United States 

Department of 

Agriculture

Economic

Research

Service

Economic

Research

Report

Number 144

January 2013

Food Insecurity Among 

Households With Working-Age 

Adults With Disabilities

Alisha Coleman-Jensen

Mark Nord
www.ers.usda.gov

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Coleman-Jensen, Alisha, and Mark Nord. Food Insecurity Among Households 

With Working-Age Adults With Disabilities, ERR-144, U.S. Department of 

Agriculture, Economic Research Service, January 2013.
United States

Department

of Agriculture

www.ers.usda.gov

A Report from the Economic Research Service

Abstract 

Prior research has shown that food insecurity is more common among U.S households 

with an adult who has a work-limiting disability than among other households. To 

provide more detail on the prevalence of food insecurity by a range of types of disabilities, we analyzed data from the Current Population Survey Food Security Supplement 

(2009 and 2010). We focused on two groups of households that include adults with 

disabilities: (1) households with a working-age adult with a disability that prevented 

work (not in labor force-disabled); and (2) those with a working-age adult with a specified disability (hearing, vision, mental, physical, self-care, or going-outside-home 

disability) and no indication that their disability prevented them from working (other 

reported disabilities). Food insecurity was most prevalent among households with an 

adult who was not in labor force-disabled (33.5 percent), followed by those with a 

working-age adult with other reported disabilities (24.8 percent). Households with no 

working-age adult with a disability had a much lower prevalence of food insecurity (12.0 

percent). Close to two in five households with very low food security included an adult 

with a disability. The study findings demonstrate the importance of disabilities as a determinant of food insecurity.

Keywords: Disability, food security, food insecurity, Current Population Survey, Food 

Security Supplement, labor force, working-age adult

About the Authors 

Alisha Coleman-Jensen and Mark Nord are sociologists in the Food Assistance Branch, Food 

Economics Division, Economic Research Service (ERS), U.S. Department of Agriculture.

Acknowledgments 

The authors thank Terence McMenamin, Bureau of Labor Statistics, U.S. Department 

of Labor; Lucie Schmidt, Williams College; Michael Wiseman, George Washington 

University; and David Smallwood and Ephraim Leibtag, Economic Research Service, 

USDA, for their reviews and suggestions. Thanks also to ERS editor Priscilla Smith and 

designer Cynthia A. Ray

Alisha Coleman-Jensen

Mark Nord

Food Insecurity Among 

Households With Working-Age 

Adults With Disabilities

Economic

Research 

Report

Number 144

January 2013
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Contents

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii

Food Insecurity and Disability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Introduction and Motivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Previous Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

Data, Measures and Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

Current Population Survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

“What Types of Disability Are Identified” (box) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

Percentage of Households With Working-Age Adults 

With Disabilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

Prevalence of Adult Food Insecurity by Presence of an Adult 

With Disabilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

Household-Level Adult Food Insecurity Prevalence and Distribution 

by Characteristics of Adult With Disabilities and by Household 

Characteristics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

Multivariate Logistic Regression Models Exploring the Association 

Between Disability Characteristics and Household-Level Adult 

Food Insecurity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22

Multivariate Logistic Regression Models for Households That 

Include Working-Age Adults With Disabilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25

Participation in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program 

(SNAP) and Disability Assistance by Presence of a Working-Age 

Adult With Disabilities and Food Security Status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28

Participation in Disability Assistance Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30

Access to Health Insurance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32

Discussion and Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

Future Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37

Appendix—Matching Households Interviewed in the Current 

Population Survey Food Security Supplement (CPS-FSS) and the 

Current Population Survey Annual Social and Economic Supplement 

(CPS-ASEC) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
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Summary

What Is the Issue?

Food-insecure households are those that lack consistent access to adequate 

food for one or more household members. Prior research found that households with adults with work-limiting disabilities were more likely to be food 

insecure. This report describes food security in two groups of households 

with working-age (18-64) adults who have disabilities: those with disabilities 

who are unable to work (not in labor force-disabled) and those with disabilities that are not necessarily work-limiting (other reported disabilities). The 

analysis focused on type of disability and other characteristics of workingage adults with disabilities, such as employment and education, to identify 

factors that may put households at greater risk for food insecurity. In addition, participation in the USDA Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program 

(SNAP, formerly food stamps) and disability assistance programs was examined to determine the extent to which adults with disabilities accessed these 

benefits and the programs’ role in preventing household food insecurity. 

What Were the Study Findings?

There is a strong association between disability and food insecurity. 

Substantially reducing the prevalence and severity of food insecurity among 

households in which one or more members is affected by disabilities would 

reduce the overall prevalence of food insecurity. 

The main study findings include: 

•	Food insecurity was more prevalent among households with working-age

adults with disabilities: 33.5 percent of households with an adult who was 

not in labor force-disabled were food insecure; 24.8 percent of households with adults with other reported disabilities (adults age 18-64 who 

had a disability but did not indicate they were out of the labor force due 

to disability) were food insecure; while 12 percent of households with no 

adults age 18-64 with disabilities were food insecure.

• Very low food security, the more severe range of food insecurity characterized by disrupted eating patterns and reduced food intake, was also more 

common among households with adults with disabilities than among other 

households: 17.3 percent of households with a member who was not in 

labor force-disabled had very low food security and 11.8 percent of households with a working-age adult with other reported disabilities had very 

low food security. Among households with no working-age adults with 

disabilities, 4.6 percent had very low food security. 

• Households that include working-age adults with disabilities comprise

a large share of food-insecure households. An estimated 31.8 percent 

of households with food insecurity included a working-age adult with a 

disability. Nearly 38 percent of households with very low food security 

included a working-age adult with a disability. 

• Whether disabilities prevented employment was an important factor

related to food insecurity among households that included adults with 

disabilities. Vision, mental, and physical disabilities were related to
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higher odds of food insecurity than were hearing, self-care, and goingoutside-home disabilities. 

• Participation in SNAP was relatively high among households with

members who were not in labor force-disabled and households with 

working-age members with other reported disabilities compared with 

those without working-age adults with disabilities. Among low-income 

households that participated in SNAP and with an adult who was not in 

labor force-disabled, 56.1 percent were food insecure. 

How Was the Study Conducted?

We used the Current Population Survey Food Security Supplement (CPSFSS) from 2009 and 2010 to examine the association between food insecurity 

and disability. The CPS is administered by the U.S. Census Bureau and is 

nationally representative of the civilian, noninstitutionalized population. The 

CPS-FSS is the source for the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s annual food 

security statistics. 

The analysis examined the prevalence and severity of household food insecurity by the presence of adults age 18-64 with disabilities. The study used 

multivariate logistic regression analysis to account for differences in income, 

education, family composition, and other characteristics between households 

with and without adults with disabilities. The percentage of households participating in SNAP and disability assistance programs was also examined by 

disability status and food security status.

Figure 1

Prevalence of food insecurity by disability status

17.3

11.8

4.6

16.2

13.0

7.4

0 10 20 30 40

Households with a member

(age 18-64) with other

reported disabilities1

Households with no

working-age adult with

disabilities

Percent of households

Very low food security

Low food security

12.0

24.8

33.5

Percent food insecure

Households with a member

(age 18-64) not in

labor force-disabled

1

Working-age adults with other reported disabilities are those reported to have one or more

or the following disabilities: hearing, vision, mental, physical, self-care, or going-outside-home

disability, but no indication that their disability prevented them from working.

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service calculations based on 2009 and 2010 Current 

Population Survey Food Security Supplement data.
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Food Insecurity and Disability

Introduction and Motivation

Food-insecure households are those that lack adequate food for one or 

more household members because they have insufficient money or other 

resources for food. In 2011, 14.9 percent of U.S. households were food 

insecure (Coleman-Jensen et al., 2012). Food insecurity was more prevalent 

among households with a member who had a disability—33.5 percent of 

households with a member who had a disability and was unable to work 

were food insecure. Previous research has examined the relationship between 

work-limiting disabilities and food insecurity. Less is known about the food 

security status of households with a member who has a disability but is in 

the labor force. Furthermore, prior research has not considered how type of 

disability (physical disability, mental disability, etc.) relates to food security 

status. There is also a lack of prior research on the extent to which foodinsecure households with members with disabilities access food assistance 

and disability assistance programs. 

Many definitions of disability exist and are used for different purposes, but 

in general, disability refers to limitations to participating in usual roles or 

activities resulting from a medical condition or health impairment (Connolly, 

2009). This study expands on previous work by examining the relationship between food insecurity and type of disability, with special attention 

to differences among working-age persons who are unable to work due to 

disability and those with disabilities that do not prevent work. In this report, 

working-age adults (ages 18-64) classified as not in labor force-disabled are 

those who are reported to be unable to work in any paid employment due to 

their disability. Working-age adults with other reported disabilities are those 

who have a disability (six specific disabilities are identified: hearing, vision, 

mental, physical, self-care, and going-outside-home disability) but are not 

reported to be out of the labor force due to disability. Persons with disabilities who are unable to work due to their disability may be more severely 

disabled or have poorer health than persons with disabilities who are not 

reported to be unable to work due to disability. 

Food insecurity has been shown to have effects on health and may be particularly troublesome for persons with disabilities. Lower quality diets and 

reduced intake of nutrients among members of food-insecure households 

(Bhattacharya et al., 2004; Dixon et al., 2001; Rose and Oliveira, 1997) may 

contribute to the poorer health and increased morbidity and mortality that 

have been associated with food insecurity (Siefert et al., 2004; Stuff et al., 

2004; Vozoris and Tarasuk, 2003). The health effects associated with food

insecurity may be even more detrimental for adults with disabling or chronic 

health conditions (Biros et al., 2005; Nelson et al., 1998; Nelson et al., 2001; 

Seligman et al., 2010; Seligman et al., 2012). Nutrition and human service 

agencies that are focused on the population of persons with disabilities and 

those with chronic disease recognize the importance of proper nutrition 

in treating chronic conditions (Association of Nutrition Service Agencies, 

2006; New York State Department of Health, 2003; Wallace et al., 2007). 

Therefore, food insecurity is a particular concern among those with disabilities. Food insecurity may be more prevalent among households affected by 
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disabilities due to reduced earnings and higher expenses associated with 

disability. In addition, persons with disabilities may have difficulty shopping 

for food and preparing healthy meals.

Another motivation for studying the linkages between food insecurity and 

disabilities is the Supplemental Nutritional Assistance Program (SNAP, 

formerly food stamps) provisions for persons with disabilities. In determining eligibility and benefit allotments, SNAP gives special consideration 

for households with members who have a disability and receive government 

assistance related to their disability. For example, households with members 

who have a disability may deduct medical expenses that exceed $35 per 

month from household income in determining SNAP eligibility and benefit 

allotments; this deduction is not available to households without members 

who are elderly or disabled. Yet, there has been little research investigating the relationships among food security, disability, and participation in 

SNAP. Empirical research regarding the adequacy of SNAP adjustments for 

disability would be beneficial. 

Several unanswered policy questions suggest the need for further research on 

the relationship between food security and disability and are addressed in this 

analysis. The answers to these questions will help to explain why households 

that include adult members with disabilities are more likely to be food insecure and point to ways that policy may help to reduce food insecurity among 

households that include adult members with disabilities. 

The following questions are addressed in this report:

1. Are households with adults who have a disability but are not reported 

to be unable to work more likely to be food insecure than otherwise 

similar households with no adults with disabilities? 

2. How does type of disability, such as mental disability versus physical 

disability, relate to food security status? 

3. To what extent do households with an adult with a disability access 

SNAP, the Social Security Administration’s Supplemental Security 

Income (SSI), and other disability assistance programs, and how is 

this related to their food security status? 

Previous Research

The following section presents previous research on disabilities and 

economic hardship. In addition to a link between food security and disability, 

research has established a link between disabilities and a higher incidence of 

poverty. Potential causes of increased likelihood of food insecurity among 

households with members with disabilities are discussed. Two main mechanisms are considered in the discussion below. One such mechanism is effects 

on earned income. Another mechanism through which disabilities affect food 

security is expenses. Reduced earnings and increased costs associated with 

disability lead to a higher likelihood of material hardship and food insecurity. 

The literature review section closes with a review of assistance programs 

available to persons with disabilities and a discussion of important policy 

questions related to these programs and food insecurity. 
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The Relationship Between Disability and Economic Hardship

Disabilities affect a large minority of U.S. households, and a disproportionate 

share of those households is in poverty. The Federal poverty level in 2010 

was $22,113 for a family with two adults and two children. In 2010, 21.3 

percent of the U.S. population age 15 and over reported having a disability. 

Adults with disabilities were less likely to be employed than able-bodied 

adults. Among those aged 15 to 64, 28.6 percent with a severe disability 

lived in households with income below the Federal poverty level, while 14.3 

percent of those without a disability lived in households with poverty-level 

incomes. Given the lower levels of employment among those with disabilities and higher poverty rates, participation in assistance programs is relatively common for this group. In 2010, among adults with a severe disability, 

59 percent received public assistance (cash assistance, SSI, or Social 

Security) and 28.1 percent received SNAP benefits, well above the percentages for those without a disability (Brault, 2012). Other research indicates 

that households receiving Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) 

and those receiving SNAP have about twice the prevalence of disability as 

the general population (Loprest and Maag, 2009). 

