U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE

35–365PDF WASHINGTON : 2019

MADE BY MADURO: THE 

HUMANITARIAN CRISIS IN VENEZUELA 

AND U.S. POLICY RESPONSES 

HEARING 

BEFORE THE

SUBCOMMITTEE ON 

THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE, CIVILIAN SECURITY, 

AND TRADE 

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 

FEBRUARY 26, 2019 

Serial No. 116–7 

Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs 

( 

Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov, 

or www.govinfo.gov 
(II) 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York, Chairman 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey 

GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia 

THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida 

KAREN BASS, California 

WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts 

DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island 

AMI BERA, California 

JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas 

DINA TITUS, Nevada 

ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York 

TED LIEU, California 

SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania 

DEAN PHILLPS, Minnesota 

ILHAN OMAR, Minnesota 

COLIN ALLRED, Texas 

ANDY LEVIN, Michigan 

ABIGAIL SPANBERGER, Virginia 

CHRISSY HOULAHAN, Pennsylvania 

TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey 

DAVID TRONE, Maryland 

JIM COSTA, California 

JUAN VARGAS, California 

VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas 

MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas, Ranking 

Member 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

JOE WILSON, South Carolina 

SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania 

TED S. YOHO, Florida 

ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois 

LEE ZELDIN, New York 

JIM SENSENBRENNER, Wisconsin 

ANN WAGNER, Missouri 

BRIAN MAST, Florida 

FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida 

BRIAN FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania 

JOHN CURTIS, Utah 

KEN BUCK, Colorado 

RON WRIGHT, Texas 

GUY RESCHENTHALER, Pennsylvania 

TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee 

GREG PENCE, Indiana 

STEVE WATKINS, Kansas 

MIKE GUEST, Mississippi 

JASON STEINBAUM, Staff Director 

BRENDAN SHIELDS, Republican Staff Director 

SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE, CIVILIAN SECURITY, AND TRADE

ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey, Chairman 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas 

ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York 

DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota 

ANDY LEVIN, Michigan 

VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas 

JUAN VARGAS, California 

FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida, Ranking 

Member 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey 

TED S. YOHO, Florida 

JOHN CURTIS, Utah 

KEN BUCK, Colorado 

MIKE GUEST, Mississippi 

SADAF KHAN, Staff Director 
(III) 

C O N T E N T S 

Page 

WITNESSES 

Escobari, Marcela, Senior Fellow For Global Economy and Development, Center for Universal Education, Brookings Institution .......................................... 21 

Canton, Santiago, Former Executive Secretary, Inter-American Commission 

on Human Rights ................................................................................................. 30 

Rendon, Moises, Associate Director and Associate Fellow, Americas Program, 

Center for Strategic and International Studies ................................................. 38 

STATEMENTS SUBMITTED FROM COMMITTEE MEMBERS 

Hon. Albio Sires, chairman of the subcommittee .................................................. 3 

Representative Yoho for Ambassador Rooney ....................................................... 7 

Representative Meeks ............................................................................................. 13 

APPENDIX 

Hearing Notice ......................................................................................................... 59 

Hearing Minutes ...................................................................................................... 60 

Hearing Attendance ................................................................................................. 61 

ADDITIONAL MATERIALS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD 

Amensty International letter submitted from Representative Levin .................. 62 

RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD 

Question submitted to Ms. Marcela Escobari from Chairman Sires ................... 70 

Question submitted to Mr. Santiago Canton from Representative Levin ........... 73 

(1) 

MADE BY MADURO: THE HUMANITARIAN 

CRISIS IN VENEZUELA AND U.S. POLICY 

RESPONSES 

Tuesday, February 26, 2019 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE, 

CIVILIAN SECURITY, AND TRADE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS

Washington, DC 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:08 p.m., in Room 

2172 Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Albio Sires (chairman 

of the subcommittee) presiding. 

Mr. SIRES. This hearing will come to order. 

This hearing titled Made by Maduro: The Humanitarian Crisis 

in Venezuela and U.S. Policy Responses will focus on the political, 

economic, and human rights crisis in Venezuela, and ways for the 

international community to support the Venezuelan people. 

Without objection, all members may have 5 days to submit statements, questions, extraneous material for the record, subject to the 

length limitation in the rules. I will now make an opening statement and then turn it over to the ranking member for his opening 

statement. 

Good afternoon, everyone, and thank you to our witnesses for 

being here today for such a timely and important topic. This is our 

first subcommittee hearing of the 116th Congress, and I just want 

to say that I am looking forward to working with every member of 

this committee, including Ranking Member Rooney and Vice Chair 

Meeks, to bring much-needed attention to the Western Hemisphere. 

Today the Venezuelan people are suffering under a humanitarian 

crisis caused by authoritarian leader Nicolas Maduro. Since 

Maduro came to power in 2013, he has consistently repressed 

human rights. Under his command, security forces have arbitrarily 

detained and abused thousands of protesters, committed acts of torture and forced disappearances, and carried out hundreds of brutal 

killings, all with the single goal of eliminating any and all opposition. 

Just yesterday we saw another assault on democracy when 

Maduro detained American journalist Jorge Ramos for hours just 

because he did not like the questions he was being asked. 

Maduro has caused an economic collapse that has left nearly 90 

percent of Venezuelans in poverty, and forced over 3 million Venezuelans to leave their country. While average Venezuelans suffer 

from crippling inflation and shortages of food and medicine, 
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Maduro and his cronies have enriched themselves through drug 

trafficking and money laundering. 

Maduro’s illegitimate reelection last year cemented his position 

as a dictator. If there was any doubt, one just needs to examine 

this weekend’s event when Maduro thugs burned tons of boxes of 

food and medicine. He would rather see his people starve and suffer than face the truth. 

It is clear from the massive demonstrations that have been taking place that Venezuelans have had enough. They are demanding 

an end to Maduro’s reign of terror. At this pivotal moment the 

United States must stand by the Venezuelan people and on the 

side of democracy. I have joined many of my colleagues in recognizing the interim President Juan Guaido and calling for swift elections that are free, fair, and transparent. 

I believe the U.S. must work closely with allies in Latin America 

and Europe to help the Venezuelan people reclaim their fundamental rights and restore democracy. And we must take note of the 

regimes that are enabling Maduro. 

Cuba continues to provide intelligence support to Maduro to prevent military officials from defecting to the side of democracy. And 

Russia and Turkey are providing financial lifelines to keep Maduro 

afloat. The international community should be unified in calling for 

an immediate peaceful transition that swiftly leads to free and fair 

elections in which every political party is allowed to participate in 

fully competitive conditions, as guaranteed by international observers. 

To achieve that goal, we must apply maximum diplomatic and 

economic pressure on Maduro and do all we can to support the 

Venezuelan people. That is why I have joined my colleagues in 

working to hold Maduro accountable, while providing aid to address the humanitarian crisis. I have joined Congressman Soto in 

calling for the U.S. to grant temporary protected status to Venezuelans fleeing this crisis. And I cosponsored legislation proposed 

by Congresswoman Mucarsel-Powell which will authorize the President to direct $150 million in humanitarian assistance to the people of Venezuela. 

As we ramp up the pressure under Maduro, we need to be thinking also about the day after he is gone and how we can support 

the Venezuelan people to rebuild not just their democracy but their 

economy. 

I look forward to hearing from the experts with us today about 

what further steps the U.S. Government can take in close coordination with our allies to help the Venezuelan people reclaim their democracy. 

Thank you. And I now turn to the ranking member for his opening statement, Congressman Yoho. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Sires follows:] 
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Mr. YOHO. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate it. And I am going to read 

Ambassador Rooney’s opening statement. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The current humanitarian and economic catas—thank you, catastrophe, that word, plaguing Venezuela is unprecedented in our hemisphere. The socialist policies, 

corruption, and economic mismanagement by the Maduro regime 

have destroyed what was once the most prosperous, the most prosperous country in Latin America and created one of the greatest 

exoduses of people, wealth, and talent in recent historical memories. Up to 3 million people have fled Venezuela. 

