TERRORIST BEHEADINGS:

CULTURAL AND STRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS

Ronald H. Jones

June 2005

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PREFACE

 The U.S. Army War College provides an excellent environment for selected military officers and 

government civilians to reflect and use their career experience to explore a wide range of strategic 

issues. To assure that the research developed by Army War College students is available to Army and 

Department of Defense leaders, the Strategic Studies Institute publishes selected papers in its Carlisle 

Papers in Security Strategy Series.

 This Carlisle paper, by Mr. Ronald H. Jones, defines terrorism; reviews the history of ritual murder, 

human sacrifice, and terrorism as a tactic used by religious groups; and focuses on the cultural 

significance, motivations, and objectives of these groups. Terrorist beheadings in Iraq are described 

and analyzed, and political rituals in democracies and the Middle East are discussed. Finally, the 

author provides policy recommendations for strategic leaders and planners to utilize as they assess 

and develop effective defensive and offensive countermeasures to this tactic.

ANTULIO J. ECHEVARRIA II

Director of Research

Strategic Studies Institute 
iv

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

RONALD H. JONES is a Senior Financial Management Analyst in the Office of the Assistant Secretary 

of the Army (Financial Management and Comptroller). Previous assignments include 13 years with 

the Army Audit Agency, where he performed audits and consulting engagements at over 50 DoD 

installations in 25 states and 4 countries, in diverse subjects such as acquisition, program management, 

logistics, readiness, base closure, and financial management. In 1996-97 he managed the first security 

audit of a major department of the Defense Information System. The resulting recommendations to the 

Army chief intelligence officer and the Secretary of the Army were instrumental in obtaining funding 

for firewalls and network control centers, and strengthened information systems security Armywide. Mr. Jones holds a B.A. in Art History from Saint Louis University, an M.P.A. from Troy State 

University, and an M.S.S. from the U.S. Army War College (class of 2005). He is also a graduate of the 

Army Management Staff College. 
v

ABSTRACT

 Taking hostages and ritually beheading them has emerged as a popular terrorist tactic for radical 

groups. Using camcorders and the Internet, any group can mount an international media event at the 

tactical level that has tremendous strategic impact. Terrorists hope to strike fear into the populace and 

weaken the resolve of those who might support the global war on terrorism. The terrorists’ actions also 

have tremendous cultural and symbolic significance for their audience. Killing hostages is not new, but 

the growing trend of the graphic murder of noncombatants impels us to study this tactic.

 This paper defines terrorism; reviews the history of ritual murder, human sacrifice, and terrorism as 

a tactic used by religious groups; and focuses on the cultural significance, motivations, and objectives of 

these groups. Historical trends in hostage taking and American foreign policy are examined. Terrorist 

beheadings in Iraq are described and analyzed, and political rituals in democracies and the Middle East 

are discussed. Finally, the paper provides policy recommendations for strategic leaders and planners 

to utilize as they assess and develop effective defensive and offensive countermeasures to this tactic.

1

TERRORIST BEHEADINGS:

CULTURAL AND STRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS

 Taking hostages and ritually beheading them has emerged as a popular terrorist tactic for radical 

groups. Hostages are taken when dramatic results are desired, ransoms are being demanded, or when 

there is some urgency to the hostage taker’s needs. In unstable and insecure environments such as 

Iraq, hostages can be obtained easily. Using camcorders and the Internet, any group can mount an 

international media event at the tactical level that has tremendous strategic impact. Terrorists hope to 

strike fear into the populace, in order to influence political decisions and weaken the resolve of nations 

and individuals who might support the global war on terrorism. Their actions also have tremendous 

cultural and symbolic significance for their audience, which includes other insurgents, potential 

recruits, and local citizens. Killing hostages is not new, but the growing trend of the graphic murder of 

noncombatants impels us to study this tactic.

DEFINITIONS

 The Department of Defense defines terrorism as “the calculated use of unlawful violence or threat of 

unlawful violence to inculcate fear; intended to coerce or to intimidate governments or societies in the 

pursuit of goals that are generally political, religious, or ideological.”1

 “To execute” has been defined 

as “to inflict capital punishment on; to put to death according to law.”2

 “Ritual murder” is “the murder 

of a person as a human sacrifice to a deity.”3 “Murder” implies a crime, while “execution” implies a 

judicially-sanctioned punishment, but today’s kidnappers blur the distinctions between the two.

RITUAL MURDER, HUMAN SACRIFICE, 

AND RELIGIOUS TERRORISM

 Anthropologist David Kertzer analyzed ritual and symbolism in societies throughout history, 

believing that a knowledge about them is crucial to understanding the politics of a culture. He states 

emphatically:

Politics is expressed through symbolism. Rather little that is political involves the use of direct force . . . To 

understand the political process, then, it is necessary to understand how the symbolic enters politics, how political 

actors consciously and unconsciously manipulate symbols, and how this symbolic dimension relates to the material 

bases of power . . . ritual is an integral part of politics in modern industrial societies; it is hard to imagine how any 

political system could do without it.4

 Ritual murder, motivated by religious convictions, is an ancient tactic used to create terror. The 

names of murderous religious groups such as Jewish Zealots, Muslim Assassins, and Hindi Thugs 

entered the English language as words to describe terrorists.5

 In his seminal study of “holy terror,” 

David Rapoport says that religion provided the only justification for terrorism until the early 19th 

century.6 That period saw the end of divine, monarchical rule in Europe, followed by the emergence 

of nationalism and self-determination. In the last half of the 19th century, various schools of radical 

political thought, embracing Marxist ideology, anarchism, and nihilism, transformed terrorism from a 

mostly religious to a predominantly secular phenomenon.7

 Human sacrifices were commonly performed to appease the gods, ensure victory in battle, or 

guarantee a bountiful harvest. In the Old Testament, Abraham prepared to sacrifice his son, Isaac, only 

to be stopped by an angel of God. The Aztecs perfected ritual as a way to intimidate other peoples. On 

special occasions such as the dedication of a new temple, the Aztecs invited neighboring dignitaries to 

observe the rites, which always included human sacrifice.8
2

 In 1979, terrorism as a tactic used by religious groups re-emerged with the Islamic revolution in Iran. 

