May 27, 2020

Disclaimer: This paper is the product of professional research performed by staff of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review 

Commission, and was prepared at the request of the Commission to support its deliberations. Posting of the report to the Commission’s 

website is intended to promote greater public understanding of the issues addressed by the Commission in its ongoing assessment of U.S.-

China economic relations and their implications for U.S. security, as mandated by Public Law 106-398 and Public Law 113-291. However, 

the public release of this document does not necessarily imply an endorsement by the Commission, any individual Commissioner, or the 

Commission’s other professional staff, of the views or conclusions expressed in this staff research report.

China’s Banking Sector Risks and 

Implications for the United States

Virgilio Bisio, Policy Analyst, Economics and Trade

Acknowledgments: The author thanks Carl Walter and Dinny McMahon for their helpful insights. Their

assistance does not imply any endorsement of this report’s contents, and any errors should be attributed 

solely to the author. The author would also like to express his gratitude to the organizations, scholars, 

and personnel dedicated to tracking developments in China’s banking system whose research made this 

report possible. 
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 

Table of Contents

Executive Summary....................................................................................................................................................3

Introduction.................................................................................................................................................................4

Structural Overview....................................................................................................................................................4

Composition of China’s Banking System...............................................................................................................4

Policy and Regulatory Oversight............................................................................................................................5

Underdevelopment of Direct Financing .................................................................................................................7

The Role of Shadow Banking.................................................................................................................................8

Trends and Policy Developments...............................................................................................................................9

The Evolution of Balance Sheet Risks ...................................................................................................................9

2019: Year of the Bailouts....................................................................................................................................11

Nonperforming Loans and Capital Replenishment ..............................................................................................13

Pandemic Banking ................................................................................................................................................15

Spotlight: Retail Banking..........................................................................................................................................16

The Rise of Fintech and Its Disruption of Banking..............................................................................................18

Impact on Consumption........................................................................................................................................18

Conclusion and Considerations for Congress...........................................................................................................19
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 3 

Executive Summary

Banks are the dominant players in China’s financial system, but they are also a source of systemic risk as China’s 

growing debt burden is concentrated on their balance sheets. While Chinese banks appear similar to their U.S. 

counterparts, there is a key difference: they remain beholden to and supported by the state. This makes them operate 

in fundamentally different ways than U.S. banks. Despite four decades of promised liberalization, the Communist 

Party-state retains the ability to intervene decisively in the banking system to achieve desired outcomes. However, 

the government’s efforts to control and direct the financial system have also limited the growth of direct financing 

channels such as stock and bond markets, leaving banks as the main providers of credit in China’s economy and,

thus, indispensable. Beijing has consequently been forced to bail them out on several occasions. 

Beijing’s focus on maintaining stability and control warps market incentives by encouraging investors, creditors,

and depositors to evaluate a bank based on its likelihood of receiving government support if there is a risk of 

insolvency rather than on its individual fundamentals. Banks themselves follow the same logic and prefer to lend 

to companies that enjoy explicit or implicit government support. Thus, the subordination of banks’ commercial 

objectives to political priorities distorts credit allocation and undermines the development of a professionalized 

financial system based on market fundamentals.

The giant stimulus Beijing deployed during the 2008–2009 global financial crisis prompted banks to engage in a 

decade of risky expansion. This has left them without sufficient capital to cover foreseeable risks and saddled them 

with large volumes of nonperforming loans (NPLs). Regional banks, restricted to serving a specific province or 

metropolitan area, were the most aggressive and borrowed heavily from larger nationally licensed banks to fund 

their expansion. In late 2016, financial regulators belatedly recognized the severity of these risks and initiated a 

cleanup campaign. Nevertheless, liquidity risks erupted in dramatic fashion in 2019, first with the Baoshang Bank 

bailout in May and followed by problems at other regional banks. The scale of the problem will require an extended 

period of unwinding characterized by slower growth. The probability of additional isolated bank crises remains 

high. Meanwhile, the outbreak of the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) has complicated this effort by straining 

companies’ financials and damaging their ability to repay loans. Banks now face renewed pressure from the 

government to extend extra support to struggling companies even as they face a possible spike in new NPLs, 

compounding existing capital shortages and liquidity problems. 

To cope with a changing economic and policy environment, many banks have turned to consumers to drive 

continued growth. Here, too, significant headwinds are emerging. As tracked by the Bank for International 

Settlements, households in China borrowed faster than in any other country over the last decade, and they are 

beginning to reduce consumption to pay down their debt. Moreover, not all banks are equally equipped to take 

advantage of the rise in consumer borrowing. Financial technology (fintech) companies, which collect large 

volumes of consumer data and offer attractive alternatives to standard bank deposits, present a further challenge to 

bank profitability. Regional banks, the weakest link in China’s banking system, are especially poorly positioned to 

attract new retail customers. 

Despite the challenges facing Chinese banks, observers should be cautious about predicting an imminent financial 

crisis. Beijing has demonstrated capacity and willingness to intervene as necessary to prevent bank collapse. Yet its 

capacity to do so more broadly, especially amid the unprecedented global shock of COVID-19, remains untested. 

Further, such individual bank interventions are intrinsically market distorting and may exacerbate problems in the 

future. In some cases, government bailouts hurt the value of assets held by U.S. investors, whose interests are 

secondary to the Chinese government’s need for stability. The fate of Chinese banks is also of growing relevance 

to the United States because Beijing has slowly expanded market access for foreign financial companies and 

portfolio investors. Through their investment or retirement accounts, individual U.S. savers are increasingly likely 

to have exposure to China’s financial markets, own equity in Chinese banks, and acquire Chinese NPLs. U.S. 

investors thus have a growing stake in China’s financial system and all its unattenuated economic and political 

risks. This is an important issue for policymakers to assess.
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 4 

Introduction

Over the past decade, China’s banking sector has grown fourfold from $10.2 trillion in 2009 to $41.6 trillion at the 

end of 2019 and is now the world’s largest.

* 1 However, this expansion was not matched by commensurate economic 

growth during the same period. China’s gross domestic product (GDP) increased by only $9.2 trillion between 2009 

and 2019, and the pace of growth slowed significantly, already hitting a 29-year low before the COVID-19

pandemic.2 This mismatch between bank-sector expansion and decelerating growth reflects decreased efficiency in 

the allocation of financial resources as new credit generates diminishing economic returns. Behind China’s 

significant corporate debt burden is a mountain of bank loans, a significant portion of which are backed by opaque, 

high-risk assets. Beijing’s current regulatory approach to the financial system can largely be understood as an 

attempt to reduce the threat these risky assets present to overall financial stability while keeping borrowing

sufficiently high to stimulate growth. This report reviews the structure of China’s banking sector and the causes of 

its current challenges. It then assesses recent regulatory efforts to curb risky lending, offload bad assets, and 

recapitalize banks. It concludes by examining China’s booming retail banking market and analyzing the 

implications of China’s banking policies for the United States. 

Structural Overview

Composition of China’s Banking System

On the surface, China possesses a well-developed and diverse financial system. As of January 2020, the Shanghai 

and Shenzhen stock exchanges had a combined market capitalization of $8.5 trillion, making China the secondlargest equities market in the world after the United States.3 In addition to banks, a wide range of financial 

institutions—including brokerages, financial leasing companies, trust companies, fintech companies, etc.—are 

active in China’s financial market. Despite this apparent diversity, commercial banks† overwhelmingly dominate 

China’s financial sector, accounting for more than 80 percent of all assets held by Chinese financial institutions and 

provided 67.8 percent of all credit to the economy in 2019.

‡ 4 Moreover, although there are over 4,000 commercial 

banks,

§ the six largest state-owned banks—Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC), China Construction 

Bank, Bank of China, Agricultural Bank of China, Postal Savings Bank of China, and the Bank of 

Communications—hold 47 percent or $15.9 trillion of all commercial bank assets (see Figure 1).

5 These are 

followed by 12 national joint-stock banks,** which hold an additional 21 percent of total commercial bank assets.6

There are also a multitude of regional banking institutions with various ownership structures, including 134 city 

commercial banks, around 1,400 rural commercial banks, and thousands of rural credit cooperatives. 

 * Other countries’ banking systems also expanded during this period. For example, between January 2009 and December 2019, total U.S. 

commercial bank assets grew from $12.3 trillion to 17.8 trillion, while those of Japan grew from $8.9 trillion (804.6 trillion yen) to $10.4 

trillion (1129.5 trillion yen) over the same period. However, the speed and scale of China’s credit expansion was far greater than that of 

other countries and was unprecedented in modern history. See Dinny McMahon, China’s Great Wall of Debt: Shadow Banks, Ghost Cities, 

Massive Loans, and the End of the Chinese Miracle, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2019, 31; FRED, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, 

“Total Assets All Commercial Banks.” https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/TLAACBW027SBOG; Bank of Japan, “Assets and Liabilities of 

Domestically Licensed Banks.” https://www.boj.or.jp/en/statistics/asli_fi/index.htm/. † The use of the term “commercial banks” in this report does not imply that such banks operate according to free-market principles. 

Commercial banks—as opposed to investment banks and policy banks—here refers simply to banks that accept deposits from individuals 

or corporations; make business, consumer, and mortgage loans; and provide checking account services. Commercial banks primarily earn 

a profit from the spread between the interest rates they pay to depositors and those they receive on loans they have extended. They also 

collect fees for certain services they provide, such as credit card transactions and currency exchange. The consumer-oriented portion of a 

commercial bank’s business is called retail banking. 

‡ This figure includes only formal bank loans. If off-balance-sheet shadow loans are included, then the percentage would be higher. 

§ This number includes rural credit cooperatives: financial institutions that provide the same services as commercial banks to rural 

communities, where the larger commercial banks do not have a physical presence. ** The shareholders of these joint stock—or shareholding—banks are corporations. Unlike the big six banks, these are not necessarily wholly

state owned, but the government often has a strategic or controlling interest through state-owned investment or holding companies. The 

12 national joint-stock banks are China Merchants Bank, Shanghai Pudong Development Bank, China Citic Bank, Hua Xia Bank, China 

Everbright Bank, China Minsheng Bank, Industrial Bank (distinct from ICBC), China Guangdong Development Bank, Ping An Bank, 

China Zheshang Bank, China Bohai Bank, and Hengfeng Bank. See Sun Guofeng, “Banking Institutions and Banking Regulations” (draft) 

in Marlene Amstad, Guofeng Sun, and Wei Xiong, eds., The Handbook of China’s Financial System (forthcoming in Princeton University 

Press), 12. https://www.chinafinancialsystem.com/chapters/. 
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 5 

Figure 1: Chinese Commercial Bank Assets by Bank Type, December 2019

Note: This figure includes the assets of rural credit cooperatives, which largely perform the same function as commercial banks but are not 

counted in the aggregate commercial bank asset figure published by the China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission’s (CBIRC). 

Source: China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission via CEIC database.

In addition to commercial banks, China also has three national state-owned policy banks: China Development Bank, 

Export-Import Bank of China (Exim Bank), and Agricultural Development Bank of China. The Chinese government

does not publish disaggregated figures for the policy banks’ assets, but the three banks’ most recent annual reports 

reveal that their combined assets equaled about $4 trillion at the end of 2018. 7 The three policy banks were 

established as part of a restructuring effort in 1994 to separate commercial and policy financing functions, with each 

bank charged with specific policy domains. For example, China Development Bank was formed specifically to 

finance domestic and international development projects, while the Exim Bank provides financial services for 

importers and exporters.8 The existence of separate policy banks does not mean China’s commercial banks are 

nonpolitical enterprises. The central government, as well as regional and local governments, regularly influence the 

lending decisions of commercial banks by issuing policy directives or through informal dialogue known as “window 

guidance.”* 9 This subordination of banks’ commercial objectives to political priorities distorts credit allocation and 

undermines the development of a professionalized financial system. 

Policy and Regulatory Oversight

The two main regulatory authorities responsible for overseeing China’s banking system are the People’s Bank of 

China (PBOC) and the China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission (CBIRC). The PBOC is China’s 

central bank and, similar to the Federal Reserve System in the United States, is tasked with setting monetary policy 

and maintaining stability in the financial system.10 Although the 1995 Law of the People’s Bank of China mandates 

currency stability as its key monetary policy objective, in practice the PBOC pursues several high-level goals 

simultaneously. These include maintaining price stability, supporting economic growth, ensuring employment, 

maintaining stability in China’s balance of payments, and promoting financial reform and financial market 

development.11

 * Window guidance is an unconventional method of conducting monetary policy in which authorities seek to influence banks’ lending 

volumes through dialogue and “moral suasion” rather than through legislation or formal regulations. See Georgina Lee, “China’s Biggest 

Banks Well Prepped on Nonperforming Loans, Ready for Stricter Reporting Standard,” South China Morning Post, May 15, 2019. 

https://www.scmp.com/business/article/3010372/chinas-biggest-banks-well-prepped-non-performing-loans-ready-stricter; Stefan 

Angrick and Naoyuki Yoshino, “From Window Guidance to Interbank Rates: Tracking the Transition of Monetary Policy in Japan and 

China,” Bank of Finland Institute for Economies in Transition, 2018, 1. 

https://helda.helsinki.fi/bof/bitstream/handle/123456789/15212/dp0418.pdf;jsessionid=E48CC5018DB01891C2A27F2BD740B5CF?seq

uence=1.

47%

21%

16%

16% Big 6 Commercial Banks

12 Joint-Stock Commercial

Banks

City Commercial Banks

Rural Financial Institutions
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 6 

A critical difference between the PBOC and the U.S. Federal Reserve System is that it does not have the same 

degree of institutional independence. The PBOC is subordinate to the State Council (see Figure 2)—China’s highest 

administrative authority—and must submit “decisions about money supply, interest rates, exchange rates and other 

specified important matters” to the State Council for approval before implementing them.12 The PBOC must 

therefore formulate monetary policy in coordination with other government agencies and is ultimately answerable 

to the political will of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). 

Figure 2: Oversight Structure of China’s Financial System

Source: Created by Commission staff.

The CBIRC is the successor institution to the China Banking Regulatory Commission (CBRC), which existed from 

2003 to 2018 and then merged with China’s insurance regulator during a government-wide bureaucratic overhaul 

at the 13th National People’s Congress in March 2018. The CBRC was originally created to take over supervisory 

and regulatory functions of the PBOC for banks and some nonbank financial institutions (NBFIs)* in China.13 The 

CBIRC retains many of these powers, such as drafting and promulgating rules and approving the creation of 

financial institutions. However, following the March 2018 reorganization, the PBOC largely regained control of 

regulatory policy development as the CBIRC’s role was narrowed to that of a supervisory institution to oversee 

banks and insurance companies.14

Under the leadership of General Secretary of the CCP Xi Jinping, financial policymaking has become increasingly 

integrated and directly subordinate to the Party. In 2017, the State Council established a Financial Stability and 

Development Committee (FSDC) to coordinate across different agencies and ensure that monetary, fiscal, and 

financial policy are better aligned. 15 The committee includes representatives from the PBOC, CBIRC, China 

Securities Exchange Commission, National Development and Reform Commission, and National Council for Social 

Security Fund. It is chaired by Vice Premier Liu He, General Secretary Xi’s top advisor on economic issues.16 Vice 

Premier Liu has a close personal relationship with General Secretary Xi and also heads the general office of the 

Central Leading Small Group on Financial and Economic Affairs, a Party coordinating body.17 Thus, the FSDC 

represents a parallel structure concentrating power in the hands of General Secretary Xi’s trusted lieutenant and 

bypassing Premier Li Keqiang, who retains formal authority over financial policymaking as head of the State 

Council. 