It is likely that economic hardships may result from, or be made worse by, 

disability. People with disabilities are more likely to live in poverty than 

those without disabilities (Palmer, 2011; She and Livermore, 2009; Wang, 

2005), and becoming disabled is associated with entering poverty (McKernan 

and Ratcliffe, 2005). Among working-age men, following the onset of a 

disability, earnings decline along with food consumption (Meyer and Mok, 

2008). People with disabilities are more likely to face economic hardships, 

such as housing instability, inadequate health care, and difficulty paying 

monthly expenses (Parish et al., 2009; She and Livermore, 2007, 2009). The 

relationship between economic resources and disability may be bi-directional; poverty and economic hardship may lead to or exacerbate disabling 

health conditions (She and Livermore, 2009), potentially leading to greater 

economic hardship. 

Mechanisms Through Which Disabilities May Affect Food Security 

Prior research has established a link between work-limiting disability 

and food insecurity. Numerous studies have found that households with a 

member with a work-limiting disability (being limited in the kind or amount 

of work, or being unable to work due to disability) are more likely to be food 

insecure than households without a member with a work-limiting disability 

(Huang et al., 2010; Leete and Bania, 2009; Nord, 2008; Parish et al., 2009; 

Ribar and Hamrick, 2003; She and Livermore, 2007). There is a strong association between disability and food insecurity. One study found that half of 

food-insecure households included a member with a work-limiting disability 

(She and Livermore, 2007). 

Two primary explanations for the relationship between work-limiting 

disability and food security status are: (1) reduced earnings and (2) higher 

expenses. Reductions in earnings due to disability affect household 

resources. Disabilities affect earnings of working-age adults with a disability 

as well as the earnings potential of other household members. A disability 

often affects a person’s employment by limiting the kind or amount of work 
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a person can do. Persons with disabilities may have limited work experience and opportunities that result in reduced earnings if they do work. Other 

adults in the household may need to provide care for the household member 

with disabilities. Such caregiving reduces the amount of time available for 

the caregiver to be in paid employment. Reduced earnings due to disability 

are most relevant to persons with disability who are working age; therefore, 

this analysis focused on adults ages 18-64. Along with reductions in earnings, disabilities increase medical expenditures, including costs for adaptive 

equipment and services. A person with disabilities needs more income than 

a person without disabilities to maintain the same standard of living. This 

combination of lower income and higher expenses results in a higher likelihood of food insecurity for households with adults with disabilities compared 

with households without disabled members. The research evidence for these 

explanations is discussed in more detail below. 

Lower earnings and income among households with a disabled member 

increase the likelihood of food insecurity (Huang et al., 2010). By definition, 

work-limiting disabilities reduce work opportunities and potential earnings 

(Meyer and Mok, 2008). Disabilities may affect educational attainment, the 

types of job the person can hold, and the number of hours the person is able 

to work, if at all. Further, even if work limitations are resolved, they may 

have persistent effects on future income and hardships (She and Livermore, 

2007). Having a household member with a disability may also affect the 

labor force participation of able-bodied members (Porterfield, 2002), especially if the member with a disability requires significant care. Thus, disabilities can reduce household earnings in a number of ways. 

In addition, households affected by disabilities are at higher risk for food 

insecurity due to increased expenses. Those with disabilities have higher 

expenses related to health care (Mitra et al., 2009; Olin and Dougherty, 

2006). In addition to increased medical expenses, having a disability may 

require the purchase of assistive and adaptive equipment, and those with 

a disability may incur costs from purchasing services they cannot perform 

themselves (Batavia and Beaulaurier, 2001). Higher out-of-pocket medical 

expenditures are associated with a higher probability of food insecurity 

(Nielsen et al., 2010). Huang et al. (2010) find that controlling for health 

expenditures in multivariate models reduces the association between 

disability and food insecurity, suggesting that increased expenses are a factor 

in explaining the higher likelihood of food insecurity among those with 

disabilities. 

Accounting for the substantial costs of disability significantly increases the 

poverty rate among households with adults with disabilities because households 

with disabled adults need more income to cover basic living expenses (Zaidi 

and Burchardt, 2005). Thus, even at similar income levels, households with a 

member with a disability are more likely to be food insecure than households 

without a member with a disability (Huang et al., 2010; Rose et al., 2009; She 

and Livermore, 2007). One study found that to have the same likelihood of food 

insecurity as an able-bodied person with an income of $10,160, a person with a 

persistent work-limiting disability would require an annual income of $26,668, 

more than two and half times as high (She and Livermore, 2007, p. 984). 
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Huang and colleagues (2010) show that higher assets (such as home equity, 

vehicles, savings in bank accounts, bonds, etc.) are related to a lower probability of food insecurity. Further, they find that the relationships between 

food insecurity, income, and assets vary by disability status. For households with adults who have a disability, the relationship between household 

assets and the probability of food insecurity is stronger than the relationship 

between income and food insecurity. Liquid assets (sum of savings in bank 

accounts and stocks/mutual funds/investment trusts) may be an important 

factor in protecting households with an adult with a disability from food insecurity because these assets help overcome the effects of unexpected increased 

costs associated with a disability (Huang et al., 2010). However, households 

affected by disabilities have fewer assets to rely on than households with no 

adults who are disabled, likely because of the lower earnings and higher costs 

associated with disability (Parish et al., 2010). 

Most prior research on disability and food insecurity has focused on worklimiting disabilities. Identifying disabilities only by reported work limitation 

underestimates the total population of people with disabilities (Burkhauser et 

al., 2002; Burkhauser et al., 2012). Often those with disabilities do not report 

work limitations. Work limitations reflect not only the actual disability, 

but also the policy environment and environmental adaptations that enable 

employment among those with a disability. Also, persons with disabilities 

who have chosen not to work may identify themselves as out of the labor 

force, but may not identify themselves as being out of the labor force due to 

their disability. Understanding how disabilities other than work limitations 

relate to food insecurity is important for identifying ways in which policies can promote food security among households affected by either worklimiting disabilities or non-work-limiting disabilities. Further, contrasting 

the relationships between work disabilities and other disabilities and food 

insecurity informs our understanding of the underlying mechanisms by which 

disabilities affect food security. 

Examining the relationship between food security and specific types of 

disability, such as mental, physical, and self-care disabilities, is also important. Some types of disability may be more detrimental to food security than 

others, and these patterns point to the mechanisms that link food insecurity 

and disability and inform policy options directed at reducing food insecurity 

among those with disabilities. 

Disability Assistance and Food Assistance Programs

The different types of assistance available to adults with disabilities are 

described in the box on page 6, “Assistance Programs Available to Those With 

a Disability.” Government assistance programs for persons with disabilities are 

meant to compensate for lower earnings and higher expenses. However, these 

programs do not always prevent food insecurity. A study of former TANF 

recipients in Michigan found that those who applied for and received SSI benefits were more likely to report food insufficiency than either those who applied 

but did not receive benefits, or those who did not apply and did not receive 

benefits (Schmidt and Danziger, 2009). Disability benefits do not appear to be 

adequate to consistently protect those with disabilities from food insecurity. 
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Aside from Federal disability programs and other disability payments, receipt 

of cash assistance (TANF) and SNAP are also means by which households 

affected by disabilities meet their basic needs. It is common for households 

that qualify for SNAP and SSI to utilize both programs (USDA/FNS, 2012; 

Trenkamp and Wiseman, 2007). 

Assistance Programs Available to Those With a Disability

Supplemental Security Income. The SSI program, run by the Social Security Administration, provides income 

to blind, disabled, and elderly persons who have low incomes. Elderly applicants must meet certain income and 

asset restrictions to receive the benefit. Applicants with disabilities must meet income and asset restrictions and 

have a qualifying disability. The program provides income support intended to meet basic needs. In 2009, 2010, 

and 2011, the monthly maximum benefit levels for SSI were $674 for an individual and $1,011 for a couple (http://

www.ssa.gov/OACT/COLA/SSIamts.html). An individual or couple would have an annual income below the 

Federal poverty level if the maximum Federal SSI benefit were the only income received. Not all SSI recipients 

receive the maximum benefit because countable income above a specified amount from employment, Social 

Security, and some other sources reduce the SSI payment. All States except Arizona, Arkansas, Mississippi, 

North Dakota, Tennessee, and West Virginia supplement the Federal SSI payments. The amount of these State

supplements varies widely across States, and States also vary in determining which types of SSI recipients are 

eligible for State supplements (Social Security Administration, 2011). 

Social Security Disability Insurance. Another source of disability income is SSDI, part of Social Security’s 

Old Age, Survivors, and Disability Insurance Program. Only people who have paid Social Security taxes and 

have adequate work histories are eligible for SSDI. SSDI applicants must have a disability that qualifies them 

for the benefit. For more information, see http://www.ssa.gov/pgm/links_disability.htm. SSDI benefit levels are 

based on average lifetime earnings (Social Security Administration, 2012). SSDI beneficiaries do not have to 

meet income or asset restrictions. 

Other disability payments. These payments include workers’ compensation, veterans’ disability, private 

disability insurance, payments made by employers, Federal or State disability available to Government 

employees, and other types of disability income. 

Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP, formerly the USDA food stamp program, has special 

considerations for applicants with a disability. In States with asset limits, households that include members 

with disabilities are allowed $3,250 in countable resources (i.e., assets) while other households are allowed 

$2,000. Assets of SSI recipients are not counted in determining household SNAP eligibility, but SSI income 

counts toward determinations of SNAP eligibility and benefits. If all household members receive SSI, the 

household is categorically eligible for SNAP. Households receiving certain disability payments only have 

to meet the net income test, not the gross income test. In addition, out-of-pocket medical expenses of more 

than $35 per month are deducted from income in determining eligibility for households that include members 

with disabilities. These medical expenses include medical and dental expenses and some medically related 

expenses such as attendant care. Households with a member with a disability can also deduct all shelter costs 

that are more than half the household income after other deductions. For SNAP purposes, generally persons 

are considered disabled if they are receiving disability benefits based on SSI rules or the Social Security 

Act, such as SSI or blindness payments. Veterans with disabilities also fall under the special SNAP rules

for households with members with disabilities (http://www.fns.usda.gov/snap/applicant_recipients/eligibility.

htm#special). Some people who self-identify as having a disability are not considered disabled for SNAP 

benefit calculations if they are not receiving disability benefits. 
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A policy question is whether food-insecure households with a member who 

has a disability are receiving assistance from programs meant to provide for 

those with disabilities, such as SSI or Social Security Disability Insurance 

(SSDI) from the Social Security Administration. If households with an adult 

who has a disability are receiving assistance from one of these programs, but 

are food insecure, it may suggest that the programs do not provide enough 

income support to overcome the effects of disability. If low-income foodinsecure households with a member with a disability are not participating in 

any of these programs, it may suggest that there are barriers to application 

and receipt of benefits. If households with a member who has a disability 

and with incomes above the eligibility cutoffs for disability assistance are 

food insecure, it may suggest that eligibility cutoffs do not take full account 

of the greater expenses that are incurred by households affected by disabilities. A policy question for USDA’s SNAP program is whether eligibility and 

benefit provisions for households with a member who has a disability adjust 

adequately for the additional expenses and limitations associated with the 

disability. 

Study Contribution

This report contributes to the established research on food security and 

disability. By using a recent nationally representative sample, the analysis 

provides basic information about the extent to which food-insecure households included working-age adults with disabilities, and the extent to which 

such households were food insecure. It expands on prior research by considering how different types of disability relate to food security. Finally, the 

research contributes to the understanding of how well SNAP benefit allotments and disability benefits adjust for the costs associated with disability. 

The recent inclusion in the Current Population Survey of questions on 

disabilities among adults enabled this research. The next section describes 

the data, measures, and methods used for the study. 
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Data, Measures and Methods

Current Population Survey

Data for the study were primarily from the Current Population Survey Food 

Security Supplement (CPS-FSS) conducted in December 2009 and 2010. The 

Current Population Survey is administered by the U.S. Census Bureau and is 

State and nationally representative of the civilian, noninstitutionalized population. The monthly CPS includes about 54,000 households and is the source 

for Federal unemployment and poverty statistics. The CPS-FSS is the source 

for Federal food security statistics. This study combines 2 years of data to 

improve the precision of estimates. Households are included in the CPS-FSS 

sample for 2 consecutive years, but including only one interview per household in the analysis is important for ensuring that all observations are independent. Therefore, households interviewed in both the 2009 and 2010 FSS 

were deleted from the 2009 data file. This study focused on disabilities 

among working-age adults (age 18-64), and households with no workingage adults were excluded from the sample (11,602 households included only 

elderly adults age 65 and over). In addition, households that did not respond 

to any of the food-security-scale questions were excluded (185 households). 

The final sample included all households meeting these criteria interviewed 

in the 2010 CPS-FSS and about half of households interviewed in the 2009 

CPS-FSS (total sample is 55,383 households). 

