United States

Department of

Agriculture

Forest Service

Pacific Northwest

Research Station

General Technical

Report

PNW-GTR-536

September 2002

Assessing and Evaluating

Recreational Uses of Water

Resources: Implications for an

Integrated Management Framework

Christina Kakoyannis and George H. Stankey
Christina Kakoyannis is a Ph.D. candidate, Department of Forest Resources, Oregon

State University, Corvallis, OR 97331; George H. Stankey is a research social scientist,

U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station,

Forestry Sciences Laboratory, 3200 SW. Jefferson Way, Corvallis, OR 97331. Final

report on cooperative agreement PNW-753-0880-228 between U.S. Department of

Agriculture, Forest Service and Oregon State University.

Cover photo courtesy of Bo Shelby.

Authors
Abstract Kakoyannis, Christina; Stankey, George H. 2002. Assessing and evaluating recreational

uses of water resources: implications for an integrated management framework. Gen.

Tech. Rep. PNW-GTR-536. Portland, OR: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest

Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station. 59 p.

To resolve conflicts over water, we need an understanding of human uses and values for

water. In this study, we explore how water-based recreation affects and is affected by

the water regime and water management and how key social trends might influence future

water-based recreation. We found that although water is a critical component of many

recreational experiences, our failure to understand current and anticipated water-based

recreation use trends hampers our ability to effectively manage for recreation. Furthermore,

we examined certain key drivers of social change, including population growth and

migration, that will likely alter future recreation trends in the Pacific Northwest.

We identified changes to the water resource, such as altered flow regimes, that have

important consequences for the availability and quality of recreation opportunities. Although

there are a variety of conflicts among recreationists and between recreation and other

uses of water, we have a limited understanding of how to resolve them. Effective management will require examining the links between recreational opportunities and water

management to minimize negative impacts to both recreation and the water regime.

Keywords: Recreation, water management, demographics.
Summary An understanding of human uses and values for water is necessary to resolve conflicts

concerning water. The purpose of this synthesis is to explore the impact of water-based

recreation on the water regime and the reciprocal impact of water management on waterbased recreational experiences. Because recreation use occurs within a social context

with which management has to contend, we also examined how key drivers of social

change will influence future trends in recreation and water management.

Water is an important component of recreational opportunities and experiences. In addition

to being an essential medium for conducting water-based activities, proximity to water

also enhances the experiences of many recreational activities (e.g., hiking) not strictly

dependent on the water resource. Consequently, there may be no simple substitute for

water in many recreational activities.

Our ability to manage natural resources effectively for recreation is hampered by a lack

of understanding of basic recreation use trends. Current recreation data, supported by

anecdotal information, would suggest that water-based recreation is increasing; however,

because of methodological limitations, coupled with incomplete, and sometimes nonexistent data records, our ability to specifically characterize this growth—its magnitude,

nature, location, and timing—is often problematic. The inability to describe recreation

use in accurate basic terms raises troubling questions as to how managers can manage

recreational opportunities effectively.

Our examination of key drivers of social change revealed trends that will play a role in

water-based recreation patterns in the Pacific Northwest. Population growth, migration

shifts, population aging, increasing diversity, technological advances, and shifts in leisure

time will impact long-term recreation use trends. An awareness of the direction of these

trends is necessary for anticipating shifting recreation demands. Population growth in the

United States suggests that future recreation demand will rise. Current shifts in migration

of residents to rural, amenity-rich locations, particularly in the South and the West, suggest

that demands for recreation will increase in these locations. Perhaps more significantly,

it also suggests that, as people relocate near public lands, greater public scrutiny will be

placed on federal land management around the urban-forest interface.

Other key social trends might have a dampening influence on water-based recreation,

particularly in wildland settings. The increasing proportion of U.S. residents over 65

years of age suggests that the demand for outdoor recreational activities, particularly

those that are physically demanding, likely will decline. The increasing racial and ethnic

diversity of the United States also suggests that the popularity of certain water-based

recreational activities might change over time, with more people participating in urbanbased recreational activities rather than wildland activities. Perceptions of declines in

leisure time might reduce participation in wildland activities requiring extensive traveling,

which will create greater demand for recreation near residential communities.

Technological advances will have a complex and unclear role in water-based recreation

trends. Although advances in technology have the potential to increase recreation

pressure and site degradation as people gain easier access into wildland settings,

technology also can increase efficiency of recreational equipment, thereby reducing

impacts (e.g., pollution) on the water regime. The complexity of the effects associated

with these various drivers of change will confound attempts to accurately predict their
overall impact on recreation trends. Perhaps the only certainty is that resource managers

will have to contend with recreation issues in an era of rapid social and technological

change.

Through our examination of water-based recreation, we found that recreation typically

impacts the water regime on a much smaller scale than other uses (e.g., irrigation) and

that these impacts are usually localized, both spatially and temporally. Management of

the water regime for various uses impacts water-based recreation. For example, changes

to flow regimes can substantially impact water-based recreation by influencing the

safety of the recreational experience and perceptions of crowding, scenic beauty, or

recreational quality. Although conflicts over competing uses of water (including conflicts

among recreationists) are expected to grow, we lack an understanding of how to integrate

recreation with other water uses. The need to manage in these complex and contentious

settings places a particular premium on the availability of integrated planning and management frameworks that facilitate an examination of alternatives, implications, and consequences across different resource sectors and over both space and time. Without the kind

of understanding such frameworks provide, we will have difficulty managing for diverse,

competing uses of water without displacing recreationists to other locations, which can

subsequently lead to unintended consequences elsewhere.

Recreation and water are often inextricably linked. Changes to the water regime will have

important consequences for recreation opportunities and experiences. Effective management depends on anticipating future trends and preparing for potential difficulties to

minimize negative impacts on recreation or on the water regime.
Contents 1 Introduction

2 Proposition 1

3 Proposition 2

7 Proposition 3

8 Population Growth

9 Regional Migration

10 Urban to Rural Migration

14 Proposition 4

14 Age

15 Increasing Racial and Ethnic Diversity

18 The Combined Influence of Demographic Variables

19 Proposition 5

19 Technology

20 The Influence of Leisure Time

22 Proposition 6

23 Boating

24 Camping and Hiking

26 Swimming

27 Proposition 7

29 Recreation Versus Other Uses of Water

30 Interactivity Conflicts
31 Intra-Activity Conflicts

31 Recreation Substitutability

33 Management Implications

35 Proposition 8

35 The Impact of Flow on Recreation

38 Implications for Research and Management

39 Integrating Recreation and Water Resource Management

39 Premises and Challenges to Integrated Resource Management

41 Developing an Integrated Framework for Management of the Water Regime

42 Key Attributes of a Framework

46 Conclusions

47 Acknowledgments

47 Metric Equivalents

48 Literature Cited
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Introduction

1

This work arises out of the Sustainable Water Research Initiative of the USDA Forest

Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station. The Sustainable Water Initiative recognizes

that water is a key link within, as well as among, biophysical and socioeconomic systems.

Changes in either system often are transmitted to the other via water; i.e., changes in

the magnitude, quality, frequency, duration, timing, or rate of water production, induced

either by natural changes (e.g., floods) or through socioeconomic changes (e.g., industrialization). Such processes are often quickly and dramatically evidenced in changes in

systems, sectors, or locations. Often, such processes are unanticipated, inadvertent, or

ignored until it is too late.

One of the four major themes of the Sustainable Water Research Initiative is to “recognize

the competing demands, uses, and management opportunities to resolve conflict over

water.” The development of a strategy that can balance these competing demands requires

that we better understand human values for water. The range of social values of natural

resources is diverse and includes commodity, amenity, environmental quality, ecological,

spiritual, and public use values, such as subsistence, tourism, and recreation (Stankey

and Clark 1992). The Forest Service 2000 Recreation Agenda (USDA Forest Service

2000) notes that recreation is the fastest growing use on national forests and grasslands.

Water has long played a significant role in the types, patterns, and levels of recreation

use in many areas. Studies of past recreation use patterns, as well as projected trends

in recreation use, indicate a continuing close link between water resources and this

human behavior. For this reason, we specifically examine recreation as a proxy for other

social values of water and uses of water. Thus, this project focuses on a systematic

synthesis of the literature on the interactions between water (excluding snow and ice)

and outdoor recreation, a significant socioeconomic subsystem. Although the extent and

rate of changes in the biophysical system (e.g., global warming, species extinction)

remain in dispute, there is much more certainty and consistency in projections of

socioeconomic changes (e.g., population growth, technological trends). Because these

socioeconomic changes will be profound (Rayner and Malone 1998), it is critical that we

examine the impact they will have on water resources in the future. The purpose of this

study is to examine the reciprocal effects of recreation on the water resource and the

management of the water resource on water-based recreation. There are three main

objectives in this report:

1. Describe national and regional trends in water-based recreation and how population

growth and demographic components of population change might influence future

recreation trends (propositions 1-5).

2. Examine the effect of water-based recreation on the water regime including the

impact on water quality, quantity, and flow (proposition 6).

3. Examine the effect that water management can have on water-based recreational

experiences (propositions 7-8).

This report is organized around eight propositions; each summarizes what we know

about a particular topic, question, or issue. Propositions are tentative statements

reflecting a conclusion; we recognize that their validity and applicability are arguable and

subject to validation and testing. However, they are primarily intended to facilitate

discussion and analysis. They derive from an assessment of both the research literature

and management experience and, where relevant, describe knowledge gaps surrounding

these topics.
2

The presence of water surfaces is essential to or enhances the satisfaction of recreationists engaged in most outdoor recreation activities.

The presence of water contributes to many recreational opportunities, including both

water-dependent and water-enhanced recreational activities. Water-dependent activities are

those in which water is essential to conducting the activity such as fishing, boating, waterskiing, swimming, kayaking, rafting, canoeing, sailing, and most waterfowl hunting. Waterenhanced recreational activities are those in which water is not required in order to

participate in the activity, but in which it greatly contributes to the recreationist’s overall

experience. These activities include, but are not limited to, hiking and camping along

bodies of water, viewing scenery, and studying nature. These categories are rarely distinct,

even within a specific recreational activity. Depending on the species sought (e.g.,

waterfowl, pheasants, or deer), hunters may or may not require access to water. In

addition, campers who are traveling long distances and are unable to carry sufficient

water will require water sources periodically. Furthermore, recreationists seldom fall

solely into one category, but instead often conduct several activities during a visit to a

recreation site. For example, boating also allows people to participate in other waterbased recreational activities such as water-skiing, waterfowl hunting, and fishing.

Both water-dependent and water-enhanced recreational opportunities can be influenced

by the management of the water regime, either positively or negatively, inadvertently or

purposefully. Recreationists participating in water-enhanced activities may be as affected

by changes in the water resource as participants in water-based activities. Furthermore,

they may find it equally as difficult to locate adequate substitutes if their traditional, wateroriented sites are no longer available. To effectively manage the water resource for the

various uses of water, including recreation, we must understand how recreationists use

and value water in their outdoor experiences. Studies of visitor attitudes and preferences indicate that water is a fundamental component of many forms of recreation on

public lands and can contribute to recreationists’ satisfaction with a site (Rollins and

Chambers 1990). Studies of campground users consistently have found that access to

water is one of the most important characteristics that recreationists look for in a

campsite (Bumgardner et al. 1988, Clark et al. 1984, Lime 1971, Lucas 1970, Moore et

al. 1990).

Water is often rated by recreationists as the most important attribute of their chosen

setting, and the amount of land/water edge and surface water are positively related to

increased scenic value of the area (Zube et al. 1975). In a survey of visitors to the

Aravaipa Canyon Wilderness in Arizona, for instance, (Moore et al. 1990), respondents

ranked 13 characteristics of the Canyon in order of importance; water was the most

frequently mentioned item. In a study developing a typology of site attributes desired for

camping, Brunson and Shelby (1990) noted that one of the three most important attributes

needed to provide a minimum-level quality camping experience was proximity to water.

Water is important not only as an essential component of water-dependent recreational

activities but also as an “aesthetic backdrop for nonwater oriented activities” (Field and

Martinson 1986). In a study to examine how people make choices about recreation sites,

Vining and Fishwick (1991) allowed 10 subjects to verbalize their thought processes as

they chose between 45 pairs of outdoor recreation sites. The authors noted that most

subjects used the presence and absence of water in their evaluation. They discovered

Proposition 1
3

that water was considered more important than simply serving as a “medium” for

conducting an activity. Instead, attributes of water (such as miles of shoreline) were

associated with contributing to the peaceful or secluded atmosphere of a site that was

important to the subject. Thus, not only is water essential to many water-based

recreational opportunities, studies indicate that symbolic aspects of water, such as its

calming and relaxing effect on individuals, is also important to the quality of outdoor

recreation activities.

Flawed and inconsistent methods limit accurate recreation use data; however, available

data suggest that participation levels in water-dependent activities continue to increase

although rates of participation are slowing.

Information on recreation participation levels is important for effective management of

natural resources for recreation. For example, knowledge of recreation trends can help

managers direct monetary resources or personnel most appropriately. However, obtaining

accurate recreation use data is difficult, particularly for dispersed recreational activities.

One of the principal limitations of recreation use data stems from the lack of costeffective, valid sampling methods. Consequently, although many research studies have

collected recreation data, our ability to compare across these different studies is limited.

Currently, recreation data are not consistent enough to compare information from one

year to the next (Loomis 2000). For example, depending on the survey, questions

referring to boating can include sailing, canoeing, kayaking, rowing, floating, rafting,

motorboating, water-skiing, or jet-skiing. Without a clear understanding of how recreation

categories have been compiled, it is not possible to accurately compare recreation use

across different survey instruments, areas, or time. Perhaps even more problematic is

the lack of continuity in the questions asked on recreation surveys. The tendency to

alter survey instruments by dropping or rephrasing particular recreation use questions in

subsequent versions of the questionnaire effectively eliminates the possibility of

comparing recreation use trends over time.

The difficulties of comparison across studies is compounded by the use of two different

measurements of recreation units, visits and visitor days, each of which measures a

different aspect of recreation intensity. Recreation use data are further confounded by

the fact that participation is always a function of supply; participation rates in selected

activities are influenced by availability and access to the activity, not solely by demand

for participating in the activity (Manning 1999). As a result, activities that are widely

abundant are reflected in high participation rates, whereas more preferred, but not easily

accessible, activities reflect low participation rates.

In summary, the accuracy of recreation data is generally uncertain as are the methods

used to obtain recreation use figures. This is and has been a fundamental, recurring

problem in recreation management. Furthermore, in many instances, recreation data are

not available. As a component of this report, a case study on one county in the Pacific

Northwest was planned. It was envisioned that the case study would provide an

opportunity to examine the impacts that demographic changes (e.g., population growth,

migration patterns) have on water-based recreation in a specific county. However, the

Proposition 2
4

analysis of the case study was contingent on having some fundamental base of recreation

use information. These data were lacking however, and so the case study analysis was

abandoned. The possibility or even the likelihood of inaccurate or nonexistent data from

one county alone raises serious questions as to how managers can determine how to

appropriately allocate limited resources, both staff and time, for the entire National

Forest System.

However, despite the caveats associated with recreation use data, some general recreation

trends can be explored. In the 1970s and 1980s, many studies identified trends in waterbased or water-enhanced recreation. Snepenger and Ditton (1985) used data from a

national survey of hunting and fishing taken every 5 years to determine general trends in

these activities. They noted that while participation in hunting [as a percentage of U.S.

population] had declined from 1955 to 1980, participation in fishing had increased over

the same period. In addition, they found that increasing numbers of anglers and hunters

lived west of the Mississippi, in part reflecting the general westward migration trend

across the United States. Warnick and Vander Stoep (1990) studied water-based trends

by geographic region from 1979 to 1989 and found that national participation rates for

three water-based activities (sailing, power boating, and water-skiing) had gradually

declined over the 9-year period. In contrast, in the early 1980s, Hof and Kaiser (1983)

predicted that participation in outdoor recreation would increase, with snow and icebased recreation showing the highest rates of increase, followed by water-based

recreational activities, and lastly, land-based recreational activities.

