U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

WASHINGTON : 

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19–011 2003

108th Congress, 1st Session – – – – – – – – – – – – – House Document 108–23

REPORT ON MATTERS RELEVANT TO THE AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF MILITARY FORCE AGAINST IRAQ 

RESOLUTION OF 2002

COMMUNICATION

FROM

THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TRANSMITTING

A REPORT ON MATTERS RELEVANT TO THE AUTHORIZATION FOR 

USE OF MILITARY FORCE AGAINST IRAQ RESOLUTION OF 2002, 

PUBLIC LAW 107–243

E:\Seals\Congress.#13

JANUARY 28, 2003.—Referred to the Committee on International Relations 

and ordered to be printed 

(1)

THE WHITE HOUSE, 

Washington, January 20, 2003. 

Hon. J. DENNIS HASTERT, 

Speaker of the House of Representatives, 

Washington, DC. 

DEAR MR. SPEAKER: Pursuant to the Authorization for Use of 

Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002 (Public Law 107–

243) and as part of my effort to keep the Congress fully informed, 

I am providing a report prepared by my Administration on matters 

relevant to that Resolution including on the status of efforts to obtain Iraq’s compliance with the resolutions adopted by the United 

Nations Security Council. Information required by section 3 of the 

Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution 

(Public Law 102–1) is and will be included in this and subsequent 

reports. 

Sincerely, 

GEORGE W. BUSH.

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REPORT TO CONGRESS ON MATTERS RELEVANT TO THE AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF MILITARY FORCE AGAINST IRAQ RESOLUTION OF

2002

SCOPE

This report is made pursuant to the Authorization for the Use of 

Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002 (Public Law 107–

243). It reports on matters relevant to that Resolution including on 

the status of efforts to obtain Iraq’s compliance with the resolutions 

adopted by the United Nations Security Council. Information required by section 3 of the Authorization for Use of Military Force 

Against Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102–1) is included in this report. The report covers events up to December 15, 2002. 

OVERVIEW

As long as Saddam Hussein remains remains in power and in defiance of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions, he 

threatens the well-being of the Iraqi people, the peace and security 

of the region, and vital U.S. interests. Before the United Nations 

General Assembly on September 12, the President challenged the 

U.N. to address Iraq’s systematic violations of UNSC resolutions 

and to compel Iraq’s disarmament of weapons of mass destruction 

(WMD). 

In response to the President’s address, on November 8, the 

UNSC unanimously adopted Resolution 1441, which declares that 

‘‘Iraq has been and remains in materials breach of its obligations 

under relevant resolutions,’’ sets up ‘‘an enhanced inspection regime with the aim of bringing to full and verified completion the 

disarmament process,’’ affords Iraq a ‘‘final opportunity to comply 

with its disarmament obligations,’’ and recalls that the UNSC has 

repeatedly ‘‘warned Iraq that it will face serious consequences as 

a result of its continued violations of its obligations.’’

Under UNSCR 1441, weapons inspections resumed in Iraq on 

November 27, the first inspections since 1998, when Iraqi noncompliance made it impossible for them to carry out their duties. 

If is not, however, the United Nations’ burden to prove Iraq’s noncompliance. On the contrary, the burden is on Iraq to provide 

verifiable evidence of its disarmament as required by numerous 

UNSC resolutions. As UNMOVIC Executive Director Hans Blix has 

said, ‘‘I have consistently taken the view that Iraq must either 

present existing proscribed items and programmes for elimination 

or provide credible evidence that they have been eliminated. It is 

not enough just to open doors to inspectors.’’ Thus, the United Nations Monitoring Verification and Inspection Commission 

(UNMOVIC) and the International Atomic Energy Agency’s (IAEA) 

Iraq Action Team cannot fulfill their disarmament mission unless 

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Iraq cooperates fully and immediately by bringing forward 

verifiable evidence of disarmament. 

While we hope that Iraq will comply with UNSC resolutions requiring WMD disarmament, we are prepared, if necessary to lead 

a coalition to use force to ride Iraq of its WMD capabilities. In 

order to allow the President to retain as much flexibility as possible in dealing with this situation, we are continuing to build up 

our forces in the region. 