Identifying Households With a Disabled Member

Due to data constraints, earlier research on food security and disability using 

the CPS only identified disability if adults indicated they were not in the 

labor force due to disability. Six additional questions about disability were 

recently added to the monthly CPS. These questions enabled the identification of individuals with specific types of disabilities—hearing, vision, 

mental, physical, self-care, or going-outside-home disability—whether or 

not they affected paid employment (see box, “What Types of Disability Are 

Identified?” p. 9). Individuals can be identified as having more than one 

specific limitation (i.e., an individual may have both a physical disability and 

a self-care disability). The six specific disability questions in the CPS do not 

include a measure of work-limiting disability and as a result underestimate 

the total population of adults with disabilities (Burkhauser et al., 2012). 

Therefore, in addition to the six specific disability questions, we also utilized 

the labor-force status variable to identify individuals who were not in the 

labor force due to disability. 

In this study, working-age adults who were identified as unable to work due 

to disability were classified as not in labor force-disabled. Some of these 

individuals also reported one of the six specific disabilities. Individuals 

who were classified as having other reported disabilities are those who 

were identified as having one of the six disabilities (hearing, vision, mental, 

physical, self-care, or going-outside-home disability) but gave no indication 

of being out of the labor force due to disability. These individuals may have 

been working or out of the labor force for reasons other than their disability, 

such as retirement. The categories of not in labor force-disabled and other

reported disabilities are mutually exclusive. If household respondents 
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What Types of Disability Are Identified?

The Current Population Survey uses a series of six standard questions to identify persons with conditions or 

disabilities that cause serious difficulty with daily activities.

The following six types of specified disability were identified:1

•	Hearing disability: Deaf or serious difficulty hearing

•	Vision disability: Blind or serious difficulty seeing even when wearing glasses

•	Mental disability: Serious difficulty concentrating, remembering, or making decisions because of a

physical, mental, or emotional condition

•	Physical disability: Serious difficulty walking or climbing stairs

•	Self-care disability: Difficulty dressing or bathing

•	Going-outside-home disability: Difficulty doing errands alone such as visiting a doctor’s office or

shopping because of a physical, mental, or emotional condition

In addition to the six types of specified disabilities, adults were classified by whether or not they were unable 

to work due to disability:

Not in labor force-disabled:

•	The individual was identified as being out of the labor force due to disability (unable to work)2

•	The individual may or may not have been identified as having one or more of the six specified disabilities

listed above

Other reported disabilities:

•	The individual was identified as having one or more of the six specified disabilities listed above

•	The individual (or household member responding for the individual) did NOT indicate that he or she was out

of the labor force due to disability

•	Individuals in this category may have been working, looking for work, or out of the labor force for reasons

other than disability.

CPS questions on hearing, vision, physical, and self-care disabilities were formatted as follows: “Is (household 

member) deaf or does (household member) have serious difficulty hearing?” Questions on mental and going-outsidehome disabilities were formatted as: “Because of a physical, mental, or emotional condition, does (household 

member) have serious difficulty concentrating, remembering, or making decisions?” One knowledgeable household 

member may provide responses for all household members.

What About “Work-Limiting Disability”?

Work-limiting disability encompasses being out of the labor force due to disability or being limited in the kind 

or amount of work a person is able to do due to disability. The U.S. Census Bureau has a specific methodology 

for identifying persons with a work disability (sometimes referred to as a work-limiting disability or work-related 

disability) using the CPS Annual Social and Economic Supplement. This methodology relies on a number of 

survey questions that are not included in the monthly CPS.3 The CPS-FSS data do not enable identification of 

individuals who are limited in the kind or amount of work they can do. Therefore, only the more severe work 

disability category, being unable to work due to disability (not in labor force-disabled), is examined in this study. 

1In this report, the categories and naming conventions used for the specific types of disability are those the U.S. Census Bureau has used in reports on disability. See Waldrop and Stern, 2003; and Wang, 2005. 2Not in labor force-disabled is based on the labor force status variable available in the CPS (variable name is PEMLR). If a respondent was not working or 

looking for work and the individual (or household member responding for the individual) said that he or she had a disability in response to questions about 

employment, he or she was defined as not in labor force-disabled. A limitation of this approach for identifying respondents with work disabilities is that 

the labor force questions were not designed to identify individuals with work disabilities. Respondents were not asked directly whether they were unable to 

work due to disability and were only classified in this category if they offered this as a reason for not working. 

3For more information, see http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/disability/cps/cpsworkd.html.
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indicated that they or another adult in the household were out of the labor 

force due to disability and also indicated they had a physical disability, they 

were classified as not in labor force-disabled. If they identified a physical 

disability or other specific disability but were not out of the labor force due to 

disability, they were classified as having other reported disabilities.

1

The two general categories of disability distinguished in this study, not in 

labor force-disabled and with other reported disabilities with no indication 

of being unable to work due to disability, pertain to working-age adults.2 The 

boundaries of “working age” can vary, but was defined for this study as ages 

18-64. As mentioned in the literature review, reduced earnings are a likely 

factor leading to increased food insecurity among households affected by 

disability. Reduced earnings are most relevant to those individuals who are 

working-age. Preliminary analysis showed that disabilities among workingage adults (18-64) were much more detrimental to household food security 

than disabilities among the elderly (age 65 and over). 

Household disability status was determined by the presence of a workingage adult with a disability. A household was coded as having a member not 

in labor force-disabled or with other reported disabilities if any workingage household member (age 18-64) reported (or was reported to have) one 

of these conditions. Households with both a member who was not in labor 

force-disabled and a member with other reported disabilities were classified 

as not in labor force-disabled. 

For descriptive statistics shown in figures 1, 2, and 3 and tables 1, 2, 3a, 

and 3b, households were classified in three mutually exclusive categories 

according to disability status:

•	Households with a working-age adult who was not in labor forcedisabled. These households included a member who was reported to be 

out of the labor force due to a disability (age 18-64).

•	Households with a working-age adult with other reported disabilities.

In these households, a member aged 18-64 was identified as having a 

specific disability (hearing, vision, mental, physical, self-care, or goingoutside-home disability) but neither that person nor any other adult was 

reported to be out of the labor force due to disability. 

•	Households with no working-age adult with disabilities. These households had no adults age 18-64 who were reported to be not in labor forcedisabled or to have any of the six specific disabilities.

Additional variables were used to characterize households with a member 

with a disability in the logistic regression analysis. These included a set of 

dummy variables for household employment that indicated the presence of a 

member who was not in labor force-disabled and dummy variables that indicated the presence or absence of each of the specific types of disability (i.e., 

hearing disability). A dummy variable distinguished households with two or 

more adults with disabilities from other households. 

1A limitation of this approach is that 

the labor-force questions were not developed with the intention of identifying individuals with work disabilities. 

Respondents are not asked directly 

whether or not they are unable to work 

because of a disability. Respondents 

classified as not in labor force-disabled, 

indicated to the interviewer that they 

were not working because they were 

disabled. Some persons with disabilities may not have thought to indicate 

that a disability prevented them from 

working and so their labor-force status 

would be categorized as not in labor 

force-other or retired. However, results 

show that there are important measureable differences between those not in 

labor-disabled and other persons with 

disabilities.

2The CPS asks the six disability questions about all household members age 

16 and over. Persons age 16 and 17 are 

considered children for the purposes of 

household food security measurement. 

We do not consider disability status of 

16- and 17-year-old youths because the 

CPS does not contain information on 

disability for children of younger ages. 

Further, we focus on employment and 

earnings as a key pathway by which 

disabilities affect food security. Therefore, we focus on disabilities among 

adult household members.
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Measuring Food Insecurity 

USDA monitors household food security in the U.S. and publishes an annual 

report on food insecurity.3 Household food security—access by all household 

members at all times to enough food for active healthy living—is assessed 

by household responses to the Household Food Security Survey Module in 

the CPS-FSS (Bickel et al., 2000; Coleman-Jensen et al., 2012; Hamilton et 

al., 1997a and 1997b). These questions vary in severity from anxiety about 

running out of food to not eating for a whole day and only refer to problems 

obtaining food that are a result of lacking money or other resources, not to 

such conditions as dieting for health or to lose weight. 

USDA determines household food security status based on responses to an 

18-item questionnaire about food-insecure conditions experienced by household members in the prior 12 months. The first 10 items refer to food-insecure conditions among adults and an additional 8 items refer to food-insecure 

conditions among children. For this study, food security was measured by the 

adult food security scale consisting of the 10 items referring to food-insecure 

conditions among adults and the household as a whole. The householdlevel adult food security scale provides a more comparable measure of food 

security status for households with and without children. Based on the adult 

scale, households responding affirmatively to three or more questions were 

categorized as food insecure. Households responding affirmatively to six or 

more questions were classified as having very low food security. Very low

food security is a severe form of food insecurity characterized by reductions 

in food intake and disrupted eating of one or more adult household members 

(Bickel et al., 2000; Coleman-Jensen et al., 2012). 

Other Variables Used in the Analysis 

Household Employment. A household employment variable was created 

that combined information on the employment status of all adult household 

members. Eight mutually exclusive employment categories were identified. 

•	Not in labor force-disabled, none employed households had no members 

working in the paid labor force and at least one member age 18-64 who 

was out of the labor force due to a disability. 

•	Full-time employed member and not in labor force-disabled households 

had at least one full-time working member and a working-age member 

who was out of the labor force due to disability. 

•	Part-time employed member and not in labor force-disabled households 

had a part-time worker and a working-age member who was out of the 

labor force due to disability (and no full-time worker).

The five remaining categories differentiated households that had no workingage adult member who was classified not in labor force-disabled. 

•	Full-time employed households had one or more members employed 

full-time. 

•	Part-time employed households had one or more members employed 

part-time and no full-time workers. 

3For the most recent food security 

statistics and report see: http://ers.usda.

gov/topics/food-nutrition-assistance/

food-security-in-the-us.aspx.
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•	Retired households indicated one or more members were out of the labor 

force due to retirement and no household members were employed. 

•	Unemployed households had one or more members unemployed and 

looking for work and no members employed or retired. 

•	Other not in labor force households had no member who was working, 

looking for work, or retired. 

Veteran With Disabilities. Veterans were identified as individuals who indicated they had served on active duty in the U.S. Armed Forces. Veterans with

disabilities were those who were classified not in labor force-disabled or had 

other reported disabilities. It cannot be determined in these data whether or not 

a veteran with disabilities sustained his or her disability during military service. 

Household Income-to-Poverty Ratio. The income-to-poverty ratio is a 

measure of income-to-needs and compares annual income of the primary 

family in the household with the U.S. poverty threshold for families of that 

size and composition. (As noted earlier, the Federal poverty level for a family 

with two adults and two children in 2010 was $22,113.) 

Household Composition. Households were classified in six categories by the 

age, gender, and marital status of household members. Households with children were identified in one of three categories: married with children, single

mother, and other household with children. The other household with children

included single-father households and households with children in complex 

living arrangements. Three categories of households containing only adults 

were distinguished: multiple adults, male alone, and female alone.

Educational Attainment of Highest Educated Adult. Households were 

identified by the highest educational level achieved by any adult household 

member: less than high school, high school or GED, some college or associate’s degree, and bachelor’s degree or more.

Race/Ethnicity of Reference Person. The race and ethnicity of the household reference person were assigned to the household. Those of Hispanic 

origin are in the Hispanic category regardless of race. The three remaining 

categories do not include those of Hispanic origin: White non-Hispanic,

Black non-Hispanic, and Other non-Hispanic.

Analytic Procedures

The analysis was guided by the research questions listed in the introduction and proceeded as follows. First, a descriptive analysis was conducted 

showing the percentage of households that were food insecure and the distribution of food-insecure households by disability status and selected household characteristics. Logistic regression models were then used to identify 

significant correlates of food insecurity including disability status. These 

analyses assessed the extent to which disability characteristics were important predictors of food insecurity, net of other characteristics such as income. 

Disability may affect household food insecurity through employment and 

income. These factors were controlled in the logistic regression models. 

Therefore, the strong positive effects of disability on food insecurity in the 

logistic regression analyses may reflect the effects of higher costs associated 
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with disability. Pseudo R-squared values estimated for logistic regression 

models by SAS statistical software are reported in the tables (Allison, 1999).4

Food Security Supplement sample weights were applied to all analyses so 

that estimates are nationally representative. 

The last parts of the analysis focused on SNAP receipt and participation in 

disability assistance programs by disability status. Participation in SNAP by 

food security status and presence of an adult with disabilities was estimated 

for low-income households (households with incomes below 185 percent 

of the Federal poverty line).5 Enrollment in disability assistance programs 

and public health insurance were examined to determine the extent to 

which food-insecure households with adults who were disabled accessed 

these benefits. The analysis of disability assistance programs and health 

insurance used a subsample of the CPS-FSS. This subsample consisted of 

households in the CPS-FSS that were also interviewed in the CPS Annual 

Social and Economic Supplement (ASEC) in 2010 or 2011. About one-third 

of households interviewed for the FSS were also interviewed for the 

subsequent ASEC. The advantage gained by matching to the CPS-ASEC 

is that it included more detailed income information, such as whether or 

not households received income from disability assistance programs, and 

information on receipt of public health insurance in the previous year.6

See the appendix for a full description of how household data from the two 

supplements were matched. 

