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NBS BUILDING SCIENCE SERIES 70

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE/ National Bureau of Standards

Psychological Reaction to Environments

'^^l^ With and Without Windows
The Building Science Series

I'he Building Scifiuo Series disseminates technical information developed at the National Bureau of Standards on

huildinp materials, components, systems, and whole structures. The Series presents research results, test methods, and performance criteria related to the structural and environmental functions and the durability and safety characteristics of building elements and systems. These publications, similar in style and content to the NBS Building Materials and Structures Reports Q938-59),

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JON 2 7 1975

rA4S? vifindows and People: A Literature Survey

y\e>, TO

Psychological Reaction to Environments

^^"^^ With and Without Windows

Belinda Lowenhaupt Collins

Instiliile for Applied Technology

National Bureau of Standards

Washington, D.C. 2023 1

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE, Rogers C. B. Morton, Secretary

NATIONAL BUREAU OF STANDARDS, Richard W. Roberts, Director

Issued June 1975
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Collins, Belinda Lowenhaupt.

Windows and People.

(NBS Building Science Series; 70)

Supt. of Docs. No.: C 13.29/2:70

1. Windows—Psychological Aspects. 2. Environmental Engineering (Buildings) I. Title. II. Series: United States. National Bureau of Standards. Building Science Series; 70. TA435.U58 No. 70 [TH2275] 690'.08s [72r.8] 75-619123

National Bureau of Standards Building Science Series 70

Nat. Bur. Stand. (U.S.), Bldg. Sci. Ser. 70. 93 pages (June 1975) CODEN: BSSNBV

U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

WASHINGTON: 1975

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents. U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402 (Order by SD Catalog No. C13.29/2:70). Price $1.55. (Add 25 percent additional for other than U.S. mailing)
Contents

Page

Introduction 2

The Windowless Situation 4

Housing 5

Windowless Schools 5

Academic Performance 8

Attitudes 13

Windowless Factories 18

Windowless Offices 23

Hospitals 27

Other Windowless Environments 3q

Safety 32

Summary 33

Benefits and Psychological Functions of Windows 37

View 38

Window Dimensions 4^

Illumination 54

Daylight 54

Sunshine

Sunshine vs. View ^-^

Control ^3

Photobiology

Privacy 7q

Spaciousness 7I

Summary 7^

Conclusion 77

Bibliography 80

iii
1
Windows and People: A Literature Survey

Psychological Reaction to Environments

With and Without Windows

Belinda Lowenhaupt Collins

Abstract

An understanding of human requirements for windows in buildings

can be developed through a survey of the literature on the reaction to

environments with and without windows. Evaluation of the response to

a variety of windowless situations reveals that although the attitudes

toward a windowless space are often somewhat unfavorable, the most

adverse reaction occurs in a small, restricted and essentially static

environment. This suggests that one function performed by a window is

the addition of a dynamic, active quality to an interior environment.

Consideration of the response to the actual presence of windows

indicates that another essential function of a window is the provision

of a view of the external world. Although almost any view is acceptable,

there is some evidence that views with a high information content are

preferable. In addition, windows admit illumination, in the form of

daylight and sunshine which furnish a dynamic, changing character to a

room. Yet, the functions of windows extend beyond view and illumination

to an enhancement of the basic character of a room, such that the mere

presence of a window may cause a room to appear more spacious. Finally,

the optimum size and shape of a window for fulfilling these various

functions is discussed.

Key Words: Daylight; fenestration; psychological; solar glass;

spaciousness; sunshine; view; windowless; windows.

1
INTRODUCTION

The current need for energy conservation has forced some

fundamental re-evaluation of building design. One aspect that has come

under much review is that of building fenestration. Although windows

provide daylight and ventilation, they also can allow undesirable heat

gain and loss. In the past, the provision of light and fresh air were

essential functions of windows. A building was uninhabitable without

windows. Now however, these functions can be fulfilled by artificial

lighting and mechanical ventilation. As a result, a number of people

have suggested that a substantial reduction in the size of windows, or

their complete elimination is desirable in order to reduce excessive

energy consumption.

Nevertheless, even though a windowless building might be the best

solution for eliminating energy loss through windows, there is considerable evidence that this may not be very desirable for the people in the

building. A brief consideration of the role of windows in buildings

suggests several tangible functions and benefits in addition to fresh

air and lighting. Windows provide a view out, yielding some contact with

the outside world. They also furnish first-hand knowledge of the weather,

the time of day, and changing events in the external world. For some,

they can supply relief from feelings of claustrophobia, monotony, or

boredom. In a small room, they allow an opportunity for a change in

focus, or a visual rest center. In addition, windows are used to lend

character or beauty to a facade -- to break up the monotony of a

featureless expanse of wall. Finally, they frequently furnish an

indication of status or wealth. Executives sometimes occupy corner
offices with windows, while subordinates are placed in windowless,

central offices. In fact, in England at one point, windows served as an indication of wealth, because of the "stiff" tax levied on each window.

Only a rich man could afford to have many windows (Ferguson, 1968).

The preceding list of suggested benefits and functions indicates that

to limit the functions of windows to the provision of light and air

would be erroneous.

Vehement assertions have been made about man's basic need for

windows. Thus, Morgan (1967 p. 22) claimed that "ordinary man might

therefore define the function of the window as the medium through which

he maintains contact with his environment, with life, which enables him

deep in his subconscious to know that he is a free man". Nevertheless,

despite the prevalence of fervent assertions about man's "need" for

windows, the fact remains that human requirements and preferences in

building design have rarely been assessed in any systematic fashion.

As a result, there is relatively little objective evidence on which to

base a decision about the need for windows in buildings.

In an attempt to delineate some of the functions of windows, the

literature on the reaction to both the presence and the absence of

windows was surveyed. In the first section, the psychological reaction

to windowless buildings is examined to determine if the absence of

windows in a building exerts any noticeable effect upon the occupants

behavior or attitudes. In the second section, the various characteristics

of windows are reviewed to define some of their functions and benefits.

3
This report is limited to coverage of the reaction of people

within a building to the presence and absence of windows. It does not

assess the impact of windows upon any sensory modality other than vision,

but is confined instead to an investigation of the perceived need for

windows in buildings,

SECTION I:

The Windowless Situation

Although totally windowless buildings are not particularly common,

windowless rooms in the interior of buildings with windows are quite

common. This situation occurs with great frequency in large urban

office buildings, hospitals, schools, etc. It even occurs in residential

dwellings in which rooms such as bathrooms or kitchens are located in

the center of the building away from external walls. The totally

windowless building is usually confined to a situation in which some

specialized process occurs such as manufacturing or research. In these

situations, noise, illumination, temperature and cleanliness must be

strictly controlled, so that the elimination of windows is desirable.

In other buildings such as schools, department stores, museums and

theaters, windows may be deliberately eliminated in order to reduce

outside distractions.

In each of these building types the reasons for not providing

windows are different. Furthermore, the kind of activity performed in

each of these buildings may vary widely. As a result, human reaction to

windowless enclosures will be considered for different building types

in separate sections.

4
Housing

The literature on reaction to windowless residential buildings is

almost nonexistent. About the only review available is that of

Hollister (1968) who conducted a widespread survey of all windowless

building types for the Greater London Council. He mentioned, almost in

passing, that a survey of residential buildings had found quite

unfavorable reaction even to limited use of windowless bathrooms. This

response was apparently so negative that he was led to conclude that

"it seems most unlikely, however, that public opinion would ever

countenance the use of windowless environments for habitable rooms in

dwellings" (Hollister, 1968, p. 9). Evidently, architects and builders

have felt that reaction to windowless homes would be so adverse that they

have rarely attempted to build them. Whatever the reason, the literature

on the reaction to other windowless situations, such as schools, is

much more extensive and so will be considered in greater detail.

Windowless Schools

Reaction to the windowless school has been extensively investigated,

partly because of the many conflicting claims and counterclaims about

its benefits. Before discussing some of these discrepancies, it is

important to understand some of the drawbacks to schools with windows.

Both in Britain and in the United States schools have frequently

been primarily day-lighted, window-ventilated buildings, usually without

air conditioning. In order to meet certain daylight standards, windows

5
have been made extremely large. This practice has resulted in serious

problems of overheating and glare on warm, sunny days (Langdon and

Loudon, 1970; Kay, 1963; Arnold, 1961). The use of daylight from side

windows as the primary source of illumination has also resulted in an

inflexible style of classroom arrangement (Nimnicht, 1966).

The drawbacks of excessive heat, glare, and inflexibility in

classroom arrangement have made the controlled environment of the

windowless school appear quite attractive to some educators and designers.

The windowless school is seen as eliminating all these problems, while

providing greater space for bulletin boards and bookcases, more even

lighting levels, and freedom from outside noise and distractions

(McDonald, 1961). Proponents of windowless schools claim that

elimination of windows allows a classroom to be larger and deeper, with

lower ceilings and reduced corridor spaces (Nimnicht, 1966). Such a

change in school design can lead to a more compact yet flexible

arrangement in which space for utilities can be reduced and usable

classroom space increased (Brown and Hult, 1967). Another advantage of

the windowless school design is the elimination of the costs and problems

of excessive window breakage and similar vandalism (Brown and Hult,

1967). In summary, claims made for the practical and economic

advantages of a mechanically-ventilated, artificially-lit windowless

school are numerous.

6
In contrast, the disadvantages of the windowless school are viewed

as primarily psychological. Many parents express deep reservations

about confining their children in "windowless boxes" (Nimnicht, 1966).

They argue that the experience of looking out the window can be, of

itself J an educational experience, by providing the child with change,

variety, and awareness of the external world (Burts, 1961; Perkins,

1966). Furthermore, the mere presence of windows is said to add a

dimension of spaciousness to a cramped and crowded classroom (Burts,

1961).

It is difficult to weigh the economic advantages of the windowless

school against its psychological disadvantages. Claims that the absence

of windows will improve or impair student performance have been advanced

with about equal frequency. Thus, it is alleged that students will

learn better in a windowless classroom because it eliminates distractions.

Yet, these same outside distractions are claimed to be a necessary

adjunct to education, by providing relief from the monotony and

confinement of the windowless classroom. It appears that the windowless

school represents such a departure from traditional school architecture

that many vehement opinions, both for and against it, have been advanced,

usually without the benefit of any facts about student and teacher

performance or reaction.

A number of studies have attempted to investigate the response of

people to windowless schools. For the most part, these have been

attitude surveys, dealing only with stated reaction to the windowless

7
school. Although scholastic performance might appear to be the most

critical variable to consider when examining the effects of windowless

schools, relatively few studies have examined performance. Two studies

conducted in the early 1960 's did assess the impact of window absence

upon the scholastic performance, as well as the physical health,

mental health, and academic aptitude of elementary school pupils. These

studies also determined both teacher and pupil attitudes toward the

windowless classroom.

Jmpact of the Windowless Classroom Upon Academic Performance

Demos, and various associates (1965, 1967), conducted a study of

the effects of a windowless classroom in California upon fifth grade

students and their teachers by comparing students in two classrooms,

one with windows and one without. Numerous measures relating to academic

performance, physical health and classroom behavior were examined

during the two-year study. Pupil opinion toward the classroom was

solicited by means of questionnaires.

Demos' examination of various achievement tests, grade-point

averages, personality tests, and school health records revealed no

significant differences between students in the two classrooms during

the course of the study. As a result, he maintained that the ability

to achieve academically and function intellectually was neither

impaired nor improved by the windowless classroom.

8
The results of the examination of both pupil and teacher attitudes

toward the windowless classroom did reveal some charges attributable to

the lack of windows.

When pupil attitudes were surveyed, the windowless group expressed

more favorable opinions about the classroom, school subjects and their

teachers, as well as a greater feeling of well-being than the group with

windows. When asked their opinion more specifically about the lack of

windows, they were somewhat less positive. In the first year of the

study, the students stated that they preferred the windowless classroom.

In the second year, however, the students expressed a definite dislike

of the windowless classroom. The authors did not discuss the reasons for

the change in attitudes toward the windowless classroom during the two- .

year study. When questioned about the reasons for their preferences,

the students who preferred the windowless classroom stated that they

liked the absence of external, distracting stimuli. Those students who

disliked the windowless classroom complained about the inability to see

the sun, or have sunlight in the classroom.

The teachers were questioned both about their own attitudes and about

those of the pupils. They expressed no particular preference for either

classroom setting, although they felt that fewer distractions occurred

in the windowless classroom. They also liked the increased wall space for

bulletin and chalk boards, as well as the greater ease in darkening the

room for films, Amdng the drawbacks to the windowless classroom were

some feelings of claustrophobia, mechanical difficulties with the

ventilation system, and the inability to grow plants.

9
The teachers were less enthusiastic about their students' response

to the windowless classroom, even though the students had expressed

reasonably favorable attitudes. The teachers claimed that the students

in the windowless classroom had less interest in extraneous stimuli,

evinced more hesitant and cautious behavior patterns and were more

inclined to complain than the students with windows. It is not clear

why there was disagreement between teachers and students about student

behavior and satisfaction. Although the teachers also claimed that the

students had better concentration and study habits in the windowless

classroom, their claim appears questionable because there was no

improvement in academic achievement.

Although Demos found that use of a windowless classroom did not

alter scholastic achievement, he did find some hint of impairment in

student behavior in the classroom. Furthermore, about half the

students questioned did not like the windowless classroom. Nevertheless,

Demos concluded that, because there was no change in academic performance

or physical health, there should be no problem with placing elementary

school children in windowless classrooms.

Another study of the effects of windowless classrooms was conducted

with elementary school children by the University of Michigan

Architectural Research Laboratory under the guidance of C. T. Larson

in 1965. Unlike the California study, however, an entire school

containing four separate grades was studied over a three -year period,

so that all the windows could be removed from the entire school for a

year. In this way the performance of the same students could be studied

both with and without windows.