 * The CBIRC’s Non-Bank Inspection Bureau performs onsite inspections and evaluations of insurance companies, trust companies, and other 

financial companies. The Non-Bank Department handles market entry and offsite stress testing for financial asset management companies, 

corporate group finance companies, financial leasing companies, auto leasing companies, consumer finance companies, currency 

brokerages, and other financial institutions. China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission, Non-Bank Inspection Bureau (非银检

查 局 ). http://www.cbirc.gov.cn/cn/view/pages/jigougaikuang/nsjg-xiangqing.html#87; China Banking and Insurance Regulatory 

Commission, Non-Bank Department (非银部). http://www.cbirc.gov.cn/cn/view/pages/jigougaikuang/nsjg-xiangqing.html#102.

State Council

China Banking and Insurance People’s Bank of China

Regulatory Commission

Monetary Policy 

Commission

State Administration of 

Foreign Exchange

Commercial Banks Policy Banks

Large Commercial 

Banks

National Joint Stock 

Commercial Banks

City Commercial 

Banks

Rural Commercial 

Banks

Rural Credit 

Cooperatives

Foreign 

Banks
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 7 

How the PBOC Manages Interest Rates

The PBOC uses a variety of tools to achieve its monetary policy objectives. Unlike in the United States, where there 

is a single benchmark interest rate—the federal funds rate—China’s central bank maintains several different interest 

rates that can be reasonably seen as having benchmark status.18 Until the second half of 2019, the most watched of 

these were the so-called benchmark lending and deposit rates, which have remained unchanged at 4.35 percent and 

1.5 percent, respectively, since 2015.19 Although interest rates were nominally liberalized in 2015, commercial 

banks still based their own interest rates on the benchmarks (and continue to do so for deposit rates).20

In August 2019, the PBOC changed the way it calculates the Loan Prime Rate (LPR)—the average rate a collection 

of 18 banks charge their best customers. Participating banks now must submit their LPR quotations in terms of a

spread over the Medium-Term Lending Facility (MLF).

* Although this reform was trumpeted as making the LPR 

more market based, linking it to the MLF actually gives the PBOC greater influence over the LPR since it can cut 

or raise the MLF rate at any time, and thereby also prevents banks from colluding to keep lending rates high.21 In 

December 2019, the PBOC ordered banks to reprice all outstanding floating interest rate loans† according to the 

LPR instead of the old benchmark lending rate by August 2020—effectively replacing the benchmark rate.22

The MLF in turn tends to track the PBOC’s interest rate on seven-day reverse repurchase agreements or “reverse 

repos.”23 In a reverse repo, the PBOC buys securities (usually with maturities of seven days) from major banks, 

which agree to repurchase them at a higher price on the maturity date—effectively a short-term loan from the PBOC 

to major banks.24 The PBOC regularly conducts reverse repos through its open market operations, and uses them as 

its primary tool for short-term liquidity management. The seven-day reverse repo rate also serves as the benchmark 

for money market rates.25

Through the LPR, MLF, reverse repo, and benchmark deposit rates, the PBOC is firmly in control of the actual 

interest rates banks offer depositors and charge their customers. However, prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, the 

PBOC was extremely reluctant to cut interest rates despite a significant slowdown in economic growth. This was 

partly because it was afraid to stimulate the property market (which is widely believed to be overheated) as mortgage 

loans are also linked to the LPR.26 However, it was also because lowering interest rates too much would squeeze 

banks’ guaranteed profit margin that results from the spread between lending rates and the artificially suppressed 

deposit rates.27 Although the economic impact of COVID-19 has forced the PBOC to trim interest rates slightly, 

this second factor continues to keep China’s interest rates higher than in most of the developed world and helps 

explain why the LPR was 3.85 percent as of April 2020 compared to 0.5 percent for the federal funds rate.28

Underdevelopment of Direct Financing 

The banking sector’s dominance of the financial system has limited development and growth of China’s domestic 

stock and bond markets. Despite its headline-grabbing volatility, China’s stock market accounted for only 2.9 

percent of China’s total outstanding credit stock at the end of 2019.

29 This contrasts with the United States, where 

stock holdings account for 51.8 percent of outstanding corporate liabilities.30 Corporate bonds do account for a 

significant share of financing in China—13 percent in 2019.

31 However, the bond market is dominated by banks, 

which held 56.2 percent of corporate bonds and 86.1 percent of local government bonds traded on the interbank 

bond market at the end of 2019, according to official statistics.

32 The actual numbers are likely higher as this data 

does not account for off-balance-sheet bond purchases funded through wealth management products.

‡ 33 Combined 

 * Alongside reverse repurchase agreements and its Standard Lending Facility, the Medium-Term Lending Facility (MLF) is a monetary policy 

tool the PBOC uses to increase liquidity in the banking system. As the name suggests, the MLF consists of PBOC loans to the banking 

sector of a medium-term maturity (i.e., between three months and one year). Bloomberg, “China’s Evolving Toolkit to Manage Monetary 

Policy,” June 7, 2019. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-06-14/china-s-evolving-toolkit-to-manage-monetary-policyquicktake. † A floating interest rate—as opposed to a fixed interest rate—is one that fluctuates according to the market as represented by an index. 

Previously, floating interest rate loans were indexed against the benchmark lending rate. Kevin Yao, “China to Switch Benchmark for 

Floating-Rate Loans to Lower Funding Costs,” Reuters, December 27, 2019. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-china-economy/china-toswitch-benchmark-for-floating-rate-loans-to-lower-funding-costs-idUSKBN1YW00N; Financial Industry Regulation Authority, “Can You 

‘Float’ with Rate Hikes? 6 Things to Know about Floating-Rate Loan Funds.” https://www.finra.org/investors/insights/can-you-float-ratehikes-6-things-know-about-floating-rate-loan-funds. ‡ In China, WMPs are essentially uninsured, high-yield certificates of deposit. Issuers of WMPs typically invest the funds in property 

development or other risky ventures. For further discussion of WMPs, see U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, 

Chapter 1, Section 1, “Year in Review: Economics and Trade,” in 2018 Annual Report to Congress, November 2019, 53.
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 8 

with the fact that commercial banks tend to pursue buy and hold strategies (which reduce market liquidity), this 

strongly suggests the majority of China’s bond market activity is little more than disguised bank lending.* 34 This 

chronic underdevelopment of China’s financial markets forces small entrepreneurial firms to seek unofficial sources 

of funding, primarily from shadow banking intermediaries. 

In the Chinese government’s own assessment, this reliance on bank loans and underdevelopment of capital markets 

tends to distort credit allocation in favor of large companies and has contributed to China’s high corporate debt 

levels.35 It disadvantages smaller, less politically connected firms because banks are less willing to lend to them.

Yet government policy is itself a key obstacle to the development of a mature and diversified financial system.

Although China’s economic policymakers have called repeatedly for the expansion of so-called “direct financing”†

channels, they remain fearful that liberalizing stock markets would threaten stability and therefore have taken only 

limited steps to address the issue.

36 China’s 2015 stock market meltdown delayed improvements to China’s initial 

public offering (IPO) approval system for nearly five years, resulting in a backlog of 400 applications.37 Only 

recently, amid the urgency of a slowing economy and the COVID-19 pandemic, have regulators accelerated efforts 

to encourage domestic stock listings.38

The Role of Shadow Banking

China’s financial institutions perform a variety of credit intermediation functions outside of formal banking 

channels—also known as shadow banking. 39 A distinctive feature of China’s shadow banking system is that 

traditional banks themselves are also key participants.‡ 40 After the global financial crisis, traditional banks began 

partnering with NBFIs to extend shadow loans. This enabled them to lend more to meet local funding needs and 

circumvent a regulation capping on-book loans at 75 percent of deposits (this cap was removed in 2015 to stimulate 

lending). 41 They accomplished this primarily by channeling loans through NBFIs—establishing contractual 

arrangements that convert the loans into investments in NBFI financial products backed by loans—in order to move 

the loans and risk off the bank’s own balance sheet.42

Shadow banking is intentionally opaque, and it is impossible to calculate the precise distribution of shadow assets 

within the banking sector. Broadly, though, exposure to risky shadow assets is concentrated among regional banks, 

particularly city commercial banks, while the balance sheets of the big six banks are comparatively strong.43 In 

terms of overall size, analysts have offered a wide variety of estimates. Data published by Moody’s and the Bank 

for International Settlements suggests shadow banking accounted for 24 percent of total nonfinancial sector debt in 

China as of the third quarter of 2019 and was roughly equivalent to 60 percent of China’s GDP, or around U.S. $8.3

trillion.44 Before the 2008–2009 global financial crisis, the Reserve Bank of Australia calculates it was about 5 

percent of nonfinancial credit.

45

Beginning in late 2016, the central government started to curb risky shadow lending as part of a broader financial 

cleanup. Guo Shuqing, head of the CBIRC, has spearheaded the effort by unleashing a barrage of new banking 

regulations aimed at controlling the riskiest forms of speculation. This has led to a contraction in shadow banking 

activity and a reduction in the most destabilizing behavior. However, the thrust of Guo’s regulatory effort is aimed 

at preventing systemic risks in the banking system rather than reducing China’s overall debt stock. This is especially 

clear from the way regulators selectively eased pressure on certain subsets of shadow banking in 2019 to stimulate 

lending while maintaining curbs on those elements that present the greatest systemic risk—namely banks’ channel 

business with NBFIs.

46

 * The commercial banks that dominate China’s bond market tend to pursue buy and hold strategies. If a bank buys a corporate bond and holds 

the bond on its balance sheet until maturity, then this is functionally equivalent to a bank loan. See Tian Chen, “Why China’s Bond Market 

Is About to Get Less Exotic,” Bloomberg, March 28, 2019. https://www.bloomberg.com/professional/blog/chinas-bond-market-get-lessexotic/. † Direct financing refers to fundraising channels that do not require an intermediary. Bank lending is considered “indirect” because the bank 

intermediates between lenders and borrowers. 

‡ Shadow banking typically describes lightly regulated NBFIs engaging in bank-like borrowing and lending. In China, there is an additional 

component: banks themselves partner with NBFIs to extend high-risk loans that would otherwise require them to increase their capital 

reserves. This is often termed banks’ “channel business” because the banks act as an intermediary or “channel” between depositors and 

NBFIs.
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 9 

Trends and Policy Developments

The bailout of Baoshang Bank (discussed later) in May 2019 exposed a number of latent risks in China’s banking 

system. However, government intervention to support or recapitalize failing banks is not a new phenomenon in 

China. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, the government bailed out China’s four largest banks at a cost of $385

billion.

47 This time around, however, Beijing is contending with the slowest economic growth in 29 years and an 

unprecedented global pandemic, making it difficult to replicate past rescue efforts.

48 Although policymakers are 

employing a variety of strategies to reduce risks, help banks recapitalize, and deal with high NPL levels, it remains 

unclear whether they can correct the underlying structural challenges and avert either economic stagnation or a 

significant downward adjustment to the value of bank assets.

The Evolution of Balance Sheet Risks 

Over the past decade, Chinese commercial banks undertook an unprecedented expansion of their balance sheets, 

extending massive quantities of new loans to companies and local governments. Between 2009 and 2019, China’s 

total banking assets grew from $10.2 trillion to $41.6 trillion.

49 This expansion was initially kicked off by stimulus 

policies rolled out by the Chinese government at the onset of the global financial crisis, but quickly took on a 

momentum of its own. In November 2008, Beijing announced a fiscal stimulus package of $586 billion (renminbi 

[RMB] 4 trillion), but because the plan required local governments to share project costs with Beijing it had to be 

augmented with an expansion of bank lending. Local governments exploited the loosened credit conditions to fund 

infrastructure projects, and banks sought to scale up their operations by swelling their balance sheets.50 Within a 

month of the announcement of the stimulus package, investment projects proposed by local governments totaled 

$2.6 trillion (RMB 18 trillion).

51 Not all of these projects were ultimately funded, but conservative estimates still 

place the final stimulus bill at around $1.4 trillion (RMB 9.5 trillion)—more than double the value of the original 

package.52 Bank lending also remained inflated for years afterward and did not return to pre-stimulus levels until 

May 2013.53

Local governments’ insatiable demand for credit stems from a structural imbalance in the fiscal relationship between 

local governments and Beijing. While they shoulder the majority of expenditure obligations, local governments

receive less than half of all tax revenue and are legally prohibited from running a budget deficit.

* Theoretically, this 

gap should be closed with fiscal transfers from the central government, but in practice these transfers do not always

cover local government expenses, resulting in a de facto unfunded mandate.

54 Moreover, the Party’s emphasis on 

economic growth targets as a key performance indicator for local cadres prevents them from imposing fiscal 

discipline on their jurisdictions.55

The scale of the credit boom that followed the government’s stimulus efforts in 2008–2009 eventually outgrew 

banks’ ability to fund new loans through standard deposits, forcing them to search for alternative funding channels. 

A variety of external factors—among them declining household savings rates after 2010 and the launch of Alibaba’s 

first money market fund, Yu’e Bao, in 2013—also suppressed growth of deposits as people invested money 

elsewhere or spent it on consumption.

56 However, 2014 marked a watershed as large-scale capital outflows from 

China† permanently reversed its large capital account surplus, prompting a structural change in the composition of 

bank balance sheets.57 The funding crunch was particularly severe for small and medium-sized commercial banks 

as they relied more on corporate deposits, which tend to fluctuate with the business cycle.

58Between 2013 and 2016, 

total deposits declined from 89.1 percent to 67.1 percent of total funding at small and medium banks (see Figure 

3).59

 * Article 35 of China’s revised Budget Law, adopted in 2014, explicitly prohibits local governments from running a deficit. However, in an 

effort to eliminate the practice of borrowing through local government financing vehicles, the article also allows local governments to issue 

bonds within limits set by—and with the approval of—the State Council. China’s National People’s Congress, Budget Law of the People’s 

Republic of China (中 华 人 民 共 和 国 预 算 法 ), November 2, 2014. Translation. http://www.npc.gov.cn/wxzl/gongbao/2014-

11/02/content_1892137.htm. † China has experienced persistent capital outflows since 2014. These were caused by waning confidence in China’s economy and a reversal 

of the RMB’s appreciation. From 2005 to 2014, the RMB consistently appreciated against the dollar; since 2014, its movements have been 

much more volatile, but it has generally depreciated against the dollar. See Bloomberg, “What’s Causing Those Capital Outflows from 

China: Quicktake Q&A,” January 13, 2017. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-01-13/what-s-causing-those-capitaloutflows-from-china-quicktake-q-a; China State Administration of Foreign Exchange via CEIC database. 
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 10 

Figure 3: Chinese Banks Deposit and Non-Deposit Funding, 2011–2019

Note: Non-deposit sources of funding include bonds issued, central bank borrowing, interbank borrowing, and repurchase agreements. 

Source: People’s Bank of China via CEIC database. 

Rather than scale back lending, banks increased borrowing through interbank channels to fill the funding hole that 

opened up after 2014.60 They also began issuing large volumes of Negotiable Certificates of Deposit (NCDs)—a 

commonly used instrument for high-volume, short-term (the most common maturity is three months) borrowing on 

interbank markets. Until 2017, banks were not required to report NCDs as interbank liabilities, enabling them to 

circumvent a regulatory rule limiting the amount a bank can borrow from other financial institutions to one-third of 

its total debt.61 Between the second quarter of 2015—the first full quarter in which the PBOC published data on 

NCDs—and the end of 2018, quarterly NCD issuance rose from $153.5 billion (RMB 950 billion) to $770.3 billion 

(RMB 5.3 trillion) and reached 14.4 percent of total bank assets.