We said this on a news conference yesterday. You know, if it is 

doing so well, the Maduro regime is doing so well, why would 3 

million people of your own country want to leave, destabilizing the 

region and most severely impacting our strong ally Colombia, and 

all of South America? 

Of course, an illegitimate dictator like Maduro refuses to accept 

responsibility for the current crisis. Blaming the United States will 

never explain hyperinflation exceeding 2 million percent I read the 

other day—I do not know how that is possible—or an average Venezuelan losing over 20 pounds in body weight due to malnutrition. 

Instead, Maduro ignores the suffering of the Venezuelan people 

and continues to block humanitarian aid from entering his country. 

I comment the Trump administration for leading the effort to 

bring humanitarian assistance to the Venezuelan people in response to interim President Guido’s request. 

I also applaud Colombian President Duque, who we met with 

last week, and Brazilian President Bolsonaro for their support and 

strong commitment to democracy and freedom for the Venezuelan 

people. The Maduro regime also refuses to listen to the request of 

the Venezuelan people, and has violently cracked down on peaceful 

dissent and committed serious human rights violation and abuses, 

including torture and death. 

Just this past weekend security forces are believed to have killed 

at least 25 people and injured more than 285 because they dared 

to protest. He has usurped the power of the democratically elected 

National Assembly and destroyed Venezuela’s democratic institutions, while ignoring condemnation from the international community. The Maduro regime is not one elected officials chosen by—is 

not one of elected officials chosen by the Venezuelan people but 

criminals who run a mafia-like enterprise to enrich themselves at 

the expense of ordinary Venezuelans. 

Just last week we had a meeting where we found out that over 

$11 billion was pilfered off of the petroleum companies that have 

enriched the upper echelons of the Maduro regime at the expense 

of the Venezuelan people. 

The mafia State has not risen to power on its own. U.S. adversaries—and keep in mind it goes back to what our parents taught 

us as kids, you become who you hang around with—U.S. adversaries like Russia, Cuba, China, Iran, and Morales of Bolivia support the Maduro regime. That should tell you right there they are 

on the wrong side. Cuban officials are embedded in the Venezuelan 

military to the point where Maduro relies on the security forces of 

the Cuban regime for support because he cannot trust his own people. 
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Russia and Iran see Venezuela as a disruptive thorn in the side 

of the United States. And China exploits a corrupt regime for discounted oil and access to resources. This is the real foreign interference we should be talking about. The illegitimate Maduro regime also has ties to drug trafficking and other illicit activities, and 

the Venezuelan people are the first victims of this corruption and 

cronyism. Over the last month the Venezuelan people have stood 

up to the Maduro regime and demanded the return of Venezuela 

to the prosperous, free nation it once was. 

President, interim President Juan Guaido has certified a united 

movement against the Maduro regime, and it has gained the recognition of over 50 countries. Maduro wants to blame the U.S. for 

this, but this is 50 international companies—countries that have 

stood up to this. Again, I commend the Trump administration’s 

strong support for Guaido and the Venezuelan people, and support 

the calls for free and fair elections in Venezuela as soon as conditions allow for them. And I strongly support the continuation of 

sanctions against the Maduro regime and the use of all economic 

tools at our disposal to hold them accountable for the crimes. 

There is much work to be done for Venezuela to regain its freedom, and freedom they will regain because the Venezuelan people 

grew up in this generation of liberties and freedoms and he is trying to snatch that away from them. They will not tolerate that. 

And that on itself is enough to change that regime. 

I am encouraged by the efforts of the administration and Special 

Representative Elliott Abrams to achieves these goals and coordination with our regional allies, and further hope my Democrat and 

Republican colleagues here in Congress will work together to 

present a united front against the Maduro regime that will encourage other nations to be on the right side of history. 

I look forward to the hearing. And, Mr. Chairman, I yield back. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Rooney follows:]. 
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AMBASSADOR ROONEY OPENING STATEMENT 
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Mr. SIRES. Thank you. Thank you, Congressman Yoho. 

We are going to open it up for 1-minute remarks by the members. Vice Chair Meeks, you have it. 

Mr. MEEKS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I am going to submit 

my full statement for the record. I will summarize it real quickly 

in this 1 minute. 

You know, clearly, to see what is happening to the people of Venezuela is heartbreaking to witness. When we talk about the scenario and human lives being lost in many instances and people 

going hungry, and no one wants to stand by and see such tragedies. But I do believe that it is important that the Lima Group and 

some of our allies in the region take the lead on this. It is just too 

much, I think, that it seems as though with our past history in the 

region, in Central and South America, and some of the bellicose 

talks that are going on about military threats, that hurts getting 

things done. 

I appreciate the fact that I see how and such with not a lot of 

bellicose that Peru, and Colombia, and Brazil, those border States 

have been dealing with. I look forward to questioning the witnesses 

and going and pursuing this a little bit further. 

But I submit my full statement for the record. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Meeks follows:] 
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Mr. SIRES. Thank you, Congressman. 

Congressman Yoho, 1-minute remark. 

Mr. YOHO. One minute. You know, we look at this. And we met 

with the interim Ambassador that has been placed in that position 

that we recognize, and what I see is not, this is just not about Venezuela. This is about the other nations that we talked about, Cuba, 

China, Russia, Iran, Bolivia. These are all anti-western democracies. And the Rubicon is Venezuela. If the Maduro regime fails, 

so does Cuba because they have invested so much over the course 

of the years, and the same with Russia. 

This is something that we have over 70 million displaced refugees around the world because of conflict. We have the potential, 

having millions more that we have never seen in this country coming through our southern border. And this is something that we 

need to have a peaceful resolution as soon as possible. 

And I look forward to this hearing. 

Mr. SIRES. Thank you. Congressman Espaillat. 

Mr. ESPAILLAT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Although I have in the past been outspoken against any form of 

military intervention by our nation—we cannot continue to be the 

policeman of the world—I am very distressed to see what is occurring in Venezuela, particularly yesterday. We saw how Jorge 

Ramos and his Univision crew were detained for 2 hours when he 

showed Maduro a film of the children, Venezuelan children eating 

off a garbage truck. That has been protested by the entire world, 

including Mexico who has been somewhat ambivalent about what 

is happening in Venezuela, they protested this. 

And yesterday Jorge Ramos and his crew were deported from, 

forcefully moved from Venezuela. That is, Mr. Chairman, troubling 

because the eyes of the world must be on what is happening there. 

The whole world must be watching what is happening there. We 

cannot be blindfolded to that. And that is an egregious act against 

humanity. 

Mr. SIRES. Thank you, Congressman. 

Congressman VARGAS. Mr. VARGAS. Thank you very much, Mr. Chair. And thank you 

for holding this hearing. 

I have to say that I am very distressed with what is happening 

in Venezuela. Venezuela has been a very proud country. In fact, 

has the largest oil reserves in the world. It has been a country that 

has historically been very wealthy in Latin America and on the 

move. And to see what has happened to it under Maduro is tragic. 

It has become a failed state. 

And also to reiterate what has happened to Jorge Ramos, a lot 

of us see Jorge Ramos as the Walter Cronkite of Spanish news. 

Someone that we always trust. He is very straightforward in what 

he says. And to see him, see what happened to him and his crew, 

how they were manhandled, and mishandled, and mistreated was 

really tragic because we need to see with the eyes, I think, of a 

very honest newsperson like himself what is going on there. 

So, again, I am very happy that we are having this hearing 

today. And I want to thank you, Mr. Chairman and the ranking 

member. 

Mr. SIRES. Thank you, Congressman. 
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Let me introduce first Ms. Marcela Escobari, Senior Fellow in the 

Center for Universal Education at Brookings where she is leading 

the Workforce of the Future Initiative. She spent the last year of 

President Obama’s administration as an assistant administrator of 

the U.S. Agency for International Development’s Bureau for Latin 

America and the Caribbean, focusing its initiatives on poverty, inequality, citizen security, and governance. 