10
In the Michigan school study (Hoover School Study) Larson e_t a 1 .

evaluated scholastic performance, classroom behavior, and attitudes

but not the physical or mental health of the children. As in Demos'

study, the removal of windows did not appear to alter scholastic

performance in any significant fashion. The only change was a reduced

number of children in all grades who performed above average, although

there was no increase in the number performing below average. When

individual student performance was examined, however, it was obvious

that some students performed better with windows and others performed

better without. The authors concluded that random yearly variations in

ability and motivation were responsible for the differences in

performance rather than architectural design. When the overall

absenteeism was examined, there were no significant changes from the

condition with windows to that without. However, a grade by grade

analysis revealed that kindergarteners were more frequently absent

from the windowless classroom.

Larson e_t a_l. assessed student attitudes toward the windowless

classroom by having the teachers question the students individually

about their reaction to school. The teachers reported that the

children did not comment spontaneously on the absence of windows. Yet,

the teachers did indicate that when the children were directly questioned

about the presence of windows in the classroom, the pupils expressed

some desire for windows. Because almost 907o of the kindergarteners and

only about 507o of the third graders expressed a desire for windows,

the authors suggested that the desire for windows in the classroom

declines with increasing school age and a more strictly academic

11
curriculum. Because the teachers were not trained interviewers, the

discussion of attitudes toward windowless classrooms should be reviewed

with some caution.

Adult reaction to the windowless classroom was varied in Larson's

study. Parental attitudes did not change -- those that had not expected

to like the windowless classrooms, did not; those that had, did. On

the other hand, the teachers expressed quite favorable opinions: they

liked the greater wall space and the removal of outside distraction.

Perhaps the greatest index to their liking of the situation was the

large number of complaints when the windows were reinstated. The teachers

complained that the children were much more dis tractable , there was

less bulletin board space and fewer bookshelves, the children could

look out the windows too easily, the classrooms were stuffy and poorly

ventilated, and there were excessive swings in temperature. As the

teachers had not initially expected to like the windowless classroom,

this unexpected shift of their attitudes was regarded by the authors as

an indicator of the desirability of using windowless schools.

As the authors put it: "The one positive finding that does emerge

from the Hoover School Experiment is the remarkable shift in attitude by

the teachers. There is no question as to their preference for windowless

classrooms, once they have had the experience of teaching in such an

environment, and they are unanimous in their reasons for not wanting the

windows: The children are no longer distracted by outside happenings

when the classrooms become windowless, and besides the extra wall space

can be put to good instructional use" (Larson e_t a_l. , 1965, p. 55).

12
Attitudes Toward Windowless Classrooms

The investigations by Demos, Larson and their colleagues revealed

that the absence of windows in the classroom did not have any noticeable

effect upon such measures as academic performance, physical health and

classroom behavior. Although their survey of attitudes toward the

windowless classroom was limited, particularly in Larson's case, they

found both favorable and unfavorable attitudes toward the absence of

windows. The studies which will be reviewed next dealt specifically

with student attitudes toward windowless classrooms. Because teacher

attitudes were rarely investigated, it is not known if other teachers

would express the positive attitudes found by Larson et a 1

As might be expected, the findings from the various attitude

studies are somewhat contradictory. Chambers (1963), for example,

administered reaction sheets to determine attitudes toward windowless

classrooms at the University of Tennessee and at elementary and

secondary schools in New Mexico. In all three academic settings he

found that teachers and students expressed a preference for the lack of

outside distractions, the excellent temperature control, visual comfort,

and ease of concentration. A small number of teachers and students

complained about the lack of a view to the outside and expressed a desire

to know more about the weather „ Only one of the ninety-seven University

students surveyed reported an unfavorable reaction to the absence of

windows; all others expressed quite favorable opinions. Gingold (1971)

found similar favorable reaction to controlled interior conditions.

13
Not all studies, however, have found favorable attitudes toward

windowless classrooms. A study by Tikkanen (1970, 1972) used a questionnaire to compare the reactions of over 300 students to the physical

environment of their classrooms in four schools with windows and four

without

.

When the questionnaires were evaluated, Tikkanen found that the

overall ratings were similar. However, classrooms with windows were

rated as having better lighting but also as being noisier with more

outside distractions. In addition, some students in windowless

classrooms also reported a greater ability to concentrate on their

studies. When the preference for windows was measured, 48 percent of

the students in the windowless school preferred that condition, while

43 percent would have preferred windows. Ninety-four percent of the

students in the schools with windows preferred windows while only

4 percent would have preferred the windowless conditions. The

preference for windows is evidently not altered by the extent of window

area, because Tikkanen found that even in the schools with markedly

reduced fenestration (1,4 percent to 6 percent of classroom areas),

the students expressed the same strong preference for windows. Tikkanen

did note, however, that the larger the window, the stronger the desire

to see out.

In conclusion, Tikkanen (1970, p. 46) stated that "it is interesting

to note that most of the student reasons for windows are psychological

and, as such, may stand a lesser chance against the economic and security

reasons that the school developers can offer. No evidence was uncovered

14
by this research that the windowless classroom would be in some way

harmful to the majority of students, although there was some indication

that small window areas were better than none. Small window areas

would satisfy the desire to see outdoors to some extent, as having no

windows would leave the desire totally unsatisfied."

Another study that revealed less favorable reaction to the

windowless school was conducted by Karmel (1965), His research was

designed to assess the psychological effect of the windowless classroom

environment upon high school students' drawings. Ninth and tenth grade

students (a total of 1217) at two schools in Illinois were asked to draw

a picture of a school as completely as they could. One school had

windows; the other did not. Three psychologists rated the pictures on

presence or absence of windows, and on evidences of hostility or

psychopathology . The judges did not know which school the students

attended.

According to the psychologists' ratings, the children in the

windowless school drew windows significantly more frequently than did

the children in the windowed school. In addition, one judge put more

of the drawings of the children from the windowless school into the

hostile and severe psychopathologica 1 group. Karmel (1965, p. 278)

stated: "These two observations suggest more unhappy or maladjusted

children attending the windowless school, but whether the maladjustment

was related to the lack of windows in the school building is beyond the

scope of this paper. Judges did rate differently the drawings of

students at the two schools which suggests a need for more research of

peoples' perceptions of and reactions to living and working in windowless

buildings." 15
A rather different approach was taken by Tognoli (1973), who

examined the effects of environmental embellishments, such as windows,

upon attitudes toward the experimental setting and upon short-term

retention of verbal material. Although his study concerned variables

other than windows, he found that subjects rated the presence of a

window as substantially more pleasurable than its absence. The

presence or absence of windows had no significant effect upon subjects'

retention.

Most of the studies reviewed thus far have dealt with elementary

or secondary students. Although many college buildings are built without

windows, particularly science buildings where a need exists to control

daylight, humidity, temperature, and dust, little is known about student

reaction to these enclosures. As noted previously, Chambers (1963)

determined that university students reacted quite favorably toward a

seminar conducted in a windowless, controlled environment. Yet, when

Soramer (1969) attempted to hold a class in a windowless room, the

students petitioned violently to have the class moved to a room with

windows. The conflict in findings from these two studies is

characteristic of the varied reactions to windowless classrooms.

Individual preferences appear to vary widely for reasons that are not

always readily apparent. There is a great deal of mobility in the

college setting unlike the elementary school, so that students rarely

spend more than an hour or two in one classroom. Because they are not

likely to be subjected to a windowless classroom for long periods of time,

the impact of the absence of windows might be lessened for the college

s tud ent

.

16
Sommer (1969, p. 109-110) commented upon the windowless school

argument by stating: "At present the pro-window forces still lack

behavioral data in support of their case and argue on the basis of

metaphor and supposition, but their arguments must be weighed against

statistics such as those from the windowless school in New Mexico that

is reported to have 40 percent greater efficiency in heating and cooling,

constant light to prevent eye strain, partitions, doors, and walls, and

35 decibels or more noise reduction, and reduced maintenance costs."

He claimed that the use of completely underground schools has provided

evidence that full-blown claustrophobic reactions are extremely rare.

He stated further that "Opponents [of the windowless school] now take

recourse in the need for communion with nature, contact with the outside,

and stimulus variation, which are more difficult to measure, and whose

importance is not readily apparent. Should one show that communion

with nature is reduced in windowless schools, is there 'evidence'

that this is harmful to students?"

Similar favorable conclusions about windowless schools were

expressed by Demos and Larson at the end of their studies. Concluding

that windowless classrooms should have no adverse effects upon their

users, Larson (1965, p. 56) stated: "The educational value of such a

view should be assessed against the cost of installing and maintaining

classroom windows. If the outside view is unpleasant or potentially

disturbing there seems little point in having a window at all. On the

initial basis of the Hoover School experiment, it is not likely that the

children will be adversely affected by a total elimination of the

schoolhouse fenestration."

17
If any single conclusion is to be reached from the windowless

school studies, it is that the absence of windows does not appear to

have much impact upon the students. Although some students do not

perform as well in the windowless school, others do better. In general,

the lack of windows does not improve performance, but neither does it

appear to impair it. Some students like the situation; others, possibly

a ma jority, would prefer to have windows. The most striking conclusion

seems to be the absence of significant findings, either pro or con.

Whether this is a fault of the experimental designs used, or a reflection

of the real absence of any pronounced effect is not known. Yet, the

absence of enthusiasm for the windowless design suggests that it should

be used with some caution, particularly since the effects of long-term

use of windowless classrooms have not been assessed.

Windowless Factories

Unlike the windowless classroom, there has been relatively little

research into the attitude of employees toward windowless factories,

even though these may well, be the most frequently occurring form of

windowless construction. Unlike schools, where the omission of windows

appears to be almost a fad, in some factories the use of specialized

manufacturing processes requires a clean, dust-free atmosphere with a

controlled range of temperature and humidity (Manning, 1963; Hollister,

1968).

18
Perhaps because of the stringent requirements of the manufacturing

process, there has been little research into employee reaction to

v?indowless factories, Hollister (1968) suggested that there may be some

belief that employee needs are secondary to those of the manufacturing

process. Whatever the reason, most of the information on employee

reaction is not based on formal investigations so that much of it

is almost anecdotal.

A review of industrial lighting in windowless factories in Light

and Lighting (1964) included comments by David Pritchard of the British

Lighting Council about conditions within several windowless factories.

He noted that interviews with personnel managers revealed very few

employee complaints about the lack of windows. One personnel manager

did indicate, however, that several employees had quit their jobs,

complaining of claustrophobia and unhappiness with the windowless

building. Nevertheless, most of the employees had seemed relatively

content, even under what Pritchard thought were somewhat inadequate

lighting levels. Pritchard claimed that the exclusion of daylight and

the relatively low luminance levels did not appear to result in excessive

employee complaints or mass resignations. He dismissed any hidden

resentment with the following statement: "From this small sample, it

does not seem so, although the fact that most, if not all, the work

people were being paid on a piece rate might influence their attitude

to their work and its environment. In offices, for example, where this

incentive to work does not apply, there seems to be stronger opposition

to the total exclusion of daylight. On the other hand, in basement

floors of department stores, where people necessarily work in an

19
environment having no direct view of the world outside, there have (as

far as is known) been no suggestions of adverse psychological effects

or staff difficulties arising from this cause being experienced"

(1964, p. 267).

There are some problems with Pritchard's conclusion that people

are content with the working situation in windowless factories, because

the only employee attitudes sampled were those volunteered as reasons

for job resignation and as complaints to the personnel manager. As a

result, it is not known what employee opinion would have been if it had

been directly solicited.

Hollister (1968) also discussed several accounts of employee

reaction to windowless factories. Most of the literature he reviewed

is not at all recent, so that one does not know if employee reaction

would still be as unfavorable as he suggested.

Hollister (1968) reported that when the first underground factories

were built in Sweden in 1946, the employees expressed extremely negative

attitudes, with many complaints of headaches and fatigue. As a result,

a study was undertaken comparing various physical measures for two

equivalent groups, one of which worked above ground, the other below.

It was found that Whilst in 1949 it seems there were many more complaints

of headaches, fatigue, eyeaches, nervousness and insomnia amongst those

working underground, the incidence of absenteeism for this group was only

slightly higher than for those working above ground and tended to

decrease to the same level as employees became accustomed to the

underground conditions". By 1958, "Blood tests on 100 people who had

been working underground for 8 years showed no alteration in the normal

20
blood condition. But again, the psychological atmosphere remained

sensitive" (Hollister, 1968, p. 64). Hollister commented further that

"Trysin's work in Swedish underground factories gave similar conclusions.

Initial complaints of fatigue, headaches, impaired vision and general

depression were found to be due to inadequate lighting, ventilation and

inappropriate color schemes. When these were remedied it appears that

the complaints stopped. Trysin found it advisable to make rest periods

sufficiently long to allow workers periods in naturally lit rooms or

even outside" (Hollister, 1968, p. 64).

Hollister mentioned another investigator who examined employees of

factories in Thuringia and found that there was a higher level of sick

leave due to colds, stomach disorders and nervous disorders in windowless

factories. Although this difference was attributed to the hiring of

untrained, inexperienced females, the recommendation was made that

windowless factories be used only when absolutely necessary. Still

another unfavorable reaction to windowless factories in America is the

following: "During the war employees broke so many wall panels that it

became necessary to provide some visual contact with the outside world.

Even when windows have been provided in the external wall there were

numerous references to trouble with men breaking windows to get the 'feel'

of fresh air in artificially ventilated plants, and it is recognized by

designers that real evidence of air movement in hot weather is necessary

to offset this. Sometimes the breaking of windows was associated with

the use of blue obscured glass in the windows and visual relief was

probably therefore a factor" (Hollister, 1968, p. 37).

21
Recently, Plant (1970) indicated some concern about the long-term

photobiological effects of working under artificial illumination in

windowless factories as well as about the loss of contact with the

exterior world. He noted from some Russian and Czech literature that

not only is absenteeism higher in windowless factories but that their

occupants are more subject to headaches, faintness and sickness. A

contrary opinion was given by Carlier (1969), who studied windowless

factories in Belgium. He asserted that there ought not be any problem

with windowless factories because the employees have no time to look

out the windows. Furthermore, most of them are seated too far from the

window to be able to distinguish anything, anyway. Carlier

(1969) claimed that the way to avoid employee unhappiness is to convince

them that the conditions in the windowless factory are far superior to

those in a conventional factory.