62 Initially, large banks were the main issuers, but 

joint-stock banks and then city commercial banks soon became the most active sellers in the NCD market.63 The 

rapid rise of NCDs and other interbank instruments has exposed regional banks to significant liquidity risks, as 

these are less reliable than standard deposits in the face of market volatility. The aftermath of the Baoshang Bank 

episode (discussed later in the report) brought these risks into sharp relief and contributed to 2019 seeing the first 

annual contraction in NCD sales since the PBOC first approved them for China’s market.64

Another way banks continued to generate credit was through their channel business with NBFIs. In these 

arrangements, banks carved out a profitable role for themselves as intermediaries that channeled funding from 

depositors to various NBFIs—mainly trust companies and securities brokerages—that then extended shadow loans 

to subprime borrowers.65 Although the specifics of these arrangements have changed over time, their basic function

is to repackage loans as investments for accounting purposes, allowing banks to avoid meeting loan-loss reserve 

requirements* that apply only to loans.66

To raise funding for their channel business, banks sold wealth management products (WMPs) to depositors. In 

China, WMPs are uninsured investment products offered by banks and other institutions that provide significantly 

higher returns than standard deposits—4.1 percent annually on average compared to 0.3 percent on standard 

deposits, as of February 2020—and typically have shorter-term maturities than the underlying loans.67 The PBOC 

maintains tight control over interest rates paid to depositors, and WMPs provide a way for banks to offer depositors 

higher-yielding products that skirt government controls.

68 However, they also expose banks to liquidity risks due to 

the maturity mismatch on their balance sheets and the higher returns they must pay to investors.69 These risks are 

 * Because one of the chief risks in commercial banking is that borrowers will not repay loans, regulators usually require that banks set aside 

a certain amount of capital to cover potential losses. The required amount is typically expressed as a percentage of the value of the NPLs 

on the bank’s balance sheet. Since March 2018, the CBIRC’s loss-provisioning capital requirement is 120–150 percent of NPLs. See 

Xinhua, “CBIRC Adjusts Regulatory Requirements for Bank Loan Loss Provisions” (银监会调整银行贷款损失准备监管要求), March 

7, 2018. Translation. http://www.xinhuanet.com/fortune/2018-03/07/c_129824425.htm. 

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

2011 2013 2015 2017 2019 2011 2013 2015 2017 2019

Small and Medium Banks Large Banks

Deposit Non-Deposit
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 11 

magnified when WMPs are sold on interbank markets rather than to retail depositors because such cross-selling 

transfers the liquidity and repayment risks of the issuing bank’s WMP onto the balance sheet of the purchasing 

bank. The practice of using funds raised through WMPs to purchase other banks’ WMPs became widespread prior 

to 2017 when the CBIRC began cracking down on this kind of behavior.

70

These issues with the structure of bank liabilities might have been less problematic if the asset side of their balance 

sheet (i.e., the loans they extended) were based on a sound assessment of borrower creditworthiness. Instead, 

balance sheet expansion was predicated on the assumption that the government would backstop the loans and bail 

out any bank that ran into trouble. This widespread assumption that the full fiscal firepower of the Chinese 

government stands behind the financial system is often referred to as the “implicit guarantee.” The implicit 

guarantee has distorted capital allocation and disincentivized banks from accurately pricing risk. A regional 

comparison of bank assets to GDP in 2019 shows the heaviest speculative activity has been concentrated in weaker 

provincial economies, generating asset bubbles along China’s rust belt (see Figure 4).71 

Figure 4: Comparison of Regional Bank Loans to GDP in 2019

Note: GDP figures are for full-year 2019. Bank loan figures are total outstanding based on the latest published data. 

Source: China National Bureau of National Statistics and China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission via CEIC database. 

China’s impoverished western regions of Tibet, Qinghai, Ningxia, and Gansu are among the largest loan recipients 

relative to the size of their economies. Economic growth in these provinces has not been proportional to the rate of 

credit expansion, suggesting a speculative dimension to the loans. 72 Meanwhile, lending to wealthy coastal 

provinces like Guangdong, Jiangsu, and Shandong is much lower in proportion to their economic weight. 73

Overlending to economically unproductive regions is symptomatic of the lack of market pricing mechanisms and 

reflects the distortive impact of political interference in the financial system. 

2019: Year of the Bailouts

The problems with bank balance sheets led to the Chinese government intervening in six regional banks and one 

joint-stock bank since May 2019. The first and most significant of these interventions occurred in May 2019, when 

the CBIRC, citing “severe credit risks,” took over direct control of Inner Mongolia-based Baoshang Bank through 

a one-year government receivership. At a press conference shortly after the takeover, the PBOC announced it would 

guarantee deposits and interbank liabilities up to $7.1 million (RMB 50 million) but force Baoshang’s larger 

creditors to accept losses of up to 30 percent.

74 This protected retail depositors while also warning other banks 

against reckless lending. In subsequent months, central and local authorities also directly and indirectly intervened 

to varying degrees in six other banks (Bank of Jilin, Bank of Jinzhou, Hengfeng Bank, Harbin Bank, Chengdu Rural 

Commercial Bank, and Bank of Gansu) by acquiring strategic stakes and assembling bailout coalitions.

75

So far, however, Baoshang remains the only instance where the government forced creditors to take losses on their 

investment—raising some limited questions as to the absoluteness of the implicit guarantee. This is partially due to 

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

0%

100%

200%

300%

400%

500%

600%

700%

Tibet

Qinghai

Ningxia

Hainan

Gansu

Jilin

Xinjiang

Fujian

Hubei

Sichuan

Zhejiang

Shandong

Jiangsu

Guangdong

Provinces with lowest GDP Provinces with highest GDP

RMB trillions

GDP (RHS) Loans to GDP
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 12 

special circumstances in the case of Baoshang. In the years prior to the takeover, Baoshang had become captive to 

the interests of its former majority shareholder, Tomorrow Group, whose chairman, Xiao Jianhua, ran afoul of 

authorities and was detained in 2017.76 In other ways, however, Baoshang was less unique. Before the takeover, 

former UBS analyst Jason Bedford identified 24 other banks with similar lending and funding structures to 

Baoshang (e.g., lending repackaged as investments, a low share of deposits to liabilities, and overreliance on

interbank funding sources).77 Although the PBOC sought to present Baoshang as an isolated case, the bank was just 

more aggressive than its peers in pursuing growth during the years before the financial de-risking campaign. 

According to Chinese media reports, Baoshang’s interbank liabilities accounted for about 44 percent of its total 

liabilities before the bailout, a significant portion of which were in NCDs.78 This explains the significant interest 

rate spread between banks at different credit rating tiers that suddenly appeared in the NCD market following the 

Baoshang takeover (see Figure 5). After Baoshang, banks with a credit rating below AAA experienced a significant 

funding squeeze* as lenders increased the premium charged on loans to struggling banks to more accurately reflect 

their risk profiles. 

Figure 5: Three-Month NCD Yields by Credit Rating, February 2019–January 2020

Source: China National Interbank Funding Center.

The severity of the interbank market reaction appears to have taken regulators by surprise. In addition to substantial 

short-term liquidity injections into the market, on June 6 the PBOC lent $72 billion (RMB 500 billion) to banks 

through its MLF—the second-largest such single-day injection on record at the time—to ease the liquidity shortage

for small and medium banks while simultaneously applying informal pressure on shadow banking intermediaries 

to keep credit taps open.

79

Alongside substantial liquidity injections, subsequent bailouts of Bank of Jinzhou, Hengfeng Bank, and others—in 

which creditors did not take losses—seem to have assuaged market jitters. By the end of 2019, the spread on funding 

costs between different banks had basically returned to pre-Baoshang levels. Analysts largely agree the Baoshang 

takeover was an experiment that served as a warning against overly aggressive expansion by regional banks and 

perhaps as an initial step in rolling back the implicit guarantee. However, regulators’ actions on the six other banks 

suggest they are unlikely to take a similar approach to other banks in the immediate future.80

 * The CBIRC requires that banks and insurance companies only invest in bonds rated AA or higher. This gives domestic credit ratings 

agencies—the majority of which are state owned—little incentive to give ratings below a grade of AA. This results in a high concentration 

of AAA and AA ratings compared to developed markets such as the United States. In testimony before the Commission, University of 

Chicago Booth School of Business professor Zhiguo He said that although credit ratings in China are clearly inflated, market participants 

can discern the creditworthiness of borrowers from their relative credit rankings. U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, 

Hearing on China’s Quest for Capita: Motivations, Methods and Implications, oral testimony of Zhiguo He, January 23, 2020, 95; Asia

Securities Industry and Financial Markets Association, “China’s Capital Markets: The Pace of Change Accelerates,” June 2019, 64. 

https://www.asifma.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/final-english-china-capital-markets-report-2019.pdf.

Baoshang 

Takeover

2.3%

2.5%

2.7%

2.9%

3.1%

3.3%

3.5%

3.7%

2019-02-012019-02-272019-03-202019-04-112019-05-052019-05-242019-06-172019-07-082019-07-292019-08-192019-09-092019-09-302019-10-252019-11-152019-12-062019-12-272020-01-19

AAA+ AAA AA+ AA
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 13 

Beijing’s approach to the string of regional bank failures over the last year suggests financial regulators believe the 

best way to strengthen regional banks is to overhaul their shareholder structure. The CBIRC is scrutinizing banks’ 

shareholders, and it claims to have discovered 3,000 violations relating to 1,400 shareholders.81 It is also looking to 

potentially restructure China’s small banks through a sweeping set of mergers.82 But while the CBIRC characterizes 

these measures as “vigorous reform,” Beijing’s solution has thus far amounted to forcing state-backed companies 

to make or increase investments in banks that are performing poorly.

83 This rescue template merely swaps 

troublesome private shareholders for state-owned ones, some of which have their own financial difficulties, and 

does not resolve the fundamental problem that the government is on the hook when the bank’s loans go bad.

84

Nonperforming Loans and Capital Replenishment

A key ingredient to the massive growth in bank assets was the undercounting of loans on bank balance sheets. 

Although shadow banking is by design opaque and difficult to account for, analysts at Moody’s estimate that by the 

end of 2019 the scale of China’s shadow banking sector reached $8.3 trillion, equal to about one-fifth of total bank 

assets.85 The process by which Chinese banks generated shadow credit involved collaborating with NBFIs to 

disguise loans as investments on their balance sheets. Booking loans as investments has allowed Chinese banks to 

effectively underreport the extent of NPLs on their books and avoid complying with minimum capital requirements.

Officially, China’s NPL ratio* was only 1.9 percent as of the fourth quarter of 2019.86 However, this number is not 

credible and significantly understates the true extent of NPLs.

87 This is demonstrated by the fact that in 2018, write

downs and disposals of NPLs exceeded the total amount of outstanding NPLs officially recognized in December 

2017.88 In testimony before the Commission, Dinny McMahon, former Wall Street Journal reporter and expert on 

China’s debt issues, said Beijing’s continuing toleration of low NPL recognition is “strategic” because it buys time 

for regulators to deal with the problem. Mr. McMahon noted, “If Beijing were to acknowledge a significantly higher 

NPL ratio, then the banks would have to immediately raise huge amounts of capital, all at once, and at fire sale 

prices.”89 However, since the financial de-risking campaign began in 2016, Beijing seems to be encouraging banks 

to accelerate their disposals of NPLs.90

Several factors have lent urgency to the need for banks to clean up their books. In the aftermath of the global 

financial crisis, the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision† developed a set of revised international prudential 

standards (collectively known as Basel III) to strengthen bank stability. As a signatory to Basel III, China designed 

regulations in 2012 to increase the minimum available capital banks are required to hold in proportion to their riskweighted assets.

‡ 91 However, Beijing allowed a six-year grace period for banks to comply, setting the deadline for 

December 2018.92 Although Chinese banks are nominally compliant with Basel III requirements—the CBIRC 

reported capital adequacy ratios of 16.3 percent, 13.4 percent, and 12.7 percent for the big six, joint-stock, and city 

commercial banks, respectively, at the end of 2019—this is only because they have yet to recognize the true extent 

of NPLs on their balance sheets.

93 Doing so would require them to raise large amounts of additional capital as NPLs 

carry a significant risk premium in terms of minimum capital requirements under Basel III.

94 This also helps explain 

multiple delays to the implementation of new rules for asset management products, which would have forced banks 

to bring many off-balance-sheet loans back onto their balance sheets.95

In 2018 and 2019, the CBIRC also rolled out new regulations on how banks disclose NPLs. The changes forced 

banks to change the way they classify NPLs, broadening the definition to include other asset categories in addition 

 * The NPL ratio is the ratio of nonperforming loans on a bank’s balance sheet to total loans in its portfolio. The CBIRC regularly publishes 

the combined NPL ratio of all commercial banks, which is referenced here. 

† The Basel Committee on Banking Supervision (BCBS) is the main global standards-setter for banking regulations. Its membership 

comprises representatives of central banks and other bank supervisory authorities from 28 jurisdictions, including the CBIRC. Bank for 

International Settlements, “The Basel Committee – Overview.” https://www.bis.org/bcbs/; Bank for International Settlements, “Basel 

Committee Membership.” https://www.bis.org/bcbs/membership.htm. ‡ Risk weighted assets (RWA) is a concept used by international banking regulators to determine how much capital a bank must hold in 

reserve to cover potential losses. Each asset class is assigned a risk weighting (expressed as a percent) that is multiplied by the total value 

of assets in that class. Therefore, RWA is the sum of all assets multiplied by their respective risk weights. The minimum capital requirement 

under Basel III for banks not designated as systemically important is 10.5 percent of their RWA. As a signatory to Basel III, China also 

requires banks to maintain capital equal to least 10.5 percent of their RWA. See Basel Committee on Banking Supervision, “Basel III 

Monitoring Report,” Bank for International Settlements, October 2019, 17, 105. https://www.bis.org/bcbs/publ/d477.pdf; China State 

Council, CBRC FAQ on Capital Management Methods for Commercial Banks (银监会就《商业银行资本管理办法(试行)》答问), 

June 8, 2012. Translation. http://www.gov.cn/gzdt/2012-06/08/content_2156787.htm; Financial Times, “Lexicon, Definition of Risk 

Weighted Assets.” http://markets.ft.com/research/Lexicon/Term?term=risk_weighted-assets. 
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 14 

to loans.96 New regulations also removed banks’ discretion to designate loans more than 90 days overdue as 

“overdue but not impaired”—a category previously not counted toward their NPL ratios.97 All of these regulatory 

changes require banks to either raise additional capital to cover NPLs or dispose of the NPLs themselves. Banks 

are pursuing both strategies simultaneously. 

Tighter regulations have spurred banks to dispose of large volumes of NPLs over the last three years. Between 2016 

and the end of 2019, Chinese banks disposed of $900 billion (RMB 6.4 trillion) worth of NPLs, with annual 

disposals doubling from $144.1 billion (RMB 1 trillion) to $287.4 billion (RMB 2 trillion) over this period.

