1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 2025 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 2025

Figure 1.

Growth of the Oldest-Old Population (80+):

1995 to 2025

0

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1998.

Female

Male

Developed countries

20

40

60

80

100

Developing countries

(In millions)

International Brief

by Victoria A. Velkoff and Valerie A. Lawson

International Programs Center

IB/98-3

Issued December 1998

U.S. Department of Commerce

Economics and Statistics Administration

Caregiving BUREAU OF THE CENSUS

The typical image of caregiving

and the elderly is one of an older

person who is ill or infirm receiving

care from a younger person. In

many instances this image is

correct. However, older women

and men are not only the recipients of care; in many cases they

are caregivers themselves. Another assumption about caregiving

is that the person giving the care 

is a woman. Again, this is generally true but many men also provide care. In this profile we will

examine gender differences in

both aspects of caregiving and 

the elderly—as recipients and 

as givers of care. 

Historically, when an older person

was in need of care, most often it

was provided by the family. Past

levels of high mortality meant that

the proportion of population that

reached older ages and needed

care was relatively small. Also,

past levels of high fertility ensured

that there were plenty of family

members to share the responsibility of care. However, as fertility

and mortality have declined, the

proportion of population at older

ages has expanded and the

number of younger family members available to care for these

older people has decreased.

In 1950, 12 percent of the population in developed1 countries was

aged 60 and older compared with

19 percent in 1998. By 2025, 

28 percent of the population in

developed countries will be older.2

Although the proportional change

in the population aged 60 and

older in developing countries

between 1950 and 1998 is not

dramatic, the growth in absolute

numbers is, rising from just over

100 million to 355 million. By 

1 The “developed” and “developing” 

country categories used in this brief correspond to the “more developed” and “less

developed” classification employed by 

the United Nations. Developed countries

comprise all nations in Europe and North

America, plus Japan, Australia, and New

Zealand. The remaining nations of the

world are considered to be developing

countries.

2 The term “older” is an arbitrary concept

used only for cross-national comparative

purposes. In this brief, “older” generally

refers to ages 60 and over.

2025, there will be 839 million

older people living in developing

countries, 500 million more than

will be living in developed countries.

Older Population Itself is Aging

Not only are populations aging, 

the older population itself is aging,

with increasing proportions in the

oldest-old age group (defined in

this report as aged 80 and older).

The oldest-old population is often

the fastest growing segment of 

the older population. While this is

true in both the developed and the

developing world, the number of

oldest old is growing more rapidly

in developing countries (Figure 1).
2 IB/98-3

U.S. Census Bureau, the Official StatisticsTM November 4, 1998

Currently, developed countries are

home to the majority of the oldest

old. However, by 2015, the balance will switch and the majority 

of the oldest old will reside in

developing countries.

Women account for the majority 

of the oldest old in most countries

of the world and will continue to do

so in the future. However, there

are opposite trends in the sex

composition of the oldest old in

developed and developing nations.

The proportion of oldest old who

are women is expected to decrease in developed countries and

increase in developing countries.

The changing sex composition is

due to differences in the projected

gender gap in life expectancy in

the two regions; in developed

countries the gap in life expectancy is projected to decrease while

in developing countries the gap 

is projected to increase (Kinsella

and Gist, 1995).

One consequence of population

aging and the concomitant aging

of the elderly is an expanding

need for health care and service

provision, because the oldest-old

population is more likely than their

younger counterparts to have

health problems which require

care.

Spouse Most Likely 

to Give Care

Although the stereotypical view of

caregiving for the elderly is that of

children caring for their aged

parents, for many older people the

main person who provides care is

their spouse (Shuman, 1994).

This is true in both developed and

developing nations and for both

men and women. Because of the

sex difference in longevity, older

women are more likely than older

men to find themselves without a

spouse. Thus, if they need care,

they have to turn to other family

members or to institutions. A 

recent survey in Spain found that

74 percent of older men who were

receiving assistance with one or

more instrumental activities of

daily living3 had their wife as 

the caregiver. Only 33 percent 

of older women relied on their

husband as the caregiver, while 58

percent were aided by a daughter

(Béland and Zunzunegui, 1996).

