October 23, 2021, attack of a restaurant in Kampala, Uganda.Ahmed Mahamud Hassan Aliyani, a Tanzanian national, is an ISIS-DRC commander. Hassan Aliyani oversees the facilitation of foreign fighters traveling into the DRC to join the group.  Hassan Aliyani has also led attack planning for ISIS-DRC, including the June 16, 2023, attack on the Lhubiriha Secondary School in Uganda and the January 15, 2023, attack on a Pentecostal church in Kasindi, DRC.Treasury is designating three individuals contributing to ongoing instability in the DRC pursuant to E.O. 13413 as amended by E.O. 13671.William Yakutumba, a DRC national, is the founder, military commander, and political leader of the Mai-Mai Yakutumba militia and the National Coalition of the People for the Sovereignty of Congo (CNPSC), a coalition of several armed groups in South Kivu province, DRC, that has attacked civilians and humanitarian actors. Through his role as leader of the Mai-Mai Yakutumba militia and CNPSC, Yakutumba has been involved in the commission of rape, mass rape, and other forms of sexual and gender-based violence.Willy Ngoma is the military spokesperson for the March 23 Movement (M23), an armed group that has perpetrated human rights abuses, including killings, attacks, and sexual violence against civilians. On November 29, 2022, M23 conducted a series of killings in the town of Kisheshe in North Kivu province, DRC, where M23 combatants systematically looted civilian property and raped several women.Michel Rukunda, a DRC national, is the commander and overall military leader of the armed group Twirwaneho. Under Rukunda’s leadership, Twirwaneho has recruited children as young as 12 years of age to guard military positions, carry out patrols, gather intelligence, participate in combat operations, act as personal escorts, or work as domestic aids in military camps.  Twirwaneho has conducted attacks against civilians, including at an internally displaced person camp, and has looted and burned several houses and a medical facility.On December 4, the United States also nominated these individuals for designation at the United Nations (UN) pursuant to resolution 1807 (2008) concerning the DRC.   HaitiTreasury is designating four individuals for each being a foreign person who is responsible for or complicit in, or has directly or indirectly engaged in serious human rights abuse, pursuant to E.O. 13818.Johnson “Izo” André, leader of criminal gang “5 Segond,” is wanted by the Haitian National Police for assassination, kidnapping for ransom, illegal possession of firearms, hijacking of freight trucks, and criminal conspiracy. André and his gang have been identified by survivors as being directly responsible for 1,035 documented cases of sexual violence in 2022 alone.Renel Destina, leader of criminal gang “Grand Ravine,” is a key ally of André, and has committed kidnappings as well as killings, robberies, rapes, looting and burning of residences, and continuous attacks against Haitian police officers. Destina has been indicted on charges of hostage taking by the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) for kidnapping U.S. citizens for ransom in February 2021.Vitel’homme Innocent, leader of criminal gang “Kraze Baryé,” has been indicted by the DOJ for his role in the armed kidnapping of U.S. citizens in Haiti in October 2022. The Department of State has a reward offer of up to $2 million under the Transnational Organized Crime Rewards Program for information leading to his arrest and/or conviction when he was added to the FBI’s 10 Most Wanted Fugitives List  November 7, 2023.Wilson Joseph, leader of criminal gang “400 Mawozo,” has been indicted by the DOJ for his role in the armed kidnapping of U.S. citizens in Haiti in October 2022. State has a reward offer of up $1 million for information leading to the arrest and/or conviction of Wilson Joseph.On December 1, the United States also nominated these individuals for designation at the UN under Security Council resolution 2653 (2022) concerning Haiti.IndonesiaState is designating two individuals pursuant to Section 7031(c).Terbit Rencana Pergangin-Angin, Former Regent of Langkat, Indonesia. He is being designated for his involvement in gross violations of human rights, namely the forced labor of boys and men.Hartomo, Former Official of the Indonesian National Armed Forces. He is being designated for his involvement in gross violations of human rights, namely extrajudicial killing.IranTreasury is designating two Iranian intelligence officers for having acted or purported to act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly, Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence and Security, pursuant to E.O. 13553.Majid Dastjani FarahaniMohammad Mahdi Khanpour ArdestaniBoth Farahani and Ardestani have recruited individuals for various operations in the United States, to include lethal targeting of current and former U.S. Government officials as revenge for the death of IRGC-QF Commander Qasem Soleimani. Farahani and Ardestani also recruited individuals for surveillance activities focused on religious sites, businesses, and other facilities in the U.S.LiberiaTreasury is designating one individual in connection to serious human rights abuse and corruption, pursuant to E.O. 13818.Jefferson Koijee, the mayor of Monrovia and a senior leader in the Congress for Democratic Change (CDC) political party. Koijee has a reputation for stoking violence and has a powerful grip on Monrovia’s youth.  