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OCS Study

MMS 2000-016

Report on the 1999 Minerals Management.

Service Social and Economic Studies

,Conference

u.S. Department of the Interior

.Minerals Management Service

Environmental Stvdies Program

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OCS Study

MMS 2000-016

Report on the 1999 Minerals Management

Service Social and Economic Studies

Conference

Prepared for:

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Environmental Studies Program

381 Elden Street

Herndon, Virginia 20170-4817

Prepared by:

LTG Associates, Inc.

6930 CaITolI Avenue, Suite 410

Takoma Park, Maryland 20912

and

875 E. Canal Drive, Suite 1

Turlock, California 95380

Published by: .

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Environmental Studies Program

381 Elden Street

Herndon, V.irginia 20170-4817

March 2000

i
DiSCLAIMER

This report was prepared under contract between the Minerals Management.

Service (MMS) and LTG Associates, Ind. This report has been technically

reviewed by the MMS, and it has been approved for publication. Approval does

not signify that the contents necessarily reflect the views and policies of the

MMS, nor does mention of trade names or commercial products constitute

endorsement or recommendation for use. It is, however, exempt from review and

compliance with the MMS editorial standards. '

REPORT AVAILABIUTY

Extra copies of this report may be obtainedfrom:

Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Environmental StuCJies Program

381 Elden Street

Herndon, Virginia 20170-4817

CITATION

LTG Associates, Inc. 2000. Report on the 1999 Minerals Management Service

Social and Economic Studies Conference. OCS Study MMS 2000-016.

Department of the Interior Minerals Management Service, Environmental Studies

Program,381 Elden Street, Herndon, Virginia 20170-4817..

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IDENTIFYING ISSUES 11

SUMMARY OF CONFERENCE FINDINGS 6

INTRODUCTION , · 1

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Table Of Contents

The Minerals Management Service Mandate 3

The Conference Process \..: 5

Issues Synopsis : 6

Alaska Region 6

Gulf of Mexico Region :;; 7

Pacific Region .- 8

Observations ofthe Scientific Committee 9

.Alaska Region , : 12

Background 12

Issues 12

Major Issue: Understanding Dimensions ofImpact

Assessment ; 12

Major Issue: Monitoring Key Indicators 15

Major Issue: Understanding and Using

Traditional Knowledge 18

Major Issue: Understanding and Facilitating Stakeholder

Participation ~' 20

Gulf of Mexico Region 22

Background 22

Issues 22

Major Issue: Understanding Oil and Gas Industry

Restructuring ;..22

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Major Issue: Understanding the Oil and Gas IndL!stry

In Relation to Local Communities .~ 24

Major Issue: Making the Most ofData and Methods 26

Pacific Region " 27

Background 27

Issues 27

Major Issue: Synthesizing Research Results 27

Major Issue: Encouraging Cross-Disciplinary

Research ; 28

Major Issue: Understanding Decommissioning ; 29

Major Issue: Understanding Perceptions of Risk

Among Activists and the General Public 30

Major Issue: Understanding Traditional Knowledge .,:........ 30

- Major Issue: Understanding the Role ofthe Ocean

In Everyday Ufe/The "Coastal Connection" 31

Major Issue: Understanding Recreation and

Tourism 31

Major Issue: Using GIS in Socioeconomic

Research · 33

APPENDICES

Appendix A: Papers and Presentations from the First Day of th~

Conference ; 35

Office of Management and BUdget Paperwork Reduction

Act Procedures (JoAnn Lauterbach) : 35

Community Impacts: Adding Value to Analysis and

Management (Mark Shrimptonand Keith Storey) ..: .40

Oil and the California Mix (Harvey Molotch) ; 50

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Theoretical Trends in Environmental Sociology: Implications

for Resource Management in the Modern World

(Steve Picou) 95

Traditional Knowledge (Glenn W. Sheehan and Richard

Glenn) 110

Appendix B: Regional Background 125

Appendix C: "Applied Social Sciences in MMS: A Framework

for Decision Making" 153

Appendix D: Conference Particip~nts 187

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Report on the 1999 Minerals Management

Service Social and EconQmic Studies

Conference

INTRODUCTION

From August 24 through August 26, 1999, nearly 60 social scientists and

personnel of the Minerals Management Service (MMS) Environmental Studies

Program (ESP) gathered in Park City, Utah, to discuss the program's agenda for

socioeconomic research. Their task was to ·review past and ongoing research

and identify the i~sues that, in their view, were most pressing. As Larry Roberts,

Chief of the. MMS Environmental Studies Program, pointed out in his opening

remarks, in terms of the quantity of research funded, the program has tripled in

size in the past ten to twelve years. While one cannot predict the levels of

funding the program will receive in years to·come, he doubted that the need for a

strong socioeconomic studies effort was likely to diminish. Roberts reinforcedthis

point by observing that r!3search indicate~ that outer continental shelf (OCS) oil

and gas development has much greater long-term. impact in the social and

economic sphere than in the~biological sphere. The socioeconomic:: component of

the ESP has grown along with the rest of the program. The burgeoning of this

research effort and the importance of the issues it addresses, Roberts said,

made timely a gathering of minds to review its focus and direction.

In his opening remarks, Roberts called for an open and candid discussion among

the MMS personnel, research contractors and academic social scientists present.

He noted that while the studies program has limited funds, conference

participants should not let that constrain their dialog or limit their suggestions for

useful avenues of research. They should remember, however, that the program

does not fund basic research but must confine itself to studies relevant to

decisions regarding lease sales and permits for oil and gas development

activities.

Roberts posed several broad questions for conference participants to keep in

mind:

+ Is the studies program properly focused?

+ Is it doing relevant research?

+ . Is it making the most of opportunities to conduct studies that have

applications to more than one of the program's three geographic regions?

+, Is it making the most of opportunities to leverage funding by collaborating

, with academic and business organizations?

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. Report on the 1999 Minerals Management Service Social and Economic Studies Conference
Roberts also stressed the importance of mitigating the social and economic

. impacts of oil and gas development and the need to clarify the responsibilities of

the MMS in this regard. He asked conference participants to devote some of their

energy to considering what is known about how to mitigate social and. economic

impacts.

Rodney Cluck, Environmental Studies Program Social Scientist, in his opening

remarks, seconded Roberts' call for seeking common research interests among

the regions, whether conceptual or methodological. He also noted the importance

. of linking macro-level issues, such as industry trends or public policy shifts, with

micro-level concerns, such as the social constructions of reality and values that

inform and affect life in communities.

The conference owed much of its success to the variety of perspectives

represented. Research contractors and university faculty mixed with MMS

personnel from across the country, and ~ocial scientists with a wide variety of

specialties brought their perspectives to bear on MMS research activities. The

result was rich and lively discussion in which conference participants raised -

dozens of socioeconomic issues for the further attention of the ESP. The

conference was not intended, however, to produce a comprehensive list of topicS

for socioeconomic research or a definitive description of the socioeconomic

component of the ESP. Rather, it contributes the perspectives of the distinctive

group assembled in Park City to the larger process of planning the ESP's

research agenda and developing its National Strategic Plan. (The latter, which is

updated annually, identifies ESP programmatic directions for the coming two to

four years. The planning process includes preparing Annual Studies Plans

(ASPs) in each region. In preparing their ASPs, the regions solicit ideas for

studies not only from within the MMS but also from a broad range of interested

parties outside the agency, including non-profit organizations, private sector

groups, environmental activists, scientific experts and state and local government

entities.)

To provide essential background for considering the results of conference

discussions, the report begins with a description of the legal mandate for MMS

environmental, including socioeconomic research and a description of the

activities of the conference. The next section summarizes the outcomes of the

conference proceedings, providing a synopsis of the issues identified, and a

summary of observations on the proceedings offered by two members of the

Environmental Studies Program's Scientific Committee. The following section

presents more detailed descriptions of the issues identified by .conference

participants; this section constitutes the bulk of the report. .

Appendices contain written versions of the presentations made on the first day of

the conference (Appendix A), background descriptions of the MMS

socioeconomic studies effort in each of its three geographic regions (Appendix

B), the text of an MMS document outlining the nature and purpose of applied

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social science in the MMS (Appendix C) and a list of conference participants with -

contact information (Appendix D).

The Minerals Management Service Mandate

A 1999 MMS document, "Applied Social Science in MMS: A Framework for

Decision-Making," describes the agency's mandate concisely. The following is

adapted from that statement.

The Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act as amended in '1978 (OCSLAA) and the

National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA) provide the agency's primary

mandate. Providing the information needed for balanced decision-making is an

objective of both laws. Both direct the MM5.!o study the human environment and

both include guidance on agency social and economic information needs.

Section 18 of the OCSLAA, the foundation for Department of the Interior OCS

activities, mandates that management of the OCS shall consider the "economic,

social, and environmental values of the renewable and nonrenewable resources

contained in the Outer Continental Shelf, and the potential impact of oil and gas

exploration on other resource values of the marine, coastal, and human

environmenfs" (43 USC 1344). It defines the "human environment" to include

"the physical, social, and economic components, conditions, and factors which

interactively determine the state,condition, and quality of living conditions,

employment, and health of those affected, directly or indireqlly, by activities

occurring on the Outer Continental Shelf..."(43 USC 1333).

NEPA requires Federal agencies engaged in significant land actions to assess

impacts, inclUding impacts on the human environment. NEPA also describes how

agencies should conduct scoping (40CFR 1501.7), invite public comments (40

CFR 1503.1), respond to comments (40 CFR 1501.,4), and conduct public

involvement (40 CFR 1506.6). The Council on Environmental Quality's (CEQ)

Regulations for Implementing the Procedural Provisions of the National

,Environmental Policy Act (40 CFR 1500-1508) state that the "human

environment" is to be "interpreted comprehensively" to include "the natural and

physical environment and the relationship of people with that environmenf' (40

CFR 1508.14). An action's "aesthetic, historic, cultural, economic, social, .or

'health" effects must be assessed, "whether direct, indirect, or cumulative" (40

CFR 1508.8). CEQ regulations state that when "economic or social and natural

or physical environmental effects are interrelated, the EIS (Environmental Impact

Statement) will discuss all of these effects on the human environment" (40 CFR

1508.14). EISs enable federal decision-makers to consider the positive, negative,

intended, arid unintended consequences of potential courses cif action before

they proceed.

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The _MMS prepares a National Strategic Plan which sets the framework for the

national Environmental Studies Program (ESP) planning process. The national

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ESP in turn sets the framework for the development of regional Annual Studies

Plans (ASPs). (Public involvement is an important part of the ASP preparation

process. For example, see Appendix B for a description of how the Alaska

Region implements public involvement in preparing its ASP). Within the MMS,

the ESP conducts research on all dimensions of the human environment -

physical, biological and socioeconomic - as broadly' defined by the OCSlAA and

NEPA. The "Environmental Studies Program National Strategic Plan, 1998-2002"

states:

The ESP Strategic Plan addresses a wide variety of environmental

concerns and issues on a national scale by identifying emerging and

ongoing program areas. It com plements and builds upon broader strategic

plans that set Agency-wide policies, and directions. Within these broad

issues or themes, multi-disciplined studies will be developed, as budget

allocations allow.

The socioeconomic studies component of the program:

• Provides information essential to understanding the consequences of

OCS-related activities for the populations, economies and social and

cultural systems in areas where the. activities occur;

• Supports the MMS's planning and management processes; and

• Provides information essential for effective interaction'; with the public

about the effects of OCS activities.

The conference proceedings documented in this report will provide input to the

national ESP and ASP planning processes and do not imply a separate process. ,

Federally approved Coastal'Zone Management programs of coastal states have

increased the importance of social and economic information to successful OCS

program implementation. A variety of legislation also has a bearing on MMS

responsibilities. The Endangered Species Act requires agencies to give special

consideration to certain environmental and user-conflict issues. In the Alaska

Region, the Alaska Native Claims Settlemeht Act as amended in 1988 requires

the MMS to give customary and traditional subsistence uses special

considerations. The recently enacted Environmental Justice Act mandates

examination of the effects of proposed actions on low income and minority

communities and groups. Other examples of applicable laws include the Marine

Mammal Protection Act, Clean Water Act, ,Clean Air Act, and Alaska National

Interest Lands Conservation Act.

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The Conference Process

On the first day of the conference, social scientists from each of the three regions

(Jim Lima, Pacific Region; Michael Baffrey and Tim Holder, Alaska Region; Harry

Lutqn and Claudia Rogers, Gulf of Mexico Region) gave presentations to a

plenary session in which they described the studies programs in their regions

and previewed some of the issues they hoped to address in smaller working

sessions the following day. In addition, social scientists from outside the agency

made presentations on both theoretical and applied work on topics of interest to

the'MMS socioeconomic studies program. Harvey Molotch (University of

California, Santa Barbara) spoke on "Oil and the California Mix", describing the

findings of a comparative study of the influence of oil development in three

coastal California counties. His research illustrated how, while the volume and

pace of oil extraction were similar, differences in local institutions in the three

counties led to strikingly different consequences that, in turn, accentuated localsocial, political and economic differences. He emphasized the role local

community organizations had played in this process. Steve Picou (University of

South Alabama) delivered a presentation entitled· "Theoretical Trends in

Environmental Sociology: Implications for Resource Management in the Modern

World." Recent theoretiCal understanding, Picou argued, supports resource

management strategies that are more fJexible, participatory and democratic.

Such strategies should: (1) take account of "culturally-based knowledge systems"

in risk assessment studies; (2) cultivate "new combinations of government,

corporate and voluntary organizations in the policy sector;" (3) "recognize the

uncertainty of science in the public construction of risk;" and,' (4) "reconstrucf'

trust in relationships between resource managers and the public.

Mark Shrimpton (Community Resource Services, Ltd.) and Keith Story

(University of Newfoundland) spoke on "Community Impacts:. Adding Value to

Analysis and Management", questioning the emphasis social impact research

and management often place on comparative studies and impact prediction.

Planning regarding impacts, they held, often fails to appreciate the many

differences among communities and the impact of differences in the kind or

phase of oil and gas development in question. They also emphasized what they

regarded as the unavoidable inaccuracy of importance predictions. While it is

necessary to specify impact management objectives, they argued, the inherent

uncertainty involved makes it imperative to build great flexibility into management

plans. Glenn Sheehan (Ukpeagvaik Inupiat Corporation) called his presentation

"'Hearing' the People of a Subsistence Culture: Traditional Knowledge and

Environmental Impacts on the North Slope." Western science, he observed, often

has discounted Native Alaskan's knowledge of their environment, even though its

efficacy has been apparent in the ability to survive in a harsh environment.

Sheehan emphasized that Natiye Alaskan traditional knowledge was not static.

RathE;lr, it was a living body of knowledge, constantly tested and refined. The

scientific utility of such knowledge and its centrality in change brought on by oil

and .gas development, as well as simple justice, he argued, dictate that we listen

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more closely. For the benefit of both ?gency personnel and non-agency

researchers, the MMS liaison with the Office of Management and Budget (OMB),

JoAnn lauterbach, addressed the plenary session on the process of obtaining

OMB approval for proposed research using 'survey methods. (Written versions of

these presentations appear in Appendix A.)

The second day of the conference was devoted to concurrent small-group

discussions. While a systematic review of the accomplishments of the studies

program was not possible, session participants drew on their varied and

extensive experience with OeS-related socioeconomic issues and MMSsponsored research to consider the challenges the program. faces, discuss

issues posed by the session leaders and identify topics for the program's

attention. The small-group session leaders summarized the results of these

discussions for the plenary session on the third and final day of the conference

and members of the program's Scientific Committee in attendance presented

their own recommendations on the course of the studies program in light of the

preceding days' deliberations.

SUMMARY OF CONFERENCE FINDINGS

Issues Synopsis

In small group discussions of each of the three MMS regions, participants

identified major issues and a variety of subsidiary or component issues. They

are presented in this section by region.

Alaska Region

Participants elaborated on several issues concerning Understanding

Dimensions of Impact Assessment. They noted the importance of the ripple

effects of oil and gas development projects beyond their immediate vicinities. A

related issue of concern was the importance qf choosing a geographic unit of

observation of appropriate scale when assessing impacts on subsistence

resources, particularly in the case of mobile resources such as caribou or fish.

They discussed at length the methodological difficulties of assessing the

cumulative effects of oil and gas development and of distinguishing the effects of

such development from other processes of socioeconomic change. Monitoring

Key Indicators of socioeconomic change was also a focus of attention.

Participants discussed the complexities of seleCting variables to monitor and the

specific issue of monitoring the effects! of cash income on subsistence

production. It was asked, once a change is measured, how does one evaluate

that change? And, how can more be done to" engage local communities in all

phases of the research process, including addressing complex issues of

evaluation?

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One aspect of local involvement, Understanding and Using Traditional

Knowledge, received considerable attention.1 After extensive discussion of how

best to define traditional knowledge, participants spoke of methodological and

ethical dimensions of collecting it, ways ofl involving local communities in its

collection and the need to develop protocolsi for working with it. Understanding

and applying the evaluative dimension of traqitional knowledge also was of great

interest to participants. The question of involving local communities in collecting

and using traditional knowledge touched on Ithe larger issue of Understanding

and Facilitating Participation in all aspects of MMS activity. Despite

considerable MMS efforts to increase local jcommunity participation and some

significant success, local involvement remains problematic. Issues involved

include the difficulty of collaboration where there are stark differences in power

among the potential collaborators, the fach that stakeholders' interests are I

diverse and changing and the complexities rassessing claims to stakeholder

status. - -

Gulf of Mexico Region

Understanding Oil and Gas Industry Re~tructuring- ~as a major concern

among participants in discussions of the ,?ul,f of Mexico Region. Many felt that

lack of a definition of the industry that <haptured its complexity hampered

consideration of restructuring, as did lack bf a thorough understanding of all

dimensions of restructuring itself. Particip~nts also recommf3nded efforts to

understand how members of the oil and g~s industry themselves understand

restructuring, how restructuring affects corp6rate cultures and how researchers

can distinguish the effects of restructuring fro~ other trends.

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Discussion of Understanding the Oil and Gas Industry in Relation to Local

Communities paid special attention to w~at could be done to understand

communities in the Eastern Gulf that will be affected by upcoming lease

activities, but many issues of wider rel~vance also were raised. Are

socioeconomic studies in the Gulf paying Isufficient attention to the role of

communities in shaping their own futur~s? How best can researchers

understand local perceptions of oil and gas development? How can stakeholder

participation be improved? What are th~ effects of restructuring on local

, communities? How are oil and gas royalties collected and do they benefit the

communities experiencing the social and Ieconomic stress of oil and gas

development? I

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Interest in Making. the Most of Data and Methods centered on the need to

assess and integrate existing databases antl models. Many participants were

especially interested in making better use 6f Geographic Information Systems

(GIS),. which, among other things, offer one Way to integrate otherwjse disparate

data. r In contracting new studies, some argued, researchers should be

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encouraged to use methods. and gather data that build on work that has gone

before. . .

·Pacific Region

Participants in discussions of the Pacific Region asked what has been learned

from socioeconomic studies in the region Ito date and recommended a larger

effort at Synthesizing Research Results. This, it was suggested" should

embrace not only research conducted in the United States, but also elsewhere in

the world. A simi1ar outward-looking impulse was manifest in strong support for

Encouraging Cross-Disciplinary Research that brings together not only

diverse social sciences but also social scientists and natural scientists.

Understanding Decommissioning of offshore rigs is an issue of great interest

in the Pacific Region. Conference participants pointed out that too little is known

about the factors influencing iridustry decommissioning decisions. And, while

finding alternative uses for decommissioned rigs is a popular idea, the real value

of this strategy requires further inquiry.

Pointing out that activist groups often dominate public participation in MMS

decision-making processes, some participants called for further efforts at

Understanding Perceptions of Risk among Activists and the General

Public. And, as in discussions of the' Alaska Region, participants raised I

questions concerning Understanding Traditional Knowledge. Just what is it

and how can it be applied to MMS goals? '

MMS personnel in the Pacific Region are closely attuned to uses of the ocean'

other than subsistence production and mineral extraction. Hence; particilPants

suggested the importance of understanding the ocean's intangible contribution to

life on the Pacific coast (Understanding the Role of the Ocean in Everyday

Life), including its contributions to sense of place, the aesthetic environment and

casual recreation. Understanding Recreation and Tourism as an economic

sector was also high on the list of Pacific Region priorities. Topics of particular

interest included understanding tourist perceptions of offshore oil and gas

industry activity, understanding how perceptions of risk are related to the visibility

of oil and gas industry structures, and assessing more accurately tourism's

contribution to local economies.

Finally, as in other regions, those working in the Pacific Region expressed active

interest in Using GIS in Socioeconomic Research. Some qualifications

regarding this powerful research tool, however, also were noted. (See full

discussion of Pacific Region issues.)

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Observations of the Scientific Committee

Social scientists constitute one subcommittee· of -the agency's Scientific

Committee. Physical oceanographers and biologists comprise the others. In the

closing session of the conference, two members of the social science

subcommittee (Lee Huskey of the University of Alaska and Joanna Endter-Wada

of Utah State University) Offered their observations on the MMS socioeconomic

studies effort and the conference proceedings. Having served on the committee

_since the early nineties, they noted that higher-level agency support for

socioeconomic research had increased considerably during the decade. They

also commended the socioeconomic studies effort for its responsiveness to fluid

circumstances and external counsel, including changes in the oil and gas

industry, shifting political scenes in the regions, the -1992 recommendations of

the National Research Council and --- -the Scientific Committee's own

recommendations. Their observations are as follows. (Some points raised by

other participants in response to their observations are also included.)

1. It is important that the regions take stock of the results of research already

completed and the information expected from research currently underway.

Given the number of studies conducted al1d the time that often elapses between

contracting and completing many studies, careful stock taking would help the

regions see how studies are linked in an overall research agenda and help

ensure that new studies contribute to that agenda and do not duplicate previous

work. Conducting such an exercise would also create a formal institutional

memory extremely valuable to new agency personnel. (Some participants

suggested that there was also a need to disseminate the results of current

studies more eft:ectively within the agency. Larry Roberts noted, in that regard,

that the agency's spread sheet for tracking studies was accessible on line and

that difficulties with the system of on-line -access to reports were being

addressed. Rodney Cluck stated his intention of using the web site created for

the conference to publicize the results of new studies and Jim Lima advised

agency staff to remember-to check the web sites of the regional programs.)

2. The distinction between baseline and impact studies may be a false one.

The long history and extensive cumulative effects of oil development in the

regions make it difficult to distinguish between baseline conditions and the effects

of single projects or to disentangle the effects of single projects from the effects

of the larger trajectory of oil development. NEPA requires analysis of projects in

terms of baselines and impacts. It may be more important however, to

understand how oil development as a whole has infused the regions and how this

changes over time. .

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3. Efforts to increase efficiency in socioeconomic studies by coordinating

research should be tempered by recognition of differences among the regions.

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The regions do deal with some common methodological questions and common

issues. Their distinctiveness, however, must be tal<eninto account. Differences

among the regions lie not only in differences among local contexts, but in the

phases and levels of oil industry development. There is already a great deal of

informal inter-regional cooperation in research planning and design, which is

commendable. But efforts to expand collaboration and coordination should not

lose sight of the diversity that results from the articulation of oil development lin its

various phases with widely varying social contexts.

4. The changing nature ofthe oil industry is a very important issue.

Such industry changes as corporate mergers are among the causes of

movement into deep-water operations -and decommissioning of older

installations. Changes in the industry are affecting its operations in all the regions

as well as internationally.

5. The agency should give more attention to mitigation strategies.

Resource owners and resource agencies have created a vast array of inventive,

new ways to deal with problems stirred by resource development. There was little

discussion of mitigation at the conference, but it is an issue that deserves

attention. Infrastructure improvements, revenue sharing and local community

impact assistance are among the dimensions of mitigation requiring

consideration. (One participant cautioned that in discussing mitigation it was too

easy to neglect the beneficial effects of oil development. It might be better, it was

suggested, to think in terms of optimizing the effects of oil development, that is,

enhancing the benefits and minimizing the negative effects. It was also pointed

out that mitigation issues may vary considerably from place to place because of

differences in what is required by state law and differences in state or local

institutional and political cultures.) !.

6. The agency needs to think about research that will help it prepare to deal with

the opening of areas currently under moratoria.

In all three regions, some areas have been closed to lease sales. While the

agency cannot predict when or if Congress and:the President may end particular

moratoria, it should make some preparatio'1. Both the Policy Committee and the

full Scientific Committee have expressed concern with this question.

7. The studies program should give more attention to research on the question of

monitoring.

(Huskey and Endter-Wada did not elaborate on this point. The discussion of

"Monitoring Key Indicators" in the Alaska Region that took place on the second

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day of the conference, however, gives an indication of the range and complexity

of the research issues involved.) ,

8. There' should be more methodological and conceptual sharing, not only

between the regions but also with other Federal agencies and in larger

professional arenas.

People outside the agency and outside the Federal government are grappling

with many of the same issues with which the MMS contends. It may be useful,

for example, for MMS personnel to attend the meetings of such organizations as

the International Association for Impact Assessment. Similarly, in a discussion on

tourism in the Pacific Region, it came to light that Nevada has sponsored

extensive research on the effects on tourism of a high-level nuclear waste.

repository. The Pacific Region staff intend. to pursue this lead, b~t it would be

useful to seek such connections and resources more systematically. Participants

noted the importance of learning from professional colleagues outside the U.S..

and suggested the need to cultivate international networks more systematically.

Industry restructuring, for example, is -an issue of international interest. Greater

participation in both international professional meetings and oil industry

conferences was recommended. .

9. The agency should be careful not to become captive to its research tools.

Both old, familiar tools, such as .input-output analysis or the IMPLAN model, and

new tools and approaches, such as GIS and the study and use of traditional

knowledge, are attractive and useful. But they should not leaq the research

agenda. The issues themselves and basic questions of good research design

should be the primary considerations.

10. A means of continuing dialog between and among the socioeconomic studies

staff and the Scientific Committee would be useful.

The conference itself has been very useful, and it will stir much additional

thinking that should be shared. The exchange of ideas, references and

information about conferences on a regular basis would help enhance the value

of events like this conference.

IDENTIFYING ISSUES

The presentations on the first day of the conference set the stage for the second

day's small-group discussions in which conference participants focused on

identifying and defining issues for the further attention of ESP' socioeconomic

studies. Three sets of concurrent sessions were held. In the morning, Jim Lima

led a .discussion of Pacific regional issues, Michael Baffrey and Tim Holder led a

discussion of issues from the' Alaska Region, and Harry Luton and Claudia

Rogers led a discussion of issues from the Gulf of Mexico Region; In the first part

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of the afternoon, session leaders led discussions of issues of cross-regional t

significance identified in advance of the cqnference. Lima's session discussed

recreation and tourism, the Baffrey and I';iolder- session discussed traditional

knowledge (with the assistance of Glenn Sheehan), and the Luton and Rogers

session discussed the changing nature of the petroleum industry. The third and

final period of the day was devoted to: issues flowing from the morning's

discussion. Lima led a discussion of the use of Geographic Information Systems - I

(GIS) in research, Baffreyand Holder led a discussion of approaches to studying

cumulative impacts, and Luton and Rogers!led a discussion of issues raised by

the movement of oil and gas production int6 frontier areas in the eastern Gulf of

Mexico.

Although recreation arid tourism, traditional! knowledge and the changing nature

of the petroleum industry were identified as-cross-regional issues, the morning's

regional division of interest persisted iinto the afternoon. The discussion of

traditional knowledge focused -on Alaska; the discussion of recreation and

tourism focused on California and the discussion of industry restructuring

focused on .the Gulf of Mexico. Many issues raised in the morning's regional

sessions also resurfaced in these topical se,ssions. Hence, the summaries of th~

issues raised in these sessions are grouped with the issue summaries from the

respective regional sessions and incorporate points made throughout the day;

The sessions devoted to cumulative impacts and frontier areas also continued

discussion of themes broached earlier lin the day. For the sake of concision:

rather then presenting the issues raised in these sessions separately, they ar~ ,

treated as part of the larger, day-long discuss'ion. The issue summaries confine

themselves to the content of the conference. disCussions. Hence, some points are

elaborated more than others, questions arei raised that are not resolved "and the

links among closely related _issues are not always drawn.

Alask~ Region

Background

" t

[See Appendix B for a description ofthe characteristics ofthe Alaska Region and,

past and present MMS socioeconomic studies in the region.] ,

Issues

Major Issue: Understanding Dimensions ofhnpact Assessment

Component Issues:

Understanding Ripple Effects and Local Variation r

Several participants made the point that social and economic impact assessment

must 'be alert to the ripple effects that development projects may have far beyond

theiF immediate viGinities and local variation in impacts within geographic alf"eas~ • " t

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For example, the effect of cash and non-cash transfers well beyond the zone of

immediate project impact may be highly significant. Also, these and other

impacts may take different shapes at specific locales. Such variation can result

from differences in geographic location and/or differences in local historical and

social circumstances. With this in mind, participants agreed that it was important

to address the questions: '

• What are the programmatic effects of specific projects? (As used here,

"programmatic effects" refers to effects beyond ·the zone of immediate

project impact relevant to MMS responsibilities.)

• How can we plan development to minimize duplicative facilities and

resulting impacts?

It was pointed out that these issues were of immediate relevance to the Northstar

arid Liberty projects.

Taking Account of Scale and Hierarchical Levels

Participants pointed out that a researcher will get very different views of impacts

on subsistence resources depending on the geographic scale or scope of

observation and that fundamental impact issues may differ with scale or scope. '

This is particularly obvious in the case of mobile subsistence resources, such as

,caribou. Also, different questions arise for managing impacts as the geographic

scope of concern widens and the locus of institutional concern moves from the

local to regional and state levels. Participants expressed the view that in both

research and management, the MMS should undertake to articulate ,'different

scales and levels of concern.I '

Understanding Cumulative Impact .

Participants agreed that it was important to assess the cumulative impacts of oil

and gas development, but that this was complicated. It was noted that local

communities see a nee~ for such assessment and often perceive a single

development as the first link in a chain of development or as a new link in an

established chain. Some in the North Slope Borough would like past impacts

identified and measured before additional impacts occur. Environmental groups

also are concerned about cumulative impacts. In addition, one participant stated

that some reviewers of Environmental Impact Statements (EIS) (such as

environmental groups, the North Slope Borough and Nuiqsut and Kaktovik

villagers) say that they cannot assess them outside the larger, cumulative

context. Another participant added that lack of cumulative context was becoming

a legal weakness in EISs. Participants also pointed out that since the impacts of

particular projects do build on and interact with impacts of previous development,

better understanding of cumulative impacts would improve understanding of the

impact of new projects and might suggest needed mitigation. Study of cumulative

impacts might also make it possible to identify impact thresholds, that is, points

beyond which· additional incremental change would have clearly unacceptable

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effects (or, as one participant put it, points beyond which things could get no

worse).

r

Several participants pointed out that focusing more attention on understanding

cumulative impacts on the North Slope did not require starting from scratch. For

example, a review of existing EISs and other studies probably would provide

wealth of relevant information. Census data, which goes back to the late 19th

century, might prove useful. It also was suggested that academic, historian~

probably had examined the history of oil and gas 'development on the North

Slope. (If no such historical research has: beem conducted,it was noted, this

might be a valuable study.) A study of the oil and gas industry from 1975 to 1999

("Economic and Social Effects of the Oil Industry in Alaska, 1975 to 1995,

Volumes 1 and 2", McDowell Group) Teehnical Report 162, MMS-99-0041),

completed in 1999, might serve as a model of a similar study focused on th$

North Slope. '

I

The regulations for implementing NEPA promulgated by the Council on

Environmental Quality (40 CFR1508-8) call for assessing cumulative effects

("aesthetic, historic, cultural, economic, social or health"). Session participants

commented that NEPA does call for assessing the effects of adding an additional

project to an area already affected by existing projects. Session participan~s,

however, were interested in defining the issue more broadly, taking into account

the larger historical trajectory of oil and gas development effects and

disaggregating the effects of oil and gas development from other trends and

influences. Ideally, this would be done by employing a control entity not affected

(or minimally affected) by oil and gas development. Nuiqsut and Kaktovik have

already experienced impacts or will do: so; It was suggested that other

communities on the North Slope that had not received direct impacts could serve

as control cases. Other participants suggested that one would need to go outside

the North Slope Borough to find a control community and even there one could

not find a community unaffected by ch~nges wrought by oil revenues. Oil

revenues have affected life in virtually all parts of the state. A control community,

then, would be one that has been less affected by oil development, rather than,

one that has been unaffected. Because of differences in government policies, !

communities in the Canadian Arctic would npt serve as good control cases. '

Disaggregating Project Impacts

'It was impossible to discuss assessing c~mulative impacts without raising the

issue of how the effects of oil and gas development could be distinguished from

the effects of other processes of social and economic change. It was pointed 'Out

that even in assessing the impacts of specific projects, researchers were faced

with the same question. One participant' stated that EISs generally did not

address this issue and thus left many questions unresolved, To distinguish

project impacts from other trends it would be necessary to establish a baseline.

The t>aseline itself would describe a dynam,ic situation arid in many cases mig~t

have to be reconstructed from historical data. "

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Participants said that the oil industry itself is considering conducting its own

assessment along these lines in the interest of prote.cting itself against future

lawsuits. ,It was suggested that it might be appropriate to convene a conference

or workshop to discuss the focus and design of such research. Such a

conference might include North Slope local stakeholders, oil and gas industry

representatives and relf3vant public agencies. Some thought that it might be

preferable to give such a task to an uninvolved entity, recognizing that local

stakeholders, industry groups and public agencies could still play a role in the

. endeavor.

Major Issue: Monitoring Key Indicators

The discussion of this topic took its departure in part from consideration of a brief

outline of a study proposed in the Alaska Annual Studies Plan for FY 2000-2001

for implementation in Alaska in FY 2000-2004, "Monitoring Key Indicators of

Socioeconomic & Cultural Change of Communities on the Alaskan North Slope."

The proposed research would have the following objectives (as phrased in the

summary presented by the session leaders):

• Determine subsistence harvest patterns affected· by ongoing oil and gas

development.

• Determine whether younger Native Alaskans are hunting more or less

than elders and what impact oil and gas development has had on these

pa~erns.

• Determine how the cash component of household income affects

subsistence production.

• Assess Native Alaskans' stress from ongoing and proposed oil and gas

developments.

• Assess how oil and gas activities have affected the sharing of subsistence

resources.

• Compare results of the FY2000-2004 sampling to the Social Indicators

Study completed in 1995.

The research would sample no more then 20 variables. Alaska Region MMS staff

proposed that the monitoring system would provide a "ground truth" for assessing

the cumulative effects of oil and gas development on the culture and economy of

the North Slope. After considering the issues described below, participants

suggested that, should the MMS proceed with a monitoring program, it should

resist temptation to expand its ambitions. Instead,· the program should be

focused and limited in terms of both variables and geographic scope.

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:......... r
Component Issues:'

Selecting Variables

Participants suggested several questions they would like such a monitoring

system to address. These included: '

• The beneficial effects of money brought ,into the North Slope Borough by

oil development;

• The impact of oil and gas development on access to subsistence harvest

areas; and,

• The relationship of non-cash transfers (such as health care services) as

well as cash to subsistence activities.

Some participants raised issues concernin€j the methodology of monitoring: It

was argued strongly that the most useful monitoring:

• Is place and issue specific (for example, focusing on particular species in

a limited geographic area);

• Has specific objectives;

• Addresses a limited number of focused variables; and,

• TestS hypotheses.

One participant noted that a review of large-scale monitoring studies with many

variables conducted in Canada found that they were not useful in assessing

impacts.

Selecting variables also entails asking how much change in a particular variable

makes a difference and determining what kinds of change are both measurable

and attributable to a specific project. The latter point harkened back to the

lengthy discussion of how to disaggregate the effects of development projects

from other trends and influences.

These general methodological points a!lso stirred discussion of how to select

variables of prime importance. Suggestions included:

• Reviewing the 1995 key indicators study in search of a baseline for further

monitoring;

• Conducting a comprehensive "meta-analysis" of existing data, which

would include looking for gaps in extantdata;

• Examining previous EISs for variables that have proven particularly

sensitive to change;

• Focusing on subsistence species that are crucial, either in terms of biomass contribution to subsistence or in terms of cultural significance; and,

•. Using "objective" indicators of health status (morbidity and mortality) and

social disruption.

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Discussion of selecting variables was tempered by'the dictum that it is better to

measure afl adequate variable twice than an excellent variable once..

Understanding the Effects of Cash Income on Subsistence Production

Some participants suggested that an appropriate monitoring program might help

disentangle the complex relationship of cash income to subsistence production. It

is known ~hat an increase in cash incomes in Alaskan communities often leads to

an increase in subsistence' production, a phenomenon also observed elsewhere

in the U.S. Higher cash incomes enable people to purchase better equipment for

hunting and fishing, such as snowmobiles. The effect, however, appears to have

an income threshold. That is, above a certain level, higher' expenditures on

equipment do not lead to increases in subsistence production: a $5,000 snow'

mobile may not increase hunting success any more than a $3,500 snow mobile.

The effect varies by household as well, because households are not equally

engaged in subsistence production. It is estimated that in some areas only 10%

of households supply a community or social network with subsistence goods.

Many questions about this phenomenon remain. For example, exactly who is

increasing subsistence production? Young people? Parents? A few individuals in

a larger social network? Who is most likely to engage in the cash economy as

opportunities expand? Are there seasonal trends? How does' the phenomenon

vary across geographic areas? . J .

, Evaluating Measured Change

Participants emphasized that in designing a monitoring effort it was necessary to

ask, 'What is the value of a particular change? Is it good or badr?" It was pointed

out that dealing with interactions among variables could make this very complex.

For example, how does one evaluate an increase in cash income opportunities

that reduces time available for hunting but makes time spent hunting more

productive by financing the purchase of such equipment as snowmobiles?

Evaluating changes, some participants pointed out, also requires taking into

account the perspectives of the local communities.

-

Involving Local Communities

The entire monitoring effort, some argued, should be collaborative, involving local

people in all phases of designing and carrying out the research. How, then, to

engage local communities? Suggestions included working with existing local

organizations or, as a starting point, a single community liaison, It was also

pointed out, however, that many North Slope communities are already heavily

burdened by outside institutions, such as oil and gas industry representatives,

government agencies and researchers. Efforts are already underway to gather

some of the data proposed for an MMS monitoring study. New studies should

take care to build on existing efforts, both to avoid needless duplication and to

avoid placing an undue burden on local communities. Nuiqsut, it was reported,

had considered hiring consultants to serve as a buffer. It was also noted that a

long-term monitoring project, conducted by Norman Wells through the University

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of Saskatchewan, had ended prematurely ,because local communities carne to

feel that it was too great an imposition.

'\

Major Issue: Understanding and Using Traditional Knowledge

As indicated in the session leader's opening presentation, questions of local

involvement in research and decision,..making are of great concern to the

Regional Director and the Regional Supervisor for leasing and' Environment of

the Alaska Region. They also arose throughout discussions of such issues as

defining sustainability, conducting monitoring research and assessing its findings,

identifying key research issues and predicting potential impacts. Part of the

afternoon was allocated specifically to one aspect of local involvement,. th~

collection and use of what has come to be known as traditional knowledge or, as

many Alaska Region conference participants put it, simply TK. While it is easy to

propose TK or community collaboration as solutions to research or management

problems, session participants were keenly aware of many of the complexities

involved:

Component Issues:

Defining Traditional Knowledge

Glenn Sheehan began the afternoon's' discussion of TK by offering a definition.

Following a definition given by Wenzel in the journal Arctic, he spoke of TK as

''the accumulated body of information that may be said to form a world view...but

it is also used to refer to data, meaning uninterpreted observations, and at other

times to refer to information, that is to analyzed or interpreted data." He also

noted that Wenzel also speaks of TK as "non-Western sources of information on

environmental processes and elements." 'Weltangschauung", said Sheehan, is

"the expression of traditional knowledge." Weltangschauung is usually translated

as world view and refers to a person's or group's culturally constructed version of

reality.

Sheehan also pointed out that there are elements of TK that have to be ignored if

one is trying to compile a computer TK database, for example, the kinesthetic

dimension of teaching and learning. This, however, he did not deem critical for

the purposes of the MMS.

Another participant observed that in the environmental literature, the term

traditional knowl~dge is used to describe three kinds of phen()mena:

• Sets of facts or observations;

• Ways of knowing, learning and passing on knowledge .(knOWledge as

process); and,

• The dimension concerned with "big questions", relationships, meanings

j and explanation.

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One participant expressed concem about treating TK as made up of separable

parts, questioning whether, as a community' process, it could truly be detached

from its community base. He also observed that much TK conceming the

material world also has a spiritual dimension. Yet another participant emphasized

the similarity between TK and scientific knowledge, arguing that TK is based on

practical experience. To illustrate his point, he spoke of how his own useful

knOWledge of where to put his trash out for pickup in his neighborhood was

based on practical experience and observation.

Much of the session's discussion focused on TK as descriptive statements

("uninterpreted observations") about such aspects of the physical world as

movements of game or weather pattems. Collecting and organizing the

descriptive dimension of TK is the focus of an ongoing MMS study in the

Beaufort Sea, Chukchi Sea and Hope Basin planning areas. Sheehan pointed

out that TK as empirical- observations has proven invaluable in determining the

size of the Bowhead whale population and can be highly pertinent to preparing

EISs, designing mitigation and making other management decisions.

While other aspects ofTK might not be of such immediate relevance to the MMS,

participants pointed out that they could not be ignored. For example, different

ways of explaining observable physical phenomena can easily lead to

disagreements between local people and Western scientists and among local

people themselves. It was also suggested that differences between TK and

Western scientific observations could generate fruitful hypotheses for further

research.

Some participants argued strongly that researchers and the MMS not neglect TK

as a way of knowing. That is, they should approach TK as a dynamic and open

process of knowing rather than a static collection of observations. As such, it can

absorb as well as inform Westem scientific knowledge and its study can be a

collaborative process in which Western science and TK engage each other. One

participant illustrated the potential for engagement·between Western scientific

and traditional knowledge by describing an effort to design an intervention

program to reduce documented impacts of an oil spill for the village of Eyak.

Throughout the endeavor, the social scientists described their work to local

people in detail, introducing and explaining such social science concepts as

"intrusive stress", "avoidance behavior" and "corrosive community". The villagers

reportedly found the latter concept useful in understanding their own situation

and this new understanding informed subsequent local efforts to strengthen

community ties through traditional cultural activities, such as dance and music.

Col/ecting Traditional Knowledge

Participants made several points about the nuts-and-bolts of working with TK.

Glenn Sheehan observed that the most efficient way to obtain TK was to work

directly with current popUlations rather than trying to glean needed information

from ethnographic literature. He also noted that it was probably better to use

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contractrese'archers, rather than MMS personnel, to collect TK. It was also

asked, under what circumstances should researchers pay for TK? No definitive

answer was given. (Questions~about collecting TK also should be considered in

the light of an approach to TK as process, a~ di~cussed above.) .

Involving Local Communities .