Sandwich Generation 

a Developed Country

Phenomenon

One aspect of caregiving that has

received a great deal of attention

is the so-called “sandwich generation,” that is, people who find

themselves caring for elderly

parents while also caring for their

own children. The increases in life

expectancy experienced in most

countries have enhanced the

likelihood that middle-aged adults

will find themselves caring for

older parents. When the sandwich

generation has to care for parents

who are aged 80 and older, the

demands of caregiving are likely 

to increase as parents in this age

group often have more pressing

needs than their younger counterparts.

One measure of the pressure the

sandwich generation may experience in caring for elderly parents

is the parent support ratio, defined

as the number of oldest old (aged

80 and over) per 100 people aged

50 to 64. This ratio is higher 

in developed countries than in 

developing countries (Figure 2). 

In 1998, ratios in developed

countries ranged from around 10

to over 25. Projected increases 

in parent support ratios are quite

large in some developed countries;

for example, Japan’s ratio is

expected to increase from 17 in

1998 to 42 by 2025. In contrast,

parent support ratios and their

3 Instrumental activities of daily living 

include preparing meals, shopping for 

personal items, managing money, using

the telephone and doing light housework.

projected increases are much

smaller in developing countries;

most such countries have parent

support ratios under 10 in both

1998 and 2025.

The difference in projected parent

support ratios between developed

and developing countries reflects

different trends in fertility. People

who will be aged 50 to 64 (the

potential support-givers) in 2025

were born between 1961 and

1975. In most developing countries, fertility was still high during

this period, or just beginning to

decline. Hence, this age group 

will be fairly large, resulting in 

low parent support ratios. In

developed countries, fertility was

relatively low during this period,

producing small birth cohorts

which will result in higher 

parent support ratios in 2025.

Female Employment Does

Not Deter Caregiving

Women in most societies, whether

they be wives, daughters, daughters-in-law, nieces, or granddaughters, traditionally have been the

family members who care for the

elderly. In many countries, the

proportion of women in the labor

force is increasing. This is particularly true for women in mid-life who

are often responsible for caring 

for aging parents (Figure 3). A

concern is that increasing labor

force participation of women will

shrink the pool of potential female

caregivers, but many studies have

found that employment does not

preclude women from assuming

caregiving roles (Moen, Robison,

and Fields, 1994; Sundström,

1994). In fact, research has

shown that working women are

just as likely to become caregivers

as are their nonworking counterparts, although working women

who do take on caregiving tasks

may reduce their work hours

(Pavalko and Artis, 1997).
0 10 20 30 40 50

Figure 2.

Parent Support Ratio: 1998 and 2025

Sweden

United

States

1998

2025

Austria

Russia

Japan

France

Bulgaria

0 10 20 30 40 50

Note: Ratio = Number of people aged 80+ per 100 people aged 50 to 64.

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1998.

Jordan

Tanzania

Brazil

Indonesia

India

China

Burkina

Faso

Developed countries

Developing countries

IB/98-3 3

U.S. Census Bureau, the Official StatisticsTM November 4, 1998

Older Women Likely to Live

Alone in Developed Countries

Living arrangements of the elderly

differ greatly by country and

culture and, obviously, have

implications for caregiving. In

many Western developed countries, a substantial proportion of

older women live alone (Figure 4).

Older women are much more likely

to live alone than are older men, in

part because of the large differences in marital status between

the sexes—older women are much

more likely to be widowed than are

older men. For instance, 44 percent of older Dutch women lived

alone in 1995 compared with 17

percent of older men. The corresponding percents widowed were

40 percent for older women and 

11 percent for older men.

In many developing countries, 

a strong tradition of filial piety is

often expressed by coresidency 

of older people and their adult

children. Traditionally, the family

has provided support for older

members. Today a concern is

that, as countries become more

developed, the family’s role in

support will decrease. However,

recent surveys in several Asian

countries found that the norm is

still for older people to live with

their children (Figure 5). Most

older people who do not live with

their children live near one of their

children and usually have daily

contact with them. Coresidency

facilitates support systems between the elderly and their adult

children (Chan, 1997; Knodel and

Chayovan, 1997). Typically, the

flow of support is not unidirectional

from adult child to older parent, 

but rather, there are reciprocal

exchanges.

Elders as Givers of Care

Another important component of

older people’s lives is their role as

the givers of care. Older people

provide care for many others

(older parents, spouses, siblings,

children, and grandchildren), and
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100

Figure 3.