Since 2007, Ms. Escobari served as the Executive Director of the 

Center for International Development at Harvard University. She 

has also worked as head of the Americas Region at the OTF Group 

where she advised governments on poverty alleviation through private enterprise. 

We welcome you again. Thank you. 

We will then hear from Mr. Santiago Canton who currently 

serves as Secretary of Human Rights for the Province of Buenos 

Aires. In 2017, he was appointed by the Organization of American 

States’ Secretary General Luis Almagro as one of three experts to 

join an independent panel to examine the human rights situation 

in Venezuela. Mr. Canton was formerly director of RFK Partners 

for Human Rights at the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and 

Human Rights. 

Before joining the RFK Center, Mr. Canton was the Executive 

Secretary of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights for 

11 years, after serving as the first Special Rapporteur for Freedom 

of Expression in the Inter-American System. He also served as Director for Latin America and the Caribbean for the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs as a political assistant to 

former United States President Jimmy Carter. 

Welcome. 

Finally, we will hear from Moises Rendon, Associate Director and 

Associate Fellow of the Center for Strategic and International 

Studies, Americas Program. His research focuses on Latin American States in transition, trade and investment, governance and 

transparency, and U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America, with 

particular emphasis on Venezuela. He is a native Venezuelan. 

Thank you all for being here. Now we will go to testimony. Ms. 

Escobari, you have 5 minutes. 

STATEMENT OF MARCELA ESCOBARI, SENIOR FELLOW FOR 

GLOBAL ECONOMY AND DEVELOPMENT, CENTER FOR UNIVERSAL EDUCATION, BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 

Ms. ESCOBARI. Thank you, Chairman Sires and members of the 

committee for calling this hearing and for the opportunity to testify 

today. I will be summarizing my views and ask that my full testimony be placed in the record. 

Venezuela presents a complex situation for a humanitarian response, where there is a legitimate, widely recognized, and democratically elected entity in the National Assembly, and now interim 

President Juan Guaido . However, he does not, as of now, have the 

command of the military forces or the government bureaucracy. So, 

while the official request of humanitarian aid from the National 

Assembly has started to be answered by the international community, it is a contested environment, where the delivery of aid is 

being explicitly blocked by Nicolas Maduro and the military. 
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So, the situation calls for a two-tiered response. 

One, is what to do during this impasse. 

And, two, what to do in case of a much-needed democratic transition. 

Alleviating the human suffering and the refugee crisis looks different under these two scenarios. In the status quo we need to deliver aid in a politically neutral way to those that need it the most. 

This may involve engaging the United Nations, funding exisiting 

local and multinational NGO’s on the ground, and using a variety 

of delivery channels, from cash transfers to air drops of supplies. 

As the need is and will be massive, both inside Venezuela and the 

neighboring countries affected by the refugee crisis. 

I would like to be clear that while important and necessary, 

given the extent of the humanitarian crisis, this approach is palliative. In the case of a democratic transition, Venezuela can engage 

in the profound reforms that are needed: Stabilizing the currency, 

rebooting the private provision of goods, massive cash transfers to 

alleviate acute shortages, and investing in public services from the 

replenishment of hospitals to citizen security. This transition will 

involve significant aid and, likely, the largest IMF package in its 

history. 

So, what is the situation? Venezuela has seen one of the most 

dramatic economic contractions in human history. Inflation has 

surpassed 1 million percent in the last year. If Venezuelans used 

to buy a carton of milk with $1 in January, in December it cost 

them $10,000. Obviously, salaries have not kept up. 

GDP has contracted over 50 percent in the last 5 years, the larg- est contraction in the world in 2017. It has over $150 billion in 

debt, while oil output, which is 95 percent of exports, has gone 

down 64 percent in the last 20 years due to mismanagement and 

corruption. 

Poverty has gone from 48 percent to 91 percent in the last 4 

years. Venezuela is one of the most violent countries in the world. 

Parts of Venezuela have become lawless refuge for the FARC, the 

ELN, and non-state actors who engage in narcotrafficking, illegal 

mining, and contraband of gasoline. 

There are shortages of almost every basic medication. The Ministry of Health reported on a hundredfold increase in neonatal 

death. We have seen the rise of diseases previously eradicated, 

from malaria where we have seen over 500,000 cases, as well as 

Zika, polio, diphtheria, and measles. Shortages of vaccines means 

that this problem is likely to aggravate and spread, given the refugee crisis which has reached 3.4 million Venezuelans which have 

left their country, an average of 5,000 Venezuelans who cross the 

border every day. 

Diseases do not respect borders and pose a regional security 

threat. 

To conclude, our unwavering support of the Venezuelan people is 

critical in this moment. There are two distinct strategies at play. 

One involves exerting maximum economic and political pressure on 

the regime that increase the chances of a bloodless transition. 

The second is a humanitarian response which is distinct from the 

political and diplomatic strategy, and should be neutral and target 

the most vulnerable. We should also be prepared to commit the re-
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sources that are commensurate with the needs, which will be multiples of the current commitment. 

In both of these fronts we need to maintain a multilateral approach. We are stronger and wiser when we work with others. And 

what makes this moment remarkable is the global support coalescing behind the new government and the humanitarian response. The Grupo de Lima, the OAS, most of the European Union 

make up the over 50 countries recognizing Guaido and pressing for 

a democratic transition. It is this coalition, ideally led by the Grupo 

de Lima, and supported by the U.S. that represents a hope for the 

Venezuelan people who have suffered too long under a brutal and 

corrupt regime. 

I wish to sincerely thank you for calling this hearing on the Venezuelan crisis and for inviting me to testify today. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Escobari follows:] 
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Mr. SIRES. Thank you. 

Mr. CANTON. 

STATEMENT OF SANTIAGO CANTON, FORMER EXECUTIVE SECRETARY, INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS 

Mr. CANTON. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rooney, and members of the committee—— 

Mr. SIRES. Can you please turn your mike on. Thank you. 

Mr. CANTON. Thank you for the opportunity to testify today. 

The Secretary General of the Organization of American States, 

Luis Almagro, has recently stated: ‘‘The regime in Venezuela is responsible for what has become one of the worst humanitarian crisis 

the region has experienced. This crisis is man-made and a direct 

result of inhumane actions by leaders who do not care about the 

suffering of their people, allowing their citizens to die of hunger 

and preventable diseases.’’ 

In 2018, the U.N.’s Food and Agriculture Organization indicated 

that between 2015 and 2017, 11 percent of Venezuela’s population, 

3.7 million people, were undernourished, up from less than 5 percent between 2008 and 2013. 

The 2018 National Survey of Hospitals showed that the capacity 

of the national network of hospitals has been gradually dismantled 

over the last 5 years. The survey reports 88 percent of shortages 

of medicine and 79 percent of shortages of surgical supplies. 

Indicators such as the increase of maternal mortality by 60 percent, and infant mortality by 30 percent from 2014 to 2016, the 

lack of access to adequate and regular treatment for more than 

300,000 patients with chronic diseases, or the outbreak of malaria 

and diphtheria all point to a dramatic deterioration of the 

healthcare system. 

The Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights at the 

U.N. observed that women are particularly affected by the health 

crisis. For instance, the number of maternal deaths rose from 368 

in 2012 to 756 in 2016. 

Last year, as mentioned by the chairman, I was appointed by the 

OAS to a panel of three independent international experts that, 

after evaluating the information on the humanitarian crisis, concluded that the use of the crisis as an instrument to pressure a segment of the population that is considered as dissident or that is 

identified as such, constituted multiple violations of fundamental 

rights, such as the right to life, right to humane treatment, the 

right to health, and the right to food, making it a crime of persecution for political reasons. 

The humanitarian crisis has created more demonstrations, and 

the government response to the demonstrations was a policy of systematic violations which between 2014 and 2018 left thousands of 

extrajudicial executions, 12,000 arbitrary detentions, 289 cases of 

torture, 192 cases of rape of persons under State control, and a 

number of enforced disappearances. 