Although Carlier 's (1969) approach to human requirements for working

conditions is unsympathetic, he makes an important point. Researchers

doing surveys of attitudes toward buildings with and without windows may

find it difficult to compare reactions to the two situations because the

physical conditions of the windowless building may be far superior. For

example. Manning (1967) noted that British factory owners have frequently

assumed that their employees are likely to be unhappy with windowless

factories and so have provided higher levels of amenity than are

customary. In consequence, illumination levels are often higher; air

conditioning is frequently used; lavish canteens, lavatories, and sports

facilities are often provided; and the quality of color schemes and

finishes is unusually good (Manning, 1967), Tikkanen suggested that "In

22
general, the inter ior design should be of a high standard as a partial

compensation for the lack of windows", for windowless schools (1970,

p. 16).

The conclusion one reaches after reviewing the sparse literature

on windowless factories is that employees do not particularly like them.

What is not known, however, is their long-term reaction to working in an

evidently disliked environment. They may react to the situation with

continuous, but mild resentment, or they may simply accept it without

reservations. Further research is needed to determine if there are any

long-term adverse effects of working in windowless factories.

Windowless Office Buildings

Although totally windowless office buildings are rare, unlike

windowless factories, windowless offices within buildings with windows

are common. These windowless spaces are a by-product of the "compactblock" design which results in buildings that are square and deep rather

than thin and elongated. Such design means a reduction in land,

construction and operating costs, as well as in energy loss through the

(lessened) perimeter waJLl area (Hollister, 1968). In the United States,

these buildings customarily have artificial lighting, mechanical

ventilation and heating/cooling systems. When windows are provided,

they are frequently sealed to reduce needless demands on the heating

and cooling system.

23
Ruys assessed the subject's reaction to the physical environment of

her office with a questionnaire. The final question asked her to rate

the intensity of her feelings toward the absence of windows and state

why she felt this way.

For the most part, the subjects indicated that they were happy

with their offices. Almost 45 percent thought that their offices were

large enough, and almost 90 percent believed the lighting levels to be

adequate. Nevertheless, despite overall satisfaction, about 90 percent

expressed dissatisfaction with the lack of windows, and almost 50 percent

thought that the lack of windows affected them or their work adversely.

When asked what they disliked most about their office, 35 percent

responded spontaneously, "the lack of windows". The subjects gave the

following reasons for disliking their windowless offices: 1) no daylight

j

2) poor ventilation; 3) inability to know about the weather; 4) inability

to see out and have a view; 5) feelings of being cooped-up, isolation and

claustrophobia; and 6) feelings of depression and tension.

Ruys then examined the effect of office size, color, illumination

levels, and nearness to an exterior window upon dislike for the

windowless office. He discovered, however, the presence of such factors

as access to a nearby window, bright lights, or warm colors, did not

alter the subject's dislike of the windowless office. Consequently,

Ruys decided that the desire for windows is so strong for subjects in

small, windowless offices that he could not make any architectural

recommendations to increase satisfaction with them.

24
The result of the compact design is that many people normally work

in both large and small windowless offices. Although relatively few

studies have actually assessed individual reaction to working in a

windowless office, there does appear to be a widespread opinion that

people do not like to work in windowless offices. This appears to be

based on personal reactions and feelings, rather than any actual

experimental research (Hopkinson and Collins, 1970; Hollister, 1968).

An experimental investigation of psychological reaction to windowless

offices was conducted by Ruys (1970). He wanted to determine an employee's

satisfaction or dissatisfaction with the absence of windows. He also

wanted to find out what improvements might be made to modify or alter the

reaction to the windowless condition. As an architect, he was concerned

about architectural changes that might improve personal satisfaction with

windowless offices.

The subjects of Ruys' study were 139 female office workers in

5 buildings containing windowless offices in the Seattle, Washington

area. Almost 60 percent of the subjects were the sole occupant of an

office; only 5 percent occupied an office with more than three people.

Most of the offices were relatively small, ranging from 3.2 sq . m. to

14.8 sq. m. (35 sq . ft. to 165 sq. ft). Female subjects were deliberately

selected because Ruys felt that, as a general rule, more females occupy

windowless offices.

Ruys' investigations were limited to subjects who did paper work

in small, often single-occupant offices. As a result, their

opportunities for movement out of their offices or for casual interaction

with other employees were quite restricted. These restrictions may have

25
increased their dislike of the windowless situation. The dislike might

be lessened in a large, open office with frequent opportunities for

movement and interaction with people.

Another brief survey of office personnel was done by Sommer (1974),

He "interviewed employees in several underground offices. For them

being underground as well as windowless was also a consideration. I

was struck by the frequency with which employees hung landscape

pictures and posters on the walls. Wild animals, seascapes, forest

scenes, and travel posters became surrogate windows. The major complaints

concerned the stuffiness and stale air, the lack of change and

stimulation, and the unnaturalness of being underground all day"

(Sommer, 1974, p. 115). Sommer also noted a tendency for firms to place

lower echelon personnel in windowless spaces while the executives had

top floor offices with windows. He commented further that the

windowless (underground) situation "is harder to endure because of the

workers' knowledge that the executives have large offices upstairs with

splendid views of the city" (Sommer, 1974, p. 119).

Sommer 's and Ruys ' investigations suggest that the reaction of

office personnel toward windowless offices is quite unfavorable. These

findings differ from those found for windowless factories. The

difference may be due to the sheer size of the working area; rarely are

factory workers confined to small rooms with only one or two other

people, as were Ruys' subjects. Manning (1968) suggested, however,

that there are inherent differences between employees in factories and

in offices. He stated that "the attitude of office staff to their

26
working environment is very different from that of factory workers to

theirs. On the whole, people who work in factories seem prepared to

accept their environment largely as they find it, and allow considerable

latitude in standards of light, thermal conditions, noise, and other

matters. By contrast, office staff seem much less ready to accept what

they are given and much more prone to criticize" (Manning, 1967, p. 162).

Unfortunately, the same type of research has not been done for both

situations. Were a more exhaustive investigation to be made of factory

workers, the findings might be more comparable to those from office

workers

Hospita Is

The hospital ward is similar to a small office in that it is a

restricted, cramped situation from which a window offers some momentary

escape. Perhaps for this reason, hospital wards are very rarely built

without windows (Hollister, 1968). Nevertheless, the increasing use of

the "block" design has also affected hospitals, so that a large (urban)

hospital often consists of perimeter rooms with windows built around an

internal, windowless core. These internal rooms are generally used as

nurses' stations, operating rooms, and laboratories. Nevertheless, it

has occasionally been convenient to locate an intensive care unit in such

areas because it requires specialized equipment and personnel for

continuous monitoring of seriously ill patients.

27
Kornfeld (1969) commented that, although locating the unit in a

central, windowless space might be more efficient, patient reaction

to the lack of windows could be rather unfavorable. A study by Wilson

(1969) investigated patient reaction to windowless intensive care units.

Before discussing Wilson's experiment though, it is important to

understand something of the overall psychological reaction to intensive

care units, whether with or without windows.

An intensive care unit is a small (usually fewer than 30 beds),

open ward in which continuous nursing care and monitoring of bodily

function occurs. Because of the open, relatively impersonal situation

and the common occurrence of morbid sights and sounds, coupled with the

presence of serious illness or surgery, the intensive care unit itself

can be extremely stressful (Margolis, 1967). Furthermore, the patients

are confined to their beds so that their sphere of activity is severely

limited. Whether due to the stress of surgery or of the unit itself,

some patients develop a syndrome known as "post-operative delirium"

(Abram and Gill, 1961). This syndrome can be defined "as an acute

brain syndrome characterized by impairment of orientation, memory,

intellectual function and judgment with lability of affect" (Morse

and Litin, 1969, p. 389). The delirium is not the product of organic

brain disease; rather it is a multi-determined syndrome to which age,

sex, alcoholism, drug abuse, and excessive pre-operative anxiety as well

as sleep deprivation and perceptual distortion in the recovery room (due

to anesthesia or accidental loss of glasses and hearing aids) all

contribute (Morse and Litin, 1969); Kornfeld, 1969). Thus, post-operative

28
delirium can develop in almost any patient placed in an intensive care

unit following serious illness or surgery.

Wilson (1972) conducted a study to determine whether the absence

of windows in such a unit would increase patient stress as reflected

by an increased incidence of post-operative delirium. He examined

patients in two general hospitals in the El Dorado, Arkansas area each

of which had an intensive care unit. One unit had windows, one did not.

Wilson (1972, p. 225) stated: "Both intensive care units are within

general hospitals accepting random admission from the same community,

treated by the same physicians who make up the medical staffs of both

hospitals. Except for obstetrics both hospitals offer similar services.

They also have similar bed capacities as well as comparable nursing

staffs." Although the intensive care unit is itself a stressful

situation, Wilson (1972) hypothesized that the absence of windows might

increase this stress.

Wilson studied 50 patients in each unit who had received major

surgical care requiring general anesthesia. These patients were similar

in terms of age and general physical condition both before and after

surgery. There were no readily apparent differences in treatment,

medication or patient-to-nurse ratio between hospitals, so that none of

the patients should have been particularly predisposed to post-operative

delirium.

Although both groups of patients were essentially similar, Wilson

found that more than twice as many patients in the windowless intensive

care unit developed post-operative delirium (407o vs 18%). There was

also a greater incidence of post-surgical depression among those patients

in the windowless unit who did not develop post-operative delirium.

29
Because of the similarities between both groups of patients, Wilson

attributed the increased incidence of delirium in the windov?less unit

to the absence of windows. He theorized that windows apparently provide

some sort of necessary psychological escape from the grim realities of

surgery. This additional stress is sufficient to tip the balance

toward a brief psychotic episode for a large percentage of patients.

Wilson's findings suggest that windows should be provided in all

hospital wards. In an article commenting upon Wilson's research,

Vaisrub (1972) stressed that windows ought to be provided for hospital

patients regardless of cost. In conclusion, although Wilson's findings

should not be taken as concluding that all patients deprived of windows

will develop delirium, they do indicate that the absence of windows can

contribute severe additional stress. Whether this situation is also

stressful for hospital personnel was not studied.

Other Windowless Environments

Although some favorable attitudes were expressed about windowless

schools, most of the reactions to other windowless environments, such as

the office or hospital, were rather unfavorable. Yet, there are some

situations in which the absence of windows is so common as to be

unremarkable. For example, theatres, cinemas, restaurants, bowling

alleys, night clubs, department stores, museums and art galleries are

frequently designed as windowless buildings. In some cases, such as a

theater or an art gallery, the absence of windows removes a source of

unnecessary distraction, and allows greater concentration. Of course.

30
there is also greater physical security and better control of the

lighting in a windowless museum or theater. People in such buildings

appear to have few complaints about the absence of windows.

"The department store seems to be one type of building which has

operated successfully for many years within a windowless or quasiwindowless environment" (Hollister, 1968, p. 47). Hollister suggested

that one of the reasons for the acceptance of windowless department

stores is that each department store floor is a self-contained space

directed toward a single end -- the promotion of sales. Outside

distractions are unnecessary and undesirable. "The reasons for this

[acceptance] seem to result from the large size of the interior space,

the constant activity of a busy store, and the wide range of auditory,

visual and tactile experiences to which the occupants are exposed. The

main quality of the interior environment is that it is dynamic"

(Hollister, 1968, p. 47). Hollister noted that although large department

stores are frequently windowless, small shops rarely are. He suggested

that tolerance of windowless interiors may be greater for large spaces

than for small.

While the greater dynamic quality of the department store may be

responsible for acceptance of the lack of windows, an investigation into

other apparently accepted windowless interiors might be quite fruitful

and lead to a greater understanding of the adverse reaction to some

windowless situations.

31
Safety

In addition to the dislike that many people express for windowless

environments, there are some other drawbacks to windowless buildings

which deserve consideration. The most obvious of these is fire safety.

Griffith (1962) and Hollister (1968) both noted that windows can provide

an excellent means of escaping from a building fire, even though they

may not be the preferred exit. Juillerat (1964) reviewed a number of

serious fires in windowless buildings and concluded that their severity

was accentuated by the inability to open windows to vent both smoke and

fire. He claimed also that a greater number of lives were lost because

people were unable to leave the building, while firemen were unable to

enter it to rescue them. The implication of these articles is that fear

of being trapped in a burning windowless building is not completely

unrea lis tic

.

Additional drawbacks to windowless buildings from a safety standpoint

result from their total reliance on artificial illumination and

ventilation systems. Any emergency involving a loss of power is a

potentially dangerous situation in a windowless building, unless

auxiliary power is immediately available.

Although there are some potential dangers associated with windowless

buildings, buildings with windows are not completely free from possible

hazard. In the case of fire, the windows may shatter too easily, allowing

the fire to spread rapidly (Markus , 1962). On the other hand, the glass

may not break easily enough, making it difficult to vent the fire or

escape the building. In ordinary situations, there is the possibility

32
of accidental breakage with attendant injury. Although these latter

situations can be avoided or minimized by the use of safety glass, such

glass is not presently required for windows in buildings by any state

code.

Summary

Although the preceding review of the literature has discussed

the reaction to different windowless building types, it has not considered

any general factors which might influence this reaction. It is obvious

that variables such as the amount of time spent in a windowless space

or the type of task performed might influence a person's attitude toward

it. The differences in attitude found in the windowless school research

suggest that individual differences might also influence a person's

reaction to a windowless space.

About the only field of research which has examined individual

reaction to the absence of sensory stimuli is that into "sensory

deprivation", in which all stimulation is removed for long periods of

time. Although a windowless space does not deprive a person of all

sensory stimuli, it does reduce the amount of visual, auditory and

thermal input he can receive from the outside world. Wilson (1972)

observed that many of the sj^nptoms of patients in windowless intensive

care units were similar to those of persons undergoing sensory deprivation.