Koijee controls paramilitary-like groups associated with the CDC which allegedly recruit former combatants and recently released prisoners.  Koijee and his supporters have been involved in violence in connection with an opposition rally in July 2022, a memorial service for former Liberian president Amos Sawyer in March 2022 attended by students, an anti-rape protest in August 2020, a student graduation ceremony in December 2019, and an opposition rally in November 2018.  Koijee also engaged in corrupt acts, including bribery and misappropriation of state assets for use by private political movements and pressuring anti-corruption investigators to halt all corruption investigations.People’s Republic of China (PRC)State submitted the “Report to Congress on the Imposition of Sanctions Pursuant to Section 6(a) of the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act of 2020, P.L. 116-145,” which identified two PRC government officials responsible for their connection to ongoing serious human rights abuses in Xinjiang.  Treasury is concurrently sanctioning the two PRC government officials identified in the report.  Gao Qi is being designated pursuant to E.O. 13818 and UHRPA.  Hu Lianhe is being designated pursuant to E.O. 13818, in support of UHRPA objectives.Gao Qi formerly served as the leader of the Yili Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture (Yili Prefecture) Public Security Bureau, an organization subordinate to the previously designated Xinjiang Public Security Bureau (XPSB), and as Yili Prefecture’s vice governor. Since June 2018, public security officials in Yili Prefecture have engaged in a range of serious human rights abuses.  State is concurrently designating Gao under Section 7031(c) for his involvement in a gross violation of human rights, namely the arbitrary detention of Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang.Hu Lianhe has served as the Deputy Office Director for the Xinjiang Work Coordination Small Group of the Central Committee (XWCSG), which has been instrumental in shaping and implementing Xinjiang policies. As a part of its core role in setting policy in Xinjiang, the XWCSG engaged in direct and close involvement in the PRC’s March 2017 “XUAR De-Extremification Regulation,” and its October 2018 revision, which provided the framework for Xinjiang’s “de-extremification” through re-education campaign.  The regulation created a presumptive legal basis for Xinjiang’s re-education internment campaign in the eyes of the PRC government.  Hu was designated under Section 7031(c) in 2021 for his involvement in a gross violation of human rights, namely the arbitrary detention of Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang.The Department of Homeland Security-led interagency task force Forced Labor Enforcement Task Force determined that the following entities meet the criteria of Section 2(d)(2)(B)(ii) of the UFLPA.  Specifically, they are working with the government of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region to recruit, transport, transfer, harbor, or receive forced labor or Uyghurs, Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, or members of other persecuted groups out of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region.COFCO Sugar Holding Co., LtdSichuan Jingweida Technology Group Co., LtdAnhui Xinya New Materials Co., LtdRussiaState is designating one individual pursuant to Section 7031(c).Ivan A. Ryabov is a police officer at Brateyevo Police Station in Moscow. Ryabov is being designated for his involvement in gross violations of human rights, namely torture and/or the cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment of Russian anti-war demonstrators who marched in opposition to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.South SudanTreasury is designating three individuals for being responsible for or complicit in, or having engaged in, directly or indirectly, actions or policies that threaten the peace, security, or stability of South Sudan pursuant to E.O. 13664.Gordon Koang Biel, the Koch County Commissioner.Gatluak Nyang Hoth, the Mayendit County Commissioner.Joseph Mantiel Wajang, the Unity State Governor.Between February and April 2022, government-aligned forces and allied militias under Biel and Hoth’s command committed rape, often accompanied by other human rights abuses, against women and girls during armed attacks in Leer County of Unity State.  Wajang, appointed Biel and Hoth as county commissioners, and was aware of the attacks by their forces.SudanOn December 6, the Secretary of State announced his determination that members of Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have committed war crimes, that members of the RSF and allied militias have committed crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing in Darfur, and that members of the Sudanese Armed Forces have committed war crimes.  