The panel of experts found reasonable grounds to believe that 

these acts against the civilian population of Venezuela constituted 

crimes against humanity, in accordance with Article 7 of the Rome 

Statute of the International Criminal Court, including the crimes 

of murder, imprisonment, torture, rape and other forms of sexual 
29 

violence, persecution, and enforced disappearances. Finally, the 

case that the panel worked on was sent by five countries to the 

ICC. 

In 2001, the countries of this hemisphere approved the world’s 

first democratic charter with the goal of defending democracy and 

human rights. Unfortunately, due to regional politics, the InterAmerican Democratic Charter has clearly failed. Mr. Chairman, 

this is not about politics, this is not about the Latin American left 

or the Latin American right, populism or fascism, this crisis is 

about the personal greed, corruption and organized criminal activity of the mafia that under the banner of nationalism and sovereignty is killing, torturing, persecuting, and detaining its own 

people. 

In the year 2000, the Canadian Government established a commission to respond to a question of the U.N. Secretary General Kofi 

Annan on when the international community must intervene for 

humanitarian purposes. The Canadian Commission stated that sovereignty entails not only rights, but also the responsibility to protect its people from major violations of human rights. Basically, 

Mr. Chairman, the principle of non-intervention yields to the international responsibility to protect. In this situation, it means to exercise the responsibility to protect the Venezuelan citizens facing 

grave human rights violations. 

And that is where we are now, Mr. Chairman. The international 

community, not any country individually, should work together, 

particularly with the countries from the Lima Group, but also with 

those who have not joined the Lima Group to return to the Venezuelans the democracy, the human rights, and the dignity that the 

group of organized criminals took away from them. 

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Canton follows:] 
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Mr. SIRES. Thank you. 

Votes have just been called so, Mr. Rendon, can you do your 5 

minutes and then we will go into recess and come back so we can 

ask you some questions. And thank you for your patience. 

STATEMENT OF MOISES RENDON, ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR AND 

ASSOCIATE FELLOW, AMERICAS PROGRAM, CENTER FOR 

STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 

Mr. RENDON. Thank you. Mr. Chairman and ranking member, 

distinguished committee members, thank you for the opportunity to 

share my thoughts on the crisis in Venezuela. My colleagues already talked about how we got here, including the most important 

humanitarian and economic indicators, so I will highlight some 

issues on how the U.S. and the international community can nonviolently support Venezuelans to reclaim their democracy from this 

kleptocratic mafia state. 

It is important to emphasize that interim President Guaido did 

not proclaim himself as president, as has been reported. After January 10th of this year, Maduro lost any legitimacy left to continue 

in office. The Presidential elections held last May were not only 

unfree and unfair, but also illegally called by the illegitimate constituent assembly and organized by an unconstitutionally named 

national council, election council. This is why more than 50 countries, together with the National Assembly and the Supreme Court 

in exile did not recognize the results, and now recognize Guaido in 

lines of articles 233, 333, and 350 of the Venezuelan Constitution. 

The next step should be supporting the path that Guaido himself 

has announced to restore the country’s democracy: Stop Maduro’s 

usurpation of power, set up Guido’s interim government such that 

free and fair elections can be held. 

The events this past Saturday, on February 23d, prove once 

again that the regime does not care that its own people faces starvation, and is not willing to leave power even if it means committing crimes against humanity. The rejection of humanitarian aid, 

including with the use of force, has been part of Maduro’s policy 

and has been systematically enforced for many years in Venezuela. 

I want to briefly talk about the role of Cuba, China, and Russia. 

Venezuela has not been a truly sovereign nation for years. The 

presence of Cuban State actors in different sectors in Venezuela, 

including in the intelligence, military, and property registration offices, violates the Venezuelan Constitution and international law. 

China has propped up Maduro, has propped up the Maduro regime, lending nearly $70 billion, and possessing large oil fields in 

the Orinoco Belt where most of the Venezuelan oil is. 

Russia’s influence in Venezuela, on the other hand, is driven 

both by economic and foreign policy objectives. 

I can comment more on this and other issues later but I want 

to turn now to where we go from here. 

I think a military intervention would be catastrophic, Mr. Chairman. Let me be clear, the threat of military involvement is a 

worthwhile strategy when it exists only as a threat or political language. However, actual boots on the ground or military activity will 

send the country deeper into chaos. The FARC members, ELN, 

gangs, and other paramilitary groups operate in this lawless envi-
37 

ronment. All of these groups are in peace right now. But as soon 

as one military action comes to Venezuela they will panic and it 

will cause even greater security concerns. 

What’s more, the international community does not support military intervention as of now. We have not yet exhausted all peaceful 

policy options. Saturday was the first attempt that humanitarians 

had attempted to enter into the country. This happened because 

Juan Guaido has been recognized as the interim president of Venezuela, and together with the National Assembly urgently requested aid. 

Now that there is a consensus today within the international 

community that there is no time to waste in Venezuela, the path 

to limit the suffering of the Venezuelan people and help Venezuelans restore their democracy could be accelerated if the following steps are taken in the short term: 

One, provide much-needed humanitarian assistance within Venezuela. Again, Saturday was the first time this was attempted. And 

the planning and execution needs to be improved moving forward. 

Second, help Guido’s government get off the ground by recovering 

the republic’s assets from Maduro’s control and transferring them 

to the Guaido and the National Assembly control. 

Third, recognize the new Ambassadors appointed by Guido’s interim government and revoking diplomatic visas to those members 

of the regime and their families, including visas, the older visas, 

because revoking the older visas is also very important. 

Fourth, back the National Assembly’s amnesty law for current 

and former military officials who decide to help restore the country’s democracy and let the humanitarian aid in. 

Fifth, increase pressure on Maduro and his inner circle with 

legal sanctions, especially by countries who have not imposed sanctions yet. 

And, sixth, prohibit any further international agreements or oil 

payments to the Maduro regime and transfer those payments to 

Maduro’s government and the National Assembly. 

And to finalize, this is, there is no silver bullet to resolve the 

Venezuelan crisis, Mr. Chairman. However, from the humanitarian 

and international law perspective the provision of humanitarian 

aid needs to be the top priority. The more the U.S. works together 

with the OAS and the Lima Group which, by the way, Venezuela 

formally joined the Lima Group just yesterday, we will have a better chance to find a peaceful solution. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Rendon follows:] 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 
44 
45 

Mr. SIRES. Thank you. We will recess now. We have floor votes. 

We will be right back. 

Thank you. 

[Recess.] 

Mr. SIRES. We are going to start because I know, Mr. Canton, 

you have to leave. And we will start with the questioning. And I 

will start. 

You know, I get asked this question all the time. And the question basically is this: 

Are there any other methods for us delivering humanitarian aid 

that have been used in other places that we could try in Venezuela? Ms. Escobari, is there? I mean, obviously this past weekend 

did not go well. And I do not know, quite frankly, how to answer 

that. 

Ms. ESCOBARI. No, it is a great question. And I think what we 

saw this weekend is that Venezuelans are desperate to find ways 

out of this repressive regime. And they also need to bring food in. 

And these two goals were conflated this weekend, and most of the 

aid did not go through. 

But I think there is a lot more that we can try. It is difficult in 

a contested environment. But it involves working with international NGO’s like the Red Cross, working with local NGO’s. 

There are hundreds of local NGO’s. And thinking creatively about 

ways to bring in goods, sometimes we need goods but also cash, because around 20 percent of the goods are still provided by the private sector. It is just that most Venezuelans cannot afford them. 

And I do think there is an opportunity for the U.N. to step up 

their game and help—— 

Mr. SIRES. They have been pretty quiet about this. 

Ms. ESCOBARI. Yes. I think the U.N. has played a brokering role 

in many of these politically contested environments, from Yemen to 

Sudan. And my colleague Jeremy Konyndyk who used to work at 

USAID, has suggested the U.N. needs to challenge Maduro’s denial 

of the crisis. And Maduro’s refusal of the aid has left the U.N. with 

no funding appeal for Venezuela, no humanitarian coordinator appointed within the U.N. system. 