It was argued that simply "collecting" TK t<;> use as a tool could be considere~

unethical. Both ethics and good sense called for involving local people in all.

phases of research and decision-making, including issue identification, baseline

description, description of impacts and' mitigation' planning. In this way, TK in

several dimensions is applied throughout ~he process. Such an approach also

helps address local concerns that TK will be misused. An MMS staff member

from the Alaska Region related how the simple practice of including, local

statements about environmental issues and conditions in EIS documents had

proven beneficial. Members of the local communities appreciated it and

highlighting their views helped start a dialog that affected the course of

negotiation and mitigation decisions. (This i~sue also should be considered in the

light of an approach to TK as process, as discussed above.) I

Developing Protocols for Using Traditional Knowledge

Other questions of the ethics of working with TK also were raised: How should

one deal with knowledge that is essent1ally proprietary? Can a protocol be

developed for working with such TK issues? Some participants felt that

developing such a protocol would be an extremely valuable contribution.

Using the Evaluative Dimension of Traditional Knowledge

'Although the discussion focused on TK las descriptive observations, it als6

touched on the relevance of TK to evaluating, as opposed to measuring, social

and environmental impacts. A broad definition of TK would include local concepts

of the good life, a desirable future and so on. Hence, TK can be vital in assessing

particular measured impacts or devising a locally relevant notion of sustainability'.

Similarly, in determining the focus of a social and economic indicator monitoring

program, the evaluative dimension of TK can help identify what it is important to

monitor. It was cautioned, however, that TK may not provide any easy answers

because it is likely to be shifting and contested. That is, everyone may.not agree

and what they agree upon may change. '

, ,

Major Issue: Understanding and Facilitating Stakeholder Participation

Looking to TK to help evaluate measured social 'and economic impacts raises the

issue of stakeholder participation. Not only is understanding local goals and

aspirations necessary to evaluating measured impacts, it is also the basis of

genuine collaboration in any endeavor. There was strong sentiment among a few

session participants for greater stakeholder collaboration with or partiyipation in'

carrying out MMS responsibilities in Alaska., Some session participants agreed in !

principle with the statement that "collaborative research is a way of expanding

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the nature of and participation· in discourse with stakeholders and helps to

identify stakeholder issues." It was pointed·out that in the scoping process, local

community members already help set the direction of research. Other examples

of fruitful collaboration also were given, such as -8 meeting between scientists

and local whaling captains concerning the effects of seismic disturbances on

Bowhead whales, which created lively dialog and led to proposals for several

new studies.

Component Issues:

Involving Local Communities

It was observed that participation in lease sale advisory committees is often·

ample, perhaps because they offer an opportunity to have an immediate effect on

important decisions. In cont~~st, in public hearings where immediate decisions

are not at stake, participation is often wanting. It was clear, however, that

stakeholder participation remains problematic.

Stakeholder participation in monitoring programs was proposed, but some

thought that engaging people to take part could be difficult. It also was observed

that the people of many North Slope communities sUffered from "meeting

fatigue." That is, so many oil and gas industry groups, researchers and

government agencies sought their attention that they found it disruptive. (See

discussion above on involving local communities in monitoring.) The MMS, too,

contributes to pressures on local communities and was described by one

pa-rticipant as perhaps the "most disliked and invasive" agency on the North

Slope. Yet, according to the same MMS observer, some local people alsoappreciate the agency's continued efforts to communicate, in contrast to other

federal agencies that had retreated from dialog. Nevertheless, some local people

also protest that, while the MMS purports to seek communication, the agency, in

the words of the local people, "has no ears". That is; the MMS listens but nothing

seems to come of it.

Coping with Unequal Power

The complaint that the MMS "has no ears" relates directly to an issue that arose

at several points in the day's discussion: the difficulty of fostering collaboration

and participation where one party has a great deal more power than the other.

The power differential between the federal government and a small North Slope

community is inescapable, yet there was strong agreement that it was important

to create situations and processes in which discussion, negotiation and decisionmaking took place in a context that minimized the effects of inequality. For

example, one participant described mitigation measures devised to protect

subsistence that specified that if unresolved issues arose at a. later date, the

MMS would facilitate conflict resolution between the subsistence hunters and the

oil industry. Another participant observed that, in his work· with public

participation, he had found that many local people find the NEPA process "their

[form of] participation of choice" because it was "predictable" and "accountable"

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Issues

"

and the process as a whole was ''fairly challengeable and accountable." It als6

was recommended that when stakeholder assessments of potential impact~

differed from agency assessments based on Western science, it would be best t9

err on the side of caution, that is, on the siqe of stakeholder views.

Some participants thought that Albert Hirschmann's concepts of voice and exit

(elaborated in Voice, Exit and Loyalty, 1975, and A Propensity to Seif

Subversion, 1995) helped clarify the problem of collaboration in circumstances of

unequal power. In brief, Hirschmann argues that situations of conflict or

negotiation are shaped by the parties' opportunities for voice or exit. Voice refers

to any form of expression, including both verbal dialog and non-verbal expressive ,

action. Exit refers to physically leaving the i arena or dropping out of the

interaction or confrontation. Lack of opportunities for voice can lead a party to

exit, itself a form of expression. Absence ofopportunities for either voice or exit is

the worst case possible.' The challenge to the MMS in Alaska is to create

channels for voice for local communities i.that allow that voice to have rea'i

consequences in decision-making. This is especially important because

members of Native Alaskan communities ,cannot remove themselves entirely

from the process and consequences of oil and gas development. ' I

Dealing with Diverse Local Views

It was pointed out that, in addition to coping with the impact of inequalities of

power on collaboration or participation, one often must also contend 'with

stakeholder perspectives that are diverse and changing. .

I Defining Stakeholders ,

It was noted that determining precisely who are stakeholders can b~ complicated. For example, environmental activists far distant from the North

Slope may see themselves as stakeholders with regard to the fate of publiC i

lands. !

•

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Gulf of Mexico Region

Background

I

[See Appendix B for a description of the characteristics of the Gulf of Mexicq \

Region and past and present MMS socioeconomic studies in the region} i

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Major Issue: Understanding Oil and Gas Industry Restructuring

The general issue raised was: What do we: need to know so that in three year~ we can assess what happened as a result of oil and gas restructuring?

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Component Issues:

Defining the Industry

Many participants felt that to pursue questions of restructuring, it is necessary to

define the industry in a way that captures its distinctiveness and complexity.

Major firms, independents (large and small), suppliers and the full range of

enterprises involved in exploration, development and production should be taken

into account. The variety here is enormous, ranging from food and janitorial

services to boatyards and helicopter rentals. An input/output model of the

industry might suggest a suitably complex picture.

Defining Restructuring

Many participants also agreed that a careful definition of restructuring is needed.

Restructuring goes beyond mergers and alliances to, on one hand, internal

corporate reorganization and, on the other hand, changing international

relationships. Specific aspects of restructuring include increasing asset sharing

among firms, diversification of corporate holdings, increasing contracting and

increasing internationalization of the industry. Internationalization refers not only

to individual firms operating in wider spheres but to firms of different national

origins engaging in joint ventures. Given the responsibilities of ·the MMS, the

agency ·will be most interested in dimensions of restructuring that affect the

location of factors of production, that is, the allocation of capital and the

distribution of employment. It is important to remember that restructuring affects

not only the oil industry narrowly defined but also related enterprises both

upstream and downstream. Identifying the most salient aspects of restructuring is

an important research issue.

Understanding the Industry View

It was observed that understanding how members of the oil and gas industry

themselves view restructuring is vitally important. A standard sroping method

could be employed to investigate this. Also, MMS representatives could attend

industry meetings and conferences. It was also noted that readily available

sources of information, such as annual reports, may also be useful.

Understanding Changing Corporate Cultures

Restructuring undoubtedly results in changes in corporate cultures that affect the

way corporations behave and, thus, how they affect communities. Different

corporations also have different attitudes toward relations with the communities

they affect.

Disaggregating the Effects of Restructuring

Some· participants argued that any study of oil and gas industry restructuring

should try to distinguish general business cycles and economic trends fromrestructuring itself. Similarly, studies of the effects of restructuring should try to

distinguish these from the effects of business cycles and larger economic trends.

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Major Issue: Understanding the Oil and Gas Industry in Relation to Local

Communities .

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Of particular concern were questions pertaining- to local communities in the

eastern Gulf of,Mexico that will be affected ~y upcoming lease activities. Most of

the issues raised, however, also have wider!relevance.

Component Issues:

Focusing on Communities

In comments on the accomplishments of IMMS socioeconomic studies in the

region, one participant observed that much has been learned about the effects of

oil and gas development on communities and that a synthesis of this was in

order. Important questions, however remaine'd, and called for paying special

attention to community issues. ''To what extent", it was asked, "are communities

involved in [shaping] their own-futures?" And,he. added, to what extent is th~

MMS addressing issues of community change? i . I

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Understanding Frontier Areas in the Eastern Gulfof Mexico I

It was suggested that, given the importance of the social issues surroundin~ upcoming leasing activity in the eastern Gulf, a social scientist be assigned to the

Gulf regional outlet office in Pensacola. A comparative study of waterfront uses in

Panama City and Pensacola also was suggested. This might draw on Harvey

Molotch's comparative study of three California locales, presented on the first day

of the conference (see Appendix A). Other studies conducted ;in California, on

such topics as attitudes toward the environment and political-economic aspects

of oil and gas development, might also provide models for research in th~

eastern Gulf. A comparative study of job $earch strategies in frontier oil , , , ,. " development areas and non-frontier areas also was suggested. In addition,

questions of community perceptions, stakeholder participation and risk (see I

below) all have special relevance to the situation in the eastern Gulf frontier.

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Assessing Local Perceptions of Oil and Gas: Development I , Session participants thought it very important to understand public perceptions of

oil and gas development as early as possible in the development process.,

Preparing for impending development in the eastern Gulf frontier was of '

particular interest. Content analyses of newspapers in the Florida panhandle wa~

suggested as a means of obtaining a picture of the "lay of the land", although it

was cautioned that newspaper coverage of the issues might tend to emphasize

well-organized and vocal opposition to development. Small-scale ethnographic

studies of communities, decision-making entities and interest groups relevant to

oil and gas development were suggested as a means of obtaining valuable

insights into the political and cultural climate. '. I

The tbpic of survey research on perceptions received a great deal of attentio~. Arguing that many studies of perceptions wer~ inaccurate and useless,· some

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participants called for developing instruments for measuring perceptions that

would obtain data of a high level of validity and that could be used in all regions,

providing data that were methodologically comparable. It was noted that

designing surveys that compensate for such factors as "respondent gaming" (that

is, trying to give responses that might influence policy in a desired manner) is

costly and time consuming. Government agencies, it was asserted, often do not

invest enough in ensuring the validity of instruments for measuring perceptions.

Instruments that can provide valid, methodologically comparable data across

regions are an attractive prospect. It was observed, however, that experience in

Alaska demonstrated that cultural differences in the way people respond to the

same questions may complicate things.

Participants noted that public perceptions of the risks of oil and gas development

remains a difficult issue. Many perceptions_ of the hazards, it was argued, still

seemed to be based on memories of the Santa Barbara spill in 1969, even

though scientific findings indicate that the chances of such an incident occurring

again, given advances in technology, are extremely low. It was also noted that

people did hot seem to connect their desire for ample and inexpensive petroleum

products with their fear of the risks of oil and gas development. In light of such

issues, it was argued that it was important to expand risk assessment beyond

statistical and engineering models to efforts at cultural and ethnographic

understanding. Anticipating the problems of dealing with opposition to oil and gas

development in the eastern Gulf, it was also suggested that it could be useful to

study the history of conflicts between the MMS and opposition groups in other

cases, focusing on skepticism toward scientific findings, perceptions of risk and

the successes and failures of different strategies for addressing such sources of

opposition.

Improving Stakeholder Participation

Participants agreed that efforts to establish or enhance stakeholder participation

need to begin well in advance of a project. It would also be useful to better

understand the extent of local desire for participation and whether there is any

provision for community participation in oil company decision-making. A

systematic outreach program should be considered. This could include sharing

study results in a more systematic way than is done now and using models, such

as GIS and IMPLAN, in community education. The latter would require thinking

about how to explain the complexities of the models to the lay public. Some

participants, however, thought that providing simplified but adequate

explanations of concepts such as multiplier effect was not a great obstacle.

Outreach might also include making analytic tools, such as IMPLAN and GIS,

available to stakeholder groups. This is especially pertinent given the growth of

"citizen science" with regard to environmental and social impact issues. Some

participants suggested that models that could estimate community impacts would

be of! great interest to local planners and that feedback from local planners or

stakeholder groups might even help to refine models. Others observed that such

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models would have to be specially designed and pointed out the difficulties df, doing so. Any models for use by local or regional planners would have to come in

a readily transferable format, such as Excel, and come with careful technical

documentation. The MMS would also have to provide considerable technical

support. (This observation launched a discussion of how the MMS might be abl~

to provide the personnel for an extensive outreach effort.)

Participants also raised questions abo~t providing community impact model~. One stated that aggregate data for parishes. or counties do not reflect· th$

circumstances of individual communities. Another argued that using quantitative

models at the community level was "probably a waste of time" because "you

have to have the stories". That is, qualitative data will be more useful.

Industry Restructuring and Local Communities "

There was wide agreement that it is important to understand the effects of

industry restructuring on communities and community capacity for coping with

them. In addition to shifting the allocation of capital and employment,

restructuring in the form of mergers and consolidations may mean that decisions

affecting local communities are being made in p~aces and at institutional levelsr

more and more remote from the communities. I

Tracing Revenues

How, one participant asked, are royalties collected and how are they used? It is

known that there is a great deal of variation among the states, but more

investigation is needed. This is an aspect of the larger issue of environmental

justice: Are those who experience the impacts of oil and gas development als9

receiving the benefits? . .

Maior Issue: Making the Most of Data and Methods

Discussion of this issue focused on the importance of assessing and integrating

existing databases and analytic models in orderto make them more useful and to

facilitate new research that builds on what has gone before. One participant

argued strongly that future studies should be closely scrutinized' to make sure

that, to the extent possible, they are using methodologies compatible with other

studies, making use of existing databases and generally building on and

expanding a common body of work. This said, it was also noted that the

differences among the issues confronted in the different regions meant that they

would necessarily have different kinds of studies programs. Nevertheless, the

studies program as a whole was at a point where it would be appropriate to

attempt to synthesize its findings to date. Such an exercise would make It

possible to address what were called "major integrative questions." Thes~

included, "to what extent are communities involved in [shaping] their own futures:'

and how well is the MMS addressing major issues of community change? I

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Component Issues:

Assessing Databases

Many participants agreed that the accuracy and usefulness of eXisting databases

needs to be assessed. One participant argued that the best way to do this was to

use the databases. Also, the potential for integrating existing databases should

be explored.

Assessing Models

Participants also thought that an effort should be made. to determine the

compatibility among the various economic models in use and those that have

been commissioned. Short of compatibility, ways in which they may be

comparable or complementary should be explored. Questions of modeling are

inseparable from questions of data quality., -One participant called for improving

the quality of data being collected to match the capability of the models'the MMS

uses.

Using GIS

There was great interest in making better use of GIS. For example, it was pointed

out that GIS offers a way of, integrating existing data. Several participants also

argued that it is important to use geo-coding whenever possible when gathering

new data so that they can be integrated with other data using GIS.

Designing New Studies

In contracting for new studies, it was argued, attention should .be paid to using

methodologies and gathering data that will be compatible with and build on

existing bodies of data, models and methods. Yet it is also vital to employ the full

range of social science methods in order to take advantage of their respective

strengths.

Pacific Region

Background

[See Appendix B for a description ofthe characteristics ofthe Pacific Region and

past and present MMS socioeconomic studies in the region.]

Issues

Major Issue: Synthesizing Research Results

The session devoted considerable time to identifying some of what has been

learned from MMS socioeconomic studies in the Pacific Region. It was noted that

an econometric study of the impact of the oil industry on personal income in the

tri-county area had found almost negligible effects. This prompted both efforts at

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explanation (such as observations on the relatively small share of the 10~1

economy for which the oil industry accounts) and a discussion of how MMS

socioeconomic studies have developed a more sophisticated understanding of

the nature of community impacts. That is, they have developed an appreciation

for communities as networks of social relationships rather then merely

"geopolitical centers." Hence, the impact of oil and gas development can be

disproportionate to its narrowly defined economic effects. In the Pacific Region,

the influence of oil and gas development has permeated the social fabric of many

coastal communities, even where its effects on personal income have been

comparatively small. Such a phenomenon makes qualitative as well as

quantitative research vitally important. It was also noted that, while no single

study has focused on the phenomenon, the results of a number of studies

suggest that a neglected effect of oil and gas development is often the

development in the local population of new skills that are potentially transferable

to new locales or new local enterprises. One participant also pointed out that

great deal has been learned not simply from the studies themselves but from • ' I

public responses to reports on research results and responses to the process of

conducting studies. ! '

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It was proposed that it would be beneficial to go beyond such local stock-taking

to review and synthesize the results of research on oes development impacts, , 1

not orily in all three U.S. regions but also around the world, for example, in

Newfoundland and the North Sea. What can be learned about methodology as

well as from research findings? What can be learned about how to make findings

more useful for decision-making? It was noted that such an, effort has been

suggested in previous MMS workshops, but the program was not yet ready to

review and synthesize. Perhaps, it was argued, enough research has now been

,- done to make the effort worthwhile. I

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It was observed that one could not gauge the effects of MMS socioeconomic

studies on decision-making in the region because there has been no need to

make a decision on a lease sale since the early 1980s. The results of

socioeconomic research in the region, however, have accomplished several

things, participants pointed out. They have 'deepened understanding of the

nature of socioeconomic impacts on comllJunities. Research on public opinion

has improved understanding of how the agency should conduct its role in

decision-making processes. And research has identified issues and, concerns

that the NEPA process will have to address in any future decision-making and

produced information that will be useful to decision makers.

Major Issue: Encouraging Cross-Disciplinary Research

Past research has shown that oil and gas development has significant effects on

'both commercial and recreational fishing. It was pointed out that many kinds of

factol7s (technological, ecological, social, etc.) affect the capacity of fishers t9

adapt to changing circumstances. Discussion of this issue led to strong

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statements of the need to employ "pluralistic methodologies" and to promote

cross-disciplinary research. It was also pointed out that a cross-disciplinary

approach is essential to understanding the dynamics of communities.

Participants observed that while collaboration among different kinds of social

scientists is clearly important, the greatest and most intractable disciplinary divide

is that between social scientists and natural scientists. Some government

agencies issue RFPs that give points for projects that bring together a variety of

disciplines. And the ESP already funds projects in a variety of disciplines and has

cross-disciplinary connections through the University of California at Santa

Barbara Marine Science Institute. Hence, the socioeconomic studies effort is in a

good position to promote greater cross-disciplinary collaboration.

Major Issue: Understanding Decommissioning

Component Issues:

Understanding Industry Decision-Making

It was observed that a variety of factors that influence decisions concerning when

to decommission rigs are not well understood. Larger industry trends affect

incentives for major producers to maintain production in the Pacific region and

may make it advantageous to hand over rigs to independent producers at very

low cost. Such decisions are driven not sirnply by the level of productivity of rigs

but by issues of amortization of equipment, the potential costs of

decommissioning (hence, the advantages of extending the lives of rigs in the

hands of independents) and- accounting considerations. Regulatory requirements

that affect costs are also a major issue. ,-

Understanding Alternative Uses for Rigs

Participants noted that the real value of alternative uses for decommissioned rigs

is not adequately understood. What is their value for recreational use? How does

distance from shore or from population centers affect their value as diving or

sport fishing sites? Some fishers value drilling platforms for the fish habitat they

provide, suggesting the value of removing only the upper portions of the rigs and

leaving the sub-surface structure in place. This, however, may be a hazard to

boater~. Are there other feasible non-recreational uses, such as, for example,

aquaculture?

Regarding the value of sinking platforms to provide aquatic habitat ("rigs to

reefs"), it was suggested that liability for the sunken structure is an element in the

cost-benefit equation, although (as the cost of insurance) it would be part of an

oil company's operational costs and not of direct concern to the MMS. The

biological question, one participant argued, was most fundamental. That is,

would sunken platforms actually provide biological benefits?

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Major Issue: Understanding Perceptions of 'Ri~k Among Activists and the

General Public ' I

Participants raised questions about the releVance of general public opinion to th~ "public" role in OCS decision-making. Community organizations and activist

groups, it was argued, dominate public participation in decision-making

processes. Hence, one participant noted, ~ublic meetings on OCS issues often

did not constitute general public discussion. Further, one participant argued that

MMS studies have little effect on general public opinion, which is shaped largely

by the media and activist organizations. Media coverage, it was suggested, tends

to emphasize the risks of OCS activity and clownplay evidence that risks are low,

perhaps due to the skill of activist groups in using the media. I . :

Major Issue: Understanding Traditional Knowledge

Component Issues:

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Using Traditional Knowledge I

Participants recounted several cases in whiCh local people in close touch with th~

natural environment have made useful and accurate observations on natured

events. Alaskan villagers, for example, were able to provide researchers with

information on extreme weather events that researchers themselves could not

observe.. In another instance, surfers in San ,Luis Obispo County noticed an

unusual odor in the water that was the" result of an oil spill. It was argued that

such observations would prove valuable in many kinds of research if researchers

could identify questions which traditional knowledge might help answer and those ,

who might have relevant knowledge. Also, local observations may suggest,

relevant questions or hypotheses for research to address. !

Defining Traditional Knowledge 1

• A more fundamental question than how to use traditional knowledge that arose

was, just what is it? Participants asked how traditional knowledge could be,

distinguished from "local knowledge", "someone's opinion", "someone'scause" Of . "personal experience". One participant contrasted the knowledge of the Inupiat

people of Alaska with that of Santa Barbara surfers on the groundS that the

lnupiat "have a cultural tradition" and their knowledge constitutes not just their

own personal experience but "the personal experiences of their ancestors.~'

Another asked if surfers might, indeed, pass knowledge from generation to

generation, suggesting that this would constitute a cultural tradition and, thu~,

lend their knowledge greater credibility. It' was also noted that all traditional

knowledge starts as personal experience and that traditional knowledge and local

knowledge have non-cognitive functions, among them, strengthening a sense of

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Major Issue: Understanding the Role of the Ocean in Everyday LifelThe

"Coastal Connection"

It was suggested that it is important to understand the many intangible ways in

which the ocean contributes to everyday life in coastal Pacific communities. For

example, the proximity of the ocean may help provide a "sense of place", an

intangible phenomenon that, nevertheless, may provide both civic and economic

benefits. Enjoyment of views of the ocean or brief, casual visits to the beach may

also be very important to local residents. And, as one participant noted, simply

the knowledge that one is near the ocean, whether one visits it or not, may be

valued. All such values, it was noted, may depend on the belief that the ocean is

not polluted. One participant referred to the collection of such intangible factors

as the "coastal connection" and described them as "bequeath, existence and

option values." (That is, respectively, the value of knowing the beach and ocean

will be there for future generations, the value of knowing they are currently intact

and the value of the opportunity to visit the beach and ocean, even if it is not

exercised.) Several federal agencies, it was suggested might-be interested in

research on the "coastal connection" (such as the Navy, the National Oceanic

and Atmospheric Administration and the Fish and Wildlife Service).

Major Issue: Understanding Recreation and Tourism

In both Califomia and Florida, ocean recreation and ocean-related tourism are

key issues in the oil debateand participants discussed these topics at length. In

southem Califomia, the coastal area (the coastal zone, near shore, and offshore

areas) is heavily used for oil development as well as a range of recreational,

military, and commercial activities, some compatible, others conflicting.

Placement of platforms and on-shore processing plants precludes some other

uses. Offshore to onshore pipeline construction may temporarily close beaches.

These impacts are mitigated to the extent possible. The impact of a potential oil

spill on recreation and tourism is also a major concem. The Pacific Region is

funding a study to determine the value of a beach recreation day in southem

Califomia. The stUdy will survey residents regarding beach recreation activities.

Results should be instrumental in determining the cost of a beach closing caused

by an oil spill. (It was explained that recreation and tourism are not the same

thing and have to be distinguished for purposes of research. Tourists may

engage in recreation, but all those who engage in recreation are not tourists.

Similarly, beach recreation must be distinguished from other recreation and

beach recreation itself can be divided into beach-dependent and beachenhanced recreation.)

The southem Califomia coast is heavily populated. High-quality beach area is

scarce and the demand for multiple-use beach recreation area is growing. Some

recreationists in Califomia have organized into strong, vocal, and politically active

groups. Multiple-use conflicts can become very pronounced, as evidenced in

conflict between some recreation uses and commercial fishing. Some recreation

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groups have voiced opposition to new <i>il development. Recreationists are

expected to be influential in the decommissioning process and in determining the "

fate of retired drilling platforms. It was noted that along the Florida coast, oil is

absent and beaches are abundant. The large recreation and tourist sector of the

economy will likely play an important role' in determining the future status of

exploratory and drilling leases in Florida. ',i· !

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Component Issues:

Understanding Tourist Perceptions

Some participants held that the aesthetic. impact of drilling platforms was an

important issue in coastal communities, even though discussion usually focuses

on questions of environmental risk. One participant, however, argued that th~

visibility of platforms probably had an insignlficant effect on patterns of recreation

and tourism when compared with other factors. It was pointed out that virtually no

research has been done on how tourists (and potential tourists) perceive drilling

platforms or other industry structures. What d,o they willingly overlook? What

would it take to drive them away? Thinking about the effects of platform

aesthetics on tourism and recreation, it was argued; has been based large~y on

assumptions about tourist perceptions. '. ! II . I

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Understanding the Relationships Among A~sthetic Concerns" Structure Visibility

and Perceptions ofRisk' 1

One participant noted that a survey of students at the University of. California, '

Santa Barbara found that they exhibited a' preference for placing platforms in

remote or obscure locations, where few coastal residents could see them, even

though this might mean placing structures' in relatively pristine areas. Another

participant reported that, in the mid-1980s, it had been easier to get approval for 1

development in an environmentally sensiti~e area beyond public view north of i

Point Conception than in a more visible! but less sensitive area. Sub-sea

completions (structures not visible on the surface) are another way of'removing

structures from sight, but they may entail greater pollution risks. Peoples'

assessments or awareness of the risks of what they cannot see and ,hOW they

deal with conflicts between aesthetic and environmental values are questions for

further study. It was suggested that simulation technology could be used to test i

reaction to different scenarios using methods similar to those used in, the lega',

profession in research on jury characteristicS and litigation strategies. I

Assessing the Value of Tourism to the Loca/iEconomy i

It was pointed out that research on tourism 'and recreation in the Pacific Region

has not focused on a fundamental question, that is, its contribution to ioca'i

economies. !

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Major Issue: Using GIS in Socioeconomic Research .

Discussion of the advantages and disadvantages" of GIS yielded some specific

issues for the agency's attention. Advantages noted included the following:

• GIS can bea very powerful research tool. Using layers of dissimilar

information, such as biophysical and social science data, GIS technology

can reveal patterns and anomalies that would not be apparent using other

methods.

• Layers of socioeconomic data can be used to reveal the distribution of

social groups unfettered by arbitrary demarcations, such as county lines.

• Efforts to put data in GIS format may help to improve the quality of data,

as researchers may be more conscientious if they know other researchers

may be using their data.

The following disadvantages also were noted:

• While GIS is extremely powerful, researchers should keep in mind that it is

only a tool and may be inappropriate for some applications. In the OCS

drilling regions in Alaska for example, the communities are small, so gains

from GIS research may be small as well.

• Use of GIS does not ensure that findings will be useful. Compiling good

socioeconomic data still requires asking good questions.

• In socioeconomic research, collecting confidential. data requires

aggregating data, thereby limiting its precision and its usefulness for GIS

mapping and analysis.

Component Issues:

Clarifying the Role of GIS in Funding Decisions

Participants felt that GIS technology should not be a major criterion for funding

MMS projects. If it were, researchers might write GIS into proposals merely to

sell a project, whether the technology was useful or not.

Requiring the Use of GIS

The regions can require, where appropriate, that data collected in MMS projects

be delivered in GIS format. Some participants argued that because GIS software

is expensive this might raise the cost of doing socioeconomic research. However,

it was observed that the cost of GIS software is going down; a desktop version is

already available. In the meantime, researchers can economize by sharing

equipment their institutions already own. (Not to do so would risk making their

work inaccessible because re-keying and coding old data for GIS is often

prohibitively expensive.) Proponents of requiring data in GIS format whenever

appropriate expressed their belief that the additional cost is small compared to

the potential gain from making data available for future MMS research.

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Preserving Data

Delivering data in GIS format does not ~nsure that it will be accessible in j

perpetuity. Data storage media will continue to change and whatever is in use

today will be obsolete in 10 years. One participant recommended employing a~

archivist to preserve MMS databases. '

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APPENDICES
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!: APPENDIXA

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Appendix A: Papers and Presentations from the First

-Day of the Conference

Office of Management and Budget Paperwork Reduction Act

Procedures (JoAnn Lauterbach)

[The following is Ms. Lauterbach's.transcription of her presentation.]

Hi everyone, my name is Jo Ann Lauterbach, and I am MMS's Information

Collection Clearance Officer. What this means is that I am responsible for

ensuring that MMS is in compliance with the Paperwork Reduction Act of 1995

and that all of MMS's Federal and Indian reporting and recordkeeping

requirements that we impose on the publi~ through our rulemaking and nonrulemaking documents are first approved by the Office of Management and

Budget. What this also meansjs that I am not the enemy, contrary to the rumors.

I must admit that people who know what I do get a little nervous when they see

me coming. They think I am the bearer of bad news where their projects are

concerned. I am really not. I am just the person they need to see to get their work

approved by OMB.

I feel honored to be invited to your conference and to explain to you the details of

the Act and how MMS complies with it. I will also explain how MMS works with

the Department of the Interior and OMB in obtaining OMB's approval for all our

reporting and recordkeeping requirements, whether they are contained in

regulations or in surveys, questionnaires, or studies.

I understand from Rodney Cluck that you will be doing business with MMS

through studies, surveys, or questionnaires. Since these instruments will likely

include information collection requirements, I'm here to tell you how to get them

approved by OMB.

It is unusual for me to speak to the public on this subject. However, the Act

touches many lives inside and outside of the Federal Government.

I have been dealing with this Act since 1984 and feel very passionately about it.

Often, the Act is misunderstood, and people react negatively to it because they

think, it is so complex to implement. I'm here to explain to you that it is not a

"fearsome" process. Once you start working with it, the process becomes pretty

routine. The Act is Congress' way of keeping Federal Agencies from placing

undue burdens on the public when they are asking for information. However, this

Act has significantly increased the paperwork burden on the Government in order

to justify our collection of information. That's one of my pet peeves that I have

mentioned to OMB on several occasions, but to no avail. I was told that if I

pursued trying to change the Act, it would only cause Congress to react even

more'severelY in restricting Agencies in what they could do to collect information.

So, this Act may seem trivial to people unfamiliar with it. But, it is anything but.

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The Act has been around since 1980 and was amended in 1986 by. the .

Paperwork Reduction Reauthorization Act. Then the Act of 1995 was enacted

which replaced the Act of 1980.

The 1995 Act contained several changes to the 1980 Act. The most significant

are that it requires agencies: .

a To seek public comment concerning proposed collections of

information through a 60-day Notice that is published in the Federal

Register before submission for clearance by OMS,

a To certify to OMS that the proposed collection reduces the burden on

respondents for small businesses, local governments (including Indian

governments), and other small entities, and

a To indicate for each recordkeep'ing requirement the length of time

persons are required to maintain the records specified.

The Act also redefines "collection of information" explicitly to include third-party

and public disclosures.

Now, the purpose of the Act is to minimize the paperwork burden the Federal

Government places on the public and to improve the quality and use of Federal

information.

The Act also requires each Federal Agency' to seek and obtainl' OMS's approval

before requesting information from ten or more persons. Furthermore, any'

reporting, recordkeeping, or disclosure requirement contained in a rule is

deemed to involve ten'or more persons.

OMS approval is also needed to continue a collection for which OMS's approval

and the validity of the OMS Control Number are about to expire. OMS usually

approves a collection for a maximum of 3 years.

Now, if MMS does not comply with the Act, there are penalties. First, we can be

sued by the public if we ask for information that has not been approved by OMB.

This would apply mainly to our rules where our reporting and recordkeeping

requirements are mandatory. Second, our rules, studies, surveys, and

questionnaires are not valid if the reporting and recordkeeping requirements

contained in them are not approved. We cannot publish a rule or any

nonrulemaking document unless all information collection requirements are

approved first. And third, we cannot enforce penalties if people sue us. An

example of this is that we cannot enforce any penalties in our rules if a company

is violating the regulations unless the reporting requirements the companies are

violating have been approved by OMS. Therefore, a company can SUE~ us

becalilse we are not in compliance with the P~perwork Reduction Act.

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Let's talk about timeframes for this information collection process. The overall

process takes about 6 months. This 6 months begins when we publish a 60-day

Federal Register Notice and ends with OMB's approval. Ideally, the Department

would like to have 60 days to review and approve the information collection

request. In fact, for renewals, the Department wants to receive information

collection requests at least 120 days before the OMB approval expires. However,

in the real world, we are working against the clock most of the time with very little

time to approve these information collection requests before they expire.

OMB has up to 60 days to approve an information collection request once it is

logged into their Docket Library. There are rare exceptions when we can request

that OMS approve an information collection request after 30 days, but don't ask

for this exception except in a true emergency. For example, when an information

collection request is approved by OMB at the proposed rule sta'ge and changes

are made to it at the final rule stage, we need to submit a revision to a currently

approved collection. At that time, we can ask OMBit they will approve these

changes within 30 days so that they can be effective, when the final rule is

effective. The final rule cannot be effective until OMB has approved the changes.

Ideally, OMB would like to receive renewals at least 60 days before OMB's'

approval expires. Very infrequently, they will accept a renewal by noon on the

last day of the expiration date and keep -the OMB Control Number active until

their review and approval is finished. However, I don't like to do this too often

because I don't want the program areas to think this is a valid option, because it

is not. If we don't get our renewals to OMB 60 days before they expire, we can

only collect information that is already approved before the collection expires. If

the renewal contains any new information collection requirements, we cannot

collect this new information until OMB approves the renewal.

In a very broad overview, here are the steps in the PRA process once you know

what information you want to collect. First, Contact the appropriate Information

Collection Liaison to start the process. In conjunction with the Liaison:

Cl Prepare and publish a 60-day Federal Register Notice.

Cl Develop an information collection request using OMB's guidelines.

Cl Prepare a 30-day Federal Register Notice (if the collection is not

associated with a rulemaking).

Cl Submit the request to me for signature, after which I will submit it to the

Department for approval.

Cl ,Once the Department approves the request, I will submit it to OMB for

approval.

Now I want to go over some of the material you have in your handouts. First, I

have developed some Bureau Guidelines. I have provided a copy for your Lise.

These guidelines are a living document because things change very quickly

when you are dealing with OMB. They will be updated as new information is

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received. In the near future, I am planning to put these guidelines and all our

approved information collection requests on lour website.

I've also provided you with an example of what an- information collection request

looks like when all put together. I've included a 6D-day Federal Register Notice, a

Form OMB 83-1, a Supporting Statement (done for a survey), a 3D-day Federal

Register Notice, and copies of OMB's guidelines and instructions on how to

complete a Form OMB 83-1 and Supporting Statement. I also included a flow

chart showing the process for a rulemaking. Hopefully, these tools will be of

some benefit to you when you decide to start developing an information

collection request.

Also, as you can see from the handout on,.the Supporting Statement, we have

formatted OMB's guidelines into plain,..language context using questions and

answers. OMB has been very pleased with us for doing that. So, when you

develop your Supporting Statement, please :use these questions as your guide in

preparing your answers.

I would also like to point out that there are several items in the Supporting

Statement that OMB looks at very closelY,and I suggest that you answer them

with a strong justification. These items are:

1. What circumstances make the collection necessary?

2. How, by whom, and for what purpose is the information to be used?

(Explain what method you will be using to collect information.)

3. Does the collection involve the use of electronic technology to reduce

the burden?

4. What is the Agency doing to minimize the burden on small businesses

or other small entities?

5. What efforts were made to consult with the public and a representative

sample of respondents?

6. Estimating reporting and record keeping "hour" burden.

7. Estimating reporting and record keeping "cost" burden.

Important people to know in MMS, 001 (Department of Interior), and OMS:

1. Me, of course.

2. Alexis London, who is my Information Collection Clearance Liaison in

Offshore Minerals Management.

3. Dennis Jones, who is ,my Information Collection Clearance Liaison in

Royalty Management.

4. Don Bieniewicz is the Department's Information Collection Clearance

Coordinator.

5. David Rostker is OMB's Desk Officer to 001.

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This is the chain-of-command. You can find their telephone and fax numbers in

my guidelines. However, OMB only wants a single point-of-contact and that's me~

Asa caution, you are not authorized to call OMB or the Department. You should

work with your Liaisons or me if you have any questions or concerns when you

are developing your request.

Other important facts concerning information collection:

1. If you have received OMB approval for a form, questionnaire, or

survey, you cannot make any changes or modify these documents in

any way. If these documents are altered after they have been

approved by OMS, they will have to be resubmitted to OMS again for

approval.

2. Each form, questionnaire, or survey must contain a Paperwork

Reduction Act statement, OMB Control Number, and Expiration Date

on it before you can use it.

3. OMB requests that an Information Collection Budget be developed

every year identifying MMS's information collection needs for the

coming years. The ICB contains the projected estimated burden hours

that MMS will impose on the public in future projects (rulemakings,

surveys, etc.). If you know you will have a survey, questionnaire, or

study to do within the next 3 years, you should tell MMS so we can

include it in the ICB. Once the ICB is approved by OMB, you have the

green light to proceed with your information collection request. OMS's

guidelines for the ICB will be coming out shortly requesting our input

for the next year.

4. One other area I want to mention is that MMS can be found in violation

of the Act if we collect information that has not been approved. We had

two incidents in 1997. One included a private company blowing the

whistle on us for asking for information in a Dear Payor Letter that

wasn't approved by OMB. The other concerned Notices to Lessees

and Operators (NTLs). NTLs are only to be used to clarify what's

written in our regulations. They are not to be used as a means to

impose additional reporting requirements on the public. Appropriate

rulemakingis the way to go.

Since, I have been charged by my boss to ensure that no violations ever occur'

again, you'better believe that I will be the policeman watching over our program

areas to make sure we have no more violations. Congress came down pretty

hard on all the agencies that had violations last year. Fortunately, there were

nqne on my watch, and I worked very hard to make sure that there weren't any!

So, if you have any questions or doubts that you might be collecting information

without OMB's approval, please call me or my liaisons and we'll let you know if

you are in violation or not.

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Remember, OMB does not want to stop MMS from doing its job. It only wants us

to do it legally according to the Act.

I have set very high standards for MMS to follow in order to develop a "first class"

product to submit to the Department and OMB to ensure OMS approval the first

time. I will not sign off on any information collection requests that do not meet

these standards. I do this because I ha~e established a credibility with the

Department and OMB to send them the very best product for approval. This

credibility has enabled me to perform miracles at times to get approvals from

these people under the most trying conditions without one question or change to

the request. As I said earlier, I am not the enemy. I am here to help you get your

studies, surveys, and questionnaires approved by OMB. So, please work with me

and my Liaisons whenever you have information collection needs.

Well, I hope I haven't bored you to death with all this detailed information. I tlhank

you for listening.

Community Impacts: Adding Value:to Analysis and Management

(Mark Shrimpton and Keith Storey):

[The following is an edited version of the -verbatim transcript of Dr. Shrimpton's

and Dr. Storey's joint presentation.]

Mark Shrimpton

Our title, "Community Impacts, Adding Value to Analysis and Management",

reflects our concerns about the value of the sorts of things·that are done in the

name of socio-economic impact assessmeht. Specifically, what we want to do

today is focus on uncertainty and its implications with respect to community

impact studies. We are dealing with the oil industry, which is a very dynamic

industry, and this and other factors present: significant difficulties with respect to

planning and management. The second thing we want to talk about is the need

for innovative thinking and, indeed, rethinking about how we approach

community impacts and their management. .

Keith Storey and I have spent the last 30 years in Newfoundland, Canadc:l, the

closest part of North America to Europe. Newfoundland is a largely rural province

with a population of about half a million. For the first 400 years of economic

activity it was fisheries dependent, but there is now also an oil industry. ThE~first

well was drilled in 1966, and the first major discovery was in 1979, with

production beginning in 1997. In the first year of operation, production from the

Hibernia field was worth 6 percent of provincial gross domestic product. Oil

production follows the North Sea model,. with very large fields in a hostile

environment. It is not deep water, but there is challenging weather and the

Labrador Current carries multi-million-ton icebergs.

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Keith and I have worked as academics and as consultants, looking at various·

aspects of the oil industry. Often we have studied what is going on elsewhere in

the world to try to learn from, in particular, the North Sea -- Scotland and Norway

-- and apply that to our thinking about Newfoundland. Increasingly we have also

taken what we have learned to various other parts of the world, primarily frontier

regions like the Falkland Islands and the Faroe Islands. Such transferring of

experience and expertise, learning about what happened elsewhere and trying, to .

make sense of it, has been very important to us.

But it was soon apparent that in seeking to usefully learn from experience

elsewhere we were dealing with very real complexity. Also, we found there was a

general naivete on the part of government officials, community representatives,

and local business people about how to use information from elsewhere. In the

early 1980's, people very commonly went to Aberdeen, Scotland, and came back

and said 'Well we've been to Aberdeen, and the oil industry had X effect there

and, therefore, it will have X effect in St. John's (Newfoundland's capital)." This,

was rather simplistic, and rather naive, but it ,continues to be common when

comparative research is being done.

We certainly think comparative research is an important tool in forecasting

community impacts, and it !s a challenging one. In particular, it is important to

recognize and fully understand the implications of the fact that community

impacts depend on several factors: What's happening in the local context? What

is the local context? What are the characteristics of the place and people? What

is the industrial context? What are the characteristics of the industry and its

activity? And then in all of this, we must include community and industry and

what they do to, manage the effects of oil development. These are, of course, '

dynamic effects. Communities differ from one another and change with time. The

industry is also differentiated.

These are not remarkable observations, but the reality is that quite often, when

planning for change, people have failed to appreciate these facts. The oil industry

is particularly dynamic when compared with other industries and other forms of

activity. Exploration is highly mobile, and the entire industry is highly subject to

technological and organizational change and very vulnerable to resource price

fluctuations in all phases.

So what? Well, in terms of this presentation, we would say that there is a need

for care in forecasting community impacts, that there is inherent high uncertainty

with 'respect to forecasting and there is a consequent need for innovation and

flexibility in planning and management.

For example, let us consider Aberdeen versus St. John's, a comparison with

which we had some dealings in the early days and which has impressed itself

.upon us. When we were looking at Aberdeen, we were told that it had great

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difficulty absorbing the very rapid growth that resulted from the oil industry. When

we looked at our own situation" in Newfoul1dland, however, we found that in its

"terms the anticipated growth was relatively ,small. What had happened was that

Aberdeen had been essentially stagnant for'many years, and, hence, when there

was some growth, it created great problems. There was little capacity in the

system to absorb growth, and so it caused ia lot of problems. In Newfoundland,

pre-oil, we had high if declining rates of growth so a little extra growth because of

oil did not prove problematic.