We continue to support the Iraqi opposition as part of our program to back transition to a more representative government in 

Iraq. As part of that effort, the Iraqi National Congress (INC) and 

other groups continue to be funded for a variety of activities by the 

State Department, and continue to receive training under the 

drawdown authority of the Iraq Liberation Act (ILA). 

We continue to help maintain No-Fly Zones over northern and 

southern Iraq to uphold vital UNSC resolutions and to ensure the 

safety of Iraq’s persecuted ethnic and religious groups and Iraq’s 

neighbors. 

Ambassador Yuli Vorontsov, the Secretary General’s high-level 

coordinator for Kuwait issues, presented his periodic report on Kuwaiti and third-country national prisoners and stolen Kuwaiti property in December. This report demonstrates Iraq’s continuing failure to comply fully with its obligations under relevant UNSC resolutions. The Iraqi Government, in a departure from its standard 

practice of denying Ambassador Vorontsov entry to the country, 

has invited him to Baghdad in January for consultations. 

The Iraqi regime continues to undermine the Oil for Food (OFF) 

program, which the Security Council designed to provide for the 

humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people and to keep Iraq’s oil revenues out of Saddam Hussein’s control. Baghdad smuggles large 

amounts of oil outside the program in order to obtain unregulated 

funds to support WMD programs, rebuild its military, reward regime supporters, and maintain Iraq’s extensive security apparatus. 

The Iraqi regime has also on occasion ceased oil sales under the 

program and has repeatedly demanded illegal surcharges from oil 

lifters. The United States, with the United Kingdom, has been responsible for the institution of a retroactive pricing policy that has 

effectively curtailed Baghdad’s ability to demand a surcharge, and 

maintains a naval presence in the Gulf to interdict oil smugglers 

(see below). 

UNMOVIC/IAEA: Weapons of Mass Destruction 

Iraq’s continued defiance of the international community’s will, 

as demonstrated by its failure to comply with relevant UNSC resolutions, caused a four-year absence of weapons inspectors and no 

progress in addressing Iraq’s outstanding disarmament obligations. 

Iraq remains in violation of its obligations to end its programs to 

develop WMD and ballistic missiles with ranges exceeding 150 kilometers. Since 1998, Iraq has maintained its chemical weapons effort, energized its missile program, and invested more heavily in 

biological weapons; most analysts assess that Iraq is reconstituting 

its nuclear weapons program. 

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cepted the return of U.N. weapons inspectors, who resumed their 

work in Iraq on November 27. We continue to consult regularly 

with UNMOVIC’s Dr. Hans Blix and IAEA’s Dr. Mohamed Al 

Baradei, and Mr. Jacques Baute and their staffs to provide the best 

support possible. The President and other high officials have met 

with UNMOVIC and IAEA leadership and we maintain workinglevel and higher-level contacts. Both UNMOVIC and the IAEA reaffirmed their requests for United States Government assistance, 

particularly technical, logistical, and information support. 

At the President’s direction, we are actively providing intelligence, technical, and personnel and training support. Intelligence 

support has included briefings on Iraq’s WMD programs, inspection 

concepts and strategies, counterintelligence information, and meeting specific requests from inspectors, such as the provision of maps. 

Technical support has included offers of aerial surveillance, lab 

equipment and services, sampling equipment, and communications 

equipment. We have offered training to the inspectors as well as 

suggested candidates for hire and provided others for temporary 

duty. 

So far, however, there are no signs that the regime has taken the 

decision to make a strategic shift in its approach and to give up 

its WMD. Indeed, there are many troubling and serious signs that 

it has no intention to disarm at all. 

The first day inspections resumed, air raid sirens sounded in 

Baghdad, apparently to warn that the inspectors had begun their 

work. Indeed, the first inspection was delayed by the actions of an 

Iraqi ‘‘minder.’’ Even more serious is Iraq’s response to UNSCR 1441’s requirement that Iraq make a ‘‘currently accurate, full, and complete’’ declaration of its weapons of mass destruction activities. Iraq’s declaration was incomplete and inaccurate. The December 7, 2002 declaration was padded with reams of extraneous material, but failed 

to address scores of questions pending since 1998. It seeks to deceive when it says that Iraq has no ongoing WMD programs. Illustrative examples—but not a complete list—of Iraq’s omissions identified as issues by UNSCOM include: 550 artillery munitions filled 

with mustard agent; 400 R–400 aerial bombs capable of delivering 

biological agent; tons of unaccounted for chemical weapons precursors; 30,000 empty chemical munitions; tens of thousands of liters 

of unaccounted biological agents. 