Other religious groups quickly followed suit. According to a 2002 National War College (NWC) report, 

a new trend within Islamic radicalism was the advent of the violent opposition of salafi extremists to 

other sects of Islam, branding them as traitors to the pure and true faith. One example was the brutal 

campaign waged by the Pashtun Taliban against the Hazara Shiites in Afghanistan.9

 The Taliban had 

differing rituals, traditions, and law, and were ethnically distinct from the Hazara.10 The Taliban did not 

consider the Shiites to be true Muslims because of their distinctive doctrine of the imamate. The Shiite 

imam is more exalted than the Sunni imam, whose primary function is to lead prayer. The imamate 

refers to a group of male spiritual leaders regarded by the Shiites as descendents of Muhammad divinely 

appointed to guide humans.

 The NWC report coined a new term to describe the global terrorism threat―“pansurgency”―which 

it defined as a strategy to “incite worldwide insurgencies to overthrow Western ideals and replace 

them with a new world order under radical views of Islam.”11 Unlike some other world religions, 

Islam is highly decentralized, with no principal authority or ruling body to uniformly interpret the 

Quran’s guiding principles. The radicals’ goal is a regional hegemony, with cooperation among the 

various groups. The report cited six global terrorist groups which support the creation of an Islamist 

Palestinian state in place of Israel and the elimination of U.S. influence in all of the Middle East.12 Since 

the report was published, new groups should be included who share these goals.13 Although there 

has been a resurgence in groups using religious arguments to justify terrorist tactics, it is important 

to note they also have political, nationalistic, or cultural motivations, and their behavior is driven by 

ideology.

CAPITAL PUNISHMENT

 “Capital punishment” derives from the Latin word “capitalis” meaning “head,” since in ancient 

times a death sentence typically meant the offender lost his head.14 To place the beheadings in context, 

it is instructive to look at the methods and meaning of capital punishment over time. Unlike ritual 

murder or human sacrifice, capital punishment is imposed according to the rule of law. It represents 

the ultimate decision of power over the individual―the taking of life itself. Many cultures believed 

execution was more humane than long-term imprisonment. It also was costly to feed and house 

prisoners, and they might escape or be rescued.

 The history of execution is filled with symbolism and conflicting themes. When mercy was desired, 

a quick and painless death was granted. If the crime was heinous (such as murder, witchcraft, treason, 

or heresy), the maximum suffering and deterrent effect were called for through a prolonged and 

agonizing death like burning at the stake or drawing, hanging, and quartering.15 The form of execution 

also was tailored to social status, nationality, and sex (either commoner or royalty, citizen or foreigner, 

male or female). The ancient Romans considered beheading to be less dishonorable and painful, so 

they beheaded citizens while crucifying noncitizens.16 In Britain, beheading was reserved for nobles 

convicted of treason or murder, while commoners were hanged.17

 Beheading’s symbolism make it an ideal deterrent. Many societies revered the head as the seat of 

wisdom and consciousness, believing it must be connected to the body for the soul to pass into the 

next life. Without it, the spirit would wander as a restless, headless ghost, as in Washington Irving’s 

tale, “The Headless Horseman of Sleepy Hollow.” The head is also the only body part which, when 

removed, can be easily identified as belonging to that person. Relatives and friends naturally react 

with fear and revulsion after gazing upon the severed head of someone they know. The Old Testament 

contains famous stories such as Judith beheading Holofernes and Herod ordering the beheading of 

John the Baptist. Western kings and Muslim caliphs continued the tradition by displaying opponents’ 

severed heads on platters or pikes.
3

 Terrorist beheadings deliberately have been painful. In contrast, judicially-sanctioned beheadings 

can be quick and relatively humane, but there are inherent physical problems. First, a skilled headsman 

is required to accurately and powerfully strike the right spot to sever the head, since the muscles, 

vertebrae, and spinal cord of the neck are tough. Second, the prisoner is usually blindfolded so he does 

not see the axe or sword coming and move at the crucial moment. In beheading and guillotining, an 

assistant often held the prisoner’s hair or head to prevent them from moving. Finally, the results are 

extremely gory, as blood spurts from the severed aorta and veins of the neck. No doubt these factors 

led to the abandonment of beheading in recent decades by most countries that used it.18

 Saudi Arabia is the only country to still use decapitation as a form of death penalty,19 basing it 

on the kingdom’s strict interpretation of Islamic Law. Most Muslim countries use the firing squad or 

hanging in official executions. In 2003, Saudi Arabia decapitated 53 individuals (52 men and 1 woman) 

for crimes such as homosexuality, murder, rape, armed robbery, and drug trafficking.20 The Saudi 

executioner uses a curved sword in a public square, and the event occurs almost weekly on the Sabbath 

(Friday), in the afternoon after prayers.21 An account of a Riyadh beheading in 2000 demonstrates the 

powerful rituals involved.22 First, policemen clear the square of traffic and lay out a thick blue plastic 

tarp about 16 feet square. Next the condemned man is led out, dressed in his own clothes, eyes covered. 

He has been given tranquilizers. He is barefoot, feet shackled; hands cuffed behind his back, and then 

forced to kneel in the center of the plastic. An Interior Ministry official reads his name and crime 

before the witnesses. A soldier hands a long-curved sword to the executioner, who approaches from 

behind and jabs the prisoner in the back with the tip of the sword, so he instinctively lifts his head. The 

executioner then severs the head with a mighty blow. Paramedics place the body in an ambulance, and 

the blue plastic is taken up.