It is also important to look at the degree to which local industry and people are

going to get involved in the oil industry in various ways, such as contracting to,

delivering to, or working in the industry.: Specifically, how industrialized or

relatively unindustrialized an economy are we talking about? What infrastructure

is available to serve the industry? And is tbere a labor surplus? Is there some

capacity there to serve the industry? Or is it like one of the other places we have

worked, the Falkland Islands, where the total population is just over 2,000 and, at

the time of checking, there were seven unemployed people? There is plainly little

capacity there to work in the industry, which has implications for how much

involvement there could be in the industry amd, of course, for immigration.

We think as social scientists we are all pretty much aware of the significance of

the socioeconomic setting for community impacts. It is worthwhile, though to say

something about aspirations. Newfoundland wanted jobs, needed jobs. The

economy has been in a bad way for decades and while people have been very

concerned about protecting the fishery and the local culture, they were also very

concerned to be involved in the industry and create jobs from it. The Faroe

Islands in the 1980's and early 1990's were quite the opposite. The Faroes, for

those of you who are not familiar with them, are between the Shetland Islands,

off the north coast of Scotland, and Iceland. (When people talk about exploration

west of the Shetlands, they are talking about east of the Faroes.) But the Faroes

were not much interested in oil activity, thank you very much. They had an

economy moving along quite nicely, they fished in what they advertised as the

cleanest waters in the world. Why would they want oil exploration? However, in

the late 1980's and early 1990's, the fish disappeared, economic crisis ensued,

banks failed and suddenly there was greater interest in any means of delivering

economic opportunities.

Aspirations, of course, vary within and betWeen commuriities~ We have recently

had some involvement with British Columbia where for the last 10 years there

has been, as in some other places on the west coast of our continent, a

moratorium on drilling. But due to the poor state of the economy, unemplloyed

loggers, mill-workers, et cetera, are pushing for the moratorium to be removed.

Environmentalists obviously are very unhappy with this and want to fight for the

maintenance of the moratorium. Other groups, such as aboriginal groups, have

their own - varying - agendas, interests, and concerns.

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Community impacts will be influenced by local experience. Experience of the oil

industry shapes aspirations and expectations. We in Newfoundland and' other

areas have gone through a learning curve, developing experience and moving

ahead from perhaps some very naive early expeCtations that the streets would

be paved with gold, but it would not be safe to walk them.

Management is a community issue. How sophisticated is local management with

respect to the industry and management tools? We think one of the things we

can say in the Newfoundland context is that the oil industry stimulated greater

sophistication in various levels of government.

It is also important to look at the industry and how it varies over its phases of

activity, beginning with exploration, which may be short- or long-term, very

variable, very uncertain and very mobile. Then there is the development phase,

then operations. The latter is obviously longer-term, relatively stable, with

opportunities for high local involvement. And, of course, in any mature region you

are not talking about anyone of. these but a combination of them. We have

already talked about how technology changes over time. The industry has a very

high rate of innovation, and this has consequences for local requirements and

other community effects.

It is very interesting to hear people already talking about organizational change,

especially because most of this has taken place among the independents. We

have seen dramatic changes in the industry, and the industry today is not the

industry of 10 years ago. But what we are thinking about here is downsizing with

an increasing amount of work being subcontracted out. We are talking about, for

instance, mergers of projects, aUiancing - sharing the risks, sharing the rewards,

by bringing different companies, including local-area companies, into an alliance..

Since we ·are talking in terms of community impacts, perhaps the most important

development is asset sharing. In North Sea parlance, this is called development

of sector .clubs. Essentially you have fewer and larger' facilities because

companies share their supply bases, their pipe yards, their heliports. When

exploration in Newfoundland was at its peak 10 or 12 years ago, there were five

supply bases in operation. There is now only one, which is supporting the current

production; project development and exploration..

Community effects are clearly influenced by industry management in the context

of the larger regulatory framework. Management approaches vary between

companies and over time. One example of differences between companies has

been very interesting of late. We have been working in Saint-Pierre et Miquelon,

two small islands off the south coast of Newfoundland which are sovereign parts

of the French state. We have been dealing with two different oil companies, one

which was the lead in the project and the other which has now farmed in the

majority share. It is like working with two quite different universes of people in

terms of the company culture, especially with respect to community involvement,

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benefits, approaches and so on. And negotiating that change in company culture

has been troubling at times.

Management also changes over time. Within the Hibernia oilfield project in the

pre-approval stage, there was a very high :emphasis on seeing what would be

done to deliver benefits, to care for the Communities. During construction,' a

different set of people move in; their priority was pouring concrete, and anything

else just got in the way and was given 8: very low priority., Now, we arE~ into

operations. We have an operating company, Hibernia Management and

Development Company. It will be there, and a good corporate citizen, for more

than 20 years. So over time changes occur within corporations. This includes

change because of turnover, with people lecilving the operation, and people being

relocated. This complicates, not least, relations with communities.

This is all very interesting, but what is the sighificance at the end of the day? In

planning for any type of activity, there willi always be a relatively high level of

uncertainty about community effects. However, this is especially the case with oil

industry activity, particularly during exploration. Compared with other industries

and activities there are far greater difficulties and dangers in transferring

experience for planning purposes. There are numerous cases of inappropriate

expectations leading to significant inappropriate speculative responses; for

example, housing prices going up not because of any real demand but from the

expectation that housing prices will go up. Or government officials re-zoning land

and encouraging the development of subdivisions, or the private sector

developing subdivisions out of an expectation which is Mot justified. Or

inappropriate and unnecessary training or investments undertaken in response to

expectations respecting social impacts; for.'example, when people call for more

policing because they expect increased crime rates.

It is clearly important to understand these issues and educate stakeholders with

respect to them, so they understand the complexity and the dynamics involved.

Education should include the government, the public and the business

community. We need to recognize the underlying uncertainty and plan and

manage with that in mind. Keith's part of the presentation addresses these issues

of planning and management.

Keith Storey

If we look at the impact assessment process, which has now been inplaCE~ in a

formal sense for perhaps some 30 years, a great deal of change has taken place.

And what we see is that a lot of progress' is being made. We go back to the

1980's when it was recognized that the. extensive data-collection -- daisycounting exercises - needed to be streamlined, leading to the introduction of

scoping, which made a significant difference. If we turn to the 1990's, people are

grappling with cumulative impacts and how:we incorporate traditional knowledge

into impact assessment. Generally, we have made a lot of progress.

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But at the same time, we thinkthere is a need not only to look forward but also to

look at some of the things that we have done in the past. Do they do the job? Are

they still relevant and appropriate in the ways that they once were? And, given

the'incremental changes that have taken place, do the various elements of the

impact assessmentprocess fit together properly? We think that there may be a

need to review some of these situations; to reevaluate the utility of some of the

tools in our assessment kit bag and to consider how, in fact, we might address

the principles ofuncertainty referred to above.

I'm going to discuss three elements here in order to illustrate that there are some

traditional components of the impact assessment process that we need to look at

again, and to illustrate the need to make sure that we are coordinating those

elements properly. These three elements are:

Assessment methods. Here we want to emphasize the whole question of

forecasting. We are not very good at forecasting. We are often wrong. And the

issue here is that we often seem to be concerned with trying to be more

accurate, to get better forecasts. In our view, that is very often a misplaced effort,

misplaced energy. It is often said that close enough is good enough in

horseshoes and hand grenades, and this is often the case in soci~1 impact

assessment as well. That does not mean -it is bad science. It just means to say

that we are recognizing the difficulties of accurate forecasting and prediction and

have to deal with the problem in some rather different ways.

Impact management. We do not like the word mitigation because it always

implies reducing something. We prefer to talk about optimization because there

are some things you would like to increase rather than decrease. The word

mitigation seems to be a holdover from the biophysical sciences where they are

always trying to make things rather less damaging. But that is not always true in

social and economic impact assessment. What I am emphasizing here is that it is

imperative, if we are going to do a good job with impact management, that we

are aware of the kind of management objectives that we are trying to achieve

and get some agreement upon them.

Monitoring and auditing. We often do not do it very well and we often do not do it

at all. It is a fundamental element, and we need to address this in some rather

different ways.

Let me turn quickly to the assessment methods issue and offer you an example

concerning a place called Argentia in Newfoundland. It is a former U.S. Naval

base that closed in 1989. The plan is to build a smelter-refinery for a very large

nickel mine in Northern Labrador. The climatic conditions are too severe there to

put in a smelter, so the proponent wants to put it in a less-hostile environment.

There was a suggested demand for 900 workers at this smelter location. The

local context is that the regional population of about 7,000 was declining. The

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issue, as far as the community is concerned, is: what kinds of demands is this

project going to place on our infrastructure? This is absolutely imperative!. We

need to know the answers to this so we can, plan accordingly.

Traditionally, the approach would be to develop a predictive model. Increasingly

we have found in these kinds of projects that, while we should not eliminate the

idea of predictive modeling, we should pay more attention to what is known. And

what is known is the capacity of the community. To what extent can the

community accommodate these sorts of changes?

Start from the predicted 900 workforce. We ask: How many of those will be local?

How many will come in? How many of thos.e coming in will bring families? What

kinds of housing demands will result? There is a linked series of assumptions

and the probability of error is very high. So how do we deal with that kind of

problem? Well, our approach is what I would describe as moving from a sOlUrcedemand emphasis to one where we are: talking about destination-supply or

destination-capacity. Without the project, the demand for housing is very low, ten

units a year. It is simply replacement.

Argentia had and has a declining populatic;m. It was estimated that the plroject

would result in .between 900 to 1650 people coming in, and a demand for

housing in the order of 374 to 593 units. See the precision here, but at the same

time there is a wide range in the estimate. We are fairly comfortable that the .

demand is going to be somewhere in this range but, beyond that ballpark, there

is nothing more of which we can be sure. So how much use is that to the

community? Well, it can look at its capacity and conclude: 'Well, we've got 300

serviced lots there already. We have another 57 units on the former military base

that we could utilize for accommodation if necessary. And we have lots of raw

land available in the community should we need to do this.' The conclusion is

that the existing capacity exceeds probable demands, even given the higherlevel predictions. But it is, of course, imperative that a management plan be put

in place and monitoring occur to see to what extent one needs to Dring new

housing on stream as the project proceeds. :

This is not rocket science. However, the ca~acity focus is very often missing from

assessments and much of the academic concern with impact assessment

focuses on trying to refine the difference between the low and high end scenarios

to get more precise, more 'accurate' readings. And we do not think that is

necessarily a very useful exercise.

Let me turn next to the subject of impact management. Mark has already referred

. to Hibernia, a true mega-project. In this particular case, we would like to

emphasize the relationship between .the assessment approach and

management. This is a construction project, and so the boom-bust model is very

relevant. We think that in this and other cases, even where that is not a relevant

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model; impact management can be successfully achieved providing one is willing

to identify the objectives that one is trying to achieve.

Hibernia involveda major construction project at·a green field site in

a rural

environment. The peak employment estimated for the construction exercise was

in the order of 3600 people, while the largest-nearby community hada population

of less thana thousand. There was concern that the communities could not

accommodate the significant influx of workers, and soa decision was made- in

a collective fashion between the local communities, the proponents of this

particular project and local governments- to attempt to minimize community

disruption. By. this we mean minimizing the effects on housing, other

infrastructure, demand for services, crime, alcohol, drug abuse and so on and so

forth. The approach adopted was one of isolation-insulation. Isolation by creating a work camp at a point some distance from any of these communities and

insulating the communities from that system.

The project wasa big one; at one point, the largest construction project in North

America. It lasted from 1990 to 1997 and cost $q billion. Construction was taking

place in an environment where we had very small communities with limited

infrastructure and capacity to absorb any additional infrastructure once this

particular boom had passed. The solution was to build

a camp. This' was

.designed to accommodate, at maximum, about 3,000 people. It provided all kinds

of goods and services. In fact, all meals and accommodations were provided

.free. So there wasa cost to this, but that wasa trade-off that one has to make.

The facilities there were better than those in the local communities and,

essentially, you were creating an environment where people were trying to 'get in

rather than get out.

What were the outcomes? Needless to say, the original estimates of employment

were significantly wrong. Predicted at 3,600, in point of fact it peaked at nearly

6,000 people. But because of the strategy adopted, where uncertainty was

recognized and flexibility was built into the management system, accommodation

on site could be relatively easily increased. There were, in fact, minimal

temporary increases in housing costs and demands on local services and

infrastructure. Three surveys were undertaken, one before the project started,

one soon after it started and one near its completion. Fifty-one percent of the

respondents to the first survey thought that crime was going to be

a very serious

problem. Asa result of the management strategy, crime did not appear as an

issue for any residents in the subsequent surveys. By adopting this strategy,a

whole series of problems was avoided. Impact management was very successful

in this case.

Let me turn to the last point, monitoring and auditing. We all know that the followup process can yield significant benefits. In practice, however, it is very rarely

donei and when it is done it is often not done very well. One feature of monitoring

and auditing is the emphasis on predictive technique audits. If you look at the I

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literature, you will see that a number of aspects of auditing are concerned with

whether what was predicted actually happened. Well, we think this is often a

waste of time, for two reasons. First, very, often you cannot do it because the

data do not allow you to compare what was "forecast with what actually

happened. Second, very rarely is the project that was the basis for predictions

the one that actually happens. Projects are dynamic, the impact assessment

process tends to be very static, and you cannot match the two very easily.

Let me give an example from the literature. What we did was to adapt BUcl<ley's

(1991) method of looking at these predictive technique audits. We took the

Socio-economic Impact Statement for the Hiibernia project where we found 143

socio-economic predictions. When we looked in more detail, only 86 of them

were suitable for some kind of audit. (What do I mean by suitable? Well, in some

cases the project had changed so the. predictions were not relevant. In others,

the predictions had not yet happened so they were sometime in the future. In

some cases the predictions were so vague as to be useless, and so on and so

forth.) .

Unfortunately, of the 86 suitable for audit, there was no monitoring for 67 of

these. And for another 11 the monitoring was inadequate -- for, example, it

measured the wrong thing at the wrong 'time at the wrong place, so we could not

compare what was predicted with what actually happened. We finished with eight

auditable, if there is such a word, predictions. Of these, six were significantly

wrong. And one of those was one I have already talked about, the predicted

employment. I

The conclusion that we draw is that either the impact assessment really was not

very good at predicting the eventual outcomes of this project, or that the

predictive audit technique approach is virtually useless. We cannot do it because

the predictive statements are often of very poor quality and, as I indicated, there

'were very poor monitoring data. But the important thing here is that the rE~sults

from that exercise.did not reflect reality at all. The reality is that the Hibernia

project was very successful in terms of managing community impacts, but that

was not revealed by this kind of approach.

What we need to do in auditing is get away from this concern with predictive

accuracy and prediction verification and move towards an exercise in which we

ask the question: did we achieve the object,ves that we set out to in terms of the

management process? That implies that we know what those objectives were.

And that implies that, when we do the assessment in the first place, management

strategies and monitoring and auditing are all considered at the earliest possible

stage. Monitoring and auditing are not simply add-ons. We need to go back and

make sure that they are integral elements of the assessment process.

Let me conclude. Mark has talked about learning from experience. ~t is,

obviously, very important. But the point is that the lessons that we draw from our

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context do not necessarily apply in the Gulf of Mexico, nor do those from the Gulf

necessarily apply in Alaska. The idea was introduced that there may be a lot of

commonalities. Maybe there are - but we've got to be extremely cautious as to

how we look at them and how we apply 'lessons' -from one time to another and

from one place to another.

We need to be able to incorporate uncertainty in our processes, to adopt an

adaptive management approach. If we go back to Hollings' work in the late

1970's, which I think is highly underrated, we have to incorporate those ideas if

we are to add value to the socio-economic impact assessment process and

make things relevant and useful to the communities that are going to be affected.

We need to add value, to add utility, to our assessment methods. We hope that

the examples we have given you illustrate the need and go som~ way to

addressing it. More important is that one of the things we have to recognize if we

are going to be useful is that- socio-economic impact assessment cannot be -

value-free. We have to be looking at what kinds of objectives the communities

are trying to achieve, and we think we need to have a much more objectivesbased focus than in the past.

Thank you.

Works Cited:

Buckley, R. (1991) Perspectives in Environmental Planning, New York, NY:

Springer-Verlag Berlin, Heidelberg.

- Holling, C. S. (1978) Adaptive Environmental Assessment and Management,

Chichester, Wiley.

[49J
Oil and the California Mix (Harvey Molotch)

[Dr. M%tch's presentation was based on the following paper, co-authored with

William Freudenberg (University of Wisconsin, Madison) and Kristen Paulsen

(University of California, Santa Barbara.)]

History Repeats Itself, but How?

City Character, Urban Tradition, and "the Accomplishment of Place

by

Harvey Mol,btch

University of California, Santa Barbara

William Freudenburg

University of Wiscorisin, Madison

and

Krista Paul~en

University of Californial Santa Barbara

Direct correspondence regarding this article to Harvey Molotch, Center for

Advanced Studies in the Behavioral Science, 75 Alta Rd., Stanford, CA 94305-

8090 or MOLOTCH@aol.com.

Word count: 11,692; 14,750 with abstract, notes and references.

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Abstract

We strive to rescue the otherwise vague ideas of local character and tradition for

use in concrete analysis and empirical investigation. In tracing how the same,

outside forces had different consequences on two urban areas, we show how

character and tradition operate as both cause and consequence of place

difference. Even as places change "on the surface," they can remain the same,

and different· from one another, in terms of the distinctive ways their diverse

elements like organizations, politics, and hardware mutually determine one

another's nature. Modes of conjuncture provide individual actors and groups with

the available materials to constitute place in much the same way as it was

before. We use theoretical advances in thinking about structure to understand

place continuity and the power arrangements that create difficulties in generating

basic change. We propose our exercise as methodologically useful for other

efforts to understand local·history and perhaps organizational life more generally.

History Repeats Itself, but How?

City Character, Urban Tradition, and the Accomplishment of Place

We try to explain two interlinked facets of cities and regions: distinction and

reproduction. Especially in contexts like the U.S., where

a lack of "ancient roots"

make place character or tradition something other than self-evident, there is need

to investigate how place variations can nevertheless take hold and persist. By

place variation, we mean differences not across one particular variable or

another, but the idea that places vary in more holistic ways, akin even to

personality differences at the individual level. Recent concern that globalization

homogenizes cities adds timeliness to our examination of how place

differentiation can occur.

Social science inherits only incomplete tools for understanding the

distinctiveness of place, if it does not ignore the issue altogether. Typologies of

cities and regions, whether based on quantitative indicators or qualitative

commentaries, tend to rely on economistic characterizations-"manufacturing

center," "port town," or, in more recent formulations, "global city" or "innovation

center." Sometimes subsumed into these categories are accompanying

sociodemographic attributes like "working class town," "elite bastion," or "affluent

suburb." Such characterizations also tend to be temporally limited; they are

snapshots, or at besta time-series of snapshots.

But more than halfa century ago, Walter Firey (1945) offered an antidote based

on studies of various Boston locales. He insisted that the economistic

determinism then prevalent among the human ecologists was insufficient for

explaining urban~atterns; "sentiment and symbolism" also had to be taken into /

[51J

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account as "ecological variables." l?espite such a prescient lead and sociologists'

current enthusiasm for cultural difference as counting in social life, Firey's

concerns have only hesitantly. been allowed to enter urban analysis. True,

numbers of scholars now document the importance of cultural features for local

development (Amin and Thrift, 1992; Lash and Urry, 1994; Storper, 1997; Zukin,

1995), but the analytic effort has not tumed toward the detailed proCE~sses

through which diverse aspects of place man~ge to permeate, cohere, and persist

to make places different from one another.

To date, holistic characterizations have thus remained in the hands of poets,

local boosters, and travel writers. For them, Paris is a "city of Iighf' and Chiicago'

has "broad shoulders." Social scientists do recognize these limageries, in part

because they know Chicago in something like the way Sandburg did-·heavy

industry, an enduring immigrant culture, arough and tumble machine politics,

some hard weather, and a certain open directness in routine life. But they apply

such over-arching sensibilities primarily when they consider relocating or making

travel plans, not in systematic efforts to undjarstand just how diverse elements of

urban settlement can cohere and persist. R.easonably enough, social scientists'

scholarly diffidence follows from their intellectual suspicion of the ineffablel and

essentialist imageries that notions like character or tradition seem to imply.

In general, Shils's remark remains largely~true that "the mechanism of recurrent

self-reproduction is not soughf' (Shils,1981: 7) and "the persistence of past

practices is not taken up as something to be explained" (1981: 8). Suttles (1984:

284) advocated serious attention to the "cumulative texture" of locales, by which

he meant cultural-as opposed to economic or material textures-but he did not

go beyond the programmatic urging. Shils called explicitly for a study of

"tradition" as the key, but he pressed an even more limited ideational orientation,

restricting tradition to ideas, religion, literature, and symbols-the British

coronation most famously-that could be used to mark pff one social formation

off from another. Not without justification, Raymond Williams (1995) saw this kind

of tradition as mere "surface froth and evanescence;" Hobsbawm (1983) Clalls. it

ideological "invention," in effect a hegemonic tool. While prompting elegant neoMarxian studies (e.g. Maddox, 1993), the invention paradigm successfully

debunks, but does not offer a different way of understanding how places may

indeed differ.i Suspecting or even confirming ideological motives does not

obviate the need to understand just how economic and cultural elements might

bind and hold in distinctive ways.

Operating with a more benign attitude toward ideas as historic force, but working

with empirical materials, Putnam explains contemporary differences among

Italian regions as due to ali ideational construct-whether or not they beg~m, in

the fourteenth century, with an "ethic of civic involvement, social responsibility,

and mutual assistance." For Putnam, "virtuous circles...preserved these traditions

of civic engagement through centuries of radical social, economic and political

charlge" (1993:135). Although substantively; on a different track, Walton (1992)

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also uses an ideational device to explain \ local distinctiveness. He finds a

persistent sentiment of "resistance" in Southern California's Owens'Valley, visible

in Piute Indians' defiance of their colonizers, Anglo farmers' violent efforts to

guard their water, and still more modern· movements' efforts of selfdetermination. However important their contributions, neither Walton or Putnam

focus on the detail of what Pred calls the "unbroken flow of local events" (1984:

280) that might indicate how a putative tradition at one point in time carries

forward, and across material and ideational forces, into the next.

A number of theoretical contributions converge to offer assistance. From

Giddens' notion of structuration, we can infer that those making history must

respond to prior events and conditions, just as in enacting those very responses

they' instantiate the conditions for future action. Adapting Giddens to the study of

place history, we can aspire to learn, in effect, how this process of structuration

works differently across locales as people respond, over time, to distinctive

surrounding spatial "fields" (Bourdieu, 1990). To draw in another complimentary

strand of scholarship, structuration implies "path dependence" (Pred, 1984;

Arthur, 1988), in which events at one time make those at a next proximate point

more or less likely to occur-a version of reality at least implicit in various studies

in human development, economics, and statistics (as in Markov chain analyses).

Applied to the goal of understanding place, it means, as Pred put it (1984:281),

learning "how any given time-space specific practice can simUltaneously be

rooted in past time-space situations and serve as the potential roots of future

time-space situations."

Not all approaches to city and region would conform to this approach. Within the

influential Marxian tradition, laden with economistic unfoldings and focus on

revolution, achievement of persistence is less problematic than the conditions of

radical change. Even though there is often acknowledgment of Braudel-like

"conjuncture"" among multiple forces, these are typically seen as economic

forces, and arising from the outside. In contemporary world-system viewpoints,

external capitalism penetrates at every turn; global finance and production

systems enter the local ina more or less consistent way (but see Massey, 1994;

also Morgan and Sayer, 1988:150). In some post-colonial critiques,

homogenizing forces emanating from the cultural core are seen as taking over

much of the world, albeit with the possibility of local resistance. In their "growth

machine" focus on internal urban dynamics, Logan and Molotch (1987) tend

toward a still different version of place homogeneity, in the form of local growth

elites who almost everywhere shape political agendas in much the same w,ay.

Granting such homogenizing forces as consequential, places can still respond to

them differently. Local phenomena as diverse as artifacts and politics, nature and

organizations, economy and sentiment, all enter in. The challenge is to

understand how the reSUlting interaction operates to exemplify and reinforce

place~ differences in the very process of drawing upon them. The need, put

simply, is to explain how a trait moves across time or, more ambitiously, the way

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a mode of conjuncture at one point constrains or enables a particular mode of

conjuncture at the next. -

A key starting point is that all identifiable dtilrabilities-any thing or object--exist

by virtue of the continuous actions that acknowledge, mobilize and hence SE~cure

them. In the framework of action-network theory, an accepted technology Oike a

train line) or scientific "facf' (like viruses cause disease), requires a complex

"enrollment" of purposive allies, procedures, and hardware in "Iash-up"iii or "fix"

(Latour, 1986; 1996). An institution like classical music depends on a package of

activities, organizations, and instruments', each of which presupposes the

existence of the others. Actors changing one piece of the package risk the

support of the larger material and institutional apparatus; the package thus

contains inertial force, inhibiting change on the part of individual actors (Be!cker,

1995: 304). As Pickering puts it, the existence of a something is evidencEt that

"disciplined human agency and captured, material agency are... interactively

stabilized" (Pickering, 1995:17; emphasis in original). In regard to places, by our

definition, we can think of "character" as the distinctive way in which a place's

elements mutually constitute one another at a given time, and "tradition" as the

way this mode of interlinkage transposes its~lf from one time to the next.

In looking beyond surface characteristics, we parallel Sewell's distinction-which

he uses for historical forces generally-of two types of phenomena often thought

"structural." First, and here we return to· the urban arena, are the kinds of

attributes sociologists have so often noticed about cities: their occupational

make-up, land-use configurations, levels of education and so forth. These

change over time, as for example in the common shift from manufacturing toward

service economies or the rise in environmental policies, to select two commonly

noticed trends. But beneath, in Sewell's phrase, there is "a far more stable deep

structure" (Sewell, 1992: 25). Without falling into the deep debates, whether of

the Levi-Strauss, Chomsky or Hegelian variety, we observe that the content of

activity may alter while ways of doing things persist. For us, the comings and

goings of mundane attributes mask underlying continuities that give places their

particular form because of differences in' the way these otherwise common

attributes operate; this is the realm of character and tradition.

How then do we make all this tractable as empirical research? A straightforward

approach is to begin with urban areas that are quite similar in terms of standard

sociodemographic indicators as well as other evident characteristics, and then

examine the ways these places dealt with "outside" phenomena that carne to

both. As we will show, the search for underlying character and tradition-far from

providing merely a poetic distraction--can prove fruitful in explaining the

emergence of unmistakably different outcomes.

In the present paper, we focus on the two geographic locales of Santa Barbara

and Ventura, California and follow the "car~er" of two exogenous forces as they

came to both-oil development and a freeway. Besides attention to usual

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economic and social variables, we have researched mechanisms we think are

also heavily implicated in modes of self-replication: non-profit organizational

contexts, and the way built environments, design elements, and consumption

iconography enter in. By tracing in this way hOw, in each context, the same

exogenous forces were dealt with, we can diagnose how two urban areas differ

in the way they "digesf' phenomena over which they have some at least partial

control. The pattern of the response reveals, for us, the very nature of the places;

it is our diagnostic tool for watching how the parts interact.

There are two things we are not doing. First, we are not following an agenda

suggested by some versions of historical sociology (e.g. Griffin, 1993) that

promote search for variables that cause place outcomes to be different. In

structuration-as in other phenomenologically influenced fields-variable

independence and dependence are lost in each other. Second, we are not trying

to name traditions or develop new typologies based upon them; we leave open

that task for others' efforts or ours at a later time. Instead, we strive toward a

methodological contribution in the study of places by making more explicit the

processes that yield them.

Santa Barbara and Ventura: Surface Similarities Vs. Deeper Difference

Located 60 and 90 miles, respectively, northwest of the city of Los Angeles (see

Map 1), Ventura and Santa Barbara are both the government seats and historic

centers of their counties of the same names. They have nearly identical and ideal

climates, with little variation from the year-round average high of 70 degrees in

Ventura and 72 in Santa Barbara. Both have low humidity and many days of

sunshine (an annual average of 252 in Ventura and 308 in Santa Barbara;

Seattle has 55 by comparison), and they support an extraordinary diversity of

natural and exotic fauna and flora (e.g. ,oak, palm, eucalyptus, citrus, hibiscus,

cacti). The adjacent ocean waters of the Santa Barbara Channel, on which both

cities front, are protected by a shield of scenic offshore islands-served by

recreational boat service from Ventura, which is closer. The Los Padres National

Forest provides mountain backdrop to both places, although more visually

dramatic from Santa Barbara. Both cities derive from early Spanish mission

settlements that later became Anglo or "Yankee" towns; Santa Barbara ultimately

incorporated in 1850, Ventura in 1866. Their hinterlands share a history of cattle

ranching and citrus, with more diversified crops emerging later on. Although

Santa Barbara had a 1925 earthquake unmatched in its destructive severity by

any Ventura experience, the two places have otherwise been vulnerable to

similar kinds of catastrophe, including periodic floods, droughts, and wildfires.

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v."tUI'.

County

• Sen_M..-••

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\

" " s.nt. Sarbara

'",;..... County

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, t:Hil 'I.6ft! Santa

\..-_-":;..'''-~'''al;,,;;;,-- ~1'1lI '- "'---..."....._-""' ....

- Map 1: Santa Barbara and Ventura Counties

In terms of standard indicators such as population and income, the two cities are

similar as well, although Ventura has a somewhat larger population (97,000 vs.

87,000 in 1990). Ventura median family incomes are higher than in Santa

Barbara ($46,361 vs. $40,912)-a surprise to those who confuse the notoriety of

some very rich people in Santa Barbara and its suburbs with the city or county

population as a whole.iv Santa Barbara's educational level, on the other hand, is

somewhat above Ventura's (31.1 percent with a college degree in Santa

Barbara, 24.6 percent in Ventura), meaning that if socioeconomic status is

understood to involve a combination of eduCation and income, the cities balance

out closely. These standings, moreover, have been generally stable over rElcent

decades (see Table 1). Per capita retail sales were also about equal, with one

place taking the lead over the other depending on year. In 1989-90, for example,

per capita sales (in 1983 dollars) were $11,632 for Santa Barbara and $11,935

for Ventura. For 1993-4, the order was reversed with Santa Barbara having

slightly higher per capita sales at $9,246 compared to Ventura's $8,904 (the early

1990s recession battered both places). One difference is in minority population;

while Hispanics are the largest minorities in both cities, the proportion in Santa

Barbara (31.5 percent) was almost double that of Ventura in 1990 (17.6

percent)-a ratio that has also held roughly qonstant over the 1970-1990 period. / .'
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Table 1:

Comparative Socioeconomic Characteristics,

Ventura and Santa Barbara

Ventura Santa

Barbara

Residents with 4-Year 1970 15.1% 18.1%

College Degree 1990 24.6% 33.1%

Median Family 1970 $11,552 $9,514

Income 1990 $46,361 $40;912

If we were to judge by standard indicators, in short, there would seem to be

reason to expect these two cities to be virtually interchangeable. If we were to

judge by almost any other accounts of the two, on the other hand, dissimilarity

would be the more likely expectation. As a simplified overview, Santa Barbara is

often seen as approximating development experts' pronouncements of a

contemporary ideal-a "learning economy" on the forefront of information,

technology, and leisure services (Sassen, 1991; Porter, 1990; Storper, 1997). In

recognition of its emergence "as a center of computer-based high-technology,

many refer to it as "Silicon Beach."v In terms of consumption patterns that are

said both to result from and to enhance such economic activities, Santa Barbara

is a place of "advanced tastes," with dense offerings in design-rich goods and

services-proclaimed by a Los Angeles Times style editor as one of the "hip

spots." In terms of civic life, Santa Barbara's downtown has the kind of public

space extolled by urban planners from Jane Jacobs to contemporary advocates

of the "New Urbanism" who prize vibrant central cores of diverse uses (see e.g.

Duany and Plater-Zyberk, 1991; Langdon, 1994.) Outside commentators tout·

Santa Barbara for its planning accomplishments along these lines including high

levels of civic participation; planning consultants use video footage of its street

life as a model for other cities to emulate.vi While hardly free of environmental

problems such as traffic arid pollution, as well as social problems found in most

other parts of the United States, Santa Barbara has enough relative advantages

on at least some dimensions to have attracted wide notice. "

With a lesser amount of external adulation and atmospheric preciousness,

Ventura's story has produced less fulsome accounts. While this city c1eariy has

its own distinctions, as we will later elaborate, they are not the sort that make

Ventura a model either in terms of economic development or civic planning for

the rest of the state or nation. The area enjoys some of the charms of small

cities, including less downtown traffic and lower commercial rents than found in

majo~ downtowns or in canonized places like Santa Barbara, but on most

dimensions, Ventura more nearly typifies the qualities that preoccupy critics of

U.S. urban places. In short, although these two cities overlap in various ways

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statistically, as well as being just 30 miles apart geographically, they representat least within the boundaries of a mor~ or less prosperous region of the

country-almost opposite poles of what a small city can be.

These perceptions, moreover, are widely shared within the two areas

themselves. As revealed by several dozen in-depth interviews we carried out in

connection with this research-including interviews with officials in the Ventura

county planning department, city tourist bureau, and the local California Coastal

Commission office-the views of key observers in both cities have far more in

common with the popular imagery than ~ith the statistical profiles. Even the

perception of what is ideal-and that Santa Barbara is closer to it than Venturais shared by numbers of local officials, citizens groups, and business activists in

both areas. Much Ventura area policy, in fact, explicitly aims to emulate what

they refer to as Santa Barbara's "success.",For our purposes, however, WE~ are

less interested in which is "better" than in the analytic utility the differences can

provide.

An advantage of comparing places with many commol') attributes, includi"'9

shared geographic region and broadly similar historical experiences, is thalt we

stand a good chance of talking about external events that are more or less

equivalent in terms of their potential impacts on both locales. We are not, in other

words, comparing events that are little more than nominally similar, as in the

case of "revolutions" in the USSR, France, and China, whose separation of

centuries, vast geographies, and cultural gulfs make comparability more

troubling.vii In dealing with places that plausibly "could have" turned out more

alike than they have, we meet the test of: posing a "possible world" counterfactual (Griffin, 1993: 1101, 1102; Elster, 1978), tracing how "real" options were

or were not taken. These, in short, are not historical straw men.

In the tracing of the actual options taken, we have gone back over 100 years,

examining memoirs, local media, documents from election and assessor's

offices, planning departments, citizens' groups, and many more private and

public agencies.viii We also interviewed more than 100 persons acrc;>ss the I~irger

region~ We have also developed a number of quantitative indicators, which we

will provide as triangulation. Finally, where appropriate, we also draw from the

results of our larger investigation of 37 t0wns and cities in three California

counties.ix

Oil

Oil development does not come gently to regions; it can create vast weialth,

launch new enterprises,and destroy prior ones. It typically brings in its own wellpaid workers, who tend toward strong solidarity both with one another and, at

least in recent times, the company that employs them (Beamish, 1999;

Freudenburg and Gramling 1994; Molotch and Woolley, 1994; Quam-Wickham,

1994).x It also tends to be messy; indeed, some of the world's most publicized

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\

_.-Santa&rOOm County Chdnre Oil

[69]

- -VenturaCountyQ!;hare Oil

5,(XXl,(XX) ~~-I----1I-----------------------~

15,00>,00> +_--=-----A--=::..,...--,.---I-----------"-~:__---~~

35,(0),(XX)+-------------If-+---r--------------,---

1O,OO>,(XX) +_---f-+-+--~+_---------------__\,__-

~00>,(XX)-,----------------------------

4QOO>,(XX)+---------------=----+------------

Figurel

Onshore OilProduction,.l91>19J2

45,00>,(XX)+-.:.------------'-----\1---\------------

Given its economic scale, political power, and physical impact (Tarbell, 1966;

Whitt, 1982), the industry presents a challenge to localities wishing to influence

how it operates. In overall terms, the challenges have been comparable for Santa

Barbara and Ventura; in production volumes and timing the two cities and their

counties have been equally bound up with oil (see Figure 1) (Tri-county Onshore

Oil Production, 1915-1992». In terms of specific choices and their implications,

however, the stories have ultimately proved to be far more divergent.

pollution events have involved oil spillage. With a rich iconography all of its own,

the industry provides petroleum-producing regions with specific and potentially.

consequential imageries of tough work, rough. settlements, and high-risk·

investing.

3Q1XX),(XXl

><

25,00>,(XX) +_---------=:I---I--'I---~--__+---------

]

~2O,(XX),(XX)+---~~------!+------+--F---r---~r------

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Oil Comes to Ventura

Commercial oil production first began in the hills of Ventura county in 1861, just

two years after Titusville and 26 years ahead of Santa Barbara, in 1887. When oil

prospectors arrived in Ventura County they found only a few scattered gnazing

and dry farming operations, with citrus taking root soon after-the economies first

of indigenous Chumash people and then of the Spanish-speaking Californios had

both been vanquished (Pitt, 1966; Almaguer, 1994). Most of the early oil strikes

were on hillside lands sUfficiently out of sight to avoid hindering an early tourist

trade in the nearby valley hamlet of Ojai-a place the Los Angeles Times in 1878

called "the magnetic center of the earth" where "spirit-minded people come to

reach the God centers in themselves" (in Fry, 1983: 243). The oil pipEllines

through citrus groves apparently did little damage to such sensibilities, and some

farmers benefited from oil royalties. Several served on oil company boards,

including that of the soon to be dominant Union Oil Company (later the global

giant Unocal). .

The initial oil strikes were well outside the ~ity of Ventura, but they had important

implications for the city nevertheless. In particular, the city was the area's port for

oil shipping (along with agricultural produce), a role that brought Oil-storage

facilities and otherwise predisposed Ventura's waterfront to industrial use.

Several decades later, oil would be found within a few hundred>yards of thE:! city

center; the Ventura Avenue oil field became economically viable in the 1~320s.

Unlike the case of other areas that have experienced boom-and-bust cycles of oil

development within the· course of relatively few years, technological advalnces

and the discovery of ever-deeper oil deposits led to continuing drilling in a

compact area, through the 1950s and beyond. This combination of factors--the

"first-mover' advantage of the early oil discoveries, combined with the geological

happenstance of vertically stratified pools-helped make parts of the local

landscape a quasi-permanent installation of oil. service firms adjacent to and

reaching into the city of Ventura-an "industrial district" of mutua'lly

complementary functions (Scott, 1988). This district ultimately sustained an oil

support industry that also served sites elsewhere in California and to a degree,

other parts of the United States.

Ventura Avenue, also called "the oil patch" by locals, was the city's major artery

running perpendicular to the ocean. As the industry developed, the Avenue

became lined with oil service and supply firms along with bars and restaurants

frequented by oil workers, like the still remaining "Derrick Room" (pictured in

photo 1). It has also been home to low inCome residents. So here is the flo,:/\,:

nature bequeathed the oil; geologic formation stimulated technologies that gave

the industry a durable presence; and that presence affected local residential

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patterns, types of stores, and their appearanc&-all within a series of political and

civic conjunctures (see below) that reinforced at each iteration.':

Photo 1: Stol",es and Facilities along J.lThe ,Avenue"'"

[61J
Ventura's beach, a different kind of natural ;attribute than oil, stretches a greater

distance than Santa Barbara's and is more consistently wide and sandy-'a

closer fit to the idealized California beaches of travel brochures. But some of the

adjacent industrial and residential uses tilted against the affluent settlement,

tourist services, and upscale shopping often accompanying ocean development

elsewhere along the California coast. One large beachside hotel (the Pierpont

Inn) was constructed, but it was south of the downtown area and separated from

a then-existing coastal park by large oil storage tanks; even the hotel would later

be separated from the beach by the freeway that will be discussed below. In the

1950s, beach-front lots sold cheaply, even given away as promotional items with

the purchase of a new car. In the 1960s, some ocean-oriented high-end hOlJsing

was built adjacent to a new artificial recreptional harbor but this development

took place about three miles south of Ventura Avenue and downtown.

Adjacent to the oil patch, the central business district was, as described in a

Clark University geography dissertation writ~en at the time, "hemmed in by blight

on the west, hills on the north [and] the sea on the south" (Reith, 1963:148). The

only way for retail activity to expand was toward the east; department stores,

national outlets, and other expanding retailers leapfrogged adjacent bUl~lt-up

areas to end up miles away, effectively splitting Ventura's shopping district into

two discrete units and also moving retailing farther away from the waterfront area

(see Map 2). More subtly, this movement to the periphery eliminated the highend shops and services whose owners might have demanded clean-up and had

the clout to get it. Vacated downtown spaces became thrift shops, antique and

used book stores-uses that persist to this day. Perhaps because of the

devaluation of the core, the county had less, reason to remain downtown when it

needed new administrative and court house; space, nor were there organiz8ltions

demanding it remain. So it also went east but to a still different part of the city,

leaving the stately downtown court house (designed by Albert C. Martin in Beaux

Arts classical style) to become the city hall in 1971.

The configuration now became two distinct and separate retailing districts, with

county government-the far larger of the public employers-out of downtown and

separate both from retailing and from city government. Each element of disintegration supported the other. The fact of! oil is not sufficient to explain the~e

separations, so common across urban America, and indeed, it appears that

locals of the time seldom if ever made the connection. No organized groups

surfaced in our research to oppose the operations of oil in the city or the indirect

consequences of its activities. But even as the oil activity itself began to wane, its

presence remained strong through the conjlinctural elements that. both affected it

and that it helped induce. The city, now acknowledged by locals as having

"turned its back to the ocean," took its modern shape.

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Map 2: Ventura's civic, recreational and retail centers

Although these events reduced the desirability of the seaside, there had been

counter forces also at work to make the downtown oceanfront an amenity.

Through a gift from the region's most prominent banker, E.P. "Foster, the city

gained its 62 acre "Seaside Park" at the end of the nineteenth century, "to fulfill

Mr. Foster's dream of (it) becoming a miniature Golden Gate Park" (Percy, "

. 1957:6). In 1914, the park site became home to the Ventura County Fair and its

annual judging of animals, produce, crafts, baking and canning, first under tents

and then in permanent structures. Over time, the fair's facilities-now including

an off-track betting structure (I~rgely windowless to the sea) and parking'for

2,500 cars-replaced the trees, lawns, tennis courts and stone barbecues.

Writing in 1957, the philanthropist's surviving friend ruefully remarked that Mr.

Foster "would be very disappointed today if he could see what future

management had done to his dream" (Percy, 1957:6).