OCHA, which coordinates aid, does not even include Venezuela 

as a contry of focus. And so I think that that is an opportunity to 

find a political mediator in this crisis. 

Mr. CANTON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Unfortunately I would say that, many of the questions you have 

are the same questions that we all have. And we all also do not 

have an answer. There are no clear answers to many of the problems we are facing in Venezuela. 

One thing that at least I believe is very important, particularly 

for the U.S. Government, is to follow the Lima Group. There is a 

dialog going on there and if there is any possibility of finding a solution, very likely may come from the Lima Group. 

And in addition to the Lima Group I would say let’s not forget 

about Mexico, let’s not forget about Uruguay. Although those two 

countries have not recognized Guaido, that does not mean that 

they do not want to collaborate. And you always need, particularly 

in situations like this one that this, you know, is very close, you 

need some interlocutors that can talk, that can talk to the govern-
46 

ment. And those are going to be more likely Mexico and Uruguay 

than in the Lima Group. 

So, the combination of the work of other Latin American countries which Latin America has a history, sometimes good, sometimes bad, but it does have a history of trying to find solutions to 

this big crisis. The Contadora group back in the ’80’s, and there are 

some experiences like that. They should take the lead. And it is important that the U.S. understands that and takes the lead of the 

decision of the Lima Group. 

Mr. RENDON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman for the question. I have 

done some research on finding new methods to try to provide humanitarian aid in Venezuela. Very interestingly, the use of new 

technology, specifically the use of cryptocurrency, is already playing 

a role in Venezuela. We brought groups on the ground in Venezuela that are receiving donations through cryptocurrency, and 

they are using those donations to buy food and medicine and distribute it within Venezuela. 

This is increasingly happening because Venezuela has hyperinflation and the donations to get into the country is really limited, 

really repressive; right? So that is where the use of cryptocurrency 

is shedding a light of how we can use that as a method to get aid 

in a way that we probably have not seen before. So, I think looking 

into those. 

And the benefits are countless. I mean, it is transparent, censorship-resistant, it is borderless, and it is empowering the people to 

use their own resources, right, because it is direct. So I would look 

at that as a way to, because again we need to think out of the box 

here, and I think that is one of those tools that can maybe help. 

Mr. SIRES. Thank you. My time is up. 

Congressman GUEST. 

Mr. GUEST. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Rendon, would you agree that the Maduro regime is a corrupt regime? I think you mentioned that in your report or your 

transcript on page 2. Would you agree with that? 

Mr. RENDON. I am sorry, what is that? Would you repeat that, 

please? 

Mr. GUEST. Would you agree that the current regime is a corrupt 

regime? 

Mr. RENDON. Yes. 

Mr. GUEST. Being involved, I believe you say, in illicit activities, 

including drug trafficking, massive corruption, and money laundering? 

Mr. RENDON. Yes. Correct. 

Mr. GUEST. And would each of you also agree with that as well, 

with that, with that assessment of the current regime? And to each 

of you, would you agree that the current regime is an illegitimate 

regime based upon the sham elections that were held earlier last 

year? 

Mr. RENDON. Correct. 

Mr. GUEST. And would you also agree that the current regime 

has created both a political crisis and a humanitarian crisis in Venezuela? 

Mr. RENDON. Correct. 
47 

Mr. GUEST. All right. So, with that, what can be done, short of 

military intervention, what can be done to remove Maduro from 

currently presiding over the people of Venezuela? I believe, Mr. 

Rendon, you talked in one of your statements that we must increase pressure on his inner circle. What methods could we use 

that we are currently not to increase pressure on his inner circle 

to have him step down? 

Mr. RENDON. Yes, thank you for that question. 

So, there are many tools that we have not yet accomplished yet. 

One of those, for example, is to work with other countries like 

Cuba, China, Iran, Russia to make sure that they do not support 

Maduro. 

Mr. GUEST. All right, let me ask you, I hate to interrupt you,—— 

Mr. RENDON. Yes. 

Mr. GUEST [continuing]. But would you agree that that is highly 

unlikely that we are going to convince China, and Russia, and 

Cuba—— 

Mr. RENDON. Yes. 

Mr. GUEST [continuing]. Not to support this regime? 

Mr. RENDON. Yes. It is going to be a difficult task. 

Mr. GUEST. OK. All right, go ahead. I am sorry, I did not mean 

to interrupt you. 

Mr. RENDON. No, no. No. 

Mr. GUEST. But just wanted to make sure. 

Mr. RENDON. No, that is a fair question. 

And, second, I think now that we have a new recognized government led by Juan Guaido we should be supporting him, trying to 

get his government get off the ground as quick as possible. How? 

Making sure to freeze those bank accounts, those assets that 

Maduro still controls today, not only within the U.S. through restriction but also on those countries who recognize Guaido as the 

president. 

And also transfer those bank accounts to Guaido and the National Assembly. That is a very key point but I do not think we are 

there yet. And I think that is an important task to empower the 

legitimate government and try and find a resolution. Right? 

So I will add that, Congressman Guest. 

Mr. CANTON. Thank you for, thank you for your question. 

I would start by saying that your question assumes that military 

intervention is the solution. 

Mr. GUEST. No, I said in light of that. What can we do—— 

Mr. CANTON. OK. Right, OK. 

Mr. GUEST [continuing]. Because I think no one wants the 

United States military to go into Venezuela and forcibly remove 

Mr. Maduro. 

Mr. CANTON. Right. Right. 

Mr. GUEST. And so what can we do short of that—— 

Mr. CANTON. Right. All right, OK. 

Mr. GUEST [continuing]. To accomplish that purpose? Because I 

believe once he is removed and we are going to see humanitarian 

aid begin to flow into Venezuela, I believe he is the roadblock controlling the military—— 

Mr. CANTON. Correct. 
48 

Mr. GUEST [continuing]. That is creating this crisis. And we all 

want to see him removed but no one wants to use any military 

force. 

Mr. CANTON. Correct. 

Mr. GUEST. So that is the question, what are we not currently 

doing that would promote regime change in Venezuela? 

Mr. CANTON. Right. I do not think that anybody has the magic 

solution and the, you know, the great answer to that question. But 

there is one thing that is different now than before. For the last 

20 years, and I have been following Venezuela as secretary, Secretary of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights for, 

you know, 15 years, this situation has been going on and on and 

on for easily 15 years but the international community, particularly 

Latin American community did not pay attention to it. 

There are several reports of the Inter-American Commission on 

Human Rights, and most NGO’s on human rights denouncing 

grave violation of human rights in Venezuela at least since 2005. 

And the Latin American countries did not pay attention to it for 

whatever reason. 

Right now for the first time that is happening. So there is a big 

difference between now, the Lima Group, the political negotiations 

that are going on, to everything else that was tried before. So, 

there is a need to give time, to give chance to the political negotiations, to give chance to diplomacy, to give chance to the U.N. This 

is the time to do it. What is going on right now it just started but 

all the failures are from the last 20 years. So we need to give a 

chance to this situation right now. 

Mr. GUEST. And in addition to what we are currently doing is 

there any additional pressure that we can put on that regime that, 

again, you talk about freezing assets and about putting pressure on 

his inner circle, and what I was wanting from each of you, what 

can we do as a government to make sure that we are putting as 

much political pressure on Maduro to resign as possible? 

Mr. CANTON. I, you know, this might sound—I am not a U.S. citizen, I am from Argentina and it might sound a little bit I am getting involved into something that is not my affair. But, you know, 

I live in this country for 30 years. And the U.S. should be, that is 

why I used that word before, following what the Lima Group decides rather than pushing the Lima Group to do something. That 

negotiation has taken place. And when the U.S., you know, makes 

the decision to keep, you know, it is the U.S. Government particularly, but it is important to let the Latin American countries that 

now for the first time in 20 years are doing something, it is important to support them and to followup on their decisions. 

Mr. SIRES. Congressman Vargas. 

Mr. VARGAS. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. And thank 

you again to the witnesses for being here today. 