 In June 2004, two terrorist beheadings occurred almost simultaneously: the decapitation of Paul 

Johnson, an American contractor in Saudi Arabia, and Kim Sun-il, a South Korean contractor in Iraq. In 

reaction, the Saudi Institute published an article denouncing the Saudi practice of public beheadings as 

barbaric and a source of inspiration to the terrorists.23 Muslim and Arab organizations have emphasized 

that the beheadings do not enhance the temperate and moderate expression of Islam.

 Well into the 20th century, most executions were public spectacles. Botched executions, as well as a 

desire for more “scientific” techniques, led to supposedly less cruel methods and inventions such as the 

guillotine, firing squad, electric chair, gas chamber, and lethal injection. Most states are moving towards 

lethal injection as the method of choice. Outside the United States, many countries hold that capital 

punishment contravenes universal standards of human rights, and is a form of torture. Consequently, 

nondramatic, antiseptic, and “modern” forms of execution are preferred today.

HOSTAGES AND AMERICAN 

FOREIGN POLICY

 In understanding hostages and their place in American foreign policy, it is useful to look at historic 

trends. Russell Buhite’s 1995 study of terrorist incidents traces their effect on 200 years of American 

foreign policy, and the prominent role that hostage incidents played in the administrations of several 

Presidents. Buhite concluded that “No American president of the 20th century has effectively practiced 

no ransom/no negotiation; none has utilized swift and ‘effective’ retribution.”24 Even Ronald Reagan, 

when confronted with the hijacking of a TWA flight to Rome on June 14, 1985, with 122 Americans 

on board, eventually put pressure on the government of Israel to release many of the 766 Shiites held 

in an Israeli jail, thus satisfying the main demand of the hijackers.25 Buhite analyzed the prolonged 

hostage situations of his and earlier times, and concluded that negotiation bought time and saved lives. 

Consequently, he advocated an adhoc, flexible policy that included negotiation backed by political, 

economic, and military leverage (occasionally using punishing military power). He also advocated 
4

support from the international community, sophisticated police and espionage activity, and, most 

importantly, foresight to keep Americans out of harm’s way.26

 International policy is contained in the United Nations (UN) International Convention Against the 

Taking of Hostages enacted in 1979, soon after the Iranian takeover of the U.S. embassy in Tehran and 

the seizure of 52 American hostages. “State parties shall make hostage taking a grave offense, take 

all appropriate measures to ease the situation of the hostage, take alleged offenders into custody and 

either prosecute the offenders or allow them to be extradited.”27

 From a U.S. policy perspective, combating terrorism is defined as two sets of actions: antiterrorism 

(defense measures such as awareness training and force protection to reduce vulnerability to terrorist 

acts) and counterterrorism (offensive measures taken to prevent, deter, and respond to terrorism).28

According to the State Department, U.S. counterterrorism strategy is guided by four enduring policy 

principles, the first specifically mentions hostages. The policies are: 

First, make no concessions to terrorists and strike no deals. Second, bring terrorists to justice for their crimes. Third, 

isolate and apply pressure on states that sponsor terrorism to force them to change their behavior. Fourth, bolster 

the counterterrorist capabilities of those countries that work with the United States and require assistance.29

Though the policy forbids negotiation, it allows for dialogue with hostage takers, saying the U.S. 

Government will make every effort, including contact with representatives of the captors, to obtain the 

release of hostages without making concessions to the hostage takers.30

 The National Strategy for Combating Terrorism, published in 2003, contains four goals and 

objectives, which serve as recommended strategic actions.31 The objectives are: defeat terrorists and 

their organizations; deny sponsorship, support and sanctuary to terrorists; diminish the underlying 

conditions that terrorists seek to exploit; and defend U.S. citizens and interests at home and abroad. 

Generally, the former two objectives are more offensive in nature, while the later two objectives are 

defensive in nature.

 In the context of U.S. history, the non-negotiation policy does not correspond with what most 

20th century presidents actually did when confronted with a hostage situation. The current nonnegotiation strategy may cause a lack of support for U.S. interests and personnel abroad. Other 

countries apparently have recently responded to terrorist demands or paid ransoms to terrorists. On 

September 7, 2004, two Italian aid workers were kidnapped. A statement released on the Internet from 

a group called the Islamic Jihad Organization in Iraq threatened to kill the two Italian women if Italy 

failed to withdraw its troops within 24 hours. The hostages were released, but only allegedly after 

a ransom of as much as $1 million was paid―a charge which the Italian prime minister denied.32 In 

another hostage incident, Amari Saifi, a leader of an Algerian Islamic militant group, told Paris Match

magazine that his group received ransom payments to release 32 mainly German hostages they had 

kidnapped in February and March 2003. Saifi refused to say the exact sum paid, saying they promised 

not to divulge the amount. The German press speculated that around Euro 5 million (US$6 million) 

had been paid, but the German foreign ministry in Berlin refused to comment.33 In light of all this, one 

writer concluded that, in September 2004, of the more than 140 foreigners taken hostage in Iraq since 

April, most had been freed, often after the kidnappers’ demands were met, and often for financial 

gain.34

 The reaction of some European governments to September 11, 2001 (9/11) is necessarily different 

from that of United States, which had not been attacked in the continental United States for over 150 

years. There is no evidence the current Bush administration has negotiated with the jihadists. The 

current political climate makes negotiation very unlikely, given the hard-line rhetoric of the neoconservatives on the one side, and the brutal beheadings of Americans on the other.
5

SYMBOLISM OF THE SWORD

 The sword is a prominent symbol in many cultures. It has been a cavalry warrior’s weapon of 

choice for hundreds of years. Fine swords were expensive and difficult to produce, so they became the 

weapon symbolic of the noble or warrior classes who could afford them.