4Collinearity diagnostics were performed on all logistic regression models 

to ensure that multicollinearity did not 

distort the results (using the PROC 

REG procedure in SAS with the TOL 

and VIF options to identify variance inflation). This procedure identifies variables in which the estimated variance is 

larger than expected due to correlation 

with other variables in the model.

5The Federal poverty line was 

$22,113 for a family with two adults 

and two children in 2010. For a family 

of four, 185 percent of the poverty line 

was $40,909.

6The food security questions refer to 

food security experienced in the prior 

12 months. ASEC data on income and 

program participation refers to the 

previous calendar year. So for example, 

the December 2009 FSS data referred 

to food security in calendar year 

2009. The 2010 ASEC data, to which 

household data from the 2009 FSS was 

matched, referred to program participation and income received in 2009. 

Therefore, data on food security and 

disability program participation refer 

to the same time period even though 

they come from different supplement 

interviews.
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Findings

Percentage of Households With Working-Age Adults 

With Disabilities

About 16 percent of all U.S. households with working-age adults included a 

working-age adult who was not in labor force-disabled or had other reported 

disabilities (table 1). Nine percent of households included a member who 

was not in labor force-disabled and 6 percent included a working-age adult 

with other reported disabilities. The majority of those not in labor forcedisabled also had a specified disability (70.6 percent). The most commonly 

identified specific disability among those with any disability was physical 

disability (51.2 percent of adults not in labor force-disabled and 47.4 percent 

of adults with other reported disabilities). 

Prevalence of Household-Level Adult Food Insecurity 

by Presence of an Adult With Disabilities 

Food insecurity was more prevalent among households with working-age 

adults with disabilities than among those with no working-age adults with 

disabilities (table 2). One-third of households with a member who was not 

in labor force-disabled were food insecure (33.5 percent) (fig. 1). About 

a quarter of households with a working-age member with other reported 

disabilities were food insecure (24.8 percent). Twelve percent of households 

Table 1

Distribution of households with a working-age adult member with a disability by type of disability 

Households with a 

member not in labor 

force-disabled

Households with a 

member with other 

reported disabilities1

Percent of households

Percentage of U.S. households with working-age adults in disability category 9.4 6.3

Member not in labor force-disabled with no specified disability 29.4 --

Member with both a specified disability and not in labor force-disabled 70.6 --

Type of specified disability

 Hearing disability 9.5 27.9

 Vision disability 9.7 15.1

 Mental disability 31.6 28.9

 Physical disability 51.2 47.4

 Self-care disability 17.3 8.4

 Going-outside-home disability 34.0 16.8

Member with more than one specified disability 42.8 26.8

Household includes two or more working-age adults with a disability 15.6 6.7

Number of households in sample2 5,021 3,764

Estimates are weighted to represent the U.S. population. 

1Working-age adults with other reported disabilities are those with one or more of the six specified disabilities and no indication that their disability prevented them from working. 

2Total number of households in sample with working-age adults (ages 18-64) is 55,383.

-- = No households in this category with the selected characteristics.

Source: Calculated by USDA, Economic Research Service using data from the December 2009 (MIS 5-8) and December 2010 Current Population Survey Food Security Supplement.
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with no working-age adult with disabilities were food insecure. Food insecurity was less prevalent among households that included only elderly adults 

compared with those with working-age adults (elderly refers to age 65 and 

above; results not shown in table). Of households with only elderly members, 

8.7 percent that included an elderly person with other reported disabilities

were food insecure, far lower than the prevalence of food insecurity among 

working-age adults with disabilities. Households with only elderly members 

Table 2

Household-level adult food insecurity and Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) 

participation by presence of a working-age adult with a disability

Households with a 

member not in labor 

force-disabled

Households with a 

member with other 

reported disabilities1

Households with no 

working-age adult 

with disabilities 

Percent of households

Share of all households with working-age adults 9.4 6.3 84.3

Prevalence of food insecurity 33.5 24.8 12.0

Share of food-insecure households 21.2 10.6 68.2

Prevalence of very low food security 17.3 11.8 4.6

Share of households with very low food security 26.0 11.9 62.1

Percentage of households receiving SNAP 31.5 16.0 7.7

Share of SNAP recipient households 28.2 9.6 62.2

Number of households in sample 5,021 3,764 46,598

Estimates are weighted to represent the U.S. population. 

1Working-age adults (age 18-64) with other reported disabilities are those with a specified disability (hearing, vision, mental, physical, self-care 

or going-outside-home disability) and no indication that their disability prevented them from working. 

Source: Calculated by USDA, Economic Research Service using data from the December 2009 (MIS 5-8) and December 2010 Current 

Population Survey Food Security Supplement.

Figure 1

Prevalence of food insecurity by disability status

17.3

11.8

4.6

16.2

13.0

7.4

0 10 20 30 40

Households with a member

(age 18-64) with other

reported disabilities1

Households with no

working-age adult with

disabilities

Percent of households

Very low food security

Low food security

12.0

24.8

33.5

Percent food insecure

Households with a member

(age 18-64) not in

labor force-disabled

1

Working-age adults with other reported disabilities are those reported to have one or more

or the following disabilities: hearing, vision, mental, physical, self-care, or going-outside-home

disability, but no indication that their disability prevented them from working.

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service calculations based on 2009 and 2010 Current 

Population Survey Food Security Supplement data.
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and no reported disabilities had an even lower prevalence of food insecurity 

(4.3 percent). 

A large share of food-insecure households contained adults with disabilities. Over one-fifth of food-insecure households (21.2 percent) included 

a working-age adult who was not in labor force-disabled. An estimated 

10.6 percent of food-insecure households had an adult with other reported 

disabilities. Together, 31.8 percent of food-insecure households included a 

working-age adult with disabilities. Examining disability as a risk factor for 

food insecurity is clearly important. 

Very low food security was also more prevalent among households with a 

working-age adult with a disability than other households. Some 17.3 percent of 

households with a member who was not in labor force-disabled and 11.8 percent 

of households with a working-age member with other reported disabilities were 

very low food secure. Very low food security affected a much smaller percentage 

of households with no working-age adults with disabilities (4.6 percent). 

Households that included working-age adults with disabilities comprised an even 

larger share of households with very low food security than they did of foodinsecure households. Households with a member who was not in labor forcedisabled comprised 26 percent of households with very low food security and 

those with a working-age member with other reported disabilities comprised an 

additional 11.9 percent. Together, 37.9 percent of households with very low food 

security included a working-age adult with a disability (fig. 2). 

Thirty-eight percent of SNAP-participant households included a working-age 

adult with a disability.7 About 32 percent of households with a member who 

was not in labor force-disabled received SNAP benefits, and they comprised 

28 percent of all SNAP recipient households.8 Among households with a 

working-age member with other reported disabilities, 16 percent participated 

in SNAP and comprised about 10 percent of all SNAP households. 

7Not all of these households would be 

considered disabled by SNAP eligibility rules. While this is a self-identified 

measure of disability, SNAP applicants 

must be receiving government assistance for those with disabilities (such as 

SSI) to be defined as disabled for SNAP 

eligibility and benefit determination.

8These are not participation rates 

among eligible households. Not all 

households included here would be 

eligible for SNAP.

Figure 2

Disability status of households with very low food security 

 

Households with 

no working-age

adult with 

disabilities 

62.1%

Households with 

working-age

adults with 

disabilities 

37.9%

Households with

 a member 

(age 18-64) not

 in labor forcedisabled

26.0%

Households with 

a member 

(age 18-64) with

other reported 

disabilities1

11.9%

1

Working-age adults with other reported disabilities are those reported to have one or more

or the following disabilities: hearing, vision, mental, physical, self-care, or going-outside-home

disability, but no indication that their disability prevented them from working.

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service calculations based on 2009 and 2010 Current 

Population Survey Food Security Supplement data.
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Household-Level Adult Food Insecurity Prevalence 

and Distribution by Characteristics of Adult With 

Disabilities and by Household Characteristics

The prevalence of household-level adult food insecurity varied considerably by disability status and characteristics of disabled persons (table 3a) and 

other household characteristics (table 3b).9 The prevalence of food insecurity 

by employment status of working-age adults with other reported disabilities

demonstrates the importance of employment in understanding the relationship 

between disability and food insecurity. The rates of food insecurity among 

those who were not in labor force-disabled (33.5 percent, table 3a, column 1) 

and those with other reported disabilities who were not in the labor force for 

other reasons (33.2 percent, column 3), were nearly equivalent. It is possible 

that some adults with other reported disabilities who were classified as not 

in the labor force for other reasons were, in actuality, not working because of 

their disability but did not specify so. An even higher percentage of households 

with an adult with other reported disabilities who was unemployed were food 

insecure, 42.7 percent. Meanwhile, about 21 percent of households with adults 

who had other reported disabilities and were working full-time were food insecure. Households including adults with other reported disabilities who were 

working full-time comprised nearly one-third of all food-insecure households 

with adults with other reported disabilities. 

The percentage of households with someone not in labor force-disabled that 

were food insecure varied somewhat by the type of disability. Households 

were included in more than one category for specific type of disability if 

they had more than one member with different disabilities or if one adult 

had multiple disabilities. Among households with an adult who was not in 

labor force-disabled, those with a vision disability had the highest prevalence of food insecurity at 48.2 percent, while those with a physical disability 

comprised the largest share of food-insecure households (57.1 percent). 

Among households with an adult with other reported disabilities, those with 

a mental disability had the highest prevalence of food insecurity at 34.1 

percent, while those with a physical disability again comprised the largest 

share of food-insecure households (52.5 percent). 

Food insecurity was somewhat less prevalent among households with a 

disabled adult who was a veteran. This finding is consistent with prior 

research showing that work-related disabilities result in a higher likelihood of 

poverty and material hardship for nonveterans than for veterans (Heflin et al., 

2011; London et al., 2011). 

The prevalence of food insecurity was higher among households with a 

female member who had a disability than households with a male member 

with a disability. Food insecurity was more common among households with 

persons with disabilities who had lower levels of education than those with 

higher levels. 

9Columns 1, 3, and 5 in tables 3a 

and 3b show the prevalence of food 

insecurity for households with given 

characteristics. Columns 2, 4, and 6 

show the distribution of food-insecure 

households across characteristics. The 

statistics in the prevalence column 

should be interpreted as follows: 37.8 

percent of households with a member 

not in labor force-disabled who had a 

hearing disability were food insecure 

(see column 1, table 3a). Statistics 

in the share column should be interpreted as: 10.7 percent of food-insecure 

households with a member not in labor 

force-disabled had a hearing disability 

(see column 2, table 3a).
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Table 3a

Prevalence and distribution of household-level adult food insecurity by disability status of working-age 

adults and selected characteristics of adult with disabilities

Column 1 

Prevalence 

of food 

insecurity among 

households 

with a member not in 

labor forcedisabled

Column 2 

Share of 

food-insecure households with 

a member 

not in labor 

forcedisabled

Column 3 

Prevalence 

of food 

insecurity among 

households 

with a 

member 

with other 

reported 

disabilities1

Column 4 

Share of 

food-insecure households with 

a member 

with other 

reported 

disabilities1

Column 5 

Prevalence 

of food 

insecurity among 

households 

with no 

working-age 

adult with 

disabilities

Column 6 

Share of 

food-insecure households with no 

working-age 

adult with 

disabilities

Percent of households

Food insecurity overall 33.5 100.0 24.8 100.0 12.0 100.0

Characteristics of adult with disabilities

 Employment of adult with disabilities

 Not in labor force-disabled 33.5 100.0 -- -- -- --

 Full-time -- -- 20.8 32.0 -- --

 Part-time -- -- 26.1 18.0 -- --

 Retired -- -- 13.8 9.7 -- --

 Unemployed -- -- 42.7 16.3 -- --

 Other not in labor force -- -- 33.2 24.0 -- --

 Type of specified disability 

 Hearing disability 37.8 10.7 18.5 20.8 -- --

 Vision disability 48.2 13.9 28.5 17.3 -- --

 Mental disability 40.2 37.9 34.1 39.8 -- --

 Physical disability 37.4 57.1 27.5 52.5 -- --

 Self-care disability 38.1 19.7 28.3 9.6 -- --

 Going-outside-home disability 37.4 37.9 30.5 20.6 -- --

 With two or more specified disabilities 38.6 49.2 33.7 36.4 -- --

 Educational attainment of adult with 

disabilities 

 Less than high school 37.1 28.3 35.2 21.3 -- --

 High school/GED 31.8 39.4 25.5 33.2 -- --

 Some college/associate’s 35.0 25.9 27.6 35.3 -- --

 Bachelor’s or more 26.8 6.4 12.1 10.2 -- --

 Veteran with disabilities 30.2 10.3 17.4 9.6 -- --

 Sex of adult with disabilities

 Male 30.7 44.1 21.0 40.6 -- --

 Female 36.2 55.9 28.4 59.4 -- --

Two or more working-age adults 

with disabilities 43.4 20.2 24.5 6.6 -- --

Number of households in sample 5,021 1,690 3,764 923 46,598 5,295

Percentages are weighted to represent the U.S. population. 

1Working-age adults (age 18-64) with other reported disabilities are those with a specified disability (hearing, vision, mental, physical, self-care 

or going-outside-home disability) and no indication that their disability prevented them from working. 

-- = No households in this category with the selected characteristics.