The ongoing atrocities in Sudan are reminiscent of the Darfur genocide almost 20 years ago, and it is imperative the world’s attention remain focused on the unfolding human rights calamity in Darfur and elsewhere in Sudan.SyriaPursuant to Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, State is issuing an expanded visa restriction policy for current or former Syrian government officials or other individuals who are believed to be responsible for, or complicit in:The repression of Syrians, especially through violence, including serious human rights abuses in Syria; arbitrary expropriation of property or other abuses related to housing, land, and property rights in Syria; obstruction, disruption, or prevention of efforts to promote a political solution to the conflict in Syria; and forcible repatriation of refugees or other persons to Syria.The production or trafficking of the amphetamine-type stimulant captagon from Syria.The immediate family of such persons may also be subject to visa restrictions under this policy.State is pursuing visa restrictions against 11 Syrian officials and other individuals pursuant to this policy.UgandaTreasury is designating one individual for having been a leader of an entity that has engaged in serious human rights abuses, pursuant to E.O. 13818.Johnson Byabashaija has served as the Commissioner General of the Uganda Prisons Service (UPS) since 2005. During that period, members of the UPS have engaged in torture, including of government critics and LGBTQI+ persons, held within UPS facilities.On December 4, State also announced an expanded visa restriction policy, pursuant to Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, that can be used to restrict visa issuance to current or former Ugandan government officials or other individuals who are believed to be responsible for, or complicit in, undermining the democratic process in Uganda or for policies or actions aimed at repressing members of marginalized or vulnerable populations.  Those vulnerable populations include, but are not limited to, environmental activists, human rights defenders, journalists, LGBTQI+ persons, and civil society organizers.ZimbabweOn December 4, State announced a visa restriction policy, pursuant to Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, that can be used to restrict visa issuance to individuals who are believed to be responsible for, or complicit in, undermining the democratic process in Zimbabwe.  Such acts may include manipulating or rigging the electoral process; disenfranchising voters or preventing individuals from exercising their right to vote; excluding members of the political opposition from electoral processes; restricting the ability of civil society organizations (CSOs) to operate and engage in democratic, governance, or human rights related activities; or intimidation of voters, election observers, or CSOs through threats or acts of physical violence.  They may also include engaging in corrupt acts, including bribery, that undermine the electoral process; interfering with the independent operation of the judiciary during its adjudication of electoral cases; or abusing or violating human rights in Zimbabwe.Financial Sanctions ImplicationsAs a result of today’s action, all property and interests in property of the designated persons described above, pursuant to E.O. 13224, E.O. 13818, E.O. 13667, E.O. 13413 as amended by E.O. 13671, E.O. 13664, and UHRPA that are in the United States or in the possession or control of U.S. persons are blocked and must be reported to OFAC.In addition, all entities that are owned, directly or indirectly, 50 percent or more by one or more blocked persons are also blocked.  Unless authorized by a general or specific license issued by OFAC, or otherwise exempt, all transactions by U.S. persons or within (or transiting) the United States that involve any property or interests in property of designated or otherwise blocked persons are prohibited.  The prohibitions include the making of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services by, to, or for the benefit of any blocked person or the receipt of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services from any such person.
- Secretary Antony J. Blinken at the Anti-Corruption Champions Award Ceremony Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of StateWashington, D.C.Burns AuditoriumASSISTANT SECRETARY ROBINSON:  Good morning, everybody.  Before we get started this morning, I’d like to acknowledge the tragedy in the Seychelles.  Commissioner De Silva, our thoughts are with you and your country, your people, at this time.It’s an honor to welcome this year’s Anti-Corruption Champions Award honorees.  Thank you for joining us here today and from across the globe.  My name is Todd Robinson, the assistant secretary of the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, or INL as it’s better known.  And let me give you just a little bit of an overview of what we’re going to do this morning.We have, as you see, a high-powered lineup for you today – (laughter) – starting with Secretary Antony Blinken, who has made it his business since day one to place the fight against corruption at the center of our foreign policy.  We also have here from – we will also hear from Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Uzra Zeya, a diplomat with three decades of experience around the world, and my boss.  (Laughter.)  And Richard Nephew, our global anti-corruption coordinator, is going to introduce our honorees today.  We will also have an opportunity to hear from one of our inspiring award recipients.As I mentioned, the fight against corruption is front and center in our U.S. foreign policy.  