Also noting similarities in these two situations, Hollister commented

that because there are "extremely wide differences in reactions to

sensory deprivation", it is likely "that the same will be found in

research on the effects of windowless buildings; i.e. for some

people or some measures, the absence of windows will be beneficial; for

33
other people or other measures, the absence of windows will be

detrimental" (Hollister, 1968, p. 67). As in sensory deprivation

research the length of time spent in a windowless environment may also

be important. In this context, another of Hollister 's remarks appears

to be relevant: "The difficulty about most of the work on sensory

restriction is that it tends to be based on work done in situations where

there was a large amount of deprivation for relatively short periods.

Moreover, these were often artificial experimental situations with

volunteer subjects. In the windowless building situation, the anxiety

that one obviously has in mind is the effect of relatively mild

deprivation over extended periods" (Hollister, 1968, p. 67).

These statements suggest that both personality variables and the

length of time spent in a windowless environment can determine personal

reaction to it. It also appears evident that a boring or monotonous

job might increase dislike of a windowless situation. Hopkinson and

Collins (1970, p. 266) observed that the degree of dislike is minimized

in underground railway stations and department stores and "greater in

places where there seems no good reason for cutting out the daylight

except profit to the management, or where a boring job has to be done

which permits the attention to wander."

In addition, evaluation of the various studies suggests that the

environment of the enclosure involved may also be critical in determining

the reaction to a windowless space. When the various studies are

considered together, the reaction to the absence of windows appears to

form a continuum with the most adverse reaction to the intensive care

unit at one end and the least to such public facilities as department

34
stores and theaters at the other. Reaction to offices, factories and

schools appears to fall in the middle (in about that order). Thus, at

one extreme of the continuum, the absence of windows can further the

development of a brief psychotic episode. Yet, at the other, their

absence may not even be noticed. These observations imply that some

windowless situations are, in general, much less tolerable than others.

Further thought about the various studies indicates that windowless

spaces vary widely in number of occupants, size, amount of activity, and

opportunity for personal interaction. The small, restricted environments

with little activity or personal interaction appear to be the ones in

which the absence of windows is most noticeable. The intensive care

unit, for example, is a relatively small area in which the patient's

movement is limited to his bed and his activities are reduced to the

maintenance of bodily function. Similarly in a small office occupied

by only one or two people, personal movement can be quite limited,

conversation may be discouraged, and the task can be repetitive and

boring. In these situations, adverse reactions toward the absence of

windows arise. On the other hand, there is the school, or the department

store , each characterized by variety, activity and personal interaction.

In these latter dynamic situations, unlike the previously mentioned

static ones, the absence of windows is not especiall}'^ noteworthy. Hence,

it appears as though the smaller and more restricted a windowless space

is, the more repetitive and monotonous a task is, and the more reduced

the freedom of movement and interaction its inhabitants have, the more

unpleasant and oppressive it will be. Such static and confined situations

appear to generate a certain amount of tension which is accentuated by

35
the absence of a window. Yet, in these same situations the mere

presence of a window is apparently sufficient to alleviate some

unpleasantness. Evidently, the window offers the possibility of a brief

respite or momentary escape from somewhat undesirable surroundings.

Furthermore, a window affords the continuous possibility of escape for

each individual to use as he chooses.

Although reactions to windowless environments can vary from fervent

dislike to calm acceptance, the preceding literature review indicates

that people are not particularly enthusiastic about windowless spaces.

Tolerance or dislike appears to be the rule, rather than the exception.

While windows are sorely missed in static, restricted spaces, more active,

dynamic situations are quite tolerable without windows. It is clear that

the needs of the users, as well as the task, ought to be seriously

evaluated before a building is designed as windowless. Despite their

convenience, windowless buildings should not be considered as the only

design solution for energy conservation.

Energy waste can be reduced through sensible design. Windows can

be double- or triple-glazed; special solar glasses are available;

shading devices, both internal and external can be used; natural

vegetation can be employed; and buildings can be oriented properly with

respect to the sun and prevailing winds. With these various energysaving possibilities in mind, let us turn to a consideration of the

functions and benefits obtained from windows in buildings.

36
SECTION II

BENEFITS AND PSYCHOLOGICAL FUNCTIONS OF WINDOWS

The knowledge that reaction to many windowless spaces is less than

enthusiastic should spur research into developing other methods for

minimizing energy loss through windows. One of the most obvious

alternatives is to reduce window area. Before this approach is adopted,

it is necessary to consider the benefits provided by windows. Once

the benefits are known, it then becomes possible to determine the most

acceptable parameters of size, shape, and position that would fulfill

human requirements, and reduce energy consumption.

In Section I, the general desirability of windows was inferred from

the somewhat negative reaction to windowless spaces. In Section II,

the reasons underlying the frequently expressed desire for windows will

be considered. Why do people want windows? What benefits do they

provide? How small, or large, does a window have to be to provide the

desired benefits?

A number of different approaches have been taken to answer questions

such as these. The trend in research, unlike that reviewed in Section I,

has been for each experimenter to isolate a specific aspect of a

window deemed important for study -- that is, a parametric approach.

As a result, there are many investigations into a single topic, such as

sunshine, view or spaciousness, but relatively few comprehensive

evaluations of the benefits of windows. Although each of these specific

topics probably contribute to a person's satisfaction with a window,

their total impact has rarely been evaluated in the same manner as the

impact of a windowless environment.

37
View

When the benefits of windows are considered, perhaps the one that

repeatedly emerges is that of "view". Even in the studies of windowless

environments, subjects regularly stated a desire for contact with the

external world or a view. Although the word "view" tends to imply some

sort of beautiful, pastoral scene, it is considered here to refer simply

to the scene beyond the window. As such, it can be good or bad,

beautiful or ugly, dynamic or static, but always different from the

scene within the interior space.

Commenting upon the importance of a view to people in buildings.

Manning (1967 p. 23) stated: "the uniquely important characteristics of

windows appear to be their provision of a view: people within buildings

seem to need some contact with the outside world." This opinion was

supported in a study by Wells (1965) who surveyed office workers to

determine if they could accurately estimate the proportion of daylight

in a primarily artificially lit office. He determined that 89 percent of

those surveyed felt that it was desirable to be able to look outside even

if there was plenty of artificial lighting available. Only 1 percent

stated that they did not think it important. In addition, 69 percent

believed that daylight provided a better quality of illumination for

office work than artificial light. Only 3 percent believed that artificial

light was superior. Wells (1965) concluded that, although people far

from a window consistently over-estimate the percentage of daylight that

they work by, this does not alter their belief that a view is necessary

and that daylight is the best illuminant.

38
Jackson and Holmes (1973a, 1973b) expanded upon the importance of

a view for an office worker. "He looks out also for release, in the

form of movement compared with his static situation inside. He looks

out of the window to check the weather and to reassure himself that

life is still going on in the 'real' world outside. The window many

serve as a very real release from claustrophobia arising from a small

office." Yet, "in spite of all this, there is little hard knowledge

about the purpose that is served by the view outside. There is some

indication that the information content can be quite small; even a

brick wall six feet away outside a window is much preferrable to a

brick wall at the same distance inside the same room. An open door or

a glass partition between two offices may serve a similar purpose but

somehow it isn't quite as good" (Jackson and Holmes, 1973b, p. 80).

Although the desire for a view out appears well-established, the

characteristics which make it more or less desirable are not as well

understood. Among the studies which have dealt with this question is

one by Markus (1967a, 1967b), who assessed view preference in a normal

working environment. He surveyed 400 office workers who occupied

9 floors of a 12 story building in Bristol, England. Almost all the

rooms were large open-plan offices so that all subjects had some access

to a window. Eharing the survey, Markus determined a subject's attitudes

toward such aspects of his office environment as noise, illumination

levels, size, toilet and canteen facilities, sunshine and view. He also

assessed the relative importance of the view and the windows in reference

to other environmental aspects of the office.

39
About 70 percent of the subjects rated the view as good, and about

25 percent rated it as adequate, Markus commented that "This result

is not surprising in view of the nature of the site and siting of the

Robinson building, with open city and distant rural views on all sides;

nor is anybody situated so far from a window that he suffers a serious

loss of view" (p. 67). There were, however, differences in the quality

of the view, in that one orientation (Northwest) faced old city spires,

trees and distant hills; another (Northeast) faced old bombed sites

and parking lots; and the other two (Southeast and Southwest) faced

much less distinctive views. Not too surprisingly, the subjects were

more content with the "outstanding" view to the Northwest, and least

with that to the Southeast. Markus' results revealed that a majority

of subjects (88 percent) preferred views of the distant city and

landscape. Only 8 percent preferred a view of ground and nearby

buildings; and only 4 percent preferred a view of the sky. Subjects who

were on the lower floors of the building tended to prefer views of the

ground and nearby buildings to a greater extent than those on upper

floors

.

Markus found the subject's distance from the window affected his

satisfaction with the view. The greater the distance, the less

satisfied the subject was and the more he desired to sit nearer a

window. Although almost all the female subjects expressed more

dissatisfaction with the view than their male counterparts, this

difference appeared to be the result of the seating arrangement rather

than a sex difference. It appeared that the majority of females were

seated at a greater distance from the window. When subjects were

40
questioned about sunshine, an overwhelming majority (86 percent)

stated a desire for it all year round. Although more females desired

sunshine, this preference appears to be related to their greater

distance from the window.

Finally, when subjects were asked to rank order view and sunshine

in a list of ten environmental factors, Markus found that most ranked

them among the last four items. He attributed this low ranking to the

fact that the subjects' needs for view and sunshine were adequately met,

so that they tended to overlook these two factors.

In conclusion, Markus discussed the need to determine the best

window design for fulfilling human needs. He noted that "it is

surprising to find virtually no work to establish the minimum and

optimum performance of windows with regard to their fundamental

function -- acting as visual apertures enabling building occupiers to

remain linked to the external world in some way. The design of windows

as view-giving elements has remained largely a matter of chance being

subject to stylistic vagaries and fashion" (Markus, 1967b, p. 76).

Markus proposed that the information content of the view is critical

in determining a person's satisfaction with his windows. In order to

maximize this content, he recommended vertical windows providing

information about three layers: the sky (upward), the city-scape

(horizontal), and the ground (downward). In addition, Markus suggested

that a "good" view should provide a certain amount of dynamic change.

41
Markus cautioned that the benefit of his recommendations may be

lost upon people who are seated at a distance from a window. As a person's

distance from the window increases, the window aperture appears smaller;

the extreme portions of the view disappear, and "there is a change from

the sensation of being 'in', a 'part' of the exterior world to that of

observing 'from outside' (really inside); now the view appears more or

less as a picture being on the wall, framed by the window frame, and not

as three-dimensional reality" (Markus, 1967a, p. 104). Similarly, much

of the near foreground, which contains most of the detailed and

informative portion of the view, is no longer distinct from the upper

floors of a building. Because Markus dealt with the overall reaction to

an office environment, he was not able to explore in detail the

characteristics of a view that make it more or less acceptable. Although

his subjects found some scenes, such as parking lots, less desirable than

others, they did not provide much insight into the reasons underlying

these preferences.

The importance of view to office workers was also substantiated

in another study, this one conducted by Cooper, Wiltshire and Hardy (1973).

Using an approach somewhat similar to that of Markus, Cooper e_t al .

administered a comprehensive questionnaire to the occupants of eleven

office buildings. Although the authors were primarily concerned with

the reaction to special types of window glass, they also assessed

opinions about the entire office environment, including the view.

42
The results of the questionnaire were somewhat different than

expected. First of all, only 3 percent of the subjects rated the

presence of a "good view out" as the most important feature in making

the office a desirable place to work., Nevertheless, only 13 percent

of the subject? said that a good view was unimportant . They rated the

lighting and overall thermal conditions as the most important contributors

to the pleasantness of the office environment. (At least 25 percent of

the subjects complained about the heating and ventilation in their

buildings .

)

Although the presence of a view was not rated as the most important

aspect of an office, the subjects had definite opinions about the kind

of view they found desirable. The survey results showed that the greater

the variety of distant objects that could be seen, the more adequate and

pleasant the view was judged. View content, height above the ground and

age of the respondent also affected the judgments of the adequacy and

pleasantness of the view. Although size of the window did not have much

effect upon these judgments, the authors speculated that larger windows

would increase view content, and increase the pleasantness of the view.

Cooper e_t al. commented that the relative lack of importance of

view suggests that "most people will be satisfied, provided they can see

out, even if the view is restricted. In making decisions about facade

design it would therefore appear to be unreasonable to give priority to

the provision of an extensive view if this has a detrimental effect on

the internal environment" (Cooper et al., 1973 p. 12). Nevertheless,

the authors suggested that while a good view may not be of paramount

importance for most people, a complete absence of a view would be greatly

43
disliked. In other words, although it might be simplest in engineering

terms to ensure good lighting, heating and ventilation by building

without any windows, such a solution would be very unpopular.

The studies by Cooper e_t a_l. and by Markus were limited to an

assessment of the reaction to only a few different views. In the next

two studies, a wide variety of views were simulated in an attempt to

define the characteristics of a "good" view.

The first simulation study was conducted by Ludlow (1972) who had

15 subjects rate a series of 36 slides projected onto a sort of

"window". These slides simulated a fairly typical view seen by an office

person seated 2.7 meters (8.9 ft.) from a window. Ludlow had his subjects

rate the slides on a bipolar, good-bad scale, and comment about them

while he recorded their viewing time. Ludlow obtained three measures of

satisfaction: evaluative rating, general comments, and length of viewing

time. The general comments were used to develop a list of key adjectives

describing the scenes.

The results indicated that the better a slide is rated on a "goodbad" scale, the longer it is viewed. Ludlow commented that: "This is

interesting in that it might be assumed that people would inspect slides

for a longer time when it is difficult to make a decision or else

where they have more remarks to make. As this is not necessarily the

case, it must be assumed that viewing time directly reflects

satisfaction" (1972, p, 4),

44
The list of key adjectives was evaluated to determine some of the

criteria upon which the subjects based their satisfaction. From this

evaluation, Ludlow predicted some trends in the preferred content of a

view. One such trend was a preference for a more complex structural

organization with a wide range of possible variations. Another prediction

was a desire for far and mid-distant views containing a balance of

man-made and natural elements. Variations in shape , color, brightness,

texture and sky quality were preferred, suggesting that the possibility

of change in a scene was important. Ludlow also noted an apparent

preference for detachment, rather than direct involvement in the scene.