 In the Muslim world, the sword’s symbolism comes from its connections with the past. In Arab 

warfare, fighters first fought with lances because they were lighter and less costly; and only later fought 

with swords. The sword remained the primary symbol of an Arab fighter until the introduction of the 

rifle (and for large armies, a bayonet was applied at the end of the rifle). Khalid ibn Walid, the great 

general of the Muslim armies in the Prophet Muhammad’s era, was called the Sword of God (Sayfullah) 

just as tribes often referred to themselves as the “sword” of their leader. Various tribal groups in the 

Middle East still perform ritual sword dances that mimic battle.35 To commemorate this heritage, the 

Omani and Saudi flags feature two curved swords.

 The sword is also a prominent symbol in the Quran. Harb is the general term for warfare not 

specifically designated as jihad.

36 Jihad literally means struggle or offensive war and is frequently defined 

in English as “holy war.” Muslims distinguish between the greater jihad, the daily struggle to fulfill the 

requirements and ideals of Islam, and the lesser jihad, fighting for the faith.37 A Muslim can participate 

in jihad in several ways―by waging war with the heart, tongue, hands, or sword.38 In an analysis of 

Quranic verses of war, Aboul-Enein and Zuhur note:

Specific verses that sanction fighting against persecution are called the Sword Verses (emphasis added). Other 

verses speak of fighting in a just manner, and still others could be termed Verses of Peace and Forgiveness. Certain 

scholars and radicals taught that the Sword Verses abrogated or nullified the Verses of Peace.39

Thus the sword is an important Islamic symbol with many meanings.

TERRORIST BEHEADINGS IN IRAQ40

 The Iraqi beheadings, or threat of beheadings, generally stemmed from two situations or phases 

where hostages were seized and videotaped. In the first situation, the demand phase, kidnappers made 

demands that had to be met, or the hostage would be killed. In the second situation, the execution phase, 

the kidnappers either recorded the actual beheading or the aftermath. Sometimes only one phase was 

videotaped.

 The nationality of the victim and the circumstances seemed to dictate whether the terrorists would 

make any demands or just kill the victim. In some cases, it seemed the terrorists deliberately planned to 

behead the victim and videotape the murder for the terrorizing effect it would create. This motivation 

was attributed to his captors by French journalist Georges Malbrunot, who, along with another French 

journalist, was released just before Christmas (December 22, 2004) after 4 months in captivity in Iraq. 

He said: “On Planet bin Laden, they look first at your nationality. Had we been British―or from some 

other coalition country―we would have been decapitated within days.”41 Mr. Malbrunot believed they 

were not killed because they were French. They saw other hostages, most of whom were later killed. 

Fereydun Jahani, an Iranian consul, was to be released, but two Macedonians were beheaded, as was 

a bodyguard for Iraqi National Congress leader Ahmad Chalabi. Mr. Malburnot said: “We heard them 

interrogate an Iraqi hostage working on an electricity plant. They divide hostages into two categories―

those who are to be executed, and those worth entering into negotiations over.”42 Mr. Malbrunot related 

that their interrogator grilled them and then presented evidence before a tribunal presided over by 

a sheikh. He concluded, “The tribunal apparently decided we were worth negotiating over, and on 

September 2, Christian and I were moved to a better place.”43
6

 After the Iraq war began, there was a rash of kidnappings. The primary victims were Iraqi 

citizens abducted by Iraqi criminals and ransomed for financial reasons.44 In April 2004, as U.S. forces 

simultaneously attacked insurgents in Falluja and Najaf, two groups―the Islamic Army in Iraq and 

groups linked to al-Zarqawi―began kidnapping foreigners in order to prevent those countries from 

sending troops or assisting with the Iraq’s reconstruction. These two groups were the main producers 

of the videos of executions or victims pleading for their lives.45

 An analysis of media reports and photographs published on the web reveals certain stylistic and 

ritualistic elements occur again and again. For example, the kidnappers are masked or wear headscarves. 

They dress in black (like executioners) and hold weapons. A banner advertises the group’s name (adding 

a formal or authoritative tone). In the foreground the prisoner(s) kneel, sit, or appear in a subservient or 

distressing condition. Sometimes the prisoners wear an orange jumpsuit like the Abu Ghraib detainees. 

There is a reading of “offenses” or “crimes.” The prisoner then has the opportunity for “last words” or 

pleads with the audience to acquiesce to the kidnappers’ demands and secure his release.

 A photograph of Turkish workers is a representative tableau and demonstrates many of the 

ritualistic elements.46 The Turkish workers kneel before militants loyal to al-Zarqawi, and they hold 

up Turkish passports as proof of their identity. Behind them, a banner reads “Tawhid and Jihad”―

the name of al-Zarqawi’s organization. The kidnapping of the Turkish workers and posting of the 

videotape were strategically timed to influence political events and weaken the resolve of NATO. The 

group or its followers already had beheaded an American, Nicholas Berg, and a South Korean, Kim 

Sun-Il. The videotape was aired by al-Jazeera on June 26, 2004; an article with a photo was published 

June 27, and the next day, President Bush visited Turkey for the opening of a North Atlantic Treaty 

Organization (NATO) summit, seeking the alliance’s help in stabilizing Iraq. In a written statement, the 

group demanded Turkish companies stop doing business with American forces in Iraq and called for 

“large demonstrations” in Turkey against the visit of “Bush, the criminal.”47

 We can analyze incidents by grouping them according to whether the victims were non-Muslims, 

or whether they were Muslims in alliance with non-Muslims.