As I’m sure our honorees can attest, this fight is a difficult one, but from Europe to Africa to Central America, we have seen remarkable wins in 2023.In Guatemala, there was an election victory by a presidential candidate, Bernardo Arévalo from the Semilla party, who ran on a platform of weeding out corruption.In Ukraine, INL works closely with anti-corruption investigators and prosecutors, who this year alone have opened cases against over 20 high-level government officials, including the former chief justice of the supreme court.  Since the summer, Ukraine has advanced significant reform measures, including requiring government officials to declare their assets and adding judges to the High Anti-Corruption Court.In Liberia, our embassy’s stalwart support for action against corruption has put compromised officials on the defensive and is fueling the Liberian public’s desire for increased accountability and sanctions.As you’ll see shortly, the tenacious men and women with us here today are responsible for successes like these.  Tenacious, but also – let’s not forget – fearless.  Corruption is silent, secret, and corrosive.  People know it’s out there but it’s difficult to root out.  That has not deterred our honorees, who have joined this fight at great personal and professional risk, but not without recognition.  To today’s honorees, we see what you are doing and we applaud it.With that, I would like to invite Under Secretary Zeya.  (Applause.)UNDER SECRETARY ZEYA:  Thank you to my dear friend, Assistant Secretary Robinson.  Your leadership on this issue set has been indispensable.  Secretary Blinken, Coordinator Nephew, colleagues and friends, I am delighted to be here today to celebrate these courageous honorees.This weekend, we will commemorate the 20-year anniversary of the first and only global anti-corruption instrument, the UN Convention Against Corruption, or UNCAC.  This distinguished group, through their advocacy and actions, embodies the central message of that consequential document:  The betrayal of the public trust will no longer be tolerated.The drafters of UNCAC, which included the United States, understood the corrosive impact of corruption and recognized it as a transnational challenge.  It affects all countries, regardless of the level of development, political system, or history.  Thus, preventing and countering corruption is a shared responsibility among all countries.UNCAC responded to these threats by providing governments with the tools to counter this scourge at the global level.  The convention endures.  Its comprehensive set of standards, measures, and rules are even more relevant today than they were 20 years ago.  What we’ve learned since the UNCAC’s adoption is that while corruption is a cross-cutting global challenge, every country experiences it in different ways, which requires tailored solutions.For example, in Moldova, through the courageous work of President Sandu’s administration, the country is countering Russia’s interference and the actions of other corrupt actors by fortifying its democracy, modernizing its economy, and aligning its institutions with its European neighbors.  I myself had the privilege of visiting Moldova last week, and I was honored to meet with Minister of Justice Veronica Mihailov-Moraru, who is on the front lines of these efforts and is one of the champions that we are celebrating here today.For our part, President Biden has elevated anti-corruption as a core national security interest.  We’re actively implementing the first-ever U.S. Strategy on Countering Corruption that the President issued two years ago.  Now, this strategy has domestic and international components, acknowledging that we must combat corruption here at home as well as prioritize it in our foreign policy.  We’re also committed to working with all of you, the honorees here today and all of those who stand with us across the globe, dedicated to shining a light on corrupt behavior.When Secretary Blinken launched the Anti-Corruption Champions Award in 2021, we not only wanted to celebrate you, but we also want to learn from your invaluable expertise and experience.  The fight against corruption is a collective effort, and thus we must foster critical engagement across public and private institutions and across borders.  This will bolster our policies and advance the unshakable principles of accountability and integrity ingrained in the UNCAC.So thank you all for joining us here today, and congratulations again to our honorees.I now have the immense honor of introducing an admired friend and a phenomenal boss, Secretary of State Antony Blinken.  (Applause.)SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you.  Good morning, everyone.AUDIENCE:  Good morning.SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So this is a day, a moment I’ve been looking forward to.  And we’ll share the reasons why in just a minute.  But first, let me say to Under Secretary Zeya, to Assistant Secretary Robinson, to our Coordinator Nephew:  Thank you not just for today, but for the extraordinary work you’re doing every day, including and notably on taking the fight to corruption.In public service – whether in government or in civil society – I know it can feel at times like the challenges are just too big; the forces arrayed against change too strong, too entrenched to make meaningful progress.One of the things that I love most about this ceremony each year is that every one of our awardees has proved that idea wrong.  There is no force against progress that is actually immovable.  You’ve demonstrated with your work, with your courage, with your commitment that it can be done.  