"Sensory connotations of smell, noise, dust, etc., are important in that

they have the effect of depressing the real value of the visual scene"

(Ludlow, 1972, p. 8).

Although Ludlow's results suggested a desire for complex scenes

with the potential for change and surprise, there may be an optimum

level for such things as movement, human activity, brightness and color.

However, such dynamic characteristics are difficult to evaluate with

static slides. Ludlow (1974) currently is attempting to discover if

subject preferences are similar for actual views from office buildings.

His preliminary results indicate that people do evaluate real views along

dimensions similar to those used to evaluate slides of views.

In another approach, Kaplan and Wendt (1972) evaluated the effect

of complexity upon preferences for outside scenes. Although the authors

were not specifically concerned with view through a window, their

findings appear relevant to the topic. When they asked subjects to rate

56 color slides for both complexity and preference, nature scenes were

45
preferred to urban scenes. Subjects appeared to prefer scenes that were

judged complex, but complex nature scenes were preferred to complex

urban scenes. Kaplan and Wendt (1972, p. 628-1) commented that "man

has a preference for the visual patterns characteristic of natural

environments, and further, that this preference is not reducible to the

complexity" of the scene.

In conclusion, the four studies that have evaluated the characteristics of a desirable view indicate that one of its most important

features is complexity or information content. Another property of a

"good" view is the provision of some information about the sky, the

horizon, and the ground. Still another appears to be the satisfaction

of a desire to see nature rather than urban scenes. Although none of

these studies actually evaluated the appeal of a moving, changing

scene, almost all the researchers believed that movement is also an

essential quality of a "good" view.

Window Dimensions

The acceptability of a view is intimately related to the size and

shape of the window through which it is seen. Intuitively, it appears

as though a large window occupying most of the window wall could

provide the best view. Yet, in general, large windows result in more

energy loss than smaller windows, so that they are less desirable from

an energy conservation viewpoint. Hence, the question arises as to what

size and shape would satisfy the desire for a view, and yet still be

small enough to reduce excessive energy consumption.

46
When window area is reduced from the full expanse of the exterior

wall to some smaller size, then the shape and positioning become critical.

As noted in the previous section, Markus (1967a, 1974) suggested that

windows be designed to optimize the view out. Keeping this criterion

in mind, let us review some of the studies that have examined "optimum"

and "minimal acceptable" window sizes and shapes.

A number of investigators have attempted to define a range of

acceptable window sizes and shapes through the use of scale model

simulation techniques. With a scale model, a typical office environment

can be represented complete with miniature furniture to give an illusion

of reality. A subject can easily arrange the shape, size and location

of an office window in a model to suit his preference. Variables such

as view, building orientation and type of glazing can also be readily

manipulated.

In an investigation of minimum acceptable window size, Ne'eman and

Hopkinson (1970) used two models, one full-scale and one one-tenth

scale, in three different locations with 319 subjects. Minimum

acceptable window size was determined as a function of the dimensions

of the room, the number of apertures, the outside view, the weather,

external illumination levels, and two window heights 5-ft and 7-ft

(1.5m and 2.1m). In all these conditions, a fixed 3-ft high (.9m)

sill was used, along with two viewing angles.

Most of the parameters evaluated did affect the subjects' judgments

of window size. Use of the one-tenth scale model revealed that subjects

could define a "minimum acceptable window size" in all cases except when

the view outside was uniformly bright and featureless. The use of the

47
full-scale model revealed that view, distance from the window, window

height and visual angle all affected the subjects' judgments of

acceptable size. One of the most important parameters proved to

be the type of view. Ne'eman and Hopkinson found that subjects preferred

wider windows (10.10 ft, 3.1m) for views of near objects than they did

for distant objects (7.9 ft, 2.4m). The researchers related these

differences to the subjects' need for intelligible information about the

outside world. "Near objects attract more attention and require a wider

opening to be wholly seen. On the other hand, distant objects cannot be

observed in detail and because of the distance, their apparent size is

smaller. A smaller window can, in this case, satisfy our curiosity.

It is believed that this attention to the outer world is essential to

relieve the sense of enclosure, and to provide muscular relief to the

eye by allowing it to focus at a distance" (Ne'eman and Hopkinson, 1970,

p. 27).

Ne'eman and Hopkinson found conflicting desires for window height.

In one location, subjects preferred taller windows (7 ft, 2.1m) above a

fixed 3 ft (0.9m) sill, than they did in the second location (5 ft, 1.5m).

The authors inferred from this discrepancy that height is less critical

than width in determining window size preferences. Apparently, increased

height does not provide as much visual information as does increased

width.

Ne'eman and Hopkinson also determined that acceptable window width

was directly proportional to a subject's distance from the window,

and determined a constant ratio of window width to subject distance.

48
Thus, even from different viewing positions and angles, the judgment of

minimum acceptable window width depended primarily on the subject's

distance from the window,

Ne'eman and Hopkinson observed that for a rear viewing position in

a room with a window wall 24 ft long and 10 ft high (7.3m by 3.05m),

the subjects' mean setting of window width was 8 ft (2.4m). Window

height was fixed at 7 ft (2.1m). These dimensions indicate that the

window occupied about 25 percent of the window wall. In order to obtain

a window size that would satisfy at least 85 percent of the subjects,

the mean window width had to be increased to 11 ft (3.4m), In the

latter case 'the window occupied about 35 percent of the window wall.

Although Ne'eman and Hopkinson did not discuss their findings in terms

of percentage of the window wall, it seems reasonable to convert their

results to this measure since other researchers have used it

extensively.

In addition, Ne'eman and Hopkinson found that increasing the

window wall width from 24 ft (7.3m) to 72 ft (21.9m), and the number of

windows from one to three through the use of mirrors, altered the

subjects' judgments of acceptable window width. Briefly, the authors

discovered that the angle subtended by the window wall was critical so

that "for angular width below 60° it can be assumed that the width is

additive, i.e. the minimum acceptable width can be divided into several

parts, which together yield the same overall width, and yet provide

subjective satisfaction" (Ne'eman and Hopkinson, 1970, p. 25). The

implication of these findings is that if total amount of window area

49
is to be limited, and several windows are to be used, these ought to be

placed so that they fall within a viewing angle of 60° or less. Any

window located outside this region will be ignored.

The scale model approach was also taken by Keighley (1973a, 1973b),

who investigated the effects of reduced window area in offices. In his

first study, Keighley investigated the preferred location and shape of

a window occupying only 20 percent of the window wall area. He used a

one-twelfth scale model to simulate a large, open office in size,

lighting and furnishings in both experiments. In the window wall of

this model there was an aperture whose dimensions could be varied.

Through this "window" 8 different color transparencies were projected

to simulate different views as seen from different floors of a building.

Keighley had 30 subjects view the model as if it were their office.

They were then asked to adjust the shape and location of the window to

the most desirable dimensions for the 8 different views. During the

experiment each subject's eye level was about 1.1 meter (3.36 ft) above

the floor, as though he were seated in an office.

Keighley concluded that his subjects were most influenced by the

external view in their choice of the preferred shape and location of the

window. They wanted to see the ground, nearby buildings and the sky in

a single view. They preferred a wide lateral scan so they selected

aperture settings which produced wide rather than tall windows. Contrary

to Markus ' predictions, in no case did they select a tall window, even

when this would have given them a better view of the sky. They tended

to place the window sill somewhat below eye level, and to position the

window horizontally in the center of the window wall.

50
In Keighley's study, view appeared to be the most important

characteristic determining window shape preference. He commented:

"There can be little doubt that a view to the exterior is an important

aspect of the visual requirements of a building's occupants. View

requirements appear to be best satisfied by horizontal apertures the

dimensions of which are determined primarily by the elevation of the

skyline. Ranges of sill heights from 0.7 to 1.1m (2.31 to 3.63 ft)

and window head heights from 1.8 to 2.4m (5.94 to 7.92 ft) are indicated

as optimum values according to the kind of outside view. Requirements

are probably less decisive for fully obstructed views because of the loss

of important cues, but nevertheless indicate a basically horizontal

shape" (Keighley, 1973, p. 319).

In Keighley's second study (1973b), he investigated the preferred

arrangement for several "windows" whose total area occupied only

20 percent of the window wall. He also evaluated subject preference

for window size and position when no restrictions were placed upon

window area. In each situation three different views could be seen

through the apertures of the same scale model used in the first

experiment. One view represented a distant city skyline; one depicted

a more restricted city scene; and one was limited to the facade of a

nearby building. Unlike the previous study, subjects did not adjust the

apertures themselves. Rather, theyrated each window-view combination

on a five-point scale of satisfaction.

51
Keighley found that, v?hen total window area was restricted and the

number of apertures varied, subjects were dissatisfied with a large

number of apertures and with very narrow apertures. As in the previous

study, satisfaction with window height was dependent upon the view.

Thus, window height was set lowest for a distant city scene,

intermediate for a nearby facade, and highest for a restricted city

scene with an elevated skyline. When total window area was limited to

20 percent, however, a horizontal aperture was preferred to a vertical.

The use of several apertures of different shapes was found to be

particularly unsatisfactory, because supplementary, narrow, vertical

strips were completely ignored. As a result, Keighley concluded that

the use of different sorts of apertures in combination was impractical.

Keighley found that his subjects were also dissatisfied with

increasing mullion width possibly because it breaks up the view.

Dissatisfaction with increased mullion width was greatest for a distant

view, and least for a nearby view.

When Keighley measured subject satisfaction with different window

areas, he found that windows occupying 10 percent or less of the window

wall were regarded as extremely unsatisfactory. Sa tis faction was greater

for a window occupying 20 percent or more of the wall while windows

20 percent or larger were evaluated most satisfactory. These findings

led Keighley to conclude that "Evidently window area is of considerable

importance for view satisfaction, particularly over the range which

constitutes reduced fenestration" (Keighley, 1973a, p. 327).

52
Although Keighley's findings from both studies indicated many of

the variables that affect satisfaction with office windows, he himself

noted that judgment must be exercised in applying his findings to

actual situations. First of all, he noted that a scale model represents

only one specific situation. It is entirely possible that satisfaction

might vary with the viewer's distance from the window, office layout,

and variation in view. Furthermore, to quote Keighley again, "The

dynamic aspects of the view-window relationship could not be simulated

during the experiments, for example, by movement of the observer about

the room or by providing changes such as would normally occur in the

outside scene" (p. 330).

Although the applicability of Keighley's findings to all design

situations is doubtful, his work is unique in providing some idea of

the range of acceptable window sizes. Furthermore, he has isolated

some of the variables such as shape, mullion width, and view, which can

affect satisfaction. The results found by Keighley, and Ne'eman and

Hopkinson are a strong indication that there are window sizes which are

too small to be acceptable. If a recommendation were to be made from

this research, it would be that windows should occupy at least 20 to

30 percent of the window wall. In addition, Keighley's research work

reinforces that of others who indicate that view is of paramount

importance in determining a person's satisfaction with a window.

53
Illumination

As noted previously, windows can be used as light sources during

the day. The quality of the illumination provided by both daylight and

sunshine seems to have a tremendous psychological impact upon people in

buildings. Although both sunshine and daylight provide illumination,

they have frequently been treated separately. Thus, the literature on

sunshine deals with its "psychological" benefits. That on daylight

is concerned more with the amount and quality of illumination provided.

Furthermore, the bulk of the work on sunshine has been done in the

residential environment. Daylighting studies, on the other hand, have

concentrated on school and office environments. As a result, the

effects of sunshine and daylight will be considered separately.

Daylight

Daylight, while a good source of illumination, is rarely used as

the only illuminant in most buildings. In many cases, it is used to

supplement artificial lighting, and to enhance the overall quality of the

room illumination. Concern about the quality of daylight has led to

investigations primarily by light engineers into the benefits and

functions of daylight. While many of these investigations have sampled

only a few people (usually other lighting experts), their opinions do

provide some insight into the properties of daylight that make it

des irable

.

54
Ne'eman and Hopkinson (1973, p. 1) commented that "most people

will usually prefer a daylit interior to one which is windowless and

completely isolated from the outdoor scene... On the other hand,

daylight is not regarded as the exclusive source to be used. Its

limitations are recognized and although general agreement has not yet

been reached on the ways in which daylight and artificial light should be

continuously integrated in all types of interiors, nevertheless it has

been shown that a combination of artificial light with daylight can

provide a solution which is better than that provided by either source

alone.

Daylight contributes to the quality of interior lighting by

providing a directional component (O'Sullivan, 1973; Lowson, 1970).

Because windows are located on the side walls, daylight enters a building

horizontally. This horizontal direction to daylight contributes to the

"modelling" of objects (Jackson and Holmes, 1973a; Button, 1970).

Modelling can increase the apparent detail of an object while improving

its appearance (Ne'eman and Longmore , 1973). Thus daylight has a more

pleasing and natural character than artificial illumination. Jackson

and Holmes (1973b, p. 80) commented that "much of the window's

contribution to the built environment is classed as qualitative -- there

is a marked difference in the 'feel' of an interior lit from side

windows as compared with normal electric lighting.... Furthermore, the

short term variations add an extra dimension to the daylit interior and

undoubtedly contribute to the avoidance of monotony sometimes found

under static installations. It is interesting that attempts to produce

this effect in electric lighting seem strangely artificial and almost

annoying." 55
The quality of daylight illumination was considered so important

in Britain that a system known as Permanent Supplementary Artificial

Lighting Installation (PSALI) was developed. In PSALI , daylight provides

most of the illumination which is supplemented by some artificial light

(Hopkinson, 1961). PSALI is particularly effective in offices which

are too large to be completely daylit, and yet should provide some of

the quality of daylight. "Such rooms cannot be well lit to adequate

standards of lighting by daylight alone. Nevertheless, it is felt

that daylight in all its variety and stimulation must be provided, and

must be the dominant feature of the room lighting, rather than it should

be shut out by blinds or merely allowed to peep through small view

windows. The only way to achieve this end in these circumstances is

by the use of permanent supplementary artificial illumination"

(Hopkinson and Longmore, 1959? p. 139).