Source: Calculated by USDA, Economic Research Service using data from the December 2009 (MIS 5-8) and December 2010 Current 

Population Survey Food Security Supplement.
19

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Table 3b

Prevalence and distribution of household-level adult food insecurity by disability status of working-age 

adults and selected household characteristics

Column 1 

Prevalence 

of food 

insecurity among 

households 

with a member not in 

labor forcedisabled

Column 2 

Share of 

food-insecure households with 

a member 

not in 

labor forcedisabled

Column 3 

Prevalence 

of food 

insecurity among 

households 

with a 

member 

with other 

reported 

disabilities1

Column 4 

Share of 

food-insecure households with 

a member 

with other 

reported 

disabilities1

Column 5 

Prevalence 

of food 

insecurity among 

households 

with no 

working-age 

adult with 

disabilities

Column 6 

Share 

of foodinsecure 

households 

with no 

working-age 

adult with 

disabilities 

Percent of households

Food insecurity overall 33.5 100.0 24.8 100.0 12.0 100.0

Household employment 

 Not in labor force-disabled, 

none employed 40.2 69.0 -- -- -- --

 Full-time employed and not in labor 

 force-disabled 22.0 22.8 -- -- -- --

 Part-time employed and not in labor 

 force-disabled 35.7 8.2 -- -- -- --

 Full-time employed -- -- 20.0 51.8 9.5 64.2

 Part-time employed -- -- 35.4 17.1 23.5 15.9

 Retired -- -- 16.8 8.4 8.3 3.0

 Unemployed -- -- 47.3 10.9 37.8 11.8

 Other not in labor force -- -- 51.0 11.8 24.2 5.1

Household income-to-poverty ratio 

 0 - 1.0 49.7 49.2 51.2 38.0 34.9 30.3

 1.0 - 1.49 46.4 16.0 39.7 14.3 28.2 14.7

 1.5 - 1.99 31.9 9.9 33.7 13.9 21.8 13.3

 2.0 - 2.99 22.0 5.7 20.4 11.2 13.9 13.7

 3.0 + 13.0 5.1 8.7 11.7 3.7 13.3

 Income missing 20.7 14.1 17.3 10.9 8.3 14.7

Household composition 

 Married with children 31.5 12.4 24.4 17.1 10.1 23.8

 Single mother 43.7 12.9 49.4 19.9 28.2 23.4

 Other household with children 36.7 3.8 32.6 4.5 18.8 5.7

 Multiple adults 27.8 40.6 15.5 28.1 7.7 24.2

 Male alone 36.4 13.4 30.1 14.7 13.5 12.6

 Female alone 47.0 16.9 32.3 15.7 13.5 10.3

Educational attainment of highest 

educated adult 

 Less than high school 41.6 16.7 42.2 11.8 30.8 12.7

 High school/GED 34.8 38.6 28.5 29.7 18.0 30.9

 Some college/associate’s 34.0 34.5 30.0 43.5 14.9 38.5

 Bachelor’s or more 22.3 10.2 12.0 15.0 4.9 17.9

continued—
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Across each of the household characteristics considered in table 3b, food insecurity was more prevalent among households with members who were not in 

labor force-disabled or had other reported disabilities than among those with 

no working-age adult members who had disabilities. For example, even within 

the same income categories, food insecurity was much more prevalent among 

households that included a member who was not in labor force-disabled (see 

table 3b, column 1) than among households with no adult with disabilities (see 

table 3b, column 5). About half of households with incomes below poverty 

that included someone not in labor force-disabled or with other reported 

disabilities were food insecure. About 35 percent of households with no adults 

with disabilities with incomes below poverty were food insecure. Food insecurity was common even in households with an adult who had a disability and 

income above the poverty level. Thirteen percent of households with someone 

not in labor force-disabled with an income three times the poverty level were 

Table 3b

Prevalence and distribution of household-level adult food insecurity by disability status of working-age 

adults and selected household characteristics

Column 1 

Prevalence 

of food 

insecurity among 

households 

with a member not in 

labor forcedisabled

Column 2 

Share of 

food-insecure households with 

a member 

not in 

labor forcedisabled

Column 3 

Prevalence 

of food 

insecurity among 

households 

with a 

member 

with other 

reported 

disabilities1

Column 4 

Share of 

food-insecure households with 

a member 

with other 

reported 

disabilities1

Column 5 

Prevalence 

of food 

insecurity among 

households 

with no 

working-age 

adult with 

disabilities

Column 6 

Share 

of foodinsecure 

households 

with no 

working-age 

adult with 

disabilities 

Percent of households

Race/ethnicity of reference person 

 White non-Hispanic 31.3 59.0 21.3 62.0 8.7 49.2

 Black non-Hispanic 38.7 23.0 32.7 15.5 20.7 21.3

 Hispanic 36.6 13.1 36.0 16.0 21.8 24.1

 Other non-Hispanic 33.4 4.9 32.2 6.5 9.6 5.4

Residence

 Unidentified metropolitan 38.6 18.0 23.8 15.4 12.2 13.9

 Suburban metropolitan 32.2 32.7 23.4 36.3 10.8 38.2

 Principal city metropolitan 34.3 27.0 28.3 29.2 14.1 34.0

 Nonmetropolitan 31.3 22.3 23.8 19.1 11.3 13.9

Census region

 Northeast 32.7 17.4 21.1 13.0 9.7 14.6

 Midwest 34.5 20.5 27.1 26.7 10.9 20.2

 South 33.9 43.3 24.3 34.5 13.2 40.4

 West 32.6 18.9 25.6 25.8 13.0 24.8

Number of households in sample 5,021 1,690 3,764 923 46,598 5,295

Percentages are weighted to represent the U.S. population. 

1Working-age adults (age 18-64) with other reported disabilities are those with a specified disability (hearing, vision, mental, physical, selfcare or going-outside-home disability) and no indication that their disability prevented them from working.

-- = No households in this category with the selected characteristics.

Source: Calculated by USDA, Economic Research Service using data from the December 2009 (MIS 5-8) and December 2010 Current 

Population Survey Food Security Supplement.

—continued
21

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food insecure, while only 3.7 percent of households with no working-age 

adults with disabilities were food insecure in this income category. 

Comparing the prevalence of food insecurity across income categories provides 

a picture of the additional income households need to cover costs associated 

with disabilities (fig. 3). The prevalence of food insecurity for households 

with no working-age adults with disabilities is lower than or similar to the 

prevalence for households with a member not in labor force-disabled in the 

next-higher income group. Likewise in all but the highest income category, the 

prevalence of food insecurity for households with no working-age adults with 

disabilities is lower than the prevalence for households with members with 

other reported disabilities in the next-higher income. 

Household employment (see table 3b) differs from employment status 

of person with a disability (shown in table 3a) by taking into account the 

employment status of all adult household members. Households with a 

member not in labor force-disabled with no one else employed had a much 

higher prevalence of food insecurity (40.2 percent) than households with 

someone not in labor force-disabled and someone working full-time (22 

percent; column 1). Households with no one employed comprised 69 percent 

of food-insecure households with someone not in labor force-disabled. The 

prevalence of food insecurity varied widely across household employment 

categories for households with an adult with other reported disabilities. 

About 17 percent of households that included an adult with other reported 

disabilities and where all adults were retired were food insecure, while 51 

percent of households with an adult with other reported disabilities and 

no one in the labor force or retired were food insecure. Households with a 

full-time worker comprised nearly 52 percent of food-insecure households 

with an adult with other reported disabilities. Among households without 

0

10.0

20.0

30.0

40.0

50.0

60.0

 0 - 1.0 1.0 - 1.49 1.5 - 1.99 2.0 - 2.99 3.0 +

Percent of households

Household income (ratio to poverty line)

Households with member (age 18-64) 

not in labor force-disabled

Households with member (age 18-64) 

with other reported disability1

Households with no working-age

adult with disabilities

Figure 3

Prevalence of food insecurity by disability status and household income 

1

Working-age adults with other reported disabilities are those reported to have one or more

or the following disabilities: hearing, vision, mental, physical, self-care, or going-outside-home

disability, but no indication that their disability prevented them from working.

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service calculations based on 2009 and 2010 Current 

Population Survey Food Security Supplement data.
22

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a working-age adult with a disability, 37.8 percent with no one working 

and someone unemployed were food insecure, a statistic that reiterates the 

importance of employment as a correlate of food insecurity. Over two-thirds 

of food-insecure households with no working-age adult with a disability 

included a full-time worker. 

The findings regarding the prevalence of food insecurity by household characteristics are consistent with prior research. Food insecurity is more prevalent 

among low-income households, single mother households, households with 

lower educational attainment, Hispanic, and Black, non-Hispanic households. 

Multivariate Logistic Regression Models Exploring the 

Association Between Disability Characteristics and 

Household-Level Adult Food Insecurity

The results of logistic regression models examining the likelihood of household-level adult food insecurity while accounting for income and other household characteristics are presented in table 4. A logistic regression model shown 

in table 5 explored how types of disability and characteristics of working-age 

adults with disabilities related to food insecurity. This model was estimated 

only for households that included a working-age adult with a disability. 

Multivariate Logistic Regression Models for all Households

Households with a member who was not in labor force-disabled and with no 

employed member were 1.58 times as likely to be food insecure as otherwise 

similar households with a full-time employed member and with no member 

not in labor force-disabled (table 4). This model accounted for the effects of 

household income, family composition, education, and other household characteristics that might vary between households with and without members 

who were not in labor force-disabled. The unadjusted odds ratio, based on 

prevalence rates from table 3b, was 6.4 (40.2 percent versus 9.5 percent), so 

it is clear that income and employment mediate effects of disability on food 

insecurity to a considerable extent. Yet, even among households with similar 

levels of income, education, and family composition, those households with 

an adult with a disability were more likely to be food insecure. This suggests 

that expenses and other factors associated with disability also reduce food 

security. Having an adult not in labor forced-disabled was associated with 

higher odds of food insecurity even when another household member was 

working full-time (odds ratio of 1.27) or part-time (odds ratio 1.53). 

Having a vision disability, mental disability, or physical disability was 

associated with higher odds of food insecurity. The effects of having a 

specified disability and the effects of being not in labor force-disabled are 

additive (thus odds ratios are multiplicative). For example, for a household 

with no one working and someone not in labor force-disabled who had a 

physical disability, the odds ratio of food insecurity would be 2.50, compared 

with the reference category of a household with a full-time worker and 

no adult with disabilities.10 In analyses not shown, an interaction term 

between not in labor force-disabled and working-age adult with one of the 

six specified disabilities was added. The coefficient for the interaction was 

10Obtained by multiplying the odds 

ratios for not in labor force-disabled,

none employed (odds ratio 1.58) and 

physical disability (odds ratio 1.58).
23

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Table 4

Logistic regression model examining the association between disability in working-age adults 

and household-level adult food insecurity among all households

Model 1 (overall model) all households with working-age adults

Variable

Parameter 

estimate Standard error p Odds ratio

Intercept -3.64 0.06 <.0001

Household employment 

 Not in labor force-disabled, none employed 0.46 0.06 <.0001 1.58

 Full-time employed and not in labor force-disabled 0.24 0.07 <.001 1.27

 Part-time employed and not in labor force-disabled 0.42 0.12 <.001 1.53

 Full-time employed (reference)

 Part-time employed 0.39 0.04 <.0001 1.48

 Retired -0.32 0.07 <.0001 0.73

 Unemployed 0.84 0.06 <.0001 2.32

 Other not in labor force 0.14 0.07 0.04 1.15

Type of specified disability

 Hearing disability 0.10 0.07 0.18 1.11

 Vision disability 0.38 0.08 <.0001 1.46

 Mental disability 0.47 0.06 <.0001 1.60

 Physical disability 0.46 0.05 <.0001 1.58

 Self-care disability -0.06 0.08 0.46 0.94

 Going-outside-home disability 0.07 0.07 0.30 1.07

Veteran with disabilities -0.04 0.08 0.65 0.96

Two or more adults with disabilities 0.27 0.08 <.001 1.31

Income-to-poverty ratio 

 0 - 1.0 1.81 0.05 <.0001 6.10

 1.0 - 1.5 1.72 0.05 <.0001 5.60

 1.5 - 2.0 1.46 0.05 <.0001 4.29

 2.0 - 3.0 1.03 0.05 <.0001 2.80

 3.0 + (reference)

 Income not reported 0.59 0.05 <.0001 1.80

Household composition 

 Married with children (reference)

 Single mother 0.45 0.04 <.0001 1.57

 Other household with children 0.19 0.07 <.01 1.21

 Multiple adults -0.08 0.04 0.03 0.92

 Male alone 0.14 0.05 <.01 1.15

 Female alone 0.24 0.05 <.0001 1.27

Educational attainment of highest educated adult

 Less than high school 0.77 0.05 <.0001 2.16

 High school/GED 0.63 0.04 <.0001 1.88

 Some college/associate’s 0.66 0.04 <.0001 1.93

 Bachelor’s or more (reference)

continued—
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Economic Research Service/USDA

small and negative indicating that the effects were only slightly less directly 

additive than suggested by the main model. 