The report also failed to deal with issues which have arisen since 

1998, including: mobile biological weapons laboratories; missiles 

and associated facilities which violate the U.N.-mandated 150km 

range limit; unmanned aerial vehicle programs associated with 

WMD; and attempts to acquire uranium and the means to enrich 

it. 

In short, we have not seen anything that indicates that the Iraqi 

regime has made a strategic decision to disarm. On the contrary, 

we believe that Iraq is actively working to disrupt, deny, and defeat inspection efforts. 

Given the false Iraqi declaration, the inspectors should focus 

their efforts on auditing the gaps and inaccuracies of the Iraqi declaration using all the tools at their disposal including: the right to 

‘‘immediate, unimpeded, unrestricted, and private access to all offiVerDate Dec 13 2002 10:14 Jan 30, 2003 Jkt 019200 PO 00000 Frm 00007 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6602 E:\PICKUP\HD023.108 HD023
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cials or other persons * * * inside or outside Iraq;’’ the right to ‘‘free and unrestricted use’’ of aerial reconnaissance vehicles; and 

the right to ‘‘immediate, unimpeded, unconditional, and unrestricted access’’ to any and all buildings, equipment, and records. 

The United States stands ready to support the inspectors in this 

effort. 

U.S. and Coalition Force Levels in the Gulf Region 

Saddam Hussein’s record of aggressive behavior necessitates the 

continued deployment of an increasingly capable force in the region 

in order to deter Baghdad and respond to its reconstitution of its 

WMD programs, respond to any movement against the Kurds in 

northern Iraq or the Shia in southern Iraq, and respond to any 

threat it might pose to its neighbors. We are continuing to build 

up our forces in the region to support our diplomatic effort to convince the Iraqi regime to disarm voluntarily and to ensure that the 

President has as much flexibility as possible in the event that Iraq 

must be disarmed by force. 

While we hope that Iraq will comply voluntarily with UNSC resolutions concerning WMD disarmament, we are prepared, if necessary, to lead a ‘‘coalition of the willing’’ to use force to rid Iraq 

of its WMD capabilities. In this regard, we have received offers of 

support from many other nations, to include military assistance 

both during and after a possible conflict, as well as humanitarian 

and economic aid in helping to rebuild Iraq. 

The Iraqi Opposition 

We continue to support the Iraqi opposition, helping Iraqis inside 

and outside Iraq to become a more effective voice for the Iraqi people, and working to build support for the forces of change inside the 

country. They are working toward the day when Iraq has a government worthy of its people—a government prepared to live in peace 

with its people and its neighbors. 

The Iraqi opposition held a broad-based conference in London 

from December 14 to 17, 2002. The Administration was in close 

touch with a wide range of opposition groups as planning for this 

event moved forward, and during the conference itself. Over 340 

Iraqi delegates attended and included representatives of almost all 

major Iraqi opposition groups. The conference produced a political 

statement and a statement on the post-Saddam transition period, 

and formed a 65-member Advisory Committee that plans to hold its 

initial meeting in early 2003. 

In November, the INC signed a new grant agreement with the 

Department of State that will fund INC headquarters operations 

and satellite offices in Tehran, Prague and Damascus, increase 

funding for the INC’s satellite television broadcasting into Iraq, increase funding for the production and distribution of the INC’s 

newspaper, plan for the delivery of humanitarian relief to Iraqis in 

need, cover June and July expenses for the INC’s Information Collection Program, and manage assistance provided to the INC under 

the ILA. The grant will cover INC expenses from June 2002 to January 2003. 

The President has directed the drawdown of the remaining $92 

million available in assistance under the ILA. In addition, the 

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United States has designated six new opposition groups as authorized recipients of drawdown assistance under the ILA, and removed 

one opposition party from the list. 