Recreation use data are obtained from descriptive national surveys including the National

Survey on Recreation and the Environment, which is conducted every 5 years (Cordell

et al. 1997), and the annual national survey administered for the Recreation Roundtable

(Recreation Roundtable 2000). Until peer-reviewed studies analyze the sensitivity and

the accuracy of these data in more detail, these surveys provide the best overview,

albeit primarily a descriptive overview, of the major national trends in recreation. These

recent surveys reveal that water remains an important aspect of recreation for North

Americans. When respondents were asked about their outdoor recreation participation in

1995, water-based activities such as swimming, boating, and fishing were three of the

most frequently mentioned outdoor recreation activities (table 1). A comparison of these

three most popular water-based activities from 1982-83 to 1994-95 showed that the

percentage of people boating and swimming increased over this period, while the

percentage of people fishing decreased—although participation in sheer numbers remained

high (table 2). Other findings also reveal that boating is one of the most widely conducted

outdoor recreational activities in the United States. The National Marine Manufacturers

Association (1997) estimates that 78 million people participated in recreational boating

in 1997. Industry estimates of recreational boats sold show that the number of boats

owned has grown steadily except for a short decline in the mid-1990s, with an estimated

13.2 million outboard motor boats owned in 1997. A more recent national survey in 1999

again identified swimming, fishing, and boating as the three most popular water-based

activities, with swimming and fishing being within the five most popular outdoor

recreation activities overall (Recreation Roundtable 2000).
5

Table 1—Participation in outdoor recreational activities as a percentage of the total

population of the United Statesa

Activity Percent Activity Percent

Swimming (nonpool) 39.0 Floating, rafting 7.6

Boating (any) 30.0 Canoeing 6.6

Fishing (any) 29.1 Sailing 4.8

Studying nature near water 27.6 Personal watercraft riding 4.7

Camping (any) 26.8 Rowing 4.2

Freshwater fishing 24.4 Migratory bird hunting 2.1

Motorboating 23.4 Windsurfing 1.1

Saltwater fishing 9.5 Kayaking 0.7

Water-skiing 8.9

a The percentage of people 16 and older who participated in the activity at least once in the past 12 months.

Source: USDI and USDC 1996.

A focus on national trends can obscure differences among the various regions of the

country; as a result, some studies have analyzed recreation use data at smaller scales.

In a study that examined water-based recreation use trends from 1979 to 1987 among

four regions of the United States, Warnick and Vander Stoep (1990) found that participation

in swimming was evenly distributed across the country, whereas participation in waterskiing and motorboating was more prevalent in the Midwest and the South. However,

their method of grouping a large number of diverse states (e.g., North Dakota and Kansas

make up part of the “Midwest”; all states from Washington to Arizona compose the “West”)

makes it difficult to examine regional differences most relevant for Forest Service

research stations.

To better understand the complex issues relating to to recreation and water in the Pacific

Northwest,1 we examined region-specific water-based recreation use trends. The Pacific

Northwest is an area abundant in public lands available for water-based recreation. Alaska

contains over 3,660 miles of rivers designated as National Wild and Scenic Rivers or as

State Recreation Rivers, Oregon has 1,692 miles, and Washington has 177 (Zinser

1995).

1 In this report, the “Pacific Northwest” refers to Alaska,

Oregon, and Washington.

Table 2—Percentage of change in boating, nonpool swimming, and fishing participation from 1983 to 1995

Activity Number in 1982-1983 Number in 1994-1995 Percent change

 - - - - - - - - - - - Millions - - - - - - - -

Boating: 49.5 58.1 +25.0

Sailing 10.6 9.6 -9.4

Motorboating 33.6 47.0 +39.9

Water-skiing 15.9 17.9 +12.6

Swimming/nonpool 56.5 78.1 +38.2

Fishing 60.1 57.8 -3.8

Source: Cordell and others 1997.
6

At the state level, Statewide Comprehensive Outdoor Recreation Plans (SCORP) often

contain recreation participation information for water-based activities. Each state’s

SCORP, however, is administered separately and often cannot be compared across

states. Oregon’s SCORP (Oregon Parks and Recreation Department 1994) found that

water-based recreational activities ranked high in terms of recreation participation in

Oregon. The second and third most frequently conducted activities out of 19 dispersed

recreational activities presented to respondents included swimming in lakes, rivers, or

the ocean, and boat fishing, which were noted by 59 and 41 percent of the households,

respectively. In addition, between 24 and 40 percent of the households surveyed

engaged in nonmotorized boating, motorized boating, and bank or dock fishing.

The Alaska SCORP (Alaska Department of Natural Resources 1999) revealed that the

most popular water-based activities undertaken by Alaskans included sportfishing (76

percent), clamming and beachcombing (53 percent), motorboating (42 percent), and

canoeing, rafting, or floating (31 percent). Interestingly, when Alaskans were asked

which activities they did not participate in, but would like to, the top five responses

(snowmobiling, downhill skiing, sea kayaking, jet-skiing, and cross-country skiing) were

activities all dependent on water. In Washington, a survey found that 72 percent of

Washington households had participated in some type of water activity (e.g., swimming,

water-skiing, sailing, boating) in the past year, and 57 percent had participated in fishing

(Washington Interagency Committee for Outdoor Recreation 1995). In fact, as a result of

conducting the SCORP process, the Interagency Committee for Outdoor Recreation in

Washington found that the public’s strong demand for water access was not being met

and recommended that the state invest in 2,000 acres of public water access sites in

the future.

Boating is a popular water-based activity in the Pacific Northwest. According to the

National Marine Manufacturers Association (1997), Alaska, Oregon, and Washington

rank 25th, 15th, and 24th, respectively, in the number of boating registrations on a per

capita basis. Fishing is even more popular than boating in the region. A national survey

of fishing, hunting, and wildlife-based recreation compared data on fishing among the

states of the Pacific Northwest region (USDI and USDC 1996). For numbers of anglers,

days of fishing, and fishing expenditures, Washington ranks first in the Pacific Northwest,

followed by Oregon, and then Alaska (table 3). As a percentage of the state population,

however, Alaska contains more anglers, followed by Oregon and Washington. The influence

of nonresident anglers is also greater in Alaska. Nonresident anglers fishing in Alaska

accounted for about 40 percent of the total days of fishing, whereas nonresident anglers

accounted for only 6 and 7 percent of the total days of fishing in Oregon and Washington,

respectively. These figures suggest that natural resource decisions in Alaska will impact a

more geographically diverse constituency and that management decisions in Alaska will be

driven more by out-of-state individuals than will similar debates in Oregon and Washington.

In all three states, freshwater fishing is preferred over saltwater fishing (table 4), implying

that management changes in freshwater resources would have greater implications for

recreation participation than would changes in saltwater resources.

As previously discussed, there is an absence of current peer-reviewed studies examining

recreation use trends. In contrast, research examining trends in recreation use generally

has been replaced with studies that focus more specifically on particular components of

the recreation experience, such as visitor satisfaction or visitor perceptions of crowding.
7

Table 3—Anglers and days of fishing for the Pacific Northwest region

Anglers

Anglers (as a percentage of state Days of

State (resident and nonresident) population) fishing

Millions

Alaska 463,000 29 5.3

Oregon 658,000 16 8.0

Washington 1,000,000 15 12.9

Source: USDI and USDC 1996.

Table 4—Total days of freshwater and saltwater fishing in the Pacific Northwest in

1996a

State Total days of freshwater fishing Total days of saltwater fishing

Alaska 3,602,000 1,949,000

Oregon 7,118,000 870,000

Washington 10,975,000 2,135,000

a Includes state resident and nonresident.

Source: USDI and USDC 1996.

Although this latter research was needed to better understand recreation behavior, it is

important that researchers also continue to examine and to project recreation use trends

in the United States. Because different methods are used to obtain recreation data, it is

important for peer-reviewed studies to examine long-term trends in recreation while

accounting for the limitations arising from inconsistent methods. Without better and

continuous monitoring of recreation trends, managers may be caught unaware of the

changing needs of the recreating public and may not be prepared to deal with the

potential impacts of recreation use shifts on the water resource.

Most recent survey data indicate that in the Pacific Northwest, water remains essential

to people’s ability to continue participating in their preferred recreational activities.

Because water is such a critical element in many recreation opportunities, managers

must carefully design water management strategies that acknowledge the importance of

recreation to the public and the importance of water resources to recreation.

Population growth and migration will influence the spatial distribution of recreation in the

United States and will affect the local public’s acceptance of water management

strategies.2

A discussion on future trends in recreation is incomplete without an examination of the

major determinants of recreation trends–population change, migration, and demographic

components of population. An understanding of these shifts in population is critical to

understanding the future of outdoor recreation trends in the United States.

Proposition 3

2 Much of the research literature discussing the link between

demographic changes and recreation is not specific to waterbased recreation. Therefore, key drivers of change will focus

on how demographic variables influence general recreation.

The few examples of research studies that examined the effect

of demographics on water-based recreation are included.
8

Many societal trends will influence water-based recreation in the Pacific Northwest, but

none appear to have as great a potential impact as population growth and the demographic

components of population change. Although the population growth rate of the United

States has been declining for some time, the 1999 estimate for population growth in the

Pacific Northwest shows a rapid increase in population for all three states (table 5, fig. 1).

Both Oregon and Washington were within the top 10 fastest growing states in the Nation

in the 1990s (10th and 7th, respectively) while Alaska was 13th. Furthermore, if census

2025 projections for population growth in the region are reasonably accurate, the

population of all three states will grow between 31 and 43 percent in the next quarter

century (USDC Bureau of the Census 1997).

Considered by itself, this dramatic increase in the Pacific Northwest population suggests

that additional demands will be placed on natural resources for recreation in general, and

on water resources in particular. Assuming the acreage of federally owned lands remains

relatively constant, the increase in population will decrease the amount of federal public

land available per person. However, it is not enough to consider the effects of increased

Population Growth

Table 5—Population and percentage of population change for the Pacific Northwest

1999 Population 2025 Population

population change population change

State (estimate) (1990-1999) (projection) (1999-2025)

 Percent Percent

Alaska 619,500 12.6 885,000 43

Oregon 3,316,154 16.7 4,349,000 31

Washington 5,756,361 18.3 7,808,000 36

Source: USDC Bureau of the Census 1997.

Figure 1—Percentage of population change for the United States, 1990-1999 (USDC Bureau of the

Census 2001a).

>16%

10-16%

<10%
9

population growth alone. Demographic components of this population growth—such as

migration, shifting age structure and racial composition–confound the effects of population growth on management of natural resources in the future (McCool and Kruger,

n.d.). We examine each of these components in detail under propositions 3 and 4.

Not only will the increase in population have profound impacts on future recreation

patterns and management of water, but the spatial distribution of these population shifts

across the United States will further complicate future scenarios. The trend throughout

the United States is for residents to migrate from the Northeast, Midwest, and Plains

states to the South and the West; the growth in the Pacific Northwest reflects these

national migration shifts (fig. 1). The population of the Pacific Northwest continues to

grow owing to natural increase (births minus deaths) and increased international and

domestic migration. Census projections for net domestic and international migration into

the Pacific Northwest estimate that Oregon and Washington will continue to rank high in

both net international and particularly net domestic migration (table 6), while in contrast,

Alaska’s rate of inmigration will slow.

Whether or not the population is growing or declining in specific regions of the country

holds important implications for the conflicts over water for recreation and other uses.

Current trends hold particular significance because they reveal a general pattern of

migration from more water-rich regions of the United States toward more arid, Western

States. These regional migration patterns potentially will have dramatically different

effects on diverse regions of the country—bringing increased conflicts over scarce water

resources in some locations (e.g., southern California) while having less impact in

regions of lower growth, particularly those already with an abundant water supply (e.g.,

Michigan). An interesting question arising from these regional migration patterns is

whether or not water should be more equally distributed among the regions (e.g., water

transported from the Great Lakes to the Southwest) or whether each region must fulfill

its own water needs through local water supplies. Even in the Pacific Northwest, a

region commonly considered to have abundant water resources, variations in climate

result in extremes of both wet and arid conditions within Washington and Oregon. Thus,

the spatial pattern of rainfall coupled with the spatial pattern of migration into the Pacific

Northwest will result in diverse impacts on different regions of the states. The implications

of these migration patterns on recreation and water management is further discussed in

the following section.

Table 6—Projections for net domestic and international migration for the Pacific

Northwest, 1995-2025

Net domestic State Net international State

State migration ranking migration ranking

Alaska -84,000 37th 28,000 41st

Oregon 712,000 8th 197,000 19th

Washington 931,000 5th 394,000 11th

Source: USDC Bureau of the Census 2001b.

Regional Migration
10

The recent movement of people from urban to rural locales is another important migration

trend in the United States, reflecting a pattern of population “deconcentration” (Johnson

and Beale 1998). Throughout the early half of the 20th century, internal migration in the

United States consistently reflected a migration from rural to urban areas. However, in

the 1970s there was a shift in net inmigration of people from metropolitan to nonmetropolitan areas, including remote, highly rural counties (Blahna 1990, Fuguitt 1985). This

trend, termed the “rural renaissance” or “population turnaround,” revealed a pattern in

which natural increase contributed less to the population growth in nonmetropolitan

counties than did inmigration (Johnson 1993).

In the 1980s, this pattern reversed as people began moving back to urban areas in greater

numbers, in part because of the economic recession and the farm crisis of 1980-86

(Johnson and Beale 1994). Consequently, many researchers believed that the population

turnaround of the 1970s was an aberration in the traditional rural to urban migration pattern

that characterized most of the 20th century. However, data from migration patterns in the

early 1990s once again revealed increasing numbers of people moving from metropolitan

to nonmetropolitan areas (Johnson and Fuguitt 2000). This suggests that the period of

slower growth of nonmetropolitan areas in the 1980s was atypical of the overall pattern

of urban to rural migration in the past three decades (Shumway and Davis 1996).

As the rural renaissance trend began to unfold, researchers sought to determine the

causes underlying this migration. Although economic needs for employment fueled much

of the migration from rural areas to cities in the first half of the century, the population

turnaround of the 1970s was influenced by other factors. Fuguitt et al. (1989) noted

several possible causes, including narrowing wage differentials between urban and rural

areas, increased accessibility to rural areas through modernization, and a relative shift

in the value placed on economic as opposed to noneconomic (e.g., amenity) factors

affecting personal decisions to move. Ploch (1978) found that quality-of-life factors such

as a rural orientation, slower pace of life, peacefulness, environmental quality, and

natural beauty were primary motivations for inmigration to Maine.

The finding that this migration shift is closely related to the presence of environmental

amenities in rural counties is well documented. Johnson (1993) found that the two fastest

growing groups of counties in the 1980s were retirement counties and recreational counties

(as determined by hotel, motel, trailer park, and camp spending per capita). In an examination of nonmetropolitan population growth in the mountain West from 1970 to 1995,

Shumway and Davis (1996) found that the counties that experienced the greatest net

migration were adjacent to metropolitan counties, contained high amenities for retirees,

high percentages of federal land, numerous recreation opportunities, and few extractive

industries. In the interior Columbia River basin, counties experiencing recent growth have

been found to be economically different from traditional boom and bust counties because

they typically contained high concentrations of environmental amenities (Troy 1998).

Similarly, Rudzitis and Johansen (1989, 1991) found that counties adjacent to wilderness

areas had higher rates of growth from migration than did more distant counties.