TREATMENT OF NON-MUSLIMS 

 A common ritual in many societies, a young man on a journey to “find himself,” resulted in one of 

the stranger beheading incidents. On October 31, 2004, the beheaded remains of a 24-year-old Japanese 

backpacker, Shosei Koda, were found in Baghdad, wrapped in an American flag. Koda apparently 

opposed the war and invasion of Iraq. On October 26, 2004, Al-Zarqawi’s group posted a videotape 

message, with a picture of Koda, on the Internet.48 The kidnappers claimed he worked for Japanese 

defense forces, and they accused Japan of supporting the United States. They demanded that Japan 

withdraw its forces from Iraq within 48 hours, or he would be beheaded. On October 27, 2004, Prime 

Minister Junichiro Koizumi rejected the demand, saying he would not submit to terrorist threats. When 

the body was discovered, Al-Zarqawi’s group released another videotape, which depicted three men 

pouncing on Koda and beheading him. The message conveyed was the jihadists believed it was okay 

to kill non-Muslims who, in their view, supported the United States.

 In May 2004, the beheading incidents first garnered world-wide attention with the killing of 

Nicholas Berg, which occurred almost at the same time the Abu Ghraib prison scandal photos were 

published. When the video was released, it was the most popular search item on the Internet.49 A scene 

from his execution, posted to an al-Qaeda linked website on May 12, 2004, obviously quotes from 

published images of public beheadings and the Abu Ghraib prison scandal.50 It shows the 26-year-old 

Philadelphia businessman in an orange jumpsuit, with his hands tied behind his back, sitting in front 

of five men wearing headscarves and black ski masks. The video bore the title, “Abu Musab al-Zarqawi 
7

Shown Slaughtering an American.” According to Time magazine, Central Intelligence Agency officials 

said there was a “high probability” the knife was wielded by al-Zarqawi himself.51

 The linkage between the U.S. treatment of Abu Ghraib prisoners and the slaying of Nicholas Berg 

was more than visual. The center militant read a long statement, in which he specifically said they had 

tried to trade Berg for prisoners at Abu Ghraib, but the U.S. Government refused. The executioner 

said, “So we tell you that the dignity of the Muslim men and women in Abu Ghraib and others is not 

redeemed except by blood and souls. You will not receive anything from us but coffins after coffins . . 

. slaughtered in this way.”52 After finishing the statement, the men pulled Berg onto his side, and the 

center figure thrust a large knife to his neck. A scream sounded as the men cut off his head, repeatedly 

shouting “Allahu Akbar!” or “God is great.”53

TREATMENT OF MUSLIMS

 The press has reported at length about more than 150 non-Muslims or foreigners kidnapped or killed 

in Iraq,54 but lesser coverage has been given to attacks on Muslims or Iraqi citizens. Attacks against 

Muslims seemed to target those who were considered to be in alliance with, or collaborating with, 

the Americans or non-Muslims. An important concept to understand is that apostasy, the denying of 

one’s faith in Islam or conversion to another religious creed, is considered to be one of the most serious 

crimes under Islamic law.

 After the interim Iraqi government took over on June 28, 2004, there was an increase of kidnapping 

attacks on foreigners, which seemed to have the desired effect of causing several companies to 

remove workers and several countries to withdraw troops and to cease helping with the country’s 

reconstruction.55 Then in Fall 2004, the focus of the attacks shifted away from foreigners towards the 

Iraqis themselves, such as police officers, national guardsmen, election commission members, political 

candidates, and prominent government officials. Partisan targets included Shiite and Kurdish citizens 

and Christian churches. Violence was directed at the Iraqis to lessen support for the interim government, 

disrupt elections, and continue the chaotic conditions that favored the militants. The militants labeled 

these Iraqis as “traitors.”

 Two incidents illustrate this point. Two Iraqis purported to be National Intelligence Officers, Fadhel 

Ibrahim and Firas Imeil, were captured in Baghdad’s Haifa Street on September 28, 2004. Two weeks 

later, a beheading videotape was posted to the Internet in the name of the Brigades of Abu Bakr AlSidiq, a group affiliated with al-Zarqawi’s Tawhid and Jihad organization. In the 10-minute tape, the 

captives identified themselves and when and where they were captured. In the tape, four masked 

gunmen stood behind the blindfolded captives. One militant said: “It is a disgrace that such a criminal 

is considered as a member of our nation.”56 Then two other masked men held down Ibrahim, and third 

one severed the captive’s head with a knife before holding it up to the camera. Imeil was killed in 

identical fashion. Before being beheaded, both victims advised fellow Iraqis working in the intelligence, 

police, National Guard, and other services to quit their jobs and “repent to God.”57

 The Ansar al-Sunna Army claimed responsibility for several beheadings and released three 

videotapes between August and October 2004 which showed a Turkish driver, an Arab Shiite Muslim, 

and 12 Nepalese construction workers. On October 23, 2004, a fourth videotape was posted to Islamic 

websites. The victim, presumably an Iraqi, spoke in Arabic and identified himself as Seif Kanaan. He 

said he worked as a vehicle mechanic and beverage deliverer for U.S. forces at the Mosul airport. The 

tape showed Kanaan with his hands tied behind his back, seated in front of three armed, masked 

militants. Behind the kidnappers was a black banner with white Arabic script bearing the group’s 

name. One militant described Kanaan as a “crusader spy recruited by American troops to follow and 

carry information about the mujahedeen in Mosul.”58 Shortly before he was killed, the hostage said, 
8

“I am telling anybody who wants to work with Americans to not work with them. I found out that 

the mujahadeen have very accurate information [and] strong intelligence about everything. They are 

stronger than I thought.”59 A militant then slit the victim’s throat, severed his head, and placed the head 

on his back.

EVOLUTION OF THE TECHNIQUE

 Two incidents are interesting, because they show the exportation and adaptability of beheading 

as a technique. In November 2004, there was a copycat beheading of a Buddhist laborer, Kaew, in 

Thailand. Kaew was the third Buddhist man to be beheaded by suspected Islamic insurgents that year, 

and the second in retaliation for a October 25 incident when security forces cracked down on a violent 

demonstration outside a police station, resulting in the deaths of at least 85 Muslim protestors.60 In a 

January 2005 incident, a bizarre improvised explosive device was created when militants strapped a 

booby-trapped bomb onto a beheaded body and blew it up as Iraqi police approached to investigate 

the corpse.61 The mind of man is ever-resourceful. Both sides will create new countermeasures, and 

undoubtedly the technique will continue to evolve.