Having a working-age veteran with disabilities in the household was not 

significantly related to food insecurity over and above the significant effects of 

the veteran with disabilities being not in labor force-disabled or having other 

reported disabilities. That is to say, any protective effect of veteran status for 

those with disabilities is not statistically significant once the characteristics of 

the disability and other household characteristics are taken into account. 

Households with two or more adults with disabilities were significantly more 

likely to be food insecure than those with only one adult with disabilities. 

Again, this effect does not reflect lower income or employment, as these 

were controlled. Rather, households with multiple adults with disabilities 

may have higher medical costs and other expenses due to disability. Having 

multiple adults with disabilities in the household may make food provisioning an especially difficult task. 

Table 4

Logistic regression model examining the association between disability in working-age adults 

and household-level adult food insecurity among all households

Model 1 (overall model) all households with working-age adults

Variable

Parameter 

estimate Standard error p Odds ratio

Race/ethnicity of reference person

 White non-Hispanic (reference)

 Black non-Hispanic 0.31 0.04 <.0001 1.37

 Hispanic 0.28 0.04 <.0001 1.33

 Other non-Hispanic 0.00 0.06 0.93 1.00

Residence

 Unidentified metropolitan 0.01 0.04 0.75 1.01

 Suburban metropolitan 0.03 0.03 0.35 1.03

 Principal city metropolitan (reference)

 Nonmetropolitan -0.21 0.04 <.0001 0.81

Census region

 Northeast (reference)

 Midwest 0.02 0.04 0.70 1.02

 South 0.09 0.04 0.02 1.10

 West 0.14 0.04 <.01 1.15

-2LL 38077.00

Likelihood ratio 8404.58

df 37

Pseudo R2 0.2479

Number of households 55,383

Estimates are weighted to represent the U.S. population. 

Source: Calculated by USDA, Economic Research Service using data from the December 2009 (MIS 5-8) and December 2010 

Current Population Survey Food Security Supplement.

—continued
25

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The logistic regression results for other household characteristics were consistent with prior research. Households where someone was unemployed looking 

for work, but no household members were employed, had especially high 

odds of food insecurity relative to households with a full-time worker (odds 

ratio of 2.32). Lower income-to-poverty ratios were related to a higher probability of food insecurity. Households with incomes below the Federal poverty 

level were 6.10 times as likely to be food insecure as those with incomes more 

than three times the Federal poverty level.11 Married couples with children 

and multiple adult households were less likely to be food insecure than other 

types of households. Lower education was associated with a higher probability 

of food insecurity. Non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic households were more 

likely to be food insecure than non-Hispanic White households. 

Multivariate Logistic Regression Models for 

Households That Include Working-Age Adults 

With Disabilities

The final logistic regression models estimated the relationship between 

food insecurity and disability characteristics in the subsample of households that included a working-age adult with a disability (table 5). These 

models included additional variables describing characteristics, such as 

educational attainment, age, and sex, of persons with disabilities.12 Model 2 

includes employment status of the adult with disabilities, and model 3 takes 

account of employment status of all adults in the household. Both models are 

included to contrast the association between food insecurity and employment 

of the adult with disabilities versus the association between food insecurity 

and employment of all adults. Employment of all adults has a greater effect 

on food insecurity than employment of only the adult with disabilities, indicating that the situation of the household as a whole, rather than the person 

with disabilities in isolation, is important for understanding how disabilities 

affect food insecurity. 

Among all households that included an adult with a disability, those in which 

the adult with a disability was unemployed had a higher likelihood of food 

insecurity than those with a full-time working adult with a disability (odds ratio 

of 1.39; see table 5, model 2). Households where the adult with disabilities was 

retired were less likely to be food-insecure than households where the adult 

with disabilities was working full-time. When other characteristics of the adult 

with disabilities were controlled, those who were not in labor force-disabled

were not more likely to be food insecure than households with an adult with 

a disability working full-time. That is to say, when other characteristics of the 

adult with disabilities were accounted for—such as type of specified disabilities, education, age and gender—being unable to work due to disabilities did 

not have an additional effect on the likelihood of food insecurity. 

Considering the employment status of adults with disabilities along with the 

employment of other adult household members in households that include 

adults with disabilities highlights the protective effect on food insecurity of 

having another adult employed and the detrimental effect of having no one 

employed or retired (see table 5, model 3). Households with an adult not in 

labor force-disabled and no one working were more likely to be food insecure than households that included someone working full-time. Households 

11Two alternative models were 

specified. In one alternative model, the 

household-income-to-poverty ratio was 

categorized into many more dummy 

variables (17 total) that encompassed 

smaller income ranges than those reported here. This model more adequately 

controlled for income by separating 

households into smaller income-topoverty ranges while also including a 

dummy variable for households with 

missing income information. Including 

the more detailed income dummies had 

little effect on the other coefficients in 

the model, including disability. Therefore, the more parsimonious model is 

shown. 

The second alternative model is shown 

in the appendix. In this model, households with missing income information 

were excluded from the analysis. The 

household income-to-poverty ratio was 

included in the model as a continuous 

measure, and a squared term for the 

income-to-poverty ratio was also included. As shown in appendix table 1, the 

coefficients for disability were considerably smaller in this model (though still 

significant and quite strong). The odds 

ratio for not in labor force-disabled,

none employed was 1.58 in the model 

that included all households (see table 4) 

and 1.33 in the model that included only 

households with valid income data (see 

appendix table 1). The difference in the 

disability coefficients between the two 

models indicates that income explains 

much, but not all, of the relationship 

between disability and food insecurity. 

12For households with more than one 

member with disabilities, the characteristics of the person with disabilities 

included in the model were assigned 

from the disabled person with the lowest number on the CPS relationship to 

reference person variable.
26

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Table 5

Logistic regression models examining the association between household-level adult food insecurity 

and disability characteristics among households with working-age adults with disabilities—continued 

Model 2 

controlling for employment status 

of adult with disabilities

Model 3

controlling for employment status 

of all adults 

Variable

Parameter 

Estimate

Standard 

Error p

Odds 

Ratio

Parameter 

Estimate

Standard 

Error p

Odds 

Ratio

Intercept -4.63 0.37 <.0001 -4.74 0.36 <.0001

Household employment 

 Not in labor force-disabled, 

 none employed -- -- -- -- 0.30 0.08 <.001 1.34

 Full-time employed and not in 

 labor force-disabled -- -- -- -- -0.06 0.09 0.46 0.94

 Part-time employed and not in 

 labor force-disabled -- -- -- -- 0.20 0.13 0.12 1.22

 Full-time employed (reference) -- -- -- --

 Part-time employed -- -- -- -- 0.19 0.13 0.14 1.20

 Retired -- -- -- -- -0.32 0.15 0.04 0.73

 Unemployed -- -- -- -- 0.41 0.16 0.01 1.51

 Other not in labor force -- -- -- -- 0.53 0.17 <.01 1.70

Employment of adult with disabilities

 Not in labor force-disabled -0.01 0.09 0.91 0.99 -- -- -- --

 Full-time (reference) -- -- -- --

 Part-time -0.22 0.13 0.08 0.81 -- -- -- --

 Retired -0.60 0.15 <.0001 0.55 -- -- -- --

 Unemployed 0.33 0.14 0.02 1.39 -- -- -- --

 Other not in labor force -0.03 0.12 0.80 0.97 -- -- -- --

Type of specified disability

 Hearing disability -0.05 0.08 0.50 0.95 -0.02 0.08 0.76 0.98

 Vision disability 0.32 0.08 <.0001 1.38 0.33 0.08 <.0001 1.40

 Mental disability 0.35 0.06 <.0001 1.42 0.35 0.06 <.0001 1.42

 Physical disability 0.29 0.06 <.0001 1.33 0.29 0.06 <.0001 1.34

 Self-care disability -0.03 0.08 0.73 0.97 -0.03 0.08 0.70 0.97

 Going-outside-home disability 0.08 0.07 0.21 1.09 0.07 0.07 0.26 1.08

Educational attainment of adult 

with disabilities

 Less than high school 0.28 0.10 0.01 1.32 0.27 0.10 <.01 1.32

 High school/GED 0.22 0.10 0.02 1.25 0.22 0.10 0.02 1.24

 Some college/associate’s 0.42 0.10 <.0001 1.52 0.42 0.10 <.0001 1.52

 Bachelor’s or more (reference)

Veteran with disabilities -0.05 0.09 0.58 0.95 -0.07 0.09 0.41 0.93

Female with disabilities 0.22 0.05 <.0001 1.25 0.20 0.05 <.001 1.22

Age of adult with disabilities 0.09 0.02 <.0001 1.09 0.09 0.02 <.0001 1.10

 Age squared -0.001 0.00 <.0001 1.00 -0.001 0.00 <.0001 1.00

continued—
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Table 5

Logistic regression models examining the association between household-level adult food insecurity 

and disability characteristics among households with working-age adults with disabilities—continued 

Model 2 

controlling for employment status 

of adult with disabilities

Model 3

controlling for employment status 

of all adults 

Variable

Parameter 

Estimate

Standard 

Error p

Odds 

Ratio

Parameter 

Estimate

Standard 

Error p

Odds 

Ratio

Two or more adults with disabilities 0.28 0.08 <.001 1.32 0.25 0.08 <.01 1.28

Income-to-poverty ratio 

 0 - 1.0 1.89 0.10 <.0001 6.63 1.73 0.10 <.0001 5.63

 1.0 - 1.5 1.72 0.11 <.0001 5.58 1.62 0.11 <.0001 5.03

 1.5 - 2.0 1.31 0.11 <.0001 3.70 1.22 0.11 <.0001 3.40

 2.0 - 3.0 0.78 0.11 <.0001 2.17 0.73 0.11 <.0001 2.07

 3.0 + (Reference)

 Income not reported 0.67 0.10 <.0001 1.95 0.57 0.10 <.0001 1.77

Household composition 

 Household with children 0.17 0.07 <.01 1.19 0.19 0.07 <.01 1.21

 Multiple adults (reference)

 Single person 0.30 0.07 <.0001 1.35 0.20 0.07 <.01 1.22

Race/ethnicity of reference person

 White non-Hispanic (reference)

 Black non-Hispanic 0.17 0.07 0.02 1.19 0.16 0.07 0.03 1.17

 Hispanic 0.07 0.08 0.38 1.08 0.10 0.08 0.23 1.11

 Other non-Hispanic 0.11 0.12 0.34 1.12 0.13 0.12 0.27 1.14

Residence

 Unidentified metropolitan 0.09 0.08 0.29 1.09 0.09 0.08 0.28 1.09

 Suburban metropolitan 0.08 0.07 0.26 1.08 0.08 0.07 0.25 1.08

 Principal city metropolitan

 (reference)

 Nonmetropolitan -0.16 0.08 0.04 0.85 -0.16 0.08 0.05 0.86

Census region

 Northeast (reference)

 Midwest 0.10 0.08 0.22 1.11 0.12 0.08 0.15 1.13

 South 0.07 0.08 0.34 1.08 0.10 0.08 0.20 1.10

 West 0.14 0.08 0.11 1.15 0.16 0.09 0.06 1.17

-2LL 9,369.39 9,359.74

Likelihood ratio 1,368.92 1,378.57

df 35 37

Pseudo R2 0.2045 0.2059

Number of households 8,785 8,785

Estimates are weighted to represent the U.S. population. 

-- = No households in this category with the selected characteristics.

Source: Calculated by USDA, Economic Research Service using data from the December 2009 (MIS 5-8) and December 2010 Current Population Survey Food Security Supplement.
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that included no employed or retired members and someone unemployed or 

out of the labor force for other reasons were also more likely to be food insecure than households with an adult with disabilities and someone working 

full-time. Households with an adult who was retired (age 18-64) and no one 

working were less likely to be food-insecure than households with a full-time 

worker. Households with retired adults may have a steady source of income 

that helps them to maintain food security. 

Coefficients for the other variables were similar in table 5, models 2 and 3. 

Vision, mental, and physical disabilities were associated with higher odds of

food insecurity than other types of disability. Households with an adult with 

a disability who was a college graduate were less likely to be food insecure 

than those with less education. Veterans with disabilities were not more or

less likely to be food insecure than those with similar disability characteristics who were not veterans. Age was significantly related to food insecurity, 

and age squared was significant as well indicating that the relationship was 

curvilinear. The likelihood of food insecurity increased with age of workingage adult with disabilities to about age 45, then declined with further 

increases in age (to age 65). Households containing women with disabilities 

were more likely to be food insecure than households with men who had a 

disability. Households with two or more working-age adults with disabilities 

were more likely to be food insecure than households with one working-age 

adult with disabilities. 

Similar to the models for all households, households with adults with 

disabilities with lower income-to-poverty ratios were more likely to be food 

insecure. Household composition was simplified in this model because there 

were multicollinearity concerns when the full set of household composition 

dummies was included with the dummy variable for sex of disabled person. 

Both households with children and single persons were more likely to be 

food insecure than multiple-adult households with no children. Non-Hispanic 

Black households had higher odds of food insecurity than non-Hispanic 

White households. Households with adults with disabilities residing in principal cities were more likely to be food insecure than those in nonmetropolitan areas. 