98 This 

pace of disposal is likely not sustainable. As banks began offloading NPLs, the market experienced a surge in 

supply. This initially attracted a wave of new investors to the secondary distressed asset market. The competition

made it easy for Chinese asset management companies to purchase NPLs from banks and resell them for a profit, 

pushing up NPL prices to unrealistic levels in 2017 and early 2018.99 According to Chinese media reports, some 

buyers were paying 70–80 percent of face value to acquire NPLs. By the second half of 2018, the glut in supply 

overwhelmed the market and prices cratered.100 Lower prices make it more difficult for banks to extract value from 

NPLs, and if asset management companies do not purchase them in sufficient quantities, then increasing numbers 

of NPLs will need to be written down at a loss.101

At the same time, increased minimum capital requirements and changes to NPL recognition standards have made 

recapitalization an urgent priority. Throughout 2019, the State Council and the PBOC encouraged commercial 

banks to rebuild their available capital and cleared away regulatory and technical obstacles to facilitate new capital 

raising. Capital replenishment has taken three main forms: new equity, new debt, and government-orchestrated 

capital injections: 

• Equity: Exchange-listed banks have the option to raise capital by issuing new equity; however, few banks 

have been able to avail themselves of this avenue because their shares are trading at historical lows.102

Chinese regulations prevent listed Chinese banks from conducting new share issues unless their traded 

share value is equal to at least 100 percent of their last audited book value (i.e., their price-to-book ratio is 

at least 1).

* As of January 2020, less than half of China’s 36 A-listed banks were trading above book 

value.103 Unlisted banks can issue shares through private placements, but were previously required to first 

sell shares on over-the-counter markets. In July 2019, the CBIRC removed this requirement, making it 

easier for unlisted banks to raise capital.104 

• Debt: Encouraged by Beijing, banks have leveraged a variety of innovative capital-raising instruments—

such as bonds that convert to equity—to refill their coffers. But in 2019, regulators appeared to settle on 

perpetual bonds as the preferred tool for new capital raises. Perpetual bonds—a type of fixed income 

security with no maturity date†—count toward minimum capital requirements under Basel III, and are an 

option available to both listed and unlisted banks. The State Council initially approved the use of perpetual 

bonds in December 2018, and in November 2019 began allowing regional banks to raise capital this way. 

In January 2019, the PBOC also created a central bills swap tool that allows bond market dealers to swap 

perpetual bonds for central bank bills—usable as high-quality collateral—to facilitate perpetual bond 

issuances.105 In its 2019 third-quarter monetary policy report, the PBOC characterized perpetual bonds as a 

“breakthrough” solution to the recapitalization puzzle.106 In total, Chinese banks issued $167.2 billion 

(RMB 1.2 trillion) in new debt instruments in 2019, of which perpetual bonds accounted for $81.8 billion 

(RMB 569.6 billion).107

• Capital injections: For banks whose financial or liquidity troubles are severe enough to preclude raising 

new capital through market channels, central and local authorities have demonstrated a willingness to 

arrange capital infusions. For example, to avoid an outright takeover (as happened with Baoshang), the 

 * A company’s price-to-book ratio is calculated by dividing its market price per share by its book value per share. A company’s book value 

is the value of its net assets (assets minus liabilities) according to its audited financial statements. In China, banks whose price-to-book 

ratio is less than 1 are prohibited from issuing new equity. 

† Although perpetual bonds have no maturity date, they often have a callable feature, which enables the borrower to pay back the principal 

at a predetermined price on certain dates established at the time of issuance. They can also be written down at the behest of regulators if 

the issuing bank’s capital falls below a certain threshold or it becomes insolvent. Wu Hongyuran and Denise Jia, “China’s Regulator 

Revises Rules on Banks’ Capital Replenishment Tools,” Caixin Global, November 30, 2019. https://www.caixinglobal.com/2019-11-

30/chinas-regulator-revises-rules-on-banks-capital-replenishment-tools-101489026.html; BNP Paribas, “What Are Perpetual Bonds or 

Perpetuals?” https://www.bnpparibasfortis.be/rsc/contrib/document/1-Website/5-Docserver/BNP/F04824E.pdf.
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 15 

PBOC organized a bailout coalition of three state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to acquire strategic stakes in 

the Bank of Jinzhou in July 2019.* This demonstration of government support was sufficient to enable a 

new ICBC-supplied board of directors to seek an $866 million (RMB 62 billion) share placement just two 

months after the bailout.108 In the case of Harbin Bank, it was local SOEs that took stakes in the company.†

It is worth noting that capital injections have not been limited to the banks that grabbed headlines in 2019. 

In June 2019, Shengjing Bank, which was severely undercapitalized, quietly received a significant capital 

transfusion from Evergrande—the bank’s largest shareholder—through a private share placement, enabling 

it to maintain compliance with NPL coverage rules.109 Evergrande, a property developer with ambitions to 

move into electric vehicle manufacturing, initially acquired a stake in Shengjing in 2016, and returns on its 

initial investment have been poor. It is highly unlikely that absent government pressure it would have 

increased its stake on the business merits of the move.

110 Moreover, the company itself is already heavily 

indebted and had to raise $2 billion from offshore investors to recapitalize Shengjing.111

Although recapitalizing China’s banks is a positive step toward greater financial stability, the efficacy of this 

strategy ultimately hinges on whether Beijing will hold banks to a higher regulatory standard and whether the banks 

can effectively dispose of NPLs. Effective NPL disposal in turn requires at least moderately high levels of economic 

growth. This is because rapid economic growth transforms at least some once-delinquent borrowers into profitable 

companies. Conversely, if economic growth stagnates, then indebted companies are unlikely to turn their businesses 

around. 

In fact, China’s banks have been through this process once before in the late 1990s and 2000s. In 1999, the PBOC 

created China’s original four asset management companies (AMCs), or “bad banks,” to buy up $170 billion (RMB 

1.4 trillion) worth of NPLs at face value.112 They financed these acquisitions by issuing bonds to the banks 

themselves. The AMCsthus effectively warehoused these loans for several years and enabled the banks to transform 

the loans into investment receivables on their balance sheets.113 These AMCs were only able to eventually extract 

some value from the NPLs because China’s double-digit economic growth increased the worth of the collateral.114

Even so, the AMCs were unable to fully resolve their original NPL portfolios, and the Ministry of Finance was 

forced to provide financial backing. The State Council assisted by extending the tenure of the AMCs’ bonds when 

they came due in 2009.115

It is far from clear that even this mixed performance can be repeated now that China’s economy is contracting due 

to the impact of COVID-19.

116 Nonetheless, financial regulators appear ready to try the old playbook once more, 

but this time secure foreign buy-in as well. On March 5, 2020, the CBIRC approved the creation of a fifth national 

AMC—the first such approval in more than 20 years.117 The new AMC’s controlling shareholder is a subsidiary of

China’s sovereign wealth fund.

118 At a press briefing on the approval, CBIRC chief risk officer Xiao Yuanqi 

suggested that more new AMCs could soon follow, especially as the Phase One trade agreement with the United 

States has enabled foreign distressed asset managers to purchase NPLs directly from Chinese banks.

119

Pandemic Banking 

The COVID-19 pandemic that began in Wuhan in late 2019 has added to the challenges China’s banks face as they 

try to clean up their balance sheets and offload risky assets. The biggest risk for banks is a potential surge in NPLs 

as corporate borrowers struggle to regain their financial footing in the wake of the government’s travel lockdown

and disruptions to the global supply chain. A February 2020 survey conducted by Tsinghua University and Peking 

University of 995 coronavirus-impacted small and medium enterprises showed that 85 percent did not have enough 

cash on hand to survive a three-month shutdown.120 The survey also cited bank loan repayment as among the top 

three financial burdens facing these firms.121 If these companies fail, banks that have loaned to them will see a 

sudden increase in new NPLs on their balance sheets. To mitigate this challenge, on March 2, 2020, the CBIRC 

preemptively ordered banks to postpone loan repayments until after June 30 and allowed them to postpone

recognizing the affected loans as NPLs until after that date.122 Whether or not the loan forbearance will be sufficient 

 * For more information on the bailout of Bank of Jinzhou, see U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, “Bank of Jinzhou 

Receives Different Treatment from Baoshang,” in Economics and Trade Bulletin, August 2019, 10. https://www.uscc.gov/tradebulletins/august-2019-trade-bulletin. † For more information on the Harbin Bank bailout, see U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, “A Regional Bank Gets 

Government Backing,” in Economics and Trade Bulletin, December 5, 2019, 4. https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/2019-

12/December%202019%20Trade%20Bulletin.pdf. 
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 16 

to salvage corporate financials depends on the future course of the epidemic. But even an optimistic scenario will 

likely entail a spike in NPLs after the extensions expire and will put additional pressure on the balance sheets of 

many banks.

To help fight the economic impact of COVID-19, the PBOC has also established a new preferential lending facility 

for companies deemed essential to fighting the disease. Through this “relending” facility, the PBOC has allocated

$114.8 billion (RMB 800 billion) in discounted financing to designated national and Hubei-based banks, which can 

then relend it to their choice of eligible companies.123 Eligibility is jointly determined by the National Development 

and Reform Commission and Ministry of Industry and Information Technology through a “list of key enterprises 

for guaranteeing epidemic prevention and control.”124 The interest rate on these reloans is capped at 3.15 percent—

well below the current one year LPR of 3.85 percent—and is further subsidized by the Ministry of Finance, lowering 

the actual interest rate to 1.6 percent.

125

Despite these measures, the companies most in need will likely not receive the majority of funding as banks still 

prefer to lend to financially strong or politically connected firms that they view as safer bets.

126 Moreover, oversight 

problems have emerged as companies seeking to game the system have applied for loans under the program. As a 

consequence, the PBOC removed 48 companies from the eligibility list less than a month after the program

launched.

127 For example, one state-owned coal company was removed after it was caught falsely claiming it 

manufactured disinfectant.

128

Spotlight: Retail Banking 

About three years ago, analysts inside and outside the Chinese government started sounding the alarm on China’s 

rapidly rising household debt.129 According to the Bank for International Settlements, China’s household debt grew 

from 23.5 percent of GDP at the end of 2009 to 54.4 percent in the third quarter of 2019—faster than in any of the 

other 44 economies tracked by the bank.

130 Although this presents certain macroeconomic challenges, it represents 

a fast-growing new market for commercial banks. Chinese media reports and bank financial statements frequently 

reference a “retail transformation” (i.e., a structural shift away from corporate lending and toward a greater emphasis 

on consumer lending) that many of China’s major banks have taken advantage of to expand their business.131 A 

combination of generational changes in spending habits (young Chinese save less than their parents) and a decline 

in corporate demand for new credit amid slowing economic growth and financial de-risking has led many bankers 

to regard consumer lending as a significant driver of future profits.132

Consumer loans comprise an increasingly important portion of bank balance sheets. Between 2015 and 2019, 

consumer loans in China increased from 9.8 percent of all commercial bank assets to 17 percent.133 This is 

significantly higher than in the United States, where consumer loans account for 9 percent of total commercial bank 

assets.134 The vast majority of Chinese banks’ consumer loans are mortgage loans, but credit card debt has grown 

at a much faster clip, averaging 29.5 percent year-on-year growth between 2015 and the third quarter of 2019 (see 

Figure 6).135 This is partly because it started from a low base. According to the Global Findex database, only 21 

percent of people in China have a credit card, compared to 66 percent in the United States and 68 percent in Japan.

136
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 17 

Figure 6: Composition of Consumer Loans, 2011–2018

Source: People’s Bank of China via CEIC database. 

Not all commercial banks are equally positioned to take advantage of rising consumer borrowing. Even among 

national joint-stock commercial banks, which have been the most aggressive in pursuing an expansion of their retail 

customer base, there remains significant differentiation (see Table 1). Some banks are better equipped to cope with 

slowing credit demand among corporate customers than others and will have a competitive edge over their peers as 

China’s economy continues to transition toward consumption-led growth.

Table 1: Selected Banks’ Retail Share of Operating Revenue, 2017–H1 2019

Bank Name Classification 2017 (% of total) 2018 (% of total) 2019 H1 (% of total)

Ping An Bank Joint-Stock 44.1 53.0 56.9

Zheshang Bank Joint-Stock 11.0 13.0 16.9

China Merchants Bank Joint-Stock 49.1 50.6 54.5

China Citic Bank Joint-Stock 34.7 34.7 36.2

Minsheng Bank Joint-Stock 35.2 36.0 36.6

Everbright Bank Joint-Stock 38.7 42.1 40.8

Bank of Beijing City Commercial 16.6 20.0 21.2

Bank of Shanghai City Commercial 19.1 24.4 26.8

Bank of Jiangsu City Commercial 16.4 18.2 22.5

Bank of Nanjing City Commercial 11.9 15.8 16.1

Note: The six joint-stock banks excluded from this table either do not publish disaggregated operating revenue figures by business segment 

or have not yet published their 2019 interim financial report and therefore do not have directly comparable data. The four selected city 

commercial banks are the largest banks at this tier that publish disaggregated operating revenue figures.

Source: Various.

137

The banks that have been most effective in expanding their retail segments are those that have successfully 

leveraged technology. For example, Ping An Bank, China Merchants Bank, Everbright Bank, and China Minsheng 

Bank have all established fintech units.138 The biggest losers from the scramble for retail customers are China’s city 

commercial banks, most of which generate a comparatively small portion of their operating revenue from their retail 

business.139

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018

RMB trillions

Credit Card Home Mortgage Other YoY Growth (RHS)
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 18 

The Rise of Fintech and Its Disruption of Banking

Expansion via the consumer segment has brought banks more directly into competition with China’s technology 

giants. Since 2013, e-commerce companies such as Alibaba and Tencent have launched a variety of fintech

products, including payments platforms, money market funds, and peer-to-peer lending platforms. These products 

provide consumers with new investment and borrowing opportunities that directly compete with banks. Chinese 

commercial banks are latecomers to the fintech business, and only six have established independent fintech units.140

Fintech has already started to impact banks’ retail market share. For example, bank card penetration rates *

essentially plateaued after 2013—when Tencent launched WeChat Pay—increasing only from 44.4 percent in the 

fourth quarter of 2012 to 49.04 percent in the third quarter of 2019.

141 Meanwhile, investors in Alibaba’s $157.8 

billion Yu’e Bao money market fund—until recently the largest in the world—have consistently enjoyed higher 

returns than traditional bank depositors.142 As of March 5, 2020, Yu’e Bao had a seven-day annualized yield of 2.3 

percent, compared to 0.3 percent for standard bank deposits and between 1.5 and 2.25 percent on one-year fixed 

deposits.143

The proliferation of online peer-to-peer lending platforms, through which Chinese consumers can easily lend money 

to one another through mobile phone apps, initially threatened banks’ consumer lending business. However, the 

government’s regulatory crackdown on peer-to-peer lending has largely removed this challenge. Between 2015 and 

2019, regulators reduced the number of such lending platforms from 3,600 to just 427.