Even in places where impunity is the rule, you’ve shown how determined individuals can tip the balance, make the difference toward justice.Today, we gather not only to honor these extraordinary champions, but to learn from them.  Corrupt officials and their partners are constantly borrowing from each other’s playbooks.  Well, governments, organizations, citizens committed to fighting corruption need to do the same thing, because in so many different ways, in so many different places, each of you has found a particular angle, a particular way of being effective in combatting corruption.  And so the more we’re talking to each other, the more we’re listening and learning from you, the more effective we are going to be.Now, before speaking to the accomplishments of the awardees, let me underscore that no matter who they are or where they work, none of them does this alone – and I know you would be the first to say that.Indeed, one of the reasons that these leaders are so effective is because they inspire others to join them.  So today, we’re honoring not only these 11 champions, but all of their partners.Including their teammates here at the State Department.  Every awardee was nominated by American diplomats around the world, most of whom work side-by-side with all of our champions to advance our shared priorities.Take any goal of our foreign policy, anything that we really care about – expanding economic opportunity, empowering underserved communities, enhancing security, defending human rights – all of them are served by building more accountable institutions, more accountable societies, more transparency.So we have an abiding interest in rooting out corruption – both to improve lives in local communities and to build more prosperous, more secure, more rights-respecting partners for the American people.As we were looking at the awardees and learning from their stories, I think what’s powerful is you can really draw lessons from each of their work.  And I’ve seen, as we’ve been talking about this together, maybe five things that really jump out.  So let me share those with you in talking about the awardees.First, a key part of combatting corruption is working to reform corrupt institutions from within wherever possible.  That’s a very powerful thing.You heard reference to Veronica Mihailov-Moraru and what she’s done in the Republic of Moldova.  Having worked as a public defender, she knew firsthand how broken her country’s justice system was, but that didn’t stop her from working to overhaul the justice ministry when offered the chance to lead it.  That’s change from within.  Veronica designed and implemented a rigorous vetting process to root out corrupt judges, corrupt prosecutors; she helped reform the country’s anticorruption agencies.  She’s made a point of pursuing these reforms out in the open, not a secret, modeling the transparency she’s trying to foster, and that in turn has allowed her to build broad public support for this work.Vladimir Novovic made a similar leap when he left his post as a judge to become Montenegro’s chief prosecutor for organized crime, corruption, war crimes, terrorism, and money laundering.  That’s a portfolio.  He inherited an ineffective and an infiltrated institution, in a country where citizens were disillusioned by graft that they were experiencing every single day in their institutions.  By pursuing investigations of corrupt judges, of national security officials, senior police, Vladimir showed citizens that even the most powerful people are not above the law.  Since he took office, public trust in the corruption prosecutor’s office has doubled.As Liberia’s anti-corruption commissioner, Marc Kollie led a series of investigations that uncovered bribery of powerful politicians in exchange for favors.  Despite being threatened, Marc pursued his work.  He testified in the case, and then went on to lead other groundbreaking investigations, including one in which he froze bank accounts being used by organized crime to launder money.  His efforts demonstrated how a few committed individuals can turn government institutions from sources of corruption into sources of accountability.Second broad lesson that I’m drawing from our awardees:  When they’re informed, when they’re empowered, citizens – citizens – are our most effective anti-corruption allies.So Nikhil Dey has spent more than four decades in India working with and for those harmed by corruption, and those particularly who are harmed most by it: underserved, marginalized populations.  Nikhil has helped communities in Rajasthan demand access to essential services and rights – education, health care, fair wages, better working conditions.  His organization pioneered the practice of public audits, in which local officials have to report to communities how and where they spend the resources, and citizens have a chance themselves to ask probing questions of these officials.  As these public audits spread across India, more citizens started taking the lead in holding officials to account.  And that, at its heart, is how democracy needs to work.After decades of writing about corruption and organized crime for Ecuador’s newspapers, Arturo Torres founded an independent media site to report on these issues.  In a series of articles, Arturo and his team combined rigorous analysis of publicly available information with deep investigations to uncover the corrupt ties of candidates for judges, for mayors, and other important public offices.  