Percent of Women Aged 50 to 54 Who Are in

the Labor Force: 1986 and 1996

Source: ILO, 1987 and 1997.

Spain

United

States

1986

1996

Austria

Singapore

Norway

Japan

Chile

Bolivia

Finland

Sri Lanka

Peru

South

Korea

0 10 20 30 40 50

Figure 4.

Percent of Older People Living Alone

Note: Older refers to people aged 65 years and older in Canada and the

United States and 60 years and older in other countries.

Source: Various statistical yearbooks.

United

States

1995

Male

Female

Canada

1991

Netherlands

1995

Hungary

1990

4 IB/98-3

U.S. Census Bureau, the Official StatisticsTM November 4, 1998

for a variety of reasons (illness 

of a family member, increased

number of single-parent families,

increased female labor force

participation, orphaned grandchildren). Often the care provided by

older family members is essential

to the well-being of the family.

The Importance of

Grandparents

In some countries, nontrivial

proportions of older women and

men are providing care to their

grandchildren. This ranges from

occasional babysitting to being 

a custodial grandparent. In the

United States in 1997, 3.9 million

children (5.5 percent of all children

under age 18) lived in a household

maintained by their grandparents

(Casper and Bryson, 1998). Since

1990, the number of children living

in households headed by grandparents has increased, especially

for children in households with

only grandparents and grandchildren. Various factors (divorce,

HIV/AIDS, drug abuse, child

abuse) may have contributed to

the increase in these types of

families. 

Many grandparents in developed

countries also provide day care for

grandchildren so the grandchildren’s parents can work. In the

United States in 1994, 16 percent

of preschool children with working

mothers were cared for by a

grandparent (U.S. Bureau of 

the Census, 1997), typically the

grandmother. Grandmothers also

play an important role in many

Eastern European countries and

the Newly Independent states.

Because of the lack of adequate

day care in many of these countries, the care that grandmothers

provide for their grandchildren may

be integral to family functioning.

In many Asian countries, where

coresidency of older parents and

an adult son or daughter is the

norm, proportions of grandparents

providing care for grandchildren is
0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

Philippines Singapore Thailand Vietnam

Figure 5.

Percent of Older People Living With Children

in Four Asian Countries: Circa 1996

Source: Anh et al., 1997; Chan, 1997; Knodel and Chayovan, 1997; 

Natividad and Cruz, 1997.

Male

Female

(Red River Delta)

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

16

18

20

60–74 75+ 60–74 75+ 60–74 75+

Figure 6.

Percent Older Population in Institutions 

by Age and Sex: Early 1990’s

Source: United Nations, 1997.

Male

Female

Canada Denmark Japan

IB/98-3 5

U.S. Census Bureau, the Official StatisticsTM November 4, 1998

substantial. In the Philippines,

Thailand, and Taiwan, around 40

percent of the population aged 50

and older lived in a household with

a minor grandchild (under 18

years of age). In these same

countries, approximately half or

more of those aged 50 and older

who had a coresident grandchild

aged 10 or younger provided care

for the child (Hermalin, Roan, and

Perez, 1998). As in the United

States, Asian grandmothers are

more likely than grandfathers to

provide care for grandchildren

(Chan, 1997; Uhlenberg, 1996).

Many grandparents find themselves in the position of going

beyond providing occasional care

to becoming the sole providers 

of care for their grandchildren.

One reason for this situation is the

migration of the middle generation

to urban areas to work. Past

research has found that this is 

not unusual in Afro-Caribbean

countries (Sennott-Miller, 1989).

These “skip generation” families

are found in all regions of the

world and may be quite prevalent.

One study in rural Zimbabwe

found that over 35 percent of

households were skip generation

households (Hashimoto, 1991).

Effect of AIDS Epidemic 

on Grandparents

The AIDS epidemic has affected

the number of grandparents who

are caring for grandchildren in

most countries of the world. The

effects of the epidemic are particularly devastating in Sub-Saharan

Africa where it is estimated that

7.4 percent of the entire population

aged 15 to 49 is infected with HIV,

the virus that causes AIDS. High

rates of adult infection and AIDS

deaths leave many children in

need of care. It is estimated that

the cumulative number of AIDS

orphans4 in Sub-Saharan Africa is

7.8 million (UNAIDS/WHO, 1997).