When I always thought of Venezuela I always thought of it as 

a very stable democracy, just like Mexico, Colombia, a number of 

the large Latin American countries. And it really is tragic and almost unbelievable what has happened to Venezuela. Now we have, 

Ms. Escobari, as you call it, a contested environment. I never would 

have expected that. 
49 

Now, in the situation that we find ourselves—they find themselves in, it is a humanitarian crisis that we seldom see in our 

hemisphere. And, again, as being someone who is not in favor in 

any way of military intervention, I am not in favor of that, but at 

the same time we have to move this thing along because the suffering of the people is so dramatic, and not getting better. 

I mean, how can we help? I mean, we are attempting to humanitarian—I have listened to all your testimoneys today—and humanitarian help first and a whole bunch of other things, but is there 

anything else that we can do, and again not using military force 

which I am not in favor of it, is there anything else we can do without hurting the people? In other words, moving toward a transition 

but without doing more damage to these poor people who have 

been hurt so badly. 

Ms. ESCOBARI. To add to this question and to what my fellow 

panelists have said, I think the strategy is twofold. And it involves 

strengthening both of those strategies. It is widely accepted that 

the government uses oil to distribute rents to the military officers 

and maintain itself in power. So the sanctions are meant to limit 

his ability to do so can be strengthened. 

We can work with the international community so that all of 

Latin America and the European Union enforce these sanctions 

fully. And use diplomatic avenues so that Maduro, if we are going 

to go for this short-term dramatic strategy, that Maduro does not 

have options to sell its oil, and that we use our diplomatic leverage 

with India, and Turkey, and others. 

And while it is true that Russia and China may not be our allies, 

at the end they want to get paid. And they are deciding right now 

whether Maduro is the right person to bet on. And those, I think 

are calculations that are changing by the minute. 

And there are other stronger actions and escalations that we can 

engage in, short of military intervention. 

Mr. VARGAS. But also short of hurting people. I mean, one of the 

things that I have great concern about is oftentimes when we have 

sanctions placed on countries, you know, we try to target them to 

hit the culprits. But oftentimes it ends up hurting the people in 

general. We do not want to starve the people of Venezuela. I mean, 

that does concern me. 

Ms. ESCOBARI. Yes. 

Mr. VARGAS. Because 95 percent of the exports is oil. 

Ms. ESCOBARI. Yes. 

Mr. VARGAS. I mean, if we cutoff all oil and we cannot get humanitarian aid into the country, I mean how are the people going 

to eat? I mean, how are they going to survive? 

Ms. ESCOBARI. Yes, exactly. And this is why when we think of 

it as humanitarian aid, the effort should be massive and using all 

possible ways, including negotiating corridors, safety corridors and 

finding all ways because exactly of the calculus that you are, that 

you are describing. 

Mr. VARGAS. That is very hard in a contested environment. I 

mean, you are the one that mentioned it actually in your testimony, you said this is a contested environment. I mean, it is hard 

to do that. I mean, we saw what happened with a little bit of aid 

and literally Maduro’s thugs did not allow most of the aid in. 
50 

And how do you negotiate it when they have armed thugs preventing the aid from coming in? Anyone else want to try that? 

Mr. CANTON. I have a very, very short answer which I mentioned 

it before. Give it a try. It just happened now. You know, when we 

tried for the last 20 years, nothing happened. But this is not the 

first time it is happening. And the Latin American countries are 

serious about it. So let’s give it a try. 

Mr. VARGAS. OK. The last thing, last question I did want to ask 

is this, one of the things that I fear. What if Maduro rolls the 

tanks? I mean, what if at the end of the day he decides that he 

is just going to go to try to put down these massive demonstrations 

with massive assault on the people, then what do we do? Because 

this is not unheard of. I mean, this has happened, of course. Dictators have done this throughout history. 

Do not be afraid of the question. Somebody answer. Mr. Rendon, 

go ahead. 

Mr. RENDON. So far it has not been the experience in Venezuela. 

And, you know, I have, again, I have followed it since 2000. I met 

Chavez. I met Maduro. I spoke with them for the last, you know, 

many occasions. That has not happened. Really very great things 

have happened, but not that. 

Mr. VARGAS. Well, let’s pray that it does not happen. My time is 

over. Let’s pray that it does not happen. 

Thank you. 

Mr. SIRES. Thank you. 

Congressman MEEKS. 

Mr. MEEKS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Canton, you have particularly some of what my concerns are. 

There is no question in my mind, and I, like you, have been down 

to Venezuela and I have been going down there for the last 20 

years. Knew Chavez when he was there, and Maduro was part of 

the National Assembly. 

My concern, though, is with the United States being in front of 

everything, as opposed to Lima Group and other allies, and particularly those, the Lima Group, who are in the region, who surround the borders, what is happening is, as opposed to some of 

these other countries, or other NGO’s, or other ones who are trying 

to get that humanitarian aid in, it seems as thought it is a political 

fight to a degree where it is the United States that has taken the 

front of this as opposed to the back and supporting other groups 

from behind in that regard, as opposed to making it look like, you 

know, it is—and the threat of military aid, military intervention. 

And so the boasterous talk is going, taking place. But that helps 

hinder helping the Venezuelan people who needs help. The focus 

should be on the help. And one thing that I have not heard, what 

we need to make sure is done in this conversation, is bringing forth 

elections, democratic, free, and fair elections so it does not just look 

like you are trying to put somebody in an topple a government. We 

are saying, and I agree, that the prior election of Nicolas Maduro 

was not free, was not fair, was not, and so therefore he was not 

legitimately elected. 

But what we should be advocating for is for the legitimate elections, not just putting someone in. And that is what the Ven-
51 

ezuelan people want because they do believe in democracy. I have 

seen it. 

When I was over in Europe just, you know, last week, our European allies they believe it is an illegitimate government. But they 

do not want, they want others, they want to make sure that there 

are others that are involved in this. And when I look at what is 

taking place at the border it is just the United States. China forced 

their way in. And when I look at, you know, I am told from some, 

they, you know, have questions with Elliott Abrams, just the imagery because of what our past history is. That is a problem. And 

then some of the rhetoric that is taking place here with the Colombians, and the Brazilians, and others, you know, millions of people 

are running across. And these governments are welcoming then. 

And so they did not ask whether this is part of it or not, but they 

do ask, well, how does the United States gets involved when you 

have people who are suffering and hurting. 

And Central America, and our country is saying not accept them, 

put up a wall to stop them from coming here. Send them back. 

Thank God Colombia and Brazil is not doing that. Thank God they 

are not doing that because then what would happen to those people? 

And that gives us a problem from leading in front because of the 

problems that we have with other areas on the hemisphere. 

So, would it not make sense, or am I just, you know, crazy here, 

that we allow Lima, the Lima Group, we allow OAS, we allow and 

get more involved so it is another party, and we do all we can to 

support those groups? So it is not us trying to be the big guys coming in, the whatever Maduro calls us now. Does that make any 

sense to you? 

Mr. CANTON. Yes, of course. I agree with you. And I do have in 

my presentation, you know, calling for elections. You know, the 5- 

minutes time did not allow me to reach the end. But I do, I do 

think that that should be the way out. Although I am not very optimistic about it, I have to recognize that. But it should be a natural 

way out and peaceful way. 

The U.S. has a difficult role, no question about that. And it has 

a history of relationship with Latin America which was up and 

down along the decades, but it is an very important role the U.S. 

can play. 

But at this stage I agree with you and I insist for the first time 

in many, many years when the issue of Venezuela comes up, for 

the first time the Latin American countries, most of them are 

working together. It is critical for the U.S. to support that process 

and let the Latin American countries, the OAS, the United Nations, I would include Mexico as well, and I would include Uruguay 

as well, work with them to try to find a solution. 

Mr. MEEKS. Ms. Escobari, we still have time here. 

Ms. ESCOBARI. I agree. And I mentioned in my testimony that we 

should let the Grupo de Lima lead but—we need to support them. 

And our capabilities are massive, both in our ability to help in aid 

and otherwise. But we should let the Grupo de Lima lead. 

And in support, President Guaido in terms of directing, you 

know, the carrots and sticks. 