MULTIMEDIA TECHNIQUES

 Gary Blunt coined the term “e-jihad” to describe Islamist organizations which use the Internet to 

propagate a message of religious violence.62 Since 9/11, jihadists have been very successful in leveraging 

the Internet to amplify or broadcast their message. The beheading videos are a small part of a larger, 

sophisticated media campaign which has grown and evolved in a complex way. Early videos included 

“last will and testament” films of suicide bombers, recording their motivations and enshrining them 

as martyrs. The videos were played after the attack to claim credit and recruit more martyrs. One 

beheading video included footage of the surveillance and actual kidnapping of the victim, followed by 

his confinement, questioning, and murder, and thus served as a “how to” or documentary film.

 In addition to videos, jihadists are producing and distributing computer art productions, songs, and 

prayers designed to motivate anti-U.S. mujahedeen.63 Posters or montages of photos glorify al-Qaeda 

operations and encourage anti-U.S. violence. The images are usually embedded in bulletin boards 

or stored in digital archives, allowing them to be copied and spread quickly across the Internet. The 

songs, called anashid, vary widely in content and origin but typically consist of chanting combined 

with military sound effects. They encourage suicide operations by calling to mind Islamic conquests 

of the past or the prestige of Islamic culture.64 Short audio clips are embedded in threads in jihadist 

bulletin boards, while high-quality ones form the audio background of multimedia productions like 

recruitment and beheading videos.65

 The Iraqis are beginning to develop their own countering media solutions. For example, in February 

2005 the Iraqi Interior Ministry and Mosul police chief began broadcasting messages that showed three 

kidnappers with guns and a knife, preparing to behead a helpless victim. In another scene, one of 

the kidnappers, now in police custody, declares “I am sorry for everything I have done.”66 A Mosul 

television station is also developing a program loosely based on “most-wanted” crime shows in the 

United States.67

POLITICAL RITUALS IN DEMOCRACIES AND THE MIDDLE EAST

 The Bush administration and the new Iraqi and Afghan rulers understand the power of rituals to 

legitimize the government, as do the terrorists. Hence familiar rituals, or their disruption, have become 

major policy objectives. The Western mass media participates as a primary interpreter and shaper of 
9

these events. Political rituals are “made for television events,” staged with an eye towards impacting 

a world audience. To defeat the terrorists, nascent democracies in the Middle East should focus on 

implementing four rituals.

 First is the ritual of establishing a democracy through political parties, debates and campaign speeches, 

popular elections, and a constitutional congress. On October 7, 2004, Hamid Karzai became the first 

freely elected president of Afghanistan. By January 30, 2005, Iraq also planned to hold parliamentary 

elections, but as the elections drew closer, insurgents stepped up car bombings and the killing of election 

officials and candidates for office. For example, on December 19, 2004, insurgents brazenly pulled three 

election officials out of a car in the midst of morning traffic in the heart of Baghdad and shot them 

point-blank in the head.68 A key Bush policy objective was to establish an elected democratic, secular 

government in Iraq, which would then develop a constitution and other structures. After the election, 

Mr. Bush pledged to reduce the number of American troops in Iraq as soon as possible. The insurgents 

wanted the elections to fail so the chaotic conditions in which they operated could continue.

 Second is the ritual of investing the new head of state. On December 7, 2004, Afghan President Karzai 

was inaugurated in Kabul. A red carpet, lined by soldiers, was spread in front of the former royal palace. 

Hundreds of foreign dignitaries attended, including Vice President Cheney. The ceremony included 

a Quranic recitation, the playing of the national anthem, and a patriotic song sung by schoolchildren 

wearing embroidered ceremonial dress. Karzai placed his right hand on the Quran and repeated 

the oath of office read by the Afghan chief justice of the Supreme Court. Afterwards, Karzai gave an 

inaugural address.69 The inauguration ceremony is a modern Western ritual; the proper ritual in an 

Islamic context is the bay`a―an oath-swearing allegiance to the ruler.70 That will probably not occur in 

Iraq as it does in Saudi Arabia, because the coalition wants to create a secular state.

 Third is the ritual of holding a war crimes tribunal―a powerful symbol in Western society signaling 

the end of conflict with the trial and imprisonment of former regime members. On July 1, 2004, a 

war crimes hearing took place immediately after the Americans transferred control to an interim Iraqi 

government. Ayad Allawi, the interim prime minister, said Iraq needed to put the brutalities of Saddam 

Hussein’s regime behind it, and he wanted to begin the trials of Mr. Hussein and others before the 

end of the year.71 In December 2004, the chief judge for the tribunal held formal televised courtroom 

interviews of two Hussein officials―Ali Hassan al-Majid, known as Chemical Ali, and Sultan Hashim 

Ahmed, the former Iraqi defense minister.72

 Fourth is the ritual of shura, which is consultation via democratically elected representatives 

who hold open councils with their constituents. Shura is the primary way that Muslim rulers gain 

legitimacy. It allows those with grievances to present them.73 Even though Iraq’s government is now 

secular, because it is predominantly Muslim, it makes sense to stress the principle of open consultation 

which coincides with a key aspect of representative democracy. Iraq should necessarily adopt a Muslim 

political concept, because it is a powerful and familiar ritual that can be a bridge towards establishing 

democratic institutions.

STRATEGIC ASSESSMENT AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

• Ritual is a soft power technique that is part of the diplomatic or informational elements of 

national power. The author advocates a better appreciation of ritual’s role in combating the 

beheadings, but not at the expense of other elements of national power such as military force.