The current configuration was by no means predetermined; indeed, there were

momer:'ts of plausible reversibility. During the 1970s the Ventura County Fair

Board" considered moving the attraction to a larger site to gain space for horse

raciJilg and gambling. But the controversy and "grave choice," as it was termed in

[63)
,

the local newspaper editorial,xii turned on 1what would do more for downtown

business, continuing with the fair or possibilities like high-rise apartments, h()te~s;

and a new roadway at the location. Pressure frolT! .advocates of coastal access

and from fair volunteers and enthusiastS-+about 3,000 strong and by far the

largest voluntary group we ever came upon in the county-defended what they

called the "homey feeling" of things as theytwere and forced the Board to relent

(Smith 1971 :A6; Garnica, 1980).Xill .

Just south along the coast, the city sponsored a high-rise Holiday Inn and

parking garage, spanning the only remaining downtown ocean front. The hotel

uses one of the same generic designs employed in high-rise Holiday Inns.

elsewhere; according to our communication from the son of the original

developer, his father found it easy to gain building permission for this hotel

compared to his tribulations in developing ,8 similar project in Monterey at the

time. The city's only high-rise structure, the: hotel and parking garage closed off

many views from the beach to the city and :mountains and from the town to the

sea (see Photo 2). These combined developments further nullified the

philanthropist's endowment. But by now th~ town had few stakeholders for view

preservation (like affluent residences or tounist facilities), nor institutions oriemted

toward ocean amenity goals.

Photo 2: Hotel and parking structute on Ventura's beachfront

/

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Throughoutthe controversies, restoration of the "Seaside Park" site to its original

intended use was a non-issue. Even those fervently wanting to move the Fair did

not invoke park restoration as a possible advantage-:-despite the fact that the

debate took place at a time in history when state voters ushered in the California

Coastal Protection Act. The coast remained land upon which non-coastal uses

would dominate and in a way unlikely to implant social or physical elements

oppositional to the petroleum industry.

At each tum, the city and the county of Ventura welcomed oil development, with

oil firm owners and employees taking up prominent roles in civic life. Oil

companies sponsored local activities, from concerts to little league teams, and

the local paper celebrated the industry with an annual "Oil Progress Week"

supplement, including homage to the many. oil employees who played a role in

community groupS.Xiv Oil men and their families also came to serve in local

government, inclUding the Ventura City Council (none ever served in Santa

Barbara). At the time of the great Santa Barbara Channel oil spill of 1969-which

actually came ashore first in .Ventura County before blackening 40 miles of

beachfront along both counties-the Ventura City Council opposed federal bans

on ocean drilling,' even as other California cities vociferously demanded (and

gained) such a moratorium from the Nixon Administration.

Ventura's support for oil belied the ongoing decline in oil's local economic

significance. As noted earlier (recall Figure 1), the two counties were virtually

equal in volume and pacing of oil exploitation, with steep declime by the 1990s.

Indeed, by 1970, shortly after the 1969 oil spill, Ventura County's ratio of oil jobs

to tourism was nearing the ratios in Santa Barbara county and California as a

whole (See Figure 2). Although the oil industry continued to be extolled at the

time as a bulwark of the local economy and civic life, its political and 'social

potency came not from economic necessity, but from accumulating contextual fit

that involved a broader range of "variables" than its share of economic base.

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19iU

When oil came to the Santa Barbara area, the city and adjacent suburb of

Montecito were already becoming tourist and retirement areas, albeit at a rather

small scale. The local Arlington Hotel (at 150 rooms, far larger than any in tne

adjacent county) was built in 1875-13 years after oil was first exploitE~d in

Ventura, but 12 years before oil came to Santa Barbara County. Both the Santa

Barbara and Ventura areas, like Southern California in 'general, were promoted

widely for health restoration and the good life. Oil on the beaches and natural

slicks at sea, evident from Chumash times to the present day, might seem to put

Santa Barbara at a tourism disadvantage; Ventura lacks such contamination.

Instead Santa Barbara's boosters touted the fumes as good for respiratorY

ailments (Tompkins, 1975:56), in effect portraying the oil they could not control

as a' health remedy.

Oil Comes to Santa Barbara

(66)

~2

RmdMrir§IoT_

S"lianm.aaU\irhia~19I).19it)

Q<IfA>-'--------'----.L-----'----L...7----L....------l.-----'------l

19:6

4l<IfA>r--;;:;;;;~==::::::====~;;;;:=====~--

JlarA>+---------'------------------=------

(llarA>+-----------------------~-------

8l<IfA>+--------------------"~------------'-

m<IfA>+--------------"'.........:-----'---------------

maJ>A>+-------'----""""'=---------;---.------------

1IlID%+---------------,-------;---------------
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As in the case of E. P. Foster's donation of a beachfront park to Ventura, a

number of Santa Barbara's prominent citizens also acted to conserve the

waterfront. Through gifts and public action, industrial facilities at the beach were

gradually removed. Max Fleishmann (the "yeast king") funded a good part of the

cost to build a harbor so he could berth his private yacht. Fearing "honky tonk"

development at the ocean, a group of the area's wealthy residents bought up

much of the city's beachfront and held it prior to the city votes-·in 1925, 1927

and 1931-that approved the bonds that secured almost the entire ocean-front

as public park. To catch views of the evolving amenity, developers gradually laid

·out housing and the main hillside boulevard to run parallel, rather than

perpendicular to the waterfront, roughly in the form of a vast amphitheater to the

sea. This mobilized natural aesthetics into amenity-enhancing and commercially

valuable infrastructure. In the end, Santa Barbara gained more benefactionsocean-oriented as well as of other types--than Ventura, one of the causes

plausibly being the contrasting examples made in the use of the early ones.

Reasonably enough, people tend to give when they think their donations will

have their intended effects, which means where they can sense that the social

and environmental contexts-viz.. local traditions-will provide appropriate longterm support.

.Santa Barbara's emerging amenity orientation continuously generated tension

between the locality and the oil industry-(and other industries as well). While

residents tolerated oil development in parts of the county distant from the city and

its affluent suburb of Montecito, the closer-in projects soon came to provide a

different story. The world's first offshore oil development took place at adjacent

Summerland in 1894, but in the summer of 1899 when the offshore development

came closer to Santa Barbara itself, residents took direct action.

Here is an excerpt from the lead story in The· Santa Barbara Morning Press at

the time:

That the property owners on the sea front are determined that no

unsightly oil derrick shall disfigure the beautiful views of land and

sea was demonstrated last night, when a party of the best known

society men of Santa Barbara armed to meet any resistance, and

with workmen employed for the purpose, utterly demolished a new

oil derrick .~. (Santa Barbara Morning Press, August 3, 1899).

Although the action indeed proved effective in blocking further expansion up the

beach, such sentiment was not universal. The rival Daily Independent denounced

this "vigilantism" as revealing an "animal instinct" (August 3, 1899). The selfdesignated "business supporter" Independent also mocked the aesthetic

concerns of oil's opponents, facetiously suggesting painting the derrick like a

barber pole.xv This sort of ridicule of an overly fussy Santa Barbara, both from

'within the area and from outside critics, presages a theme that would also

contirnue for generations. Although Santa Barbara had, and continues to have,

the kind of pro-development political elements that support growth of virtually any

./

[67]
"

sort, the hardware of oil-so visible in Ventura-'.would simply not exist, at leasfin

parts of the area valued for other purposes.!' Oil was in the ground, but at least:in

certain locations, , social and organizational I features. _. would keep it from the

surface, or in other cases, alter the procedures used to bring it up. .l

, .

Finally overcoming internal conflicts in 1953, the city banned all oil drilling within

its borders. Lacking jurisdiction over the'o~an-all of which comes under state

or federal authority-the city used litigation land political pressure to oppose the

offshore drilling that nevertheless became prevalent later in the post-war Elra.' It

was the 1969 oil spill, however, that unleashed the most intense opposition.

World media attention amplified the outcry (0 a global level (Molotch and Lester,

1975), forcing first a temporary moratorium and then more permanent changes'in

oil-and otherdevelopment-nati~n-widef under the newly passed Natio~al

Environmental Policy Act (NEPA).xv, In 197~, the California electorate voted for

the state coastal protection act (Ventura cdunty and city split almost equaHy on

the vote; Santa Barbara city voters approved it by two-thirds with county approval

at 62 per cent). At the local Santa Barbara l~vel, the city banned any servicing 'of

oil industry craft from the city pier, finishing (the gradual deindustrialization of the

waterfront that had begun early in the centu~. I

Besides providing bases for conflict, the SantaBarbara milieu had mechanisms

for using the riches of oil in ways different ithan in Ventura. Most notably, loqal

politicians used oil property tax revenue to help pay for the spectalcular

downtown Santa Barbara County Court House, completed just after the 1925 I •

earthquake that leveled most of downtowf11. Since 1922, the local "Plans a':ld

Planting" community group had been pressing for a consistent "Spanish style" for

the city, providing pro bono architectural:advice to local home builders and

entrepreneurs. Under its urgings, as well' as those of other groups, thEl city

created, just after the quake, the country's :first architectural board of review, "to

ensure that all downtown buildings confor"1 to the preferred motif~ Although the

controversial board was to go in and out of existence over the decades, the style

triumphed over the years-sometimes to t~e chagrin of even enlightened local

developers who found it and other succe~sive planning requirements undyly

burdensome. The court house became the, quintessential representation of the

style and of Santa Barbara's commitment: to beautification, with towers, til~d

corridors, murals and ornate ironwork (se~ phot03)-an ongoing ceremonial

space for local civic and political events,' as well as a tourist attraction a~d

backdrop set for TV and movies. In effect, the county put the oil money into

concrete forms that were to persist as an aesthetic and semiotic resource,

emulated in still other structures. In later years, when federal authorities forced

offshore development, local agencies exadted special oil contributions toward

improving shore-related recreation facilitieS-:-in effect, as before, offsetting rather

than reinforcing the tendency for the oceanf~ont to bespeak industrial activitiE;)s. ;,

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Photo 3; SantaBarbara County·Courthouse ' .

The pre-existing range of place attributes influenced how specific parts of the oil

industry would distribute themselves. Numbers of oil company owners, and

especially their heirs, made homes in the Santa Barbara area. For example,

regional oil heiress Cynthia Wood (whose family's ranch sat atop the Ventura

Avenue oil field) bred famous horses at showplace Montecito stables; national oil

heiress Alice Keck Park (of Keck Oil) made her life in Santa Barbara, where she

also endowed a public garden. local retiree Samuel Mosher,~founder of Signal

Oil and early supporter (as ·8 University of California Regent) of the creation of

UC Santa Barbara, also had a local residence as well as large ranch outside the

city. Environmental consulting firms, whose creation the high-regulatory regime

had helped bring about,- overwhelmingly centered in the Santa Barbara city area.

Oil workers, on the other hand, tended to settle in Ventura and other parts of the

two counties.

While Santa Barbara's civic leaders had major reservations about oil, they had

more' consensus about higher education as the fitting kind of growth pole for the

area. The long-lived Thomas Storke-besides publishing the local newspaperwa~; at various times, also a University Regent, a friend of FOR and several

[69)
California governors as well as a U.S. Senator appointed to complete an

incumbent's term (Storke, 1958). With the help of local allies, including oil-man

Mosher, he managed to have the federal government hand over its ocean-front

Marine Base north of the city to the uC Regents. The Regents, in tum,

responding to the site's beauty and Santa Barbara's "long cultural background"

(Storke, 1958: 435), as well as strong support from local planning group leaders,

designated Santa Barbara's modest public college as the core of a new general

UC campus.to be built on the old military base (Kelley, 1981: 4, 6).

Constructed next to what had once been an oil field (Coal Oil Point), the

university's students, staff and faculty joined the anti-oil ranks, adding new levels

of expertise as well as political energy.XVii The confrontation became direct when,

in the mid 1990s, Mobil Oil proposed an onshore rig on university-owned land to

slant-drill into an offshore field (offshore pl9tform construction was precludl~d by

the field's location in a scenic sanctuary along the coastline). Under lobbying

pressure from faculty and students as well as local environmentalist groups, the

university ultimately refused access to the former oil field, foregoing the revenue

it would have received and, in effect, sealing in the deindustrialization of the site.

Symptomatic of the more subtle ways place character builds up, the university's

influence operates not just through big events, but through micro-reinforcements

of local milieu. Here is an anecdote involving a businessman's visits to his

undergraduate daughter. Bega Lighting is a firm that designs and builds lightifl9

projects around the world as well as high-end fixtures for commercial appli~ltions

(e.g. Washington D.C. National Cathedral, the Mexico City subway system). The

founder of the U.S. component of the corporation (partnered with Be!~a of

Germany) started it in Santa Barbara because he "was inspired to start a

business after visiting his daughter, then a student at UCSB. He said he dec:ided,

'This is a great place; I've got to find a way to live here'" (Ross, 1994:B4). With a

payroll of 55 employees and revenue above $5 million, Bega then initiated a

donation of $100,000 worth of exterior decorative lighting for the courthouse,

further enhancing the local landmark. So these are the path adjacencies: Citizen

groups limit oil impacts, in part by using oil's'tax contributions to build up the local

ambiance (e.g. the court house); the local jambiance and social networks of its

residents (Storke et al.) induce the University's presence; the University attracts

the daughter; the daughter (along with the:ambiance) brings in the father, who

pulls in the business. The business "gives back" a little with its donation, further

enhancing the ambiance, which strengthens the anti-oil posture, which is where

we started. Santa Barbara becomes more like Santa Barbara, evidenced at any

point along the way by the kinds of people who come to live there, local politiGaI

and organizational decisions, and the "look and feel" of the place. This is not a

simple series of successive causal events; at each point things could have gone

differently, but were made more likely through the reinforcing complementarities

in place at each juncture. ;

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Within the powerful push/pull macro forces of migration, people self-select on

place character and tradition, even within the oil industry itself-'a self-selection

process that steers one type of functionary to Santa Barbara and a different type

to Ventura. Once attracted, migrants vote for the candidates, pass the tax

measures, shop at the stores, and join the organizations that induced their own

entry.

It would be easy to argue after the fact that Santa Barbara always had some

natural advantage, but both places had oil as well as good weather and attractive

scenery. Indeed, it would be just as plausible to say Ventura's setting-closer

proximity to Los Angeles tourist markets, broad tar-free beaches, and boat

access to the scenic off-shore islands-provided better opportunities. That

Ventura had oil wealth a bit sooner gave it riches that its leaders could have used

to set the place up for long-term economic and cultural innovation (something

Norway did, but the Dutch failed to do in regard to North Sea oil-see Ellman,

1977; Feagin, 1990; Andersen; 1993). In this long-term sense-at least in the

hindsight of the city's current leaders-its former elites, engaged. in the oil

support mission, made the wrong move. Nature is only an "amenity" (as opposed

to geographic fact) if there is a cultural, political, and organizational context that

interprets and shapes it into such. "Gebgraphy matters," say Massey and Allen

(1984), but contingently; Freudenburg et. al. (1995) refer to it as "conjoint

constitution" of the natural and social (see -also Bunker, 1984).

Akin to a first mover effector the proverbial butterfly's wings in chaos theory, a

string of linked land use decisions each then encouraged iand constrained

successive actions. Had more substantial tourism, even just a bit more, been "in

the way," Ventura's oil might have come out in the same volume but with different

implications for local history. Similarly, if state or national coastal protection laws

had come sooner rather than later, they might have preserved Seaside Park,

which might then have affected other local infrastructures, creating the basis for a

different kind of local economic and cultural fix. Again, the evolving and

strengthening complementarities in place at each moment were what insulated

the oil-based trajectory in Ventura. In contrast, as oil came up the Santa Barbara

coast, it met with an amenity-oriented element. The buy-up of the beachfront was

another timely intervention made meaningful not just by rich people on hand, but

also by local organizations and public sentiment among a not especially wealthy

citizenry ready to take on the bonding debt.

Freeway

As with oil development, freeways affect what places can be. Funded and

administered through a combination of federal and state sources, they are an

omnipresent element of U.S. urban life that virtually every American city has had

to deal with-one way or the other. At least until the early 1970s, when urban

groups began to rebel, localities welcomed them as. a means of movement and

[71)
_____________-------~----~------______c--------------

as a mechanism of slum clearance (Greer, 1965; Gans, 1968; Whitt, 1982).. U.S.

Interstate 101 came to be the dominant thoroughfare in both our cities; the state

completed the Ventura stretch in 1963, but the Santa Barbara portion took 30

years longer-a telltale delay we will explain.

The Freeway Comes to Ventura

The Ventura freeway replaced the old U.S\ highway 101 that created traffiic tieups as it went through downtown. For the new routing, the State acquired the

commercial and residential land-then h0me to many Hispanics--along the

ocean and west of downtown, land made attractive and less costly for highway

expansion by uses accumulated in the wakE3 of petroleum. The highway builders.

also filled in some low-lying oceanfront using earth excavated for the city's new

recreational harbor. The resulting configuration was a freeway so close to t~e

downtown oceanfront that there was room enough only for a narrow strip of grass

along the beach, the Holiday Inn, the fairgrounds complex, and parking. rhere

could be no critical mass of ocean-oriented residential, commercii:!1 'or

recreational services near the central city (See Map 2). In their guidebook 'to

Southern California architecture, Gebhard and Winter (1977:515) advise

prospective visitors that the Ventura beach recreation area "is only toleralble if

one is close enough to the beach so that the sound of the breakers can drown

out the din of the freeway traffic." - '

In our interviews with local officials and planners, and our inspection of. media

published when important decisions were made, we found virtually no evidence

of opposition to the highway's final routing" much less to the fact of its crE~ation

(there was a single letter to the editor' of complaint). Showing a seldomexpressed appreciation for ocean views, a'newspaper editorial did congratulate

the city for negotiating a partially depressed freeway that would preserve the

vista from the then County Courthouse to the sea. But the main issue raised by

"the public," as indicated by news coverage at the time and minutes of requisite

hearings, was concern that a lack of exits into the old downtown would hurt

merchants. As a result, the state constructed an extra entrance, althouoh its

"make do" configuration (see below) was much inferior to the interchanges built

where the suburban malls were taking shape.

In contrast to the 1950s era, by the 1990sthe freeway's impacts were of major

concern to planners and boosters, who saw itas antithetical to a tourist or hightech milieu (the city spends about $400,000 annually to attract visitors).. The

decision to depress a portion of the freeway creates a canyon effect for cars

coming through the heart of the city, meanil1g that neither beach nor mission can

beckon travelers. At the same time, the freeway cuts the city from the ocean. The

highway's offramp dangerously and uninvitingly configures the pedestrian route

from downtown to the water, a distance of only a few blocks (see Photo '4,

"pedestrians prohibited"). To avoid blocking traffic in the freeway exit lane, ~rs

must spill into a crosswalk unimpeded by traffic light or stop sign. The freeway,

,/"

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raised at various points,also obscures pedestrians' views to the ocean, as does

an old railway bridge carrying train tr~cks that were moved during freeway

construction and then replaced in situ upon the freeway's completion (see Photo

5). The attention to detail that might have mitigated these impacts, either from

city hall or community organizations; was not there at the crucial moments.

/

[73J
Photo 5: Freeway configuration betweel~ downtown Ventura and w.atetfl"Out

(74)

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The Freeway Comes (Eventually) to Santa Barbara

For many years, Santa Barbara's "fussiness" was marked, for some, by the set of

three adjacent traffic lights that ultimately became the only signals stopping

highway traffic between Los Angeles and northern California. The city repeatedly

rejected the state's upgrading proposals as damaging beachfront and downtown,

instead requesting a combined highway and rail corridor, sunk below ground

where the main street crossed to the ocean-an option rejected by the state as

unfeasible. Dozens of hearings were held, and hundreds of citizens turned out.

We found scores of letters to the editor (over 100 when we stopped counting)

and editorial comments. The city's architectural review board expressed

, positions, as did the city's landmarks commission and planning-oriented citizens'

associations. Business groups were also active, albeit often condemning the civic

organizations for imposing costly delays in contesting the state's good offers.

Finally, city and state agencies compromised with a partially raised freeway,

.allowing the city's main street to pass under on its way to the beach arei:); The

city contributed an extra $400,000 to upgrade landscaping and architectural

detailing beyond state standards. The social and cultural capital of residents

kicked in as eminent experts appeared, sometimes as paid consultants and

sometimes as locals providing pro bono service. Citizen groups scrutinized

pedestrian experience, views, and even the texture and tint of the concrete. The

result, still offensive to some local critics, is a profusely landscaped freeway

segment as it passes through downtown with the major underpass appearing to

its users as an ersatz medieval archway linking downtown-and the ocean.

As eventually built, the downtown and seashore form an unbroken "T" of

pedestrian access for recreation, shopping, government services (city and

county), and tourism (see Photo 6; Map 3). Santa Barbara's downtown combines

retail activity (the bulk of all sales occur there, not the suburbs), entertainment

(16 movie screens in five theater complexes are within a six-block strip), and

cultural institutions (museums, live theaters, libraries), along with the parks and

beachfront recreation areas. This concentration of complementary functions

dramatically contrasts with the dispersion of retail, government, and recreation in

Ventura, which inhibits a critical mass of civic activity either by day or night. In

terms of the ocean, Ventura's laSh-up included acceptance of oil, an uncontested

freeway, and a venerated county fair that reflected, in social and symbolic terms,

the complementarity of agriculture and these other elements. It had activists but

their "anti-business" protests targeted changes to the fair rather than threats to

other local amenities. As in Santa Barbara, it could have gone differently, but the

interlocking of so many diverse particulars increased in consequentiality at each

turn.

Even big and expensive hardware, consequential as it may be, gains much of its

impact from the way it is locally assimilated and from the ongoing attitudes

toward it. Freeways, after all, have at times been taken down, especially with

[75]
, - some help from earthquakes and aroused citizen groups.XVIII Santa Barbara's pre1925 built environment itself represented ai massive sunk cost in hardwam, but

due to organizational prowess it was not rebuilt as it had been before-the typi9al

post-disaster response (see Dynes and Ti~rney, 1994; Quarantelli, 1978). At a

more detailed level, the configuration of [both freeway and oil infrastructure

differed in our two places by virtue of evolving politics and institutions. Those

physical outcomes then, through further irDpacts on nature, hardware and the

social realms, helped anchor urban charact~r and conveyed tradition. ~'!

,.

Photo 6: Santa. Ba~ara!s Watetfront ,

.,,

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_ Approx. 1. Mile

Map 3: Santa Barbara's civic" recreational and retail centers

Organizational and Consumption Milieus: A Comparison of Densities

No less than the outcomes of the physically durable, the presence (or absence)

of mobilized community groups influence and perpetuate milieu. Beyond

whatever ennobling role participation in community organizations may have for

individual participants or general democratic processes, as averred by observers

from Tocqueville to Putnam (see e.g. Gamm and Putnam, 1999), voluntary

associations also affect substantive outcomes. For us, in a way that is consistent

with much work by organizational sociologists, organizations help hold things in

place so that all does not melt into air. While we are uncomfortable with

anthropomorphizing organizations as having attributes like the capacity to

"remember," they do act as a space, sometimes a physical one, through which

individuals make contact over similar concerns, interact, share tales, convey

know-how, and spread sensibilities as people come and go, live and die. In

effect, they harbor the "memory traces" through which, as Giddens argues (1984:

17), something like a social structure can transpose itself from one time or place

to another. Once established, they overcome the· "liability of newness"

(Stinchcombe, 1965: 148) that otherwise encumbers social action, including

individual action by those who are otherwise weak in strategic knowledge. When

disturbances occur-whether through natural disaster, government action, or

/

[77]
proposed constructions-pre-existing netwqrks can spread news and coordinate

across issue areas. These connections are another form of social capital as a

place characteristic. .

i

Given the apparent salience of organization~ in our place histories, we compared

their numbers across places. Ideally, we would have compared organizational

densities over time, to determine the mix :at various oil and freeway decision

points. Methodological and resource limits precluded such longitudinal analysis;

appropriate data exist only for recent peri~ds. But contemporary comparisons

can nevertheless offer some confirming or :disconfirming evidence; it is unlikely

that strong contemporary differences developed "overnight;" indeed, the patterns

we report run parallel not only to the content of oral histories for the areas, but

also outside historical accounts (see especially Starr, 1990: 231-302).

Our data sources were the non-profit directories maintained i,in each county by

their respective voluntary sector associat'ions as well as the Yearbook of

California Charitable.Orga(1izations. Betweeril them, these volumes list groups, by

type, with each organization's annual budget and asset value. (buildings,

endowments); we standardized these figures for population size.xlX We also

interviewed voluntary association leaders ~e thought would have a wide view,

like United Way officials and heads of local 60mmunity foundations, to adjust the I

lists for any methodologicalinconsistencisslacross directories.xx The results, as

shown in the comparison of organizational: densities, including all significanfO'i

towns in our larger study (see Louch, 1995), robustly reinforce the narrative:

Whether in number of organizations, their aggregate revenues or their assets,

Santa Barbara has highest totals.

/

[78]

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The city of Ventura is organizationally weak on all indicators, the strength of its

County Fair participation not withstanding. We examined the possibility that,

although Santa Barbara may be high in aggregate terms, it may be weaker in

certain sub-sectors. Wolpert (1988; see also Tiebout, 1956) has suggested there

"is "balanced generosity" across places, with some "specializingnin different

arenas of charity and service organizations (e.g. arts versus social services).

Indeed, some of our informants said they considered Santa Barbara's putative

"elitism" led it to support the arts but not social service and health groups. To test

these assertions, we broke down our place comparisons in terms of

organizational functions used in the directories themselves: 1) Health & Human

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Services; 2) Arts & Cultural organizations; 3) Recreation & Leisure and 4)

Counseling & Support Organizations.xxii ,

Figure4t

Ads andG.dbnal Organizati01l9 inTownandGlies

Contrary to our informants' impressions, the findings show no evidence of "tradeoff." Figures 4 and 5 show, respectively, that the high density of Santa Barbara's

Health and Human services parallels its density in Arts & Cultural organizations.

When .we looked at the· other two categories (Recreation/Leisure and

Counseling/Support),the pattern held as well. It may be, of course, that Ventura's

organizations are more likely than those in Santa Barbara to operate "under the

radar" of our historical studies as well as the data bases we have used. Even if

this is the case, which we doubt, these would, almost by the nature of things, be

relatively ineffective organizations. Achieving visibility, whether in accounts of

events or in listings and documents, is ordinarily an important part of

organizational significance.

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In doing this for our two cases, we think we have also come to some substantive

issues of concern to urban analysts, particularly with those with an interest in

power. The so-called dead hand of the past, we have come to see, is not just a

problem for the proletariat, but something that entangles the privileged as well.

Ventura's past elites, however unwittingly, were complicit in generating a future

that their present-day counterparts would much like to reverse. Similarly in Santa

Barbara, some current projects of the rich and powerful must accommodate

restrictions that carry fingerprints of their predecessors who perhaps never meant

for things to have "gone so far." For those with only weak resources, the weight

of accumulating conjunctures and the routines they imply are that much more

difficult to ignore-however unhealthy, inegalitarian, or otherwise troubling they

may be. We thus come upon, after a roundabout route, the core meaning of local

power, with a contribution perhaps to ongoing arguments of how hegemony

works. That even revolutionaries must draw upon, as best they can, the complex

arrangements they may so passionately wish to change, thus makes sense

(Calhoun, 1983).

Nowadays there are efforts to contrive the kind of urban character and tradition

we have described, represented most ambitiously in the "New Urbanism"

movement. As in the prototypical case of Disney's Celebration in Florida, the

developers take every opportunity to invoke an idealized urban way of life in

buildings and spatial arrangements. Constructed mostly on vacant scrub near

Orlando, a "new town". rises with imaginings of high levels of civic interaction,

focused on a downtown of concentrated commercial and cultural activities. To

make it all happen, Disney assiduously creates "old time" architecture (including

a requirement that every house have a front porch), nostalgic street signs, and

ersatz "mom and pop" store fronts. Compared to prior modes of development,

these projects-and they now dot the country-do coordinate across a wider

array of institutions to gain their effects (schools, business, and residence). But in

profound ways, the New Urbanism may represent a contradiction in terms. If

nothing else, we have shown how an urban tradition arises through interactive

layering over time, something that is difficult to produce all at once no matter how

large the resources behind the effort. Despite the skills of very smart planners

and architects, anyone can read the Disney landscape as "instant," and in that

sense something entirely.different than, say, a Santa Barbara that did it over the

longer haul. Again, we are in no position to pronounce places like Celebration a

success or failure (but see Ross, 1999); we only can indicate what the creators

are up against.

Similar challenges, although of a different sort, confront those striving to alter the

trajectory of already existing places. Much to the frustration of "change agents,"

designing a new streetscape, creating a community organization, setting up a

museum, or injecting a credo into ongoing routines does not often set new

dynamics into action. It is not easy, in particular; to·boost local standing vis-a-vis

other place~ with a project here and another there; perhaps we have shown why

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[81)

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Inter-organizational linkages may also impact places physically. Through the

xXiiiPlans and Planting organization's early efforts to preserve historic adobe

buildings, local groups captured what became office space for several diffE~rent

./

As we suspected, and our interviews confirmed, "counts" such as these still miss

one of the mechanisms that make organizations effective, namely the way their

connections with one another create additional synergies. For example, a Santa

Barbara theater company, Access Theater, ;was initially funded by the Fund for

Santa Barbara, a source of start-up dollars for "social change" projects. This

theater company, headed by an actor, writer, and producer with severe physical

challenges, had as its mission increasing handicapped people's life chances. It

depends on organizations in health, school, and social services to provide

audiences and generate financial support. This support changes the nature of

what a theater company can be, just as the theater alters what it means to be

doing work in "health."

figureS:

HeaJtb. andHuman Services Organizations inTown and aties

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community non-profits (including the well-endowed Santa Barbara Foundation).

Another physical change is the ongoing Community Flag Project, created by a

former director of the city art museum, which commissions local artists to design

flags for voluntary groups in the arts, welfare, health, environment, and social

services (43 different flags to date). Each design can be repeated as logo on

stationery, publicity, vehicles, and so forth. The flying flags provide the

organizations a more visible presence in the city-and the city, in a locally

characteristic way, gains a beauty asset as the flags fly at public sites. So the

arts build other organizational realms and vice-versa. Besides their external

results, such projects create interpersonal linkages across organizational realms

that serve, as with other so-called "weak ties" (Granovetter, 1975), to strengthen

the basis for future actions. Albeit with lower stakes than those involving oil and

freeway, outcomes like the Flag Project cumulate to create a different "structure

of feeling" or "aura" in the public spaces of the two cities.xxiv

Part of this aura also consists· of the goods and services available inside and

flowing out of the bUildings-the details of shop offerings, modes of window

display, and mannerism of service. They not only attract and sustain workers in

particular fields, but also offer up place stories-more memory trace material. We

compared our two areas,along with the six primary towns and cities used in our

more general studies, in terms of the degree to which they offered goods and

services we associate with those in information, technology, and leisure service

sectors. Using ratios of number of establishments to population· size, we

compared densities for each type of the following: Architectural Services, Book

.Stores, Commercial Art and Graphic Design, Museums and Art Galleries,

Counseling Services, Bicycle Shops, and Computer Programming Services. We

used a computer phone directory data base,xxv roughly equivalent to the "yellow

pages."

While other indicators could no doubt be substituted ·for the ones we chose,xxvi

the differences as indicated in Figure 6 form a clear pattern-consistent with out

initial portrayal of the differences between the two places, but based on a more

subtle element in local ensembles. In the patterning of consumption goods,

Santa Barbara was first in architects, counseling services, and bicycle shopSthe latter perhaps reflecting local environmentalism and its material

consequences. In the two art categories (Commercial Art & Graphic

Design/Museums and Art Galleries), it was surpassed, in per capita terms, only

by the art colony town of Ojai. Number of bookstores was the only category in

which Ventura outscored Santa Barbara (albeit by a small margin), and in this

.case the count is affected by the many small used book shops in low-rent

Ventura as compared to the many larger-scale bookstores in Santa Barbara.

/

[82]
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Such environmental elements reveal to all, not just the professional analyst,

something of what Becker (1998:44) calls in regard to physical objects in general

the "congealed social agreements" that lie behind them. The two places'

buildings,XXVii shops, and goods "say" different things about the people and

organizational structures that would result in such a thing happening-and in that

way facilitate place replication. Ordinary folks are also semioticians, and able to

at least glimpse the congealed social agreements on display and make what they

see part of future behavior.

Our interviews also revealed that the places would even be more different if it

were not for diffusion among them, as actors in one place mimic what is

happening in the other. The borrowing was mostly in the direction of Ventura

following Santa Barbara-evident, for example, in zoning, sign controls, or the

type of trees used in downtown street plantings. In regard to an alternative

newspaper, AIDS-support organization, and a public interest law firm, the

[83]

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Ventura version was established by the Santa Barbara "parent." Not only does

this put Ventura at least somewhat "behind the times" in substantive terms, the

general fact of ordering becomes another signal of place difference.

Final Speculations: Place as Rolling Inertia

By invoking ideas of character and tradition, but now reformulated as modes of

structurating acts, we can better see how local histories produce difference even

in the face of homogenizing external pressure or similarly short-term minded

local growth elites. Easy enough to observe, Santa Barbara and Ventura both

experienced massive. oil development as well as the freeway-along with tract

housing, fast food, the internet, and so much of the other paraphernalia of U.S.

modernism. But surface" similarities mask underlying differences in local

unfoldings because what is distinctive is not-the list of attributes but the way they

combine. More than saying "everything counts," things count because of the way

they are in conjunction with one another. The meaning of any single element

derives from the others in the local context. In the language of various current

schools, elements of the conjunction are mutually determinative, indexical, and

conjointly constituted. These practices come to make up a "going concern"

(Hughes, 1971 :52), so stable they may be taken for granted, "naturalized," made

into an unquestioned "black box" (Latour, 1987).

Whatever the terminology, people must use these interlinked arrangements

around them to make their lives and livelihoods. This is the "blood" of

conjuncture; as people live "within" them, conjunctures receive their vivacity, not

just for the moment, but as a force of reproduction. Individuals' repeated actions

across the local spheres do the job. Big events, dramatic happenings and intense

social relations would be too gross within so complex and populous an arena; it

is urbanity's weak ties that push place distinction forward. People know among

themselves that flags go up in a certain way, particular policies are normal, shop

goods ofa distinct type will be there. All these expectations become more or less

of apiece. Even if only vaguely (or poetically), many people, both experts and lay,

recognize in these textures a particular kind of place character and tradition;

hence the persistent if uneven (and even somewhat involuntary) use of these

notions in life and scholarship.

At a methodological level, our emphasis on mutual determinacy promotes an

open attitude toward the proper substantive focus of urban analysis. Since the

way of doing things is "everywhere," there is no need to debate whether research

focus should be on the economy, civic organization, architeCture, or nature; it

should be on the connective tissues among all of them. Where to start is a matter

of research resources and accessibility; oil and freeway were useful to us

because they were of similar magnitude -in their potential effects on both places,

and they created a good deal of accessible data. The search becomes not one of

finding evidence to bolster one variable as opposed to another, but of following

the tradition trace across the variables to·see how the place works. .

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[84]
place stratification so endures in the U.S. (Schneider and Logan, 1982). Accrued

advantage grows even through interaction 'with similar external forces.xxviii And

when places try to overcome limitations ,by imitating the more advantaged

locales,' it is .not the same thing that is l:)eing done, because the context is

different, including the fact that the often crucial first-mover advantage has been

lost.

What about instances of radical urban shift that do occur, but that have been

beyond -both in geographic terms and conceptual framing-our resE~arch

purview? The mountains at Aspen once provided are to the rough mining town

that grew in their shadow but then collapsed when the are ran out; now the same

topography provides ski runs for the rich and famous. South Beach in Miami is

"back," very different from what it was when' poor old people rocked on its

porches or even what it was in its original artdeco heyday. Bilbao, Spain, thanks

to the new Gehry-designed Guggenheim Museum, seems to be shifting from an

industrial hollow into a cultural capital of Europe. We suspect, but urge others to

study how it happens, that something like total decay of social infrastructure! and

economic base facilitates such transformation, as underpinnings of prior lash-ups

wither away. Ventura's steady upward swing in population and development

(albeit modest compared to other parts of Southern California), we speculate,

worked to maintain its continuity. But even Ventura may shift; we spell out not

what will inevitably be its future, but the challenges that its change-oriented

actors are up against.

Putting aside the cases of dramatic shift, we hope our overall perspective is

useful enough to enrich the study not only of most places, but perhaps also of

institutions and organizations of virtually any sort. Even sociology departments,

we believe, operate through conjunctures. that indicate character and l1ave

continuities that bespeak tradition. Investigating character and tradition in our

sense might augment narrower specifications, like constraints imposed by

government rules or sunk costs, as a way to understand inertia in organizations

(see, e.g. Hannan and Freeman, 1984). Our version of inertia, akin to Beckers

(1995) broad use of the term, broadens even further to inject ongoing chan~~e. It

is a rolling inertia that allows for continuous flux within a stable mode of

operation. Working with ideas borrowed from newer ways of understanding

structure and applied to geographic place, we have attempted to show how this

happens and to offer ways of making the process, otherwise so vague and

opaque, more accessible for systematic study.

i Maddox defines tradition as "a set of strategies that involve using cultural

materials from the past to authorize contemporary relations of domination" (1993:

259)..; 00

II Invoking Braudel, Orum (1995: 191) makes an advance by focusing on

the "concatenation of circumstances" in his several U.S. cities. But Orum aims to

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discover how, at different historic stages, one or the other type of factor (e.g.

government vs. economy) is "dominanf' (Orum, 1995: 144). We presume these

factors make up different aspects of all social action rather than characteristics of

certain historical moments or places (for a more ambitious version of the logic

implied in Orum's treatment, see Mann, 1986).

iii Latour attributes the term to Law (1986), but gives no page number and

we did not find the term in the cited work. In personal conversation Latour could

not elaborate on a source~

iv Unless otherwise indicated, data correspond to central cities; we use the

term "area" to denote central city and immediate suburban ring, not the

surrounding county.

v A business section front-page story in the Los Angeles Times declared:

"Blading to work, surfing at lunch. No wonder Santa Barbara is the newest Mecca

for high-tech companies" (Helft, 1997:01). By one measure (internet domain

names per number of local employees), Santa Barbara County is the seconddensest internet site in the U.S. (Zook, 1998, Table 4).

vi For example, consultants who successfully advanced Santa Monica's

Third Street mall used Santa Barbara as their exemplar. In their survey of

California's natural and social landscapes, Brechin and Dawson single out Santa

Barbara's "civitas" as virtually unique in California (Brechin and Dawson, 1999).

For other acclamations, see e.g. Langdon,-1994: 161; Franklin, 1926: 42;

Plunket, 1995.

vii In critiquing Skocpol (and others), Sewell cautions on this score as well

as warning against turning history into mechanistic quasi-experiments that

contradict the nature of historical events as mutually determinative and

contingent (Sewell, 1996: 259, citing Bloch, 1967:47).

viii We build toward a "consilience of induction" approximating the

"confidence test" that, as in much of science.(for example, paleontology)

substitutes for deductive reasoning. See William Whewell as quoted in Gould,

1986. Methodological details as well as extensive description of these places can

be found in Beamish, et ai, 1999' Molotch et al. 1996; Nevarez et al. 1996;

Nevarez et al. 1999; Paulsen et al. 1996; Paulsen et al. 1999..

ix Examples from our study areas of other matched places include the

towns of Ojai and Fillmore, Santa Maria and San Luis Obispo, Simi Valley and

Thousand Oaks. Each pair reflects similar geographic and economic situations,

but distinctly different characters. For additional details on all our cases Beamish,

et ai, 1999; Molotch et al. 1996; Nevarez et al. 1996; Nevarez et al. 1999;

Paulsen et al. 1996; Paulsen et al. 1999.

x For some detailed accounts of social and economic impacts of oil and

related extractive industries, see Bunker, 1984; Freudenburg and Gramling,

1994; Hallwood, 1986; Lloyd and Newlands, 1987, Feagin, 1990..

xi As with other California fairs, Ventura's technically falls under the State's

authority, but local board members manage its affairs. Besides general

interviews (including with the Fairgrounds staff person whose tenure goes back

to the advent of off-track betting at the site), our information comes from 24

diff~rent news stories published in the local newspaper and the Los Angeles

(87]
Times.

xii "Whither the Fair?" Ventura Count~ Star Free Press, July 23, 1978: C10.

xiii One of the Fair's board members was also board chair ofalarge oil

company (Marlow, 1988:A-4); the others were two agriculturists, the owner of an

equipment leasing firm, a welding company manager, a "housewife," a social I .

service official, and one representative each:trom the fire department and law

enforcement.

xiv See, e.g., Ventura Star-Free Press, Oil Progress Week Special Section,

October 18, 1950. The paper contained long lists of oil industry workers and the

groups in which they participated-inciudingiBoy Scouts, Rotary, fraternal

societies and professional groups. :

xv. Santa Barbara Daily Independent,August 7, 1899.

XVI Numerous commentators consider:the Santa Barbara oil spill to be the

event-the "blowout heard 'round the world"+-that sparked the modern

environmental movement (e.g. Easton, 1972,; Mowrey and Redmond, 1993;

Freudenburg and Gramling, 1994; Plunket, 1995:39). Within the year following,

Nixon's approval of NEPA introduced the enyironmental impact statement as part

of the country's development regimen. .

xvii For other evidence that a university presence has strong, but not

inevitable impacts on local culture and econqmies, see Bassett, et al. (1989) and

Cowen et al. (1989).

xviii The cases we know, representing partial freeway tear-downs, are in

San Francisco, Boston, Oakland, and Munic~.

xix The directories used were: Blue Bopk: The 1995 Directory of Health and

Human Services throughout Ventura County; pUblished by Helpline, a non-profit

organization under the umbrella of Interface Children, Family Services; and for

Santa Barbara, The Community Resources Information Services (CRIS)

Directory for 1995, published by the Family $ervice Agency of Santa Barbara.

Private voluntary or non-profit organizations Include branches of national

organizations (e.g. American Lung Associatit;m) as well as local organizations

(e.g. local, private health outreach organizations). Revenues and assets are for

private, non-profit organizations with assets over $25,000 as listed in the

Yearbook of California Charitable Organizati9ns. Revenue refers to the "total of

all contributions (support), program service revenues (subscription fees,

counseling fees, etc.) and other revenue (interest, rents, gain or loss on sales,

etc.) received by the organization;" assets refers to the "dollar value of an

organization's assets including cash, accounts receivable, savings, loans due,

inventories, investments, land, buildings, and equipment."

xx When certain categories of organization were not included in a given

list, we added additional lists from other directories to create comparable data

sets. For details, see Louch, 1995. i

xxi The criterion for "significanf' was that the place had to have its own

chapters of multi-Iocational agencies like United Way, Visiting Nurses

Association, Sierra Club, and so forth. .

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xxii In instances of ambiguity we relied on organizations' self-designation of

the function they performed, using interviews or phone calls to clear up

uncertainties caused by multiple listings or ambiguous phrases. xxiii

xxiv Raymond Williams (1954:22) uses "structure offeeling"; "aura" comes

from Walter Benjamin; in both cases, the original authors put the terms to use in

critical analysis distinct from our more general objectives. '

xxv SelectPhone on CD ROM. The data base makes possible cumulating

aggregate totals by SIC code within specifiable geographic zones.

xxvi To a significant degree the list self-selected because other seemingly

appropriate indicators could not be used; for example, SIC codes (upon which

the phone classifications are based) treat D~nny's type "coffee shops" as

identical with an independent espresso bar. We used all the candidate business

types we could think of for which appropriate data exist.

xxvii We examined the Guide to Architecture in Southern California

(Gebhard and Winter, 1977), the standard source, to compare the number of

buildings included from each place. The Guide lists 178 Santa Barbara structures

that meetthe authors' test of being "important," compared to 29 for Ventura.