Mr. MEEKS. Thank you. 
52 

Mr. SIRES. Congressman Phillips. 

Mr. PHILLIPS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to our witnesses, and also thank you to my colleague Mr. Meeks who referenced elections. 

And I want to turn our attention a little bit prospectively to a 

post-transition, hopefully peaceful transition. And I would like to 

hear from each of you relative to what specific conditions you believe the international community and this U.S. Congress should 

ensure are satisfied to ensure that Venezuela has free, and open, 

and fair elections after a transition. 

And also, what timeframe you think would be most appropriate 

thereafter. 

Mr. CANTON. I am sorry I answer first, but I have to leave because I—— 

Mr. PHILLIPS. Please. 

Mr. CANTON [continuing]. Need to take a flight. 

I would say credible international observers which the last elections in Venezuela and these last two elections, you probably know 

better than I do, there was no credible international election observation. And the OAS was not allowed to go. And most important 

NGO’s doing election observations were not allowed to go. The European Union was not allowed to go. 

So, you need election observations. 

And the timeframe, the timeframe is now. But, you know, you 

cannot call for a snap election because that is not helpful. But a 

reasonable time for all the political parties to be able to participate 

freely, so you have to have months. 

Mr. PHILLIPS. Months. 

Mr. RENDON. Yes, just to briefly add on that. You also need to 

work the conditions on the ground. Maduro has been proved to be 

intimidating the Venezuelan people using food as a weapon. And 

so when you are calling elections you need international observers 

but you also need to work the conditions on the ground by providing humanitarian aid and disempowering the regime by using 

this tool, this food program called CLAP, which is the main political tool that they have to use. But it is linked to the national I.D. 

and to the way you vote and the way you are politically affiliated. 

So, in a way it is like the Chinese credit system but with lower 

technology. So, if you want to set up free and fair elections in the 

future, that CLAP program needs to be one of the first things that 

need to be out. And among the many others, right, because now 

we—I mean, I agree, elections are the first step but you need to 

announce a new electoral system. The current electoral system 

right now is highly corrupt, so you need to have a new council and 

as well. 

Mr. PHILLIPS. And any thoughts on who is in a position to initiate such a new system? 

Mr. RENDON. The only institution based on the Venezuelan Constitution is the National Assembly. They are the only ones who can 

announce elections at this point and also a new electoral system—— 

Mr. PHILLIPS. The infrastructure. 

Mr. RENDON [continuing]. That can promote free and fair elections. 
53 

Mr. PHILLIPS. OK, thank you. 

Ms. ESCOBARI. Ms. ESCOBARI. And just to add to that, which I agree with, I 

think you need a minimum of stabilization and citizen security to 

hold elections. And the National Assembly has actually approved 

guidelines on the transition and thinks that this might take around 

a year. 

Mr. PHILLIPS. OK, a full year. 

All right, thank you. I yield the rest of my time. 

Mr. SIRES. Congressman Levin. 

Mr. LEVIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I want to explore a little the question of amnesty and human 

rights violations. And now I will direct this to Ms. Escobari. But 

I am curious to hear both of your thoughts. 

Reports indicate that under Maduro Venezuelan military officials 

have committed grave human rights abuses. The U.N. Office of the 

High Commissioner for Human Rights has reported the use of ‘‘excessive force to deter demonstrations, crush dissent, and instill 

fear.’’ It is my understanding that the Venezuelan National Assembly has enacted legislation to provide amnesty to public officials, 

including security forces, that abandon the Maduro regime and 

support the transition, you know, the transitional government. 

President Trump relayed a similar message himself last week 

during a speech at Florida International University in Miami. He 

delivered what he called a ‘‘message for every official who is helping keep Maduro in place,’’ and he said the following: 

‘‘You can choose to accept President Guido’s generous offer of amnesty, to live your life in peace with your families and your countrymen. President Guaido does not seek retribution against you, 

and neither do we.’’ 

There is a long history of impunity for human rights abusers in 

the Western Hemisphere and other parts of the world. And, you 

know, on the other hand there have been some examples of truth 

commissions and efforts to hold people accountable which, in my 

view, are necessary for the development of healthy democracies. 

So, can you provide a little more detail on the kinds of human 

rights abuses that may have been perpetrated by Venezuelan military officials to start with? 

Ms. ESCOBARI. Yes. I wish our colleague was here because he had 

a long list and the list includes torture, and imprisonment, and the 

killings that we witnessed this weekend. And I think, the amnesty 

law and the proposal by Guaido is powerful because it is part of 

the strategy of getting the military to defect. However, there will 

be, there will be a determination on those who have committed 

crimes against humanity, and that amnesty law cannot protect 

those. 

Mr. LEVIN. It cannot protect those under Venezuelan law or 

under international law you are saying? 

Ms. ESCOBARI. I think neither. 

Mr. LEVIN. That is something that is in Venezuelan law, in the 

constitution, in the statute? Where is that? Or is that just an aspirational kind of statement? 

Mr. RENDON. Yes. 

Ms. ESCOBARI. Sorry, go on. 
54 

Mr. RENDON. According to the Venezuelan Constitution there 

cannot be any pardon on human rights violations. And so when I 

think of this amnesty law I think not of the top generals who 

have—who are the responsibles of committing human rights violations, I am thinking more of the bottom, the bottom soldiers who 

are just following orders from their generals. Right? And that is 

where the strategy can be found. 

Now, there is a tricky part here because when it comes to crimes 

against humanitarian, following orders is not an excuse. 

Mr. LEVIN. Exactly. I mean, I you, if I, if you are my commander 

and you tell me to torture Mr. Phillips, I may not torture Mr. Phillips and, if I do so, I am committing a grave human rights violation. 

Mr. RENDON. That is—— 

Mr. LEVIN. So I do not understand the point about generals and 

soldiers on the ground. 

Mr. RENDON. That is correct. There are soldiers who have either 

not committed crimes against humanity who can be saved by this 

amnesty law. And that is where I think this law can provide a 

bridge to some of those to support Guaido and the democracy of 

Venezuela. And I think it is a tool together with the whole pressure 

that we are trying to use toe facilitate the democracy in Venezuela 

within, led by Venezuelans. Right? So, I think it is a powerful tool 

and I think we need to support that as much as possible. 

Mr. LEVIN. Well, thank you. I will just say that given the almost 

complete disregard for human rights of the current occupant of the 

White House in everywhere from South America to North Korea, 

this body has a responsibility to step up and proclaim American— 

America’s long dedication to, imperfect, but our dedication to 

human rights. And as urgent as the situation is in Venezuela, we 

need to proceed in a way that holds the respect of human rights 

sacrosanct. 

Thank you. And I yield back my time. 

Mr. SIRES. Thank you, Congressman. 

We are going to have another round of questioning. I and maybe 

they have another question. 

It was recently stated that India now has stepped up and bought 

the oil from Venezuela. And they did it pretty quickly. What can 

we do to stop that? Because that is basically the funding for 

Maduro. 

Mr. RENDON. Yes, I think that is a critical point, Mr. Chairman. 

And I think we need to engage the Indians. That cash is being used 

by Maduro to keep up the repressive regime; right? 

And but that has a specific purpose to that trade, and that is 

fueling the domestic gas in Venezuela. And Venezuela is running 

out of gas. And people would not—are not going to be able to fill 

their own cars with gas if the Indians are not sending that cash 

to Maduro. 

I think the more we empower, again, Guido’s government, providing those oil payments to Guido’s government and the National 

Assembly, providing those trade agreements to Guido’s government 

and National Assembly is not only the only constitutional, legitimate way forward, but it is the right thing to do. And I think we 

need to as much as possible transfer those to Guaido. 
55 

So, when the U.S. talks to India, that is the direction that we 

need to be engaging, recognizing Guaido and engaging the Guido’s 

government. 

Mr. SIRES. Can the Lima Group talk to India? 

Mr. RENDON. That is a good question. I think they are under the 

authority to do it. And they should be, they should be pursuing 

that route. 