The urban to rural migration pattern has many implications for natural resource

management. The pattern of population deconcentration reflected in the movement of

people from dense cities to less settled rural locations has likely contributed to changes

Urban to Rural Migration
11

in land use patterns in these nonmetropolitan regions (Johnson and Beale 1994). Land

use changes can include the increased conversion of rural land to built-up uses. In the

Pacific Northwest, data on land use from the National Resources Inventory from 1982 to

1997 (USDA NRCS 1997) reveal that both Oregon and Washington indicate a decline in

crop, pasture, range, and forest land with a simultaneous increase in urban and rural

transportation land use (fig. 2).

The influence of these land use changes on public land recreation is uncertain. Declining

access to private forest and pastureland may increase the demand for recreation on

federal and other public lands. A study in Michigan’s rural Upper Peninsula found that

residents were negatively affected by increased migration from the urban southern region

of the state because these new migrants often posted their properties “no trespassing”

(McDonough et al. 1999). The effect of both increased development and the posting

trend was to reduce access to private lands on which residents historically conducted

outdoor activities. As a result, the availability of public land on which residents could

continue to participate in outdoor recreational and subsistence activities became more

important. More examination of the potential relation between land use changes on

private land and public demand for federally managed land for recreation is needed.

Figure 2—Percentage change in Oregon and Washington’s dominant land use cover from 1982 to 1997.

(From 1997 preliminary data from National Resources Inventory [USDA NRCS 1997]). Note: urban lands

were combined with rural transportation lands.
12

The effect of land use changes on water management can be profound. Not only can the

growth of residential developments in the urban-forest interface lead to forest fragmentation, disruption of habitat, and disruption of ecological processes such as water drainage,

but land use changes resulting from increased migration will impact what is considered

socially acceptable forest management. The finding that most migration to rural counties

was influenced by amenity factors suggests that recreation is an important factor in

quality of life for many of these new migrants and that these migrants will be aware of,

and concerned about, the management of their local resources. As more people move

into the urban-forest interface and as these people demand a greater voice in forest

management, conflicts over management decisions are likely to grow. Thus, the spatial

context of management decisions will be important to consider because residents’

preferences for natural resource management strategies are often influenced by NIMBY

(not in my backyard) reactions.

Researchers examining forest management practices at the urban interface have observed

that certain timber harvesting scenarios found publicly acceptable in a general sense

are often unacceptable when situated in a familiar, highly valued location (Brandenburg

and Carroll 1995, Johnson et al. 1994). Coupled with the fact that many migrants are

moving to forested areas—a phenomenon described as the exurbanization of the countryside (Egan and Luloff 2000)—the influence of the NIMBY responses has the potential to

increase conflicts over what has traditionally been considered acceptable natural

resource management.

Population growth in rural, forested locations will place increased pressure on management

for water, fire, recreation, wildlife, and so forth. However, even beyond the problem

associated with the sheer numbers of people moving in, considering the urban to rural

migration pattern for natural resource management is important because the composition

of the new residents will likely influence acceptance of management decisions (Troy

1998). Even if the net effect of migration into a county is zero, the compositional change

in communities may be significant for resource management. Much of the interest in the

population redistribution (both from the North and East to the South and West and from

urban to rural counties) is that it often changes the demographic composition of residents,

which in turn results in shifting values, attitudes, behaviors, and knowledge regarding

resource management (McCool and Kruger, n.d.).

Shifts in migration patterns raise many questions about the effect these incoming residents

will have on recreation patterns and on management of water in their new residence.

Super and Cordell (1990, p. 813) noted that the recreational use of the Nation’s public

lands reflects the “values, tastes and preferences of the U.S. population—a very diverse

population that is ever evolving in the types of recreation it demands.” By influencing the

predominant values held by the local citizenry, population change will therefore create

new challenges for resource managers who will need to adapt to shifting recreation needs

and shifting notions of what are acceptable water management strategies. Without a better

understanding of the nature of these changes, managers will lack preparedness for the

magnitude and direction of future recreation and water management needs.
13

The shifting composition of incoming residents is particularly important because

research suggests that new inmigrants often hold different values and attitudes toward

natural resource management than long-time rural residents. Rudzitis and Johansen

(1989, 1991) noted that rural migrants held higher levels of environmental concern and

were more likely to support management of public lands for environmental benefits instead

of commodity production. In an examination of migration patterns in Maine in the 1970s,

Ploch (1978) noted that families migrating to rural counties were younger, smaller, more

educated, and more likely to hold professional and managerial occupations than were

Maine residents. The author also noted that the inmigrants’ desire to maintain the rural

atmosphere and quality of life that they migrated for could come into conflict with local

individuals’ desire to promote economic growth. Fortmann and Kusel (1990) found little

difference in environmental attitudes of long-time residents and newcomers, but instead

found that, because of their willingness to express dissatisfaction with forest management

decisions, newcomers provided a “voice” for proenvironmental attitudes already existing

in the community. These findings suggest that the migration of politically savvy newcomers

to rural communities will increase public scrutiny of natural resource management decisions.

Most research has found that new residents differ from long-term residents in terms of

demographic variables; many studies have examined the influence of these differences

in demographic characteristics on environmental concern and knowledge. Although these

studies have mixed findings, research indicates that levels of environmental concern are

influenced by gender, residence, political ideology, education, and particularly age. Typically,

researchers have found that women, urban dwellers, people with a liberal political ideology,

well-educated people, and younger cohorts tend to show more environmental concern

than their more conservative counterparts (Jones and Dunlap 1992, Steel et al. 1994,

Van Liere and Dunlap 1980). Thus, the makeup of individuals migrating into a region can

have an impact on levels of environmental concern and subsequent natural resource

management actions, programs, and policies. Higher levels of environmental concerns

could then translate into shifts in the acceptability of specific water management

strategies.

The public’s level of knowledge also influences their judgments of acceptability. However,

public attitudes or knowledge is not fixed; it may evolve in response to new information,

experience, peer-pressures, etc. One of the best-known examples of this was the Smokey

Bear campaign, based on the premise that fire should always be suppressed in natural

ecosystems. Although the original campaign was successful in terms of public support,

in recent years the public’s increasing knowledge of the beneficial role of fire in natural

ecosystems has led to greater public acceptance of practices besides total fire suppression (Shelby and Speaker 1990, Stankey 1976).

In summary, the increase in population and redistribution occurring across the United

States likely will have a major impact on recreation trends and water management in the

Pacific Northwest, both in terms of sheer increase in numbers and in terms of changing

demographic composition of incoming residents.
14

Changing demographics—such as age, race, and ethnicity—will alter trends in waterbased recreation, which may necessitate a shift in water-based recreation management

in the Pacific Northwest.

A demographic change expected to have a major influence on recreation participation in

the future is the aging of the population. Projected population trends suggest that the 15-

to 24-year-old age group could decrease from 18.7 percent of the U.S. population in 1980

to 13.1 percent of the total population by 2030. In contrast, the elderly population is expected

to increase from 11.3 percent to 20.1 percent over this same period (USDC Bureau of the

Census 2001b). Unlike changes in migration patterns and racial and ethnic makeup, the

aging of the population is expected to similarly occur throughout the United States. In

1995, only five states had greater than 15 percent of their population over 65 years of age.

By 2025, 48 states are expected to have over 15 percent of their population over 65

years of age (USDC Bureau of the Census 1997). In the Pacific Northwest, both Oregon

and Washington are expected to have high percentages of older Americans by 2025

(table 7).

The increasing proportion of the population in people over age 65 reveals the importance

of examining specific components of population change in the United States. Models that

only use total population of the Nation to understand and predict the future pattern of

outdoor recreation will be inaccurate owing to the confounding effects of age or racial

makeup, for example, on recreation behavior. Without a better understanding of changes

in these variables, it is difficult to estimate how projected population increases will affect

future demand for recreation or for specific facilities and programs.

Population aging likely will have a great impact on recreation participation trends because

the relation between age and participation is often negative (i.e., as age increases,

participation decreases), particularly in high-intensity activities such as water-skiing. For

activities such as motorboating, the relation is more stable, or shows the highest rates

of participation at middle age. Thus, the demand for some activities will grow faster than

the population grows, while for others it may drop rapidly. One complicating factor is that

people over 65 today are more active than the same cohort decades ago. Although Wood

et al. (1990) noted that the population of 70 to 90 year olds are healthier and more mobile

today than their predecessors and they still participate in recreational activities, the

nature of these activities appears to change over their lifetimes. For instance, Luloff and

Krannich (1990) found that hunters tended to be younger on average than were anglers.

Specifically, they found that 2 percent of hunters were over 65 years old, whereas nearly

7 percent of anglers and 7 percent of nonconsumptive recreation participants were over 65

years old. These findings suggest that participation rates in hunting are likely to be more

negatively affected by the population aging than are participation rates in fishing.

Table 7—Percentage of population over 65 years, 1998 and 2025

State Population over 65 years (1998) Population over 65 years (2025)

 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Percent - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

Alaska 5.5 10.4

Oregon 13.2 24.2

Washington 11.5 20.2

Source: USDC Bureau of the Census 1996.

Age

Proposition 4
15

In summary, the most important implication of the large percentage of older Americans

is that many high-intensity water-based recreational activities will show a slowing in the

growth rate, whereas certain lower intensity activities favored by older citizens may

show stable or increasing participation rates (Murdock et al. 1991).

Increasing racial and ethnic diversity in the United States is another major component

that will likely affect rate of participation in certain types of recreation.3 A combination of

both high rates of natural increase (births minus deaths) and immigration of ethnic populations will increase the proportion of minorities in the United States. Unlike the aging of

the population that will affect the entire United States, increasing racial and ethnic diversity

is expected to be greatest in the South and Southwest. Although the rate of increase will

be slower in the Pacific Northwest than elsewhere, race and ethnic diversity are still predicted to increase over time (table 8). Much of the increase in diversity in the Pacific

Northwest will come from increases in populations of non-Hispanic Asian/Pacific Islanders

and Hispanics.

Like the aging of the population, the effect of increasing racial and ethnic diversity may

have a profound influence on future recreation trends. The different ways in which various

racial and ethnic groups recreate and their potentially different levels of acceptability for

natural resource management practices are important factors to consider. Much research

has reported differences in the recreation patterns of various racial and ethnic groups,

particularly among Blacks, Whites, and Hispanics.

One consistent finding is that racial and ethnic groups differ in the recreational activities

in which they traditionally participate. Whereas Blacks and Whites are significantly more

likely to participate in more active recreational activities, Hispanics are more likely to

participate in sedentary recreational activities such as picnicking (Hutchison 1987,

Hutchison and Fidel 1984). White households are significantly more likely than Black

Increasing Racial and

Ethnic Diversity

3 An ethnic group is typically defined as a collection of people

(e.g., Hispanics) who have in common a particular set of

attributes such as language, culture, or religion (Husbands

and Idahosa 1995). In contrast, race is defined in the

American Heritage Dictionary (2000) as a “local geographic

or global human population distinguished as a more or less

distinct group by genetically transmitted physical

characteristics” (e.g., Blacks, Asians).

Table 8—Percentage of population in racial and ethnic groups, 1995 and 2025

projection

Alaska Oregon Washington

Race and ethnic groups 1995 2025 1995 2025 1995 2025

 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Percent - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

Non-Hispanic White 73.0 57.1 89.5 82.0 85.0 76.1

Non-Hispanic African Americans 4.0 3.9 1.7 2.0 3.1 3.1

Non-Hispanic Asian/Pacific

 Islander 4.3 21.5 2.8 4.7 5.0 8.8

Non-Hispanic Native

 American/Eskimos/Aleuts 15.0 10.7 1.3 1.5 1.6 1.8

Hispanics (any race) 3.8 6.7 4.8 9.8 5.2 10.2

Source: USDC Bureau of the Census 1996.
16

households to participate in a variety of water-based or water-enhanced recreational

experiences such as nonpool swimming, large or small horsepower motorboating, river

canoeing, and primitive camping (Dwyer and Hutchison 1990). Similar results from the

1994-95 National Survey on Recreation and the Environment (USDI and USDC 1996)

found that Whites were much more likely to have participated in selected water-based

recreational activities at least one time in the past 12 months than were Blacks (Wellner

1997). For example, the survey found that 43 percent of Whites versus only 17 percent

of Blacks had participated in nonpool swimming, 26 percent of Whites had gone freshwater fishing versus 15 percent of Blacks, 10 percent of Whites had gone water-skiing

versus 1 percent of Blacks, and 9 percent of Whites had gone floating or rafting versus

2 percent of Blacks.

An understanding of the differences in rate of participation in certain recreational

activities between various racial and ethnic groups is important because models that

attempt to predict future outdoor recreation trends will likely misrepresent rates of

recreation change if they assume that minority groups will participate at the same rate

as Whites. If minority recreational participation rates remain constant, the growth in

minority populations likely will lead to an increase in the rate of certain activities in

which they tend to participate more, such as fishing and saltwater swimming, while

possibly suggesting a slowing of the increase in the participation rate for activities in

which they are less likely to participate, such as motorboating.

Studies have not only revealed differences in the types of recreational activities participated

in by minorities and Whites but also have identified different reasons for participating in

certain recreational activities. For example, in a study of anglers in two Mississippi

communities, Toth and Brown (1997) examined how race influences various meanings

that recreational groups have for fishing. They noted that Black anglers evidenced a

greater focus on fishing for subsistence, whereas White anglers gave greater importance

to fishing as a sport.

Studies also have shown differences in the manner in which the groups typically

participate in recreational opportunities. Hispanics, more so than Whites, tend to

recreate in larger groups—typically expanded family groups—and when camping, prefer

campsites with other campers nearby (Hutchison 1987). Hutchison and Fidel (1984)

found that the average size of recreating Mexican-American groups was 5.7, whereas

the average size for recreating Anglo groups was 2.5 persons. In addition, their research

noted that Mexican-American recreating groups more often contained people of mixed

ages. Among Whites and Blacks, it has been noted that Black households show a

preference for meeting people—particularly peers—and recreating in group-based

activities in developed urban settings, whereas White households show a preference for

individual-oriented wildland recreation and for getting away from others in their outdoor

recreation experiences (Dwyer and Hutchison 1990, Edwards 1981, Irwin et al. 1990).

Furthermore, some studies have noted, even after accounting for sociodemographic

characteristics such as income, that Black households were less likely to travel long

distances to find recreational opportunities than were White households (Dwyer and

Hutchison 1990, Kelly 1980, Washburne and Wall 1980). This finding helps explain why

Blacks have lower participation rates in activities such as wildland recreation that

require extensive traveling. Manning (1999) summarized findings from studies that have

examined the differences in recreation participation between Whites and minority groups.
17

In general, minority groups, as compared to Whites, tend to use highly developed, urban

recreation facilities that are close to home; recreate in larger groups that contain a diversity

of ages; conduct more sport and fitness-type activities; have a longer length of stay; and

participate in land-based activities more than water-based activities (Manning 1999).

There are two major theories as to why research studies find significant differences in

recreation participation patterns among racial and ethnic groups: the marginality and the

ethnicity theories (Husbands and Idahosa 1995). The marginality theory explains the

racial and ethnic differences in recreation patterns through the groups’ differences in

demographic variables (such as age and urban-rural distribution), poverty, and discrimination

(Washburne 1978). The theory posits that differences in these characteristics lead to

different opportunities to access recreational resources (Edwards 1981). It acknowledges

that traditional minority participation rates may not reflect their real demand for recreation

(Dwyer 1995). Historically, Blacks have had more limited recreational experiences than

Whites in part owing to lack of resources (e.g., money) and reduced access to both

public and private recreational opportunities.

The ethnicity theory posits that recreation differences are a function of the values, norms,

and experiences of the different ethnic groups (Husbands and Idahosa 1995). Meeker et

al. (1973) suggest that the noted preference of Blacks for urban-based activities results

from their view of the city as a place of greater refuge from racism than natural landscapes. Whereas national parks are seen by Whites as virgin lands (e.g., the “Garden of

Eden”) untouched by human activities where one could find escape from civilization; this

mystic surrounding nature was not a part of the cultural systems of other groups such

as Blacks and Native Americans.