In a country of 16 million people, the website’s reporting garnered 18 million views in just a couple of months – 16 million people in the country, 18 million views in a couple of months.  That showed the public hunger for this information and for the incredibly powerful role it can play in informing voters.Third, more than ever, if we’re going to address corruption effectively, we also have to address forces outside our countries that are looking to weaponize corruption for their gain.In the Democratic Republic of Congo, Jean-Claude Mputu has helped lead “Congo is Not for Sale.”  That’s a civil society coalition that uncovers the way mining deals have benefitted foreign companies, governments, and corrupt officials at the expense of the people.  By exposing the bribes that were used to win these contracts and the billions in lost revenue to the state, the investigations led the DRC Government to try to recover funds for the Congolese people, and has resulted in international sanctions against corrupt businesses and corrupt investors.In Timor-Leste, reporting by Francisco Belo Simoes da Costa showed the way a Beijing-based company used bribes to win a contract to digitize the country’s national television broadcast corporation.  Francisco uncovered the way a corrupt official profited by awarding the contract with no competition.  His reporting also showed the way the agreement would have allowed the Chinese Government to disseminate propaganda throughout the Timorese nation.  Francisco’s reporting prevented the tainted deal from going forward, it sparked an investigation by Timor-Leste’s anti-corruption commission, which is ongoing.For advocate Stanislau Ivashekvich, fighting for accountability, for transparency, for space for civil society in Belarus has long meant taking on the country – excuse me, he’s taking on the country working with Belarus’s dictator to try to quash it, and that is Russia.  Stanislau’s organization, the Belarus Investigative Center, has shone a spotlight on the ways that Russia and Belarus collaborate to try to evade sanctions, to enrich oligarchs, to fuel Moscow’s war of aggression against Ukraine.  His organization’s reporting has been critical to closing sanctions loopholes, seizing the illicit assets of Russian officials and oligarchs.Fourth broad lesson:  Every individual that we’re honoring today has made educating, inspiring, and mentoring young people a key part of their work.With Anette Plannells leading civil society campaigns resulting in the first-ever prosecution of high-ranking officials in Panama – even as she was doing that, she also helped build a youth wing of the nation’s anti-corruption movement.  Thanks to her trainings, thanks to her workshops, not only are countless Panamanians more engaged citizens, but scores of young people have now been inspired to pursue careers in advocacy and in elective office.  And so a whole new generation is coming up at the same time thanks to her work that she was engaged in, the work of the of the moment.As the Seychelles anti-corruption commissioner, May De Silva – you already heard reference to her before – has built an unprecedented case against businesses and former officials for international tax evasion.  At the same time, she’s designed and implemented seminars, conferences, workshops, an anti-corruption curriculum – all of this for students in schools and for colleges across the country.  She says her goal is to show how corruption eats away at societies, but also what every citizen can do to fight it.In Kyrgyzstan, Ali Toktakunov leads MediaHub.  This is an independent news outlet that exposes corruption and shows corrupt actors and how they’re using social media to try to hide, to obfuscate their crimes.  A key part of MediaHub’s efforts is building greater digital literacy among young people, something that they’re doing by holding workshops across the country’s universities, so that individuals are better prepared, better equipped to detect and call out online disinformation.Fifth and finally, every one of these champions – every one – has in some fashion been subject to repression, to threats, to persecution for their work.  Several had been forced into exile.  Many are subject to ongoing legal proceedings.  Some had been locked up.  Their families have also been threatened.  One of our awardees said that his small children can no longer play in public playgrounds and parks because of targeted threats.And yet, each and every one of them persists.  They continue to do the work.  As awardee Arturo Torres said, “It’s part of the job.”To all of today’s awardees, your bravery, your commitment to truth, to justice – it humbles us, it inspires us to do more, and it adds even greater urgency to the enduring effort to strengthen protections for advocates, for human rights defenders, for journalists, for educators around the world who are threatened and attacked for the work they’re doing to fight corruption and to better their societies.As you’ve heard from Under Secretary Zeya, Assistant Secretary Robinson, this has been a top priority for President Biden, for this administration, for this department from day one.  We’ll keep working to build effective ways to have the backs of those who are at risk and to hold perpetrators to account.I know that there are folks watching today who are leading hard fights for transparency and good governance in hard places.  