144 Nonetheless, fintech 

competitors still represent a significant source of competition for retail deposits. Despite selling off nearly a third

of its assets in 2018, Yu’e Bao’s manager, Tianhong Asset Management, saw a 24 percent expansion of its customer 

base during the same year.145

A 2018 Bank for International Settlements report on fintech points out that the growing prevalence of fintech 

products around the world creates liquidity risks by improving the ease with which customers shift funds between 

accounts as they search for better returns.146 However, some Chinese fintech companies have opted to partner rather 

than compete with banks as they try to capitalize on the growing retail banking boom. For example, in April 2019 

consumer finance company Lexin Fintech announced a partnership with 19 commercial banks to use its consumer 

data to match lenders to borrowers with good credit histories.147

Impact on Consumption

Although China’s rapidly rising household leverage has boosted short-term consumption and fueled a boom in retail 

lending, in the long term it may weigh on future growth. Recent scholarship on the relationship between household 

debt and economic growth reveals that while a rapid increase in household borrowing can increase consumption 

and growth in the short term, it usually leads to reduced GDP growth in the longer term as households adjust their 

consumption to meet debt obligations.148 The COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated this process. Retail sales crashed 

as the economy shut down, contracting 20.5 percent year-on-year in January and February and 15.7 percent in 

March.149 Although retail sales may see an uptick as the economy reopens, households are likely to curtail spending 

for some time as economic uncertainty persists. There is also a risk that as the majority of consumer loans are for 

mortgages, a correction in China’s property market could erase a substantial portion of household wealth and expose 

banks to repayment risks. The widespread purchasing of investment homes has left China with 65 million empty 

apartments.150 Any risk of a price decrease, therefore, could lead to a sudden supply glut as speculators seek to cash 

out and minimize their losses. 

Analysts at S&P Global pointed out in July 2019 that the upsurge in China’s credit card lending is reminiscent of 

similar booms experienced in Hong Kong, South Korea, and Taiwan in the early 2000s.151 Like China, banks in 

these countries contended with declining corporate demand for credit and competed with one another for retail 

customers to drive growth. When the economy came under pressure and employment conditions worsened, 

consumer NPLs surged.152 The COVID-19 pandemic could be a catalyst for a large increase in consumer NPLs in 

China as employment conditions have worsened significantly. China’s official unemployment rate rose to 5.9 

percent in March 2020, up from 5.2 percent in December 2019, and some economists estimate the real number of 

 * The PBOC defines bank card penetration as the consumption via bank cards as a percentage of total retail sales’ value. See People’s Bank 

of China, PBOC Report: Average National Per Capita Bank Card Ownership Is 3.99 (央行报告:全国人均持有银行卡 3.99 张), April 

5, 2016. http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2016-04/05/content_5061472.htm. 
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 19 

jobless could be more than twice as high.153 In May 2020, Financial News, the official media outlet of the PBOC,

highlighted growing repayment risks in the consumer lending segment due to layoffs and lost wages.154

Conclusion and Considerations for Congress

China’s banking system has reached an important juncture. Banks of all sizes are under pressure to clean up their 

balance sheets, raise new capital, and dispose of bad loans. At the same time, Beijing is forcing them to boost 

lending to struggling companies at nonmarket rates to forestall a further slowdown in the pace of economic growth. 

China’s large state-owned banks and national joint-stock banks are better positioned to adapt and take advantage of 

new business opportunities in retail banking. Regional banks are much less prepared to meet these challenges. 

Nonetheless, U.S. policymakers should be cautious about interpreting the troubles of regional banks as indications 

of an imminent financial crisis. Although Beijing is seeking opportunities to roll back its implicit guarantee, bailouts 

by central and regional authorities in the second half of 2019 clearly demonstrate that the PBOC and the CCP 

leadership remain committed to ensuring stability. Authorities have so far successfully contained isolated bank 

failures and prevented sector-wide contagion, though the economic shock of COVID-19 could complicate this 

strategy by hurting overall bank profitability. If the current pandemic does lead to sustained problems in China’s 

financial sector, exchange rates are the most likely channel through which economic pain could be transmitted to

U.S. investors, as an RMB devaluation would reduce the dollar value of their mainland assets. 

U.S. Investor Exposure: How the Chinese government manages the banking system is significant for U.S. 

investors and fund managers even if Beijing successfully forestalls a financial crisis. U.S. investor portfolios have 

growing exposure to China’s banking sector through MSCI and FTSE Russell’s inclusion of Chinese A-shares* into 

widely tracked benchmark indexes. Both the MSCI Emerging Market Index and FTSE Russell Global Equity Index 

Series now include shares of Chinese state-owned banks, which may have political priorities that are misaligned

with their fiduciary duty to U.S. shareholders.

155 For example, ICBC, which is included in the MSCI Emerging 

Market Index, answered Beijing’s call to deploy $430 million (RMB 3 billion) to shore up Bank of Jinzhou.156

ICBC’s investor announcement provided no explanation for the acquisition.157 Such episodes demonstrate how 

China’s banking system remains captive to state and Party interests, and banks may make decisions on a political 

basis that harm U.S. investors’ financial interests. 

Even absent direct political interference, it is very difficult for U.S. investors and creditors to determine the true 

level of risk to which Chinese banks are exposed. Not only do Chinese ratings firms systematically inflate the 

ratings of bonds sold on China’s interbank bond market, but the routine booking of loans as investments also enables 

Chinese banks to drastically underreport the extent of NPLs on their books. Banks that appear stable and compliant 

with international prudential standards may in reality be undercapitalized and exposed to large, undisclosed risks. 

The opacity of China’s NPL market is also a challenge for U.S. distressed asset investors, who are now beginning 

to buy NPLs directly from Chinese banks. Without access to accurate market and pricing information, investors 

cannot accurately assess asset values and may wind up footing the bill for China’s financial cleanup. Moreover, 

asset quality in China’s NPL market is such that even domestic AMCs often struggle to profit from their ostensibly 

core business domain of resolving NPLs.158

Opportunities and Tradeoffs: The challenges facing China’s banking system may also present some opportunities 

for U.S. financial companies. Despite its unprecedented expansion after the 2008–2009 global financial crisis, 

China’s financial system remains underdeveloped and lacks robust mechanisms for pricing risk. Chinese 

policymakers know this and would like to harness foreign expertise to professionalize the financial sector and find 

innovative solutions to current problems. Although the moderate expansion of market access to China’s financial 

markets over the last two years stems in part from a need for capital,† stresses in the banking sector do underpin 

legitimate demand for the services of foreign ratings agencies, insurers, fund managers, and distressed asset 

 * A-shares are RMB-denominated securities of companies incorporated in China that trade on either the Shanghai or Shenzhen stock 

exchanges. A-share trading is restricted to Chinese residents, and foreigners can only access the A-shares market through special investment 

programs such as the Qualified Foreign Institutional Investor program and the Stock Connect programs. A-shares are distinct from other 

Chinese share classes such as H-shares (shares in Chinese incorporated companies listed on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange), trading of 

which is not restricted to Chinese residents. FTSE Russell, “Guide to Chinese Share Classes,” May 2019. 

https://research.ftserussell.com/products/downloads/Guide_to_Chinese_Share_Classes.pdfhttps://research.ftserussell.com/products/dow

nloads/Guide_to_Chinese_Share_Classes.pdf. † For a detailed discussion of China’s financial market opening measures, see U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,

Chapter 1, Section 1, “Year in Review Economics and Trade,” in 2019 Annual Report to Congress, November 2019, 63–66. 
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 20 

managers. The question is, how much will the U.S. economy benefit from this and is it in the United States’ interests 

to encourage U.S. financial firms to help Beijing fix China’s banking system? Some companies certainly stand to 

profit from aiding China’s financial cleanup. Yet the historical record also suggests that since China joined the 

WTO, U.S. efforts to encourage China to adopt market-oriented reforms have had little success. This is unlikely to 

change now. Ultimately, Congress must decide if the extent of market access on offer is worth the potential risks to 

U.S. investors. It must also evaluate the desirability of greater U.S. participation in a financial market that remains 

warped by the political priorities of a strategic competitor. 
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 21 

Endnotes

1 Bloomberg, “China’s $40 Trillion Man Has the Toughest Job in Global Finance,” November 26, 2019. 

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2019-11-26/china-s-guo-shuqing-has-the-toughest-job-in-global-finance; China Banking and 

Insurance Regulatory Commission via CEIC database. 2 China National Bureau of Statistics via CEIC database. 

3 Bloomberg, “Chinese Stocks Plunge in Worst End to Lunar New Year on Record,” January 23, 2020. 

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2020-01-23/china-markets-under-strain-before-holiday-amid-virusuncertainty?sref=FlHD1WjR; World Federation of Exchanges Statistics Portal. 4 China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission and People’s Bank of China via CEIC database. 5 China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission, List of Banking Financial Institutions (银行业金融机构法人名单), December 

2018. http://www.cbrc.gov.cn/chinese/files/2019/88C2C82DFD34470D9B2D441D553B80C4.pdf; China Banking and Insurance 

Regulatory Commission via CEIC database. 6 China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission via CEIC database. 

7 Agricultural Development Bank of China, “2018 年度报告” (2018 Annual Report), 6. Translation. 

http://www.adbc.com.cn/pdfToJpg/2018ndbg/2018ndbg/mobile/index.html; Import Export Bank of China, 2018 Annual Report, 7. 

http://english.eximbank.gov.cn/News/AnnualR/2018/201912/P020191216390734628082.pdf; China Development Bank, “2018 年度报

告” (2018 Annual Report), 6. Translation. http://www.cdb.com.cn/bgxz/ndbg/ndbg2018/. 8 Sun Guofeng, “Banking Institutions and Banking Regulations” (draft) in Marlene Amstad, Guofeng Sun, and Wei Xiong, eds., The 

Handbook of China’s Financial System (forthcoming in Princeton University Press), 12. https://www.chinafinancialsystem.com/wpcontent/uploads/2019/08/Ch1_Banks_Sun_HandbookChinaFinancialSystem_AmstadSunXiong.pdf. 9 Reuters, “China Central Bank Told Banks to Moderate Pace of Lending in January: Sources,” January 31, 2019. 

https://www.reuters.com/article/us-china-economy-loans/china-central-bank-told-banks-to-moderate-pace-of-lending-in-januarysources-idUSKCN1PQ3GZ. 10 People’s Bank of China, Purposes and Functions. http://www.pbc.gov.cn/en/3688066/3688080/index.html; Board of Governors of the 

Federal Reserve System, Overview of the Federal Reserve System. https://www.federalreserve.gov/aboutthefed/files/pf_1.pdf. 11 Bradley Jones and Joel Bowman, “China’s Evolving Monetary Policy Framework in International Context,” Reserve Bank of Australia, 

December 2019, 11–13. https://www.rba.gov.au/publications/rdp/2019/pdf/rdp2019-11.pdf. 12 Bradley Jones and Joel Bowman, “China’s Evolving Monetary Policy Framework in International Context,” Reserve Bank of Australia, 

December 2019, 7–8. https://www.rba.gov.au/publications/rdp/2019/pdf/rdp2019-11.pdf; National People’s Congress, Law of the 

People’s Bank of China (中华人民共和国中国人民银行法), March 18, 1995. Translation. http://www.npc.gov.cn/wxzl/wxzl/2000-

12/05/content_4637.htm. 13 National People’s Congress, Explanation of the State Council’s Proposal Submitted for Review on the China Banking Regulatory 

Commission Exercising Powers Formerly Exercised by the People’s Bank of China (关于《国务院关于提请审议中国银行业监督管

理委员会行使原由中国人民银行行使的监督管理职权的议案》的说明), April 25, 2003. Translation. 

http://www.npc.gov.cn/wxzl/gongbao/2003-06/12/content_5315449.htm. 14 Martin Chorzempa, “China’s Restructuring of Financial Regulation Is Good News for Reform,” Peterson Institute for International 

Economics, March 19, 2018. https://www.piie.com/blogs/china-economic-watch/chinas-restructuring-financial-regulation-good-newsreform; Fran Wang, “Central Bank Gets More Power in Government Shake-Up,” Caixin Global, March 14, 2018. 

https://www.caixinglobal.com/2018-03-14/central-bank-gets-more-power-in-government-shake-up-101221419.html; Keith Bradsher, 

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发展委员会召开第一次会议), July 3, 2018. Translation. http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2018-07/03/content_5303229.htm; Tom Mitchell, 

“Liu He, the Man in Charge of China’s Economy,” Financial Times. https://www.ft.com/content/f4f29e14-2dcb-11e8-9b4bbc4b9f08f381. 17 Cheng Li, “Xi Jinping’s Inner Circle,” Hoover Institution China Leadership Monitor 44 (July 28, 2014): 8–10. 

https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/research/docs/clm44cl.pdf; China State Council, Resume of Comrade Liu He (刘鹤同志简历), 

March 3, 2018. Translation. http://www.gov.cn/guoqing/2018-03/19/content_5275619.htm. 18 Economist, “What China’s Interest Rate Muddle Says about Its Financial System,” April 2, 2020. https://www.economist.com/financeand-economics/2020/04/02/what-chinas-interest-rate-muddle-says-about-its-financial-system. 19 Tao Wang, “Monetary Policy Instruments,” (draft) in Marlene Amstad, Guofeng Sun, and Wei Xiong, eds., The Handbook of China’s 

Financial System (forthcoming in Princeton University Press), 16. https://www.chinafinancialsystem.com/wpcontent/uploads/2019/08/Ch3_MonPolicyInstrument_Wang_HandbookChinaFinancialSystem_AmstadSunXiong.pdf; China National 

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U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 22 

 20 Tao Wang, “Monetary Policy Instruments,” (draft) in Marlene Amstad, Guofeng Sun, and Wei Xiong, eds., The Handbook of China’s 

Financial System (forthcoming in Princeton University Press), 16. https://www.chinafinancialsystem.com/wpcontent/uploads/2019/08/Ch3_MonPolicyInstrument_Wang_HandbookChinaFinancialSystem_AmstadSunXiong.pdf. 21 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, Hearing on China’s Quest for Capital: Motivations, Methods, and Implications, 

written testimony of Zhiguo He, January 23, 2020, 3–4; Liu Guoqiang, Deputy Governor of the People’s Bank of China and Other Officials 

Attended the State Council’s Regular Policy Press Conference: Policies Related to Reducing Real Interest Rates (Transcript) (人民银行

副行长刘国强等出席国务院政策例行吹风会:降低实际利率水平有关政策情况(实录)), People’s Bank of China, August 20, 

2019. Translation. http://www.pbc.gov.cn/goutongjiaoliu/113456/113469/3877580/index.html. 22 Hudson Lockett, “How China Is Shaking Up Its Interest-Rate Regime,” Financial Times, January 28, 2020. 

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14/china-s-evolving-toolkit-to-manage-monetary-policy-quicktake. 25 Tao Wang, “Monetary Policy Instruments,” (draft) in Marlene Amstad, Guofeng Sun, and Wei Xiong, eds., The Handbook of China’s 

Financial System (forthcoming in Princeton University Press), 18. https://www.chinafinancialsystem.com/wpcontent/uploads/2019/08/Ch3_MonPolicyInstrument_Wang_HandbookChinaFinancialSystem_AmstadSunXiong.pdf. 26 Logan Wright and Allen Feng, “Property Sector Holds PBOC Hostage,” Rhodium Group China Markets Research, October 24, 2019, 1–

2; Bloomberg, “PBOC Says New Personal Mortgage Loan Rate to Be Based on LPR,” August 25. 

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32 China Central Depository and Clearing Company, “Analytical Report on 2019 Bond Market Statistics” (2019 年债券市场统计分析报

告)January 17, 2020, 16. https://www.chinabond.com.cn/cb/cn/yjfx/zzfx/nb/20200117/153611773.shtml. 33 Zhiguo He and Marlene Amstad, “Underestimated Role of Banks in China’s Bond Market,” VoxChina, July 17, 2019. 