In PSALI, daylight rather than artificial light is considered to

be the dominant source of illumination, up to about 40 ft (12.2m) from

the window. Beyond this distance in the deep office, daylight "is used

as a supplement to the artificial light in order to accentuate the

lighting of the interior and particularly to satisfy the subjective

demands for variation, interest and visual contact with the outside

world" (Ne'eman and Longmore, 19 73 , p. K-7).

An additional advantage to the use of a system such as PSALI

is that daylight can be used near the windows instead of artificial

illumination on all but the gloomiest of days. If daylight is used as

the sole source of light near the window and as a supplement further

away, the energy requirements of artificial lighting can be reduced,

56
without lessening the quantity of illumination. If the assumptions

of PSALI are correct, not only should energy be saved, but the quality

of the room lighting should also be more pleasurable.

Although it seems generally accepted that people prefer daylight

to artificial lighting, there has been relatively little research into

lighting preferences. Most of the statements about lighting preferences

are made by illumination engineers, not by the people who use the building.

One of the few preference studies was by Wells (1965), who theorized that

people could not estimate accurately the relative percentages of both

daylight and artificial light in their office. Consequently, Wells asked

clerical personnel to estimate the amount of daylight in their offices.

As the same time, he questioned them about their desires for both

daylight and view.

The results of Wells* study confirmed his hypothesis that people

seated at a distance from a window are not able to judge the relative

proportions of daylight and artificial light. Subjects were quite

accurate at estimating the percentage of daylight up to about 20 ft

(6.1m) from the windows. Beyond 20 ft (6.1m), however, they

consistently overestimated this percentage. Nevertheless, their belief

that daylight is a better illuminant and their desire for a view were

not diminished by increasing distance from the window. Wells interpreted

these findings as indicating that subjects were not particularly

sensitive to the actual environment but rather responded in terms of

preconceived attitudes and desires.

57
Yet, nowhere, in the course of the research, did Wells address

the contributions made by daylight to the quality of illumination.

Furthermore, his hypothesis about subject overestimation of the

proportion of daylight "derived from the experimenter's surprise at the

proportion of daylight in the total illumination of the larger office

areas when checking the sources of illumination with a light meter. One

was surprised at how rapidly this proportion dropped as one moved away

from the window" (Wells, 1965, p. 58). Thus, Wells too, was subject

to the same illusion as the office personnel. The persistency of this

illusion of illumination can extend deep into an office. Subjects may

well respond to this as much as to the actual amount of daylight.

Whatever the cause, when subjects have been directly asked about

their desire for daylight, they have generally expressed a strong

preference for daylight in their offices. For example, Wells (1965)

found that 69 percent of his subjects desired daylight; Markus (1967a)

noted that 95 percent of his subjects preferred daylight to work by;

and Manning (1965) discovered that 65 percent of his subjects wanted

daylight. All of these subjects expressed the belief that daylight

is superior to artificial illumination.

Sunshine

In addition to the apparently widespread desire for daylight

there is another component of external illumination, sunshine, which

appears to create a whole host of psychological reactions all of its

own. For example, a review of the available literature on sunshine

by Hohm and Roessler (1972) revealed a widespread desire for sunshine

in residential dwellings. eg
Unlike daylight, there have been a number of investigations into

the desire for sunshine. One such study, done in Holland, by Bitter

and van lerland (1967), surveyed almost a thousand housewives about

their opinions of the sunshine, daylight, warmth, and other aspects of

their dwellings. Eighty-five to ninety percent of the housewives

expressed an overwhelming preference for sunlight, particularly in the

living room. The desire for sunshine was so strong that about seventy

percent of the subjects preferred a sunny room without a good view to

a non-sunny room with a beautiful view. Furthermore, these Dutch

subjects were prepared to sacrifice sunshine in the bedrooms and

kitchens for sunshine in the living room (where they spent most of

their time). In another investigation, Grand jean, Gilgen and Barrier

(1973) administered a questionnaire to residential dwellers and

measured the amount of sunshine in their apartments. Their survey

revealed that sunshine was more important than other aspects of the

dwelling (such as noise, illumination, presence of a balcony, or

distance to work). When subjects were asked to rate the duration of

sunshine in their dwellings, their ratings agreed quite well with the

physical measurements. These results were used to set minimum sunshine

standards ranging from one to three hours for an entire apartment. The

importance of sunshine in housing is reinforced by Hopkinson (1967)

who reported an early British survey which indicated that 75 percent of

the housewives questioned preferred sunlight in the room in which they

were working.

59
The study of the desire for sunlight has not been restricted to the

inhabitants of residential dwellings. Ne'eman and Longmore (1973)

administered a questionnaire to the occupants of four different building

types: schools, houses, offices and hospitals. The results indicated

that preferences for sunshine varied with the kind of environment.

Ninety percent of the occupants of residential dwellings, 91 percent of

hospital patients, 73 percent of office workers and 42 percent of those

in schools wanted some sunshine in their environment. On the other hand

62 percent of the hospital staff, 52 percent of those in schools,

24 percent of office workers, and 4 percent of those in homes considered

sunshine to be a nuisance. The differences in preferences may be related

to the individual's ability to use shading to control excessive thermal

gain and glare (Longmore and Ne'eman, 1973), Ne'eman (1974, p. 162)

commented that "the appreciation of sunshine is actually dependent upon

the type of building and the kind of activities which the occupants

usually perform... the difference in the response to the sun by people

performing different activities within the same interior is an

important criterion for proper environmental design."

Although all the surveys of human preferences have revealed a

general desire for sunshine, there are some problems associated with

research based on "expert judgments" and user surveys. Aware of these,

Hopkinson (1967) noted some difficulty with obtaining valid data from

surveys of user needs and preferences about the visual environment. He

claimed that "when people are interviewed for the first time about the

sunlight in their building, they find themselves having to answer

questions about which they have never previously given any thought, and

60
as a result, they tend to answer by the easiest way out, that is by

saying directly or indirectly that they are content with the way things

are" (Hopkinson, 1967, p. 13). For example, Bitter and van lerland (1961)

had found some tendency for the housewives in their survey to prefer the

existing situation, particularly in bedrooms and kitchens, though not

for their living rooms.

Although Hopkinson 's warnings deserve consideration, the evidence

for a desire for sunshine is strong. Yet, this desire may be strongest

for residents of northern latitudes where the duration of sunshine can

be quite limited. The numerous references in the literature to

"sunshine deprivation" in northern countries suggests that their

inhabitants have a very strong desire for sunshine (Hollister, 1968;

Goromosov, 1968; Ne'eman, 1973). On the other hand, observations made

in South Africa and Israel suggest that people in these countries tend

to avoid sunshine in their buildings because of its excessive heat

(Richards, 1967; Morgan, 1967). Thus, the desire for sunshine in

buildings is strongest where the duration of sunshine is most limited.

The desire for sunshine also appears to be affected by the activity

occurring within a building. Ne'eman (1974, p. 163) suggested that

"the more confined the activity the more severe the adverse effects of

sunshine may be."

Relative Importance of Sunshine and View

If people must choose between sunshine in their building and a good

view from it, which would they prefer? As mentioned earlier, Bitter and

van lerland 's subjects claimed they preferred sunshine to view if a

choice had to be made. In a review of some of the literature on view,

61
privacy, sunshine and daylight, Brierly (1971, p. 120) disagreed with

this finding, and noted that "if the order of precedence of controls

is to be related to the satisfaction of people with the environment,

it is possible that view would become the significant factor, as there

are indications that the view from both living room and kitchen windows,

and the appearance of the housing areas are major components of the

resident's satisfaction with the environment. The indications are

that the other factors, sunshine, daylight and visual privacy, do

not correlate highly with the satisfaction scale." Longmore and

Ne'eman (1973) concurred with this statement, noting that in their

study, sunshine, daylight and privacy were less important determinants

of satisfaction than view.

In an assessment of the relative importance of some of the

components of the visual environment, Markus and Gray (19 73) used

a variety of techniques to determine the overall importance of view,

sunshine, brightness and privacy. Initially, they conducted a series

of pilot studies to develop several rating scales to evaluate

satisfaction with windows in residential dwellings in Scotland. Among

the techniques used in the pilot studies were open-ended questionnaires,

limited rating scales, sentence completion and slide evaluation. The

first three approaches were used with residents of different types of

urban housing; the latter approach was employed with architecture

students

,

62
The findings from the pilot studies indicated that a number of

factors determined satisfaction with windows in residential environments.

Satisfaction appeared to be related to the amount of greenery and

"nature" visible, to the amount and kind of activity occurring, and

to the degree of brightness of the visible scene. Dissatisfaction was

affected by the number of buildings visible and by infringements upon

privacy. Satisfaction with privacy appeared to be related equally

to a desire for some contact with neighbors and for some visual privacy.

Six psychological scales, relating to general satisfaction, activity,

visual privacy, spaciousness, brightness and actual privacy, were

developed from the pilot data.

In Markus and Gray's final large-scale study, the data obtained

from residents of 450 housing units on six different sites were analyzed

in terms of the six scales developed earlier. Markus and Gray confirmed

their earlier findings that visual satisfaction was strongly related to

the visible extent of grassy area around a. house, the size of the garden,

the amount of open space, and the distance between houses. Furthermore,

brightness, spaciousness, and the amount of sky visible through a

window were also deemed important. Surprisingly enough, neither sunlight

nor window size correlated with satisfaction, although brightness and

spaciousness did.

Control of Daylight and View

In the quest for illumination and view, windows have been made

larger and larger. While the view may be better there can be some

unpleasant thermal side-effects. With increased size, windows frequently

admit more heat, particularly if the building has an unshaded west or

63
south orientation. Furthermore, this solar heat gain can exert a

tremendous strain upon the air conditioning system, resulting in

considerable energy waste. As a result, requirements for minimum

sunshine and daylight have created another set of problems.

Langdon (1968) and Langdon and Loudon (1970) found that clear,

single-glazed windows large enough to meet the British minimum daylight

factor on overcast days admitted excessive heat on bright, sunny days.

Furthermore, these large windows can result in annoying glare

(Hopkinson, 1963; 1972). Problems with the excessive heat and glare

led to the relaxation of some overly stringent daylight standards,

and the provision of some artificial lighting in the schools (Button,

1970).

Woodford (1973, p. 5) noted that "Provisions for good sunlight and

daylight in buildings is important, but not necessarily more important

than other requirements -- such as the economic use of urban land, good

views from the windows, and quiet rooms and may sometimes be difficul

to reconcile with these... In short, the aims of planning for sunlight

and daylight must be integrated with the aims of planning generally,

not pressed too far, not forgotten and not allowed to obscure other

aims." Loudon (1968) also recommended that "there is a need for

criteria to assess in advance whether a room will get too hot during

sunny spells, taking account of all relevant factors such as

orientation, ventilation, thermal capacity, shading of windows and

so on" (p. 72)

.

64
Although reducing window size can control solar heat gain and

energy waste, if too small, windows will no longer provide much daylight

or a good view. Furthermore, very small windows can create annoying

glare spots through contrast with the darker surrounding walls

(Hopkinson, 1972). Other techniques that have been used to reduce both

solar heat gain and glare, are external and internal shades, blinds,

and special glazing. Because little research has been done into user

reaction to external or internal shading devices, these will not be

discussed further. However, there has been some research into the

reaction of building occupants to the special solar glasses that have

been developed to reduce glare and thermal problems.

Because the special solar glass is tinted, it will alter and

reduce the light transmitted into a room. The two major types of solar

glass, solar absorbing and solar reflective, both reduce solar heat

gain and glare. Solar absorbing glass is tinted with certain colors

which reduce the transmission of the visual spectrum, thus lessening

problems of glare while absorbing a certain amount of solar heat.

Solar reflective glass, on the other hand, is coated with reflective

material so that it can reflect more light than it transmits. Because

this glass typically reflects radiant heat, it is more effective than

the solar absorbing glass in controlling heat gain through a window.

Cooper, Wiltshire and Warren (1973) and Cooper, Wiltshire and

Hardy (1973) investigated the reaction of office personnel to both

types of special solar glass. They conducted 3 studies: 1. A limited

pilot survey of the occupants of several individual offices to determine

the reaction to different types of solar glazing; 2. A small-scale model

65
study to define the problems associated with solar reflective glass;

and 3. A more extensive questionnaire survey of the occupants of 11

office buildings to determine the effects of the glass in the context

of the total office environment.

In the first study, a number of small offices were glazed with

several types of solar absorbing and solar reflecting glass. Subjects

were questioned informally about the glass. Cooper and his associates

found that there was little adverse reaction to the different types of

solar absorbing glass but quite a lot to two types of solar reflecting

glass with light transmissions of 12 and 15 percent. "The occupants

of the rooms complained of the depressing visual effect of the external

view due to the reduction in luminance, the need to use artificial

light during daylight hours in a room with the external wall 60 percent

glazed and the fact that the glass became a mirror to the room interior

when external illumination levels were low. This effect, which was

intermittent in daytime, resulted in peripheral vision distraction to

the occupant" (Cooper, Wiltshire and Warren, p. 3).

The unfavorable reaction to the solar reflective glass in the

pilot study led Cooper ejt a_l. to do a small, scale model investigation

of the problems of reflections associated with this glass. In this

experiment, a number of views containing different proportions of sky

luminance were projected onto a screen at a constant level of

illumination. The subject was asked to adjust the level of illumination

to determine the point at which the reflections from the glass masked the

view. The results indicated that as the ratio between internal and

external luminance increased, the reflections masked the view to a greater

66
extent. These two preliminary studies indicated that two factors would

determine the acceptability of solar glass in real office buildings.