XXVIII These patterns, including differential strength of local charitable

organizations, imply that devolving welfare-responsibility to private and local'

levels will likely increase place stratification and individual inequality in the U.S.

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Theoretical Trends in Environmental Sociology: Implications for

Resource Management in the Modern W9rld (Steve Picou)

[Dr. Picou's presentation was based on the fol/owing paper]

Selected Theoretical Themes in Environmental Sociology: Implications

for Resource Management in the Modem World*

J. Steven-Picou

University of South Alabama

Department of Sociology and Anthropology

HUMS 34

Mobile, AL 36688

spicou@jaguar1.usouthal.edu

*Paper presented at the Social and Economic Planning Conference, Minerals

Management Service, August 24-26, 1999, Park City, Utah. I thank Linda

Burcham for her efficient technical assistance in the completion of this

manuscript. The contents of this manuscript are solely the author's responsibility.

Please do not reference without author's permission.

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Selected Theoretical Themes in Environmental Sociology: Implications

for Resource Management in the Modem World*

The modern world has been increasingly' sensitized to "risk" as being "the

organizing concept that gives meaning and direction to environmental regulation"

(Jasanoff 1999:135). Although there is no consensus for defining the concept of

risk, most definitions make the distinction" between "reality" and "possibility."

However, different epistemological approaches have emerged for identifying and

constructing risks, or managing uncertainty, in the modem world. Traditional

quantitative assessments view "risk" as a calculable statistical determination of

the probability of harm from a specific natural or human action. "Knowh~dge

experts" operate within a clearly specified domain, utilizing a "rational actor

theory" context for approaching risk (Freudenburg 1988; Jasanoff 1999; Cllarke

1999). The outcome of this process is "effective planning" for situations of

relatively "low" and "moderate" uncertainty. However, under conditions of "high"

uncertainty, this "nonreflexive realist" approach results in a rhetoric of justifying a

promise of control, or more simply, a discourse that says "trust me" (Clarke

1999).

A broader view of risk emanates from a sociology of knowledge perspective,

viewing environmental policy as a soCially-constructed issue, based on a

continuing discourse among organizations which seeks to transform dissent into

consent (Hannigan, 1995; Eder 1999). As Jasanoff (1999:139) has noted:

"Consensus on such "facts" as the risks of

.formaldehyde or DDT arises not from demonstrated

deaths, disability or environmental damage, but from

repeated confrontations among disparate scientific

observations, their interpretations by experts and

stakeholders, and the ingrained moral and socia!

commitments of decision-making institutions."

The social constructivist perspective on' risk expands our concerns to

understanding various cultural manifestations of the social and political

interpretations of "risky ventures". This discursive response was created by

modem technology because modem risks are "highly mediated risks, extremely

open to social definition and interpretation" (Szerszynski 1999:240). In fact, the

image of risk in the modern world has shifted from a positive, enlightenment view

to a more critical, reflexive posture. Th,is trend has given rise to "risk

movements", which reframe mathematical' risk calculations in terms of "the

preservation and extension of community" (Halfman 1999:179).

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Modern social theory, particularly recent developments in Europe, have

illuminated theoretical themes in environmental sociology. Although; historically

presenting a definite atheoretical character, environmental sociology has .recently

begun to contest the time-honored epistemological assumption of the natural

environment as an independent, objective reality. In short, with the emergence of

environmental degradation "as a barometer for the distribution of technological

risks" comes a shift to a more direct theoretical concern with the social

consequences of environmental degradation and resource management by

environmental sociology (Picou and Gill 1999:144).

A social constructivist position characterizes much of this work, which argues that

science itself provides "manufactured explanations of the world that should have

no privileged claim on authenticity" (Cohen 1999:14). In its most extreme forms,

the constructivist theoretical paradigm has been harshly criticized; however, this

recent theoretical exploration of environment-society relationships has provided a

number of themes relevant· to institutional and organizational resource

management. In fact, the constructivist paradigm identifies both" macro and micro

theoretical narratives that are relevant for understanding why the National

Research_Council recently identified the need for "risk characterization" rather

than "risk assessment", recommending a broader, socially-based conception of

risk for future assessments (Stems and Feinberg 1996).

In the remainder of this paper, I will describe-two macro-level theoretical themes

which have framed global environmental political discourse over the last decade.

Next, I will briefly address two micro-level theoretical themes tmat illuminate the

local biophysical environment as a sociocultural variable, discursively linked to

multiple groups for the management of resource-based risks. I conclude with a

preliminary identification of areas of concern that need to be addressed by

modern resource management in order to facilitate social and economic policy

directives for the next millennium.

Risk Society and Ecological Modernization

Two global theoretical models of post-industrial development have recently

emerged out of Germany that have direct relevance for environmental sociology.

From the writings of Ulrich Beck, which also parallel the contentions of Anthony

Giddens, "risk society theory" identifies a shift in concern from the logic of wealth

distribution to a concern with the logic of the distribution of risk. This is the

orienting characteristic of the modern world (Beck 1992). As SUCh, new

technological risks and hazards pose a challenge that can only be overcome

through sub-political' reorganization of environmental politics and the

democratization of technical knOWledge (Beck 1992). A second global model

embraces "sustainable development"as the key issue for establishing

harmonious relationships between economic development and environmental

stewardship. "Ecological modernization", originally emerging out of the writings of

Joseph Huber, Barry Commoner and Udo Simonis, sends a contradictory

[97]
message to risk society theory with regard to the positive benefits of scienCE~ and

technology (Simonis 1988; Commoner 1990; Mol and Spaargarten 1993). I will

briefly review the major contentions of these,two perspectives.

Risk Society Theory: Ulrich Beck's view of the modem world is one of

transformation, that is, "the modernization of modernity" or the demise of

industrial society through' two narratives-the risk narrative and the

individualization narrative. The risk narrative suggests that social conflict and

inequality will emerge from the distribution of technological risks which were

created by the very successes of industrial society. These modem social threats

differ from previous risks because: (1) they are undectable by human sensory

perception; (2) they transcend generations; and (3) they preclude ~~usal

attribution and compensation for victims (Beck 1992; 1996). Modem

"manufactured" technological risks are "intangible" and cannot be smelled, heard,

tasted or touched (Vyner 1988). Subsequently, modem risk judgments are made

on the basis of "expert knowledge". Knowledge of risk in the modem world is

viewed by Beck as, at best "second-hand, non-experience" (Beck 1992). Modem

risks set the stage for societal self-annihilation and Beck's writings portend the

dire consequences of contemporary technplogical hazards for the future and

clearly illuminate the destructive side of progress.

Societal response to this shift in COn~rn- to omnibus technological catastrophe

involves the pro~ss of "reflexive modernization" expressed through Beck's

individualization narrative (Beck 1992).' As Beck has written, reflexive

modernization means:

the disintegration of the ~rtainties of industrial

society as well as the compulsion to find and invent

new certainties for oneself and others without them.

But it also means new interdependencies, even global

ones. Individualization and globalization are in fact

two sides of the same :pro~ss of reflexive

modernization" (Beck 1996:14).

Beck sees structural change in the modern world as the process by which

individuals are "set free from the ~rtaintiesand modes of living of the industrial

epoch - just as they were 'freed' from the arms of the church into society in the

age of the reformation" (Beck 1992: 14).

"Choice and calculation" become more viable for people in the modern world as

the restructuring of social conflict along risk cleavages coincides with the

reorganization of social forms to include new sub-political groups. As Beck

(1996:23) has written:

sub-politics, then means shaping society from below.

Viewed from above, this results in the loss of

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implementation power, the shrinkage and

minimization of politics... Politicization thus implies a

decrease in the central rule approach.

As such "the authoritarian decision and action state

gives way to the negotiation state, which arranges

stages and conversations and directs the show" (Beck

1996:39).

This social transformation to risk society involves the "unbinding of science"

through a broader sub-political critique by "citizen science." (Irwin 1995). Nongovernment organizations (NGOS) proliferate, responding to the inability of

industrial society's institutions to insure and compensate victims of modem risks.

Increasingly, modem institutions appeaL organized by the narrative of

"irresponsibility" and must engage in a discourse over society's capacity to deal

with the "side effects" of modem technology, especially toxic pollution and

ionizing radiation (Beck 1992). .

This discourse also signals a change in the nature of "trust" in the modem world.

Trust in traditional industrial society reflected an "unexamined and habitual

confidence" in science and technology. As we move to risk society, trust now

becomes "bestowed trusf which "has to be won," or earned, by modem

governments, organizations, and groups from "autonomous, reflexive individuals"

(Giddens 1990;1991; Szerszynski 1999). This view portends an adversarial

society, mobilized through risk anxiety and dominated by SUb-political discourse

on science, technology and environmental risks. Risk society portends a

corrosive discourse, subject to conflict and anxiety.

Ecological Modernization Theory: The emergence of this "alternative" macrotheoretical model of ecological degradation came in response to the failures of

the initial wave of environmental management of the 1970s and early 1980s

(Cohen 1997). During this phase pollutants were dispersed over time and space,

rather than reduced. Furthermore, industrial responsibility for "ecological harm"

provided an irresolveable discourse on causality, impact and responsibility that

resulted in, at best, ambiguous claims and counter-claims (Cohen 1997). Out of

this impasse came ecological modernization, a model of resource and risk

management that purportedly "transcends" these various conflicts and interests.

The "dissolution of conventional antagonisms between economic progress and

responsible environmental management" is based on a "reframing" of

environmental discourse.

In other words, [ecological modernization] reframes

the terms of discourse by interpreting pollution

reduction as a means of enhancing economic··

competitiveness rather than as .an externality

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requIring the installation and maintenance of

expensive remedial technologies (Cohen, 1998).

Cohen (1997; 1998A; 1999B) has summarized the theory of ecological

modernization in terms of six general principles. First, ecological moderniz.ation

will correct "the design flaws" of industrial technology through the process of

"super industrialization" (Cohen 1997; 1998A).This process involves a chanlJe to

cleaner, less resource intensive technologies and production processes that will

reduce the necessity for expensive, add-on, remedial technologies. The

correlation between economic development and environmental degradation will

be significantly reduced, thereby "propelling" modem industry" onto a new

developmental trajectory" (Cohen 1998B).

Second, acknowledging the ineffectiveness of past corporate volunteerism,

ecological modernization requires the existence and implementation of "strict

government regulations" (Cohen 1998A). Such regUlation should promote "'firstmover advantages" and economically viable "green" products to innovative

production systems (Cohen 1998C). Third, ecological modernization promisl3s to

overcome the transfer of pollutants within the biophysical environment by

developing "integrated pollution managemenf' strategies. Such strategies would

be part of the redesign Of regulatory procedures and production processes.

Fourth, ecological modernization requires: industry to be more timely and

responsive to their generated health and environmental hazards through

"an!icipatory planning practices". Based on the German notion of vorsorgeprinzip,

or "the precaution principle," this tenet argues that "the lack of scientific certiitude

is insufficient reason to postpone the taking of prudent measures" for reducing

environmental risk (Cohen 1998B).

Fifth, most proponents of ecological modernization endorse the "organizational

internalization of environmental responsibility" through the Dutch principle of

verinnerlijking. (Cohen 1998B) notes that this concept:

requires all public and private entities to integrate a

concern for environmental quality into all of their

activities as a means of overcoming the standard

approach of treating ecological considerations as addon considerations.

Ecological modernization requires .that "stand alone" organizational components

for assuring ecological responsibility should be dissolved and reembedded

throughout all decision-points in production systems.

Sixth, in response to emerging ecologiCal antagonisms and conflict over

environmental policy, ecological modernization requires a broader organizational

network for decision- making. The development of "constructive relationships"

between industry, government, NGOS and the public need to be achieved. The

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resulting discourse should be "grounded in good faith and the free exchange of

information" (Cohen 1998B).

Ecological modernization provides a theoretical alternative to risk society theory

that has seen some acceptance by national governments and industry. For

example, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)

and the European Union have endorsed selected principles of ecological

modernization (Gouldson and Murphy 1996; OECD 1996). Furthermore, a

consortium of major multinational corporations, the World Business Council for

Sustainable .Development, has advocated an "eco-efficiency" approach for

improving organizational performance (Porter and Vand der Linde 1996; Cohen

1998B). Nonetheless, the ability of ecological modernization to overcome the

lethal hazards of risk society provides the basis for a meta-theoretical discourse

for ecological-based patterns of social change.

The contradiction between these two global models in environmental sociology

focuses on·· the potential role of modern technology for either overcoming or

exacerbating environmental degradation. This duality has been addressed by

Cohen (1997) who proposes a two dimensional typology of societal development

and risk emergence. This typology suggests that in the transition from premodern to modem to eCOlogically-modem societies, the cycle of ecological

degradation and economic advance cannot continue indefinitely (Cohen 1997). A

shift in the social construction of the environment from an "expendable resource

to a valued amenity" sets the stage for risk society conflict and/or ecological

modernization corrections to design flaws. Risk society is not necessarily an

objectively more hazardous society; rather it is a society preoccupied with the

threats of technological failure and environmental catastrophe. This fact identifies

the social organization of global environmental narratives that have emerged

during the last decade. These narratives are embedded in debates over toxic

pollution, toxic waste siting, toxic technological disasters and the responsibility

and compensation for impacts (Edelstein 1988; Beck 1992; Picou and Rosebrook

1993; Erikson 1994)

Ecological Symbolic and Resource-Dependency Models

Two micro-theories of social response to environmental degradation have been

recently put forth by American environmental sociologists. Both of these

conceptual models illuminate various themes from the more global risk society

and ecological modernization paradigms. Arising out of studies of localized

environmental degradation in the United States, the ecological-symbolic

framework focuses on the abrupt severance of the unconscious relationship

between people and their immediate biophysical surroundings (Couch and KrollSmith 1985; Edelstein 1988; Kroll-Smith and Couch 1993A; Erikson 1994).

Resource dependency theory utilizes a similar social constructivist narrative, but

identifies subsistence cultures of indigenous people and economic systems of

[101]

.~. ..
resource harvesters as the focal point of theoretical concern (Gill 1994; OliverSmith 1996; Picou and Gill 1996; Gill and Picou 1997).

Ecological-Symbolic Theory: Toxic contamination severs the exchange

relationships between human communities' and their biophysical environment

(Kroll-Smith and Couch 1993A; 1993B). The intrusion of invisible toxic risks

through contamination alters one's "Iifescape", or personal security with the

immediate biophysical envelope, producing social disruption and the erosion of

institutional trust among victims (Edelstein 1988; Freudenburg and Jones 1991;

Erikson 1994). Toxic contamination, either objectively measured or subjectively

constructed, is seen as a "new species of trouble" which "contaminate(s} rSlther

than damage; pollute, befoul,and taint rather than just create wreckage" and

"scare human beings in new and special ways "(Erikson 1994). The uncertainty

and anomie resulting from environmental contamination "is further compounded

when physicians using sophisticated equipment are unable to confirm casels of

exposure". (Picou and Gill 1999: 148).

The ecological-symbolic approach also identifies various elements of the social

constructivist framework by viewing continuous claims-making and litigation as

part of a "corrosive community" response to;the failure of traditional institutional

support systems for diagnosis and compensation of damages from contaminc:ition

(Hannigan 1995; Freudenburg 1997; Hirsch 1997). "Popular epidemiology" and

public challenges to both government and corporate scientific experts, in the form

of alternative expert opinions, have emergedwithin the context of litigation in the

United States (Brown and Mikkelsen 1990; Kroll-Smith and, Couch 1993A).

Documentation of the severe nature of the social and psychological impacts

resulting from this breakdown in socially-mediated exchange relationships

between people and the biophysical environment has been provided by case

studies of Three Mile Island and the Exxon' Valdez oil spill (Baum 1987; Baum

and Fleming 1993; Green 1996; Picou et a11997; Picou andArata 1997).

Resource-Dependency Theory: Although similar to ecological symbolic theory in

that it is predicated, once again, on social constructivist assumptions of cult:ureenvironment linkages, resource-dependency theory focuses on cultural and

economic linkages, rather than lifescape assumptions (Oliver-Smith 1996; Picou

and Gill 1996; Gill and Picou 1998). As such, traditional knowledge of indigenous

subsistence cultures provides an alternative discourse narrative. Suclh a

consideration broadens resource management concerns to include elements of

traditional culture within the framework of impact assessment. In contradistinc:tion

to the discourse of opposing scientific experts, resource,..dependency theory

identifies alternative epistemological positions as legitimate participants in a

mutual beneficial discourse network. The traditional knowledge of.Alaska Natives

has been increasingly integrated within the objectives of MMS, reflecting this

aspect of resource-dependency theory.

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Whereas the ecological-symbolic approach focuses on health risks, resourcedependency theory focuses on threats to cultural and economic resources. The

economic and cultural connections to the biophysical environment of "renewable

resource communities" provide another dimension 'of consideration for resourcedependency theory (Picou and Gill 1996; Gill and Picou 1997). Resource

contamination threatens economic stability and quality of life, thereby producing

"resource loss spirals" for victims dependent on harvests of renewable natural

resources (Picou and Arata 1997). In short, resource-dependency theory extends

the scope of resource management to include traditional ethnic knowledge and

economic harvesters as stakeholders in an expanded discourse on

environmental degradation in the modern world.

Implications for Resource Management

This brief discussion of emerging theoretical trends in environmental sociology

may initially appear as a recondite exercise, quite distant from the daily

exigencies of resource management, in general, and in particular, the more

practical objectives of MMS. However, several themes converge from these

theoretical approaches. I will extract these selected themes and identify issues

relevant for further commentary at this conference.

This is, at best, a daunting task since all Jour theoretical themes involve

considerably more detail and interpretation than I have provided to this point. But

here goes.

First, all four perspectives suggest the general issue that modern societies are

striving to enhance rational decision-making for resource management through

expanding the "nature of' and "participation in" environmental discourse. For

example, we have seen that for the concept of "risk", an expanded field of

players is now required. As the National Research Council's recent panel on

Understanding Risk stated that "interested and affected parties" take part in a

discourse on "risk characterization," it is apparent that technical assessments of

risk cannot stand alone while an extension of stakeholder participation is

occurring (Stern and Fineberg 1996). But, what is the relevance of a "fuzzy

concepf like discourse to the rational management of environmental resources?

Social discourse can refer to a number of communicative events, including the

coordination of behavior through interaction. Furthermore, social discourse can

develop to an emergent. social form which becomes embedded in social structure

(Eder 1999). Beck's "risk society" and the theory of "ecological modernization"

both recognize that discursive social arrangements have accompanied the rise of

modern political institutions. The rise of social democracy, parliamentary forms of

government, the judicial system and science have all been characterized by

complex and elaborate discourse systems over the last 250 years. Critique and

enlightenment require public space and the invitation to participate (Habermas

1987). As Eder (1999) points out, "old vertical command systems" are replaced

,/

[103]
by expanding "horizontally-organized" systems of discourse. Thus, discourse

systems are also a characteristic of the Modern World.

It should be noted that the ecological modernizatio-n perspective views discourse

as "functional," that is, as a mechanism to go beyond "adversarial gridlock."

Environmental discourse does not necessartily insure a specific future outcome,

but discursive systems are binding through commitments, which, in turn, facmtate

an expressive function through appropriate decision-making systems. If this

ecological modernization theme becomes more politically viable in the United

States, then agencies like MMS should anticipate an expansion of discourse

participants. Given this convergent theme, it is apparent that resource

management in the modern world will require the involvement of new

combinations of government, corporate, voluntary and regulatory organizations in

policy decisions at all stages of deliberation. ' .

This expansion should also· include Traditional Ethnic Knowledge (TEK) of

indigenous populations. Therefore, the discursive integration of TEK in resource

management and risk characterization should be a primary objective for the next

millennium.

Given these three broad themes regarding the rational and functional expansion

of environmental discourse for resource management,. the theorE~tical

approaches discussed above also suggest' potential problems that need to be

addressed. More specifically, both risk society and ecological modernization

themes address discursive systems that involve multiple issues related to the

"unbinding of science" (risk ·society) and th~ potential for enforced science and

technology regulations to reduce the zero-sum game of production and

contamination (ecological modernization). As such, resource managers should

consider the importance of investigating public understanding and skepticism of

science.

The science-society relationship .provides an important backdrop for

environmental discourse. Global resource management issues, such as ozone

depletion, acid rain and global warming, are often debated in terms of a rhetoric

informed by scientific inquiry (Cohen 1999). Indeed, public skepticism of sciEmce

appears to be increasing, while alternative epistemological explanations

grounded in TEK, mysticism, etc., have gained public endorsement (Holton

1993). One area of future research that MMS should consider would entail

.research into sociocultural variations in the science-society relationship and the

relationship of public opinion of science to successful resource management

discourse.

The rational and functional expansion of discourse participants for resource

management also invites analysis of trust rE!lationships between individuals and

institutions. Public trust in responsible institutions involves a consideration of a

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broader notion of relevant information as well as the significance of relational

dimensions of trust. As yvynne (1996:58) has stated:

public risk perceptions rationally - involve some

element of judgment both of the quality of relevant

social institutions, and of their relevance, in other

words of the roles of different social agents including

one's own relationship to them....

Indeed, ecological-symbolic and resource-dependency theory identify a loss of

institutional trust as a primary response to "technological disasters (Freudenburg

1997; Picou and Gill 1999).

A second area of research should focus on the nature of public institutional trust

for successful resource management discourse. All four theoretical themes

reviewed include issues of public trust and skepticism regarding science,

organizational mission and institutional dependency. Risk society theory portends

increasing public skepticism and growing distrust of the institutional management

of modem risks, while ecological modernization theory invites increasing trust

and public confidence in science, technology and resource management. Both

theoretical themes point to areas of inquiry that need to be addressed in the

future by MMS. It is apparent that successful discourse, Le. consensus-building,

on environmental risk and resource management policy will require a high

degree of confidence in science, as well as, strong institutional trust bonds, by all

parties participating in the discursive system.

In summary, recent theoretical themes emerging from European social theorists

and sociologists in the United States suggest that the social and economic

research agenda for MMS be expanded in the future. This agenda should

include: (1) an awareness of an expanding pool of participants in the discursive

construction of resource management policy; (2) a concern with organizing

functional discursive systems; (3) an understanding of public perceptions of

science; and (4) the development of institutional trust bonds among agencies,

organizations and groups who will participate in future discursive systems. The

achievement of these research objectives would also require continuing

tolerance and expansion of epistemological positions by MMS and consequently

a broadening of the concept of "science" to include more discursive

methodologies (For example, see: Park et al 1993). Such activities would

promote consensus building and the empowerment of traditionally "peripheral"

NGOs in future discursive systems. This development of a consensus-building

discourse structure would not only serve as an extension of the transition to

ecological modernization, but also as a deterrent to perils of risk society.

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(106)
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de Bos (ed.) Cataclysms, Crises, and Catastrophe-so Washington, DC: American

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Baum, A. and I. Fleming. 1993. "Implications of Psychological Research on

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Technological Accidents". American Psychologist 48(6): 665-672.

Beck, U. 1992. Risk Society: Toward a New Modernity. London: Sage.

Beck, U. 1995. Ecological Politics in an Age of Risk. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Beck, U. 1996. "Risk Society and the Provident State" Pp. 27-43' in S. Lash, B.

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Brown, P. & E. J. Mikkelsen. 1990. No Safe Place: Toxic Waste, Leukemia and

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Clarke, L. 1999. Mission Improbable: Using Fantasy Documents to Tame

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Cohen, M. J. 1997. "Risk Society and Ecological Modernization: Alterniative

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Commoner, B. 1990. Making Peace with the Planet. New York: Pantheon.

Edelstein, M.R. 1988. Contaminated Communities: The Social and Psychological

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Eder, K. 1999. "Taming Risks Through Dialogues: The Rationality and

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Erikscbn, K. 1994. A New Species of Trouble: Explorations in Disasters, Trauma,

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Freudenburg, W. R 1988. "Perceived Risk, Real Risk: Social Science and the Art

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Freudenburg, W. R. and T. R. Jones. 1991. "Attitudes and Stress in the Presence

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Giddens, A. 1991. Modernity and Self-Identity. Cambridge: Polity Press.

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235 in C. L. Dyer and J.R. MacGoodwin (eds.). Folk Managementin the World

Fisheries: Implications for Fishery Managers. University of Colorado Press,

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the Exxon Valdez Oil Spill." Pp..167-192 in J. Steven Picou, Duane A. Gill and

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Annual Review of Anthropology 25:303-328..

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the Exxon Valdez Oil Spill: Resource Loss and Commercial Fishers. Draft Report

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Valdez Disaster: Readings on a Modern Social Problem. Dubuque, IA: KendallHunt.

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Cohen (ed.). Risk in the Modern World. London: McMillan.

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[109]
Traditional Knowledge (Glenn W. Sheehan and Richard Glenn)

[Dr. Sheehan's presentation incorporated a presentation prepared by Richard

Glenn (President, Barrow Arctic Science Consortium). The fol/owing are their

written versions ofthe material included in Dr. Sheehan's remarks.]

"Hearing" the People of a Subsistence Culture: Traditional Knowledge and

Environmental Impacts on Alaska's North Slope

Glenn W. Sheehan

Respect between federal agency managers and the people affected by federal

actions is a necessity. Before respect must come trust. The federal history on

Alaska's North Slope has tended to lead to mistrust between Native residents

and federal representatives. For instance, the precursor to the US Department of

Energy wanted to detonate an atomic device to create a harbor near the vmage

of Point Hope on the Bering Sea. Their point was to threaten the Soviet Ul'lion,

but they only consulted the people of Point Hope as an afterthought, almost by

accident.

Those hiupiat Eskimo of Point Hope eventually derailed the project, but: not

before various experiments released radionuclides on the tundra (O'Hara at al

1999). Again, very few local people knew what was happening. Today, it is still

difficult for people to accept federal statements that the remaining contaminc:ltion

is harmless.

Amchitka Island in Alaska is the site of the largest bomb that the US ever

exploded underground. People knew about the explosion, but any loccil or

regional effects were a mystery, because such effects were secret. Now pe'ople

wonder if the effects were kept secret to deny knowledge to the Soviets, or to

deny knowledge to Alaskans.

Local people that I know were treated with radioactive iodine in a "zany"

experiment to see if it would affect their susceptibility to cold. These Native

people did not speak English at the time,' and they were not told what was

happening; in fact, they were given lies. Nowwhen some of them get cancer they

are convinced, perhaps rightly, that it was Western scientists who did thiis to

them. This history of our federal government not trusting local people with

information vital to their lives is something that people working today in Alaska

must confront and overcome.

Honesty, full disclosure and consultation will work to recreate trust. But

consultation, to be effective, must be a two-way street and that requires more

than trust. It requires respect by each side for what the other brings to the table.

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Federal managers bring knowledge based on and interpreted through the

Western scientific tradition. Natives bring knowledge based on active personal

experience and on historical' community experience, and this can be called

Traditional Knowledge (TK). -

As recently as World War II so little was known in the rest of the US about

northern Alaska that the Navy had to fly residents to Washington to consult about

how and where to locate military installations. As recently as a generation ago

almost every motor vehicle in Barrow belonged to the government, but of course

there were no roads. Only a century ago the people of the North Slope

represented the most extreme edge of hunter-gatherer societies, relying almost

totally on hunting, mainly hunting marine mammals and mainly bowhead whales.

Their Native economy was tied to trade in sea mammal oil and caribou prodUcts.

Their lives in the extreme northern environment depended on doing things right.

Doing things right meant first, being a keen observer of the environment and of

society; and second, it meant learning the skills, methods and experiences of the

Elders and those who had gone before, leaving Traditional KnOWledge (TK) as

their bequest.

There was an oil spill in the Beaufort Sea near Barrow in 1944. Unfortunately the

Navy ran one of their ships aground after listening to but not "hearing" their

Native consultants, who gave them sailing directions (Tommy Brower ms). Then,

not listening to advice on how to get off the island, they pumped 25,000 gallons

of bunker fuel oil over the side to refloat themselves. It was the war, and they had

to get moving.

The hiupiat Eskimo who lived and hunted there noticed that for several years

marine mammals avoided the spill area, which had been a rich hunting location

for generations. There were other effects. Unfortunately, none of this is part of

our background information for planning for oil spills in the Arctic or' for predicting

their effects. The knowledge has remained with the hunters. No federal effort has

been made to follow up on the spill.

Oil on the North Slope was "discovered" by the West when Native knowledge of

natural oil seeps was shared with Westerners. How much more would we know

about the effects of oil spills in the Arctic if Westerners had asked to share Native

knowledge of the effects of these seeps upon flora and fauna, and upon ice?

What are the risks of development? Federal managers are tasked with identifying

and assessing these risks. The way you look at the world determines what you

will or can deduce about the world. Western science, among other things, is a

way of looking at the world. That 'Weltanschauung" helps determine what you

see. As Steve Picou states, "Science is socially constructed" (MMS Conference,

August 24, 1999). That social construct both focuses vision and adds blinders.

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Some areas that have been developed for their oil are out of bounds for

subsistence hunters. That was an unforeseen consequence because the

question of risk was not posed in a way that allowed such a result to be

envisioned. . .

Traditional Knowledge (TK) means "the accumulated body of information that

may be said to form a worldview" but TK is also used to refer to raw data

(uninterpreted observations) and also to information, i.e., analyzed or interpreted

data; TK is "non-Western sources of information on environmental processes: and

elements" (Wenzel 1999:114). The accumulated body of information is carrield by

living people and is built from their observations and experiences and from the

observations and experiences of their predeCi:essors.

Can Traditional Knowledge survive modern Ilife? In 1905, Stefansson (1913)

observed that of the entire population of the village of Barrow, there were only

about two dozen peoplelineally'descended from the village's original inhabitants.

Yet whaling-dependent culture survived this population replacement and thrives

to this day.

Whaling is the organizing focus of coastal lfiupiat society today and has been for

a thousand years (Sheehan 1997). Jobs. in North Slope communities are

organized so that people can take subsistence leave to hunt at appropriate times

of the year. Whale hunting requires cooperation within and between crews. Large

numbers of people are required to bring in and butCher the whales. The whale

harvest is shared within and between communities. Just as telling, the easiest

way to bring a smile to someone's face is to start a discussion about whaling.

Is TK hidebound.? Does traditional mean unchanging? Charles Brower was the

first Westerner to settle in Barrow; back in the 1880s (Charles Brower ms}. He

began harvesting whales, and the local whaling captains were surprised to see

that Brower planned to use iron harpoon heads in the hunt. They told him that

whales did not like 'iron and would refuse to give themselves up to anyone using

iron harpoon heads. Brower said he would try anyway.

Brower had a successful season. Tradition stated he should have failed. The

whaling captains incorporated this new experience, they did not try to rationalize

it away. They asked if they could borrow some iron harpoon heads to use

themselves the next season. As Barrow resident Richard Glenn notes "Our

culture is changing, and some day we may be learning 'traditional knowledge'

using the same techniques employed by those today who are outside looking in"

(this volume). This does not negate Traditional KnOWledge, it verifies that TK: is a

living instrument that functions for its society, and in order to keep on functioning

it encompasses and adjusts to new methods and new information.

TK was not static, at least not in the north. Part of what TK imparted to pe!ople

was, a pragmatic approach to life: people u'sed and did what worked and they

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valued tradition not as tradition but as a means to be successful. Adherence to .

traditions, as opposed to valuing TK, could only lead to disaster in a life where

one mistake could mean death, where onel!'issed stitch could lead to

hypothermia, where one miscalculation could lead to endless drifting on an ice

pan. One failed whale hunt might be survived as villagers called on trading

partners and friends and relatives in other villages and inland for help. Two failed

harvests would be deadly. Adaptability is a mainstay of Traditional Knowledge in

the north.

Research into prehistory provides examples of adaptability (Sheehan 1990,

1997). When we excavated at Point Franklin on the Chukchi Sea we found that

Eskimo whalers many generations ago had built traditional style permanent semisubterranean houses there. The location at that time was a sandy island. Our

excavations revealed that the buildersRad to change their approach to

construction as they became fam iliar with the sandy soil, which was quite

different from the clayey and peaty soil of the mainland.

The dugout foundation for one house collapsed inwards as the sandy walls

thawed upon exposure to the air. Rather than continue to excavate downwards to

reach the traditional depth for a new house, the builders threw materials into their

excavation to stabilize it, then built the driftwood house at a higher than

traditional level. They compensated by adding more insulating and stabilizing

material to the exterior of the house. .

Most of the insulation was stacked blocks of sod. But that traditional method also

proved problematic. The Ar'etic is a desert. The dry winter winds tended to strip

the snow away from the base of the sods that were piled against the house walls,

exposing the sand upon which they rested. As the exposed sand dried, the sand

began to blow away, undermining the house's insulation. In at least one instance,

the builders took this into account by pouring whale oil over the sand before

stacking the sods. The oil proved a potent and durable binder that kept the sand

in place.

Traditional kitchens also were semi-subterranean. We examined a kitchen whose

footprint was excavated into the sand. The traditional next stage was

construction of the superstructure. In this case, we imagine the lady of the house

intervened. The sandy floor was soaked in whale oil. Then the whale oil was set

afire. The innovative result was "Eskimo concrete!"

The burning oil created an impenetrable and permanently hard floor ("clinker" in

archaeological field jargon) in place of what would otherwise have been a

perpetually gritty surface upon which to prepare meals. Once the floor was

hardened in this way, building of the superstructure proceeded. TK provided the

mental blueprints for construction. TK's adaptability allowed those blueprints to

be m<f>dified to fit the sandy reality of Point Franklin.

[113)
Is TK esoteric? Does TK consist only of things that are ephemeral or Clf no

practical importance to the Western world? In the 1930s Tommy Brower, orie of

Charles Browers' sons by his hiupiat wife, was returning to Alaska by ship. The

ship's captain refused to consider ice avoidance tactics suggested by Tommy,

and the ship was stove in. Tommy asked the Captain how long the ship had

before it sank and the captain gave an estimate. Tommy then left the ship out of

sight of the captain, running on the ice and then on the beach until he got home.

Cracking his father's safe, Tommy acquired a considerable amount of cash. He

returned to the ship dressed in his Native garb, and the captain did not reco~Jnize

him.

Tommy offered to buy the ship for $10,000 cash. His conditions were that captain

and crew could take whatever they could carry without returning for more, and

that they all had to be gone within the hour. The captain accepted the deal.

Shortly after the last of the crew got onto the ice, the ship settled another few feet

onto the bottom.

Tommy made his first fortune stripping the, ship while she sat there. The ship

itself was eventually crushed and sunk (Thomas P. Brower ms). Traditional

knowledge of ice activities and of shoals wa~, in this case, by no means esoteric.

What can TKmean to pragmatic everyday management activities? Calvin Moto,

the Mayor of Deering, on the Seward Peninsula, has given me permission to

relate this episode.

-Some years ago Calvin and several other Deering residents were employed ';

fighting a tundra fire (personal communication 1999). Calvin was on a ridge when

he saw the foreman lighting a fire in an unburned area. He asked a companion

what the foreman was doing and learned that this was supposed to be a backfire.

"Better get ready to run," Calvin responded..

Calvin took the ATV (all terrain vehicle) and sped to the work crew. "Jump in,

throw your tools in the trailer and let's go." They got to a lake just in time. Calvin

describes the new fire as sounding like a train and moving a mile a minute. "You

see that wall of fire come and your hair stands on end."

When confronting the foreman, Calvin was told "I'm an expert on firets in

Montana." Calvin replied that ''Your fires in Montana are different from· ours. See

those young people? You know how long it took us to raise them? I'm goillg to

take them home. Every day between twelve and two o'clock in this place bE~hind

the hills the wind shifts." From then on the Montana expert and the local experts

consulted. '

TK can raise a flag to managers that further investigation and consultation is

needed when TK conclusions vary from Western scientific conclusions. At times

the Western worldview or Weltanschauung almost ensures that something critical

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will be overlooked, and in some of those instances a view from the perspective of

Traditional Knowledge pays off handsomely.

In the recent past in the north, societies and families did not keep much in

reserve. The energy expenditures to hunt and to manufacture every item needed

in daily life were too great to waste on reserves "just in case." So the margin for

error was thin. Correspondingly, the need for accurate information and safe,

efficient methods was great.

TK has been and is a living body of knowledge. TK is not archaeology, not "a

snapshot frozen in time", but something that is re-affirmed, added to or changed

daily. TK is constantly tested. This testing establishes reliability and gives people

the courage to stand up for what they know.

TK has its own-built in reliability calculator. Starting with the most reliable, it is as

follows.

I experienced...

I was told by someone who experienced...

I was told by someone who was told...

Captain Maguire (1988) recorded an example that combines TK's three levels of

reliability. Maguire twice overwintered in Elson Lagoon next to Point Barrow and

the village of Nuvuk in the early 1850s. Expanding his own geographic

knowledge, he questioned residents about the coast towards Canada to the

southeast and towards Point Hope to the southwest. Their knowledge included

firsthand experience, reports from other travelers, and information handed down

to them. Captain Maguire learned that almost all of Nuvuk's adult Eskimo

residents were intimately familiar with up to 600 miles of Arctic coastline, and

their degree of accuracy exceeded that of the Western explorers and

mapmakers.

Does TK actually incorporate knowledge from the past, and how accurate is

something that "you were told by someone who was told?" In 1981, Elders told

us in Barrow that a ceremonial center, or qargi, had once been located on a

certain mound in the old village of Utqiagvik (Sheehan 1990). They stated that

they had been told of the location as children by Elders, who in tum had been

told of by their own Elders. In 1982 I excavated the mound, revealing a SOD-year

old qargi.

What are the impacts of ignoring TK? Researcher and manager survival is one

potential impact. TK provides time-tested clothing for severe conditions, and

time-tested ways of responding to certain life and death dilemmas. At least in the

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[116)
north, the "just in time" concept currently so popular with industry has bel:!n in

use for generations.

Kenneth Toovak, an hiupiat Elder, worked for many years assisting researc:hers

at· the old Naval Arctic Research Laboratory in Barrow, Alaska. Kenneth has ..

spoken of one such instance (Toovak personal communication). Researcher·

John Kelley approached Kenneth and said "Kenny, I'd like to go out to Point

Barrow by boat to do some work. Would you get a boat ready and take me out?"

Kenneth said "John, not just now." A while later John came back. "KennE~th, I

really need to get out there, can you geta boat ready so we can go to the Point?tI

To which Kenneth replied "John, I don't like the look of the sky right now. Why

don't you wait?tI

John Kelley (personal communication) finally came back and said, tlLook~, we

have to get out there, I don't have much time before I have to leave Barrow and

this work is really important." Kenneth said tlJohn, I'll get the boat ready, but you'll

have to go by yourself.tI

This set John back a bit, and he agreed to wait. Only minutes later strong winds

developed that would have endangered the boat and its occupants. Kenneth

says "I knew what was happening, I didn't want to go in conditions like that.tI John

says, ''The sky looked perfectly fine to me, I would have gone out witlh no

hesitation."

The International Whaling Commission (IWe) once denied the hiupiat's right to

hunt whales by giving them a zero harvest quota: When a people's social and

cultural life revolves around the shared tasks and shared harvests of whaling,

this is a very cruel blow. The IWC stated that there were just not enough

bowhead whales to allow ·any of them to be harvested. The fact that Yankee

commercial whaling had decimated the whales, and that hiupiat subsistence

whaling had not hurt the whale population during their 1600 years of whaling was

considered irrelevant.

Worse, the statement by the whaling captains that the IWC bowhead whale

population estimate was wrong, and that there were many many more whales

than the IWC imagined, was discounted and met with disbelief. TK bearers can

tell you their experiences and how they have come to believe what they believe.

However, "Scientists can tell you the details of their methodology" (Steve Picou,

MMS Conference, August 24, 1999). The IWC preferred to believe, the IWe: had

faith in, Western science, and saw no way of reconciling Western science and

Traditional Knowledge.

The lriupiat spent two decades of work and millions of dollars on Western-·style

science to demonstrate that their Traditional Knowledge-based estimates of

bowhead whale numbers were scientifically accurate (Tom Albert personal

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communication). A happy ending? Yes. But who will repay the h;upiat? Who will

respect and trust the bearers of Traditional Knowledge in the next dispute? When

will the hunters feel that scientists are not more tha~ a little dangerous?

Oceanic oil and gas exploration entails use of oceanic seismic tests. IriLipiat

subsistence whalers have testified repeatedly that whales react to seismic tests

by diverting from their normal feeding and travel areas, and by exhibiting more

wariness when approached by hunters. Much of this "eye witness" testimony

remained unrecognized or diminished in value in most Environmental Impact

Statements. The Minerals Management Service (MMS) nonetheless acted upon

a Western scientific belief that placed the "radius of disturbance" at around 10

km. Only when money and time had been spent upon a more appropriate

scientific study (Richardson 1998) was it acknowledged that the radius of

disturbance is at least 20 km, probably more, as the lriupiat whalers have stated

all along.

I have seen a Navy document that admits that some Barrow-area erosion may be

the result of their massive nearshore gravel borrowing operations. Tommy

Brower told me he had remonstrated with the Navy and tried to. prevent the

gravel extractions, predicting increased erosion (Thomas P. Brower ms). At the

time, this possibility was dismissed by Navy engineers.

Ignoring TK and those who wish to share it is demoralizing and can lead to a

refusal by Native people to cooperate. Managers and scientists sometimes do

not accommodate TK because they cannot acknowledge (. that their own

"scientific" viewpoint is relativistic.

"Since at least the late 1980s, anthropologists... and other northern researchers...

have widely critiqued Western science as it relates to Traditional Ecological

Knowledge...", so that some focus on ''what may be inherent points of

epistemological conflict between Traditional Ecological Knowledge and science;

especially. their respective methodologies and the established premises of each"

(Wenzel 1999:116).

Wenzel cites the findings of Bielawski (1992:7) that some areas of research,

such as geology and biology, "have intentionally sought not to incorporate Inuit

within their spheres of inquiry," exemplified by the statement of one scientist that

"In such research, people are overburden" (Wenzel 1999:116).

Within the literature on Inuit, there is commonly "a point of intellectual discussion

that contrasts Traditional Ecological Knowledge's essential 'differentness' in

formulation and transmission with Western scientific knowledge and practice..."

so that many investigators have "emphasized the methodological-philosophical

distinctiveness of Traditional Ecological Knowledge from Western science"

(Wenzel 1999:115).

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[117J
"For a long time, Western discourse has tended to radically separate scholarly

knowledge and everyday understanding. Schooling and science, it has often

been assumed, involve the objective exploration and modeling of reality, on the

basis of rational methods and detached· observations, while 'lay' or 'folk'

understanding presumes a particular and, limited world of local concerns. One of

the consequences of such a 'modernist' scbeme is the tendency to both gllorify

science and reduce local knowledge to mere trivia" (Palsson and Helgason

1998:908-909).