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结构性改革), Yicai, March 17, 2019. Translation. https://www.yicai.com/news/100141022.html. 36 China State Council, General Office of the CCP Central Committee and the General Office of the State Council Issue Guiding Opinions 

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健康发展的指导意见》), April 7, 2019. Translation. http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2019-04/07/content_5380299.htm; China State 

Council, Liu He Chairs First Meeting of the State Council Leading Group for Promoting the Development of Small and Medium 

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https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-markets-ipo-analys/chinas-mini-ipo-reform-takes-on-new-virus-urgencyidUSKBN21I1B8; Zhou Lanxu, “Tech Firms to Benefit from Innovation,” China Daily, January 8, 2020. 

https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202001/08/WS5e153feea310cf3e355832b2.html. 39 Laura Kodres, “Shadow Banks: Out of the Eyes of Regulators,” International Monetary Fund. 

https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/fandd/basics/52-shadow-banking.htm. 40 Torsten Ehlers, Steven Kong, and Feng Zhu, “Mapping Shadow Banking in China: Structure and Dynamics,” Bank for International 

Settlements Working Paper No. 701, February 2018, 10. https://www.bis.org/publ/work701.pdf. 
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 23 

 41 Hao Wang et al., “Shadow Banking: China’s Dual-Track Interest Rate Liberalization,” Social Science Research Network, October 7, 

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Wealth Management Products and Issuing Banks’ Risk in China,” Social Science Research Network, June 8, 2019, 2. 

https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3401597; China Banking Regulatory Commission, Research on Monetary Policy 

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Translation. http://www.cbrc.gov.cn/chinese/files/2018/1E6E1B868E97409EBB1A3EFE5429D9F8.pdf; Bloomberg, “China Moves to 

Scrap Rule Limiting Bank Loans to 75% of Deposits,” June 24, 2015. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-06-24/chinamoves-to-cancel-cap-limiting-bank-loans-to-75-of-deposits. 42 Joel Bowman, Mark Hack, and Miles Waring, “Non-Bank Financing in China,” Reserve Bank of Australia, March 2018, 2. 

https://www.rba.gov.au/publications/bulletin/2018/mar/pdf/non-bank-financing-in-china.pdf. 43 Allen Feng, Bart Carfagno, and Logan Wright, “The Age of Capital for China’s Banks,” Rhodium Group China Markets Research, 

October 2, 2019, 1. 44 Bank for International Settlements, “Credit to the Non-Financial Sector,” March 1, 2019. https://www.bis.org/statistics/totcredit.htm; 

Michael Taylor, Lillian Li, and Zedric Cheung, “Quarterly China Shadow Banking Monitor,” Moody’s Investor Service, December 

2019; China National Bureau of Statistics via CEIC database. 45 Joel Bowman, Mark Hack, and Miles Waring, “Non-Bank Financing in China,” Reserve Bank of Australia, March 2018, 2. 

https://www.rba.gov.au/publications/bulletin/2018/mar/pdf/non-bank-financing-in-china.pdf. 46 Michael Taylor, Lillian Li, and Zedric Cheung, “Quarterly China Shadow Banking Monitor,” Moody’s Investor Service, March 2020; U.S.-

China Economic and Security Review Commission, Hearing on China’s Quest for Capital: Motivations, Methods, and Implications, oral 

testimony of Leland Miller, Zhiguo He, and Dinny McMahon, January 23, 2020, 101–103; U.S.-China Economic and Security Review 

Commission, Hearing on China’s Quest for Capital: Motivations, Methods, and Implications, written testimony of Leland Miller, January 

23, 2020, 7–8; Jason Bedford and May Yan, “Shining Light on Shadow Banking: The Trust Sector Leads the Way on Easing in Shadow 

Banking,” UBS, March 26, 2019, 1–2, 5–7; China Trustee Association via CEIC database. 47 Carl Walter and Fraser Howie, Red Capitalism, John Wiley & Sons, 2011, 52–57. 48 Don Weinland and Sun Yu, “China’s GDP Grows at Slowest Pace in 29 Years,” Financial Times, January 17, 2020. 

https://www.ft.com/content/62524508-3825-11ea-a6d3-9a26f8c3cba4. 49 China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission via CEIC database. 50 Adam Tooze, Crashed: How a Decade of Financial Crisis Changes the World, Penguin Books, 2019, 247–251; Dinny McMahon, 

China’s Great Wall of Debt: Shadow Banks, Ghost Cities, Massive Loans, and the End of the Chinese Miracle, Houghton Mifflin 

Harcourt, 2018, 107–108. 51 Christine Wong, “The Fiscal Stimulus Programme and Public Governance Issues in China,” OECD Journal on Budgeting 11:3 (2011): 

11. https://www.oecd.org/gov/budgeting/Public%20Governance%20Issues%20in%20China.pdf. 52 Christine Wong, “The Fiscal Stimulus Programme and Public Governance Issues in China,” OECD Journal on Budgeting 11:3 (2011): 

7–13. https://www.oecd.org/gov/budgeting/Public%20Governance%20Issues%20in%20China.pdf. 53 People’s Bank of China via CEIC database. 54 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, Hearing on China’s Internal and External Challenges, written testimony of 

Nicholas Borst, February 7, 2019, 4. https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/Borst_USCC%20Testimony_FINAL.pdf. 55 Gabriel Wildau, “China’s Economy Is 12% Smaller than Official Data Say, Study Finds,” Financial Times, March 6, 2019. 

https://www.ft.com/content/961b4b32-3fce-11e9-b896-fe36ec32aece. 56 Reuters, “Alibaba’s Yuebao Dents Chinese Banks’ Profitability,” March 19, 2014. https://www.reuters.com/article/china-banksidUSL2N0MG0BV20140320; People’s Bank of China and China National Bureau of Statistics via CEIC database. 57 Shawn Donnan, “China’s Capital Outflows Top $500bn” Financial Times, October 19, 2015. https://www.ft.com/content/84aa4dbe76a3-11e5-933d-efcdc3c11c89; Wall Street Journal, “China Estimates Largest Capital Outflow in More than a Decade in Final Quarter 

2014,” February 3, 2015. https://www.wsj.com/articles/china-estimates-largest-capital-outflow-in-more-than-a-decade-in-final-quarter2014-1422964754; China State Administration of Foreign Exchange via CEIC database. 58 Kou Miaorong, Xie Bingshu, and Zhu Tianang, “Small and Medium Banks Research Series No. 4: Analysis of Liabilities” (中小商业银

行专题研究系列四:负债端分析), Sohu, September 25, 2019. http://www.sohu.com/a/343348452_238300; People’s Bank of China via 

CEIC database. 59 People’s Bank of China via CEIC database. 60 People’s Bank of China via CEIC database. 61 Wu Hongyuran, Wu Yujian, and Dong Tongjian, “Bank Regulator Curbs Use of Interbank Fundraising Tool,” Caixin Global, April 13, 

2017. https://www.caixinglobal.com/2017-04-13/bank-regulator-curbs-use-of-interbank-fundraising-tool-101078116.html. 62 People’s Bank of China, China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission, China Central Depository and Clearing Company, and 

Shanghai Clearing House via CEIC database. 63 Kou Miaorong, Xie Bingshu, and Zhu Tianang, “Small and Medium Banks Research Series No. 4: Analysis of Liabilities” (中小商业银

行专题研究系列四:负债端分析), Sohu, September 25, 2019. Translation. http://www.sohu.com/a/343348452_238300; Yao Hongwei 

and Hui Yali, “Development Drivers, Potential Risks, and Reform Paths for Bank Sector Negotiable Certificates of Deposit” (银行业同

业存单的发展动力、潜在风险与改革路径), China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission, December 2017, 71–72. 

Translation. http://www.cbrc.gov.cn/chinese/files/2018/B0346B2B108B41F8917F044827CF2A75.pdf. 64 Yao Hongwei and Hui Yali, “Development Drivers, Potential Risks, and Reform Paths for Bank Sector Negotiable Certificates of 

Deposit” (银行业同业存单的发展动力、潜在风险与改革路径), China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission, December 

2017, 70. Translation. http://www.cbrc.gov.cn/chinese/files/2018/B0346B2B108B41F8917F044827CF2A75.pdf; People’s Bank of 

China, China Central Depository and Clearing Company, and Shanghai Clearing House via CEIC database. 65 Torsten Ehlers, Steven Kong, and Feng Zhu, “Mapping Shadow Banking in China: Structure and Dynamics,” Bank for International 

Settlements Working Paper No. 701, February 2018, 17. https://www.bis.org/publ/work701.pdf. 
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 24 

 66 Jason Bedford and May Yan, “Shining Light on Shadow Banking: The Trust Sector Leads the Way on Easing in Shadow Banking,” 

UBS, March 26, 2019, 6; Dinny McMahon, China’s Great Wall of Debt: Shadow Banks, Ghost Cities, Massive Loans, and the End of 

the Chinese Miracle, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2018, 108–112. 67 Banking 123, “List of 2020 Interest Rate Adjustments at Major Domestic Banks” (2020 年国内各大银行活期存款利率表调整一览), 

January 4, 2020. Translation. https://www.yinhang123.net/lltz/cunkuanlilvbiao/1386573.html; Torsten Ehlers, Steven Kong, and Feng 

Zhu, “Mapping Shadow Banking in China: Structure and Dynamics,” Bank for International Settlements Working Paper No. 701, 

February 2018, 13–17. https://www.bis.org/publ/work701.pdf; Cindy Li, “Shadow Banking in China,” Federal Reserve Bank of San 

Francisco, Podcast, February 15, 2017. https://www.frbsf.org/banking/asia-program/pacific-exchanges-podcast/china-shadow-banking/; 

Puyi Standard via CEIC database. 68 Aidan Yao, “China Has Taken a Key Step towards Interest Rate and Monetary System Reform, but Caution Will Rule,” South China 

Morning Post, August 28, 2019. https://www.scmp.com/comment/opinion/article/3024632/china-has-taken-key-step-towards-interestrate-and-monetary-system; Houze Song, “The State of China’s Deposit Rate Liberalization,” MacroPolo, June 26, 2017. 

https://macropolo.org/analysis/state-chinas-deposit-rate-liberalization/; Lydia Guo, “China: Savers Flock to Shadow-Bank Deposits in 

Response to Higher Rates,” Financial Times, June 26, 2013. https://www.ft.com/content/39d82e3b-99c4-3010-9e7c-bdbb177dabd1. 69 Torsten Ehlers, Steven Kong, and Feng Zhu, “Mapping Shadow Banking in China: Structure and Dynamics,” Bank for International 

Settlements Working Paper No. 701, February 2018, 13–17. https://www.bis.org/publ/work701.pdf; Cindy Li, “Shadow Banking in 

China,” Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, Podcast, February 15, 2017. https://www.frbsf.org/banking/asia-program/pacificexchanges-podcast/china-shadow-banking/. 70 Sun Guofeng, “China’s Shadow Banking: Bank’s Shadow and Traditional Shadow Banking,” Bank for International Settlements, 

November 2019, 41–42. https://www.bis.org/publ/work822.pdf; Daniel Rosen and Logan Wright, “Credit and Credibility: Risks to 

China’s Economic Resilience,” Center for Strategic and International Studies, October 3, 2018, 25–26. 

https://www.csis.org/analysis/credit-and-credibility-risks-chinas-economic-resilience; China Banking Wealth Management Trustee 

Center, “China Banking Wealth Management Market 2016 Annual Report,” (中国银行业理财市场年度报告 2016 年), May 19, 2017, 

2–3. https://www.chinawealth.com.cn/resource/830/846/863/51198/52005/961636/1495184467803885769503.pdf; China Banking 

Wealth Management Trustee Center, “China Banking Wealth Management Market 2013 Annual Report” (中国银行业理财市场年度报

告 2013 年), August 2014, 14. 71 China National Bureau of Statistics and China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission via CEIC database. 72 China National Bureau of Statistics and China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission via CEIC database. 73 China National Bureau of Statistics and China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission via CEIC database. 74 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, Chapter 1, Section 1, “Year in Review: Economics and Trade,” in 2019 Annual 

Report to Congress, November 2019, 60–61. 75 Wu Hongyuran and Timmy Shen, “Bank of Gansu Is Next in Line for State Bailout,” Caixin Global, April 10, 2020. 

https://www.caixinglobal.com/2020-04-10/bank-of-gansu-is-next-in-line-for-state-bailout-101541253.html; Reuters, “China’s Anbang 

Sells Chengdu Bank Stake Valued at over $2 Bln to Local Gov’t-Backed Firm,” March 12, 2020. 

https://www.reuters.com/article/anbang-group-divestiture/chinas-anbang-sells-chengdu-bank-stake-valued-at-over-2-bln-to-local-govtbacked-firm-idUSL4N2B51VA; U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, Hearing on China’s Quest for Capital: 

Motivations, Methods, and Implications, written testimony of Dinny McMahon, January 23, 2020, 7–10. 76 Zhang Yuzhe, Wu Hongyuran, and Liu Jiefei, “Central Bank Urges Calm after Taking Control of Baoshang Bank,” Caixin Global, June 

3, 2019. https://www.caixinglobal.com/2019-06-03/central-bank-urges-calm-after-taking-control-of-baoshang-bank-101423061.html. 77 Bloomberg, “UBS Analyst Who Predicted China Bank Woes Sees $349 Billion Hole,” July 30, 2019. 

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-07-30/a-star-ubs-analyst-s-big-new-call-china-banks-need-349-

billion?sref=FlHD1WjR. 78 Yang Jiao, “City Commercials Banks’ Sickness of Reliance on Interbank Markets Continues, Regulators Focus on Liquidity Risks at 

Small and Medium Banks” (城商行同业依赖症不减,监管关注中小银行流动性风险), Yicai, May 27, 2019.

https://www.yicai.com/news/100203059.html; Yin Ruizhe and Li Yuze, “Will the Baoshang Bank Incident Shock Credit Markets?” (包

商银行事件会冲击信用债市场马?). www.newone.com.cn/research/read/2312214. 79 Zhang Yuzhe et al., “In Depth: How Baoshang Takeover Shook Secretive Corner of Bond Market,” Caixin Global, June 24, 2019. 

https://www.caixinglobal.com/2019-06-24/in-depth-how-baoshang-takeover-shook-secretive-corner-of-bond-market-101430486.html; 

Shuli Ren and Anjani Trivedi, “China Looks for Savior in the Shadows,” Bloomberg, June 20, 2019. 

https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2019-06-20/china-wants-brokers-shadow-banks-to-help-save-economy; People’s Bank of 

China, 2019 Announcement No. 109 on Open Market Operations Transactions (公开市场业务交易公告 [2019]第 109 号), June 6, 

2019. Translation. http://www.pbc.gov.cn/zhengcehuobisi/125207/125213/125431/125475/3840390/index.html; Livia Yap and Claire 

Che, “PBOC Injects $72 Billion to Roll Over Medium Term Funds,” Bloomberg, June 6, 2019. 

