MODERN WARFARE

A French View of Counterinsurgency

by

Roger Trinquier

COMBAT

STUDIES

INSTITUTE

The views expressed in Modern Warfare

are those of the author and not necessarily those of the Department of the

Army or the Department of Defense.

U.S. ARMY COMMAND AND GENERAL STAFF COLLEGE

FORT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS

January 1985

91-5016

MODERN WARFARE

A French View of Counterinsurgency

Roger Trinquier

Translated from the French by DANIEL LEE

With an Introduction by BERNARD B. FALL

PALL MALL PRESS

London and Dunmow
Published in Great Britain in 1964 by

the Pall Mall Press Ltd.

77-79 Charlotte Street, London W.I, England

First published in France in 1961 under the title

LA GUERRE MODERNE

by Editions de la Table Ronde

Att rights reserved

© 1961 by Editions de la Table Ronde

translation © 1964 by Frederick A. Praeger, Inc.

Printed in the United States of America
Contents

A Portrait of the "Centurion," by Bernard B. Fatt vii

Part One: PREPARATION FOR WAR

1. The Need To Adapt Our Military Apparatus

to Modern Warfare 3

2. Modern Warfare Defined 6

3. An Example of a Clandestine Warfare

Organization 10

4. Terrorism—The Principal Weapon of Modern

Warfare 16

5. Identifying the Adversary 26

6. Defense of the Territory 29

Part Two: THE POLITICAL AND MILITARY

CONDUCT OF THE WAR

7. Direct Action on the Populations of Cities 43

8. Errors in Fighting the Guerrilla 52

9. The Problem of Resources 61

10. Conducting Counterguerrilla Operations 67

Part Three: CARRYING THE WAR TO THE ENEMY

11. The Inadequacies of Traditional Warfare 97

12. Modern Warfare in Enemy Territory 104

Conclusion 113

91-5016

A Portrait of the "Centurion"

by BERNARD B. FALL

In a book that became one of France's greatest best

sellers since World War II, Jean Lart6guy gave the name

of "centurion" to the hard-bitten French regular who had

survived the Indochina war, had learned his Mao Tse-tung

the hard way, and later had sought to apply his lessons in

Algeria or even in mainland France.*

Of that centurion—as the reader no doubt knows, this

was the title of the company commanders who formed the

backbone of the Roman Legions—Lart6guy says: "I shall

always feel attached to those men, even if I should ever

disagree with the course they choose to follow, [and] dedicate this book to the memory of all the centurions who

perished so that Rome might survive.*

Rome, of course, did not survive in its ancient splendor

in spite of the incredible sacrifices of the centurions, nor

did France survive as a world-wide empire. But in the

case of France, the centurion exists as a live human being;

right at this moment, he is either emerging from colonelcy

to general's rank, or being placed on the compulsory retirement list—or, perhaps, being sentenced to the jails of the

French Republic for Secret Army activities. For at least

another decade, he and his kind are likely to exert a strong

• Jean Lart^guy, The Centurions (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1961;

New York: Avon Book Corp., 1082 [paperback]).

vU
INTRODUCTION

influence upon French military thinking and planning and,

therefore, upon the Western alliance as a whole.

The French Army officer, to a far greater extent than his

British-American counterpart, has spent the last quarter of

a century fighting desperate rear-guard actions against

highly politicized irregulars. In addition, the lack of coherent political leadership from Paris in the chaotic years

of the Fourth Republic left the French military with a

heavy burden of making political decisions at every level.

Local commanders, for example, had to make the decision

whether or not to arm local levies and if so, of what political or religious persuasion. In Indochina, such officers—

often of captain's rank or lower—raised Catholic, Buddhist,

Cao-Dai, Hoa-Hao, or mountain tribal militia forces whenever they did not use outright river pirates or deserters

from the Communists. In return for such military assistofficers undertook political coming nature: They swore solemn

liven group from Communist reance by the

mitments of a far-reach

oaths to protect either a

prisals or a given territory whose population had committed itself to them. From a purely tactical involvement,

the war (both in Indochina and Algeria, but even more in

the latter) became a highly personal involvement. An officer who would, under normal circumstances, have abandoned a given position for tactical reasons felt compelled