What are the impacts -of hearing but not fully considering TK? It is demorali;~ing.

The Native experience in relating TK to Western scientific knowledge has been

that sometimes a "discount" is placed on their Traditional Knowledge (Jensen

ms). Or sometimes there seems to be no reaction whatsoever. Hence, "MMS has

no ears!" , _.

One of the rare instances of a public demonstration on the North Slope occurred

in 1997 when the public and local government attendees at a US MinE:trals

Management Service (MMS) meeting walked out of the meeting en masse and

set up outside. People waved homemade cardboard signs and chanted "MMS

has no ears!"

MMS had listened but not heard. MMS had dutifully recorded information and

comments, but had not internalized or in any,other way seriously dealt with them.

In fact, scientists' comments, which are based on comparatively brief periods of

research in the Arctic, are quoted at length: and acted upon in federal reports,

while hunters' comments rarely have been printed, although the hunters draw on

generations of accumulated Traditional Knowledge.

Aside from courtesy and simple justice, why is it important that Natives be heard?

Pragmatically, as shown by the whale count and the underwater sound issues,

TK often has answers to questions that otherwise will be left open and therefore

unacted-upon while expensive long-term studies are commissioned and take

place. Just as importantly, development activities are impacting communitiels to

the extent that subsistence activity (AKA culture) is changing in response to

development,and a prime way to assess the impact is through people's words.

TK can help managers mitigate social impacts of development by recognizing

groups on a non-political basis (i.e., not based on precincts or congressional

districts, but on the basis of knowledge sharing). This mitigates the possible

impression that groups of people are not valued or even recognized on the basis

of their own self-identification; after all, the internal and external sharing of TK

can help reinforce group identity, just as the ignoring or perceived denigrating of

TK questions the group.

TK is? contextual. An individual builds it up and comes to know it over a lifetime.

The use of TK is critical to both "holders" and to "managers." How do we rE~tain

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...

and use TK for everyone? Consultation is necessary and helps to avoid

misinterpretation of archived TK.

Wenzel commends as "sensible" the Tri-Council of Canada's methodology for the

ethical conduct of research:

There are many situations where collectivities may wish to react to the

findings... It is usually inappropriate for the collectivity to seek (or to be

given) a veto on report findings. At the same time, it is inappropriate for

.researchers to dismiss matters of disagreement... without giving them due

consideration... Where any disagreement persists, it is a minimal

requirement that researchers provide the collectivity with an opportunity to

make its views known. Failing agreement, researchers should accurately ..

report any disagreement on interpretation of the data in the final report.

(Tri-Council of Canada 1997:VII-7f cited in Wenzel 1999:121).

We should follow Richard Glenn's lead (this volume) and make the TK database

that has been assembled for "managers" also available as a resource for the TK

holder as well as for federal decision makers. That is what we hope will happen

with the database being created for MMS through a contract with the Ukpeagvik

hiupiat Corporation (UIC) Real Estate Science Division. The project attempts to

collate and provide a basis for contextual~ing North Slope of Alaska Traditional

Knowledge so that managers and others can use it effectively in their decision

making about research and policy issues.

The fashion in which modern life is organized in today's north follows a Western

pattern, interfering with the daily and seasonal schedules of the recent past. This

incompatibility is a crisis for Traditional Knowledge, which has been leamed and

passed on through intensive and long periods of watching and participating.

Westernized schedules interrupt this process. A properly organized TK database

can serve as a learning tool, helping people to overcome scheduling conflicts and

helping to keep TK viable in the future. The current MMS/UIC Traditional

Knowledge project is not geared to this, but stands as a first step upon which

others can capitalize.

Acknowledgments

Especi~lIy in a paper dealing with Traditional Knowledge it is important to

acknowledge those people who have directly or indirectly assisted in the work:

These include Mr. Kenneth Toovak, Board Member of the Barrow Arctic Science

Consortium; Dr. John J. Kelley, Institute of Marine Biology, University of Alaska

Fairbanks; the Honorable Calvin M. Moto, Mayor of Deering; my wife, Ms. Anne

M. Jensen, Ukpeagvik lriupiat Corporation; Dr. Tom Albert, North Slope

Department of Wildlife Management; Dr. Todd O'Hara, North Slope Department

of Wildlife .Management; Mr. Richard Glenn, President of the Barrow Arctic

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[119)
Science Consortium; and the late Thomas Paneahtak Brower, who worked on his

life history with me because "maybe younger people will learn something from it."

References Cited

Bielawski, E.

1992 Inuit Indigenous Knowledge and Science in the Arctic. Northern

Perspectives 20:1 :5-8. Cited in Wenzel 1999.

Brower, Charles

ms. Manuscript on deposit at the North SlOpe Borough Department of Wildlife

Management. Barrow, Alaska.

Brower, Thomas P.

ms. Manuscript on deposit at the Barrow Arctic Science Consortium. Barrow,

Alaska.

Glenn, Richard

2000 Traditional Knowledge, Environmental Assessment, and the Clash of Two

Cultures. Report on the 1999 Minerals Management Services Socioeconomic

Studies Conference. '

Jensen, Anne M.

ms. Manuscript in preparation. Ukpeagvik hiupiat Corporation Real Estate

Science Division. Barrow, Alaska.

Maguire, Rochfort

1988 The Journal of Rochfort Maguire, 1852-1854: Two Years at Point Barrow,

Alaska, Aboard H.M.S. Plover 'in the SearchJor Sir John Franklin, edited by John

Bockstoce, 2 volumes. Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, Second Series No.

169. The Hakluyt Society, London.

O'Hara, Todd M., Doug Dasher, John C. George and Victoria Woshner

1999 Radionuclide Levels in Caribou of Northern Alaska in 1995-96. Arctic

52:3:279-288.

Palsson, Gisli and Agnar Helgason

1999 Schooling and Skipperhood: The Development of Dexterity. American

Anthropologist 100:4:908-923.

Richardson, W. John (ed.)

1998 Marine Mammal and Acoustical Monitoring of BP Exploration (AI~iska)

Open'-Water Seismic Program in the Alaskan Beaufort Sea, 1997. LGL Report

TA2150-3. LGL ltd. Environmental Res~arch Associates and Greeneridge

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Sciences Inc. Report prepared for: BP Exploration (Alaska) Inc. and National

Marine Fisheries Service. Anchorage.

Sheehan, Glenn W.

1997 In the Belly of the- Whale: Trade and War in Eskimo Society. Aurora:

Alaska Anthropological Association Monograph Series"- VI. Anchorage. " , -

1990 Excavations at Mound 34. In The Utqiagvik Excavations, vol. 2, edited by

Edwin S. Hall, Jr., 181-325, 337-353. The North Slope Borough. Commission on

lriupiat History, Language and Culture. Barrow, Alaska.

Stefansson, Vilhjalmur

1913 My Life with the Eskimo. MacMillan. New York.

Tri-COuncii of Canada

1997 Code of Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (draft). Social

Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Ottawa. Cited in Wenzel

1999.

Wenzel, George W. _

1999 Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Inuit: Reflections on TEK Research

and Ethics. Arctic 52:2:113-124.

Traditional Knowledge, Environmental Assessment, and the -Clash of Two

Cultures

Richard Glenn

Native American people have since the time of the-- first European contact

struggled with the idea of sharing with the outside world a storehouse of raw

information, truisms, philosophies and ways of life. This storehouse, wrapped in a

big blanket and named by the outside world as 'traditional knowledge,' has been

obtained (as in any culture) over time by observations of nature, trial and error,

dogged persistence and flashes of inspiration. In cultures without a written

history, such as our Alaskan North Slope lriupiat culture, this knowledge is

passed person to person, through social organizations and individual training, as

well as through stories and legends. .

Our culture is based on a knowledge of the natural environment and its

resources, Knowledge of the arctic tundra, rivers and lakes, of the lagoons and

oceans and all of the food resources they provide is our foundation. Further,

knowledge of snow and ice conditions, of ocean currents, weather patterns and

their effects on natural systems becomes necessary for navigation, finding and

trailing game and locating shelter and each other. This knowledge has value.

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Firstl to pass amongst each other and on to pur children, and, second (should we

decide to) to pass it on to those outside of oyr culture.

To someone unfamiliar with the lriupiat culture or the arctic environment (such as

a youngster or an outsider) the storehouse of information must seem near infinite

and inaccessible. And, stereotypes abound .. amongst ourselves and in the eyes

of outsiders. Legends of the 'hundred different terms for snow... or ice' serve to

perpetuate the mystery. For outsiders; in addition to the stereotypes, there~ is a

stigma: bad experiences too numerous to count that began by good-faith sharing

of traditional knowledge with .outsiders. Th~se range from simple plagiarism to

exploitation and thievery. Here, too, lege~ds and stereotypes abound. Such

experiences have led many lriupiat people first to ask 'Why share?' And even if

this challenge has been answered sufficiE:mtly, an equally difficult challenge

remains for both sides: 'How to share?'

Why Share?

Why do we share our traditional knowledge? Despite the stigma, our community

is proud of a long history of productive cooperative efforts with visiting

researchers, and proud of hunters, travelers and other experts lending their

support to visiting scientists, map makers and others. 'Why? We share when we

consider others as close enough to be part of our own culture, and we share

when we think it is in the best interest of a greater cultural struggle.

Experts Sharing With Each Other

The question of 'why'is always easy to answer when two individuals are sharing

equally and the joy of discovery takes place on both sides. Examples in our own

hundred-year history of cooperation serve as good models: the wildlife biologist

and the whaler, the nomadic traveler and geologist, the archaeologist and the

village elders. This two-way exchange has often worked when a given researcher

has been around long enough to be considered 'one of us', or at least has

displayed to the community that he possesses some common values.

Sharing for the Greater Good

For a more locally important reason, we share traditional knowledge when we

believe that it will lead to preserving our land, our resources or our way of life.

This reason has prodded us to work hard 'with regulatory agencies and other

organizations to develop policies, to draft environmental impact statements or to

offer even the most specific knowledge of the environment, wildlife or cultural

practice.

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Sharing'as a Part of Iflupiat Education

A third reason exists: Pure instruction. Like a teacher to a student,' our elders and

experts teach the rest of our community in any facet of traditional knowledge. We

share to perpetuate our culture. How does one become involved in this kind of

sharing? The answer is simple: Become a student. However, this can take a

lifetime, pairing with a given expert over, years of learning. Chances are that the

teacher himself is learning, too. This is the method most commonly used by our

own people to transfer knowledge amongst ourselves. Our culture has many

vehicles to allow this kind of instruction to take place. This method, too, faces

challenges due to changing culture, loss of language and other factors.

How to Share?

How can an outsider partake in any of the vehicles of sharing traditional

knowledge? Choose one or all of the three criteria: engage in' an exchange

among experts, become part of an effort that is of value to our people, or remain

in the community and become a real student. Any other method risks lack of

context, data gaps from abbreviated efforts and other such problems. -

Current Efforts

Funding exists in many government agencies for programs that elicit traditional

knowledge. These programs can be found from NSF to NOAA to MMS. Recently

these efforts have drawn praise from outside quarters, as it demonstrates that

the government has 'validated' traditional knOWledge.' Yet, even so, we are still

struggling with the very agencies that have given traditional knowledge some

credibility. Why is this? In many instances the goal of eliciting traditional

knowledge is a short-term project objective for an effort that might necessarily

take a lifetime.

A common problem many agency efforts face is that they try to gather traditional

knowledge in 'non-traditional ways'. They hold public meetings, offer copies of

documents for comment or rely on whatever political leadership happens to be in

place. Another vehicle in vogue for agencies is the contract with a Native

organization. '

Native tribal organizations, profit and non-profit corporations and rural and local

governments all represent some aspect of a Native constituency. So, -because

the groups have some legitimacy in attempting to be the bridge between

traditional knowledge and the outside world, a contract is developed. The

contractor must somehow assimilate, document and contribute traditional

knowledge. Thus, what should take: 1) years of heart to heart collaboration

between experts, or 2) a whole army of local energy focused on a single issue, or

3) years of tutelage under a suite of instructors must now must be completed

before the contract deadline (usually a period of weeks to months). Here, the

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government can wash its hands of the issue. It looks appropriate; it's in the

Natives' hands. And, the Native organization, hungry as it should be for glrants

and contracts from the 'feds', offers to cam' the obligation. Again, contract and

project timelines become the targets, and we collect what we can while we, can.

Quality may suffer, content and context as well.

Knowing that change happens slowly, and that agencies can only do so much, it

is reasonable to assume that what is presently occurring will continue. MeE~tings

to assess traditional knowledg~ will undoubtedly go on. With this in mind, there

are a few more cautions to those interested in documenting traditional

knowledge, learning about the environment without reinventing the wheel and

working with Native communities on regionally important issues.

Choose the Forum with Care

A meeting's attendees must be matched to the issue. When expertise is really

needed, it should be stated. Stereotypes will allow any agency to assume the

expertise is there. There is a scene from the movie On Deadly Ground where the

leading actress (an Oriental woman playing a Yup'ik) jumps on a horse to the

surprise of Steven Seagal's character. He asks, "You can ride a horse?" to which

she answers, "Of course, I'm Native Ameri,canl" A comical analogy, but not far

from the mark from many real life stereotypes.

Don't Put Your Eggs in One Basket

Check sources. Stated another way, the most talkative person may not be the

most knowledgeable. Ours is a culture of consensus. Agreement is mandatory on

nearly every item passed as traditional knowledge. If one person stands alone,

he may be an expert, or he may be wrong.

Given the size of the task, it is easy to run away from documenting tradiltional

knowledge for use by others, even for our Qwnintemal reasons. For many, it can

be an intensely personal endeavor. Still, s~ch documentation will continuE~ - by

our own people as well as by outside groups. Our culture is changing, and some

day we may be learning 'traditional knowledge' using the same techniques

employed by those today who are outside looking in. We may be learning of our

own traditional knowledge as if it belonged to others. Just as today in many

places we are learning our own language [as if it were a foreign language. As

long as we are pledged to the task, we should look past the requirements of this

contract or that mandate and remember the quality of information, time-t.ested

and true. With everything changing, it is a valuable reference plane. If it is not

where we are going, at least it is where we are coming from.

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APPENDIX B
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Appendix B: Regional Background

Alaska Region

[The following is an edited version of the verbatim transcript of Tim Holder's

presentation, supplemented by material from the written description of ongoing

and proposed studies in the Alaska Region Mr. Holder provided to conference

participants.]

Alaska is an enormous state, covering an area equal to twenty percent of the

lower forty-eight states. The route of the Trans Alaska Pipeline, from Dead Horse

on the north coast to Valdez on Prince William Sound, covers some eight

hundred miles. Presently, the prospective oifdevelopmentsknown as Liberty and

Northstar, located in the centra.1 Beaufort Sea, are at the center of attention of

socioeconomic studies in Alaska. The former will be the first OCS development in

Alaska in over twenty years of leasing.

The communities most directly affected .by these two developments are Nuiqsut

(with a population of about four hundred fifty), Kaktovik (with a population of

about two· hundred forty) and Barrow (witb a population of about four thousand

four hundred). These are predominantly Native Alaskan Inupiat communities

whose people still engage in a great deal of subsistence hunting and gathering.

The most important subsistence food source is the Bowhead whale, which can

reach fifty feet in length and fifty tons. Whale· hunting is the focus of elaborate

community activities as well as a source of food, so it is central to Inupiat culture.

Hence, Inupiat communities are greatly concerned with the effects of oil and gas

exploration and development on the whale population. For example, the

possibility that the noise of seismic exploration could deflect migrating Bowhead.

whales farther offshore has been a topic of much debate. Given the importance

of all forms of subsistence hunting and gathering to Native Alaskans, examining

the potential effects of oil and gas development on subsistence resources and

practices has been of great importance to the studies program in the region.

The Environm.ental Studies Program in Alaska is guided by its Annual Studies

Plan (ASP). The regional ASPs are prepared in accordance with the MMS

national planning process" within the general guideline of the National Strategic

Plan. The process of preparing the ASP begins each year by soliciting ideas for

new studies from a broad range of people, agencies and organizations. The

Environmental Assessment section of the MMS in Alaska, which is responsible

for preparing EISs, provides many ideas for new studies. The studies program

also solicits ideas from about two hundred agencies and other interested parties

outside the MMS. Among others, these include federal, state and local

govel!flment agencies, Native Alaskan groups and environmental groups. The

program makes a vigorous effort to include all interested parties. The full process

of preparing the ASP, including review by other MMS offices and the MMS

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Scientific Committee, lasts from March through December. While a regiona~ ASP

is produced for each year, generating new ~ideas for studies and planning future

research is really an ongoing process. The results of the research the studies

program conducts on the Alaska Region ane used-to prepare the .environmental

assessments and impact statements reqoired by the National Environmental

Policy Act. They also contribute to preparing' mitigation measures, reviewing. oil

spill contingency plans, conducting dialogs with' coastal communities and

reviewing and formulating offshore oil and gas development policy.

The following summaries of proposed ,and ongoing studies illustrate the

substance of socioeconomic studies activity; in Alaska;

Ongoing Studies

Sociocultural Consequences ofAlaska aes Activities: Data Analysis/Integration,

All Alaska Planning Areas, FY 1996-1999 , _

The Alaska acs Region has implemented an important socioeconomic

component of its overall Environmental f Studies Program, resulting in the

p~blication of 159 technical reports. In recent years, socioeconomic studies have '

become more focused, emphasi~ing the critical points of engagement between

OCS development and social systems. This: 4-year study has'two components:

• Formal, comparative, quantitative, and qualitative analysis of existing data

that document changes in the hyman environment related to oes

activities. '

• Local-level constituent participation irn sociocultural information review and'

monitoring of social change.

The study will produce an annotated bibliography, , integrated data sets, meta

files, ethnographies, oral histories' and integrated analysis of long-term oes

impacts on communities~ This study is a Cooperative Agreement with the Alaska "

Department of Fish and Game, Subsistence Division.

Economic and Social Effects ofthe ai/Industry in Alaska, 1975-1995, All Alaska

Planning Areas, FY 1997-1999 ;

Oil industry activities in all Alaska OCS: regions have evolved only to the

exploratory phase and onshore activities in: Alaska are in decline. The decline in

onshore activities is'due in large part to the reduced production of Prudhoe Bay

fields, low oil prices, and attractive intem~tional exploration and development

opportunities. This could cause major econ,omic restructuring throughout Alaska'

and influence statewide socioeconomic s~ructures and functions in unknown

ways. For example, most of the institutional, cultural, and physical infrastructure

developed in Alaska in the past 20 years was paid for by funds generated by the

sale of onshore oil and gas products. I As that income stream declines,

reallocations probably will be required. The :objective of this study is to achieve a

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more complete understanding of community economics and linked sociocultural

relationships during the downsizing anticipated for the oil industry in Alaska.

Exxon Valdez Oil Spill, Cleanup, and Litigation: A Community-Based Collection

of Social-Impacts Information and Analysis, 1989-1996, All Alaska Planning

Areas, FY 1996-1998

The oil spill from the Exxon Valdez grounding not only contaminated natural.

habitat and resources but also produced a cleanup effort that had its own social

impacts among communities in Southcentral Alaska. The effects from the oil spill,

cleanup, and subsequent litigation have been documented in media coverage

and by research initiated by the MMS, the Alaska Conference of Mayors, the

State of Alaska, Federal resource and response agencies, academic institutions,

and individualresearchers. The study has the following objectives:

• Collect, organize and synthesize all community-based social information

associated with the Exxon Valdez oil spill, cleanup, and associated

litigation that shows the effects on the human environment.

• Analyze the literature showing the effects on key social factors resulting

from the Exxon Valdez oil spill, cleanup, and litigation.

• Solicit input and concurrence on the key social factors from

representatives of the MMS, the State of Alaska, local communities, and

Native organizations.

• Prepare an annotated bibliography, abstracts, descriptions of social

factors, and analytical findings of this study on a PC-based~ CD-ROM.

Collection of Traditional Knowledge of the Alaskan North Slope, Beaufort Sea,

Chukchi Sea, Hope Basin, FY 1997-1999

The Native peoples of Arctic Alaska have thousands of years of experience in

living in Arctic environments and have much knowledge of both the marine and

terrestrial ecosystems. Most of this knowledge has been passed on from one

generation to the next by word of mouth. Much traditional knowledge has,

however, been written down, audio-recorded, archived and, in some cases,

published. Because these sources do not have an index, the scientific community

is not aware of them or has difficulty obtaining them. Potential closure of the

Bureau of Indian Affairs Alaska Native Claims Settlement Office could leave the

8,000 interview files unavailable. The stUdy will produce an indexed annotated

bibliography and abstracts of recorded traditional knowledge sources on a PCbased CD-ROM. ( A similar study is proposed for the Cook Inlet and Shelikof

Strait areas in FY2000-2002.).

Subsistence Economies and North Slope Oil Development, Beaufort Sea,

ChUkchi Sea, FY 1997-1999

The Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Division of Subsistence, has

conducted comprehensive household surveys in Kaktovik and NUiqsut to track

changes in subsistence and employment patterns on the North Slope. The MMS

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and other agencies have collaborated on these studies. Information in the data

sets includes: '

• Subsistence-harvest quantities at the1species level.

• Household employment by industry and job type.

• Income levels. '

• Demographic composition of households.

• Sharing of subsistence resources. ;

• Mapped information of subsistence harvest-areas.

The objective of this study is to use these data to analyze continuity and change

in the subsistence and wage-employment Iactivities of households in Kaktovik

and Nuiqsut.

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Cook Inlet, An Economic Assessment of ~he Marine Sport Fisheries in Lower

Cook Inlet, FY 1997-1999

The marine sport fisheries of lower Cook Inlet are the focus of a rapidly

expanding tourist economy. Considerableiinformation exists on the economic

value and impact of commercial fisheries off Alaska. The economic value and

impact of sport fishing activities have dot been dgorously evaluated. The

objective of this study is to produce an econometric model which analyzes:

• The effects of changes in sport-fishing opportunity on angler net benefits.

• The ultimate impact of those changes on the regional economy.

Publication of a Book/Synthesis on the Socioeconomic Effects of Oil and Gas

Industry Activityon the Alaska OCS, All Alaska Planning Areas, FY 1998-2000

A comprehensive formal, comparative, quantitative, and qualitative

documentation of existing data on changes in the socioeconomic environment

related to OCS activities will make this il'ilformation more useful for decision

makers. The primary objective of this study is to coordinate and prepare a

synthesis of selected technical reports produced under MMS contracts. A

secondary objective of this study is to help [resolve conflicts between those who

favor resource development and those who oppose any activity that might pose

risks by providing a peer-reviewed synthesis of current information for use in

decision making.

Update Oil Industry Labor Factors for Alaska Manpower Model, All Alaska

Planning Areas, FY 1998

The Manpower Model was created in the late 1970's and early 1980's to project

the number of workers directly employedi in proposed OCS exploration and

development activities. This data is also us~d to predict secondary employment

and population. The employment data from the Manpower Model and the

secol1dary employment and population data are also used in EISs. Changes in

industry technology make it necessary to re-examine and adjust the input

variables to this model. The objective of this study is to update the Manpower

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Model with input variables that accurately reflect the number of workers needed

to complete tasks associated with exploration, development, and production on

the ecs.

Reference Manual and GIS Overlays of Oil-Industry and Other Human Activity

(1970-1995) in the Beaufort Sea, Beaufort Sea, FY 1998-1999

Analysis of the potential effects on wildlife of oil-industry and other human

activities has been limited by the quality and resolution of data available. This

study will provide wildlife scientists, Native organizations, and others with the

authoritative historic information on human activity needed to analyze the

potential effects of such activities on whale migrations, wildlife distributions,

shipwrecks, and other phenomena.

Proposed Studies

Monitoring Key Indicators of Socioeconomic and Cultural Change of

Communities on the Alaskan North Slope, Beaufort Sea, Chukchi Sea, and Hope

Basin, FY2000.,. 2004

The Alaska ecs Region funded the Social Indicators Study completed in 1995.

The study was initially designed to measure socioeconomic effects at the

community level with and without oil and gas activity. It was enlarged to

encompass several villages directly affeeted by the Exxon Valdez oil spill of

March 24, 1989. The North Slope communities of Barrow, Nuiqsut, Kaktovik,

Anaktuvuk Pass, Wainwright, and Pt. Hope were sampled in the initial

development of the indicators. With the first development and production activity

proposed offshore in the Beaufort Sea, and other offshore and onshore activities

ongoing, further monitoring is needed. The objectives of this study are to monitor

the following dimensions of socioeconomic and cultural changes in communities

on the Alaskan North Slope:

• How subsistence harvest patterns are affected by ongoing oil and gas

development.

• Whether younger Natives are hunting more or less than elders in relation

to oil and gas development.

• How the cash component of household income affects subsistence

participation.

• What kinds and degrees of stress ongoing and proposed oil and gas

developments impose on Native Alaskans..

• How oil and gas activities have affected the sharing of subsistence

resources.

The results of the FY 2000-2004 sampling will be compared to the stUdy

completed in 1995.

Traditional KnowledgelWestern Science Bowhead Whale Migration'Seasonal

Report, Beaufort Sea, ChukchiSea, Hope Basin, FY 2001-2003

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The MMS will continue to incorporate pertinent indigenous knowledge in its EISso

The wealth of Native observations on area wildlife, particularly bowhead whales,

is vital to this effort. Observations about particular bowhead migrations are not 1 _

readily available to non-Natives and scientific and -regulatory information relative

to bowhead migrations is not always readily available to Native villagers in a

reader-friendly format. The synthesis :of this information provides an

unprecedented opportunity for MMS to bridge the gap between Traditional

Knowledge and Western Science. Information from the project will be valuable .

for the consultation process under the ~xisting stipulations on subsistence

whaling and other subsistence activities, .

Collection of Traditional Knowledge of the :Cook Inlet and Shelikof Strait, Cook

Inlet, FY 2000-2002 ;

This study is patterned after the study titleq ."Collection of Traditional Knowledge

of the Alaskan North Slope~"lt would:

• Work with community elders, Native villages, and subsistence coordinators

with Native organizations to identify traditional knowledge sources appropriate

for inclusion in the traditional knowledge:database.

• Include in the traditional knowledge database, at a minimum:

• Subsistence areas. I

• Harvest methods.

• Relationships between physical environment and animal populations and

behavior. :

• Marine mammal behavior, movement, and distribution.

• Ice conditions and movement. :

• Wind patterns and current patterns.;

• Place name information.

• Locate, collect and organize all record~d traditional knowledge information

-associated with the North Slope of Alaska, including:

.--'·Oral-history-taped interviews.

• Written transcripts.

• Published sources.

• Textual and video records of CD-ROM "jukeboxes" of elder interviews.

• Textual and video records of Elders' Conferences.

• Native allotment interview files (8,000) at the Bureau of Indian Affairs

Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act ,Office.

• Identify key traditional knowledge indices for structuring and abstracting.

• Prepare an annotated bibliography, abstracts, traditional knowledge indices

and findings of this study on a PC-based CD-ROM.

• Disseminate the CD-ROM to Native communities, local governments, the

State of Alaska, and Federal offices involved in environmental research and

assessment.

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Update Baseline Study ofthe Cultural Resource Potential ofthe Beaufort Sea,

Beaufort Sea, Chukchi Sea, Hope Basin (as applicable),' FY 2000

In 1978 a baseline study was prepared identifying the potential for Cultural and

Archaeological resources in the Beaufort Sea (and Lower Cook Inlet and the

Western Gulf of Alaska). In 1986, Technical Report Number 119, MMSStudy 86-

0018 "Alaska Outer Continental Shelf Cultural Resource Compendium", was

published. Since these baseline studies were released, significant geotechnical

and geophysical data have been collected and analyzed in support of OCS

exploratory operations. The validity of these earlier studies needs to be reviewed.

The present study will utilize data from the latter. Over twelve years of data

collection in the Beaufort Sea need to be analyzed for their cultural resource

potential and detailed evaluations for cultural and archaeological resources need

to be completed prior to permitting future exploration and development projects in

the Beaufort Sea . This cultural resource study is an extension of and

supplement to a proposed FY 1999 study titled "Evaluation of Sub-Sea Physical .

Environmental Data for the Beaufort Sea OCS and Incorporation into a

Geographic Information System (GIS) Database." It has the following objectives:

• Statistical analysis of pertinent data and data, bases, inclUding

interpretation of and extraction from large amounts of previously

aggregated, generalized data to determine probable specific cultural sites.

• Development of a new baseline study for the Beaufort Sea incorporating

the guidelines in the "MMS Handbook for Archaeological Resource

Protection.

• Preparation of plat maps of the Beaufort Sea which identify the

potential/probability for cultural and archaeological resources.

Pacific Region

[The following is an edited version of the verbatim transcript of Jim Uma's

presentation.]

California was the site of the first offshore oil development in the world, in

Summerland, just south of Santa Barbara. These early drilling ventures used

piers or causeways extending from shore, rather than drilling platforms. Drilling

began in 1896, but the rigs were abandoned by about 1907 because the

technology available at the time made offshore oil extraction simply too

expensive. Unfortunately, the wells were not properly capped. The state dealt

with some of the worst of these in the early 1990s, but some continue to leak.

The state passed a Minerals Leasing Act in 1921 and this spurred a new period

of offshore oil development. One result was that some parts of the Southern

California coast were thick with oilrigs and access piers. Some of the piers were

not removed until the 1990s. In 1929, new development in state waters, was

prohibited. In the 1940s, however, some onshore production began which tapped / .

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state offshore fields using slant driliing. Some of these wells are still active today.

In 1955, offshore drilling under state auspices began again, but now modern

drilling platforms were employed.

Federal leasing of offshore exploration and,drilling rights began in 1965. Several

drilling platforms were erected in the Santa Barbara Channel almost immediately.

In 1969, however, the event that changed the face of offshore oil development in

the entire country took place. This was the massive oil spill caused by a blowout

on one of the Santa Barbara Channel platforms. Many environmental and social

scientists see the Santa Barbara spill and public reaction to it as a seminal event

in the development of the modern environmental movement. In fact, much

environmental legislation was enacted in the years just following the spill,

including the National Environmental Policy Act, the Endangered Species Act

and the Marine Sanctuary and Research and Protection Act. At the very least,

the Santa Barbara spill sparked development of the state and federal

environmental review procedures that now govern offshore oil and gas_

development.

The spill also precipitated a moratorium on leasing and development in the Santa

Barbara Channel. This was largely lifted by the late 1970s. In 1982, however, a

congressional moratorium on leasing and development off the Northern

California coast was imposed and in 1990 a presidential moratorium was

imposed on leasing and development off the coast of Oregon, Washington and

most of California. This tended to concentrate oil and gas development in

Southern California, particularly in the Santa Barbara Channel. (

In California, the coastal zone is largely under the permitting authority of local

government. Local authority generally ends at the tideline..The near-shore area,

which in California goes from the tideline to 'three nautical miles offshore, is under .

the control of the state government. The offshore area, the OCS, which goes

from 3 to 200 miles offshore, is controlled by the national government. The OCS

does not really have a defined outer boundary off California, although it does not

generally encounter an international border.

California has a statute similar to the federal NEPA statute. This is the California

Environmental Quality Act. This not only mandates environmental review, it also

requires mitigating any significant impacts identified in an environmental review.

Development on the OCS then, often requires a joint environmental evaluation,

involving federal, state and local government.

In summary, when it comes to offshore development in California, the pattern

historically has been from the nearshore fo farther offshore. We started at the

coast line and moved deeper. We also started at one location and moved

laterally along the coast, a pattern that still pretty much holds today. Initially

offsh0re development came from the extension of onshore fields. There was an

onshore field, so they knew that structure probably extended into the offshore

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through the surf zone and into the shallow nearshore area where the piers that

supported the early drilling operations were built. The ocean along the coast;

however, gets very deep, very fast; so, the cost of building causeways out to the

oil ev~ntually became prohibitive _.

Except for the initial development in the 1890's, the boom-and-bust model as

most social scientists understand it does not apply to California. Our offshore

industry really cannot be characterized as boom-and-bust for any number of both

economic and political reasons.

One of the things that we find in our studies is that the issues dealing with

offshore oil development and the effects of offshore oil development vary

between and within counties. Because of the pattern of offshore oil development,

the three counties outside of Los Angeles that are dealing with federal offshore

development are Ventura, Santa Barbara and San Luis Obispo. This gives us an

advantage in doing social and economic studies in that we have a fairly

concentrated area to study.

Oil development in California has engendered a fair amount of controversy. It is

important to understand that offshore oil development in California, especially

when -looking at cumulative impacts, is a product of both state and federal

development. State development, however, is largely mature and for the most

part is in the phase that we call decommissioning. But any chronic cumulative

impacts are a product of both state and federal actions. .

Since the very beginning, there has been controversy over oil development in

California, whether it was private development, which was the first phase,. state

development, which was largely 1921 through the 1970's, or federal

development. In the early years of oil development, much opposition focused on

the effect of piers, rigs, platforms and the other accoutrements of oil exploration

and production on the aesthetic environment. Following the 1969 spill attention

shifted decisively toward environmental risks, now perceived as more ominous.

Currently most of the development is concentrated along the Santa Barbara

Channel and in the Point Arguello area. We also have 36 undeveloped leases in

California. While a couple of these units are within the Santa Barbara Channel,

many of them are in the Santa Maria Basin, where there is pres.ently very little, if

any, development. That is also one of the least-settled areas of the county

because of Vandenberg Air Force Base, which is adjacent to the coastline.

Just as oil development in California has moved through several phases, the

studies program also has shifted its focus. During the late 1970sand the 1980s,

the program focused on collecting information required for environmental impact

assessment and studies were largely descriptive. They often included baseline

community' profiles and data on a host of demographic variables. Another issue

thatwe looked at quite heavily in this period was facility siting. One of the things I

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have found looking at the Environmental Studies Program· is that it does tend to

follow many of the issues that are of concern in the overall community. ~n the

late 1970's and 1980's, as a result of the Coastal Zone Management legislation,

there was a lot of concern expressed about facility siting. If we are going to build

facilities, what kind of facilities should they be? What will the social and economic

impacts be? If you are going to build a refinery, what specialties will be. nE~eded

as far as trade unions? How many people will be working at a certain type of

facility? Where do we put facilities, and what will the social and economic impact

be of constructing and operating those facilities?

Also in this era we were looking at offshore and onshore archaeology. This is one

of the best programs that I have seen in thE! federal government, and understand

I have worked in marine archaeology for "both the National Park Service and

Minerals Management Service and I am familiar with the Army Corps projects as

well as state projects. I believe that the -MIMS has one of the finest marine

archaeology programs in the federal or state governments. I believe that our

information is of the highest quality and that our science on this is second to

none.

In the mid-1980s and early 1990s, with lease sales in abeyance, attention turned

toward community studies. These focused on the effects on communities of

ongoing oil development and production. -Recent studies span a wide range of

topics. They have addressed, for example, variations in the effects of oil

development on three different counties, studies of community perceptions and

public opinion concerning offshore development, and an ethnographic study of

the effect of offshore development on fishing communities in the Santa Barbara

Channel and the Santa Maria Basin. We're also looking at the impact on the

government. Very often an overlooked aspect of offshore development ~s the

reaction of local government. Santa Barbara County, for example, created a

planning agency. a division within its planning department. At one time, if you

count the Air Pollution Control District, the Santa Barbara planning department

had almost as many employees as the MMS regional office. Again, this office is a

10~1 response to offshore development. California law requires a very in-depth

analysis of the environmental impacts of the onshore processing facilities and

mitigation of those impacts: So, Santa Barbara put together a department of

specialists in order to look at that.

The California Offshore Oil and Gas Energy Resources Study is on its fourth

year. This research is considering how existing onshore infrastructure will be able

to accommodate different potential offshore development scenarios. Tourism and

recreation are very important in the Pacific Region and the studies program has

developed a methodology for examining the effects of oil and gas development

on tourism and recreation in the coastal zone which has been adopted by other

federal agencies. We are also finding in California that we need to look at new

forms of decision-making, what is being called consensus decision-making. It has

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its advantages, but it has several disadvantages as well. It is not an easy task to

undertake, asmany of our people have found out.

Decommissioning is also an issue that will require attention. The state activity, as·

I said, is largely mature and its decommissioning is almost complete. The initial

federal activity, while it is still ongoing,· is beginning to mature and eventually it

will have to be decommissioned as well. Most of the decommissioning issues

that are being dealt with right now area result of the decommissioning of state

platforms. The public does not make a distinction between state and federal. So

the state's decommissioning issues are soon to become our decommissioning

issues, whether we want it or not. And this may be a place where collaborative

research comes into play.

With the expansion and creation of marine sanctuaries off the Pacific coast, the

studies program also will have to give more attention to its relation to offshore oil

and gas development.

One of the trends that we also foresee is the continuation of the Coastal Marine

Institute efforts. Each region has a cooperative research agreement with a

university in its area. In California it is the University California. While the

program is managed through the University of California at Santa Barbara, any

investigator within the University of California system can submit a proposal to

address some of the research needs that we have identified. The University has

provided some very good science. It tends to be accepted by the public and it is

also scientifically defensible.

As in other regions, the Pacific Region also will soon have to address the

changing nature of the oil and gas industry. Many major operators have left the

Pacific OCS and are being replaced by independents and second-tier firms.

Questions concerning the sustainability of communities also are becoming more

prominent. How does OCSdevelopment affect the ability of communities to

endure? Standard socioeconomic indicators and demographic data cannot

answer such a question, so the program's experience with qualitative and

ethnographic methods will have to be brought into play.

Our research program in recent years has been guided by the findings and

recommendations of two important reports and a very valuable workshop. In

1989, the National Research Council issued a report called The Adequacy of

Environmental Information for Outer Continental Shelf Oil and Gas Decisions,

Florida and California. This document examined the adequacy of environmental

information concerning lease sales off California and Florida. It noted that

environmental impacts could occur at all stages of OCS operations, inclUding

prelease, exploration, development, production and termination. It also pointed

out that all of the stages may be taking place simultaneously. The report

critiql:Jed many aspects of the Environmental Studies Program, not just

socioeconomic research. With regard to the latter, however, it concluded that

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standard socioeconomic analysis had not been carried out systematically, often

used data that. was not current and often: used aggregate data that was not

applicable to the local level. Also, it stat~d that studies were not building on

previous research. In addition, the rewort concluded that socioeconomic

research was ignoring certain kinds of sOc;ial ,and economic impacts, such as

community reactions to the possibility of lease sales. These might include land

speculation, immigration of workers anticipating new employment opportunities

or the response of local government to the possibility of development. Studying

these issues, the report noted; would require qualitative research and attention to

people's values.

In 1991, the Pacific Region held a socioeconomic research planning workshop,

the Southern California Educational lJ?itiative Socioeconomic Workshop.

Community members, academics and s~ate local and federal government

personnel attended, as well as agency 'staff. The workshop recommended

pursuing several activities:

• A thorough, multidisciplinary review of the state of the art in.

socioeconomic research on OCS dev:elopment;

• Survey research on the dynamicsf

of public opinion regarding oes

development and public perception of its risks and benefits;

• Media analysis; and, ;

• Case study research on the impactsiof OCS activity in the Santa Barbara

Channel region. '.

The first of these has not yet been addressed. It is, perhaps, something that

should be done on a national rather than a regional level. We have, however,

engaged in significant work in the latter three areas, with particular emphasis ,on

impact studies in the Santa Barbara Channel region.

Other themes discussed in the workshop included the need to consider methods'

used to assess impacts on such oftenjignored activities as, for example,

aquaculture or surfing; the importance of iaesthetic impacts; the need to look

carefully at MMS decision-making processes, and; the importance of producing

agency documents in "plain English" so that they are accessible to nonspecialists. We have pursued all these themes. With regard to the latter MO, I

can say that we are moving toward more collaborative and participatory deciskmmaking and everyone in the agency who works on environmental documents has

had "plain English" training.

In 1992, the National Research Council issued a second report, Assessment of

the US: Outer Continental Shelf Environmental Studies Program, Volume III,

Social and Economic Studies. This document reiterated the need to gather

information at all stages of the development process. It also called for paying

greater attention to the effects of OCS development on communities, other local "

users of the ocean and coastal zone (such as tourists and fishers) and scientists.

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We have addressed and we continue to address all these areas. I think we have

done a particularly good job examining effects on communities. The issue of

effects on scientists raises interesting questions in the sociology of science. One

specific issue, for example, is how OCS development might affect local marine

science research programs.

Our research methods have been both qualitative and quantitative. There are

some things you can do very well with quantitative analysis, but there are other

things that really do require a more qualitative or ethnographic approach,

especially in dealing with questions concerning communities. The thing that we

have to be sure of, though, is that our methods are rigorous, that they can

withstand both scientific scrutiny and public scrutiny. Our Environmental Studies

Program in the Pacific has performed as much of a public-education function as it

has a social science decision-making function. Many of our studies have been

very important in educating the public as well as agency personnel, both inside

and outside the region.

Gulf of Mexico Region

[Harry Luton prepared the following writtef) version ofhis presentation following

the conference.]

Where We're At: Social and Economic Studies in the Gulf of Mexico Region \

INTRODUCTION: Like the conference, my paper is dedicated to the memory of

Dr. John Peterson, who served on the OCS Scientific Committee from 1990 to

1992. If I were a poet, I would speak of his intelligence, humor, and

thoughtfulness.

I am here to describe the social and economics portion of the Gulf of Mexico

Region's (GOMR) Environmental Studies Program (ESP). I will give some

background, but will focus on what we are doing now. Years ago, the idea of

"watershed events" was popular among American historians. The river of history

flows one way until an event alters the landscape and changes its direction. The

shift may be subtle, but the stream eventually becomes powerful.

THE NEW EMPHASIS ON SOCIOECONOMICS: Two events marked a

watershed for the GOMR's social and economic research program. In 1992, the

National Research Council (NRC 1992c) published a review of the ESP's

socioeconomic research and the GOMR held a social science research agendasetting workshop (Gramling and Laska 1993). MMS' headquarters initiated the

NRC review, while the workshop was planned by the GOMR. Both were

motiv~ted by a perceived need to improve the socioeconomic portion of the ESP. ..

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Prior to 1992, MMS had prepared little so.cioeconomic research except irn the

Alaska region. The basic reason arose from the applied nature of the ESP and

from the National Environmental Policy Act:(NEPA). The law directs agencies to

use a "scoping" process to aim environmehtal assessments at issues of public·

concern. MMS "applies" studies to specific issues that worry the public.

Socioeconomic issues were not high on the public's list of concerns. Early in the

program, people worried about oil spills,: ch~rismatic fauna like whales and

dolphins, and about the effects of drilling discharges. The ESP reflected these

concerns; research dollars went to oceanqgraphy, oil spill modeling, fates and

effects, whales, fish, and birds. This process naturally created some institutional

inertia. The studies program was staffed to run biological and physical studies.

Middle management got comfortable and th~ available funds were.committed.

Beyond this comfort level, the ESP's "applied" nature raised another issue. Social

and economic effects occur mostly on land :where MMS lacks statutory authority.