Participation in SNAP and Disability Assistance 

by Presence of a Working-Age Adult With Disabilities 

and Food Security Status

The extent of participation in food assistance and disability assistance 

programs among households with adults with disabilities by food security 

status sheds light on potential explanations for and solutions to the higher 

prevalence of food insecurity among households affected by disabilities. 

The sample for statistics on participation of food-insecure households in 

SNAP by disability status is restricted to households with incomes below 185 

percent of the Federal poverty line. 

Participation in SNAP

Participation in SNAP was more common among low-income households 

that included an adult with a disability than among households with no adults 
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with disabilities (table 6). About 47 percent of low-income households with 

a member who was not in labor force-disabled received SNAP. One-third 

of low-income households with a working-age member with other reported 

disabilities received SNAP. Twenty-four percent of low-income households 

with no working-age adults with disabilities received SNAP. About 56 percent 

of low-income households that were food insecure and had a member who was 

not in labor force-disabled received SNAP. Thirty-nine percent of low-income 

food-insecure households with a working-age member with other reported 

disabilities received SNAP.13 Increasing participation in SNAP among households with disabled members may help to reduce food insecurity. 

Over half of SNAP participant households that included an adult who was not 

in labor force-disabled (56.1 percent) or with a working-age member with 

other reported disabilities (53.2 percent) were food insecure. About 42 percent 

of SNAP participant households with no adults with disabilities were foodinsecure. Thirty-one percent of low-income SNAP households with a member 

who was not in labor force-disabled and 27.7 percent of those with a workingage member with other reported disabilities had very low food security, 

compared with 16.3 percent of those without an adult with disabilities. The 

high prevalence of food insecurity and very low food security among SNAP 

households affected by disabilities suggests that SNAP policies geared toward 

adjusting benefits for households that include adults with disabilities may not 

fully adjust for the additional costs these households incur. 

Table 6

Participation of low-income households in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) 

by presence of a working-age adult with disabilities and household-level adult food security status 

Households with a 

member not in labor 

force-disabled

Households with a 

member with other 

reported disabilities1

Households with no 

working-age adult 

with disabilities

Percent of households

Share of all low-income households with 

working-age adults 19.6 8.4 72.0

Percentage of all low-income households 

receiving SNAP 46.9 33.5 24.0

Percentage of low-income food-secure households 

receiving SNAP 38.7 28.8 19.8

Percentage of low-income food-insecure households 

receiving SNAP 56.1 39.0 33.7

Percentage of low-income households with very low 

food security receiving SNAP 58.5 41.2 32.3

Prevalence of food insecurity among SNAP recipients 56.1 53.2 42.8

Prevalence of very low food security among 

SNAP recipients 31.0 27.7 16.3

Note: Analysis is restricted to households with annual incomes less than 185 percent of the poverty line because most households with 

incomes above that range were not asked whether they participated in food and nutrition assistance programs. (Number of households

in low-income sample = 13,592) 

Estimates are weighted to represent the U.S. population. 

1Working-age adults (age 18-64) with other reported disabilities are those with a specified disability (hearing, vision, mental, physical, 

self-care or going-outside-home disability) and no indication that their disability prevented them from working.

Source: Calculated by USDA, Economic Research Service using data from the December 2009 (MIS 5-8) and December 2010 

Current Population Survey Food Security Supplement.

13These statistics may be biased 

downward. It is known from comparisons between household survey data 

and administrative records that food 

program participation is underreported 

by household survey respondents, including those in the CPS (Meyer et al., 

2009). This is probably true for foodinsecure households as well, although 

the extent of underreporting by these 

households is not known.
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Participation in Disability Assistance Programs 

In addition to SNAP, disability assistance programs may help households 

that include adults with disabilities to maintain food security. The extent 

of participation in disability assistance programs and the prevalence of 

food insecurity among recipients by disability status were examined in a 

subsample of households with data on participation in disability assistance 

(table 7). It is important to note that participation in disability assistance 

programs is related to severity of disability; those with more severe disabilities are more likely to be eligible for assistance. Accordingly, participation 

in disability assistance was most common among households with a member 

who was not in labor force-disabled, followed by working-age members with 

other reported disabilities. Participation in disability assistance programs 

was relatively uncommon for households with no adults with disabilities.14

Those with more severe disabilities may be more likely to be food insecure 

because they have high costs associated with disability or require significant 

assistance and care. Thus, higher food insecurity rates among those who are 

eligible for disability assistance may be expected. 

The majority of households with a member who was not in labor forcedisabled received some type of cash disability assistance (72.6 percent). 

About 74 percent of food-insecure households with a member who was not in 

labor force-disabled received SSI, SSDI or other disability assistance. About 

30 percent of households with a member who was not in labor force-disabled

received SSI. About 43 percent of these recipient households were food insecure, higher than the prevalence of food insecurity for all households with 

someone not in labor force-disabled. It is likely that the higher prevalence 

of food insecurity reflects in large part that those who qualify for SSI are 

more severely disabled. If so, it also suggests that the SSI benefit does not 

fully compensate for the lower income and higher expenses associated with 

those more severe levels of disability. About 43 percent of households with 

a member who was not in labor force-disabled received SSDI; 32.3 percent 

of these households were food insecure. SSDI beneficiaries were likely better 

off than SSI beneficiaries because SSDI benefits are usually higher than SSI 

benefits since SSDI benefits are based on the individual’s work history. In 

addition, SSI benefits are means tested, while SSDI benefits are not. SSDI 

beneficiaries who receive very low benefits due to their work history are also 

able to receive SSI benefits. 

One-quarter of households with a working-age member with other reported 

disabilities received SSI, SSDI, or other disability assistance. Persons with 

other reported disabilities that did not prevent them from working may not 

have qualified for SSI or SSDI. Persons with other reported disabilities that 

did receive SSI or SSDI were likely more severely disabled. The prevalence 

of food insecurity was higher among households with working-age members 

with other reported disabilities who were receiving SSI and SSDI than 

among those receiving other disability assistance. 

14Households with no working-age 

adults with disabilities may have been 

receiving disability assistance for an 

elderly adult or a child with a disability. 

They may also have had a workingage adult with a medical condition or 

disability that was not captured by the 

CPS questions on disability.
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Table 7

Participation in disability assistance and health insurance programs and prevalence of household-level 

adult food insecurity by presence of working-age adults with disabilities 

Households 

with a member not in 

labor forcedisabled

Households with 

a member 

with other 

reported 

disabilities1

Households 

with no 

working-age 

adult with 

disabilities

Number of 

households 

in sample 

participating 

in program

Percent of households

Share of all households 2 8.7 6.4 84.9

Prevalence of adult food insecurity 2 33.7 28.6 12.4

Share of adult food-insecure households 2 19.3 11.9 68.8

Disability assistance

Percentage of households receiving SSI 29.5 7.9 1.4 749

Prevalence of food insecurity among SSI recipients 42.9 35.8 25.8

Share of food-insecure households receiving SSI 37.5 9.9 2.9

Percentage of households receiving SSDI 42.5 12.0 1.5 1,061

Prevalence of food insecurity among SSDI recipients 32.3 29.1 18.2

Share of food-insecure households receiving SSDI 40.7 12.3 2.3

Percentage of households receiving any other disability3 assistance 13.2 8.2 2.0 670

Prevalence of food insecurity among other disability3 recipients 22.1 20.1 8.7

Share of food-insecure households receiving other disability3 8.7 5.8 1.4

Percentage of households receiving SSI, SSDI, or other disability 

assistance 72.6 25.0 4.5 2,180

Prevalence of food insecurity among SSI, SSDI, or other disabilityassistance recipients 34.5 29.0 16.3

Share of food-insecure households receiving SSI, SSDI,

 or other disability assistance 74.4 25.4 6.0

Health insurance

Percentage of households enrolled in Medicaid or Medicare4 78.7 43.0 26.4 5,826

Prevalence of food insecurity among Medicaid and Medicare enrollees4 35.4 36.6 21.4

Share of food insecure households enrolled in Medicaid or Medicare4 82.7 55.1 45.6

Percentage of households with no health insurance6 5.8 8.7 10.2 1,6675

Prevalence of food insecurity among households with no health 

Insurance6 31.7 33.9 21.9

Share of food-insecure households with no health insurance6 5.5 10.4 18.0

Number of households in sample (total= 19,175) 1,583 1,297 16,295

Estimates are weighted to represent the U.S. population. 

SSI = Supplemental Security Income. SSDI = Social Security Disability Insurance.

1Working-age adults (age 18-64) with other reported disabilities are those with a specified disability (hearing, vision, mental, physical, self-care 

or going-outside-home disability) and no indication that their disability prevented them from working.

2The share of households by disability status and prevalence of food insecurity differs slightly between the percentages shown in Tables 2, 3a, 

and 3b due to the reduced sample of households that are included in this analysis with data in both the Current Population Survey Food 

Security Supplement (CPS-FSS) and Current Population Survey Annual Social and Economic Supplement (CPS-ASEC).

3Other disability refers to workers compensation; veterans disability benefits; company or union disability; Federal, State or local government 

employee disability; U.S. military retirement disability; U.S. railroad retirement disability; accident or disability insurance; black lung miner’s 

disability; State temporary sickness; or unspecified other.

4One or more household member is enrolled in Medicaid or Medicare. There may be members within the household who are not enrolled in 

Medicaid or Medicare. 

5Number of households with no insurance.

6These households have no health insurance from any source for any household members. 

Source: Calculated by USDA, Economic Research Service using data from households in the December 2009 (MIS 5-8) and December 2010 

CSP-FSS and the 2010 and 2011 CPS-ASEC.
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Access to Health Insurance

Access to health insurance is particularly important for households with 

adults with disabilities as high medical expenditures associated with 

disability may contribute to the higher likelihood of food insecurity. Often 

enrollment in Medicaid or Medicare is linked to receipt of SSI or SSDI. 

Enrollment in Medicaid or Medicare was high among households with 

members who were not in labor force-disabled (78.7 percent). About 83 

percent of food-insecure households with someone not in labor forcedisabled were enrolled in Medicaid or Medicare. About 55 percent of 

food-insecure households with a working-age member with other reported 

disabilities were enrolled in Medicaid or Medicare. 

In each disability status, a small percentage of households had no access to 

health insurance. About 6 percent of households with someone not in labor 

force-disabled and 9 percent of households with working-age members with 

other reported disabilities had no health insurance. 
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Discussion and Conclusions

There is a large overlap between food insecurity and disability. The prevalence of food insecurity was much higher among households with a workingage adult who was classified as not in labor force-disabled (33.5 percent) or 

those with a working-age adult with other reported disabilities (24.8 percent) 

than among households with no working-age adults with disabilities (12 

percent). About 32 percent of food-insecure households included a workingage adult with a disability, and 38 percent of households with very low food 

security included a working-age adult with a disability. 

In this report, the relationship between disability and food insecurity is 

discussed in causal terms. It is likely that disability status has a causal effect 

on household food security status. The analysis does not provide definitive 

evidence for this directional relationship. There is probably some reverse 

causation in which household food insecurity exacerbates poor health conditions and disabilities. This reverse causation is thought to be small compared 

with the main effect that disabilities have on food insecurity. The analysis 

may also be biased by omitted variables. However, the relationship between 

food insecurity and disability found in these analyses is quite strong and has 

been documented in previous studies with other data. Therefore, the conclusion that disabilities lead to a higher likelihood of household food insecurity 

is well supported. 

Disabilities that resulted in adults being unable to work (not in labor forcedisabled) were more detrimental to food insecurity than other reported 

disabilities that did not prevent work, but the latter were also associated with 

an elevated risk of food insecurity. The influence of disability on earnings 

and income appear to have especially detrimental effects on food security. 

Lower capacity for employment and lower income are large parts of the 

reason that households with adults who have disabilities are more likely to 

experience food insecurity. Even among households that included adults 

with disabilities who did not indicate being unable to work due to disability, 

reduced earnings and savings may be a result of disability as many of these 

persons with disabilities indicated they were early retirees or not in the labor 

force for other reasons. The employment of household members without 

disabilities may have been reduced as well due to caregiving responsibilities 

for the member with a disability. 

However, even with annual income accounted for in the multivariate models, 

disability was associated with a substantially higher likelihood of food 

insecurity. This suggests that other factors, such as higher expenses, lower 

savings, or diminished household management capabilities also contribute to 

the higher prevalence of food insecurity among households that include an 

adult with a disability. 

Lower earnings and higher costs due to disability have long-term effects on 

household budgeting, savings, and asset accumulation and thereby increase 

the likelihood of food insecurity among households that include adult 

members with a disability. Savings and asset information was not available 

in the CPS and was not accounted for. Prior research found that savings and 

assets were important predictors of food insecurity among households that 

include members with disabilities (Huang et al., 2010). 
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The findings provide evidence for the theoretical mechanisms underlying 

the relationship between food insecurity and disability. Households with 

adults who were not in labor force-disabled or had other reported disabilities and were unemployed or not in the labor force were more likely to 

be food insecure than households with adults with disabilities who were 

working. These findings were consistent with the theoretical mechanisms 

through which disabilities may affect food insecurity, especially lower 

earnings and reduced asset accumulation. In addition to effects on earnings, 

ability to work likely reflects severity of disability, need for assistance or 

care, and overall level of functioning. 