One was the reduction of the luminance of the external view by the glass.

The second was the actual masking of the view by the internal reflections

created by the solar reflective glass.

The next step in the investigation was to determine whether these

two factors would apply in actual office buildings. Cooper and his

associates administered a questionnaire to 902 persons in 11 office

buildings with window sizes ranging from 30 to 95 percent of the external

wall. Their questionnaire covered all portions of the office environment, in an attempt to avoid paying undue attention to the windows.

Contrary to expectations, the results revealed that the type of

glass had no effect upon the judgment of the pleasantness or brightness

of the view. Furthermore, there appeared to be no effect upon the

range of colors perceived in the office. In addition, the problems

associated with the reflective glass were not nearly so important as

had been expected from the pilot work.

The authors concluded that "tinted glass has little or no effect

on the visual environment for office workers. If the view outside is

sufficiently interesting, the appearance of the window glass itself is

not noticed. It proved impossible to distinguish any significant

effects due to the colour or transmittance of the glass. The

reflectance of the glass did however have a small adverse effect on the

pleasantness of the view... It is of interest that only in buildings

where more than one type of glazing had been used were there specific

67
complaints attributable to the glass. This was probably because under

these conditions the presence of the glass could be easily detected"

(Cooper, Wiltshire and Hardy, 1973, p. 12).

The reasons for the discrepancies between the results of the

preliminary studies and of the large-scale study are not entirely

clear. The authors suggested that the subjects were more conscious

of the reflections from the glass in the pilot study than in a real

office situation. They claimed that "it is now clear that these must

have been largely due to the situation itself, where the subjects had

nothing to do but look at the view through the window. In the real

situation studied by the survey, although reflections still occur,

they are not sufficiently important to office workers for many of

them to have an opinion on the subject." They did mention that there

were some complaints from an office where a plastic film had been added

to an antisun glass. Here 20 percent of those affected disliked the

glass because it cut down the light too much on dull days.

A problem that is not discussed by Cooper and his associates is

the fact that the glass in most of the buildings transmitted more than

50 percent of the incident light. Although the glass that had caused

problems in the preliminary study had transmitted only 12-15 percent

of the light, in the latter study only one building had glass with this

transmittance . Yet, the preliminary data had indicated that this lower

transmission gla'ss is the most disliked, particularly on gloomy,

overcast days. Because the glass that is most effective in reducing

energy consumption is of this low transmittance, reaction to this

glass in real office buildings should be investigated further.

68
Photobiology

In addition to reducing light transmission through a window, the

special solar glasses alter the spectral quality of the light that is

transmitted. Furthermore, the spectral quality of artificial

illumination is usually different from that of daylight, particularly at

the short wavelength end. The effect of these differences in spectral

quality upon normal biological functions is not known. It is becoming

increasingly clear, however, that "environmental lighting exerts

important effects upon human health and productivity, far beyond its

requirements for vision" (Wurtman, 1973, p. 79). Such effects include

vitamin D synthesis and maintenance of normal biological rhythms

(Wurtman, 19 67; 19 68).

The differences in spectral quality between natural and artificial

lighting are probably not critical if people can have access to sunshine

and natural daylight as well. Yet, during the winter months, the daylight hours are so short that many people, particularly those who

must work inside, are not exposed to sunshine and daylight for long

periods of time. As a result, they are deprived of some ultraviolet

and other short wavelength light. While excessive amounts of such light

can be carcinogenic, moderate amounts appear to be beneficial (Smith,

1973; Logan, 1968). In fact, the Russians have insisted upon the

inclusion of trace amounts of ultraviolet light in the lighting systems

for factories and mines (Goromosov, 1968). They claim lack of

ultraviolet lowers resistance to disease, reduces vitality, and causes

the worker to tire more quickly (Hollister, 1968; Leposky, 1974).

69
Research into the effects of illumination upon living organisms

suggests that "It seems reasonable that the light sources to which we

expose people should not deviate markedly from the lighting environment

under which people evolved in nature. The fragmentary data now

available suggests that working under such "natural" conditions

significantly decreases visual fatigue and may also increase

productivity" (Wurtman, 1973, p. 81). Ott (1965, 1973) has demonstrated

numerous detrimental occurrences in growth and reproduction when animals

and plants are raised in an environment whose illumination spectrum

deviates markedly from the normal. It is clear that "light is a true

environmental factor as much as or even more than air, water or

temperature. Attempts to change it from the natural, either

compositiona lly or to drastically modify the portion delivered to a

living system can logically be expected to have some effect"

(Thorington, Cunningham and Parascandola , 1971, p. 246).

The study of photobiology indicates that people have physiological

as well as psychological requirements for illumination. Because this

research is relatively recent, it is difficult to conclude that

requirements for illumination of a particular spectral composition

exist, although this possibility should not be ignored.

Privacy

In addition to daylight, sunshine, and view another parameter that

must be considered in window design is that of privacy. Positioning a

window so that it is easy for people to look in and observe the behavior

of the inhabitants is undesirable. Furthermore, a window which affords

70
an expansive view can decrease privacy to an unacceptable level so that

people might prefer a smaller window with a less extensive view but more

privacy. Thus, in some situations, such as ground level rooms, the

desire for privacy may overcome the desire for a view. Nevertheless,

Markus and Gray (1973) noted some conflicting desires even in this

situation. On one hand, the residents of the dwellings being studied

wanted privacy from prying neighbors, but on the other hand, they wanted

contact with other people and expressed a dislike of the isolation that

can accompany too much privacy (Markus and Gray, 1973). These

conflicting desires would appear to have opposing influences upon window

design. Window size is not the only means of controlling privacy,

however, since curtains, blinds, and shades are also effective. Because

these devices are directly under an individual's control, they are

probably the best means for affording both privacy and view. Despite

the importance of this topic, there is very little research on the

effect of window size or position upon the desire for privacy.

Spaciousness

A number of investigators have suggested that another important

quality associated with windows can be identified as spaciousness.

The results of the next four studies indicate that the presence of a

window can increase the apparent size of a room.

71
Mercer (1971) studied the effect of windows upon perceived size byasking students of psychology and architecture to make six estimations

of size in each of three rooms. These students judged the size of their

head, the width of their shoulders, and the length (imagined) of twelve

inches and six inches, in the presence and absence of a standard for

comparison. These estimates were made in a variety of situations: a

small room with a window; a small room without a window; and a large

room (6.2 times the volume of the small room) without a window.

Mercer found that the presence of a window did not affect a person's

judgment of actual length, but did increase slightly his estimate of

imagined length. The presence of a window had the greatest impact upon

a person's perception of his own size. Mercer's subjects judged

themselves to be larger in a room with a window than in one without,

even when this was substantially larger than the room with the window.

"In other words, the window affects most the person's perception of

himself -- it makes him 'feel' better, as manifest in his increased

body boundary" (Mercer, 1971, p. 54).

The second set of investigations, by Collingro and Roessler (1972),

took a slightly different course. Using a questionnaire, they

investigated the effect of variables such as window size and illumination

level upon feelings of enclosure. Subjects reported extensive feelings

of enclosure and restraint with very small, or no windows, but not with

larger ones. The room with smaller windows, however, was considered to

have more privacy. Although increasing the level of artificial

illumination appeared to overcome some of the feelings of enclosure and

restraint, Collingro and Roessler concluded that this approach was not

very successful for windowless rooms or rooms with tiny windows.
In still another type of approach Inui and Miyata (1973) examined

the effect of a window upon a subjective variable which they termed

"spaciousness". Defining "spaciousness" as the feeling of openness or

enclosure produced by an interior, they claimed that it is primarily

determined by a person's visual perception of a space. As they have

defined it, spaciousness is a measure of the perceived expanse of a

space (unrelated to pleasure or acceptability).

Inui and Miyata (1973) employed 10 subjects who evaluated several

models (1/20, 1/10 and 1/5 scale). The subjects' evaluations were used

to scale "spaciousness" psychophysically so that the impact of such

variables as daylight, sunlight, window size and room volume upon

perceived spaciousness could be assessed.

The results from Inui and Miyata 's study revealed that window size

had the greatest effect upon perceived spaciousness. Moreover, this

effect appeared to be increased for a window at eye level. Other

factors which were found to increase the spaciousness of a room were

increased sky luminance, and room volume. The judgments of spaciousness

were not systematically affected by differences in the size of the

various models employed,

Inui and Miyata also used the same procedure to assess the perceived

spaciousness of actual rooms. Forty-three offices, interior rooms and

conference rooms were studied with 8 subjects at the University of

Tokyo, It was found that the same factors that had been important in

the scale-model rooms also affected perceived spaciousness in these

full-scale rooms.

73
The findings by Inui and Miyata described thus far relate only to

spaciousness, not to any feelings of pleasure or acceptability that

might be associated with it. Inui and Miyata were also concerned,

however, about positive emotional reactions created by a "spacious"

interior. In pursuing this topic, they assessed the effect of parameters

such as room volume, window size, and sky luminance upon "just acceptable

spaciousness ".

The results of Inui and Miyata 's study of the emotional attributes

associated with "spaciousness" indicated that subjects were able to

place "just acceptable spaciousness" on the psychophysical scale of

spaciousness. The "just acceptable spaciousness" of a room was

determined by its volume and by the presence of windows. Thus, the

greater the volume or the larger the windows, the more acceptable the

spaciousness was judged. Because subjects were able to use the concepts

of "spaciousness" and "just acceptable spaciousness" with a great deal

of consistency and reliability, Inui and Miyata advocated the

application of these concepts to the design of building interiors.

In another investigation Imamoglu and Markus (1973) defined

spaciousness as a feeling resulting from the visual perception of an

interior area. They examined the effects of window size, room shape,

and window location upon spaciousness with a large number of subjects

(120), using both full-and small-scale (1/10) models. Unlike Inui and

Miyata, who had had their subjects rate the spaciousness of different

rooms, Imamoglu and Markus asked subjects to adjust each of 2 adjustable

rectangular models to be equal to a fixed square model in spaciousness.

The effects of window size, room proportion and length of window wall

upon spaciousness were assessed by adjusting a model.

74
Imatnoglu and Markus found no correlation between window size or

room proportion and spaciousness. These results disagree with those of

Collingro and Roessler (1972) and Inui and Miyata (1973), who had found

window size to be directly related to perceived spaciousness. On the

other hand, Imamoglu and Markus did find a very significant interaction

between window size, room properties and spaciousness, so that several

small windows gave greater feeling of spaciousness to a square-like

room than did large continuous windows. In contrast, continuous windows

gave greater feelings of spaciousness in a rectangular room. No matter

what the room proportions were, the rooms were perceived as more

spacious when the windows were on a short wall than on a long one.

These findings indicate that square-like rooms appear more spacious with

a continuous window on the short wall.

The results of these two studies (Imamoglu and Markus, 1973; and

Inui and Miyata, 1973) indicate that subjects can define and use a

concept termed "spaciousness" fairly consistently. This concept is

related to, but not entirely dependent upon, the presence of windows

within a room. Thus, a large windowless room, with a high ceiling,

large volume, and bright lighting could be judged as spacious, although

it probably would be judged as more spacious if a window were present.

The various studies on spaciousness indicate that windows can add

an important psychological dimension to a room, so that the mere

presence of a window will increas,e its apparent size. Furthermore,

windows can reduce feelings of enclosure and restriction. Yet, very

large windows do not appear to be necessary for this purpose. Instead,

moderate-size windows can be effective if placed at eye level on the

75
short side of the room. If window size is reduced too far, however, the

room will lose this quality of apparent spaciousness. These findings

indicate that the presence of windows can alter the quality of a room

in a fashion almost unrelated to external factors such as view or

sunshine

.

Summary

In Section II, numerous functions and benefits provided by windows

were identified. Perhaps the most highly valued of these is the

provision of a view, or some contact with the outside world. The

desirability of a view appears to be related to the amount of information

available and to the extent of sky, horizon, and ground visible. A view

seen through a window seems to be able to satisfy both esthetic and

intellectual demands. Although a view out is generally regarded as

desirable, in some restricted and monotonous situations, it becomes

almost a necessity.

In addition to view, there are several other benefits provided

by windows that appear to be essential in governing satisfaction with

them. Although there are still questions about the physiological

requirements for daylight and sunshine, the importance of these for

the psychological well-being of a building's inhabitants should not be

underestimated. Daylight and sunshine contribute a highly dynamic

character to the internal environment of a room. They introduce

change and variety into an otherwise static atmosphere^ The addition

of dynamic qualities through the provision of view, daylight and

sunshine appears to be one of the most vital functions performed by a

76

J
window. In addition, the presence of windows appears to make a room

seem more spacious, so that a small, cramped room is perceived as larger.

While there are some disadvantages to windows such as undesirable

heat gain, glare, and lack of privacy, the advantages of view, sunshine,

daylight and spaciousness appear to outweigh them substantially.

Certainly, windows appear to afford a great deal of pleasure for the

residents of various kinds of buildings.

CONCLUSIONS

Although the research reviewed in this paper has emphasized the

desirability of windows for people in buildings, it is difficult to

draw substantive conclusions beyond this. Final conclusions are limited

by the paucity of research in most of the areas reviewed. For example,

although the conclusion that windowless rooms are not particularly

desirable appears legitimate, this opinion is not based upon a large

number of investigations. In fact, the best evidence for this dislike

comes from one study of windowless offices and one of windowless

intensive care units. Much, though not all, of the evidence from the

windowless classroom studies is inconclusive, or inadequate, while that

from windowless factories is circumstantial, based on hearsay, rather

than research. As a result, only tentative conclusions can be drawn

about the qualities of windowless spaces that make them somewhat less

than desirable. Further investigation is needed to determine if dislike

of a windowless space is in fact determined by the kind of task, the

amount of personal interaction, the size of the space, and the variety of

activity. Once questions such as these have been researched, then

77
better decisions can be made about the design for spaces which must be

windowless, so that human needs can be satisfied rather than sacrificed.