• Continue to implement and improve upon the complementary countermeasures of, first, 

defensively providing strong force protection for coalition forces and contractors, and second, 

offensively tracking down and destroying the insurgents. The terrorists are trying to kill us, 

intimidate us, and lessen public support for the war. Logically, we must protect our people and 

allies and fight back.
10

• To counter the beheadings, implement rituals to affirm the legitimacy, power, and authority of 

the new government. The terrorists want to destabilize Iraq and its government, so the logical 

countermeasure is to stage stabilizing rituals such democratic elections, investiture of the new 

ruler, and a war crimes tribunal. Where appropriate, adapt Western rituals, or encourage the 

Iraqis to implement rituals which are uniquely Arab or Muslim, such as shura.

• Recognize that beheadings as a tactic have limitations, and their popularity will wane as security 

conditions improve, since the tactic depends on unstable conditions. Beheadings, however, will 

continue to evolve, and militants will continue to use the tactic when it meets their needs.

• Recognize that the nationality of the victim and circumstances dictate whether the terrorists will 

make demands or kill the hostages. Some nations have negotiated the release of their citizens, 

and in the past, American presidents had a propensity to negotiate the release of American 

captives when that was a viable option. The door should be left open for discussions, but the 

current political climate makes negotiation between the United States and the kidnappers very 

unlikely.

• Understand the meaning of jihadist multimedia productions, including the cultural nuances. Use 

this understanding to create countering messages and engage in strategic communications.

ENDNOTES

 1. Department of Defense Dictionary of Military Terms, Washington, DC: U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, 2004; available from 

http://www.dtic.mil/doctrine/jel/doddict/index.html; Internet; accessed September 29, 2004.

 2. Random House Unabridged Dictionary, 2nd ed., New York: Random House, 1993, p. 677.

 3. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000, p. 1504.

 4. David Kertzer, Ritual, Politics, and Power, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988, pp. 2-3.

 5. David C. Rapoport, “Fear and Trembling: Terrorism in Three Religious Traditions,” The American Political Science 

Review, Vol. 78, No. 3, September 1984, p. 659.

 6. Ibid.

 7. Bruce Hoffman, Inside Terrorism, New York: Columbia University Press, 1998, p. 90.

 8. Kertzer, p. 33.

 9. Combating Terrorism in a Globalized World, Washington, DC: U.S. National War College, 2002, p. 4-7.

 10. Sherifa Zuhur, Visiting Professor of National Security Affairs, Strategic Studies Institute of the U.S. Army War 

College, Carlisle Barracks PA; personal communication, January 18, 2005.

 11. Combatting Terrorism in a Globalized World, p. 10.

 12. Ibid., p. 11. The six groups were the Abu Nidal Organization (ANO), al-Gama`a al-Islamiyya (Islamic Group), 

Hizballa (Party of God), al-Jihad (Egyptian Jihad), Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (MEK), and al-Qaida.

 13. Zuhur. New groups include Zarqawi’s Tawhid wa-l-Sunna, Ansar al-Sunna, al-Qaida on the Arabian Peninsula (an 

offshoot), the Islah party in Yemen, and others.

 14. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, p. 276.

 15. “Burning at the Stake,” available from http://uk.geocities.com/becky62655@btinternet.com/burning.html; Internet; 

accessed December 9, 2004.

 16. Richard Clark, “The History of Beheading,” available from http://www.richard.clark32.btinternet.co.uk/behead.html; 

Internet; accessed December 5, 2004.

 17. Ibid.

 18. Ibid.

 19. Jamie Shirreff, “Beheading Saudi Arabia,” The Saudi Institute, June 24, 2004; available from http://www.saudiinstitute.

org/index.php; Internet; accessed December 5, 2004.
11

 20. Dick Meyer, “Benumbed by Beheadings,” CBSNews.com, September 24, 2004; available from http://www.cbsnews.

com/stories/2004/09/24/opinion/meyer/printable645410.shtml; Internet; accessed October 5, 2004.

 21. Daniel J. Wakin, “Assessing a Gruesome Toll after a Rash of Beheadings,” New York Times, June 24, 2004, Sec A, 

p. 11, [database on-line]; available from ProQuest; accessed September 17, 2004.

 22. Richard Halicks, “Saudis Decry, Defend Decapitations,” Atlanta Journal Constitution, June 27, 2004; available from 

http://www.saudiinstitute.org; Internet; accessed December 5, 2004.

 23. Shirreff. The Saudi Institute is a Washington, DC, group critical of the current Saudi government and working for 

its reform.

 24. Russell D. Buhite, Lives at Risk: Hostages and Victims in American Foreign Policy, Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 

Inc., 1995, p. 199.

 25. Ibid., p. 195.

 26. Ibid., p. 201.

 27. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, International Convention Against the Taking of Hostages, December 18, 

1979; available from http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/terrorism_convention_hostages.html; Internet; accessed September 8, 2004.

 28. DoD Dictionary of Military Terms.

 29. Department of State, Office of the Coordinator for Counterterrorism, Patterns of Global Terrorism 2001, Washington, 

DC: U.S. Department of State, 2002, p. xii.

 30. Department of State, Richard Boucher, Press Statement, “International Terrorism: American Hostages,” February 

20, 2002; available at http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2002/8190pf.htm; Internet; accessed October 4, 2004.

 31. George W. Bush, National Strategy for Combating Terrorism, Washington, DC: The White House, February 2003, pp. 

11-12.

 32. Katrin Bennhold, “Hostages in Iraq: For Europe, It’s Personal,” International Herald Tribune, September 30, 2004; 

available from http://www.iht.com/bin/print.php?file=541247.html; Internet; accessed January 11, 2005.

 33. “Berlin Paid Ransom to Free Hostages,” Deutsche Welle, August 6, 2004; available from http://www.dw-world.de/dw/

article/0,,1289545,00.html; Internet; accessed January 17, 2005.