For many of these children,

grandparents have become the

main caregiver (Levine, Michaels,

and Back, 1996). One study in

Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of

the Congo (formerly Zaire) found

that the principal guardian for 35

percent of AIDS orphans was a

grandparent (Ryder et al., 1994).

Institutionalization of the 

Elderly Not Widespread

Very small proportions of older

people reside in institutions in

most countries, both developed

and developing. Rates of institutionalization range from 1 to 10

percent in developed nations 

4 AIDS orphans are defined as HIV-negative children who lost their mother or both

parents to AIDS when they were under

age 15.
6 IB/98-3

U.S. Census Bureau, the Official StatisticsTM November 4, 1998

and less than 1 percent in most

developing nations. The proportion of the elderly who are institutionalized increases with age so

that the oldest old are much more

likely to be in institutions than their

younger counterparts. The sexes

differ very little in institutionalization rates, except among the

oldest age groups; higher proportions of oldest-old women reside in

institutions than do oldest-old men

(Figure 6).

The sex difference in institutionalization for the oldest age group is

influenced by at least two factors.

One is that older men are much

more likely to be married and,

therefore, able to rely on their

wives for care. A second factor 

is that the proportion of women 

in the open-ended age group 

(e.g., aged 75 and older) who are

at the very oldest ages (e.g., aged

90 and over) is higher than the

corresponding proportion of men.

Because the need for care increases with age and proportionately more women are at the

oldest end of the age spectrum,

the proportion of women in the 

age group 75 and older who are

institutionalized is greater than 

the proportion of men.

One reason for the low levels 

of institutionalization is that family

members typically provide care 

for older people who are unable 

to care for themselves. Therefore,

future rates of institutionalization

will be influenced by the number 

of kin available to provide care.

Modeling of kin availability has

shown that in many developed 

and some developing countries,

kin support networks for older

people will shrink (Kinsella, 1996).

Despite the fact that the number of

biological kin may be decreasing,

there is evidence that families are

adapting to changing demographic

circumstances (Anderson et al.,

1998).

References

(Many of the data in this report are based

on or taken from sources not included in the

following reference list. These unnamed

sources consist mainly of primary census

and survey volumes of individual countries).

Anderson, Barbara et al., 1998, “Intergenerational Exchanges in Beijing, China: Patterns in 1991 and Implications for the Coming Century,” paper prepared for the 1998

Annual Meeting of the Gerontological Society of America, Philadelphia.

Anh, Truong Si et al., 1997, “Living Arrangements, Patrilineality and Sources of Support

among Elderly Vietnamese,” Asia-Pacific

Population Journal, Vol. 12, No. 4, pp.

69-88.

Béland, François and Maria-Victoria Zunzunegui, 1996, “The Elderly in Spain: The

Dominance of Family and the Wherewithal

of the State,” in Howard Litwin, ed., The 

Social Networks of Older People: A CrossNational Analysis, Westport, Ct.

Casper, Lynne M. and Kenneth R. Bryson,

1998, “Co-resident Grandparents and Their

Grandchildren,” paper presented at the 1998

Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America, Chicago.

Chan, Angelique, 1997, “An Overview of the

Living Arrangements and Social Support 

Exchanges of Older Singaporeans,” AsiaPacific Population Journal, Vol. 12, No. 4,

pp. 35-50.

Hashimoto, Akiko, 1991, “Living Arrangements of the Aged in Seven Developing

Countries: A Preliminary Analysis,” Journal

of Cross-Cultural Gerontology, Vol. 6, No. 4,

pp. 359-382.

Hermalin, Albert I., Carol Roan, and Aurora

Perez, 1998, “The Emerging Role of

Grandparents in Asia,” paper presented at

the 1998 Annual Meeting of the Population

Association of America, Chicago.

International Labour Office (ILO), 1987,

Yearbook of Labour Statistics, Geneva.

——-, 1997, Yearbook of Labour Statistics,

Geneva.

Kinsella, Kevin, 1996, “Aging and the 

Family: Present and Future Demographic

Issues,” in Rosemary Blieszner and Victoria

Hilkevitch Bedford, eds., Aging and the

Family: Theory and Research, Westport, Ct.

Kinsella, Kevin and Yvonne J. Gist, 1995,

Older Workers, Retirement and Pensions.