Unlike the culture of European settlers where nature was considered separate from human

activities and thus needed to be protected from civilization, the culture of Blacks and

Native Americans ascribed more to a philosophy in which humans are more integrated

with natural processes (Meeker et al. 1973). Furthermore, Taylor (2000) notes that since

their inception, national parks and wilderness areas have been used primarily by middle

class Whites and that minority populations traditionally have felt more uncomfortable

recreating in these areas. This reluctance was likely formed and sustained by the celebration

of White “discoveries” of areas previously known to, and used by, Native Americans and

Chicanos; the lack of minorities employed in land management agencies; and the lack of

minorities in books, guides, and films of wildland areas.

The differences between these theories holds certain implications for recreation management as the diversity of the United States increases over time. If research suggests that

the marginality hypothesis accounts for most of the differences in recreation participation

among racial and ethnic groups, then programs could be developed to make recreation

more accessible to individuals at all socioeconomic levels. On the other hand, if research

suggests that cultural norms and values account for variations in recreation participation,

then recreation managers could attempt to redistribute more resources to activities

preferred by those racial and ethnic groups whose populations are increasing (Edwards

1981). A better recognition of how race and ethnicity influence the meaning of recreational activities is needed for resource professionals to manage natural resources for

diverse participants.
18

Our examination of major shifts in certain demographic variables in the United States

suggests certain major trends in the future. The U.S. population is growing, although at a

slower rate than in the past. Americans are becoming increasingly older, more racially

and ethnically diverse, and more likely to reside in the South and the West. Although

participation rates in outdoor water-based recreational activities will not increase rapidly,

there will certainly be a substantial shift in the demographic makeup of recreationists

(Schuett 1995). Because demographic variables are important determinants of recreation

participation, changes in the demographic composition of the American population will

have profound effects on future recreation use trends, especially owing to the interrelated

effects of age, ethnicity, and race. These variables work in combination, and will mean

an increase in some activities and a decrease in others.

Because of the increasing proportion of older residents and minorities, rates of increase

in most outdoor recreational activities will slow (Murdock et al. 1991). Owing to the slower

growth of minority populations in the Pacific Northwest as compared to other regions

(e.g., Southwest), racial and ethnic differences in recreation participation will have less

of an impact in the Northwest than in other parts of the country. However, if the growth

in minority populations in the Northwest primarily occurs in certain geographic locations

(e.g., urban areas), it will have a greater influence on recreation participation in those

areas than overall percentage of growth rates in Northwest minority populations might

first suggest. Possible differences in the spatial pattern of increasing minority

populations in the Pacific Northwest highlight the importance of having site-specific

information on demographic trends. Because there is a clear relation between race and

ethnicity and recreation participation, changes in the constituency of a particular area

will have strong implications for recreation management.

In the Pacific Northwest, however, in general, the influence of population aging is likely

to have more of an impact on recreation trends than will increasing racial and ethnic

diversity. This suggests that the Pacific Northwest may see increasing demand for

water-based recreational activities in which older adults participate—such as motorboating

on lakes or camping in developed campgrounds near lakes (Cordell et al. 1997). In contrast,

high-intensity activities such as primitive camping along rivers will likely see a decline in

the rate of growth. Activities such as saltwater fishing that have high participation rates

for both minorities and older Americans are predicted to have a higher rate of growth in

the future (Murdock et al. 1990).

Owing to the complexity of demographic variables influencing recreation, there is a need

for models that can account for these combined effects (Murdock et al. 1990). Because

demographic groups have different participation rates in leisure activities, it is not

sufficient to simply project current recreation participation rates to future populations to

predict future recreation trends. The uncertainty surrounding modeling and predictions of

recreational behavior make it particularly important to have consistent monitoring of

recreation use to prepare managers for changing recreational demands (Dwyer 1995).

The Combined Influence

of Demographic Variables
19

Our knowledge of other causal factors affecting demand for recreation—such as the role

of technology and the influence of leisure time—is limited.

The influence of technology trends on water-based recreation patterns is not well

documented in the research literature. In part, we are limited in our ability to understand

how technological change may impact water-based recreation and recreation management in the future owing to the rapid rate of technological change. In recent years, new

technologies have been created at an accelerated pace, creating a situation in which

there is some uncertainty as to what the future will hold. Rayner and Malone (1998) point

out that although it took 100 years, from 1844 to 1936, for people to develop commercial

telegraphy, the telephone, broadcast radio, and television, it took only 20 years for video

cameras, computers, cellular phones, and the Internet to become widespread.

Compounding the confusion over the influence of technology on water-based recreation

and management is the reality that technology is neither inherently beneficial nor harmful.

Two extreme, but simplistic, viewpoints—that technological improvements will solve all

problems or that technology creates problems—both inadequately describe the complexity

of the impact that technology may have on water-based recreation. The effect technology

will have on water-based recreation will depend on how the technology is applied.

Depending on the circumstances, technology can have both negative and positive

impacts on water-based recreation and management. Several examples illustrate this

point. The technology that led to the advent of the motorboat has arguably resulted in

increased pollution in lakes and rivers. However, given that motorboats exist and are

used extensively in recreation, further improvements in the efficiency of these motors

will instead have a beneficial impact on pollution levels in waterways. In another example,

technological improvements in recreational equipment (e.g., snowmobiles) have given

people greater access to recreation sites, including remote wildland sites, with relatively

little effort. In addition, advances in technology now allow people to jet-ski into locations

previously too shallow to access otherwise.

The effect of increased access is twofold. On the one hand, advances in technology

increase recreational opportunities by removing some of the barriers to access into

remote locations and by allowing more people to participate in recreational opportunities

(e.g., elderly or disabled individuals). By allowing a broader spectrum of society to

participate in recreational experiences, technological increases also may have a positive

effect on political interest in recreation and recreation management. If there are more

people who value recreational opportunities, there will be more people who will attempt

to influence the political system with regard to recreation. This is particularly true of

older Americans who typically are much more politically active than younger cohorts

(Steel et al. 1998). On the other hand, improved access resulting from technological

advances could lead to detrimental impacts on surrounding riparian habitat. Improved

access expands available recreational sites by allowing individuals to recreate in locations

previously considered too remote. Improved access can intensify the use of existing

sites that may be unable to withstand additional recreational pressure. Furthermore, to

some individuals, the mere presence of technology in wildland areas is antithetical to

their value systems, as evidenced by the recent controversy over snowmobiles in

Yellowstone National Park.

Proposition 5

Technology
20

Advancements in technology also influence demographic trends, such as the urban to

rural migration pattern, that affect water-based recreation and management. Johnson

and Beale (1998) note that advances in transportation and communication (e.g., satellite

technology, the Internet) have given people the ability to reside in nonmetropolitan

communities without needing to consider proximity to urban areas or the availability of

local employment. Improvements in transportation corridors also have resulted in growth

of rural counties that are now considered within commuting distance to major metropolitan

centers such as Seattle. On the other hand, Johnson and Beale (1998) note that the

urban to rural migration also is fueled by negative aspects of technology because traffic

congestion in urban areas has increased people’s desire to leave cities for less populated

rural areas. The growing numbers of people migrating into rural counties will likely

increase recreation pressure in these locations and, as a result, will increase the conflicts

over management of water resources for different uses and values. As previously

discussed, technological advances not only will increase population growth in remote,

rural counties but also will increase the number of individuals holding different values,

beliefs, and knowledge about natural resource management.

Another important technological trend that may impact water-based recreation and

management is the information technology explosion. As before, this trend will result in

both positive and negative impacts for management of recreation and the water resource.

The increase in information technology has and will continue to greatly expand the

opportunities for individuals to obtain information about recreational activities and

potential recreation sites with relative ease (e.g., through Web sites). The Internet gives

management agencies the ability to spread real-time information and visual pictures

about recreational opportunities. However, Stankey (2000) noted that not only is there a

possibility for dissemination of inaccurate information about a recreation site, such as

on private, nonofficial Web sites, but widespread information about appealing recreation

sites can result in increased crowding in formerly pristine locations. Furthermore,

advances in Internet and e-mail technologies give individuals and organizations the

ability to become informed almost instantaneously about potential management strategies

and also gives them the ability to quickly mobilize a wide public to place pressure on

agencies for particular natural resource management strategies.

Because the availability of leisure time is related to the ability to participate in recreational

activities, leisure trends in the United States are important for projecting future recreation

patterns. Leisure time is defined as the available free time a person has after completing

paid work time, unpaid work time (e.g., household chores, childcare), and personal care

(e.g., sleeping, eating) (Robinson and Godbey 1997).

Some polling in the United States reveals an increase in the median number of hours

Americans work per week and a corresponding decline in leisure over the past 30 years.

By asking respondents to estimate how long they work per week (including commuting

time), the Harris Poll (Taylor 2000) found that the median number of work hours had

increased from 41 hours in 1973 to 50 hours in 2000. When adults estimated how much

leisure time was available to them each week, the poll found that the median number of

leisure hours decreased from 26 hours per week in 1973 to 20 hours per week in 2000.

In her book, “The Overworked American,” Schor (1991) estimated that the average

employed person worked 163 hours more in 1987 than they did in 1969. Data from the

Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Current Population Survey similarly shows that leisure time is

less available for working Americans, particularly single parents or dual career couples

The Influence of Leisure

Time
21

with children (Burtless 1999). In contrast, older Americans and younger adults without

children tend to have more free time today than did their predecessors (Lagerfeld 1998).

Some researchers dispute the claim that leisure time has declined in recent decades for

Americans overall. Using time diaries, Robinson and Godbey (1997) found that not only

had the overall number of paid work hours fallen from 1965 to 1985, but that people

responding to surveys significantly overestimated how much time they had spent at work

the previous week. However, their results also showed that increased leisure time was

concentrated in certain groups of Americans: the unmarried, the 18- to 24- and their 55-

to 64-year-old cohorts, and those without children. These findings were consistent with

most research on leisure, which has found great variation in leisure time among different

groups of individuals.

It is generally acknowledged that, for whatever reasons, Americans feel more pressed

for time now than ever before (Lagerfeld 1998). Davidson (1994) suggests that American’s

real or perceived decline in leisure time likely results from five “mega-realities”: population

growth, increasing volumes of information, increasing media coverage, growth in the

paper trail, and an overabundance of choices. For example, the author notes that vast

increases in knowledge and mass media coverage in the United States overwhelm

people by bombarding them with information, while population growth has contributed to

increasing gridlock on transportation routes and longer commuting times for work and

other tasks. Furthermore, Schor (1991) points out that consumerism (e.g., trying to

“keep up with the Joneses”) locks workers into a work-and-spend cycle. To understand the

impact of leisure on recreation trends, the perceptions of Americans’ of their leisure

time are more important than their actual leisure time because it is their perception that

will influence decisions about when, where, and how often to recreate.

The quality of leisure time is just as important as the quantity of leisure time. For example,

Bittman and Wajcman (2000) found that although men and women have similar amounts

of free time, the nature of their available time suggests that a gender gap in leisure

exists. By comparing time diaries in 10 countries, the authors discovered that the leisure

time of men was more likely to be uninterrupted and of longer duration and was less

likely to be associated with unpaid work such as childcare than was the leisure time of

women. There are some indications that, in general, recreation patterns of Americans are

shifting owing to changes in the duration of leisure time. Americans are now more likely

to split their leisure time into several, small minivacations or long weekends rather than

go on a few extended vacations (Hartmann et al. 1988). In addition, Lime et al. (1995)

noted that recreation areas that are more developed and accessible have experienced

greater growth in visitation than have backcountry settings.

This trend can have an important impact on recreation patterns resulting in an increase

in the numbers of visitors at urban-proximate recreation sites, particularly day-use sites,

and a decrease in the numbers of visitors to more remote locations that require longer

traveling or longer stays. In combination with the preference of Americans for recreation

around water, this shifting pattern of leisure time suggests that there will be increasing

pressure on water resources close to urban areas for water-based or water-enhanced

recreation. This will place further pressure on water resources for differing values such

as for clean drinking water, riparian habitat, or industrial use. In contrast, these trends
22

suggest that wildland recreation may face less pressure as people have limited time to

reach those sites. In general, trends in leisure time suggest that water recreation management requires focusing on sites located near population centers.

Certain water-based and water-enhanced recreation activities have been found to

negatively impact the water regime.

Water-based and water-enhanced recreational activities are often less detrimental to

water quantity and quality compared to many other human uses of water (e.g., agriculture,

industry, etc.). Nevertheless, the impact of recreation on the water regime still presents

challenges to managers attempting to create opportunities for recreational activities while

maintaining water and environmental quality. Recreational activities that negatively

affect water resources not only reduce the quality of water-based experiences or pose

health concerns for other recreationists, but they also can present problems with using

water for other functions, such as for a municipal drinking water supply. Water quality

remains a concern, not only for environmental quality of riparian areas but also for public

health. Between 1993 and 1994, 14 outbreaks of waterborne diseases (e.g., Giardia,

Cryptosporidium, Shigella, and E. coli) in the United States affected about 1,437 people

associated with water recreation. Over this same period, over 405,000 people were

affected by disease outbreaks associated with drinking water (Kramer et al. 1996),

although it is unclear whether or not recreation played any factor in these outbreaks.

Recreational activities can impact water resources both directly and indirectly. Direct

impacts result when recreational activities, such as swimming or boating, occur directly

on the water. Indirect impacts result when land-based recreation activities, such as camping

or hiking, occur close to shore (Kuss et al. 1990). These distinctions are often described

as water-based and shore-based activities (Liddle and Scorgie 1980). Occasionally,

impacts are observed regardless of the type of activity. For example, both shore- and

water-based recreational activities can disturb waterfowl populations sensitive to

disturbance from humans (Liddle and Scorgie 1980).

Both direct and indirect recreational activities have the potential to produce biophysical

or chemical changes to surrounding riparian areas, which can then impact the water

resource itself. Research studies examining the impact of recreation on water quality

reveal variable findings. Hammitt and Cole (1987) review many studies that differed over

the impact of recreation on water quality as indicated by nutrient influx of nitrates,

phosphates, and coliform bacteria. Some studies found nutrient increases owing to

recreational activity in the area (King and Mace 1974); however, other studies note that

recreational use has little effect (Silverman and Erman 1979), or that certain indicators

such as suspended solids fall to nearly predisturbance levels after recreationists leave

the site (Gary 1982).

The problem of determining whether recreation has an adverse impact on the water regime

is compounded by the fact that it is often hard to distinguish if high levels of nutrients

are coming from natural or human sources. Water quality reflects a combination of many

physical, chemical, and biological factors as water moves through and across the land

(Peters and Meybeck 2000). Owing to different lake morphology, geology, or deposition

of sediment, water bodies can respond in a variety of ways to disturbance and pollution

Proposition 6
23

(Kuss et al. 1990). For example, oligotrophic lakes may be more influenced by small

nutrient influxes; therefore, erosion may be more of a management concern in these

locations (Hammitt and Cole 1987). The diversity of lake and stream characteristics

increases the difficulty of obtaining consistent findings in studies examining impacts

on water.

Although research findings typically reveal that the impact of recreationists is often

localized both temporally and spatially within the watershed (Clark et al. 1985), studies

suggest that different recreational activities have diverse impacts on the water regime.

Research studies examining the impact of recreation activities on water primarily have

focused on motorboating, camping, and, less often, swimming. In general, studies have

found that boating has the greatest adverse impacts to the water regime, followed by

camping, and lastly, swimming and fishing (Kuss et al. 1990). Owing to the relations

among fishing, boating, and hiking along shorelines, the impact of fishing on the water

regime is not discussed independently of the other two activities in this report. Furthermore, fishing has been found to have the greatest impact on fish populations (Clark et

al. 1985) rather than on the water resource examined in this study.