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-06-06/china-calms-markets-with-second-largest-cash-injection-on-record. 80 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, Hearing on China’s Quest for Capital: Motivations, Methods, and 

Implications, oral testimony of Dinny McMahon and Zhiguo He, January 23, 2020, 1–93. 81 China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission, Record of the CBIRC’s Press Conference (银保监会国新办新闻发布会答问实

录), April 22, 2020. Translation. http://www.cbirc.gov.cn/cn/view/pages/ItemDetail.html?docId=899340&itemId=915. 82 Caixin Global, “China Is Said to Mull Wave of Bank Mergers to Bolster Stability,” November 8, 2019. 

https://www.caixinglobal.com/2019-11-08/china-is-said-to-mull-wave-of-bank-mergers-to-bolster-stability-101480303.html. 83 Don Weinland and Nian Liu, “China to Step Up Reform of Banks Hit by Coronavirus,” Financial Times, April 22, 2020. 

https://www.ft.com/content/c63791fa-4d6e-42e0-bd06-88d8b2f66995. 84 Anjani Trivedi, “China’s Bank Bailouts Are Even Scarier than They Look,” Bloomberg, April 26, 2020. 

https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2020-04-26/china-s-scary-bank-bailouts-rely-on-state-owned-
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 25 

 shareholders?sref=FlHD1WjR; Don Weinland and Nian Liu, “China to Step Up Reform of Banks Hit by Coronavirus” Financial Times, 

April 22, 2020. https://www.ft.com/content/c63791fa-4d6e-42e0-bd06-88d8b2f66995. 85 Michael Taylor, Lillian Li, and Zedric Cheung, “Quarterly China Shadow Banking Monitor,” Moody’s Investor Service, March 2020; 

China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission via CEIC database. 86 China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission via CEIC database. 87 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, Hearing on China’s Quest for Capital: Motivations, Methods, and 

Implications, written testimony of Dinny McMahon, January 23, 2020, 2. 88 Li Yumin, “CBIRC: Bank NPLs Reached RMB 2 Trillion in 2018,” (银保监会:2018 年银行不良余额破 2 万亿 处置核销力度加大

), 21st Century Business Herald, January 12, 2019. Translation. 

https://m.21jingji.com/article/20190114/4705720bafc326a9d375bbd62c84a473.html; China Banking and Insurance Regulatory 

Commission via CEIC database. 89 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, Hearing on China’s Quest for Capital: Motivations, Methods, and 

Implications, written testimony of Dinny McMahon, January 23, 2020, 2. 90 Dinny McMahon, “Slow, Steady, Cheap, and Painless – Making Sense of China’s Bad Loan Strategy,” MacroPolo, April 8, 2019.

https://macropolo.org/cleanup_analysis/slow-steady-cheap-and-painless-making-sense-of-chinas-bad-loan-strategy/. 91 China State Council, Administrative Measures for the Capital of Commercial Banks (Trial Implementation) (商业银行资本管理办法

(试行)), June 7, 2012. http://www.gov.cn/gongbao/content/2012/content_2245522.htm. 92 Simon Rabinovitch, “China Gives Banks Basel III Timetable,” Financial Times, December 7, 2012. 

https://www.ft.com/content/fac595b4-4062-11e2-8f90-00144feabdc0. 93 China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission via CEIC database. 94 Basel Committee on Banking Supervision, “Standards: Revisions to the Standardized Approach to Credit Risk,” Bank for International 

Settlements, December 2015. https://www.bis.org/bcbs/publ/d307.pdf. 95 Wu Xiaomeng, Wu Hongyuran, and Denise Jia, “In Depth: China’s New Asset Management Rules Face Uncertainty,” Caixin Global, 

January 11, 2020. https://www.caixinglobal.com/2020-01-11/in-depth-chinas-new-asset-management-rules-face-uncertainty101503078.html; Wu Hongyuran and Timmy Shen, “Banks Set to Win Second Delay to Deadline for Asset Management Overhaul,” 

Caixin Global, December 18, 2019. https://www.caixinglobal.com/2019-12-18/exclusive-banks-set-to-win-second-delay-to-deadline-forasset-management-overhaul-101495639.html. 96 Zhu Liangtao and Lin Jinbing, “Chinese Banks Face Tougher Rules for Declaring Nonperforming Assets,” Caixin Global, May 2, 2019. 

https://www.caixinglobal.com/2019-05-02/chinese-banks-face-tougher-rules-for-declaring-nonperforming-assets-101410973.html; 

China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission, Notice on Soliciting Public Comments for Interim Measures on the Classification 

of Financial Asset Risks (Public Comment Draft) (中国银行保险监督管理 委员会关于《商业银行金融资产风险分类暂行办法(征

求意见稿)》公开征求意见的公告), April 30, 2019. Translation. 

http://www.cbirc.gov.cn/cn/view/pages/ItemDetail.html?docId=217263&itemId=951&generaltype=2; 97 China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission, Notice on Soliciting Public Comments for Interim Measures on the Classification 

of Financial Asset Risks (Public Comment Draft) (中国银行保险监督管理 委员会关于《商业银行金融资产风险分类暂行办法(征

求意见稿)》公开征求意见的公告), via Eastmoney, April 30, 2019. Translation. 

http://www.cbirc.gov.cn/cn/view/pages/ItemDetail.html?docId=217263&itemId=951&generaltype=2; Jason Bedford and May Yan, 

“Are NPLs Set to Surge,” UBS Global Research, June 20, 2018, 1–4. 98 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, Hearing on China’s Quest for Capital: Motivations, Methods, and 

Implications, written testimony of Dinny McMahon, January 23, 2020, 2; China State Council, News Office Holds a Press Conference 

on Banking and Insurance Operations, Servicing the Real Economy and Preventing and Resolving Risks (新闻办就银行保险业运行、

服务实体经济和防范化解风险情况举行新闻发布会), January 13, 2020. Translation. http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2020-

01/13/content_5468710.htm; Financial News, “NPL Ratio Increases Slightly, Asset Quality Remains Stable” (不良率微增 资产质量保

持稳定), November 14, 2019. Translation. http://www.financialnews.com.cn/pl/zj/201911/t20191114_171382.html; Xinhua, 

“Commercial Banks Write Down RMB 98.8 Billion Worth of NPLs in 2018, RMB 25.9 Billion More than Last Year” (2018 年商业银

行核销不良贷款 9880 亿元 较上年多核销 2590 亿元), January 25, 2019. Translation. http://www.xinhuanet.com/fortune/2019-

01/25/c_1124039220.htm. 99 Don Weinland, “China Bad Debt Disposals Hit Levels Not Seen for 20 Years,” Financial Times, January 23, 2019. 

https://www.ft.com/content/fea6ed72-1ee6-11e9-b126-46fc3ad87c65; Dinny McMahon, “The End of the Nonperforming Loan Bubble—

More Supply, Less Credit,” MacroPolo, November 28, 2018. https://macropolo.org/cleanup_analysis/more-supply-less-credit/#_edn5; 

Don Weinland, “Huarong Chief Warns of Bubble in China’s Distressed Debt Market,” Financial Times, August 28, 2017. 

https://www.ft.com/content/c5cde11c-8bb8-11e7-9084-d0c17942ba93. 100 Financial News, “Where Is the Distressed Asset Market Headed This Year?” (不良资产市场今年将何去何从), January 28, 2019. 

Translation. http://www.financialnews.com.cn/cf/zcgl/201901/t20190128_153814.html. 101 Dinny McMahon, “The End of the Nonperforming Loan Bubble—More Supply, Less Credit,” MacroPolo, November 28, 2018. 

https://macropolo.org/cleanup_analysis/more-supply-less-credit/#_edn5. 102 May Yan et al., “Which Banks Could Need to Raise Capital and Why,” UBS Global Research, January 6, 2020, 15–16. 103 May Yan et al., “Which Banks Could Need to Raise Capital and Why,” UBS Global Research, January 6, 2020, 15–16; Gabriel Wildau, 

“Chinese Banks under Pressure from Beijing to Boost Capital,” Financial Times, April 24, 2018. https://www.ft.com/content/cee23ffa43aa-11e8-803a-295c97e6fd0b. 104 Cheng Leng et al., “China Relaxes Capital Replenishment Rules for Unlisted Banks,” Reuters, July 19, 2019. 

https://www.reuters.com/article/china-banks-capital-relaxation/update-1-china-relaxes-capital-replenishment-rules-for-unlisted-banksidUSL4N24K29I. 
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 26 

 105 Bloomberg, “PBOC Sets Up Swap Tool to Aid Bank Capital via Perpetual Bonds,” January 24, 2019. 

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-01-24/pboc-sets-up-swap-tool-to-aid-bank-capital-via-perpetual-bonds. 106 People’s Bank of China, Monetary Policy Implementation Report 2019 Q3 (中国货币政策执行报告), November 15, 2019, 1. 

http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2019-11/16/5452710/files/64aedc9745e6404fbc13c260c0ee2c28.pdf. 107 Eastmoney, “Analysis of Banking Sector Operations in 2019 and Outlook for 2020” (2019 年银行业运行形势分析及 2020 年展望), 

January 8, 2020. Translation. http://finance.eastmoney.com/a/202001081350269787.html. 108 Chen Hongjie, “Bank of Jinzhou Welcomes New Chiefs, Has a Capital Emergency, and Sets No Timeline for a Trading Resumption” (

锦州银行迎来新掌门人,资本告急、回 A 暂无期), Yicai, December 22, 2019. Translation. 

https://www.yicai.com/news/100443553.html; Zhou Xin, “Saga of China’s Bank of Jinzhou Raises Questions about Health of China’s 

Banking Sector,” South China Morning Post, October 3, 2019. https://www.scmp.com/economy/china-economy/article/3031389/sagachinas-bank-jinzhou-raises-questions-about-health. 109 Jason Bedford and May Yan, “Does Shengjing Bank’s Below Book Capital Raise Signal a Shift in Bank Recaps?” UBS Global 

Research, July 2, 2019. 110 Bloomberg, “Evergrande Faces $53 Billion of Maturities in Tough Market,” September 1, 2019. 

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-09-02/evergrande-squeezed-by-53-billion-of-maturities-in-tough-market; Jacky Wong, 

“Why the World’s Biggest Property Company Is Bailing Out a Bank,” Wall Street Journal, June 21, 2019. 

https://www.wsj.com/articles/why-the-worlds-biggest-property-company-is-bailing-out-a-bank-11561116006. 111 Bloomberg, “Evergrande Faces $53 Billion of Maturities in Tough Market,” September 1, 2019. 

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-09-02/evergrande-squeezed-by-53-billion-of-maturities-in-tough-market; Jacky Wong, 

“Why the World’s Biggest Property Company Is Bailing Out a Bank,” Wall Street Journal, June 21, 2019. 

https://www.wsj.com/articles/why-the-worlds-biggest-property-company-is-bailing-out-a-bank-11561116006. 112 Carl Walter and Fraser Howie, Red Capitalism, John Wiley & Sons, 2011, 54–56. 113 Carl Walter and Fraser Howie, Red Capitalism, John Wiley & Sons, 2011, 49, 54–55. 114 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, Hearing on China’s Quest for Capital: Motivations, Methods, and 

Implications, oral testimony of Dinny McMahon, January 23, 2020, 97–99. https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/2020-

02/January%2023,%202020%20Hearing%20Transcript.pdf. 115 Carl Walter and Fraser Howie, Red Capitalism, John Wiley & Sons, 2011, 67. 116 Evelyn Cheng, “Not Unreasonable for China’s Economy to Shrink 10% in the First Quarter, Independent Survey Shows,” CNBC, 

March 24, 2020. https://www.cnbc.com/2020/03/24/china-beige-book-q1-contraction-in-chinas-economy-from-coronavirus.html; U.S.-

China Economic and Security Review Commission, Hearing on China’s Quest for Capital: Motivations, Methods, and Implications, oral 

testimony of Dinny McMahon, January 23, 2020, 97–99. https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/2020-

02/January%2023,%202020%20Hearing%20Transcript.pdf. 117 Hu Yue and Timmy Shen, “China Oks First National Bad-Debt Manager in Two Decades,” Caixin Global, March 17, 2020. 

https://www.caixinglobal.com/2020-03-17/china-oks-first-national-bad-debt-manager-in-two-decades-101529854.html. 118 Hu Yue and Timmy Shen, “China Oks First National Bad-Debt Manager in Two Decades,” Caixin Global, March 17, 2020. 

https://www.caixinglobal.com/2020-03-17/china-oks-first-national-bad-debt-manager-in-two-decades-101529854.html. 119 Li Yumin, “CBIRC’s Xiao Yuanqi: Foreign and Joint Venture AMCs Will Be Successively Established” (银保监会肖远企:外资、合

资 AMC 也会陆续落地), 21st Century Business Herald, March 17, 2020. Translation. 

https://m.21jingji.com/article/20200317/herald/e327b7b42cff9ac3f3cc9c5814b9a050.html. 120 21st Century Business Herald, “Amid the Epidemic, Nucleic Acid Testing Helps Put Employees’ Safety First” (疫情下,核酸检测助

力把好复工潮下员工安全第一关), February 27, 2020. Translation. http://www.21jingji.com/2020/2-

27/zNMDE0MTBfMTUzNzkzNw.html. 121 Sina News, “Qinghua University and Peking University Joint Survey of 995 SMEs, the Battle of How to Overcome the Next Three 

Months” (清华、北大联合调研 995 家中小企业,如何穿越 3 个月的生死火线), February 5, 2020. Translation. 

https://tech.sina.cn/2020-02-05/detail-iimxyqvz0515277.d.html. 122 China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission, Responsible Officials in Relevant Departments of the CBIRC Answer Reporters’ 

Questions about the Notice on Temporarily Delaying Principal and Interest Payments for Loans to Small, Medium, and Micro 

Enterprise (银保监会有关部门负责人就《关于对中小微企业贷款实施临时性延期还本付息的通知》答记者问), March 1, 2020. 

Translation. http://www.cbirc.gov.cn/cn/view/pages/ItemDetail.html?docId=892275&itemId=915&generaltype=0. 123 Financial News, “Achieving Accurate and Effective Deployment of the Central Bank’s Policy Funds” (实现央行政策资金精准有效投

放), March 3, 2020. Translation. http://www.financialnews.com.cn/qy/dfjr/202003/t20200303_182619.html. 124 People’s Bank of China, Ministry of Finance, National Development and Reform Commission, Ministry of Industry and Information 

Technology, and People’s Bank of China Audit Office Urgent Notice on Winning the Battle of Epidemic Prevention and Control (财政部

发展改革委 工业和信息化部 人民银行 审计署关于打赢疫情防控阻击战 强化疫情防控重点保障企业资金支持的紧急通知), 

February 8, 2020. Translation. http://www.pbc.gov.cn/goutongjiaoliu/113456/113469/3969095/index.html. 125 Reuters, “China Takes Major Steps to Prop Up Coronavirus-Hit Economy,” February 20, 2020. https://www.reuters.com/article/uschina-health-policy-factbox/china-takes-major-steps-to-prop-up-coronavirus-hit-economy-idUSKBN20E101; People’s Bank of China, 

Ministry of Finance, National Development and Reform Commission, Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, and People’s 

Bank of China Audit Office Urgent Notice on Winning the Battle of Epidemic Prevention and Control (财政部 发展改革委 工业和信

息化部 人民银行 审计署关于打赢疫情防控阻击战 强化疫情防控重点保障企业资金支持的紧急通知), February 8, 2020. 