to hold it because he himself had "promised" to hold it—

and promised not his own superiors, but the people among

whom he fought I

To withdraw became not o!rily proof of military failure,

but—and this above all—a blemish on one's personal honor

as an "officer and a gentleman." To the Anglo-American

mind, which sees its officers as Colonel Blimps and General

Jubilation T. Cornpones (or their real-life counterparts of

the retired extreme right-wing variety), this view of war
INTRODUCTION • fa

seems inconceivable. And it is, of course, inconceivable in

conventional war, where it is perfectly permissible to lose

or win a terrain feature without losing one's military

honor. The "I shall return" of General MacArthur amply

redeemed the surrender of Corregidor; the Inchon landing,

the bloody retreat to Pusan beachhead. But in such conventional wars (Trinquier calls them "traditional," to

emphasize their obsoleteness), military operations go on

without regard for the hapless civilian population. No one

asks it to take sides in the struggle—at any rate, not at first,

while the battle rages.

In revolutionary war (or, as Trinquier calls it throughout the book, italicizing the term for emphasis, "modern

warfare9), the allegiance of the civilian population becomes one of the most vital objectives of the whole

struggle. This is indeed the key message that Trinquier

seeks to impress upon his reader: Military tactics and hardware are all well and good, but they are really quite useless

if one has lost the confidence of the population among

whom one is fighting.

And Roger Trinquier is extremely well qualified to write

on this subject, for his own background makes him the

perfect example of the scholarly warrior of peasant stock

that is a vanishing breed in the other Western armies. (In

all likelihood, Communist China's armies still have a few

in their ranks, not the least of whom is Mao Tse-tung.)

Trinquier was born in 1908 in La Beaume, a small mountain village in the French Alps where he still owns a home

and spends his vacations. Until the age of thirteen, he

went to the one-room village school. Because he was a

bright student, his parents directed him toward what was

then the most obvious path to social betterment for the

son of a poor farmer—schoolteaching. He successfully

passed the entrance examinations to the Normal School
X * INTRODUCTION

of Aix-en-Provence and graduated at the age of twenty,

ready for a lifetime of teaching in the back country of

southeastern France.

But like all other Frenchmen his age, he first had to put

in his two years of compulsory military service. Since it is

still a French saying that the schoolteachers make up the

backbone of the French Army's reserve officers' corps, it

was not surprising that Trinquier was sent to Reserve Officers' School. Although most schoolteachers consider their

military career a necessary evil, Trinquier thought it a

revelation of a vaster, more active world. He requested a

transfer to the Officers' School of Saint-Maixent, then graduated, in 1931, into the French Marine Infantry; and since

the French Marines (they were known as "Colonials" from

1870 until 1961, but have now taken on their old name

again) were specifically trained for overseas duty, the

young lieutenant soon found himself on a trip to the Far

East

His first assignment, as was the rule then, was probably

his toughest: He found himself in command of an outpost

at Chi-Ma, in the wildest and most isolated part of the

Sino-Tonkinese border region, aptly called the "One

Hundred Thousand Mountains,19 fighting Chinese pirates

and opium smugglers. To stay alive there, one had to rely

on native help, and Trinquier quickly learned how to find

it. He also learned some of the mountaineer dialects. Upon

his return to France in 1937, he was picked for another

delicate assignment, as a member of the French Marine

force guarding the International Concession in Shanghai,

where Japan's aggression had just unleashed World War

II. Trinquier was then reassigned to the command of one

of the two Marine companies guarding the French Embassy

in Peking. Other major powers—the United States, Britain,

Italy, and Japan—also had units in the diplomatic enclave.

Trinquier became very friendly with the American com-
INTRODUCTION • XI

mander, Colonel Marstone, and he also learned Chinese.

When World War II officially broke out in Europe, In

September, 1939, Trinquier was transferred back to Shanghai as deputy to the French battalion commander there.

Pearl Harbor and its aftermath created an anomalous situation: Although the British and American units in Shanghai were disarmed and interned by the Japanese, the

French—because they were under the nominal control of

the Vichy Government in German-occupied France—were

left unmolested and fully armed. The Japanese, however,

did not trust the Vichy forces indefinitely; having overwhelmed them in Indochina, on March 9, 1945, they did

likewise in Shanghai on the following day, whereupon

Trinquier got a taste of Japanese imprisonment. (The existence of the French units in China was to lead, in at least

one instance, to a rather comical situation after V-J Day:

When American Marines in full battle gear went ashore

near Tientsin, they were greeted by a French Marine detachment that presented arms to them. It was part of the

nearby Peking garrison that had picked up its weapons

again after the Japanese surrender.)