The greatest recreational impacts on water and riparian quality result from boating, particularly motorboating. Motorboating creates various physical and chemical disturbances to

the water regime and results in impacts much more significant than swimming, unless

swimming is heavily concentrated. Physical impacts from motorboating include increased

wash, turbulence, cutting action from propellers, direct contact, and disturbance (Liddle

and Scorgie 1980). The overall impact of these physical changes on the water regime

are influenced by the dimensions of the water body and the types of habitat it contains

(e.g., sensitive versus hardy).

Turbulence from propellers and wakes can cause erosion of the shoreline and can disturb

sediment, a particular concern in fish spawning areas. Motorboats, especially those with

outboard engines, create turbulence, which can cause erosion of the shoreline and a

subsequent release of nutrients in the sediment (Kuss et al. 1990). Although most of

these impacts are created primarily by motorboats, turbulence also can result from use

of rafts, canoes, and rowboats. In one study, findings revealed that about 0.5 m2

 of

vegetation in a shallow lake could be uprooted by the turbulence resulting from one oar

stroke (Liddle and Scorgie 1980). Furthermore, Cole and Marion (1988) found that sites

used by commercially outfitted rafting parties had a 50 percent greater area of disturbance

and an area of devegetation that was four times as large as sites used by local

fishermen.

Although nonmotorized boats create some physical impacts to the water regime, most

chemical impacts result from motorboating. Chemical impacts include pollution from

outboard motors—particularly motors of the two-stroke design—and sewage discharged

directly from boats into water. Discharge from motors contributes much of the waste

generated from recreational activities. In an early study of motorboating, Jackivicz and

Kuzminski (1973) found that, depending on the engine design, two-stroke outboard

motors discharged an average of 10 to 20 percent of their fuel into the water—with some

engines discharging up to 55 percent. The high variability in the amount of engine discharge

Boating
24

results from differences in the size of motor, intake and exhaust design, size of crankcase, speed of operation, tuning of the engine, and recycling of crankcase drainage. The

discharge typically contains raw fuel, nonvolatile oil, volatile oil, lead, and phenols, which

negatively affect plant and animal species within riparian environments (Stewart and

Howard 1968).

In 1970, it was estimated that 100 to 160 million gallons of raw fuel was discharged into

water owing to the inefficiency of outboard motors (Jackivicz and Kuzminski 1973). Newer

technologies in engine design may result in a much smaller discharge and resulting

impact on water; however, motorboats are much more prevalent now than during the

1970s, when most of these studies were conducted. As previously discussed under

water-based recreation trends, recreational motorboating has increased 40 percent from

1982-83 to 1994-95, with nearly 23 percent of the U.S. population participating in the

activity in 1994 (Cordell et al. 1997). Furthermore, the fact that there were 13.2 million

outboard motor boats owned in 1997 (National Marine Manufacturers Association 1997),

more than almost any other year, indicates that increased efficiency of engines may not

be enough to compensate for the absolute increase in motorboat numbers.

Camping sites along water bodies also are associated with both physical and chemical

impacts to the water regime as compared to control sites. Physical impacts to water

quality from camping can include many different indicators such as increased soil

compaction; runoff; erosion rates; lower soil moisture; reduced flow of air, water, and

nutrients through the soil; higher pH; lower number of roots in the soil; a loss of vegetative

cover; and increased eutrophication of nearby water bodies (Green 1998, Lockaby and

Dunn 1984).

Physical impacts caused by camping and hiking near water have many different interrelated effects. For example, a decline in vegetation near the shoreline leads to a reduction

in soil microbial activity in the top 6 inches of soil in disturbed sites versus undisturbed

sites (Zabinski and Gannon 1997). In addition, a loss of vegetation on the shore increases

erosion of the shoreline, which in turn can heighten nitrogen and phosphorus loading into

streams, causing eutrophication (Hammitt and Cole 1987). In an examination of the longterm impact of trampling along the waters of Pink Lake, Canada, Dickman and Dorais

(1977) found that as recreation visitation grew over a 20-year period, so did the density

of phytoplankton in the lake, which resulted in a reduction in water clarity. Although an

object 16.4 to 22.9 feet beneath the water surface could be seen in 1956, water clarity

was reduced to 5.6 feet beneath the surface in 1974.

Research studies differ as to the amount of camping and hiking along water that is

possible without reaching certain levels of physical impacts. Some research findings

distinguish between impacts from high- vs. low-intensity camping sites. In an Arizona

riparian area, Green (1998) found that runoff and sediment loss was significantly higher

from heavily used camping sites than from lower intensity sites because the high-use

sites had significantly less herbaceous vegetation and more soil compaction. Cole and

Marion (1988) observed significant differences among high-use and low-use sites

including larger areas of disturbance, greater tree damage, greater exposure of mineral

soil, loss of tree reproduction, and greater soil compaction in the high-use sites.

However, they also observed dramatic changes in certain environmental indicators in

Camping and Hiking
25

low-use sites, leading the researchers to suggest that the quality of low-use sites is more

comparable to high-use sites than to control sites.

In fact, some studies have found that even light recreational use of campsites has rapid

and considerable impacts (Cole 1986, Cole and Marion 1988). These studies suggest

that recreation has a curvilinear relation to site degradation; low or moderate use of a

site creates significant impacts, and little additional damage is contributed by higher

intensity use (Marion 1995, Marion and Cole 1996). This finding is consistently found in

research studies conducted across the United States in various habitats, including riparian

forests on the east coast and riparian forests of the mountainous Western States that

have a much harsher environment (Cole and Marion 1988, Stohlgren and Parsons 1996).

Another consistent finding from the literature on the physical impacts of camping is that

most campsite degradation occurs rapidly, within the first year of use. As a result, the

common management strategy of closing developed campground areas temporarily to

allow them to recover is not effective in many back-country locations because campgrounds deteriorate much more quickly than they recover (Marion and Cole 1996).

Instead, other management strategies could better limit negative impacts to the water

regime. The most important aspects of an effective plan are reducing the number and

size of campsites so that people do not keep expanding outward in areas of high

recreational use (Cole and Marion 1988). Marion (1995) found that reducing the number

of campsites (to the lowest number that could still accommodate high usage) and

installing firegrates (which constrained people spatially within the campsite area) were

the two most effective strategies for improving campsites overall. These strategies were

effective because they reduced the area of degradation by concentrating recreation use

in established, legitimate campsites. Green (1998) notes that management could reduce

runoff by prohibiting particular recreational activities when the activity is most likely to

result in soil compaction. Based on a study of channel changes in the Merced River in

Yosemite National Park, Madej et al. (1994) suggest that park managers control foot

traffic near the river and channel it to more stable locations to reduce erosion, sediment

loading, and channel widening in riparian areas. Because different sites have different

levels of recreational activity and ability to withstand impacts, managers could use

various strategies to address possible concerns (Leung and Marion 1999).

Biological and chemical changes from camping and hiking activities on water resources

also can impact water quality. Specifically, studies have monitored levels of bacteria

(e.g., fecal coliform bacteria), protozoans, and viruses such as Giardia, Cryptosporidium,

or Gastroenteritis. High levels of bacteria are typically associated with high recreation

use. For example, improper disposal of human waste can contaminate drinking water or

harm human health through direct contact or through transmission of bacteria and viruses

(Cilimburg et al. 2000). However, in a review of a 12-year period at a water recreation

site, Nelson and Hansen (1984) observed that increased recreational activity over the

years had not led to a corresponding increase in fecal coliform levels. Because fecal

coliform levels are influenced by various factors including seasonal variations, number

of recreationists, lake currents, and possible supplies of fresh water from upstream

dams, it can be difficult to determine the exact source of higher densities (Nelson and

Hansen 1984).
26

In general, these studies conclude that the impact of recreationists on water biology and

chemistry is often spatially localized around recreation sites and temporally intermittent.

Negative impacts are typically concentrated in the immediate location of the camping

site. In a study examining the effect of recreation at two camping sites on water quality

in the Mount Baker-Snoqualmie National Forest in Washington, Christensen et al. (1978)

found that although upstream densities were consistently low, densities of total coliforms,

fecal coliforms, and fecal streptococci downstream of campsites increased over weekends,

when 90 percent of the recreation occurred. Another study in the Snoqualmie National

Forest also found high levels of certain indicators (total coliforms, fecal coliforms, and

fecal streptococci, Salmonella and Shigella species) downstream from heavily used

motorized camping sites (Varness et al. 1978).

Studies also have found that indicator densities differ temporally, and typically correspond

to seasonal (i.e., winter levels are lower because of lower recreation use), weekly (i.e.,

higher weekend use), and daily variation in recreational activity in the area. Interestingly,

both Christensen et al. (1978) and Varness et al. (1978) observed rapid increases in the

indicator densities once human use occurred. The rapid rise in these indicators has led

researchers to suggest that much of the increase in bacterial density is resulting from

disturbance of the sediment, which as discussed previously, is thought to contain higher

levels of bacteria than surface water. This rapid rise in coliform densities poses some

potential health hazards during periods of intense recreational use.

In general, levels of bacterial and viral populations exceeding regulation standards

appear to be infrequent. In a review of water quality records from water recreation sites

in Arizona’s Tonto National Forest, Nelson and Hansen (1984) found that few violations

in levels of fecal coliform bacteria populations occurred over a 12-year period. However,

during periods of peak recreation use, public health concerns are valid. Management

strategies to address the potential for increased biological and chemical contamination

from camping and hiking could include developing facilities or educating visitors about

proper waste disposal. For example, in a review of the literature on the disposal of

human waste in wildland recreation, Cilimburg et al. (2000) found that the most appropriate

management strategy to avoid transmission of pathogens or contamination of water

sources in wildland recreation is to deposit waste in 6- to 8-inch-deep cat holes about 200

feet away from the nearest water source. Because of the possibility for human health

risks, further examination of the impact of recreation on water chemistry is warranted.

Although swimming is less detrimental to water quality than are other recreational

activities, swimming can still negatively impact water in three primary ways. First,

recreational activities involving body contact, such as swimming, have the potential to

introduce pathogens into water through direct contact. Secondly, swimming may increase

bacterial concentrations by creating turbulence that disturbs the bottom sediment, which

may contain higher concentrations of bacteria than surface water (Hendricks 1971, Kuss

et al. 1990). Third, swimmers can increase the turbidity of water by eroding the bank at

popular entry points.

Swimming
27

The potential for recreational impacts from swimming are particularly important to consider

in reservoirs built primarily as a source of drinking water. In a study examining the potential

impact of recreational activities involving body contact on reservoir drinking water, Anderson

et al. (1998) found that their model predicted possible high levels of Cryptosporidium,

rotavirus, and poliovirus during the high recreation use of the summer months. In another

municipal water supply reservoir, Wagenet and Lawrence (1974) observed a highly

localized increase in fecal coliform densities associated with peak recreation use that

exceeded standards for recreational waters. Because increased coliform densities were so

localized and far removed from the location from which water was extracted for municipal

purposes, the authors believed that the reservoir could still be used for dual recreational

and drinking water purposes. However, they also felt that the more significant health

impact may result from water recreationists coming into direct contact with water

containing high coliform densities.

In summary, research studies have found that both water- and shore-based recreation

have negative impacts on the water regime. For example, water-based activities such as

motorboating create increased wash and discharge pollutants into the water; shorebased activities tend to impact riparian areas through trampling. The level of impact differs

by recreational activity. Studies note that boating has the greatest adverse impacts to the

water regime, followed by camping and swimming. The different types of disturbances to

water and the riparian environment are typically categorized as either physical or chemical

impacts. Physical impacts include propeller action, trampling, and turbulence; chemical

impacts include increases in bacteria, protozoans, or viruses, owing to direct contact or

improper disposal of human waste.

Most studies suggest that although impacts resulting from recreation occur rapidly, they

are primarily localized in time and space. Research on recreation intensity finds that even

at low recreational levels, some disturbance in the water regime is observed. However,

because specific data on recreation use levels are often lacking in recreation impact

studies, it is difficult to accurately and quantitatively specify cause and effect. In general,

the management strategy of concentrating camping and hiking recreation (e.g., limited

number of camping sites, smaller campsites) is probably the best method of minimizing

the overall impact of those recreational activities on water. More research is needed,

however, to address the best management strategies for effectively dealing with impacts

from swimming and, especially boating, particularly because little research has been

done on many of these topics since the 1970s and early 1980s.

Conflicts over competing uses of water—including recreation, municipal uses, industrial

uses, irrigation, habitat, etc.—will likely grow in the future.

As noted in the Sustainable Water Initiative, any decision that results in changes to the

water resource will have impacts, either intentional or unintentional, on management of

water for other uses and values. Because water is a crucial but limited resource, conflicts

will increase over water requirements for various uses: urban needs, irrigation, hydroelectric power, recreation, municipal water supply, private ownership of property with

water frontage, and habitat conservation (Naeser and Smith 1995). Proposition 6

described the impact that recreational activities could have on water quality for other

uses such as riparian habitat restoration or drinking water supply. However, not only

does recreation have the potential to impact the water regime for other uses, but these

Proposition 7
28

other uses of water can have the reciprocal effect of negatively influencing the quality of

water-based recreational experiences.

Because of the spatial arrangement of both water resources and population growth,

there will continue to be a spatial component to the conflicts related to water use. In the

United States, major urban centers historically have developed adjacent to rivers and

other waterways that served as transportation corridors. Today, many cities (e.g.,

Portland, Oregon) are proximate to major water sources that are used for drinking water,

transportation, hydropower, and recreation. Although conflicts over water use and distribution would have occurred regardless, social trends such as population growth and

migration shifts in the Pacific Northwest will undoubtedly escalate water conflicts in the

coming decades. In particular, population growth and redistribution—especially to arid

regions of the Northwest—will bring water conflicts to the forefront more quickly. By

2025, the populations of Oregon, Washington, and Alaska are expected to increase by

about 3.4 million people; as a result, limited water resources, whether for recreation or

municipal uses, will need to be distributed among more and more people, particularly in

urban centers.

Rapid population growth only serves to increase both the probability of water shortages

in the future and the difficulty of deciding how to allocate water among different, often

incompatible, uses. As the United States becomes more diverse (culturally and racially,

with an aging population), more people will have different expectations for water use.

Furthermore, the continued adoption of new technologies in recreational equipment and

the resulting diversification of recreational opportunities is likely to escalate conflicts

among recreationists, particularly if recreation participation continues to grow (Manning

1999).

An understanding of the conflicts related to the distribution of water is important

because these conflicts negatively affect water-based recreation. For some recreationists, conflicts can lead to reduced satisfaction in an activity, whereas for other

recreationists, conflict can lead them to engage in coping behaviors in an attempt to

evade the conflict. Conflict for an individual is defined as “goal interference attributed to

another’s behavior” (Jacob and Schreyer 1980). The level of perceived conflict is not

constant among all recreationists, but instead differs in response to a variety of factors.

An individual’s sensitivity to conflict is often influenced by activity style (i.e., personal

meanings associated with a recreational activity), resource specificity (i.e., the importance placed on a particular resource such as a swimming hole), lifestyle tolerance (i.e.,

willingness to share resources with members of other lifestyle groups), and mode of

experience (i.e., preferred ways of experiencing the environment), (Jacob and Schreyer

1980). For instance, many individuals have expectations that a recreational experience,

particularly in wildland settings, will not involve encounters with other people. Consequently,

the discovery that one is not alone in the wilderness can detract from the recreationist’s

experience (Stankey 1973).