Ms. ESCOBARI. They probably can, but we probably hold more leverage. And I think for India it is completely an economic decision. 

If we think about the numbers, last year Venezuela sold about 

$20 billion but most of the cash came from the U.S. Now that the 

U.S. is not going to be providing that, they are going to be selling 

it at a deep discount. 

But just think about the magnitude of the need. I think there 

still would be around $5 billion that would, that would not reach 

the Maduro government. And I think that number is also important when we think about our humanitarian package. 

Mr. SIRES. Thank you. 

Congressman Levin, do you have a second question? 

Mr. LEVIN. Yes. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I would just like to followup actually on the PDVSA sanctions 

situation. And I would like to get your all’s take on, you know, the 

possibility of unintended consequences. 

As you know, the Trump administration put sanctions on 

PDVSA, presumably in hopes that cutting off Maduro’s money supply would force him to exit. But as I said during our last hearing 

on this subject, I am worried about what is going to happen to the 

Venezuelan people while this strategy plays out or does not. 

The New York Times ran a story earlier this month on this very 

question, and I think the headline said it all: ‘‘U.S. Sanctions Are 

Aimed at Venezuela’s Oil. Its Citizens May Suffer First.’’ 

So, my question is, could these particular sanctions worsen the 

humanitarian crisis that has already gotten so bad in Venezuela? 

And either, I am interested in either of your answers. 

Ms. ESCOBARI. Yes, I think the strategy is one to be able to 

starve Maduro of his ability to continue to maintain himself in 

power. And that cannot happen without an equally robust strategy 

on the humanitarian side. And these are the orders of magnitude 

that we should be talking about. 

Mr. RENDON. Yes, in a way it is going to limit Maduro to keep 

importing food and other products. It is the only way the Venezuelan people are getting fed, by imports. So, Maduro is no longer 

going to be able to import as much as people are needing. 

Mr. LEVIN. So we are sort of playing a game of chicken with him 

where we, at the risk of the people starving? 

Mr. RENDON. I think the key part here, again to the point of 

Guido’s government, is to make sure that he has the power to keep, 

and the National Assembly to import now. And if we are now recognizing Guaido as the only legitimate president, we need to give 

him that power. And I think providing humanitarian aid is the 

first step. We should be trying to keep pushing humanitarian aid, 

not only to the Colombian border but to every, every single border 

in the country. 
56 

And we only tried once. Let’s keep trying, let’s keep trying because, again, Venezuelans are starving. So I think that is the—— 

Mr. LEVIN. Do you think it is fair to say that we politicized humanitarian aid in this situation, that the U.S. is saying, well, this 

is the government over here and they, and given the long history 

of the Yanqui intervention in the hemisphere in many countries, 

overthrowing democratic governments, that it is problematic for 

us—— 

Mr. RENDON. Yes. 

Mr. LEVIN [continuing]. To be playing the role, even the, you 

know, a good strategy in, you know, in other circumstances? 

Mr. RENDON. I will argue because of the National Assembly and 

President Guaido himself requested aid, and also this was a multilateral approach. No, it is not about the U.S. sending aid, it is 

about Canada, Colombia, Argentina, Chile, Peru, Ecuador, and 

even Uruguay sending medical supplies, the European Union, following the National Assembly and Guido’s request for aid. 

And on top of that the one politicizing, using food as a weapon 

here is Maduro. He has been doing this for years. So when I see 

Saturday’s event I do not think aid’s being politicized, I think it is 

following, again, the only constitutional route that we have today 

to support the Venezuelan people. And I think we should be continuing that path. 

Yes, there is room for improvement. I think the execution of Saturday’s humanitarian aid can be improved in many ways. We only 

saw that happening in three points, crossing points in that border. 

That is a border that has 250 unofficial crossing points. So, if we 

want to—— 

Mr. LEVIN. Unofficial or? 

Mr. RENDON. Unofficial. 

Mr. LEVIN. OK. 

Mr. RENDON. Called trochas, which are, you know, your regular 

path where people—which, by the way, 50 percent of the people 

crossing the border are using those unofficial paths. So, if we want 

to really send humanitarian aid we can, we need to find those ways 

and we need to keep continuing that pursuit following the National 

Assembly request and President Guido’s request. 

Mr. LEVIN. Thank you. I really, I really appreciate that. 

I mean, Mr. Chairman, I do not say any of this to support, you 

know, the Maduro regime one iota. I just worry about finding the 

most effective way forward given, you know, given our country’s 

history, and whether us playing such a prominent role and, of 

course, threatening force is the most effective way. 

I yield back. Thank you. 

Mr. SIRES. Thank you, Congressman. 

Congressman Dean Phillips. 

Mr. PHILLIPS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

We spend a lot of time talking about what we should do, perhaps 

not enough time listening to what people want or need. I would 

welcome both of your perspectives, to the extent that you can share 

them, about what both the National Assembly, members of the Assembly, specifically independent of aid, because when you are hungry and in need it does not matter where it comes from, independent of that what would the National Assembly if they were 
57 

here, as many as possible in front of us, what would they want 

from us right now? And what would the people of Venezuela, those 

that remain in country, what would they be asking us for right now 

if we could listen to them? 

Mr. RENDON. I think the National Assembly has a clear priority 

right now which is the same as President Guaido, stopping usurpation, Maduro’s usurpation of power is priority No. 1. 

Second, letting Guaido set up—— 

Mr. PHILLIPS. May I interrupt you? And how? 

Mr. RENDON. Yes. I think going back to the points we have discussed, humanitarian aid is one, but also supporting the amnesty 

law that the National Assembly passed. I am sure they will be asking the U.S. to support that amnesty law in ways that can be legal; 

right? I am not supporting a violation against international law 

and human rights. But there is room to support this law that is 

kind of the only bridge that many military members have to get 

out of their situation; right? 

So, that would be another. 

I think the day after scenario is a crucial issue that the National 

Assembly has been trying to put effort and energy on that. I think 

that would be in our request. They would be asking the U.S. and 

the international community to keep in mind that the day after 

they are going to be, the role of the U.S. and the international community is going to be crucial from economic, financial, security, social, institutional point of view. Everything needs to be done in 

Venezuela. It is going to be a blank sheet. It is a completely destroyed country. 

And the only institution able, legitimate to pursue that route, is 

the National Assembly. But they cannot do it alone. They need the 

support of the U.S. and other countries. So that would be I am sure 

another, another request that they would be asking if they were 

here. 

And among many other priorities, right, and going back to the 

bank accounts and the assets, and they need to operate as a government. They cannot do it right now because Maduro is limiting 

them financially and economically. So they will be probably asking 

the U.S., hey, we need, we need access to bank accounts and to assets so we can operate as a government. 

Mr. PHILLIPS. Thank you. 

Ms. Escobari? 

Ms. ESCOBARI. I mean, I think to just reiterate, the situation is 

unbearable on the ground for most Venezuelans. And I think we 

have shared a lot of numbers. But these numbers do not reveal the 

sense of powerlessness of not having a voice to democratically 

choose another path. 

And I think there is an incredible momentum around the world. 

Venezuelans want to know that we have their back and that we 

will not forget them, and that we will push as hard as we can as 

they see an opening right now. 

Mr. PHILLIPS. So it is fair to say that the people of Venezuela 

want us to play a role in both promoting a transition and in, of 

course very importantly, rebuilding the Nation. And my question 

was more to the sentiment right now of the—— 

Ms. ESCOBARI. Absolutely. 
58 

Mr. PHILLIPS [continuing]. Venezuelan people vis-a-vis the 

United States of America and what role they want us to play. 

Ms. ESCOBARI. Absolutely. And this is why I think they continue 

to go to the streets even though this country has been battered in 

this way. 

Mr. PHILLIPS. OK. Thank you very much. I yield back. 

Mr. SIRES. Thank you. I thank the witnesses and all members for 

being here today. 

With that, the committee is adjourned. Thank you. 

[Whereupon, at 4:18 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.] 
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APPENDIX 
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ADDITIONAL MATERIALS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD 
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RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD 
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