Upper management wondered·what social science could contribute to MMS'

decision-making process. They asked themselves, "Why open this new can of

worms when MMS does not regulate it and the courts do not require it?"

Management's attitude also changed beca!Jse of the ESP's applied nature. As

the ecs program progressed, MMS, its adVisors, arnd critics began to realize that

most of the program's effects occurred on~l~md and were social and economic in

nature. By the 1990's, the states of Ilouisiana and Texas were raising

socioeconomic issues. They complained that they carried the program's burdens

while receiving an inadequate share of its benefits. Louisiana even sued to stop a

sale over such issues. This was a wake-up call to MMS. It was also the kind of ..

"applied", policy-related question that the E~P had been designed to address. .

THE NRC REVIEW: The NRC contract Was partly in response to this new

research need. MMS requested a revi~w of each ESP discipline area:

oceanography (NRC 1992a), ecology (NRC 1992b), and socioeconomics (NRC

1992c). The NRC also provided a balanced, seldom-cited summary of the thr:ee

volumes (NRC 1993). For each discipline area, the contract called for an

assessment of the adequacy of the -available literature and a discussion of

research to address identified inadequacies. The agency expected a critical

socioeconomics volume since the NRC had already judged as inadequate the

socioeconomic sections of three preVious MMS environmental impact

assessments (NRC 1989).

The NRC's socioeconomic review volume was critical. The NRC found that the

ESP had failed to address many topics. standard to socioeconomic impact

assessment. The ESP also failed to address nonstandard topics that were

specific to the ecs program and, when it did address these issues, it often used

inappropriate data or data at the wrong !evel of aggregation. MMS was not .

surprised by the criticism. It was surprised, though, by the NRC's decision to not

provide a socioeconomic literature review lihked to needed research. The report

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argued that the lack of ESP-funded' research made this approach impractical.

The NRC suggested instead that MMS hold meetings with national and local

experts to develop appropriate study plans.

I will note that I believe the NRC made a mistake by not making a

recommendation. The oceanography and biology reviews proposed very

expensive studies. The exclusion of social science recommendations put this

subject at the back of a very long funding line just when the agency was ready to

move it forward.

This said, I will discuss what the NRC report did accomplish. In general, its three

criticisms (noted above) became driving principles behind a reinvigorated MMS

program. In the GOMR, MMS refocused its program. The NRC was particularly

critical of the Gulf, noting that offshore oil-and-gas-related activities had occurred

in the region for many years, making the Gulf a "natural laboratory" for the study

of the industry's effects. The panel argued that the agency's failure to study the

region was a lost opportunity to understand, document, and possibly mitigate

OCS effects in the GOMR and elsewhere.

The "naturallaboratory" analogy made sense. The oil and gas industry has been

in the GOMR for a hundred years arid has been involved offshore for the past

fifty. Over 200,000 wells have been drilled in Louisiana since 1901 and even

more have been drilled in Texas. Since 1947, when offshore work began, 50,000

wells have been drilled in the Gulf of Mexico. The oil and gas industry is

extensive- and is an integral part of the region's economy.

Offshore work requires a large and complex onshore support structure, larger

than the OCS industry itself. This includes: manufacturing companies, fabrication

yards, chemieal plants, supply bases, boat and helicopter charters, law and)

engineering firms, caterers, truckers. In 1992, about 13,000 producing jobs

existed as a direct result of OCS activities; 10,800 of these were in Louisiana. In

that year, oil and gas companies paid an estimated $4.16 billion to over 6,600

venders and contractors in support of those OCS activities. In Louisiana, these

vendors employed an estimated 55,000 people. While much of the support

. activity is concentrated in Louisiana, Texas is a center for management, the

engineering of offshore platforms and most of the downstream oil and gas

activity, such as refining and marketing. The industry's size, geographical spread

and uneven distribution, diversity, and complexity are the issues.

The NRC report also raised the issue of cumulative, long-term impacts. Most

OCS impacts are manifested in the GOMR. Adjustments have been long-term,

50 to 100 years, and effects cumulative. The industry operates on such a large

scale that no one sale contributes significantly to the total.

THE SOCIOECONOMICS WORKSHOP: In 1992, the NRC was preaching to the

choir about the need to bring more regional and national experts into the studies

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planning process. About the time the NRC was issuing its draft socioeconomic·

review, the GOMR was holding a social science research agenda- setting

workshop to do just this. Over three days, the workshop brainstormed to develop

a list of. possible research topics, dividl9d into' groups to flesh out these

suggestions, and then met as a whole to discuss and prioritize them. The group'

made eighteen suggestions, some vastly large, like an assessment of the

historical, social and economic impacts eDf the OCS program on Gulf coast

communities" some smaller, like a look! at 'the factors influencing industry

restructuring. MMS has been mining these ideas since.

Taken together, the NRC review and the workshop underscored the need for a

broad, eclectic, comprehensive approap, to the social and economic

consequences of the program in the GOMR. It also marked the beginning of the

process to define MMS' research interests and to develop a program that

addresses 'them.

:

CURRENT RESEARCH: Once social sciemce research began to flow, it flowed

quickly. About 30 social and economic studies are "active" in the GOMR. That

means their contracts are open. Of these'

, perhaps five should be closed but

have not been because, until recently, MMS was short-staffed and other issues

were more pressing. '

These 30 ongoing studies are difficult to ~tegorize. They perform many tasks,

address many questions, and use many ~ethodologies. Some studies collect

baseline information or ferret out pUblic concerns, while others analyze platform

accident rates or commuting and migration patterns. Several studies look at

historical events or the effects of offshore work on families.

The 30 studies also differ in size. Some 9re small; a modeling workshop was

funded for under $10,000. While some are expensive. MMS just funded the

infrastructure study for half a million dollars. I will discuss all the studies using.

somewhat arbitrary categories. I would yse different ones if I were making

different points.

ISSUE IDENTIFICATION: Within the ESP,! issues identification divides into two

separate processes. The first one identifies issues pertinent to OCS lease

stakeholders. The questions asked are: Who are the stakeholders? What do they

think? What questions should an environmental impact statement (EIS) address?

The other process is more internal to the ESP. This involves the identification of

issues to be addressed by MMS funded stu~ies.

Contracted research is a small part of MMS' overall effort to identify stakeholder

issues. Under NEPA, the identification of stakeholder issues occurs through slJIch

"scoping" efforts as public hearings, cdnsultation with states and federal

agen¢ies, and public reviews of draft EISs.

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The ESP study. plans are developed primarily in consultation with state and

federal agencies, from staff reviews, advice of the Scientific Advisory Committee,

external reviews like the NRC's, and from workshops. Workshops have become

an important tool. Since 1992, we have held a modeling workshop, a deepwater

workshop, a North Carolina workshop, and now this one. We have also

expanded the Coastal Marine Institute (CMI) by bringing potential researchers

.into the planning process. Lastly, we have increased our interactions with the

Science Advisory Committee.

Table 1

IDENTIFICATION OF ISSUES

1. Offshore Petroleum Development and the Comprehensive Planning Process

(1992)

2. A Socioeconomic and Environmental Issues Analysis of Oil and Gas Activity

in the OCS of the Central Gulf of Mexico (1995)

3. A Socioeconomic and Environmental Issues Analysis of Oil and Gas Activity

in the Outer Continental Shelf of the Eastern Gulf of Mexico

4. A Social and Environmental Issues Analysis of Oil and {3as Activity in the·

Outer Continental Shelf of the Western Gulf of Mexico

Table 1 lists studies related to the identification of stakeholder issues. Workshops

are generally not funded as socioeconomic studies and are not listed here. The

first study, closed in 1992, addresses the Coastal Zone Planning process (1-1).

The next three studies (1-2,3,4) were developed on the advice of the 1992 NRC

review and the first research agenda workshop. MMS divided the task by GOM

planning area: eastern, western, central gulf. The Central study was closed in

1995. The other two soon will be. They were contracted at different times and

used different methodologies. The "focus group" approach used in the eastern

Gulf study worked well (1-3).

ECONOMIC EFFECTS AND SOCIOECONOMIC MODELING: Table 2 lists the

economic effects studies. Some of the first MMS research involved impact

assessment models (see 2-1,2). The early importance of modeling to MMS'

research agenda reflects the key role economic and demographic modeling has

historically played in the impact assessment field.

The NRC criticized the aggregated data used by early MMS models. These

studies labored under a disadvantage though. The Paperwork Reduction Act,

passed in the Carter administration, was used during the Reagan administration

to curtail government oversight of industry. Basically, at the time, the Office of

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Management and Budget (OMB) would not approve surveys. Therefore, MMS

study requests specifically excluded them.

Table 2

ECONOMIC EFFECTS

1. Indicators of the Direct Economic Impacts Due to Oil and Gas Development in

the Gulf of Mexico (3 vols.)(1986)

2. Analysis of Indicators for Socioeconomic Impacts Due to OCS Oil and Gas

Development Activities in the Gulf of Mexico (3 vols.)(1987)

3. A Socioeconomic Analysis of the Port Expansion at Port Fourchon, Louisiana

4. Socioeconomic Baseline and Projections for Selected Florida Panhandle

Communities

5. The Social and Economic Consequences of Offshore, OCS-Related Activities

in Coastal Alabama .

6. Deepwater Program:· Workshop for Modeling Demographic and

Socioeconomic Change in Local Coastal Areas in the Gulf ofMexico Region

7. Deepwater Program: Assessing and Monitoring Industry Labor Needs

8.. Deepwater Program: Benefits and Burdens of OCS Deepwater ActivitiE~S on

Selected Communities and Local Public Institutions

9. Deepwater Program: An Analysis of the Socioeconomic Effects of OCS

Activities on Ports and Surrounding Areas in the Gulf ofMexico

10. Cost Profiles and Cost Functions for Gulf of Mexico Oil and Gas Development

Phases for Input-Output Modeling . .

11.An Economic Impact Analysis of OCS Activities on Coastal Louisiana

Not surprisingly, since modeling has been central to impact assessment,

modeling is where the watershed in the Gulfs social science studies program

first became apparent. It began with the "Socioeconomic Analysis of the Port

Expansion at Port Fourchon" (2-3). Port Fourchon is a major support base for

deepwater OCS activities. The port director wrote our Regional Director

identifying wear and tear on Louisiana Route 1 as a significant onshore effect of

offshore development. This two-lane road connects Fourchon with the main

highway system. The letter stated that Route 1 was already overburdened by

truck traffic and deepwater development was just getting started.

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Our Director decided the ESP should address this issue. The study has three

parts, one describes the port's development and its deepwater activities, another

develops a regional economic model to examine costs and benefits to the parish,

and a third looks at the effects of truck traffic on Route· 1. Shortly afterwards, the

Regional Director suggested similar studies for coastal Alabama and the Florida

Panhandle (2-5,6). These were procured separately, and each study uniquely

contributes to MMS' upcoming modeling efforts. These three studies, Port

Fourchon, Alabama and the Florida Panhandle, represent a move towards

regional economic and demographic modeling. Until now, the GOMR has not

taken a regional approach. Instead, we estimated a lease sale's effects for the

entire region and distributed these effects among subregions. The NRC noted

that this could bury local effects of a sale.

Currently, the ESP is conducting a set of studies (see below) to further regional

modeling. This effort is coordinated with headquarters. The idea is not to link to

the national level but, rather,· to develop models that use the same data,

assumptions, and techniques when appropriate. A second goal is to improve the

data that supports regional models.

We held a Gulf workshop where MMS regional and headquarters staff,

researchers on MMS projects, and other experts considered regional modeling

within the context of the GOMR program- (2-6). This began a series of related

studies. "An Analysis of the Socioeconomic Effects of OCS Activities on Ports"

(2-9), called the "multi-port study", is developing and assessing regional models

for five ports and their commuting areas. Its two research teams are building

independent economic and demographic models to project change from 1990 to

2020. They will then test each other's results to see what is gained from the

various approaches. The models are also being back-cast from 1990 to 1960 to

develop confidence intervals for the projections and to discover what kinds of

local events have changed growth outcomes.

The Benefits and Burdens study (2-8) could be put with the baseline studies

(below); it is here because it supplies data and analysis for the multi-port study.

This study will develop and analyze data on a number of social and economic

trends within the port commuting areas.

As noted above, the NRC criticized MMS for relying on data at the wrong level of

aggregation. "Assessing and Monitoring Industry Labor Needs" is developing an

OMS-approved questionnaire that will collect, at regular intervals, information on

oil industry purchases and employment. This study is also important to MMS'

modeling effort (2-7).

I will highlight one more study that arose from the coastal Alabama research by

Bill Wade (2-5). His work showed how purchases for the oil and gas industry in

Alabama significantly differ from those of the rest of the offshore Gulf industry.

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From this came a study to establish multipliers for the offshore oil industry by

water depth (2-10).

TECHNOLOGICAUORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE: This area of research was

suggested at· the 1992 agenda setting workshop. OCS exploration and

development can be described as "technoldgy driven." For example, advances in

3-D and 4-0 seismic, directional drilling, and subsea completion technologies

facilitated the recent expansion into deeper ,areas of the Gulf. The ESP conducts

little research in this area because,-within MMS, the Technology Assessment and

Research (TAR) unit is responsible for most technology questions. Table 3 lists

only the ESP studies related to technologicall and organizational change within

the GOMR oil industry.

.Table3_

TECHNOLOGICAUORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE

1. Characteristics and Possible Impacts of a Restructured OCS Oil and Gas·

Industry in the Gulf of Mexico (1995)

2. Modeling the Structure and Performance of Integrated and Independent

Producers in the Gulf of Mexico OCS (1998)

3. Environmental and Safety Risks of an Expanding Role for Independents on

the Gulf OCS (1998)

4. Forecasting the Number, Type, and General Locations of the Platforms to be

Removed, Installed, and Operated on the Gulf of Mexico OCS in the Next 25

Years

5. Changing Patterns of Ownership, Control and Access to Resources in the

Petroleum Industry: Implications for Leasing and Development in the Gulf

6. Deepwater Program: The Technology and Economics of Deepwater

Production Projects

The first three studies are completed; the last three are ongoing. These two

groups of studies illustrate the industry's unpredictability. The earlier studies

address concerns related to big oil companies leaving the Gulf during the 1980s

downturn. The agency worried that the switch from the 'majors' to the 'minors' ,

might mean less industry investment in research and development and less·

emphasis on worker and environmental safety. Study results indicate otherwise.

The second three studies address issues raised in the 1990's as the oil industry

has moved quickly into the Gulfs deepwater areas.

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FISHERIES: Since social impact assessment concerns itself with possible

resources use conflicts, fishing was also part of the Gulfs early research. Our

very first study addresses sportfishing near rigs (4-1).

Table 4

FISHERIES

1. Fishing Offshore Platforms: Central GOM (1984)

2. Characterization and Trends of Recreational and Commercial Fishing from

the Florida Panhandle (1997)

3. Economic Impact of Fishing and Diving Associated with Offshore Oil and Gas

Structures

4. Boating Uses, Economic Significance, and Information Inventory for North

Carolina's Offshore Area, "The Poinf'

5. Deepwater. Bluewater Fishing and Deepwater OCS Activity: Interactions

Between the Fishing and Petroleum Industries in Deepwaters of the GOM

Just as in California, when the oil industry first moved offshore, Gulf of Mexico

fishermen opposed the rigs, fearing interference with fishing or fish. However,

platforms soon became foci for many rod and reel fishermen because these

structures, like reefs, were habitat to many game fish. Early MMS research (4-1)

and non-MMS studies led to the "Rigs-to-Reefs" programs in most of the Gulf

stales. Under strictly controlled conditions, old platforms are sunk to become

hard structures. The economic benefits of rigs as fishing sites iaretaken·up by the

"economic impact of fishing and diving" study (4-3), an updated approach to a

question addressed in MMS' first fisheries study.

Both the stUdy of "the poinf' (4-4) and of bluewater (4-5) address the traditional

environmental assessment issue of possible use conflicts. "The point" is located·

off North Carolina's Cape Hatteras and is a popular destination for deepwater

recreational fishing. It is also the location of a promising OCS lease. The

bluewater study looks at possible conflicts between commercial fishermen and oil

activities in very deep water in the Gulf.

These two studies illustrate how the region's socioeconomic study program is

expanding geographically. While the region always covered a lot of ground, it

almost exclusively focused on coastal Louisiana for research. Now the program

spreads its attention from the mid-Atlantic to Mexico and into deepwater areas of

the Gulf.

BASELINE RESEARCH: I have described maybe half of the program and have

tried to provide a sense of where the GOMR's ESP research is and where it is

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going. In the case of modeling, for example, ongoing studies may not get us to

our goal, but they are an important step,and we plan to develop and test our

models and questionnaires before we take our next one. We can stand pat.

, Table 5

BASELINE DESCRIPTION: G;ENERAL

1. Effects of Offshore Oil and Gas Development: A Current AwarEmess

Bibliography (1994)

2. Oil in the Gulf: Past Development, Future Prospects (1995)

3. Northeast GOM Coastal and Marine Ecosystem Program: Data Search and,

Synthesis, Appendix F, Part 2: County Spcioeconomic Summaries (1996)

4. A Socioeconomic Baseline Study for theiGulf ofMexico, Phase I

5. An Assessment of the Historical, Social, and Economic Impacts of OCS

Development on Gulf Coast Communities

6. The Coastal Division of Industrial Labor Over Time and Space

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7. Deepwater Program: OCS-Related Infrastructure in the Guilf of Mexico

Now I will describe the rest of the research.;For the purposes oUhis discussion, I

have categorized all studies as "baseline description", something I would not do

normally. This categorization does not fit NEPA. NEPA's concept of baseline is

simple. One has an existing situation and ia proposal. A proposal's effects ~re

any additions or subtractions it makes to th~ situation, to the "baseline".

:,

However, I want to highlight the NRC's point that the Gulf is a "natural laboratory"

for understanding the effects of the OCS oill and gas industry. The NRC is saying

that the direct and indirect effects of the oil Industry, as well as measures of their

magnitude, duration, interactions, causes, Land the factors that might mitigate

those effects, are all contained in the existing situation. The oil industry's effects

are part of the GOMR's baseline.

One implication of this expanded baseline is that the information needed to

project the effects of a single Louisiana s~le might differ from the information

needed to understand those effects; yet both tasks are important, to

environmental assessment. This issue arose recently. MMS is developing a

questionnaire to gather data on the Gulf oil I industry (2-7). A major component of

the industry is shipbuilding, the fabrication of exploratory rigs. Some fabrication is

for export; one does not need to know, about it to project the increase in

shipbuilding due to Sale 181. However, singe shipbuilding for export exists in the

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Gulf because of the OCS oil industry, one does need to know about it to

understand the effects of the program.

This example could be generalized. One may need to answer different questions

with different information to project effects than to exp'lain them or to develop

mitigations for them. Our projections use county-level data. However, such data

is of little use in understanding how industry downturns affect people. For the

latter, careful comparisons between communities like Abbeville and Houma may

be useful, places close together, ethnically similar, yet with different response

histories.

A second implication of the NRC report is that the GOMR's century-long baseline

is really complicated. I will use this place, Park City, as a contrast. Lately, I have

been reading a body of literature that argues that resource extraction does not

lead to economic development. I believe this work is tautological. It only

addresses places where mining remained the sole pillar of an economy, not

places with mining that did develop. Driving around yesterday, I thought that Park

City would make a great case study to illustrate this critique. On one hand, I

wou.ld develop a history of min,ing here. It has a trajectory that this literature might

predict. Mining goes up, then it goes down; and it leaves some abandoned

houses and junk behind. But this is half the story. I would then trace the rise of

the tourism industry, show how a changing America created well-healed

recreationists, and how Park City attracted this new industry by marketing itself to

skiers. Here, mining would enter the scene again for, just as real mining has

unpleasantness, ex mining has a quaintness that helped Park City become a

recreational destination and turn little, once-abandoned shacks into upscale

residences and businesses.'After laying this story out, I would ask which hurts

the environment more, a bunch of golf courses in a desert or some spoil piles. I

would bet on the golf courses.

My point is that Park City is a nice case stUdy, it could be done. But the Gulf is

complicated; to trace the years of external, oil-related inputs into a single

community would be a real undertaking. I will use another non-Gulf example to

illustrate its complexity. I grew up in Michigan at a time when the auto industry

was king. One could have described Michigan through this industry. One could

trace the business connections between industrial Detroit and the higher-tech

support operations in West Michigan, or the links between the industry, Upper

Peninsula ore mining, Chicago, and the Pittsburgh steal works. Such links

shaped the regional economy but they shaped politics and culture as well.

Michigan was divided into downstate, Democratic, unionized Detroit, a highertech, Republican upstate, and an isolated, depopulated, Democratic Upper

Peninsula. The industry influenced Midwest road and transportation systems and

higher education. It influenced just about everything. My dad loved talking about

his profession, dentistry. After World War II, the United Auto Workers insisted on

good,;dental care for autoworkers. In Grand Rapids, where I grew up, dentists

[147J
knew they benefited from this increased demand but hated Detroit unions

nevertheless. _ ;

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I would not suggest that we study the effects of the OCS on dentistry, although.

there may be some. I am saying that the 0il industry is to the Gulf as the auto

industry is to the Midwest, only the oil, industry and its effects are more

complicated. First, the oil industry is larger. ;Everybody wrote about the downturn

in Detroit, about the layoffs and how they percolated through society. In the

1980s, when the oil- industry went down, m:any more people lost their jobs even

though less was written about it. Gulf oil is: the more massive industry, and it is

probably more important to the U.S. economy. A whole body of literature

examines the relationships between oil price bumps and recessions. Oil is a key

to the United States in a way that Detroit never was.

Second, the oil industry is geographically more widespread, it is distributed more

unevenly, and the area it covers is far rrt0re socially and ethnically diver$e.

Finally, the composition of the oil industrY is more complex. One talks ,about

exploration, development, production, and decommissioning. Each of these

phases is composed of hundreds of different activities, conducted by hundrE~ds of

different companies that range in size from one-man, single-service operations to

the largest multi-nationals in existence. The owner, rig operator, and drillEtr are

often different organizations, each with its own subcontractors and suppliers. The

NRC's "natural laboratory" is a complex thin~.

Table 5 lists studies that would be "baselines" under NEPA. Two are literature

reviews (5-1,3). Most have an historical bent (5-2,4,5,7) reflecting the region's

decades-long involvement with oil and gas.

The phase 1 baseline (5-4) might be the new watershed's first study. Its intent·

was to develop a dataset of publicly available information to support future

research. This data includes information from 1930 to 1990 and covers all of

Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, arid Texas counties and parishes.

The assessment of historical, social and economic impacts (5-5) is the baseline,

phase 2. It is multidisciplinary research thaflexamines Southern history,· trends in

publicly available data, and three case studies to identify the consequences of

the oil and gas industry and to put them in a wider context of change.

The recently awarded infrastructure study (5-7) will collect information on ports,

support facilities, pipelines, oil and gas prbcessing plants, refineries, chemical

plants, fabrication and pipe yards, and w~ste disposal sites. This data will be

integrated into MMS' GIS. While MMS maintains records on some of this

infrastructure, the last complete collection is a decade old. For this reason, the

study will develop some historical data.

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COMMUTING AND MIGRATION: The offshore part of the oil industry has an

unusual work schedule; workers are at the job site for one to two weeks and then

off work for one to two weeks. This poses unique issues and opportunities for

workers and their families. It also affects commute-to-workbehavior and expands

the range of locations directly and indirectly benefited by offshore employment.

The GOMR has four ongoing studies that address various facets of this subject.

Table 6

BASELINE: FAMILIES, COMMUTING, MIGRATION

1. Social and Economic Impacts of OCS Activity on Families and Individuals

2. Commuting, Migration, and Offshore Oil and Gas Extracting

3. Deepwater Program: Labor Migration and the Deepwater Oil Industry

4. Labor Migration and the Deepwater Oil Industry in Houma

The families study (6-1) is field-based research into how family members adjust

to the pattern of intermittent work. While this issue has been addressed in the

North Sea for oil and in northern Canada for mining, little research has been

done in the Gulf, where this form of labor- was developed and has been part of

community life for three generations.

The last two studies (6-3,4) are really one larger study. During, the most recent

upturn in the oil economy in the early 1990s, some shipbuilding yards in southern

Louisiana, facing a shortage of local talent, hired foreign skilled labor for entrylevel positions. Much of this new labor was Mexican which created enclaves of

Spanish speakers in towns unused to outsiders.

"BOOMS" AND "BUSTS": The "boom-busf' model of socioeconomic effects

does not fit well the Gulf experience. The model was developed in the Rocky

Mountain West to address· community-level experiences brought on by the

construction phase of large-scale projects in small rural areas. The GOMR has

experienced the economic fluctuations of a regionally dominant industry for over

a century.

Table 7

BASELINE "BOOM/BUST" STUDIES

1. Impacts of Oil Exploration and Production on the Social Institutions of Coastal

Louisiana (1993)

2. Socioeconomic Impacts of Declining OCS Oil and Gas Activities in the GOM

(1993)

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3. Social and Economic Impacts of Petroleum "Boom and Bust" Cycles (1994r

4. Job Loss and Reemployment of Marginal Groups in the Gulf of Mexico

Region'

The first three studies (7-1,2,3) were buH(around the "boom-bust" model. The

last (7-4) reflects a move towards focusing qn the cyclic nature of the oil indllst~.

CASE STUDIES: Several types of research are categorized as case studies. The

first two studies (8-1,2) use census and business data to compare communitylevel income inequality over time. The Abbe~iIIe case study (8-4) developed from

these two studies. Abbeville is heavily involved in the oil industry, yet it

responded differently from other involved Louisiana towns to fluctuations in the

oil market.

Table 8

BASELINE: LOCAL EFFECTS, CASE STUDIES

1. Oil and Gas Development and Coastal Income Inequality: A Comparative

Analysis (1994)

2. Oil and Gas Development and Coas~1 Income Inequality: A Comparative

Analysis at the Place Level

3. Labor Demand in the Offshore Oil and Gas Industry: The Louisiana Case

4. Sustainable Socioeconomic Development in Oil and Gas Country: A Case

Study of Abbeville, Louisiana

5. The Lake Barre Oil Spill: Economic and Social Consequences

The Lake Barre study (8-5) is a different kind of case study. It examines the costs

and social effects of. an oil spill caused by, a pipeline leak. This was a "spill of

opportunity" in that research was organized' quickly in respon~e to an unplanned

event. .

THE YEAR 2000: Tomorrow's workshop will not seek general advice or a ~ist of

studies to be conducted. Instead, we will develop groups of relevant research

questions and approaches to answering them. We want a lot of ideas that we can

mine for years. We will organize the discUssion around three relatively small

studies planned for fiscal year 2000 (see Table 9). All of these are scientific "think

pieces~' that stress literature review and the assessment of issues rather than

data gathering and analysis. Each addresses a set of issues that will become

important as we try to assimilate the findings of our current research. .

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Table 9

STUDIES PLANNED FOR FY 2000

1. Effects on Local Human Communities of OCS -Mineral Extraction in Frontier

Areas

2. Community Responses to OCS Activities: Approaches to the Comparison of

Differences Over Time

3. The Reorganization of the Oil Industry: A Review of the Literature

We will take the studies one at a time, discuss the issues they raise, promising

leads, and useful research approaches. Later, MMS can worry about how to

package these ideas into studies.

NOTE: Responding to the group's next-day discussions, MMS combined the first

two studies into one· study focused on Florida and also revised the industry study.

REFERENCES:

Gramling, Robert B., and Shirley B. Laska

1993. A social science research agenda for the Minerals Management Service in .

the Gulf of Mexico. Prepared by Louisiana Universities Marine Consortium

University Research Initiative for U.S. Department of the Interior, Minerals

Management Service, Gulf of Mexico OCS Region, New Orleans, Louisiana.

Contract no. 14-35-0001-30470, OCS study MMS 93-0017. May.; iX,62 pp.

National Research Council

1989. The adequacy of environmental information for outer continental shelf oil

and gas decisions: Florida and California. Washington, D.C.: National Academy

Press, National Academy of Sciences. xii,86 pp.

National Research Council

1992a. Assessment of the U.S. outer continental shelf Environmental Studies

Program: I. Physical oceanography. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press,

National Academy of Sciences. 143 pp.

National Research Council

1992b. Assessment of the U.S. outer continental shelf Environmental Studies

Program: II. Ecology. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, National

Academy of Sciences. 152 pp.

National Research Council

1992c. Assessment of the U.S. outer continental shelf Environmental Studies

Program: III. Social and economic studies. Washington, D.C.: National Academy

Press, National Academy of Sciences. x, 164 pp.

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; .... ,

National 'Research Council

1993. Assessment of the U.S. outer continental shelf Environmental Studies

Program: IV. Lessons and opportunities. Washington, D.C.: National Academy

Press, National Academy of Sciences. ix,59' pp. .

[152]

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APPENDIXC
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Appendix C: Applied Social Science in MMS

APPLIED SOCIAL SCIENCE IN MMS

A Framework for Decisionmaking

Minerals Management Service

Environmental Studies Program

Co-authors:

Harry Luton, Ph.D.

Social Scientist

JMMS Gulf of Mexico Region

Rodney E. Cluck, Ph.D.

Social Scientist

MMS National Office

February 3, 2000

[153)
Issues Identification 163

Rationale For Social Science Research L••••••••••• •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 157

Monitoring : 176

Resource-Use Issues 171

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[154] /

Table II: NEPA Processes & Program Components 162

Bibliography ...................................................•...........................; 179

- Regional-Level Analysis 164

Community-lIndividual-Level AnalysiS : T 168

Mitigation , ,.................................•.......... 175

Adaptive Policy Studies : : 173

TABLE OF CONTENTS

National Economic Analysis ' ; 164 J

Tables

Table I: Social Science Data Needs forlOCS Decision Points 162

Summary and Conclusions : 177

Social Science Research Components ~.............................................................. 161

. .

Purpose ............................................................•.............................................................. 156

Legal Mandate ;;~-; ;................................... 159

Support For Bureau Mission ,.,............................................................ 157

List ofAcronyms , , ,.. 155
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ANCSA

ANILCA

CEQ

CFR

COOGER

CZM

DOl

EA

EIS

ESP

GOM

lVIMS

NEPA

NRC

OCS

OCSLAA

U.S.C.

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LIST OF ACRONYMS

Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, as amended in 1988

Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act

Council on Environmental Quality

Code of Federal Regulations

California Offshore Oil and Gas~nergyResources (an M:MS study)

Coastal Zone Management

Department ofthe Interior

Environmental Assessment

Environmental Impact Statement

Environmental Studies Program

Gulf ofMexico

Minerals Management Service

National Environmental Policy-Act of 1969

National Research Council

Outer Continental Shelf

Outer Continental ShelfLands Act, as amended in 1978

United States Code

[155]
PURPOSE

This document provides background for the Minerals Management Service (MMS)

management and staff on the role ofsocial science iIi. decisionmaking for Outer

Continental Shelf (OCS) oil and gas developnient. This document supports the

national and regional studies planning process and explains to MMS constituencies

how MMS uses social science in its decisionmaking.

By linking research endeavors to the Bureau's decisionmaking processes, this

document addresses the following needs:

• set logical boundaries on research needS, allowing the Bureau to identify what

is necessary and sufficient;

• outline a logical sequencing ofstudies, allowing the Bureau to better

anticipate future data needs;

• better directthe limited research budget toward upcoming decisions;

• identify significant similarities among the MMS offshore regions (and

sub-regj.onal areas), allowing the results ofstudies to be generalized from one

region to another; and

• identify significant differences among the regions, allowing:for the MIVIS

Environmental Studies Program (ESP) planning process to account foJ!.' them.

Finally, this document:

• communicates the general direction oflvIMS social science research to

interested constituents including industry, State and local governments, and

environmental groups;

• incorporates recommendations made over the years by the MMS's Scientific

Committee;

• responds to major recommendations made by National Research Coun.cil

reviews ofMMS social and economic studies (NRC, 1989; 1992; 1993);

• incorporates ideas and recommendations made at various MMS-sponsored

conferences and workshops (e.g., California, 1991; Gramling and Lask:a, 1993;

MMS Deepwater Workshop, 1997); and

• addresses the lack ofsocial and economic data noted by Congress in the 1980's

wb!en imposing leasing moratoria.· . .

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RATIONALE FOR SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH

The MMS is charged with the orderly development of offshore energy and mineral

resources, with ,safeguarding the environment affected by this development, and

with the effective collection of revenues generated from mineral leases offshore and

on Federal and Indian lands throughout the country.

The Bureau's responsibilities include assessing the effects of OCS activities on

natural, historical, and human resources and the appropriate monitoring and

mitigating ofthose effects. The ESP is required by the Outer Continental Shelf

,Lands Act, as amended in 1978 (OCSLAA), to provide information for sound

decisionmaking and management. The ESP conducts research across the spectrum

ofthe physical, biological and socioeconomic areas ofinquiry that constitute the

"human environment," as defined by the OCSLAA and the National Environmental

Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA).

The ESP's social science research:

• provides information essential to understanding the consequences of

OCS-related activities on the populations, economies, and social and cultural

systems in areas where the activities occur;

• supports MMS's planning and management processes;

• provides information essential for effective interaction with the public about

such effects; and

• is required by law.

SUPPORT FOR BUREAU MISSION

The MMS uses social science data and analyses in all phases ofBureau

. decisionmaking, from 5-year planning, through prelease and leasing activities,

exploration, development, production, and platform decommissioning. Relatively

few effects occur in the human environment as a result of 5-year planning or OCS

lease sales; more can result from oil exploration; and still more from oil and gas .

development, production, and decommissioning. For these reasons, MMS "tiers" its

OCS management decisions, basing them on considerations ofissues specific to the

phases ofleasing, exploration, development, and production. Environmental

Studies Program planning reflects this tiering. The MMSconducts studies to

address the data and analytical needs arising from specific phases of

decisiomp.aking. This process is cumulative. While studies are conduct~dto inform

lease-s~e deci~ions, additional ones are designed to inform later management

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(157)
decisions. When possible, later studies build on the information and analysis

completed by earlier ones.

The possible social and economic effects of the program are among those of greatest

concern to the public and to Federal, State· and local government officials. Analyses

ofthese dimensions can address frequently asked questi0I?-s such as:

• How many jobs will be created as a result ofOeS leasing·and development

activities?

• How many jobs will be created for lOcal residents, and how many will involve

new workers from outside the area? .

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• How many people will move to an area as a result of oes activity?

• Will oes development require new schools, hospitals, and other facilities to

be built?

• Will the influx of new OeS-related workers change the way oflife and the

culture of the area in which oes activity occurs?

• Will oes development impact the local tax base?

• What are the likely social and economic consequences of development, and

who is likely to be affected?

• How can the impacts of oes activity be monitored, and what steps can be

taken to enhance the positive impacts while mitigating the negative?

• What are the cumulative impacts of oes development?

• How can oes development be made more sustainable?

• How does MMS study, document, and account for the rapid changes in the oil

and gas industry?

• How can MMS improve its relationships with indigenous subsistence cultures

and incorporate traditional indigenous knowledge in the decisionmaking

process?

• What are potential impacts on subsistence cultures?

• WHat are potential impacts on subsistence hunting patterns and subsistence

cultures?

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• What are the "perceptions ofrisk" associated with OCS oil and gas

development, and how do these perceptions vary among stakeholder

organizations and demographic groups?

• Can OCS oil and gas be developed without detrimental effects to the

recreation and tourism industries? .

The answers to such questions can:

• Provide a better understanding of how future long-term impacts will affect

communities and ways oflife and will allow for predictions ofthese impacts.

• Allow the decisionmaker to discuss theJikely impacts of development in terms

(e.g., jobs, income, public services, subsistence resources) familiar to the

public, thereby allowing the-public to examine the project in terms relevant to

their own communities and lives.

• Assist the decisionmaker in identifying potential areas of concern and groups

likely to both promote and oppose development before it begins.

• Provide information on the past impacts of OCS development that can be used

to access new areas as potential sites for additional leasing or exploration.

Management decisions are often complicated by the separation b~tween "scientific

fact" and "people's values." Science gives no answers concerning what ought to be

done. Nevertheless, the existence of good\., scientific, empirical information often

narrows the area ofreasonable debate. Conducting social and economic studies

provides a vehicle through which the Ml.\1S examines the 'needs and concerns ofits

customers and the general public. Thus, social and economic research allows MMS

to be proactive, to help define parameters of public concern and, thereby, to have a

more effective program of public outreach through information distribution.

LEGAL MANDATE

The MMS's major legal mandates are the OCSLAA and NEPA. An objective of both

laws is to provide the information needed. for balanced decisionmaking. Both direct

MMS to study the hutnan environment, and both include guidance on Bureau social

and economic information needs. The OCSLAA focuses on the causal links between

the physical, social, and economic effects ofBureau actions and hutnan living

. conditions, wheras NEPA's guidance stresses specific effects ofBureau actions.

Section 18 of the OCSLAA, the foundation for Department ofthe Interior (DOl)

OCS activities, mandates that management ofthe OCS shall consider the...

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economic, social, and environmen~alvalues ofthe renewable

and nonrenewable resources contained in the Outer

Continental Shelf, and the potential impact of oil and gas

exploration on other resource values ofthe marine, coastal,

and human environments. (43 U.S.C. 1344) , I

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It defines the "human environment" to include ...

the physical, social, and economicIcomponents, conditions,

and factors which interactively determine the state,

condition, and quality ofliving conditions, employment, and

health ofthose affected, directly oJ,' indirectly, by activities

occurring on the Outer Continental Shelf .... (43 U.S.C.

1333)

The NEPA creates requirements for Federal *gencies engaged in significant land

actions to undertake impact assessments, including impacts on the human

environment. The Council on Environmental Quality's (CEQ) Regulations £or

Implementing the Procedural Provisions of the National Environmental Policy' Act

(40 CFR 1500-1508) state that the "human e~vironment"is to be "interpreted'

comprehensively" to include "the natural and! physical environment and the

relationship of people with that environment':' (40 CFR 1508.14). An action's

"aesthetic, historic, cultural, economic, social; or health" effects,must be assessed,

"whether direct, indirect, or cumulative" (40 CFR 1508.8). The CEQ regulations

state that when "economic or social and natural or physical environmental effects

are interrelated, the environmental impact statement (EIS) will discuss all of these

effects on the human environment" (40 CFR1508.14). AnEIS provides a

procedUre for Federal decisionmakers who must consider the positive, negative,

intended, and unintended consequences of potential courses of action before they

proceed.

Federally approved state Coastal Zone Management (CZM) programs of coastal

states have increased the importance ofsocial and economic information and public

involvement requirements (through NEPA and the CZMA) to successful program

implementation. The CZM Federal consistency process has led some states (e.g.,

North Carolina) to deny consistency primarily based on inadequate understan,ding

ofthe social and economic impacts of OCS oil- and gas-related activities.

The Endangered Species Act of 1973 requires agencies to give special consideration

to certain environmental and user-conflict is~ues. In the Alaska Region, the Alaska

Native Claims Settlement Act as amended in 1988 (ANCSA), requires the Bur;eau

to give customary and traditional subsistence uses special consideration. Tbef1994

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Environmental Justice Executive Order (12898) requires Federal actions to be

taken to consider the possible disproportionate socioeconomic effects of OCS actiVity

on minority populations and low-income populations. This mandate requires MMS

to examine these effects in an EIS. Other examples of applicable laws include the

Marine Mammal Protection Act, Clean Water Act, Clean Air Act, and Alaska

National Interest Lands Conservation Act (ANILCA).

SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH COMPONENTS

Social and economic effects can occur at all stages of OCS development, from prior

to a lease sale, through exploration, development and production, to

decommissioning and the cessation of activities (NRC 1992). The range ofsocial

and economic studies are categorized into eight broad components:

• issues identification,

• national economic analysis,

• region-level analysis,

• community-/individuallevel analysis,

• resource-use issues,

• adaptive policy studies,

• mitigation, and

• monitoring.

Table I matches the above-listed components to the data needs and sequencing of

MMS's decisionmaking process. High (H), medium (M), and low (L) indicate the

level of detail needed to support decisions at each stage. These levels are

approximate. Sequencing is affected by such considerations as data availability,

data and funding needs of other planned and ongoing studies, and planning-area- .

specific issues.

Since many M:MS management decisions are NEPA-related, research that supports

Bureau decisionmaking reflects the NEPA-defined processes ofscoping,

assessment, and response analyses. Scoping includes activities to identify factors of

significance to persons interacting with MMS management activities. Assessment

refers to all analyses required to examine the effects and implications of key

socioeconomic conditions and change affecting or being affected by MMS activities.

Response analyses focuses on MMS's ability to study decision-related issues as they

arise--usually outside of the normal long-term planning process. Response analyses

also provides for issue identification leading to the development ofmitigation and

the associated evaluation ofthe effectiveness of this mitigation. Table II relates the

eight ES;P components to these NEPA-defined processes. ,

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Table I:

Social Science Data Needs or oes Decision Points

5-Year Program L H H H H

Calli Area L H

Identification

Scoping H H H H

DraftEIS H H M H H

Decision on Content H H M H H

ofFinalEIS

FinalEIS L H M H H

Final Notice of M L H H

SaleILeaseSale

Exploration H M H H H L

Development H L M H H H H

Production H M H H H H

Decommissioning H M H H H M

H - high level of detail M - medium level of detail L - low level of detail

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Scoping

Assessment Analyses

Response Analyses_

Issues Identification

National Economic Analysis

RegionaJ.-Level Analysis

Community-/Individual-Level Analysis

Resource-Use Issues

Adaptive Policy Studies

Mitigation

Monitobn

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The following sections define the social science research components, provide an

explanation of their application to :MMS, and present examples.

Issues Identification

Issues identification stUdies can be conducted for a region, planning' area, or

community. This component includes the identification of the various stakeholders,

their issues and concerns towards the environment, and risk.analysis. These

studies explore the similarities among and differences between issues and concerns

held by stakeholders. They can address specific developmental projects or broader

questions such as changes in attitude, perceptions, or environmental risk over time.

In addition to identifying constituents, their issues and concerns, and risks, these

studies identify opportunities for public involvement, areas of potential conflict and

resolution, and significant issues for further research. Research in these areas can

be designed to achi~ve early public involvement and to increase effective

communication. Study results provide information for programmatic, sale-specific,

and project-specific decisions.

Included in the issue identification component is the field of risk analysis.

According to the NRC (1993:26), risk is a central social science concept running

through a variety of environmental problems and challenges. Risk analysis is a'

structured way to approach problems rooted both in real and perceived risks, and

provides management with an effective tool for problem resolution. ..

For :MMS to effectively incorporate public perceptions of environmental risk in

decisionmaking, it must understand attitudes towards the environment.

Environmental attitudes have been conceptualized and operationalized in different

ways--from a worldview, to localistic concern, to an overt behavioral component.

This complex concept has evolved through many historical phases, retaining

elements of past conceptualizations while adding new facets as the social-historical

context changes, often transforming into a sense of pro-environmental attitudes and

into a level of commitment to defend the environment. These permeations of

environmental attitudes differ in the various OCS planning areas due to differenc~s

in the region's social and historical context.