Future of Iraq 

Should it become necessary for the United States and coalition 

armed forces to take military action against Iraq, the United 

States, together with its coalition partners, will play a role in helping to meet the humanitarian, reconstruction, and administrative 

challenges facing the country in the immediate aftermath of a conflict. We will also be responsible for securing the elimination of 

WMD capabilities and stockpiles. We will work to transfer authority as soon as practical to the Iraqis themselves, initially in an advisory role, and to maximize the contributions of Non-Governmental Organizations, international organizations, and other members of the international community to these activities, as appropriate. The U.S. is fully committed to stay as long as necessary to 

fulfill these responsibilities, but is equally committed to leave as 

soon as the Iraqi people are in a position to carry out these responsibilities themselves.

Should there be a conflict with Iraq, there is a potential for adverse humanitarian consequences. The nature and significance of 

such consequences depend in large measure on the conduct of the 

Iraqi regime, which has in the past attacked its own people with 

chemical weapons. The United States is now engaging in contingency planning for humanitarian operations involving USAID, the 

Department of State, and numerous other United States Government agencies to assist those driven from their homes and to minimize disruption and damage to existing humanitarian infrastructure. 

In an immediate post-conflict environment, the United States, 

with its coalition partners, would seek to help the Iraqi people to 

begin the reconstruction of their country. We are planning for this 

reconstruction to begin as quickly as possible, and to demonstrate 

to the Iraqi people an immediate improvement in their lives and 

the promise of a brighter post-Saddam future. 

In addition, we have formed a ‘‘Future of Iraq’’ project, which 

helps expatriate Iraqis address post-regime change issues such as 

transitional justice, public health, democratic principles, public finance, education, environment and water, and the role of the military, free press, and civil society in a democratic Iraq. This program has made considerable progress, establishing several working 

groups to address these issues and many others. These working 

groups utilize the talents and experience of Iraqis living throughout the world and engaged in many fields of endeavor who wish to 

contribute to the restoration of the country in which they were 

born. 

The United States is committed to working with the international community and Iraqis dedicated to building a broad-based, 

democratically-oriented government that respects the rights of its 

people, regardless of gender, ethnicity or religion, and which is 

committed to ensuring Iraq becomes a country at peace within 

itself, seeking peace with its neighbors, and respectful of its international responsibilities. 

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Operation NORTHERN WATCH and Operation SOUTHERN 

WATCH 

Aircraft of the United States and coalition partners patrolling the 

No-Fly Zones over Iraq under Operations NORTHERN WATCH 

and SOUTHERN WATCH are routinely tracked by Iraqi radar, 

fired upon by anti-aircraft artillery, and attacked with surface-toair missiles. Hostile Iraqi actions against United States and United 

Kingdom aircraft continued after November 8 despite the passage 

of UNSC resolution 1441. Our aircrews will continue to respond in 

self-defense to threats against and attacks on our aircraft patrolling the No-Fly Zones. If Iraq were to cease its attacks on and 

threats to coalition aircraft, there would be no need for responses 

in self-defense by coalition forces. 

Maritime Intercept Operations 

The U.S.-led maritime Multinational Interception Force (MIF) 

continues to enforce U.N. sanctions in the Gulf. The United States 

continues to approach potential participants in the MIF to augment 

current partners. Canadian, Australian, and British forces are currently operating with U.S. forces. 

In large part, member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council 

(GCC) continue to support the MIF. The United Arab Emirates and 

Kuwait accept the vast majority of vessels diverted for violating 

U.N. sanctions against Iraq. Kuwait has also increased its ability 

to offload smuggled oil from smuggling vessels by contracting a 

bunkering tanker, further indicative of its continued support. 

Oman accepts the infrequent vessels diverted off its coasts. Other 

GCC nations are more hesitant to accept diverted vessels, but all 

provide support in some form to the enforcement of UNSC resolutions against Iraq. 

Monthly totals of smuggled petroleum products through the Gulf 

are declining. Indicative of this fact is the dramatic decrease in the 

amount of illegal oil loaded in Khawr az Zubayr onto smuggling 

vessels. Overall, loading in 2002 when compared to 2001 was down 

55 percent. This significant downward trend indicates a declining 

willingness of smugglers to invest in this trade and represents a 

critical measure of MIF effectiveness. 

The MIF continues to serve as a critical deterrent to the smuggling of prohibited items and products into and out of Iraq. We will 

continue to reassess the adequacy of MIF force levels as conditions 

develop.