While the research into the reaction to windowless places suffers

from a lack of specificity, that into the reaction to windows suffers

from a lack of synthesis. Rarely has the overall impact of a window

been investigated. Although much research has been done into preselected

aspects such as view, daylight, or spaciousness, it is impossible to

determine if these are all the benefits that set a windowless space

apart from one with windows. Furthermore, almost all the research

into the various functions of windows has been done in Great Britain

and Northern Europe, rather than the United States. It is conceivable

that cultural and climatic variations might cause substantial

differences in the desirability of such aspects as sunshine and privacy.

The investigations into reaction to windows suggest some of the benefits,

but do not provide any final answers about why windows are desirable.

Because of the numerous areas in which further research should be

done, it is difficult to make any recommendations about the best

window design for satisfying both human and energy requirements. While

there are some situations in which the elimination of windows may be

acceptable, because human needs are met by the situation itself, this

is certainly not true for the majority of buildings. Furthermore, while

reduction in window size may be appropriate for some buildings, it is

difficult to make any recommendations about the optimal size for all

buildings. Although almost all of the British studies on minimum window

size point to a size of about 20 to 30 percent of the window wall for

office buildings, these recommendations have never been researched

78
with people in actual buildings. The question of "minimum acceptable

window size" has not been investigated for other types of buildings,

with the scale model or any other sort of approach. Even in the

limited number of studies on window size in offices, there are conflicts

in the findings about the best shape and position of the reduced

window area. The reaction to other means of reducing energy loss due

to windows, such as double and triple glazing, shading devices, and

special types of glass has not been explored in detail. The one study

on attitudes toward special solar glass found many discrepancies between

the scale-model studies and the actual office studies that are difficult

to explain. Discussion of these various limitations and discrepancies

can provide some understanding of the problems involved in specifying

design solutions for both energy requirements and human demands.

It seems clear that there is no single solution, such as windowless

buildings or minimal windows, for reducing energy consumption due to

windows, because human requirements cannot as yet be specified fully.

It is evident, however, that windows do perform desirable functions for

people in buildings that should not be overlooked in the design of

energy efficient buildings.

79
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58. Markus, T. A. and Gray, A., Windows in low rise, high density

housing -- The psychological significance of sunshine, daylight,

view and visual privacy -- (Proceedings of CIE Conference on "Windows

and their function in architectural design", Oct. 1973).

59. Markus, T, A., Window requirements in housing. Talk given at

Oct. 197A BRE Conference on Perception of the External World,

London.

60. Mercer, J. C. , On measuring the effect of a window. Architectural

Research and Teaching , 2., 53-55 (Nov. 1971).

61. Morgan, C. J., Sunlight and its effect on human behavior and

performance, 21-26 ( Proceedings of CIE , Bouwcentrum, Rotterdam, 1967).

62. Morse, R. M. and Litin, E. M. , Postoperative delirium: A study of

etiologic factors, American Journal of Psychiatry , 126 , 388-395

(1969) .

63. Ne'eman, E. , Visual aspects of sunlight in buildings, EH .51,

(International Conference on "The sun in the service of mankind",

Paris, July, 1973).

64. Ne'eman, E. , Visual aspects of sunlight in buildings, Lighting

Research and Technology , _6, no. 3, 159-164 (1974).

65. Ne'eman, E. , and Hopkinson, R. G. , Critical minimum acceptable

window size: a study of window design and provision of a view.

Lighting Research and Technology , 2, 17-27 (1970).

66. Ne'eman, E. , and Longmore, J., Physical aspects of windows:

Integration of daylight with artificial light, (Proceedings of CIE

Conference, Istanbul on "Windows and their function in architectural

design", October 1973).

67. Nimnicht, G. P., Windows and school design. Phi Delta Kappan , 47 , 305-307 (1966).

68. O'Sullivan, P. E. , Integrated environmental design of buildings.

Proceedings of the EDRA 3/ar 8 conference. University of California

at Los Angeles, 2, 25.2.1-25.2.9, (Jan. 1972).

69. Ott, J. N. , Effects of wavelengths of light on physiological functions

of plants and animals. Illuminating Engineering , 60 , 254-61 (1965).

70. Ott, J. N, , Health and Light , (Old Greenwich: Devon-Adair, 1973).

71. Perkins, L. B. , Windows and learning, U.S. Glass, Metal and Glazing , 11-14 (October 1966).

72. Plant, C.G.H. , The light of day. Light and Lighting , _63, 292-296

(1970) . 84
73. Richards, S. J., Sunlight and buildings. South African Architectural

Record . _52, no. 12 (1967).

74. Ruys , Windowless Offices (M.A. Thesis, University of Washington,

Seattle, Washington, 1970) „

75. Smith, K. C. , The science of photobiology , Bioscience , 24 , 45-48

(1974).

76. Sommer, R. , Personal Space; The Behavioral Basis of Design , Pp. 98-119

(Prentice Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1969).

77. Soramer, R. , Tight Spaces : Hard architecture and how to humanize

it, Pp. 114-119 (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, Prentice Hall, Inc.)

a974).

78. Thorington, L, , Cunningham, I,., and Parascandola , J., The illuminant

in the prevention and phototherapy of hyperbilirubinemia.

Illuminating Engineering , 66 , no. 4, 240-249 (1971).

79. Tikkanen, K. T. , Significance of windows in classrooms (M.A. Thesis

University of California at Berkeley, 1970).

80. Tikkanen, K. T. , Significance of windows in classrooms. Evaluation

of built-in environments by a comparative method (Nov. 1, 1972).

81. Tognoli, J., The effect of windowless rooms and unembe llished

surroundings on attitudes and retention. Environment and Behavior , 5, 191-201 (1973).

82. Vaisrub, S., Windows for the soul, Archives of Internal Medicine , X30 , 297 (1972).

83. Wells, B.W.P., Subjective responses to the lighting installation

in a modern office building and their design implications, Bui Id ing

Science , 1, 57-68 (1965).

84. Wilson, L. M. , Intensive care delirium; the effect of outside

deprivation in a windowless unit. Archives of Internal Medicine , 130, 225-226 (1972),

85. Woodford, G. P., Innovation and continuity. Planning for sunlight

in housing, EH 56 (International conference on "The sun in the

service of mankind", Paris, July, 1973),

86. Wurtman, R. J., Biological implications of artificial illumination.

Illuminating Engineering , 63, 523-529 (1968).

87. Wurtman, R. J., Biological considerations in lighting environment.

Progressive Architecture , 9., 79-81 (Sept. 1973).

85
88. Wurtman, R, J., Effects of light and visual stimuli on endocrine

function. In W. F. Ganong (ed.) Neuroendocrine logy , 19-59, (New

York, Academic Press, 1967).

Additional Articles of Interest

1. Aldworth, R. C. , and Bridgers, D. J., Design for variety in lighting.

Lighting Research and Technology , 3., 8-20 (1971).

2. Anon., Windowless building best for research project, Engineering

News Record , 166 , 28 (Feb. 9, 1961).

3. Anon., Glass walls envelope windowless labs. Engineering News

Record , 169 , 52-53 (Oct. 4, 1962).

4. Anon., A growing case for the daylighted building, U.S. Gla ss , Metal and Glazing , 22-25 (Aug. 1969).

5. Anon., No windows on the future, Illuminating Engineering , 59 , 399-402 (May, 1964).

6. Anon., Lighting -- The windowless factory. Factory and offices,

Aspro-Nicholas , Slough, The Architect's Journal , 128 , No. 3307,

85-106 (July 17, 1958).

7. Baker, G. , and Funaro, B. , Windows in Modern Architecture , (New York, Architectural Book Publishing Co., Inc., 1948).

8. Bell, J. A.M., Development and practice in the daylighting of

buildings. Lighting Research and Technology , 5_, no. 4, 173-185 (1973).

9. Bennett, I., Natural daylight illumination -- its relation to

isolation. Illuminating Engineering , 5

7

, 145-149 (1962).

10. Button, D. A., Research into performance requirements for windows

and window glass products. Paper presented at 6th GIB Congress,

Budapest, 1974.

11. Catlin, G. , The growing case for the daylighted school. Technical

Service Memo , Pittsburgh Plate Glass (Sept. 9, 1966).

12. Cockram, A. H. , and Collins, J. B. , Permanent supplementary

artificial lighting of deep hospital wards. Lighting Research and

Technology , 2, 174-185 (1970).

13. Cockram, A. H. and Collins, J. B. , Lighting of hospital circulation

spaces which are open to bed bays, Lighting Research and Technology

6, no. 2, 69-79 (1974).

14. Collins, J. B. , and Plant,C.G.H. .Preferred luminance distribution

in windowless spaces. Lighting Research and Technology , _3, 219-231

(1971).

86
15. Croghan, D. , Daylight study; daylight and the form of office buildings,

Architect's Journal , 142 , no. 25, 1502-1508 (1965).

16. Croghan, D. , and Hawkes, D. , Daylighting in dwellings; analysis of

a questionnaire. The Architect's Journal , 149 , 585-589 (Feb. 26, 1969).

17. Daytime Lighting of Buildings: Report of an IBS Symposium, Lighting

Research and Technology , 6, no. 2, 104-111 (1974).

18. Grandjean, E., Ergonomics of the Home , pp. 198-207; 230-244,

(New Yock, Halstead Press 1973).

19. Griffith, J. W. , Design of windows. Solar effects on building design.

Building Research Institute Conference (1962).

20. Hill, A. R. , Vision through meshes: A summary report. Lighting

Research and Technology , L, 54-56 (1969).

21. Krochmann, J., On the physical and psychophysiological meaning of

windows for the environment in interiors, EH 55, International

Conference on "The sun in the service of mankind", Paris (July 1973).

22. Malarky, J. T. , Architectural Economics related to comfort, productivity and glass. NBS Special Publication No. 361, vol. 1, Performance

concept in buildings: Proceedings of the Joint RILEM-ASTM-CIB

Symposium. Held May 2-5, 1972, Phila., Pa.

23. Markus, T. A., Architectural aspects of windows. 6.3 Economic

aspects of daylighting. The real cost of a window -- an exercise

in cost benefit study in building design. Istanbul conference,

1-55, 1973.

24. Markus, T, A., Changing nature of daylight studies. Light and Lighting , 56, 119-124 (1963).

25. Morisseau, J. J., Peak preview of windowless school experience,

American School Board Journal , June 27-30.

26. Ne'eman, E. and Hopkinson, R. G. , The design of windows in relation

to outside view, interior form, sunshine and activity. Paper

presented at BRE , Oct. 1974, Conference on '''Perception of the

external world", London.

27. Platzker, J., The first 100 windowless schools in the U.S.A. Paper

presented at educational workshop. 28th annual convention of

National Association of Architectural Metal Manufacturers (April 1966).

28. Privacy, Building Research and Practice , 30-31 (Jan/Feb. 1973).

29. SandstrBm, C. I., The shortcomings of psychophys ics in determining

architectural spaces, CIE Study Group A , Varna /Bulgaria (1-2 Oct. 1972).

87
30. Schwartz, B. , The social psychology of privacy. In R. Gutman (ed.)

People and Buildings , 152-169 (New York, Basic Books, 1972).

31. Sailner, G. , Glare from luminous ceilings from LICHTTECHNIK, 2A_ (11)

(1972). Library translation No. 1760 of BRE, Garston, Watford

(May 19 73).

32. Tikkanen, K. T. , Window factors in schools, Part II: Overhead

natural lighting, Helsinki University of Technology (Feb. 1974)

„

33. Tourtelot, E. , Glass and academics, U.S. Glass, Metal and Glazing

(April 1967).

34. Wenzler, 0. F. , How to relate daylighting requirements to building

design, U.S. Glass Metal and Glazing , 18-21 (Jan. 1967).

35. Wright, H. , Environmental technology as a design determinant.

Presented at American Standard Symposium "Man and his Environment"

Skyline Hotel, Toronto, (Nov. 1966).

it U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE : 1975—582-655/164

88
NBS-1 14A (REV. 7-73)

U.S. DEPT. OF COMM. BIBLIOGRAPHIC DATA

SHEET

L HUliLK ATION OK KI'.POK T NO. NBS ESS- 70

2. Gov't Accession

No.

3. Recipient's Accession No.

4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE

WINDOWS AND PEOPLE: A LITERATURE SURVEY

Psychological Reaction to Environments With and

Without Windows

5. Publication Date June 1975

6. Performing Organization (-ode

7. AUTHOR(S) , • J T u 4- 1

1 Belinda Lowenhaupt Coiiins 8. Performing Organ. Report No.

9. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME AND ADDRESS

NATIONAL BUREAU OF STANDARDS

DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE

WASHINGTON, D.C. 20234

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National Bureau of Standards

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Washington, D.C. 20234

ij. 1 ype or Report & Period Covered (Jan. 30-Oct. 1, 1974)

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15. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number : 75-619123

16. ABSTRACT (A 200-word or less factual summary of most sigrtificant information. If document includes a significant

bibliography or literature survey, mention it here.) An understanding of human requirements for windows in buildings can be

developed through a survey of the literature on the reaction to environments

with and without windows. Evaluation of the response to a variety of windowless

situations reveals that although the attitudes toward a windowless space are often somewhat unfavorable, the most adverse reaction occurs in a small,

restricted and essentially static environment. This suggests that one function

performed by a window is the addition of a dynamic, active quality to an interior

environment. Consideration of the response to the actual presence of windows

indicates that another essential function of a window is the provision of a view

of the external world. Although almost any view is acceptable, there is some evidence that views with a high information content are preferable., In addition,

windows admit illumination, in the form of daylight and sunshine which furnish a dynamic, changing character to a room. Yet, the functions of windows extend

beyond view and illumination to an enhancement of the basic character of a room,

such that the mere presence of a window may cause a room to appear more spacious.

Finally, the optimum size and shape of a window for fulfilling these various

functions is discussed.

17. KEY WORDS (six to twelve entries; alphabetical order; capitalize only the first letter of the first key word unless a proper name; separated by semicolons

)

Daylight; fenestration; psychological; solar glass; spaciousness; sunshine; view;

windowless; windows.

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