Recreation conflict can be classified into three main categories: recreation versus other

uses of the water resource, interactivity recreation conflict, and intra-activity recreation

conflict (Schreyer 1990).
29

Although many studies have been conducted on how different logging practices impact

recreation (e.g., visual quality of camping sites) (Brunson and Shelby 1992, Langenau

et al. 1980), much less research has been conducted on conflicts between water-based

recreation and management of the water resource for other uses. Water conflicts can

occur when alternative uses of water are not compatible. For example, water appropriated

for out-of-stream uses (e.g., irrigation) reduces the flow of water available for recreational

opportunities. There is extensive literature on how flow impacts water-based recreational

experiences (Shelby et al. 1992b) (see “Proposition 8”); however, we still have little

understanding of how industrial or commercial water use, for example, affects decisions

to recreate.

Robertson (1989) noted both direct and indirect impacts on recreation from other uses of

urban waterways. Some direct impacts include private ownership of waterfront properties

and subsequent development and problems associated with the navigation of large ships

into commercial ports. Indirect impacts to recreationists include reduced opportunities

to view wildlife, a reduction in the visual quality of a recreation site, or increased noise

(Clark 1986, Robertson 1989). For much of the history of the United States, urban rivers

and waterways were designated primarily for commercial and industrial purposes overseen

by the Army Corps of Engineers (Robertson 1989). With the increase in people recreating

in urban-proximate waters, recreationists have come into conflict with industrial and

commercial activities using the same water resources.

Competing demands on the water resource often alter the quality of the recreation

experience. Using a survey of park visitors to an urban waterway, Robertson (1989)

found that two-thirds of recreationists felt that poor water quality, smells from treated

wastewater, and increased siltation detracted from their recreational experience. In a

study examining the impact of commercial and industrial uses of water on recreation in

a Midwest urban river corridor, Robertson and Burdge (1993) found that impacts to water

quality associated with commercial navigation and water withdrawals (e.g., siltation,

turbidity, water pollution) significantly reduced recreationists’ satisfaction with their

water-based experience.

The effect that other uses of water have on recreation depends on the extent to which

the public perceives negative impacts to the water regime. Studies of public perceptions

of water quality suggest that people make determinations about water quality based

primarily on vision (Smith et al. 1991) and secondarily on smell and touch (Lant and

Mullens 1991). In a survey of adults in Wisconsin, David (1971) found that people identify

polluted water by the presence of algae, suds and foam, and murky, dark water. Using

photographic slides of water settings that varied only by water color and amount of litter,

Dinius (1981) found that people believe increased litter corresponds to decreased water

quality at the site.

Public perceptions of pollution influence decisions to recreate. Some impacts to the

water regime from other uses may be so great that they eventually displace recreationists

to other locations or convince recreationists to stop their activity altogether. Water clarity

is important for swimming suitability. David (1971) noted that the presence of green

scum or algae would prevent 80 percent of recreationists from swimming, whereas the

presence of cans or glass in the water would prevent 70 percent of respondents from

swimming. In a study of swimmers in New Zealand, Smith et al. (1991) found that the

Recreation Versus Other

Uses of Water
30

ability to see to 2.2 meters in depth was a necessary distance for 90 percent of recreationists to consider the water suitable for swimming. Similarly, water color influences

recreation decisions with blue being most suitable, followed by green, and lastly yellow

(Smith and Davies-Colley 1992). Perceptions of water quality also influence people

participating in water-based activities that do not involve body contact with water. Whisman

and Hollenhorst (1998) found that perceptions of environmental quality along the river

corridor positively influenced satisfaction for private boaters. In an examination of waterbased recreation at Lake Red Rock in Iowa, Robertson and Colletti (1994) found that 45

percent of the boaters surveyed had either reduced the frequency of their visits or had

avoided the site altogether because of problems with excessive siltation.

Interestingly, although recreationists use visual cues to determine the level of water

pollution of waterways, water quality measures for gauging public health traditionally

include nonvisual indicators such as bacteria levels or toxicity of organic compounds.

On the Salt River in Arizona, Nelson and Hansen (1984) found no relation between water

clarity and fecal coliform levels in recreation sites. These findings suggest that efforts to

improve water quality for recreationists will have to include improving visual indicators

from the recreation site such as the amount of litter and the water clarity. Otherwise,

water that is considered of good quality by toxicity or bacterial standards, may still be

perceived as unclean by recreationists (Dinius 1981).

Most studies on recreation conflict have examined interactivity conflict—conflict that

occurs among recreationists participating in different activities. Empirical research on

water-based recreation has observed problems between anglers and water-skiers (Gramann

and Burdge 1981), anglers and canoeists (Driver and Bassett 1975), and particularly

between motorized and nonmotorized boaters (Shelby 1980). For example, jet skis often

disturb people engaged in other recreational activities such as fishing or swimming (Burger

1998).

A common finding throughout these research studies has been the asymmetrical

character of interactivity conflict: although people participating in a certain recreational

activity may not mind the presence of recreationists of another activity, these congenial

feelings often are not reciprocated by the participants of the second activity. For example,

studies have clearly documented an asymmetric conflict between motorized boaters and

nonmotorized recreationists such as canoeists. Although motorboaters are typically

indifferent or even have positive associations with their encounters with canoeists,

canoeists dislike encounters with motorized recreationists (Lime 1977, Shelby 1980). In

the Boundary Waters Canoe Area of Minnesota, Adelman et al. (1982) found that 71

percent of paddling canoeists disliked meeting or seeing motorcraft users, but only 8

percent of motorcraft users disliked meeting or seeing paddling canoeists. Furthermore,

these motorcraft users typically were unaware that other recreationists were disturbed

by their activities. Over 85 percent of these motorcraft users believed that they seldom

or never disturb paddling canoeists, although 79 percent of paddlers felt they were

occasionally or frequently disturbed by motorcraft users. This asymmetrical aspect to

recreation conflict complicates management of water resources for recreation.

Interactivity Conflicts
31

Intra-activity conflicts are those conflicts that arise between recreationists who are

participating in the same activity (Schreyer 1990). Crowding is a well-researched example

of this form of recreation conflict. For example, in a study of boating on the Cheat River in

West Virginia, Whisman and Hollenhorst (1998) found that 64 percent of commercial

boaters and 84 percent of private boaters experienced higher than normal levels of

crowding. Crowding is defined as a “negative evaluation of a certain density or number

of encounters” (Shelby et al. 1989). Crowding can result from a combination of increased

visitation, relatively stable facility or transportation infrastructure, and changes in visitor

use patterns such as bus tours (Lime et al. 1995).

Many studies have attempted to document perceived levels of crowding. Shelby et al.

(1989) reviewed 35 studies in the United States and New Zealand that used the same

single measure of crowding (rated along a 9-point scale from not at all crowded to extremely

crowded). The studies had a wide range in levels of perceived crowding by recreationists—

from 17 percent of goose hunters experiencing crowding on the Grand River Marsh in

Wisconsin to 100 percent of boaters experiencing crowding on the Deschutes River in

Oregon. The review also noted that perceptions of crowding appear to vary by time and

season of use (e.g., holidays, summer), resource abundance or availability (e.g., opening

day of fishing season), resource accessibility or convenience (e.g., near population

centers), and management actions (e.g., management restricting density) (Shelby et al.

1989).

It is important to understand perceived crowding because studies suggest that after a

certain level of visitation, there is some reduction in the quality of the recreation experience.

Particularly in wilderness settings where the opportunity for solitude is considered an

important aspect of the recreation experience, perceived lack of crowding is important

to having a quality recreation experience. An unacceptable level-of-use density has the

potential to drive recreationists into seeking alternative forms of leisure activities to

pursue.

Recreation substitutability is the degree to which a particular recreational experience

can be an acceptable substitute for another (Manning 1999). The need for recreation

substitutes arises when circumstances (such as increased crowding or a limitation on

use) detract from the recreation experience in a fundamental way and compel recreationists to somehow modify their leisure activity. The notion of substitutability is important

owing to the multiple demands placed on water resources for both recreation and other

uses. These competing demands (both among different uses or within recreation itself)

increase the likelihood that some recreationists will be forced to find alternative forms or

locations owing to management decisions affecting the character of the water regime.

The extent to which there are alternatives to a recreation experience is highly variable.

Depending on the characteristics of an activity, “real” choices are limited for those

displaced by some management action. For example, deer hunters have fewer acceptable

substitutes than goose hunters because deer hunters tend to place greater importance

on specific attributes that compose the hunting experience such as social interaction,

participation by peers, and importance of obtaining game (Baumgartner and Heberlein

1981). When management actions affecting the water regime are envisioned, however,

there is often an erroneous and implicit presumption that recreation users can always

Intra-Activity Conflicts

Recreation Substitutability
32

find adequate substitutes by relocating or by participating in another activity. Particularly

for highly specialized or unique activities such as kayaking, the required presence of a

particular combination of physical and environmental attributes (e.g., gradient, flow,

obstructions) might mean that few, if any, readily accessible substitutes exist.

In addition, because of a long history of involvement with a particular place, such as a

fishing hole, people often form strong bonds with specific landscapes over time (Brown

and Perkins 1992). Sites that hold special place meanings for recreationists are often

irreplaceable, and therefore, the existence of strong place attachments often is sufficient

to mobilize people into challenging management decisions perceived as harmful to a

valued location. Although place-based sentiments are often overlooked in natural resource

management decisions, the strength of the meanings and ties that people have with

particular places within the natural environment are an important consideration for water

management (Mitchell et al. 1993).

Under certain circumstances, if a recreationist is unable to continue participating in a

recreational experience, they might find an acceptable substitute by modifying a particular

aspect of the experience such as the timing or access to the activity, the resource

setting, or the resource activity (Brunson and Shelby 1993). Shelby and Vaske (1991)

have created a typology of alternatives for recreation substitutability (fig. 3). If a recreationist

can substitute a different time for conducting the activity or a different means of gaining

access to the resource (fig. 3, box A), the same activity and resource setting can be

retained. However, if the resource setting is kept constant, but the activity is changed

(box B), the recreationist has undergone an activity substitute (e.g., switching from

fishing to swimming in the same lake). A resource substitute (box C) occurs when a

recreationist moves to a new resource setting yet continues participating in the same

activity (e.g., switching from fishing in a lake to fishing in a river). Finally, if a recreationist

changes to both a new setting and a new activity, such as switching from fishing on a

river to swimming in a lake, they have made a resource and activity substitute (box D).

Research on recreation substitutability has discovered that activities considered to be

similar activity types (e.g., waterfowl hunting and deer hunting) are not necessarily

equivalent substitutes from the recreationist’s perspective (Baumgartner and Heberlein

1981). As a result, recent studies place greater emphasis on understanding the

recreationist’s subjective judgment as to what makes an acceptable substitute to a

Resource

D. Resource and activity

 substitute

 B. Activity substitute

A. Temporal/strategic

 substitute

 C. Resource

 substitute

Different

Same

Activity

Same Different

Figure 3—A typology of substitution alternatives (Shelby and Vaske 1991).
33

recreation experience. In particular, research suggests that instead of altering activities,

recreationists typically attempt to substitute a different setting, time, or access method

(Manfredo and Anderson 1987, McCool and Utter 1982). For example, if a free-flowing

river was converted to a reservoir, river recreationists were more likely to seek other

rivers on which to float as opposed to boating in the reservoir. As a result, changes in

the management of any one area can have profound consequences on other similar,

nearby riparian areas to which recreationists become displaced.

Our understanding of recreation substitutability suggest that it is important to know how

any given management action relative to the water regime might affect recreation. This

could include the possibility of actions that create substitutes for recreation opportunities

that are lost elsewhere. For example, the loss of a reservoir because of a decision to

increase flow for power or salmon restoration could possibly be offset by the creation of

a reservoir elsewhere. In other cases, negative consequences resulting from management

actions cannot be offset by creating or locating a substitute. The potential for affecting

recreationists illustrates the importance of having a sound understanding of both the

preferred and minimum conditions of attributes associated with different recreation activities.

It also suggests that we should have available comprehensive inventories of water

resources that transcend organizational boundaries in order to define locations of

possible substitutes. Finally, it highlights the importance of a planning framework that

facilitates an understanding of cross-sectoral impacts and consequences (e.g., Clark

and Stankey 1979a).

There is a paucity of research that examines how natural resource managers can reduce

conflicts between water-based recreation and other uses of water. More work in this field

is needed. Instead, most research on water management strategies for reducing conflicts

with recreation is limited to inter- and intra-activity conflicts. In particular, most of this

research is concerned with how to reduce crowding of recreation sites in order to avoid

excessive damage to riparian habitats or to avoid reducing the quality of the recreation

experience. A reduction in the quality of a visitor’s recreation experience can lead to

displacement of recreationists to a different area of the site, a different time, a different

location, or to altering their recreational activities altogether (Robertson and Colletti

1994). From a manager’s perspective, it is important to understand the impacts of

recreationists becoming displaced from one setting to another or from one activity to

another so that unintended consequences such as site degradation are not simply

transferred to a new location.

Managers often have to decide whether to minimize crowding (or a recreationist’s

perception of crowding) by redistributing use, promoting off-peak times, or limiting

overall use. Before restricting access by limiting overall use, managers can first attempt

indirect or direct methods to limit visitors or visitor damage (Bates 1992). Indirect

approaches attempt to modify behavior without regulations that limit a person’s choice.

For instance, if the behavior of recreationists is a problem, providing education and

information may reduce visitor damage. Educational programs that establish a code of

conduct and increase tolerance of different recreational groups and activities also could

reduce conflict (Manning 1999). In addition, informing recreationists about the numbers

of people using a resource gives visitors the opportunity to choose alternative sites in

which to recreate. However, when increased visitation is the underlying problem affecting

the resource or the perception of crowding, these indirect methods of limiting visitors

and damage may be inadequate.

Management Implications
34

Under these circumstances, direct options—which apply regulations to affect behavior—

are often necessary. A more direct method of reducing visitation is accomplished

through implementing a limited visitor permit system (e.g., allocating boating permits on

limited-entry rivers) (Bates 1992, Shelby 1991). The system of distributing these limited

permits can include advance reservation; lottery; first come, first served; price; merit;

zoning; and priority for first time users (Shelby 1991, Wikle 1991). For example, a pricebased system, which is commonly used, requires a user fee to recreate at the site,

whereas a lottery system distributes permits randomly in an applicant pool.

The type of system applied is important because it will determine the pool of recreationists

that are willing and able to continue participating in these recreational activities. A user

fee system may discriminate against lower income individuals, whereas a reservation

system would not work well for people who do not plan for their recreation far in advance.

Differences also can exist between the preferred rationing policies of recreationists and

managers. In a study examining opinions of recreationists and managers about three

policy scenarios, Wikle (1991) found that although river users were more likely to accept

advance reservation and merit as rationing policies, managers were more likely to prefer

zoning. For this reason, it is important to consider on what information (and from what

sources) water management decisions are based.

In addition, other conflict management strategies, such as binding arbitration, facilitation,

mediation, and nonbinding arbitration, also can successfully resolve natural resource

conflicts. These dispute-resolution techniques differ primarily in the level of responsibility

that the facilitator has over the process and in the level of obligation to accept the

outcome (Susskind and Cruikshank 1987), and so the choice of assisted negotiation

technique used often will depend on the level of conflict and complexity of the natural

resource issues under dispute.

In summary, population growth and redistribution in the United States suggest that water

conflicts will continue to escalate in the future. In this proposition, three types of

recreational conflict were explored—conflict between recreation and other uses of water,

interactivity conflict, and intra-activity conflict. Among these three forms of recreation

conflict, much more is known about the variety of management techniques for reducing

or avoiding intra-activity conflicts over crowding. However, much less is understood

about how conflicts between water-based recreation and other uses of water are resolved.

Because it is likely that much of the future conflict and debate over water management

will involve diverse uses of water, we need a better understanding of the relation between

water-based recreation and other uses of water and how management can reconcile their

different water needs.
35

Management alterations of flow regimes can have a substantial impact on water-based

recreation opportunities and experiences.