 34. Bennhold.

 35. Sherifa Zuhur, personal communication, December 30, 2004.

 36. Youssef H. Aboul-Enein and Sherifa Zuhur, Islamic Rulings on Warfare, Carlisle Barracks, PA: Strategic Studies 

Institute, October 2004, p. 35.

 37. Ibid., p. 36.

 38. Ibid., p. 4.

 39. Ibid., p. 7.

 40. Messages from the kidnappers are usually posted on websites for a short period and then removed or the websites 

closed after a few days or weeks. Thus it is difficult to later go back to the original internet source. Their messages can also be 

heard in Arabic on “beheading videos” which have proliferated on many websites that are not connected to the kidnappers. 

To avoid encouraging access to these websites and for the purposes of this article, the author relied on transcripts of the 

kidnapper’s comments found in various new sources in English. 

 41. Alex Duval Smith, “If I Had Been British, I’d Be Dead,” The Guardian Weekly, Vol. 172, No. 3, January 2005, p. 11.

 42. Ibid.

 43. Ibid.

 44. Ibrahim al-Marashi, “Iraq’s Hostage Crisis: Kidnappings, Mass Media, and the Iraqi Insurgency,” The Middle East 

Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal, Vol. 8, December 2004, p. 3, available from http://meria.idc.ac.il/journal/2004/

issue4/jvol8no4in.html; Internet; accessed December 10, 2004.

 45. Ibid., p. 4.

 46. The photograph can be viewed at “Militants Threaten to Behead Three More,” Associated Press, June 27, 2004; available 

from http://www.hollandsentinel.com/stories/062704/new_06274005.shmtl; Internet; accessed February 25, 2005. Another URL 

for the photograph is http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/5303975/.
12

 47. Ibid.

 48. “Beheaded Japanese to Be Flown Home,” CNN.com, October 31, 2004; available from http://edition.cnn.com/2004/

WORLD/meast/10/31/japan.hostage.html; Internet; accessed January 15, 2005.

 49. Al-Marashi, p. 9.

 50. The photograph can be viewed at “We Never Held Slain American,” CBSnews.com, May 12, 2004; available from 

http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2004/05/12/iraq/main617080.shtml; Internet; accessed on February 24, 2005.

 51. Julie Rawe, “The Sad Tale of Nick Berg,” Time, Vol. 163, May 24, 2004 p. 42; [database on-line]; available from 

ProQuest; accessed September 17, 2004.

 52. “American Beheaded in Iraq,” CBSnews.com, May 12, 2004; available from http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2004/05/12/

iraq/printable616901.shtml; Internet; accessed on February 24, 2005.

 53. Ibid.

 54. “More Than 150 Foreigners Kidnapped in Iraq,” Fort Wayne News Sentinel, October 14, 2004; available from http://

wwwfortwayne.com/mld/newsentinel/9917629.htm; Internet; accessed January 14, 2005.

 55. Kathleen Ridolfo, “Militants Appear to be Succeeding in Their Mission to Drive Out Companies,” Radio Free Europe/

Radio Liberty Iraq Report 7, No. 29, August 6, 2004, p. 1, available from http://www.rferl.org; Internet; accessed January 15, 

2005.

 56. Maamoun Youssef, “Video on Web Site Shows Beheading of Two Iraqis,” Associated Press, October 13, 2004; available 

from http://www.katu.com/printstory.asp?ID=71817, Internet, accessed January 11, 2005.

 57. Ibid.

 58. “Web Site Shows Iraqi Militants Beheading Man,” Associated Press, October 23, 2004; available from http://www.

foxnews.com, Internet, accessed January 14, 2005.

 59. Ibid.

 60. Sutin Wannabovorn, “Suspected Rebels Behead Thai Buddhist,” Associated Press, November 9, 2004, available from 

http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A35664-2004Nov9.html, Internet, accessed November 15, 2004.

 61. Kathleen Ridolfo, “Is Insurgent Violence Having Desired Effect on Iraqi Elections?” Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty 

Iraq Report 8, No. 1, January 7, 2005, p. 1; available from http://www.rferl.org, Internet, accessed January 15, 2005.

 62. Gary Blunt, Islam in the Digital Age: E-Jihad, Online Fatwas and Cyber Islamic Environments, London: Pluto Press, 2003, 

p. 2627.

 63. FBIS, “Terrorism: Computer Art Productions Encourage Anti-US Mujahidin,” March 3, 2004, available from http://

www.fbis.gov, Internet, accessed January 13, 2005.

 64. Ibid.

 65. Foreign Broadcast Information Service, “Terrorism: Militants Use Music to Spread Ideology, Encourage Violence,” 

December 21, 2004, available from http://www.fbis.gov, Internet, accessed January 12, 2005.

 66. Christine Hauser, “Iraqi Police Use Kidnappers’ Videos to Fight Crime,” New York Times, February 5, 2005, available 

from http://www.nytimes.com/2005/02/05/international/middleeast/05mosul.html, Internet, accessed February 5, 2005.

 67. Ibid.

 68. “Iraqi Worker Executions Captured in Photos,” New York Times, December 19, 2004, available from http://www.

nytimes.com/aponline/international/AP-Iraq-Executions.html, Internet, accessed December 19, 2004.

 69. John Lancaster, “At Inauguration, Karzai Vows Action on Tough Issues,” Washington Post, December 8, 2004, Sec. 

A, p. 13, available from http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A42132-2004Dec7?language=printer, Internet, accessed 

December 19, 2004.

 70. Zuhur.

 71. John F. Burns, “Iraqi Judge Questions Aides of Hussein with Lawyers,” New York Times, December 19, 2004, available 

from http://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/19/international/middleeast/19tribunal.html, Internet, accessed December 19, 2004.

 72. Ibid.

 73. Zuhur.