Translation. http://www.pbc.gov.cn/goutongjiaoliu/113456/113469/3969095/index.html; China National Interbank Funding Center, 

“LPR.” http://www.chinamoney.com.cn/english/bmklpr/. 
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 27 

 126 Duan Siyu and Lu Qian, “Xiaomi and Meituan’s Large Loans Are Now in Doubt, Whose Life Should Be Saved by Special AntiEpidemic Loans?” (小米美团现巨额贷款疑云,抗疫专项贷款应救谁的命?), Yicai, February 12, 2020. Translation. 

https://www.yicai.com/news/100502564.html?mc_cid=9fa410f38d&mc_eid=5add0e7e13. 127 Wu Hongyuran and Guo Yuzhe, “China Blocks Access to Cheap Epidemic Loans for 48 Firms,” Caixin Global, February 27, 2020. 

https://www.caixinglobal.com/2020-02-27/exclusive-china-blocks-access-to-cheap-epidemic-loans-for-48-firms-101521384.html. 128 Wu Hongyuran and Guo Yuzhe, “China Blocks Access to Cheap Epidemic Loans for 48 Firms,” Caixin Global, February 27, 2020. 

https://www.caixinglobal.com/2020-02-27/exclusive-china-blocks-access-to-cheap-epidemic-loans-for-48-firms-101521384.html. 129 Guo Yingzhe and Peng Qinqin, “PBOC Issues Warning as China’s Household Debt Rises to Record,” Caixin Global, November 27, 

2019. https://www.caixinglobal.com/2019-11-27/pboc-issues-warning-as-chinas-household-debt-rises-to-record-101487637.html; 

Huileng Tan, “China’s New Problem: ‘Frenzy’ of Consumer Lending Creates Debt Explosion,” CNBC, August 18, 2017. 

https://www.cnbc.com/2017/08/18/chinas-new-problem-frenzy-of-consumer-lending-creates-debt-explosion.html. 130 Bank for International Settlements, “Credit to the Non-Financial Sector,” March 1, 2019. https://www.bis.org/statistics/totcredit.htm. 131 China Citic Bank, “China Citic Bank Inc. 2019 Semiannual Report” (中信银行股份有限公司二〇一九年半年度报告), August 27, 

2019, 37. http://pdf.dfcfw.com/pdf/H2_AN201908271345199990_1.pdf; Xin Jidao, “Bank Retail Business Transformation: Mortgages, 

Credit Cards Become the Main Force in 2018” (银行零售业务转型:房贷、信用卡成 2018 年绝对主力), 21st Century Business 

Herald, March 27, 2019. http://www.21jingji.com/2019/3-27/zNMDEzODBfMTQ3ODQzNQ.html. 132 Stella Yifan Xie, Shan Li, and Julie Wernau, “Young Chinese Spend Like Americans—and Take on Worrisome Debt,” Wall Street 

Journal, August 29, 2019. https://www.wsj.com/articles/young-chinese-spend-like-americansand-take-on-worrisome-debt11567093953; Shi Jing, “Banks to Focus on Retail Clients,” China Daily, April 8, 2019. 

http://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201904/08/WS5caa8ce4a3104842260b4c51.html. 133 People’s Bank of China and China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission via CEIC database. 134 Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, FRED Economic Data. https://fred.stlouisfed.org/. 135 People’s Bank of China via CEIC database. 136 World Bank Group, “Global Findex Database 2017,” 2017. https://globalfindex.worldbank.org/#data_sec_focus. 137 Securities Times, “China Banking Association Publishes 2019 List of Top 100 Banks” (中银协发布“2019 年中国银行业 100 强榜单

”), March 10, 2020. Translation. http://news.stcn.com/2020/0310/15715641.shtml; Zheshang Bank, “2019 Semiannual Report” (2019 

年中期度报告), September 23, 2019, 24. Translation. 

http://www.czbank.com/cn/investor/financial_info/reports/20190923/20190923/201909/P020190923519887239611.pdf; China 

Minsheng Bank, “2019 Semiannual Report” (二〇一九年半年度报告), August 30, 2019, 98. Translation. 

http://www.cmbc.com.cn/jrms/tzzgx/xxpl/Agdqgg/index.htm; China Everbright Bank, “2019 Semiannual Report” (2019 年半年度报告), 

August 28, 2019, 21. Translation. http://pdf.dfcfw.com/pdf/H2_AN201908281345262027_1.pdf; China Citic Bank, “2019 Semiannual 

Report” (2019 年半年度报告), August 27, 2019, 36. Translation. http://pdf.dfcfw.com/pdf/H2_AN201908271345199990_1.pdf; Bank of 

Nanjing, “2019 Semiannual Report” (2019 年半年度报告), August 27, 6, 86. Translation. 

http://pdf.dfcfw.com/pdf/H2_AN201908261345114299_1.pdf; China Merchants Bank, “2019 Semiannual Report” (二〇一九年半年度

报告), August 23, 2019, 26. Translation. https://file.cmbimg.com/cmbir/201908/48929e49-5ddd-4bce-af61-01e0f220459f.pdf; Ping’an 

Bank, “Ping’an Bank Joint Stock Company 2019 Semiannual Report” (平安银行股份有限公司 2019 年半年度报告), August 8, 2019, 

13. Translation. http://resources.pingan.com/app_upload/file/bank/3a3a216669d14c67acd928d711c22878.pdf; Bank of Beijing, “2019 

Semiannual Report” (二〇一九年半年度报告), August 2019, 3, 68. Translation. 

http://pdf.dfcfw.com/pdf/H2_AN201908271345189559_1.pdf; Bank of Shanghai, “2019 Semiannual Report” (2019 年半年度报告), 

August 2019, 15, 39. Translation. http://pdf.dfcfw.com/pdf/H2_AN201908231344981420_1.pdf; Bank of Jiangsu, “2019 Semiannual 

Report,” (2019 年半年度报告), August 2019, 4, 100. Translation. http://pdf.dfcfw.com/pdf/H2_AN201908201344723968_1.pdf; Bank 

of Nanjing, “2018 Annual Report” (2018 年年度报告), April 30, 2019, 12, 52. Translation. 

http://pdf.dfcfw.com/pdf/H2_AN201904301324550941_1.pdf; China Citic Bank, “2018 Annual Report” (2018 年半年度报告), April 29, 

2019, 48. Translation. http://www.citicbank.com/about/investor/financialaffairs/report/2019/201904/P020190429616153014902.pdf; 

Bank of Beijing, “2018 Annual Report” (二○一八年年度报告), April 2019, 9, 91–92. Translation. 

http://pdf.dfcfw.com/pdf/H2_AN201904251322252064_1.pdf; Bank of Shanghai, “2018 Annual Report” (二○一八年年度报告), April 

2019, 12, 44. Translation. http://pdf.dfcfw.com/pdf/H2_AN201904191320937382_1.pdf; Bank of Jiangsu, “2018 Annual Report” (2018

年年度报告), April 2019, 11, 96–98. Translation. http://pdf.dfcfw.com/pdf/H2_AN201904271323482932_1.pdf; China Minsheng Bank, 

“2018 Annual Report” (二○一八年年度报告), March 29, 2019, 19, 25. Translation.

http://www.cmbc.com.cn/jrms/tzzgx/xxpl/Agdqgg/index.htm; China Everbright Bank, “2018 Semiannual Report” (2 0 1 8 年 年 度

报 告), March 28, 2019, 40. Translation.

http://static2.cebbank.com/site/resource/cms/article/463627/93816318/2019032908091320311.pdf; China Merchants Bank, “2018

Annual Report” (二〇一八年度报告), March 22, 2019, 43. Translation. http://file.cmbimg.com/cmbir/20190322/303d7628-982e-4981-

81c7-8ea213e669c5.pdf; Zheshang Bank, “2018 Performance Report” (2018 业绩公告), March 18, 2019, 27. Translation.

http://www.czbank.com/cn/investor/announcements/201903/P020190318826605227974.pdf; Ping’an Bank, “Ping’an Bank Joint Stock 

Company 2018 Annual Report” (平安银行股份有限公司 2018 年年度报告), March 7, 2019, 19. Translation.

http://resources.pingan.com/app_upload/file/bank/1c500787f6a84c09bad007e6d4b634d9.pdf; China Citic Bank, “2017 Annual Report” 

(2017 年半年度报告), April 12, 2018, 40. Translation. 

http://www.citicbank.com/about/investor/financialaffairs/report/2018/201804/P020180427732804130640.pdf; China Minsheng Bank, 

“2017 Annual Report” (二○一七年年度报告), March 30, 2018, 48. Translation.
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 28 

 

http://www.cmbc.com.cn/jrms/tzzgx/xxpl/Agdqgg/index3.htm; China Merchants Bank, “2017 Annual Report” (二〇一七年度报告), 

March 23, 2018, 44. Translation. http://file.cmbimg.com/cmbir/20181211/18875aea-ee49-4dfc-8f1f-eda402845c32.pdf. 138 Georgina Lee, “Chinese Banks Boost Fintech Spending and Launch Services to Counter Competition from Internet Giants,” South 

China Morning Post, April 5, 2019. https://www.scmp.com/business/banking-finance/article/3004877/chinese-banks-boost-fintechspending-and-launch-services. 139 Xin Jidao, “Who Is the King of ‘Big Retail’ Banking” (谁是银行“大零售”之王), 21st Century Business Herald, September 21, 

2019. http://www.21jingji.com/2019/9-21/xMMDEzODBfMTUwODkxMw.html. 140 Georgina Lee, “Chinese Banks Boost Fintech Spending and Launch Services to Counter Competition from Internet Giants,” South 

China Morning Post, April 5, 2019. https://www.scmp.com/business/banking-finance/article/3004877/chinese-banks-boost-fintechspending-and-launch-services. 141 People’s Bank of China, Overall Operation of the Payments System in Q3 2019 (2019 年第三季度支付体系运行总体情况), November 

23, 2019. Translation. http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2019-11/23/5454799/files/e47600dae2ca4c56ac27cb25107cc1da.pdf; Fern Wang, 

“Tech Disruption in Retail Banking: China Banks Are Playing Catch-Up to Big Tech,” S&P Global, May 14, 2019. 

https://www.spglobal.com/en/research-insights/articles/tech-disruption-in-retail-banking-china-s-banks-are-playing-catch-up-to-bigtech; People’s Bank of China, Overall Operation of the Payments System in Q4 2012 (2019 年第三季度支付体系运行总体情况), 

February 19, 2013. Translation. http://www.gov.cn/gzdt/att/att/site1/20130219/1c6f6506c7f8128dcaa101.pdf. 142 Bloomberg, “World’s No. 1 Money-Market Fund Shrinks by $120 Billion in China,” September 5, 2019. 

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-09-05/world-s-no-1-money-market-fund-shrinks-by-120-billion-in-china; Fern Wang, 

“Tech Disruption in Retail Banking: China Banks Are Playing Catch-Up to Big Tech,” S&P Global, May 14, 2019. 

https://www.spglobal.com/en/research-insights/articles/tech-disruption-in-retail-banking-china-s-banks-are-playing-catch-up-to-bigtech; Sina Fund, “Tianhong Yu’e Bao Money” (天弘余额宝货币[余额宝). Translation. 

http://finance.sina.com.cn/fund/quotes/000198/bc.shtml. 143 Global Economics, “Which Bank’s Time Deposit Has the Highest Interest 2020? List of Bank Deposit Interest Rates in 2020” (2020 年

哪个银行定期存款利息高?2020 银行存款利率一览表), January 8, 2020. Translation. https://www.shiji5.com/licai/yinhang/2020-01-

08/175288.html; Sina Fund, “Tianhong Yu’e Bao Money” (天弘余额宝货币). Translation. 

http://finance.sina.com.cn/fund/quotes/000198/bc.shtml. 144 Wu Yujian et al., “In Depth: Is China’s Once-Booming P2P Sector Facing a Dead End,” Caixin Global, December 2, 2019. 

https://www.caixinglobal.com/2019-12-02/in-depth-is-chinas-once-booming-p2p-sector-facing-a-dead-end-101489322.html. 145 Stella Yifan Xie, “More than a Third of China Is Now Invested in One Giant Mutual Fund,” Wall Street Journal, March 17, 2019. 

https://www.wsj.com/articles/more-than-a-third-of-china-is-now-invested-in-one-giant-mutual-fund-11553682785. 146 Bank for International Settlements, “Implications of Fintech Developments for Banks and Bank Supervisors,” February 2018, 28. 

https://www.bis.org/bcbs/publ/d431.pdf. 147 Georgina Lee, “Chinese Fintech Firms Cosy Up to Banks as Collaborators Instead of Disrupters They Shift towards Retail Banking,” 

South China Morning Post, May 8, 2019. https://www.scmp.com/business/money/article/3009314/chinese-fintech-firms-cosy-bankscollaborators-instead-disrupters. 148 International Monetary Fund, “People’s Republic of China: Selected Issues,” August 23, 2019, 21–22. 

https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/CR/Issues/2019/08/15/Peoples-Republic-of-China-Selected-Issues-48593; Atif Mian, Amir Sufi, 

and Emil Verner, “Household Debt and Business Cycles Worldwide,” Social Science Research Network, February 8, 2017, 1. 

https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2655804. 149 National Bureau of Statistics, Retail Sales of Consumer Goods Fall 20.5% in January and February (2020 年 1—2 月份社会消费品零

售总额下降 20.5%), March 16, 2020. 

http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/zxfb/202003/t20200316_1732236.html?mc_cid=41bce098bc&mc_eid=5add0e7e13; National Bureau of 

Statistics via CEIC database. 150 Kenji Kawase, “China’s Housing Glut Casts Pall over the Economy,” Nikkei Asian Review, February 13, 2019. 

https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Cover-Story/China-s-housing-glut-casts-pall-over-the-economy. 151 Liang Yu, Ryan Tsang, and Harry Hu, “Will China’s Credit Card Boom Follow the Well-Worn Path to Bust?” S&P Global, July 4, 

2019. https://www.spglobal.com/en/research-insights/articles/will-china-s-credit-card-boom-follow-the-well-worn-path-to-bust. 152 Liang Yu, Ryan Tsang, and Harry Hu, “Will China’s Credit Card Boom Follow the Well-Worn Path to Bust?” S&P Global, July 4, 

2019. https://www.spglobal.com/en/research-insights/articles/will-china-s-credit-card-boom-follow-the-well-worn-path-to-bust. 153 Sun Yu and Christian Shepherd, “China Struggles with Sharp Rise in Unemployment,” Financial Times, April 22, 2020. 

https://www.ft.com/content/5c172455-e967-45a5-84c8-47efc3788b08. 154 Zhao Meng, “NPL Ratio Inches Upward, Pressure on Consumer NPLs Is Obvious” (不良率小幅上行 零售类贷款不良压力凸显), 

Financial News, May 1, 2020. Translation. https://www.financialnews.com.cn/yh/shd/202005/t20200501_190074.html. 155 MSCI, “Constituents of China A Indexes,” October 18, 2019. https://www.msci.com/index-consultations; FTSE Russel, “FTSE Global 

Equity Index Series June 2019 Quarterly Changes – Amendment,” May 30, 2019. https://research.ftserussell.com/products/indexnotices/home/getnotice/?id=2592912&_ga=2.190714219.1134090347.1587010740-252937783.1587010740. 156 MSCI, “Constituents of the MSCI A Shares.” https://www.msci.com/index-consultations. 157 Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, “Announcement on the Outward Investment of Our Subsidiary” (关于子公司对外投资的公

告), July 29, 2019. Translation. http://v.icbc.com.cn/userfiles/Resources/ICBCLTD/download/2019/tzA20190729.pdf. 158 Fang Haiping, “Insight into the Tide of Local AMC Expansion: Credit-Like Business Takes the Lead while NPL Disposal Earnings Are

Low (透视地方 AMC 扩容潮: 类信贷业务打头阵 不良处置收益低), March 27, 2020. Translation.

https://m.21jingji.com/article/20200327/51e7d0a1c30591dab4ae8b15cfb6dc96.html; Anjani Trivedi, “China Spins a Trade-Deal Trap in 

Bad Debt Market,” Bloomberg, January 16, 2020. https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2020-01-16/u-s-investors-shouldbeware-china-trade-deal-access-to-bad-debt?sref=FlHD1WjR.