Dual-Use Items 

On May 14, 2002, the UNSC voted unanimously to adopt a new 

export control system on Iraq. Resolution 1409, and the ‘‘Goods Review List’’ (GRL) it establishes, are the centerpiece of the U.N. effort to revise U.N. sanctions against Iraq. The resolution has two 

critical elements: (1) It makes clear that there is no change in the 

prohibition on providing to Iraq weapons or the means to produce 

them, and clearly restates that Iraq has not met its obligations and 

must not be allowed to rearm; and (2) It effectively lifts U.N. controls on purely civilian goods, and focuses U.N. controls on items 

Iraq could use to rearm. UNMOVIC and the IAEA, the two U.N. 

inspection bodies already assigned to monitor Iraq, use the GRL to 

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examine proposed exports to Iraq. They examine all purchase contracts to see if they contain GRL items, and advise the U.N. Office 

of Iraq Programs (OIP) accordingly. UNMOVIC and the IAEA have 

the authority to approve all non-GRL items, and forward to the 

U.N. Sanctions Committee for further review and prompt approval 

or denial all items that they deem to be covered by the GRL. 

While the GRL improved the movement of humanitarian goods, 

it became clear that Baghdad has found and continues to exploit 

weaknesses in the list. Accordingly, in considering the renewal of 

the OFF program in the Security Council in November and early 

December, the United States sought changes and was working to 

address key deficiencies in the GRL as of the date of this report. 

We will continue to monitor and to prevent intensive Iraqi efforts 

to circumvent the list in order to obtain dual-use items to support 

prohibited weapons programs. 

The U.N.’s ‘‘Oil-for-Food’’ Program 

We continue to support the international community’s efforts to 

provide for the humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people through the 

OFF program. Under U.N. control, the proceeds of Iraqi oil sales 

are used to purchase humanitarian goods and maintain oil infrastructure, to fund U.N. Compensation Commission awards against 

Iraq arising out of its invasion and occupation of Kuwait, and to 

meet U.N. administrative costs. From the inception of the program 

in 1996 through December 4, 2002, revenue from oil sales totaled 

roughly $60 billion. During the most recent accounting period, May 

30 to December 4, Iraq exported $5.64 billion worth of oil, according to U.N. data. 

According to U.N. data from the inception of the OFF program 

through December 4, 2002, contracts for humanitarian goods worth 

over $40.3 billion have been approved. 

The OFF program maintains a separate program for northern 

Iraq, administered directly by the U.N. in consultation with the 

local authorities, and funded by 13 percent of OFF oil sales proceeds, which are set aside for the three governates of northern 

Iraq. 

Humanitarian efforts in northern Iraq have led to a marked contrast between the health of the population of the north, where indicators show a vast improvement, and of the population living in the 

areas where the U.N. does not administer the program. 

As noted by the U.N. in a September 25, 2002 report, the Government of Iraq is not committed to using all the funds available 

through OFF to improve the health and welfare of the Iraqi people. 

The U.N. report cites the Iraqi Government’s failure to purchase 

humanitarian goods worth $1.76 billion from the available funds in 

the U.N.’s escrow account. Iraq’s month-long unilateral cut-off of oil 

exports in April 2002, which it attributed to its support for the Palestinians’ political cause, is the latest in a series of political moves 

that affect principally the Iraqi people. Baghdad’s periodic oil cutoffs, its smuggling outside OFF and its demand for illegal surcharges all negatively affect funding of the OFF program. In addition, Iraqi contracting delays, cuts in food, medicine, educational 

and other humanitarian sector allocations, government attempts to 

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tions (NGO) operations in northern Iraq, and Baghdad’s delays in 

the issuance of visas for U.N. personnel reveal the Iraqi regime’s 

attempts to undermine the effectiveness of the OFF program. 

Although the OFF program is designated for humanitarian purposes only, we remain concerned that Iraq is abusing this program 

in an attempt to acquire goods and materials for its prohibited 

weapons programs. On March 6, 2002, the United States briefed 

the U.N. Sanctions Committee on Iraq’s diversion of trucks designated for humanitarian use to its military programs. We will continue to work with the U.N. Secretariat, other members of the Security Council, and others in the international community to ensure that the implementation of UNSC resolution 1284, and other 

relevant UNSC resolutions, better meets the humanitarian needs 

of the Iraqi people while denying political or military benefits to 

the Baghdad regime. 