In MMS, the ESP plays only a limited role in the NEPA scopingprocess;

nevertheless, issues-identification studies exist in all regions. In the Alaska Region

for example, an analysis of public hearing comments A Description of the

Socioeconomics ofthe North Slope Borough, Appendix: Transcripts ofSelected

Inupiat Interviews, was used to categorize and define major scoping issues for

offshore Alaska. 'frhe Gulf ofMexico (GOM) Region conducted a Socioeconomic

Researcli Agenda Workshop that brought social scientists together to identify the

region's data needs and approaches to address them. The Coastal North Carolina

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'.

Socioeconomic Study identified issues in order to measure how people perceive

threats to their environment. In the Paci:fi.c Region, Trends in Public Opinion of

Offshore Oil Development in California identifiedch.an.ges in attitudes towaJ['d '

offshore oil development over time. In the GOM Region, three studies with similar '

titles but different methodologies identified stakeholder groups and their issues for

each planning are: The Socioeconomic and E~vironmentalIssues Analysis o{ Oil

and Gas Activities in the OCS of the Eastern GOM, ...the Central GOM, and ...the

Western GOM.

National Economic Analysis

The MMS conducts a national economic analysis for each 5-year leasing pro~~~.

The MMS calculates the net benefits ofthe p~9gram alternatives in a national costbenefit analysis framework. The models usedito calculate these components include

the Net Economic Value Model, which estimates the net benefits to industry plus

transfers to the Government; the General Purpose Environmental Cost Model (1991

and 1999), which estimates the supply side s~cial and economic costs; and tbe

Market Simulation Model, which assesses demand side benefits. Each of these

models is reviewed and updated for each 5-yearprogram, and the ESP provides

some support for this process. '

The-MMS conducts economic analyses of policy issues to investigate ways to f

improve the OCS program's performance andfto estimate its benefits and cos'tsto

the Nation. For example, the Bureau exam.i.ttes questions concertring the effects of .

royalty reduction and revenue sharing to the ,program and the States. Most MMS

national economic analysis is done in-house, using standard methodologies, arid

again the ESP provides strategic support. The most rec'ent example is the ongbing

study, Estimating the Environmental Costs ofOCS Oil and Gas Development and .

Marine Oil Spills: A General Purpose Model: Model Methodology, Documentatipn

and Sample Outputs, which will refine econotm.c multipliers for the OCS oil and gas

industry for both 5-year and GOM Region projection models.

Regional-Level Analysis

This component provides information and analysis at the regional and sub-l~egional

level. An intra-regional hierarchy might include multi-county or parish, sub-State,

State, and multi-State areas. These study efforts include the gathering and

analysis of baseline information, modeling, and cumulative effect research.

Baseline studies describe areas before OCS activity and serve as the base against

which impacts are evaluated. To do this, they also examine basic social and

economie trends within regions and sub-regions and analyze causal relationships

between stages of OCS activities and their effects. Finally, baseline studies provi4e

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j .~--~~~~--:-------------...--------..---_.

information and analysis needed for modeling. Because the oil industry has been

part of the regional economies for many years, baseline analyses may yield

information about the short- and long-term consequ~nces ofindustry activities and

insights into the causes and mitigation of these consequences.

Regional and-subregional modeling efforts develop and test models based on

historic data. They use quantitative data to project future conditions with and

without program- or project-specific development. They provide a way to test

developmental alternatives and specific mitigation.

Typically, these are economic-demographic projection models that use outputs from

. economic analyses based on export-base or econometric projection methods. They

combine these results with analysis ofthe local available labor force and the

number of new jobs projected. These modelsihen estimate employment-related inmigration. Service demands and fiscal impacts are projected on the basis of

population-based rates of change. Analyses are generally done separately for

multiple project phases including preleasing, leasing, development, and

postdevelopment phases. Such models are often user-interactive, allowing users to

expeditiously examine multiple scenarios of development. Thus, they are

particularly useful for the regional assessment phase of MMS activities.

The 1995 NRC symposium in the GOM Region defined cumulative impacts as:

... those that result from the interactions ofmany

incremental activities, each of which may have an

insignificant effect when viewed alone, but which become

cumulatively significant when seen in the aggregate.

(Dickert and Tuttle 1995:39)

This symposium notedthat the assessment of cumulative impacts takes two forms,

one common to science and one common to sociopolitical and legal circles. The

former identifies causal links between actions and effects and requires the

long-term measuring and monitoring of effects. The later emphasizes processes of

decisionmaking such as the evaluation of a project's contribution to cumulative

impacts found in an EIS. The assessment requires a "scoping" process in which the

values and concerns ofinterested parties are identified and addressed. Cumulative

impacts are poorly understood and rarely documented. Even though knowledge of

them is limited, analysis of them is required under the NEPA process.

Information gathered pertains to:

• regional economics (industry activity, employment, income),

• i demography (age, gender, race or ethnicity, family structure, education

levels, migration),

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• services (public safety, medical, schools and education, water and sewer,

social and human services, health, housing, community recreation), and

• fiscal resources.

This information may be analyzed from one or a combination of geographic, social,

economic, and political perspectives and this analysis typically has an histOIic

element, measuring change over time.

This component supports specific analyses in EIS's, environmental assessments

(EA's), and categorical exclusion reviews. This component also provides

information and analysis used in the :MMS 5~year planning process. It identifies

specific impact producing factors (i.e., links between exploratory drilling, migration,

community size and structure"delivery of public services, and infrastructure·

requirements). Detailed studies provide data unavailable from secondary and other

existing sources. Studies also define impacts by type, range, scope, severity,. and

relationship to developmental stage and direction for possible mitigative

approaches.

The majority of:MMS's social science research takes a broad geographical

perspective, focusing on groups of communities, counties, boroughs or parishes,

States, or groups of States. This approach is taken for several reasons. First, since

many leasing and management decisions are.made at a regional or planing area

level, they reflect the structure and data needs of::MMS decisionmaking. Se1cond,

many individuals within a study area have strong cultural, social, and economic

identifications that are not community-based, and many stakeholder groups ate

national or regional rather than local. Finally, many ofthe OCS program's positive

and negative consequences occur at the regional level. This focus is analogous to

the growing move toward an ecosystem management approach throughout the DOL

The first large-scale GOM Region socioeconomic studies were regional-level projects

supporting modeling. These include:

• Indicators of the Direct Economiclmpacts Due to Oil and Gas

Development in the GOM (1986) and

• Analysis ofIndicators for Socioeconomic Impacts Due to oes Oil and Gas .

Development in the GOM (1987).

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New modeling efforts were procured to support the Bureau's decision to use

IMPLAN-based I/O models; including:_

• Deepwater: Workshop for Modeling Demographics and Socioeconomic

Change in Local Coastal Areas in the GOMR,

• Deepwater: An Analysis ofthe Socioeconomic Effects of OCS Activities on

Ports and Surrounding Areas in the GOMR, and

• Cost Profiles and Cost Functions.

• Update ofOil Industry Labor Factors for the Alaska Manpower Model,

• Rural AlaskaModel

These new modeling efforts occurred at a time when regional-level baseline studies

were focusing more on past consequences of OCS oil and gas development and the

causes ofthose effects. In the GOM Region, examples include:

• Oil in the Gulf: Past Development, Future Prospects (1995);

• The Coastal Division ofIndustrial-Labor Over Time and Space; and

• Assessment ofthe Historical, Social and Economic Impacts ofOCS

Development on the Gulf ofMexico Communities (a baseline analysis

addressing demographic, social, economic, service, and fiscal impacts of

the OCS oil and gas industry along the GOM).

Several'regional-level baseline studies have used historic time-series data to

examine issues such as population change:

• Economic and Demographic Systems ofthe North Slope Borough: Beaufort

Sea Lease Sale 97 and Chukchi Sea Lease Sale 109;

• Alaska Statewide and Regional Economic and Demographic Systems:

Effects ofOCS Exploration and Development, 1986;

• Socioeconomic Baseline ofthe GulfofMexico, Phase I; and

• Economic and Demographic Profile ofSan Luis Obispo County,

California.

• i Alaska Statewide and Regional Economic Systems: Effects ofOCS

Exploration and Development, 1990.

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• Social Indicators Study ofAlaskan Coastal Villages Volumes 1-VI

• An Investigation of the Sociocultural Consequences ofOuter Continental

ShelfDevelopment in Alaska Volumes 1-VI

The oil industry has gone through economic fluctuations sometimes referred to as

''booms'' and "busts". Examples of regional-leyeI analysis examining this issue

include:

• Economic and Social Effects ofthe Oil and Gas Industry in Alaska 1975 to

1995, Volimes 1 and 2 [NSL AK-96-06];

"]-' .

• Impacts ofOil Exploration and Production on the Social Institutions of

Coastal Louisiana (1993); and .

• Social and Economic Impacts ofPet:roleum ''Boom and Bust"Cycles (1994).

Examination ofimpacts to public service delivery and infrastructure has been .a

major component ofregional-level research. ~xamples include:

-:

• Califomia Offshore Oil and Gas Energy: A Joint Study ofthe Development

Scenarios and Onshore Constraints: in the Tri-county Area of San Luis

Obispo, Santa Barbara, and Ventura Consolidated Pub'lic Proposal

(COOGER 1993-2000);

• Navarin Basin Transportation Imp?,ct Analysis; ,

..

• Analysis ofAleut Irist.itutional Resp,onse and Change: 1980-1985;

• Northern Institutional Profiles Ana~ysis--Beaufort Sea; and

J'

• Deep Water: OCS Related Infrastructure in the Gulf ofMexico. J

Communityflndividual-Level Analjsis

This research focuses on communities, groups, families, and individuals. Stuqies of

this sort include the gathering and analysis of baseline information, community

case studies, and case studies of causal relationships at the community, group~

family and individual levels.

Data collected at the community and individual levels are useful to baseline ,

descrip.tions because they provide informatio~ on geographical areas and groups

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most likely to be affected by an action. Also, by identifying and assessing causal

relationships, studies at this level help support the projection of baseline trends

and likely outcomes ofproposed actions. Finally, baseline studies provide

information and analysis needed for mitigation and monitoring.

Methods commonly include:

• literature reviews,

• statistical analysis of existing data such as the U.S. Census,

• OMB-approved surveys, community studies, and

• ethnographic observations.

Often MMS employs mixed methodologies. F'<?r example, literature reviews and

ethnographic methods are used to assess and validate more formal approaches·such

as structured survey results. Analysis usually looks at change over time even when

the goal is to develop a baseline.

The community-/individual-level component supports management decisions at the

sale-specific and operational levels and mirrors that ofthe regional-level analysis.

It supports specific analyses in EIS's and EA's. It examines specific impact

producing factors (Le., the relationship oftim persistence oflocal communities and

institutions to OCS labor scheduling or to changes in household structure, the

relationship of economic cycles to family economic strategies or socially

dysfunctional behaviors). Community studies also provide baseline "snapshots-intime" that provide important details for populations most likely to be affected by the

program.. Detailed studies provide data not available from secondary or other

existing sources. Studies also provide definition ofimpacts by type, range, scope,

severity, and relationship to developmental stage and direction for possible

mitigative approaches.

Community case studies describe the population and its characteristics, the

economy, fiscal resources, social service delivery systems, social institutions, and

social issues within a community or sub-community. These studies focus on specific

issues relevant to the OCS program. such as the effects of economic booms and busts

or the role of OCS-related employment in maintaining/modifying particular social

institutions. Case studies are also directed at issues or social institutions of

particular relevance to MMS's programs.

For example, MMS has conducted a study ofthe residence of oil and gas workers in

selected companies active in the GOM Region (Centaur, 1986). This information

helped MMS determine where employment effects of OCS activities were likely to

occur. Many relevant issues are best researched at the level ofindividuals,

families; or social groups. Examples include:

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• effects ofthe oil and gas employmerit on commuting and migration;

• effects of oil- and gas-related employment on individual jobs;

• effects of work scheduling on famili¢s and social institutions; and

• effects of booms and busts on socially dysfunctional behavior.

For example, a Gulf ofMexico study titled Social and Ecorwmic Impacts of OCS

Deep Water Activity on Families and IndividUals addresses.such topics as:

• community structure and cohesion; :

• distribution of benefits and costs within a community and

sub-community;

• social disorganization; .

• social and individual effects of economic booms and downtums;and

• analysis of OCS-related work schedhling and impacts on family roles'. r '

In the P~cific Region, Petroleum Extraction Industry in Tri- County Area,

California: Socio-Ecorwmic, and Historic Con,siderations investigated the decliP.e in

oil production in the tri-counties. This study maintains that, although oil acti~ty

has been a steady part of the local economies from 1950 to the present and projected

though 2015, the region would have been equally as well off economically (as .

measured by average individual income) hadthere been no such activity. This

study found no statistically significant pattern of positive impacts of the oil ana. gas

industry's presence on the overall scale of economic activity.

Another example of group and individual analyses in the Pacific Region, SociaZ and

Ecorwmic Adaptions by Fish Harvesters in the Santa Barbara Channel-Sanj~a :

Maria Basin Area, California, (Utah State), u~es surveys approved by the Offi.c~ of

Management and Budget to evaluate individual and group adaptions to chang~s in

fisheries due to market demands, legal requirements, and space-use conflicts que to

offshore oil and gas operations. '

,

Focusing on natural gas, a recent research effort titled, Historical and

Socioecorwmic Assessment of Oil and Gas Industry in Coastal Alabama, defined the

role natural gas production has had on the Al-abama economy with consideration

given to past and forecast production. This research shows that the cost nm.c1;ions

in Alabama are quite different from other coastal States in the GOM Region. The

study suggests that MMS should take more localistic approaches when mod1eli.p.g

econoinic impacts from OCS activity. The fin'dings ofthis study are now being used

throughout the economic andleasing divisio~s ofMMS.

The GOM Region is also focusing on inventories of roads, water, waste disposal,

public education, available medical and health facilities for supporting oil and' gas

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development, particularly that in deepwater. Benefits and Burdens ofOCS

Activities on Selected Communities and Local Public Institutions is a study that .

deals with these effects, wheras An Analysis ofthe Socioeconomic Effects ofOCSActivities on Ports and Surrounding Areas in the Gulf ofMexico Region identifies

available port facilities that directly or indirectly support oil and gas production.

A Socioeconomic Analysis ofPort Expansion at Port Fourchon has found that

infrastructure may be one of the more significant social issues related to oil and gas

activity in the GOM Region. The conditions of roads and freshwater facilities are

heavily impacted with in-migration and enhanced usage. Port Fourchon,

Louisiana, has experienced a rapid growth in OCS-related activities and has

recently handled as much tonnage as the port facilities in New Orleans. While this

upswing has brought needed jobs to the area, it has also stressed the existing

infrastruc~e,particularly State Route I,Port Fourchon's only highway

connection.

Resource-Use Issues

Resource-use issues arise from the conflicts between potential offshore activities

and existing uses. These conflicts shape both the Bureau's NEPA documents and

decision processes. Both the OCSLAA and NEPA stress the identification and

resolution ofresource-use issues and encourage analysis in terms of opportunity

costs of development. Resource-use issues often prove to be some of the most

contentiousfaced by the Bureau and sometimes have contributed to establishment

of congression'al moratoria in offshore regions. Existing resource uses include:

• commercial fisheries,

• subsistence activities,

• tourism and recreation, and

• military operations.

Analysis of resource-use issues supports management decisions at the sale-specific

and operational levels by providing data for modeling efforts and development of

mitigation.

Commercial fisheries have been an important issue in all OCS regions. Effects

of OCS activities on fisheries can be harmful or beneficial (area preemption and

gear loss or habitat alteration); continuous or periodic (alterations in populations);

and can be felt on a local as well as a national level (cleanup costs or seafood

prices). One way to consider the potential consequences of offshore activities on

fisheries is by the distribution of costs and benefits among different segments of the

community and the society at large. ,

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In the Alaska Region, possible conflicts between OCS activities and subsistence

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~ctivities and commercial fisheries are major concerns and have often been

addressed through community studies (see above). Subsistence uses continu.e ~obe

the primary social issue for the Alaska Regiort because of the priority usage ;

awarded by ANCSA and ANILCA. Subsistence activities provide a sense of id~ntity

and are important socially, culturally, and economically. Similarities may exi.s~ in

the types of resources used by local residents;~however, there are considerable'

differences and variations among the commuxhties using the resources. Subsis~ence

Economics and North Slope Oil Development analyzes quantitative data sets on

subsistence harvest production, harvest distribution, and employment by

households in Kaktovik and Nuiqsut. Findi.ri.gs of the statistical analysis have

. been augmented and interpreted by additional qualitative information collected

through key respondent interviews of hunters in Kaktovik and Nuiqsut. Alongthe

same lines, issues specifically addressingconf)icts of OCS activities with ;

subsistence activities were studied in Social ~'ndicators Study ofAlaskan Coastal

Villages. It is also important to focus on the similarities and differences in the '

knowledge base ofthe cultures who depend on traditional practices to survive. '

Collection of Traditional Knowledge ofthe Alaskan North Slope collected and.

- organized "traditional knowledge" informatioh associated with the North Slope of

Alaska.' The study created a database, which:encompasses oral histories, taped

interviews, written transcripts, published so~ces, and textual and video records.

Tourism and recreation activities (beache$, boating, fishing, camping, SCE~nic

attractions etc.) are also important resource-~seissues common to all OCS r1egions.

In parts ofthe GOM and Pacific Regions, rigs' as habitats (artificial reefs) are

positive resource-use issues, wheras the major resource conflict has been pel:ceived

threats to tourism and quality oflife. When natural resources are combined. with a

favorable climate or location, the result is deyelopment of an extensive public ~d

private infrastructure to support tourists attr'acted to the area. These recreation or

leisure opportunities create expenditures along with direct"indirect, and incluqed

economic impacts.

Overall responsibility for offshore military activities (flight and submarine

training, missile firing, live-ammunition exercises etc.) lies with the Assistant

Secretary of Defense. Through many years ofjoint cooperation between DOl and

the Department of Defense, lease stipulations have been developed to accommodate

joint uses of OCS areas that DOl determines to have mineral potential. These:

stipulations require close cooperation between oil and gas operators and military

authorities. '

As suggested, resource-use issues exist in all regions and are often gathered though

regional- and community-level studies, more specialized examples include:

• i Economic Effects on Aquaculture Leases of Offshore Development, which,

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examined commercial fisheries conflicts with OCS activities;

• Impacts ofOil and Gas Development on Re_creation and Tourism offthe

Florida Straits, which identified and analyzed recreation and tourism

activities in the Florida Keys that might be affected by proposed OCS

development activities (i.e., a regional economic impact model that

evaluated relationships between recreation and tourism and OCS-related

economic activity on the south Florida economy);

• Economic Impacts ofFishing and Diving Associated with Offshore Oil and

Gas Structures, which examined the positive economic effects of GOM

platforms as fish habitats; and .

... ~.

• Bluewater Fishing and Deepwater OCS Activity: Interactions Between

Fishing and Petroleum Industries in Deepwater ofthe GOM, which

explored possible user conflicts.

Adaptive Policy Studies

The MMS faces continual changes in technology, legal mandates, and public

attitudes. The dynamic nature of the offshore programs requires flexibility ifMMS

is to effectively address unforeseen issues. Adaptive policy studies in social sciences

fulfill this role.

Since this component includes a wide range ofstudies that cross all decision points,

they cannot be characterized by a particular set of questions addressed or

methodologies used. Rather, they are characterized by narrowly focused research

that provides managers with specific information.

For example, to assess the effects ofmercury associated with offshore gold mining

in Norton Basin, the Alaska Region conducted two studies:

• Concentrations ofMetals in Norton Sound Seawater Samples and Human

Hair Samples, 1989, and

• Segmental Analysis ofMercury in Hair in 80 Women ofNome, Alaska.

The effects ofmercury was a major issue identified in the scoping process and was

analyzed in the EIS for a proposed marine minerals effort. The information

obtained through these studies supported this analysis.

The 1980's downturn of the oil industry in the GOM Region led to a trend from rig

operators who were highly integrated major corporations towards small,

nonintegrated independent corporations. The JMMS needed to understand the

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safety and fiscal implications, if any, of this change. The ESP procured several

studies that examined these changes and management issues surrounding the~:

• Characteristics and Possible Impact~ ofRestructured OCS Oil and Gqs

Industry in the GulfofMexico, 1995, established that there was indeed a

trend towards smaller, independents;

• The Environmental and Safety Risk,S ofIncreasing Activity by

Independents on the Federal Outer ((ontinental Shelf(OCS) analy2:ed data

collected by :MMS inspectors to dete:rmine ifthere were differences in

safety procedures of majors and independents operating in the GOM:OCS;

·'·1-

• Forecasting the Number ofOffshoreiPlatforms on the Gulf ofMexico QCS

to the year 2023 looks at- the long-term decline in the numbers of the

platforms operating in the Gulf. '

California Offshore Oil and Gas Energy: A Jdint Study of the Development

Scenarios and Onshore Constraints in the Tri-county Areas of San Luis Obispo,

Santa Barbara, and Ventura (COOGER) is an example ofl\1l\1S addressing :issues

raised by local and State governments in areas that MMS has not generally

studied. This study grew out of:MMS efforts to work with the counties of San Luis

Obispo, Santa Barbara, and Ventura in the 'In-County Forum. A major con.cern

expressed by the counties, the State of Califorma, and other interested parties' was

the potential impact of undeveloped Federal leases in the Tri-County area. T~e

MMS, working with local and State governments and the oil and gas industry,

developed COOGER as a way to evaluate the1potential impacts of developing the

existing leased, but undeveloped, Federal and State offshore oil and gas trads'. The

statement of work for the study was co-auth()red by :MMS, representatives from the

three study area counties, three California S~ate agencies, and the oil and gas

industry.' Public workshops were held to finalize the scope of the study afte:r awm.:d,

and public participation took place at every stage of the study. Another uniqu'e

aspect of this study is the MMS (113) and oil and gas industry (2/3) cost sharmg for

the study.

Attitudes towards oil and gas development the Pacific Region seem to include

"NIMBY" (Not In My BackYard) responses, which have been conventionally ,

characterized by limited information, localiz~d attitudes, high concern for p:roj~ct

risk, distrust of project sponsors and highly emotional responses to conflict.

However; the study entitled How Political Activists See Offshore Oil Developm,ent:

An In-depth Investigation ofAttitudes on Energy Development, which was

completed in 1998, maintained that the above characteristics are only partially

true..Neither opponents nor supporters ofoes development have limited

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information, both have localized attitudes, neither trusts the other, neither are

extremely emotional, and the real difference lies in the perception ofrisk. Where

opponents to development see huge risks, supporters perceive little risk. Therefore,

the NIMBY label may tell us little other than that a political dispute exists and that

the key element of the dispute is about the risks associated with the proposal.

The:MMS was a co-sponsor for the 1996 International Workshop on Human Factors

in Offshore Operations. Between 75 and 90 percent of offshore accidents and

injuries can be attributed to human error. The workshop was designed to define

the human and organizational factors applied to reduce accidents and to identify

issues that influence the utilization of these factors.

Mitigation

Mitigation may be defined as specific actions taken to minimize, avoid, or

compensate for negative impacts on resources that would be affected by a proposed

project. It includes identification, projection, and evaluation of effects that could be

associated with a proposed action. The aim ofmitigation is to bring estimated

impacts within an acceptable range. In selected cases, this may mean

compensating States for resources that cannot be saved.

These measures can be specifically and selectively applied at policy, program, and

project levels. Policy adjustment can alter the mix and balance of planning goals

and objectives in accordance with public preferences. Program alterations can

similarly revise planningguidelines and design specifications. Project

modifications can tailor operating procedures and activities to suit local conditions.

Stipulations are another example of mitigation. The Bureau's stipulations may

cover a range of categories including:

• fisheries,

• geologic hazards,

• safety and technology,

• air quality, marine biology,

• military, • cultural resources, and

• subsistence.

Environmental studies have played an indirect role in mitigation. The primary

research contributions to mitigation research are problem identification,

information collection, and analysis allowing evaluation ofproposed measures.

/

[175)
Examples ofregional mitigation studies are:

• Mitigation of Sea Floor Conflicts Between Oil and Gas Pipelines and

Commercial Trawl Fisheries on the California OCS (pacific Region)

• Mitigating the Impact of Offshore Oil Development (pacific Region)

• Marine Mining Technologies and Mitigation Techniques, a detailed

analysis.with respect to the mining ofspecific offshore mineral

commodities (GOM Region)

• Identification and Assessment ofImpacts Associated with·the

Construction and Operations ofSubmarine Pipelines on the Mid-Atlantic

Outer Continental Shelf (Brosius 1983), which identified suitable areas

for pipeline construction based on environmental and socioeconomic

features of the mid-Atlantic, characterized potential impacts, and .

recommended mitigating measures and special practices to minimiize.

impacts as wen as areas that shoul4 be avoided.

Monitoring

Monitoring measures ongoing development-related social, cultural, and economic

impacts. It provides a basis for comparing the predictions of effects with their

occurrence. As part of assessment, impact variables are identified and analyzed.

Social science impact monitoring categories mclude proposed actions, the human

environment, and responses,

• Proposed action monitoring follows trends in technology development,

tracks project development (includipg institutional and managerial

factors), and identifies indirect socioeconomic effects through

environmental and ecological systems.

• Human environment monitoring compares actual with projected

changes in social conditions and systems and employs quality-of-life

indices.

• Response monitoring includes:

• measuring social concerns generic to the state ofsociety and specific to

the proposed action (issues tracking);

;. gauging the relative effectiveness of established mitigation measures;

and

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• systematic testing ofimpact hypotheses formulated for use in policy

analysis and impact management.

Minerals Management Service environmental documents analyze and propose

mitigation measures as options. Selected measures may be stipulated as conditions

ofleases, permits, contracts, and the final design of projects. Monitoring can be

used to ensure commitment to stipulations as part of the decision to proceed with

the project. Monitoring supports management decisions at the operational level. It

assists in developing effective mitigation, supports local/regional planning efforts,

and provides data for refinement of modeling efforts.

In the Alaska Region, the Social Indicators $t.udy ofAlaskan Coastal Villages, an

extensive monitoring program, determined and evaluated key factors within

communities affected by the Exxon Valdez oil spill. These key factors are crucial to

future monitoring ofthe potential effects caused by OCS-related activities. This

study also provided useful baseline information. -

In the Pacific Region, social science impact monitoring has traditionally been done

by the counties permitting facilities within their jurisdictions. Typically, impact

monitoring isfunded as part of the operating permit and may be conducted by the

industry, an outside contractor, or the counties themselves.

In the Gulf ofMexico Region, a study titled Assessing and Monitoring Industry

Labor Needs addresses the direct effects of deepwater development on State and

regional economies. Since these effects are driven by industry employment and

purchasing, they allow MMS to make more detailed and accurate projections and

economic forecasts, and to address issues ofState and local benefits of deepwater

development and/or exploration.

SUMMARYAND CONCLUSIONS

In recent years the MMS has given increased emphasis to socioeconomic research.

For example, in response to the deepwater driven growth industry in the GOM and

as a result of the 1997 workshop on issues surrounding deepwater oil and gas

development, the MMS has initiated several studies to address the socioeconomic

implications of deepwater development.

In addition, 1999 marked the first MMS National Social and Economic Planning

Conference to identify various research linkages among regions arid studies and to

explor,e their long-term and methodological similarities and differences. This

conference provided the technical experts needed for a state-of-the-art review of

social and economic studies assessment as it relates to OCS oil and gas activities.

[177]
This conference was a complement to :MMS1s existing national and regional level

decisionmaking processes.

This document outlined why :MMS conducts social science research. The document

discussed the range ofsocial and economic research supported and used in the:

Bureau as a framework for evaluating both nktional and regional social scieJnc~

research needs. As stated, the :MJ\t:IS uses soc~al science data and analysis ,

throughout the various phases of decisionmalting:5-year planning, preleasE~ aild

leasing activities, exploration, development, production, and decommissioning bf

offshore platforms. The l\1MS designs studies to address the data and analytical

needs arising from these specific phases in order to aid in the decisionmakin.g

process.

The social and economic impacts of energy deyelopment are very important to

MlVIS. Researchers have confirmed that many ofthese impacts are often thE! first

felt and the most strongly experienced. In addition, MlVIS is also discovering that

social and economic regimes may require a lohger timeframe to recover, unlike the

biological and physical environments, which tend to recover relatively quickly.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS:

This article took an empirical approach to the question of why MMS conducts social

science. Many past and present MMS employ~es contributed their thoughts and written

materials. The authors would like to thank especially the following co-workers: Donald

Gallaway, Michael Baffrey, Tim Holder, Fred White, Jim Lima, and Fred Piltz from the

Pacific Region; Judy Wilson and Jim Lane from the old Atlantic Region; and John Greene, , ;

Rick Defenbaugh, and Jim Kendall from the Gulf of Mexico Region; and Norman Hurwitz,

Bill King, Rich Winnor, Ken Turgeon, and John !Goll from Headquarters. .

[178]

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,/

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Infrastructure in the GOM. NLS No. GM-99-0l, :MMS Contract No. 30955.

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Space. NLS No. GM-92-42-65, MMS Contract No. 19966.

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Transcripts ofSelected Inupiat Interviews. TR 85A Anchorage, AK: USDOI,

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---1985. Alaska Statewide and Regional Economic and Demographic Systems:

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/ [186]
---1986. Economic and Demographic Systems ofthe North Slope Borough:

Beaufort Sea Lease Sale 97 and Chukchi Sea Lease Sale 109. TR 120.

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University of Arizona, Austin, D. and McGuire, T. Ongoing. Social and Economic

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University of California, Santa Barbara. Smith, E. R.A.N. 1998. How Politl:cal

Ac:tivists See Offshore Oil Development.; In Depth Investigation ofAttitudes on

Energy Development. OCS Study:MlVIS 98-004, :MlVIS Contract No. 30761.

---Ongoing. Petroleum Extraction Industry in Tri- County area, California:

Socio-Economic, and Historic Considerations. NLS No. PC-95-00, :MlVIS

Contract No. 30796.

University ofWest Florida, Blanchard, D. Ongoing. Socioeconomic Outer

Continental ShelfIssue Analysis ofStakeholders in the Eastern Gulf of

Mexico. NLS No. GM-G5104.

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Harvesters in the Santa Barbara Channel-Santa Maria Basin Area,

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Environmental Assessment. A Report to the President. Washington, DC:

Government Printing Office.

[186)

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I APPENDIX 0

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Appendix 0: Conference Participants

Dr. Stan L. Albrecht, Dean

College of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences

UMC 0700

Utah State University

Logan, Utah 84322-0700

435/797-1200

sla@hass.usu.edu

Dr. Diane Austin

Assistant Professor, Bureau ofApplied Research

Department of Anthropology

University of Arizona

P.O. Box 210030

Tucson, Arizona 85721-0030

520/621-6282

Daustin@u.arizona.edu

Mr. Charles Bedell

Manager, Environment & Government Affairs

Murphy Exploration & Production Company

P.O. Box 61780

New Orleans, Louisiana

Mr. Stephen R. Braund

Stephen R. Braund & Associates

P.O. Box 1480

Anchorage, Alaska 99510

907/276-8222

Srba@alaska.net

Dr. Ralph B. Brown

Associate Professor

Department of Sociology

Brigham Young University

P.O. Box 5400

Provo, Utah 84602-5400

801/378-3242

Ralph_Brown@BYU.edu

/

[187]
Dr. David E. Dismukes

Assistant Professor

Center for Energy Studies

Louisiana State University

Baton Rouge, LA 70803-0301

225/338-434

Dr. Michael A. Downs

Senior Associate

KEA Environmental

Suite 620

1420 Kettner Blvd.

San Diego, California 92101

619/233-1454

Mdowns@keasd.com

Dr. Joanna Endter-Wada

Associate Professor

Department of Forest Resources

Utah State University

Logan, Utah 84322-5265

435/797-2387

endter@cnr.usu.edu

Dr. Frank Farmer

Professor, Rural Sociology

HOEC 118

University of Arkansas, Fayetteville

Fayetteville, Arkansas 72701

501/575-2358

Flfarmer@comp.uark.edu

Dr. Duane A. Gill

Professor

Social Science Research Center

Mississippi State University

P.O. Box 5287

Mississippi State University, Mississippi 39761

601/325-1570

Duane.GiII@SSRC.MsState.edu

[188).

IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
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Mr. Dean Hargis

Corporate Vice President

Dames and Moore·

Suite 110

7115 Amigo Street

Las Vegas, Nevada 89119

702/837-1500

Isvpdh@dames.com

Ms. Maureen Hart

P. O. Box 361

North Andover, MA 01845

Dr. Frank Howell

Professor

Mississippi State University

P.O. Box 5287

Mississippi State University, Mississippi 39262

Dr. David W. Hughes

Associate Professor .

Department of Agricultural Economics and Agribusiness

101 Agriculture Building

Louisiana State University

Baton Rouge, Louisiana 70803

Dr. Jeanne S. Hurlbert

Associate Professor

Department of Sociology

Louisiana State University

126 Stubbs Hall, LSU

Baton Rouge, Louisiana 70803

Dr. Lee Huskey

Professor of Economics

University of Alaska Anchorage

3211 Providence Drive

Anchorage, Alaska 99508

907/786-1905

aflh@uaa.alaska.edu

(189]
Mr. Jon Isaacs

Dames

& Moore Group

5600B Street

Anchorage, Alaska 99518

800/909-6787

ancjdi@dames.com

Dr. Rick Krannich

Professor, Sociology and Forest Resources

Institute for Social Science Research on Natural Resources

Utah State University,

0730 University Hill

Logan, Utah 84322-0730

435/979-1241

rkranich@hass.usu.edu

Dr. F. Larry Leistritz

Professor

Department of Agricultural Economics

Morrill Hall

North Dakota State University

Fargo, North Dakota 58105

701/231-7455

lIeistri@ndsuext.nodak.edu

Dr. Ron Little

Professor

Department of Sociology

Utah State University

Logan, Utah 84332

435/752-4695

rlittle@cc.usu.edu

Dr. Michael V. McGinnis

Researcher

Ocean and Coastal Policy Center, Bldg 445

Marine Science Institute

University of California, Santa Barbara

Santa Barbara, California 93106

805/893-8393

mcginnis@lifesci.lscf.ucsb.edu /

[190]

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Dr. Harvey M%tch

Director, Ocean and Coastal Po/icy Center

Department of Sociology, Ellison Hall

University of California, Santa Barbara

Santa Barbara, California 93106

h.molotch@lse.ac.uk

Mr. Bob Mott .

Consulting Economist

134 Trinidad Drive .

Tiburon, California~94920

415/435-1569

rtmecon@sonic.net

Dr. John Petterson

President

Impact Assessment, Inc.

Suite F

2166 Avenida de la Playa

La Jolla, California 92037

619/459-0142

iai@san.rr.com

Dr.~J. Steven Picou, Chair

Departments of Sociology and Anthropology

University of South Alabama

Mobile, Alabama 36688-0002

334/460-6347

spicou@jaquar1.usouthal.edu

Dr. Glenn Sheehan

Senior Scientist

Ukpeagvik Inupiat Corporation

P.O. Box 750

Barrow, Alaska 99723

907/852-4881

basc@barrow.com

/

(191]
Mr. Mark Shrimpton

Principal

Community Resource Services, Ltd.

53 Long's Hill

P.O. Box 5936

St. John's Newfoundland A1C 5X4

Canada

709/576-6946

crs_ltd@nf.sympatico.ca

Dr. Joachim Singlemann

Professor

Department of Sociology/Rural Sociology

Louisiana State University

Baton Rouge, Louisiana 70803

225/388-1635

Joachim@lapop.lsu.edu

Dr. Eric R.AN. Smith

Associate Professor

Department of Political Science

University of California, Santa Barbara

Santa Barbara, California 93106-9420

805/893-4328

smith@sscf.ucsb.edu

Dr. Keith Storey

Professor

Department of Geography

Memorial University of Newfoundland

Elizabeth Avenue

St. John's, Newfoundland A1B 3X9

Canada

7091737-8987

Kstorey@morgan.ucs.mun.ca

Ms. Michele Tetley

6700 S.E. Reed College Place

.

Portland, Oregon 97202

703/534-4108

Mteal1 01 @aol.com

./

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Dr. William W. Wade

Senior Vice President

Foster Associates, Inc.

Suite 1776

120 Montgomery Street

San Francisco, California 94104

415/391-3558

wade@foster-sf.com

Minerals Management Service, Alaska DeS Region

Mr. Michael Baffrey

Sociologist, Environmental Studies Branch

U.S. Department of the Interior

Alaska OCS Region

Minerals Management Service

949 E. 36th Avenue

Anchorage, Alaska 99508

907/271-6677

michael.baffrey@mms.gov

Mr. Michael Burwell

Environmental Assessment Branch

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Alaska OCS Region

949 E. 36th Avenue

Anchorage, Alaska 99508

907/271-6681

michael.burwell@mms.gov

Dr. Cleveland J. Cowles

Chief, Environmental Studies Branch

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Alaska OCS Region

949 E. 36th Avenue

Anchorage, Alaska 99508

907/271-6617

cleveland.cowles@mms.gov

[193]
Mr. Tim Holder

Economist, Environmental Assessment Branch

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Alaska OCS Region

949 E. 36th Avenue

Anchorage, Alaska 99508

907/271-6625

tim.holder@mms.gov

Ms. Michele Hope

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Alaska OCS Region

949 E. 36th Avenue

Anchorage, Alaska 99508

907/271-6424

michele.hope@mms.gov

Minerals Management Service, Gulf of Mexico DeS Region

Ms. Stephanie Gambino

Economist, Social Science Unit

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Gulf of Mexico OCS Region

1201 Elmwood Park Boulevard

New Orleans, LA 70123-2394

504/736-2856

stephanie.gambino@mms.gov

Dr. Jim Kendall

Chief, Environmental Studies Branch

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Gulf of Mexico OCS Region

1201 Elmwood Park Boulevard

New Orleans, LA 70123-2394

504/736-2789

james.kendall@mms.gov

{1941

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Dr. Harry Luton

Social Scientist, Social Science Unit

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Gulf of Mexico OCS Region

1201 Elmwood Park Boulevard

New Orleans, LA 70123-2394

504/736-2784

harry.luton@mms.gov

Dr. Claudia Rogers·

Social Scientist, Social Science Unit

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Gulf of Mexico OCS Region

1201 Elmwood Park Boulevard

New Orleans, LA 70123-2394

504/736-2532

claudia.rogers@mms.gov

Minerals Management Services, Pacific OCS Region

Mr. John Lane

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Pacific OCS Region

770 Paseo Camarillo

Camarillo, CA 93010

805/389-7820

john.lane@mms.gov

Dr. Jim Lima

Social Scientist, Environmental Studies Branch

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Pacific OCS Region

770 Paseo Camarillo

Camarillo, CA 93010

805/389-7847

james.lima@mms.gov

,/

[195)
Dr. Fred Piltz

Chief, Environmental Studies Branch

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Pacific OCS Region

770 Paseo Camarillo

Camarillo, CA 9301

0

805/389-7850

fred.piltz@mms.gov

Mr. Fred White

Economist, Environmental Studies Branch

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

Pacific OCS Region

770 Paseo Camarillo

Camarillo, CA 93010

805/389-7830

frederick.white@mms.gov

Minera/s Management Service, Herndon, Virginia

Ms. Phyllis Clark

Environmental Division

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

381 Elden Street

Herndon, VA 20170-4817

7031787-1716

phyllis.clark@mms.gov

Dr. Rodney Cluck

Sociologist, Environmental Studies Branch

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

381 Elden Street

Herndon, VA 20170-4817

7031787-1087

rodney.cluck@mms.gov

[196}

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Mr. Kim Coffman

Economist, Leasing Division

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

381 Elden Street

Herndon, VA 20170-4817

kim.coffman@mms.gov

Dr. Bill King

Economist, Environmental Assessment Branch

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

381 Elden Street

Herndon, VA 20170-4817

7031787-1527

bill.king@mms.gov

Ms. JoAnn Lauterbach

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

381 Elden Street

Herndon, VA 20170-4817

202/208-7744

jo.ann.lauterbach@mms.gov

Mr. Larry Roberts

Chief, Environmental Studies Branch (retired)

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

381 Elden Street

Herndon, VA 20170-4817

7031787-1717

larry.roberts@mms.gov

Dr. Radford Shantz

Economics Division

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

381 Elden Street

Herndon, VA 20170-4817

7031787-1532

radford. sChantz@mms.gov

/

(1.97]
Ms. Ann Wiggin

INTERMAR

U.S. Department of the Interior

Minerals Management Service

381 Elden Street

Herndon, VA 20170-4817

703fi87-1293

ann.wiggin@mms.gov

LTG Associates, Inc.

Dr. Robert Hiett

1815. Fort Meyer Drive, Suite 908

Rosslyn, VA 22209

703/312-5104

BHiett@QuanTech.com

Dr. Donna J. Lee

119 McCarty Hall

PO Box 110240

Gainesville, FL 32611-0240 j- . ~-

352/392:'1826~,.

DonnaL@frectifas.uf!.~du " .,.~ ,;.' , ',. ,~, 1<0. '. ~" .• '

.~ ;'!.

"~;~:..;.., '" _.,.

Ms.·Ireeta K. Morris

LTG Associates, Inc.

875 E. Canal Drive, Suite1

Turlock, CA 95380

209/668-9313

Itg@thevision.net

Dr. Michael French Smith

LTG Associates, Inc:

6930 Carroll Ave., Suite 410

Takoma Park, MD'20912

301/270-0882

Itg@earthlink.net.

[1981

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The Department of the Interior Mission

Asthe'Nation's principal conservation ag~ncy, the Departmentof the Interior has;esponslbility for

most of our nationally owned public lands and natural resources. This includes fostering sound use .

of our land and water resources; protecting our fish, wildlife, and biological diversity; preserving the

environmental.and cultural values of our national parks and historical places; and providingJor the

enjoyment of life through outdoor recreation. The Department assesses our energy and min'eral

resources and works to ensure that their development is in the best interests of all our people by

encouraging stewardship and citizen participation in their care. The Department also has a major

responsibility for American Indian reservation communities and for people who live in island

territories under U.S. administration.

The Minerals Management Service Mission

As"a bureau of the Department of the Interior, the Minerals Management Service's (MMS) primary

responsibilities are to manage the mineral resources located on the Nation's Outer Continental

Shelf (OCS), collect revenue from the Federal OCS and onshore Federal and Indian lands, and

distribute those revenues.

Moreover, in working to meet its responsibilities, the Offshore Minerals Management Program

administers the OCS competitive leasing program and oversees the safe and environmentally

sound exploration and production of our Nation's offshore natural gas, oil and other mineral

resources. The MMS Royalty Management Program meets its responsibilities by ensuring the

efficient, timely and accurate collection and disbursement of revenue from mineral leasing and

production due to Indian tribes and allottees, States and the US. Treasury. .

The MMS strives to fulfill its responsibilities through the general guiding principles of: (1) being

responsive. to t~e public's·concems and interests by rtIaintaining a dialogue with all potentialiy

affected parties and (2) carrying out its programs with an emphasis on working to enhance the

quality of life for all Americans by lending MMS assistance and expertise to economic development

and environmental protection.' " .
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