At the same time that conflicts over out-of-stream uses of water such as irrigation or

drinking water have increased, greater attention is being given to maintaining instream

flows for various purposes. Instream flows affect many uses of water including

hydropower, recreation, navigation, transport of waste materials, and fish and wildlife

habitat (Narayanan 1986). Conflicts over streamflow result from different water uses (and

even different recreational activities) requiring different optimum levels of streamflow.

For example, increasing flow in the upper Arkansas River for rafting reduced the quality

of fishing experiences on the river. More rafters decreased the angler’s desired solitude,

and the increased flow diminished the fishery (Naeser and Smith 1995). The diversity of

preferred streamflow levels suggests that decisions about tradeoffs among these different

uses are necessary.

In recent years, much study has focused on the relation between streamflow and fisheries.

In the Pacific Northwest, changes in the level and timing of instream flows as a result of

hydroelectric dam construction have contributed to declines in anadromous fish populations.

Although streamflow also affects water-based recreational experiences, only recently has

a substantial body of literature addressed the impact of flow on recreation (Shelby and

Whittaker 1995, Shelby et al. 1992b). However, understanding the interaction between

water-based recreation and streamflow is more important than ever as the Federal Energy

Regulatory Commission (FERC) begins relicensing many hydropower projects.

Although the Federal Power Act initially gave the FERC considerable flexibility in

licensing nonfederal hydroelectric power projects, Congress and the courts have

recently established progressively more restrictive procedural requirements for the

commission (Spence 1999). These new regulations require the FERC to give environmental

concerns more consideration in their deliberations over dam relicensing applications.

Specifically, the Electric Consumers Protection Act of 1986 requires the government to

consider fish and wildlife habitat, aesthetics, environmental quality, protection of

archaeological sites, and recreation as much as it did energy development (Baker 1994,

Burkardt and Lamb 1997). It requires the FERC to assess the impact of hydropower

projects and, if necessary, to deny the application outright or to require conditions be

met for approval (Baker 1994). Although relicensing of hydroelectric power projects

typically occurs every 30 to 50 years, many projects are scheduled for renewal in the

near future (Baker 1994). For this reason, it is even more important that we have a clear

understanding of how streamflow influences water-based recreation.

The influence of streamflow on recreational opportunities and experiences is often

substantial. Variations in flow have a strong influence on various recreational experiences

including fishing (Loomis et al. 1986), rafting and floating (Shelby and Whittaker 1995),

and hiking along rivers (Shelby et al. 1997). Many water-based recreational activities

require a minimum streamflow. Whitewater rafters are particularly limited by streamflow

in their attempts to find suitable rivers (Shelby and Lime 1986). Rapid fluctuations in

river flow from changing dam operations also impact water-based recreational activities.

Cole (1989) revealed how unanticipated changes in streamflow owing to higher than

Proposition 8

The Impact of Flow on

Recreation
36

expected releases of water can influence a floating trip when he described waking one

morning and witnessing the Colorado River sweeping through his campsite.

Studies of streamflow and recreation often include both a descriptive component and an

evaluative component (Shelby and Heberlein 1986). Descriptive components involve

objective information about the resource (e.g., number of rapids in a river) and how management affects these characteristics. Evaluative components describe how humans

react to descriptive components (e.g., low flows may be too easy for whitewater rafters

or may prevent use completely) and are used to determine which of the descriptive

conditions are the most or least desirable for recreation. Through an examination of both

descriptive and evaluative components, researchers have found that changes in

streamflow affect recreational experiences in various ways.

Streamflow impacts recreation by altering the safety of recreational activities and recreationists’ perceptions of crowding, scenic beauty, and recreational satisfaction or quality

(Shelby et al. 1992b). Streamflow can increase the danger of certain water-based

recreational activities (such as the difficulty of rapids) or recreationists’ perceptions of

safety. In an Arizona river, Moore et al. (1990) found that as streamflow fell below 23

cubic feet per second (cfs), visitors were more likely to treat creek water before drinking

it. Because changes in streamflow can alter the safety of recreational experiences, what

a recreationist perceives as an acceptable level of flow often depends on their

experience and skill level. In a study of the flow preferences of backcountry hikers in

Zion National Park in Utah, Shelby et al. (1997) found that challenge-oriented hikers

believed high streamflows were more acceptable than did scenic hikers whose skill

levels were low to intermediate. Depending on whether hikers desired a scenic hike or a

challenging hike, the acceptable level of flow ranged between 30 and 150 cfs, owing to

the increased difficulty associated with crossing rivers at high streamflow.

Streamflow also affects recreationists’ perceptions of crowding. In a study of private and

commercial boaters, Tarrant and English (1996) observed a negative relation between

perceived crowding and flow on the Nantahala River of North Carolina. Assuming a

constant level of perceived boater crowding, an increase in flow from 400 to 600 cfs was

shown to allow for an additional 670 private boaters on the river. Research also has

shown that streamflow influences recreationists’ evaluations of the scenic beauty of the

surrounding environment. Using video sequences from the Cache La Poudre River in

Colorado, Brown and Daniel (1991) observed a concave relation between flow and scenic

beauty with lowest scenic beauty evaluations at very low and very high water flow levels,

and the highest scenic beauty rating around a medium flow level of 1,300 cfs.

The relation between streamflow and recreationists’ satisfaction with the quality of the

recreational experience has been explored in greater depth. Whisman and Hollenhorst

(1998) found that waterflow levels and related adventure experiences had a relatively

strong impact on whitewater boating satisfaction. In the Aravaipa Creek in Arizona,

Moore et al. (1990) discovered that as streamflow decreased below the median flow,

there was a 45-percent greater chance that recreationists would find water levels

unacceptable. In a study of whitewater recreation, Herrick and McDonald (1992)

examined the effects of eight independent variables on visitor satisfaction with their

recreational experience and noted that satisfaction was most affected by the setting

characteristics, such as waterflow and number and difficulty of rapids.
37

Figure 4—Relation between recreation quality and streamflow (Shelby and Whittaker 1995).

2

1

0

-1

-2

0 200 400 600 800 1000

Unacceptable Acceptable

Optimum flow

Marginal flow Maximum flow

Range of acceptable flows

Flow in cubic feet per second

Flow evaluation curves are used to quantitatively assess recreationists’ evaluations of

conditions at various levels of streamflow. In research studies, evaluations of flow often

follow a bell-shaped or an inverted U-shape (fig. 4), with very low and very high flows

being least acceptable for recreationists and intermediate flows contributing to the

highest levels of recreational quality (Shelby et al. 1992a).

Although flow evaluation curves typically follow an inverted U-shape, the optimum flow

level in cubic feet per second differs depending on the skill level of the recreationists or

the recreational activity. For example, the acceptable level of flow for hikers may be too

low for boating; both groups of recreationists have similar, bell-shaped flow evaluation

curves, although over different magnitudes of flow. In this way, different recreational

activities have different “niches” of acceptable flow. On the Dolores River in Colorado,

Shelby and Whittaker (1995) observed large differences in the flow evaluations of visitors

using open canoes as compared to other watercraft (e.g., large and small rafts and

kayaks), with open canoeists more likely to desire lower flow levels. Furthermore,

greater agreement on minimum level of flows was observed as compared to agreement

over optimum levels of flows. Research studies on flow and recreation also have found

that specific elements of a river trip—such as time to reach camp, availability of

camping sites, safety of rapids, or the challenge of the trip, are affected differently by

flow and therefore have different levels of acceptable flow (Shelby et al. 1992a, 1998).

Because the level of acceptable flow in cubic feet per second is dependent on so many

variables, including the unique attributes of streams or rivers, it is not possible to

generate a quantitative number for flow that can represent the optimum level of

streamflow across all recreational activities or river types.
38

Because optimum streamflow varies by activity, it is important for research studies to

examine the relation between flow and various water-based recreational activities.

Although some studies have examined the impact on fishing from reduction of flow

owing to hydropower development or irrigation (e.g., Johnson and Adams 1988), most

studies examining the relation between streamflow and recreation have focused on

rafters and boaters (see Brown et al. 1991, Shelby et al. 1992a for reviews) and, to a

lesser extent, on hiking or swimming (e.g., Moore et al. 1990). More work on the effect

of streamflow on various recreational activities is needed. Managers who release

different amounts of water from dam-controlled rivers offer an opportunity for researchers

to examine the relation of flow to recreation by observing the subsequent advantages

and disadvantages to various water uses. An ideal controlled flow experiment would

include the release of a full range of flows while recording recreationists’ responses to

the different flow levels. As a result of the FERC relicensing process, controlled

experiments are more easily arranged, although many difficulties (e.g., inability to

release a full range of flows) could limit the potential of this approach (Shelby et al.

1998, Whittaker et al. 1993).

Natural resource managers may have some influence over streamflow levels and the

resulting impacts on recreation. Under some circumstances, water from high spring

runoff can be stored and released in summer when flows naturally decrease (Brown and

Daniel 1991). However, one of the management difficulties is that flow often is subject to

demands from users who own proprietary rights to the resource (Naeser and Smith

1995). If managers are not able to manipulate flow to achieve a desired level, managers

instead could provide recreationists current and accurate information on flow levels so

that recreationists could make informed decisions (Whisman and Hollenhorst 1998). In

certain circumstances, recreationists could substitute different activities when management decisions affect streamflow, such as when a formerly free-flowing river with its

corresponding recreational activities becomes a reservoir with a different set of

recreational activities.

Owing to various uses of water, it is unlikely that complete agreement on optimum flow

levels is possible. However, managers should still try to combine research recommendations about the acceptable or necessary flow levels for recreation with the necessary

flow levels for other uses of water such as fish habitat or channel maintenance so as to

produce the best decision with the available information (Shelby et al. 1992a).

Implications for Research

and Management
39

Integrating

Recreation and Water

Resource

Management

Premises and Challenges

to Integrated Resource

Management

A fundamental premise of an ecosystem-based management approach is that natural

resource systems and human systems are linked; i.e., actions taken in one system will

affect both systems. For example, a decision to alter riparian management will affect

both natural resources (stream conditions and adjacent vegetation) as well as the human

uses and values associated with that particular location. However, there is often much

uncertainty surrounding these complex interrelations, making it difficult to predict the

effects, particularly at the secondary and tertiary level, of any given action. This high

uncertainty increasingly typifies natural resource management actions, increasing, in

turn, the possibility of undesirable, unanticipated, or even irreversible effects stemming

from such actions.

A second fundamental premise is that implementation of more-informed natural resource

management programs and policies is constrained by the lack of effective institutional

structures and processes (Cortner and Moote 1994, Ingram et al. 1984). This is particularly

the case in water resource management; even a cursory literature review reveals problems

Figure 5—Interrelated processes (physical, ecological, and socioeconomic) occurring within watersheds of the Pacific Northwest (From Lane

Council of Governments, Eugene, OR).
40

related to antiquated laws, inefficient pricing schemes, gaps in or overlapping of administrative authority, and ineffective public educational programs.

Thus, a major challenge facing resource managers is developing planning and management frameworks that more effectively identify and accommodate uncertainty and that

facilitate the delivery of informed action. More specifically, the challenge is in developing

ways to strengthen the process of making informed choices about resource management objectives and actions. In particular, how can we gain an improved sense of the

consequences and implications associated with a given decision or action, especially

where the effects of decisions are often distributed across other resource management

sectors and over space and time?

To help clarify the nature of this problem, consider the panoramic landscape shown in

figure 5. This reveals a diverse and complex landscape, varying in topography, land use,

vegetative cover, weather, and so on. Although not explicitly shown, it also likely involves

a variety of jurisdictions and tenures. Across this landscape, various decisions and

actions are underway, often with little or no knowledge of one another, let alone the kinds

of consequences and implications each might hold for the other. For example, decisions

to road or log highland regions will have biological consequences not only for the specific

locales in which these actions take place but for the lowlands and associated riverine

system. The practice of agriculture will produce downstream consequences for other

river uses and users: municipal water supply, recreation, and fish. Similarly, the decision

to promote recreational use of the reservoir might require the need for further water treatment or result in impacts on the amounts and timing of water releases over the dam.

It is apparent a complex array of interactions and consequences are unfolding at any

given time in the drainage portrayed in figure 5. In actuality, however, it is even more

complex because the effects associated with the examples noted above also extend

beyond the boundaries of the drainage; moreover, these effects might only become

noticeable over an extended period.

The problems of identifying, let alone assessing, the many effects of any resource

management decision across a range of spatial and temporal scales, multiple sectors

and tenures, and which involve a host of values and uses, are formidable, perhaps to

the point of either producing paralysis or the simple decision to ignore the consequences

beyond the immediate location, time, and sector. Increasingly, however, these approaches

are untenable, given widespread and intensive public scrutiny and an increasingly

demanding legal environment.

Such issues are particularly apparent in the management of water resources, in part

because of the crucial role of water as an element of environmental quality, cultural

identity, and economic activity and because of its fluid nature; i.e., it moves across the

landscape irrespective of who claims jurisdiction or what land uses are involved. Indeed,

it is these very qualities that are responsible in large part for this Sustainable Water

Initiative.
41

The challenges of dealing with such complex interrelations attract attention among managers and scientists interested in natural resource-based outdoor recreation. Beginning

in the early 1970s, concern among both natural resource managers and recreation

researchers began to emerge over the need for an improved planning framework to

accommodate recreation and various other land management activities and issues. For

example, decisions about transportation systems, often driven by engineering and

timber management concerns, could lead to significant impacts, both positive and

negative, on recreation uses and opportunities. Decisions to build roads in a previously

inaccessible drainage could open up new recreation opportunities for camping or hunting;

however, it could simultaneously eliminate other types of uses and values. However,

functional planning systems and the lack of processes and frameworks that encouraged

and facilitated more integrative, holistic, and comprehensive thinking often led to

questionable decisions that had adverse effects on people and resources.

Similar issues confront the relation between water resource management and recreation.

For example, in the Pacific Northwest, management actions taken to achieve the objectives

of the aquatic conservation strategy (ACS) have emphasized closure of riparian zones.

However, in many cases, these areas are also popular recreation venues experiencing

significant levels of recreation use. Although such use impacted the riparian setting

(e.g., loss of streamside vegetation, erosion), many impacts have long since stabilized.

With closures to facilitate biophysical restoration, however, these traditional recreation

venues are no longer available. Such closures have resulted in vegetation recovery in

many areas; whether significant gains in other environmental variables crucial to

achievement of the ACS objectives have occurred is unclear.

Even less clear is the nature of the consequences and implications of the site closures

on recreation use. In short, what has happened to the use and users who once came to

these locations? Have they moved into adjacent drainages or stream stretches where

such closures are not yet in effect? And if this was the response, what are the associated

impacts on these newly occupied areas; have the impacts on vegetation, soil, and water

that once occurred in the now-closed area simply been displaced to some new location?

In general, information about the consequences of such policies and management actions

are poorly understood, or completely unknown. Inadequate planning frameworks that fail

to facilitate a more comprehensive and integrated assessment of problems, alternatives,

consequences, and implications exacerbate the problem.

A framework is “a structure for supporting or enclosing something else . . . it is a fundamental structure, as for a system of ideas” (Houghton Mifflin 2000). Another way to

think of a framework is to conceive of it as a kind of “mental scaffold” that provides a

way of thinking about problems; a framework should help frame the issue, consider

alternatives, understand relations, and consider implications and consequences. A

framework also should help identify alternative ways to state problems, describe who

and what values and uses might be affected by a decision, and identify the nature of

important links with other actors, events, and institutions. Finally, frameworks should

help make explicit the assumptions that underlie proposed policies and actions (Stankey

and Clark 1998).

In short, a framework should focus, facilitate, and inform the decisionmaking process. It

should help ensure a thorough problem-framing process; i.e., it clarifies the various

participants’ assumptions and preconceptions about the various problems requiring

Developing an Integrated

Framework for

Management of the

Water Regime
42

attention, thereby increasing the likelihood that efforts to resolve the problem are

appropriately focused. An Interaction Associates (1986) report claims that a large

proportion of the effort spent on problem solving ends up solving the wrong problem,

stating the problem so that it cannot be solved, solving a solution, stating the problem

too generally, or trying to reach agreement on the solution before there is agreement on

the problem.