Flight Control Regime 

UNSC resolutions are open to competing interpretations regarding international flights to Baghdad. The UNSC has so far unsuccessfully attempted to reach a consensus on new procedures for 

international flights. In the absence of an agreement, we continue 

to press for adherence to existing Sanctions Committee procedures 

that allow for Committee approval of flights with a demonstrable 

humanitarian purpose. The majority of international flights to Iraq 

in the past year have operated in compliance with UNSC procedures. 

Northern Iraq: Kurdish Reconciliation 

The Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of 

Kurdistan continue their efforts to implement the September 17, 

1998, reconciliation agreement (the ‘‘Washington Agreement’’). 

They work together effectively in a number of areas, including joint 

efforts to bring the needs of their region to the attention of the 

U.N. and the international community, and within the larger Iraqi 

national democratic opposition movement. On October 4, they convened the first joint session of their regional assembly since 1994. 

The Human Rights Situation in Iraq 

The human rights situation in Iraq continues to fall severely 

short of international norms. UNSC resolution 688 expressly notes 

that the consequences of the regime’s repression of the civilian population in many parts of Iraq constitute a threat to international 

peace and security in the region. It also demands immediate access 

by international humanitarian aid organizations to all Iraqis in 

need in all parts of Iraq. Yet, the Iraqi regime has allowed only one 

brief visit by the U.N. Human Rights Commission’s Special 

Rapporteur for Iraq. U.N. human rights monitors have never been 

allowed in. On April 18, 2001, the United Nations Commission on 

Human Rights strongly condemned ‘‘the systematic, widespread 

and extremely grave violations of human rights and of international humanitarian law by the Government of Iraq, resulting in 

an all-pervasive repression and oppression sustained by broadbased discrimination and widespread terror.’’

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Human rights NGOs and other interested voices continue to call 

for creation of an international tribunal to address the war crimes 

and crimes against humanity of the Iraqi leadership. There are a 

number of possible mechanisms that might be appropriate, and the 

international community, the military coalition in case of war, and 

the Iraqi people must address these issues as soon as hostilities 

come to an end. 

In the north, outside the Kurdish-controlled areas, we continue 

to receive reports that the Iraqi regime maintains its ethnic cleansing policy by forcibly expelling ethnic Kurds and Turkomans from 

Kirkuk and other cities, and transferring Arabs into their places. 

Additionally, Saddam’s security apparatus continues to repress 

Shias throughout the country. 

The United Nations Compensation Commission 

The United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC) was established by and operates pursuant to UNSC Resolutions 687 

(1991) and 692 (1991). It continues to process claims and pay compensation for losses and damages suffered by individuals, corporations, governments and international organizations, as a direct result of Iraq’s unlawful invasion and occupation of Kuwait. As of 12 

December, the UNCC has issued approximately 2.6 million awards 

worth about $43.7 billion, and has already paid over $16 billion of 

those awards. Of the former amount, U.S. claimants have been 

awarded approximately $700 million, of which approximately $250 

million has already been paid. Awards and the costs of the UNCC’s 

operation are paid from the Compensation Fund, which is funded 

through the allocation to it of 25 percent (reduced from 30 percent 

originally) of the proceeds from authorized Iraqi oil sales under 

UNSC resolution 986 (1995) and subsequent extension. 

CONCLUSION

Iraq remains a serious and growing threat to international peace 

and security. For more than a decade, the Iraqi regime has deceived and defied the will of the international community and numerous UNSC resolutions by, among other things, continuing to 

seek and develop WMD and prohibited long-range missiles, brutalizing the Iraqi people, supporting international terrorism, and committing gross human rights violations. The United States has participated in international efforts at containment, sanctions, inspections, and selected military action against Iraq, and, despite these 

measures, Iraq continues to violate its international obligations. As 

President Bush stated in his October 7th speech, ‘‘the time for denying, deceiving and delaying has come to an end. Saddam Hussein 

must disarm himself, or, for the sake of peace, we will lead a coalition to disarm him.’’ As the President stated to the United Nations 

General Assembly on September 12, ‘‘The Security Council resolutions will be enforced—the just demands of peace and security will 

be met—or action will be unavoidable. And a regime that has lost 

its legitimacy will also lose its power.’’

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