A Comparative International Chartbook, U.S.

Bureau of the Census, Washington, DC.

Knodel, John and Napaporn Chayovan,

1997, “Family Support and Living Arrangements of Thai Elderly,” Asia-Pacific Population Journal, Vol. 12, No. 4, pp. 51-68.

Levine, Carol, David Michaels, and Sara D.

Back, 1996, ”Orphans of the HIV/AIDS 

Pandemic,” in Jonathan M. Mann and 

Daniel J.M. Tarantola, eds., AIDS in the

World II: Global Dimensions, Social Roots

and Responses, New York.

Moen, Phyllis, Julie Robison, and Vivian

Fields, 1994, “Women’s Work and Caregiving Roles: A Life Course Approach,”

Journal of Gerontology: Social Sciences,

Vol. 49, No. 4, pp. S176-S186.

Natividad, Josefina N. and Grace T. Cruz,

1997, “Patterns in Living Arrangements and

Familial Support for the Elderly in the Philippines,” Asia-Pacific Population Journal, Vol.

12, No. 4, pp. 17-34.

Pavalko, Eliza K. and Julie E. Artis, 1997,

“Women’s Caregiving and Paid Work: Causal Relationships in Late Midlife,” Journal 

of Gerontology: Social Sciences, Vol. 52B,

No. 4, pp. S170-S179.

Ryder, Robert W. et al., 1994, “AIDS 

Orphans in Kinshasa, Zaire: Incidence and

Socioeconomic Consequences,” Current

Science, Vol. 8, No. 5, pp. 673-680.

Sennott-Miller, Lee, 1989, “The Health 

and Socioeconomic Situation of Midlife 

and Older Women in Latin America and 

The Caribbean,” in Pan American Health 

Organization and American Association of 

Retired Persons, Midlife and Older Women

in Latin America and the Caribbean, Washington, DC.

Shuman, Tarek, 1994, “The Elderly and 

the Family in Developing Countries,” United

Nations, Occasional Papers Series, No. 13,

Vienna.

Sundström, Gerdt, 1994, “Care by Families:

An Overview of Trends,” in Organization for

Economic Co-operation and Development,

Caring for Frail Elderly People, Social Policy

Studies, No. 14, Paris.

Uhlenberg, Peter, 1996, “Intergenerational

Support in Sri Lanka: The Elderly and their

Children,” in Tamara K. Hareven, ed., Aging

and Generational Relations Over the Life

Course, New York.

UNAIDS/WHO, 1997, Report on the Global

HIV/AIDS Epidemic, Geneva.

United Nations, 1997, Demographic 

Yearbook 1995, New York.

U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1997, “Who’s

Minding Our Preschoolers? Fall 1994 (Update),” Detailed tables and documentation 

for P70-62, Population Division, Population

Paper Listing PPL-81.

——-, 1998, “International Data Base,”

Population Division, International Programs

Center.

This profile, the third in a series,

was written by Victoria A. Velkoff

and Valerie A. Lawson and 

produced with the support of 

the Office of the Demography 

of Aging, Behavioral and Social

Research Program, U.S. National

Institute on Aging. 
IB/98-3 7

U.S. Census Bureau, the Official StatisticsTM November 4, 1998

Table 1.