And I know there have to be days when you feel disillusioned, when you feel isolated, when you feel fearful.So I hope, if nothing else, you’ll take heart from today, you’ll take heart from the stories of your colleagues around the world who are doing such remarkable work in the ways that you are – doing it a great cost, at great risk, but doing it.And I hope that today’s ceremony reminds us that, again, the actions of determined individuals can make a difference, are making a difference.  They can puncture the seemingly impenetrable walls of impunity.  They can rekindle citizens’ faith in their own capacity to make governments and institutions work for them.Indeed, they and you are often the only way that change effectively happens.To all the anti-corruption champions far beyond this room, please know you have a partner in the United States.With that, it is my honor to give the floor to one of our awardees so deserving who can speak most effectively for all of our awardees, Minister Mihailov-Moraru.Minister, congratulations.  The floor is yours.  (Applause.)JUSTICE MINISTER MIHAILOV-MORARU:  Good morning.  Honorable Secretary Blinken, colleagues and new friends, ladies and gentlemen, I am very honored to be with you here and be among of this group of all about – with all remarkable activists, journalists, and public officials you have brought together from all around the world.  Thank you very much for all the appreciation.  I am not sure I actually deserve this recognition or to be in the company of this inspiring group of people, but I am very grateful for the honor and I will use it as a reminder and motivation when I need it to persist and to press forward against the resistance we encounter every day in fighting corruption in Moldova and around all the world.The Republic of Moldova is currently undergoing broad reform in its justice sector, addressing challenges relating to integrity, accessibility, efficiency, and widespread lack of trust.  Corruption remains, unfortunately, a central obstacle to the formation of trust in government in Moldova.  But one of our main goals in my country is to improve living standards, to change society’s perception of the independence of the judicial system in order to ensure transparency, but also their responsibility, and ultimately to increase trust in the acts of justice.  And this can only be happen by fighting everywhere and with increasing success against corruption.Corruption, of course, is not unique to Moldova.  It is a global problem that affects us all.  Corruption is the abuse of entrusted power for private gains, and it undermines the rule of law, the legitimacy of government, and the trust of citizens.  Corruption is a threat to the realization of the United Nation Sustainable Development Goals, which aim to create a better and more sustainable future for all.But I am sure that corruption is not inevitable.  It can be prevented and combated through effective anti-corruption policies, practices, and a lot of courage.  Anti-corruption efforts vary in scope and strategy and include both preventive and reactive measures – preventive measures to reduce the opportunities for – of corruption actions, but reactive measures – detect, investigate, prosecute, and sanction corruption and return stolen assets.In Moldova, we have committed to implement de-oligarchization measures to eliminate excessive influence of powerful and at times dangerous vested interest in economic, political, and public life.  We have taken action to fortify our agencies charged with responsibility for investigation and prosecution of high corruption act cases.  We have modernized our legislation for combating money laundering and terrorism financing, and also we are in the process to improve our asset recovery mechanism.But this is only the beginning, and we in Moldova cannot do this alone, of course.  None of us can.  So we are committed to increasing our mutual legal cooperation, including on financial investigations, international and organized crime cases, to identify and to recover criminal assets.  But we also need, as do anti-corruption fighters in every country, the commitment and collaboration of all stakeholders, including the international community, the private sector, civil society, journalists, and academia.So I really believe that every effort counts.  Only together we can make a difference and create a more transparent, accountable, and inclusive society for ourselves and for future generations.During IVLP meetings throughout this week, I was inspired by some quotes.  Finding and fighting corruption – your anti-corruption fight is our fight.  And I want to thank to the American people for the inspiration and all the support toward rule of law.Let me please on behalf of all the IVLP group to receive our gratitude to all of you for your attention, and for the honor you bestow, and the kindness, and the continuing support you have shown to all of us.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)