Appropriate processes and structures that help achieve the above conditions facilitate

problem solving; e.g., venues and processes that encourage clarification of assumptions

underlying how one understands a problem (Bardwell 1991). All too often, such processes

and structures do not exist; not uncommonly, barriers to developing such common

understanding exist, including the functional organization of agencies and the underlying

budgetary processes. Finally, the framework should help ensure that those charged with

making decisions and choices have a comprehensive understanding of the alternatives

before them, the consequences associated with those choices, and the implications of

alternative choices.

The roles and functions that frameworks should perform also suggest something of the

attributes that should characterize them. First, it is important that a framework facilitate

a collaborative approach to problem definition, framing, and solution. By collaborative,

we mean that it fosters participation by diverse interests, perspectives, and parties.

Wondolleck and Yaffee (2000, p. xiii) citing the work of Gray (1985, p. 912), define three

components of a collaborative process: (1) the pooling of appreciations or tangible resource,

e.g., information, money, labor, etc., (2) by two or more stakeholders, (3) to solve a set

of problems that neither can solve individually. To facilitate the choice process, a framework must help articulate not only the problem-framing process but also identify available

resources and capacities that exist in order to fashion solutions.

Second, a framework needs to be integrative in nature. In reviewing the extensive body

of literature on the relation between recreation use and the water regime, it is apparent

that a diverse range of academic and disciplinary perspectives are involved; the biophysical sciences of hydrology, engineering, silviculture, wildlife management, and

chemistry meet and mingle with the social sciences of psychology, sociology, political

science, and geography. Moreover, these disciplinary perspectives play out against a

complex administrative and cultural background in which various rules, laws, policies,

and norms are in effect. Both the nature of the problems that one can tease out from

this complex web as well as the range of possible alternative solutions used affect, and

are affected by, the multitude of individual components. For example, the decision to

build a road on a drainage produces impacts on local hydrology that affect the flow

regime, which affects the type and timing of recreation use, which can affect

downstream water quality, and so on.

Third, a framework should facilitate thinking and analysis at multiple scales, including

both spatial and temporal and across multiple jurisdictions. The sources of influence on

the water regime, for example, often extend far beyond the drainage where the water

body is located. Changes to the water regime often produce consequences far beyond

the drainage basin, and some impacts only become apparent long after the management

action occurs. Finally, if the scope of analysis becomes restricted to only those lands

administered by the managing agency, it is easy to miss both sources of impacts, as

well as consequences of actions.

Key Attributes of a

Framework
43

Finally, a framework must emphasize the need for an adaptive management approach.

As noted earlier, risk and uncertainty characterize many of the decisions to which a

framework might be addressed; in addition, problems evolve and change, new information

appears, the sociopolitical environment changes, new technologies appear, and so on.

This means there is a need for ongoing learning and adaptation to these new conditions.

The framework needs to both acknowledge the need for an adaptive approach as well as

to facilitate creation of the structure and processes that promote adaptation. This begins

with clear problem definition, the explicit specification of assumptions, documentation of

hypotheses and anticipated results, and an ability to portray and compare what is

expected with what occurs.

As the preceding review and synthesis of the literature reveals, there are complex links

between water and recreation use. Changes to one component (e.g., recreation access,

flow regimes) can produce significant consequences for other components; such changes

also can have effects beyond the water and recreation sectors. These are not necessarily

negative; e.g., altering flow regimes for the purpose of salmon restoration also could

result in conditions conducive to certain types of recreation. However, the opposite is

also true; often, the nature, extent, and consequences of these secondary or tertiary

effects are taken into account or even recognized. This problem has persisted for many

years and has attracted considerable attention among managers and researchers who

have come to realize that the pressing need was not so much for more data but rather

for a framework to better identify, display, assess, and evaluate interrelations, impacts,

and consequences.

This concern led to development of the recreation opportunity spectrum (ROS) (Clark

and Stankey 1979, Driver and Brown 1978). The ROS was grounded in the need for an

improved framework within which the effects of changes in resource management uses,

policies, and actions on recreation opportunities could be better identified and, when

adverse, mitigated or prevented. Recreation opportunities were defined as the combination

of biological, physical, social, and managerial conditions that give recreational value to a

place. Thus, rather than a traditional focus on recreation uses and activities, the ROS

gave particular attention to the settings in which these uses and activities occurred. This

had the advantage of focusing attention and action on resource settings and conditions;

it enabled managers to begin to consider how changes (e.g., a new road to serve a

timber sale) might affect existing or potential recreation settings and the recreational

uses and experiences associated with those settings.

The ROS highlighted the role of management objectives in order to evaluate the consequences of any given change. Some frame of reference as to what conditions were

desired was necessary in order to frame options. For example, a new road might be

seen as having an adverse consequence for existing recreation opportunities (e.g.,

because it led to increased use of a “primitive” opportunity). However, these adverse

consequences might be prevented or mitigated by design considerations (e.g., where

the road was to be located, the design standards to which it would be built, the rules

governing access to the road, the timing of when haulage would be permitted, etc.).

Alternatively, the road might be seen as a way of fostering a new, perhaps highly

demanded kind of recreation opportunity, featuring motorized access. This option, in

turn, required an assessment of the existing supply of such opportunities, the managing

organization’s capability and role, and various other factors. In short, the ROS provided
44

a systematic, deliberate, and purposeful way of thinking about the relation of recreation

management with other resource management activities.

A key element of the ROS framework was its operationalization of recreation opportunity

settings: by varying the level and character of specific attributes of the setting, each of

which was subject to management control or influence, the framework provided a “common

language” for discussion among various specialists, be they in silviculture, wildlife, water

resource management, or recreation. For example, recreation settings could be described

in terms of the type and level of access, the nature of other resource management

activities appropriate to that setting and type of use, the types and levels of recreation

use, or the nature of appropriate site management. This facilitated the ability of managers

to see how a proposed action or policy might alter the nature of that setting and how

that, in turn, would affect the nature and level of recreation use. Conversely, actions

proposed for the recreation site could be analyzed in terms of how they might affect

other resource uses and values.

The ROS framework was designed to deal, in general, with problems related to the management of recreation and the integration of recreation with the management of other

natural resource sectors, such as timber and road construction. However, the potential

application of these tools to improve the link between recreation and management of

water and riparian systems seems obvious and apparent. For example, it would be

possible to identify explicitly the kinds of changes to recreation opportunities and key

attributes associated with specific water or riparian management actions. As noted

earlier, there are many areas in the Pacific Northwest region where extensive riparian

closures have taken place. However, such closures often have resulted in the loss of key,

favorite recreation settings used by families and friends for many generations. With these

closures come a number of problems. The displaced use might have moved elsewhere,

with a consequence that the impacts on riparian and aquatic systems simply have been

moved from one place to another. Another possibility is that these users have “dropped

out”; a consequence of this result is unhappy citizens who seek redress through

administrative appeals or litigation. This in turn can mean that legitimate resource

management objectives become subject to overturn; at a minimum, it can lead to

increased distrust and acrimony between citizens and managers.

With use of the ROS planning framework, such undesirable outcomes might have been

prevented or mitigated. Initially, it could have helped foster a more thoughtful, deliberative

discussion about the extent to which a complete closure was needed. For example,

would closures only at certain times, or in particular places have been more useful?

Were other management alternatives possible (e.g., site design measures to restrict

direct access to streambanks) and, if so, how might they have been implemented to

both protect the riparian resource as well as the experiences of users? If closures were

needed, what kinds of information, delivered to whom, might be appropriate to offset

adverse public reactions? If users will be displaced, are there real substitutes for these

locations? People often have long-standing attachments and histories with particular

places; simply finding another stream stretch where someone can set up a tent might

not constitute a legitimate alternative. If substitutes are available, what kinds of

management actions are appropriate at these locations to prevent another wave of

unacceptable resource impacts from developing? This latter question points out the

need for coordination within, as well as outside, the managing organization (e.g., if the

alternative locations are on state or private land).
45

The ROS framework also helps develop relevant indicators of resource impacts and

specific standards of conditions associated with specific management actions. For

example, the ROS framework helps identify how the biophysical impacts associated

with recreation use might be managed. A key assumption in much recreation management is that resource impacts in recreation settings are unacceptable. However, both the

scientific literature on the recreation use/impact relation, as well as studies of recreation

visitor attitudes, challenge such an assumption. Recreation impacts (e.g., soil compaction,

vegetative loss) are inevitable; any use produces impacts. Moreover, depending on the

recreation opportunity, as specified in area management objectives, and the types of

recreation use involved, such impacts might either constitute a major need for management intervention or be of no consequence at all. Thus, in the case of water-based

recreation, we might examine the utility of such indicators as water quality, visibility, and

temperature and how changes in these conditions might impact different types of

recreation opportunities.

Clark and Stankey (1979b) argued that in developing measures of what constitutes

appropriate and inappropriate impact, it was necessary to distinguish between the magnitude of the impact and its importance. Magnitude refers to the quantitative aspect of

the phenomenon under study. Typically, independent observers can reliably measure it.

Importance, on the other hand, reflects a value judgment assigned to some phenomenon,

such as vegetative loss or water pollution. Two individuals observing the same magnitude of impact can differ greatly in the importance they assign to that impact. In turn,

these different judgments could lead to very different management responses (e.g., see

Driver and Bassett 1977, Wollmuth et al. 1985).

Using sound as an example, Clark and Stankey (1979b) describe how the ROS framework could help managers. In this case, sound is a physical phenomenon susceptible to

objective, quantitative measurement. When either the level of sound, or the particular

form of sound, are judged as inappropriate or unacceptable, they are defined as “noise,”

a measure of importance. As one considers a given level and source of sound (e.g.,

highway traffic), and reflects on them across different kinds of recreation settings

(ranging, for example, from a highly developed car access campground to a wilderness),

one finds that what constitutes “noise” changes dramatically. In a wilderness, any

mechanized sound, irrespective of the decibel level, is often defined as noise. In a highly

developed campground, sounds not noticed at mid-day might become noise at 2 a.m.

The ROS framework therefore can help managers in thinking about, and developing

appropriate management responses for, a particular type of impact. It forces an explicit

consideration of assumptions (e.g., the idea of “no impact”), it requires managers to

think across functional and jurisdictional boundaries (e.g., what types of sounds, their

origin), and it provides the opportunity for consideration of alternatives (e.g., banning the

source, buffering its effects, altering its timing, informing users about it, etc.).

A final benefit of the ROS, as noted in the above discussion, is that it helps make

explicit the underlying assumptions and value systems of those involved in the management decisionmaking process (Driver et al. 1987). These assumptions and values are

often ignored even though they are a major driving force in the kinds of actions, policies,

and programs that are initiated. For example, the belief that all human-induced impact is
46

“bad” and should be controlled at all costs can easily lead to an onerous, regulatoryridden management regime that might or might not produce any desirable benefits for

the very values, conditions, or species they are designed to protect, while at the same

time producing high costs for recreationists.

However, the usefulness of the ROS in dealing with the complex problems associated

with recreation and water is dependent on the availability of sound, reliable information. For

example, as the previous discussion in this report details, we lack basic understanding

of such fundamental descriptive information as the types, levels, and distribution of existing

recreation use. We similarly lack an understanding of the extent to which attributes of

natural resource settings, such as specific flow regimes for kayaking, are essential to

an activity as opposed to simply preferred. Also limited is the ability to describe the

nature of the cause-and-effect relations that exist between and among recreation uses

and water; the ability, for example, to describe the specific impacts associated with

particular patterns, types, or levels of recreation use on water and riparian settings

generally is poor. The lack of basic information about both supply and demand elements

of outdoor recreation resources and use compromises our ability to use frameworks,

such as the ROS, in an effective manner.

Other constraints affect the capacity to deliver effective decisionmaking. For example, it

has become increasingly obvious that land management organizations are faced with

serious challenges of organizational capacity and memory; for the ROS framework, we

routinely find that despite the widespread use (and understanding) of these tools that

were commonly found 5 to 10 years ago, much of this experience and knowledge is now

lost. The continued functional structure and funding of resource management organizations

also constrains the ability to think and act integratively; such institutional constraints

often prove difficult to alter, despite their impact on more effective planning and

management (Clark et al. 1999).

This report examines water-based recreation as a proxy for understanding social values

and uses of water in the Pacific Northwest. Our investigation of the reciprocal relation

between recreation and the water regime has improved our understanding of the state of

knowledge surrounding these issues and of the potential challenges facing recreation

and water management.

One primary finding is that future management of the water regime will be greatly influenced

by external influences (regional, national, and global) beyond the control of management.

Much of the predicted change in future recreation patterns will result from demographic

shifts occurring across the country, including the migration of residents from Eastern

States to the West and the rapidly aging population. Furthermore, technological advances

allowing people to recreate in locations distant from their primary residence increases

the potential that nonresident recreationists will strongly influence the future direction of

water management in the state (e.g., Alaska). Because these drivers of change will greatly

affect recreation, an understanding of social trends is critical for anticipating and

preparing for future recreation demand. Although the complexity associated with the

combined impacts of demographic and technological variables make accurate forecasts

difficult, sufficient data are available to anticipate the trajectory of some of the key

social and demographic trends influencing recreation.

Conclusions
47

In contrast, a fundamental problem facing water management for recreation is the

pervasive lack of adequate data on various aspects related to recreation use, including

who recreates, how often they recreate, in what recreation activities people participate ,

and so forth. Our inability to accurately gauge current recreation use trends makes it

difficult, if not impossible, for managers to anticipate long-term recreation patterns.

Without this information, managers will be fundamentally disadvantaged, because they

will not have adequate data to make informed decisions about shifting recreation demands.

Some research on recreation trends was conducted in the 1970s and 1980s; however,

continuous updating of this work is necessary to account for shifting patterns over time.

Particularly considering the influence of rapid technological change on recreation,

conclusions based on prior information might not be applicable today.

Although a thorough understanding of recreation use patterns is needed to make informed

choices about water use and distribution, we cannot afford to postpone management

decisions until full and complete information becomes available. Limitations in recreation

use data simply mean that we will have to work in an environment of higher uncertainty.

Decisions affecting water-based recreation cannot be avoided because the failure to act

is itself a decision with its own set of consequences. Instead, managers will need to

move in a more conservative, thoughtful manner, giving particular emphasis to sound

monitoring programs and an adaptive approach to management. A substantial body of

knowledge exists on other aspects of recreation and water management from which

insights may be drawn and later revised as new knowledge is gathered.

Lastly, we need to better understand how to integrate our knowledge of water-based

recreation with other uses of water. Although there are many interconnections between

management of water for recreation and other values (e.g., municipal water supply), our

understanding of these relations is limited. We need to acknowledge that decisions cannot

be made in isolation; management changes to the water regime for one purpose will

have consequences and implications for other uses, including recreation. For example,

management decisions in response to declining fish populations can have implications,

either positive or negative, for recreation or for other aspects of the water regime. Furthermore, management decisions have the potential to indirectly influence the water regime

in other locations by shifting demand to other sites. The relations among various uses of

water, including both direct and indirect consequences to recreation and the water regime,

need to be considered and fully accounted for in water management decisions.

We thank Steve McCool, Bo Shelby, and Jo Tynon for reviewing the manuscript.

Portions of this work were incorporated into a forthcoming work by Everest et al, (in

press) which presents a larger more general review of scientific information on issues

related to use and management of water resources in the Pacific Northwest.

Acknowledgments

Metric Equivalents When you know: Multiply by: To find:

Inches 2.54 Centimeters

Feet 0.305 Meters

Cubic feet per second 0.028 Cubic meters per second

Miles 1.61 Kilometers

Gallons 264.2 Cubic meters
48

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