Population Indicators by Age and Sex

Country Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female 1998 2025

Afghanistan 35 27 100 94 183.5 250.4 6.0 5.1 7.0 7.0 N/A N/A 4 5

Algeria 75 86 178 257 138.0 199.0 9.0 9.2 7.7 10.3 7 55 8 7

Argentina 278 492 555 1044 99.6 112.5 12.9 17.1 15.4 22.2 12 46 17 23

Australia 188 348 482 727 155.9 109.0 13.8 20.9 17.7 22.8 11 39 20 28

Bangladesh 220 127 457 431 107.6 240.6 6.2 4.2 5.3 5.0 7 68 4 4

Brazil 429 854 1531 2982 257.1 249.4 7.9 11.4 11.0 15.8 13 47 8 13

Canada 311 596 746 1187 139.9 99.1 14.0 21.1 15.4 20.9 10 39 20 26

China 3866 6595 10152 15805 162.6 139.6 6.5 10.4 7.7 10.8 24 52 8 8

Colombia 85 119 300 576 252.2 381.8 7.2 8.4 8.5 12.6 13 43 6 10

Egypt 99 142 253 500 156.5 251.3 5.6 6.7 5.9 9.2 12 60 4 6

Ethiopia 69 94 129 224 85.8 137.2 5.8 6.8 8.2 10.1 N/A N/A 4 7

France 679 1519 1330 2352 95.9 54.9 13.3 21.8 17.1 23.8 15 51a 24 30

Germany 789 2206 2195 3785 178.1 71.6 10.7 20.4 18.4 26.6 18 56a 19 32

India 2956 2790 8309 9674 181.1 246.7 8.5 8.4 10.2 11.0 20 51 6 9

Indonesia 313 473 1351 2314 330.9 389.2 4.9 6.1 7.9 11.2 11 58 4 8

Italy 746 1498 1466 2622 96.6 75.0 13.2 19.6 19.1 27.0 11 43 22 32

Japan 1439 2899 3936 6734 173.5 132.3 11.9 18.4 22.5 30.5 10 44 17 42

Kenya 43 57 99 184 132.1 224.0 8.2 8.7 11.8 14.8 5 36 6 11

Malaysia 44 69 146 271 233.6 294.8 7.4 9.5 8.3 11.9 12 51 6 9

Mexico 245 371 830 1428 238.9 285.0 8.7 11.1 11.1 14.3 12 37 8 11

Morocco 82 97 201 325 145.2 235.2 9.1 9.2 9.0 12.2 7 62 8 9

Nepal 36 39 126 172 248.3 338.0 5.6 6.1 8.8 10.8 18 48 4 7

Pakistan 342 353 670 933 96.0 164.2 8.2 8.5 8.1 9.9 12 47 7 7

Peru 71 102 265 377 274.2 268.6 8.5 10.8 11.7 14.8 17 43 8 12

Philippines 166 210 419 644 152.8 206.1 8.5 9.0 8.2 9.8 15 42 6 7

Poland 223 532 519 1103 132.6 107.2 8.9 14.1 11.8 18.7 14 50 14 23

Romania 147 262 347 661 136.1 151.8 8.2 11.1 15.6 21.9 15 47 12 23

Russia 593 2427 1213 3561 104.5 46.7 6.7 14.1 9.5 16.6 12 55 14 18

South Africa 110 227 226 469 104.6 106.9 9.0 13.3 10.4 14.4 12 50 9 12

South Korea 105 289 642 1189 512.7 311.0 5.4 10.5 11.1 17.1 12 62 7 15

Spain 461 928 884 1593 91.7 71.6 12.8 19.3 17.8 25.0 15 46a 22 27

Sri Lanka 89 94 210 340 135.4 261.8 10.7 10.6 11.6 14.1 11 42 9 13

Sudan 48 36 129 154 169.3 327.9 6.8 6.2 8.0 7.8 N/A N/A 4 5

Taiwan 126 140 416 625 229.6 346.9 9.4 11.6 13.9 18.2 12 34 11 20

Tanzania 48 60 88 165 81.8 172.7 7.5 8.0 8.8 10.7 8 45 6 7

Thailand 188 319 646 1220 243.9 282.4 7.5 10.5 10.6 15.1 17 53 7 13

Turkey 218 352 810 1256 272.0 256.7 8.4 12.0 12.3 17.1 11 45 9 14

Ukraine 261 894 461 1290 76.6 44.3 7.4 13.9 11.0 18.6 13 54 14 19

United Kingdom 730 1627 1278 2208 75.1 35.7 14.1 23.6 16.6 23.7 18 49a 24 29

United States 2881 5835 5631 8766 95.5 50.2 15.2 22.8 14.8 19.7 13 47a 23 25

Uzbekistan 55 126 118 223 116.0 77.0 8.0 13.2 7.7 10.9 15 58 11 8

Venezuela 84 116 231 345 175.7 197.9 11.9 14.4 11.0 13.7 10 35 11 12

N/A Data not available.

a Data refer to ages 65+.

Data for percent widowed represent the latest available data from the period 1985 to 1997.

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1998.

Population aged 80 

and over (000’s) Percent widowed

aged 60 and over

Parent

support ratio 1998 2025

Percent change

aged 80

and over

1998 to 2025

Aged 80 and over as

percent of 60 and over

1998 2025