The descriptive results support the hypothesis that costs associated with 

disability are an important factor affecting food insecurity. Households that 

included adults with disabilities and with incomes three times the Federal 

poverty line had a much higher prevalence of food insecurity than households without adults who had disabilities. The prevalence of food insecurity 

among households with a member not in the labor-force disabled and income 

more than three times the poverty line was equivalent to the prevalence 

of food insecurity in households with no adults with disabilities and with 

incomes twice the poverty line. These statistics suggest that households with 

adults who have disabilities face high expenses that reduce resources available for the household food budget. Thus, even households with moderate 

incomes face a high likelihood of food insecurity due to costs associated 

with disability. Food assistance and disability assistance may not adequately 

adjust for the costs associated with disability. 

The relationship between disability and food insecurity differed by type of 

disability. Vision, mental, and physical disabilities were associated with

higher odds of food insecurity than other types of disabilities. There are 

several explanations for higher odds of food insecurity for these types of 

disability in particular. Persons with vision and physical disabilities incur 

high costs for assistive and adaptive equipment. Mental disabilities are the 

most prevalent disabilities among children (Waldrop and Stern, 2003). Age 

of onset of disability, or duration of the disabling condition, may be related 

to food insecurity. Those with disabilities since childhood are disadvantaged 

in terms of educational attainment, earnings potential, and asset accumulation and have accrued the greatest long-term costs related to disability. These 

factors suggest that those with long-term disabilities may be at the highest 

risk for food insecurity. 

The findings indicate that among households that included adults with disabilities, the prevalence of food insecurity was higher for those receiving SSI than 

for other households. Receipt of disability income acts as a proxy for severity 

of disability. Applicants of disability benefits must document a certain degree 

of disability in order to qualify for benefits. Persons with disabilities who 

are more likely to receive disability income have lower capacity for earned 

income, due to disability constraints. Difficulty in obtaining and preparing 

healthful food may also be a factor that increases costs and contributes to food 

insecurity in households with more severe disabilities. 

With regard to food and nutrition assistance, this study showed that over 

half of food-insecure households with adults who were not in labor forcedisabled received SNAP. However, in households that included adults with 
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disabilities, food insecurity was highly prevalent both among SNAP recipients and nonrecipients.15 The high prevalence of food insecurity among 

SNAP recipients suggests that higher benefits would reduce food insecurity; 

the high prevalence among nonrecipients suggests that increasing eligibility 

and outreach and reducing barriers to receipt among those with disabilities 

would reduce food insecurity. These findings indicate that the adjustments 

made by the SNAP program in determining benefit allotments for households that include members with disabilities do not adequately adjust for 

the costs of disability. Some enhancements to SNAP could be considered 

to help persons with disability maintain greater household food security. In 

particular, expanding deductions for disability-related expenses and allowing 

deductions for the costs of adaptive equipment and assistance care would 

increase the SNAP allotment for some households that include members who 

have a disability. In States with asset limits for SNAP recipients, increasing 

the asset limits for households with members with a disability would enable 

these households to have more savings without losing SNAP. Such households would be better equipped to cope with sudden increases in medical 

expenses or other costs while still maintaining food security. Those with 

disabilities require more resources on hand to weather sudden medical or 

other disability-related expenditures. Outreach efforts focused specifically at 

helping those with disabilities access SNAP more easily could also improve 

food security. 

Some households that include members with disabilities receive special 

considerations with regard to allotment of SNAP benefits under current 

policies. However, only certain persons with disabilities qualify for these 

special considerations. SNAP disability rules generally apply to persons with 

disabilities who are already receiving some type of Government disability 

assistance such as SSI.16 Households identified in these analyses as including 

adults with disabilities may not be considered “disabled” for SNAP benefit 

purposes if they were not receiving disability benefits. Therefore, special 

SNAP considerations for households with members with a disability do not 

apply to all such households. 

Disabilities have effects on income and expenditures that in turn affect food 

insecurity. Disabilities or health impairments have direct effects on food 

insecurity as well. Some individuals with disabilities require assistance to 

get to the store and to purchase and prepare food. Functional limitations 

limit ability of some individuals with disabilities to make good use of food 

assistance resources (Wallace et al., 2007). Food assistance programs tailored 

specifically to households affected by disabilities could help overcome these 

challenges. Given the relatively large proportion of food-insecure households 

that include an adult with a disability, policies or programs focused specifically on reducing food insecurity among these households may be necessary. 

The findings in this report indicate that disability and food insecurity are 

closely linked. To be successful, policies or programs to reduce food insecurity will require attention to the special circumstances of households that 

include persons with disabilities. Substantially reducing the prevalence and 

severity of food insecurity among households affected by disabilities would 

reduce the overall prevalence of food insecurity. 

15The prevalence of food insecurity 

among SNAP recipients and nonrecipients may seem to suggest that SNAP 

does not reduce food insecurity as 

intended. However, this is not the case 

because households that are in the 

greatest need of food assistance, and 

the most likely to be food insecure, 

choose to apply for SNAP benefits. 

Numerous studies that account for this 

selection effect find that SNAP benefits 

do indeed reduce food insecurity 

among recipients (DePolt et al., 2009; 

Gundersen and Oliveira, 2001; Nord, 

2012; Nord and Golla, 2009; Ratcliffe 

et al., 2011; Wilde and Nord, 2005; Yen 

et al., 2008).

16See http://www.fns.usda.gov/

snap/applicant_recipients/eligibility.

htm#special for more information.
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Future Research

Findings from this study suggest several avenues for future research. It would 

be useful to know more about the extent to which households that include 

adults with disabilities are considered disabled for SNAP administrative 

purposes. Further research on the adequacy of SNAP benefits for all persons 

with disabilities and on the characteristics of disabilities that result in greater 

need for resources is also warranted. 

Future research should further examine factors that may explain the association between disabilities in adults and household food insecurity. Questions 

that could not be addressed with the CPS-FSS data, such as the influence of 

other health impairments on food insecurity, asset accumulation and medical 

expenditures among those with disabilities and their effects on food insecurity, 

and the effects of disabilities among children, should be explored with other 

data sources. Other data sources, such as the National Health Interview Survey 

(NHIS), the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP), and the Early 

Childhood Longitudinal Study-Kindergarten Cohort (ECLS-K), would be well 

suited to address these research questions. The NHIS began including USDA’s 

10-item adult food security questionnaire in 2011 and also includes more 

detailed information on health, disability, and health care utilization. The NHIS 

is a rich data source for future research on the relationship between disabilities 

and other health impairments and food security. The SIPP might be analyzed to 

consider issues related to asset accumulation, disabilities, and food insecurity. 

The ECLS-K could be examined to understand how special needs among children relate to household food security. It would also be informative to examine 

disability among children and adults jointly to gain a complete picture of the 

overlap between food insecurity and disability at the household level. 

Finally, in 2009, the six questions identifying the specific types of disabilities 

considered in these analyses were included in the CPS-FSS data file. This 

addition allows for annual monitoring of the prevalence of food insecurity 

among households with adults who have disabilities. Given the high prevalence of food insecurity among households that include adults with disabilities, and the large share of food-insecure households that include adults with 

disabilities, regular monitoring of food insecurity trends among the population with disabilities is important. Adding a table on these relationships to 

USDA’s annual food security report could provide this monitoring function. 
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Appendix—Matching Households Interviewed in 

the Current Population Survey Food Security 

Supplement and the Current Population Survey 

Annual Social and Economic Supplement 

Households are interviewed for the monthly Current Population Survey (CPS) 

for 4 consecutive months, rotate out of the sample for 8 months, and rotate 

back into the sample for a final 4 months. New households enter the survey 

each month, so the CPS sample changes from month to month as households 

rotate through the monthly sample. Because households are interviewed for 

4 consecutive months, data provided in the Food Security Supplement (FSS) 

administered in December can be matched to data provided in the Annual 

Social and Economic Supplement (ASEC) administered in March for some 

households. One-quarter of households interviewed for the December Current 

Population Survey-Food Security Supplement (CPS-FSS) were also interviewed for the March ASEC. Some additional households are interviewed for 

the ASEC in February and April to increase the number of Hispanic households and the number of households with children (U.S. Census Bureau, 2009, 

p. 2-2). Therefore, some additional FSS interview households complete the 

ASEC interview in February and are potentially matchable households.

Household data from the FSS and ASEC were merged in SAS 9.2 statistical 

software according to the following procedure. The FSS and ASEC files were 

first matched at the person level by State, household identification numbers, 

and person’s line number. Following the initial merge and after omitting 

households identified in the data as having moved out or moved in between 

December and the ASEC interview, the characteristics of interviewed persons 

were compared across the two files to ensure that the persons matched were 

indeed the same in both datasets. The individual characteristics compared 

between the FSS and ASEC were: age (considered the same across files if 

the difference was plus or minus 2 years to allow for some reporting error), 

race and Hispanic origin, sex, and relationship to household reference person. 

(Possible or likely changes in the relationships of household members to the 

household reference person were: acquiring a relative; losing a relative; or 

marrying a nonrelative, partner, roommate, or boarder. Other changes in the 

relationship to the reference person were considered unlikely changes and 

indicated that a different household had moved in.) If a person was the same 

across the two files on all of these variables or if they only changed on one of 

these variables, they were classified as the same or probably the same person. 

If the person had two or more changes on these variables, they were classified 

as probably different across the two files. If there were no household members 

who were classified as the same or probably the same person across the two 

files, then the household was considered different across the two files. This 

merge procedure was consistent with recommendations for matching persons 

across multiple years of ASEC interviews (Madrian and Lefgren, 1999).

If a household contained no individuals that were matched across the FSS and 

ASEC files, then the household was deleted from the matched file. Therefore, 

the matched file only contained data from households that were interviewed in 

the FSS and ASEC and whose characteristics appeared to be the same or very 

similar across the two interviews. One-third of households in the FSS were 

matched to data in the ASEC. 
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Appendix table 1

Logistic regression model examining the association between disability and household-level adult food 

insecurity among households with valid income—continued

Model 4 (overall model) 

households with working-age adults and valid income

Variable

Parameter 

estimate Standard error p Odds ratio

Intercept -1.21 0.07 <.0001

Household employment 

 Not in labor force-disabled, none employed 0.29 0.06 <.0001 1.33

 Full-time employed and not in labor force-disabled 0.23 0.08 <.01 1.25

 Part-time employed and not in labor force-disabled 0.30 0.12 0.02 1.35

 Full-time employed (reference)

 Part-time employed 0.26 0.05 <.0001 1.30

 Retired -0.41 0.08 <.0001 0.66

 Unemployed 0.61 0.06 <.0001 1.84

 Other not in labor force -0.11 0.07 0.13 0.90

Type of specified disability

 Hearing disability 0.14 0.08 0.08 1.14

 Vision disability 0.32 0.08 <.0001 1.37

 Mental disability 0.50 0.06 <.0001 1.64

 Physical disability 0.40 0.05 <.0001 1.50

 Self-care disability -0.01 0.09 0.95 0.99

 Going-outside-home disability 0.08 0.07 0.24 1.09

Veteran with disabilities -0.06 0.09 0.49 0.94

Two or more adults with disabilities 0.25 0.08 <.01 1.29

Income-to-poverty ratio -0.56 0.02 <.0001 0.57

 Income-to-poverty ratio squared 0.01 0.00 <.0001 1.02

Household composition 

 Married with children (reference)

 Single mother 0.44 0.05 <.0001 1.56

 Other household with children 0.19 0.07 0.01 1.21

 Multiple adults 0.03 0.04 0.44 1.03

 Male alone 0.25 0.05 <.0001 1.29

 Female alone 0.34 0.05 <.0001 1.41

Educational attainment of highest educated adult

 Less than high school 0.57 0.06 <.0001 1.77

 High school/GED 0.50 0.04 <.0001 1.64

 Some college/associate’s 0.53 0.04 <.0001 1.69

 Bachelor’s or more (reference)

Race/ethnicity of reference person

 White non-Hispanic (reference)

 Black non-Hispanic 0.22 0.04 <.0001 1.25

 Hispanic 0.22 0.04 <.0001 1.25

 Other non-Hispanic 0.00 0.06 0.98 1.00

continued—
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Appendix table 1

Logistic regression model examining the association between disability and household-level adult food 

insecurity among households with valid income—continued

Model 4 (overall model) 

households with working-age adults and valid income

Variable

Parameter 

estimate Standard error p Odds ratio

Residence

 Unidentified metropolitan -0.02 0.05 0.74 0.99

 Suburban metropolitan 0.07 0.04 0.04 1.08

 Principal city metropolitan (reference)

 Nonmetropolitan -0.22 0.04 <.0001 0.80

Census region

 Northeast (reference)

 Midwest 0.00 0.05 0.97 1.00

 South 0.07 0.04 0.09 1.08

 West 0.11 0.05 0.01 1.12

-2LL 33144.40

Likelihood ratio 8282.04

Df 34

Pseudo R2 0.2759

Number of households1 46,913

Estimates are weighted to represent the U.S. population. 

1Excludes households with missing data on household income.

Source: Calculated by USDA, Economic Research Service using data from the December 2009 (MIS 5-8) and December 2010 

Current Population Survey Food Security Supplement.