- Recognizing the 2023 Anti-Corruption Champions   Todd D.  Robinson, Assistant SecretaryBureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement AffairsIn a world faced with myriad challenges, including terrorism, health epidemics, and strategic competition to shape the future of the international order, corruption may not always seem to be at the top of the list of threats.   But that is changing, for the U.S. government and partners around the world.  Left unchecked, corruption steals from a country’s citizens and can sell out a country’s future &#8212; giving a foothold to hostile, criminal actors in the process. Corruption keeps unaccountable officials in power, slows the pace of development, facilitates crime, and ensures unequal distribution of resources – which can affect underrepresented and underserved populations disproportionally.  For all these reasons, the Biden-Harris Administration released and is now implementing the first-ever U.S. Strategy on Countering Corruption.   Our strategy recognizes that preventing, uncovering, and combatting corruption takes a mix of courage, intelligence, and doggedness by many stakeholders, and each year the Department seeks out examples to highlight.  And each year, we find many examples of individuals who are committed to pushing back on corruption.  Recently, Department leadership, including Secretary Blinken, gathered to recognize 11 exemplary corruption fighters. They include reporters, government practitioners, and civil society activists.   We hope you will join us in celebrating our 11 State Department International Anti-Corruption Champions for 2023, and in recognizing all those who fight for accountability, the rule of law, and press freedom.   More information on each of our 2023 honorees can be found below. Moldovan Justice Minister Veronica Mihailov-Moraru advanced countless transparency initiatives as part of a broader effort to cleanse Moldova’s judiciary and prosecution services of corrupt actors.  She now leads the ministry she helped reform. For the past 35 years, activist Nikhil Dey has championed policy reforms to empower workers in India.  He and his counterparts have brought to light official corruption, such as the underpayment of workers on official projects, and built peasant and worker empowerment campaigns targeting corruption in the delivery of government services.    Stanislau Ivaskhevich not only took huge personal risks by engaging in independent media reporting in Belarus, but he and his team also tackled government and business corruption despite intense government pressure – all while building a 50-person organization that serves as a resource to civil society and journalists alike.   Marc N. Kollie fearlessly took on high-level bribery and corruption among Liberia’s powerful political elites as part of his tireless work at the Liberian Financial Intelligence Agency.  His commitment to uncovering corruption cost him his job, exposed him and his family to harassment and threats, and forced him to relocate his family for safety.   In Timor-Leste, Francisco Belo Simoes da Costa exposed a corrupt deal for a Beijing-funded project to digitalize the country’s largest broadcaster.  The deal, involving a company majority-owned by a PRC-based businessperson, ultimately led to charges being filed against a sitting minister.  Jean-Claude Mputu is a leading anti-corruption activist in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and spokesperson for the NGO “The Congo is Not for Sale,” which focuses on extractive industries, and has called attention to billion-dollar losses due to mining sector corruption.    Montenegro has long struggled to stem transnational organized crime.  In an effort to turn the tide and root out corruption within the government, Chief Special Prosecutor Vladimir Novovic has aggressively targeted high-profile individuals, indicting the former president of the Supreme Court, among others. Panamanian civil society leader Annette Planells is a tireless advocate of transparency in government and a leading figure of anti-corruption efforts in her country.  She has experienced retaliatory lawsuits and government intimidation, but wins more than she loses, including joining a successful suit against the former Chief Justice of Panama’s Supreme Court, who was sentenced to five years in prison.    Seychelles anti-corruption commissioner May De Silva has 35 staff but – like many successful public servants – is extending her reach by leveraging external allies, to include FBI agents and investigators from the United Kingdom.  She also shaped the outlook of young people around her country and their civic engagement.  Ecuadoran investigative journalist Arturo Torres published research into drug trafficking, corruption, and exploitation of his country’s natural resources.  A judge sued him for $15M for defamation, a case that Mr. Torres ultimately won.    Journalist “Ali” Totakunov is known as one of the most effective and visible anti-corruption advocates in his native Kyrgyz Republic.  Ali’s reporting initially as a correspondent for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty – and his MediaHub team’s independent journalism &#8212; have resulted in legal victories, but they have come at a price including lawsuits, cyber attacks, harassment, and even credible death threats.  This award demonstrates our support for anticorruption leaders who put their lives on the line to spur lasting change.  Secretary of State Antony Blinken was pleased to honor these 11 honorees, who inspire us all to stand up firmly to champion more equitable societies, in a December 7 event at the Department of State. For more from the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, you can follow us on Twitter @StateINL, Facebook @StateINL, and Instagram @StateINL.