Promoted to the rank of captain in 1942 by the Vichy

Government, Trinquier, like most of his comrades in

neighboring Indochina, neither broke with Vichy nor

sought to join General de Gaulle's Free French Forces—a

fact that was later to affect his career decisively. His promotions were to come slowly, and the mutual distrust

(more often, dislike) between the Free French officers and

those who, though sympathetic to the Allied cause, had

remained faithful to their soldier's oath—or so they were to

rationalize it—never quite disappeared. It explains Trinquier's strong animosity toward de Gaulle, which he does

not bother to hide and which comes through quite clearly

in his political statements.

Liberated from the Japanese after V-J Day, Trinquier,
XU • INTRODUCTION

like many of his comrades, sought an assignment in Indochina—perhaps as a demonstration that his wartime allegiance was dictated by motives other than fear of battle.

Arriving in Saigon on January 3, 1946, he became a

platoon commander in the commando group of Major

Ponchardier, which had been given the difficult task of

clearing Vietminh elements out of the swamps and rice

paddies surrounding the city. Upon his return to France,

however, Trinquier learned that, like other officers who

had remained faithful to Vichy, he was to be dismissed

from the service. But since a senior officer who had known

him when he was a young second lieutenant at Chi-Ma

intervened in his behalf, Captain Trinquier was assigned,

on February 1, 1947, to Tarbes and Pau, where the French

airborne training center had been created. (The officer

who had saved Trinquier's career was himself an old "Indochina hand," General Raoul Salan, later commander-inchief in Indochina and Algeria. In 1961 he was to lead the

revolt against General de Gaulle's Algerian policies;

caught and convicted of attempting to overthrow the

French Republic, Salan is now serving a life sentence in a

French military prison.)

On November 14, 1947, Trinquier again landed in Indochina as second-in-command of the 1st Colonial Parachute

Battalion, whose command he was to assume in September, 1948, after its commander had been killed in action.

Promoted to the rank of major, Trinquier and his unit participated in the grim inch-by-inch clearing operations on

the Plain of Reeds—he was to parachute into it four times—

and in southern Central Vietnam. Those are exactly the

same areas in which Vietnamese troops and their American advisers are heavily involved today.

After another tour of duty in France as commander of

the Commando Training Center in Fr£jus and of the Colo-
INTRODUCTION *

nial Paratroop School, Trinquier returned to Indochina in

December, 195.1, to take over a brand-new service just

created by Marshal Jean de Lattre de Tassigny, France's

best commander-in-chief in the Far East. (Regrettably, he

was to die of cancer within a year.) De Lattre had decided

to turn the Vietminh's skill in fighting behind the lines

against the Vietminh itself by implanting anti-Communist

guerrillas deep inside the enemy's territory. In view of his

knowledge of the northern hill areas and tribal groups,

Trinquier was selected as the leader for the northern operations; his first efforts were soon crowned with success, for

contact team after contact team was dropped into enemy

territory, and, contrary to expectations, motet managed to

survive and fight. /

When Trinquier's methods became known to the American military advisers in Saigon, he was invited to visit

American antiguerrilla-training centers in Korea and

Japan. Two young American officers also returned with

him to Indochina to learn from his operations, and American equipment for his guerrilla units became readily available. By mid-1951, Major Trinquier received command of

all behind-the-lines operations in Indochina, and his units

became officially known as GCMA, or Groupements de

Commandos Mixtes A£roport6s (Composite Airborne

Commando Groups), a name that was changed, in December, 1953, to GMI (Groupement Mixte d'Intervention,

or Composite Intervention Group), when their mission

was extended beyond airborne commando operations.

By late 1953, almost 20,000 men were under his command—probably the largest unit ever commanded by an

army major—and engaged in operations covering several

•thousand square miles of enemy territory. Native tribesmen were flocking to his maquis in greater numbers than

could be armed and trained; but before he could make
XtV • INTRODUCTION

full use of them, what trinquier-in a masterly understatement—calls "the regrettable Dien Bien Phu incident*

ended the Indochina war. What followed was a horrible

debacle: Thousands of partisans had to be abandoned to

the enemy, since the stipulations of the Geneva cease-fire

of 1954 did not permit the French to continue to supply

them.

Trinquier asserts that he had asked the United States,

which had not signed the cease-fire agreement, to continue

to supply the guerrillas, but that his request had been

turned down. Although the partisans and their French

cadres fought on long beyond the cease-fire, they were

eventually wiped out one by one.* In his final operations

report (which I found in some forgotten archives in Paris)f

Trinquier could not help but show some of his deep feelings about his abandoned men:

The total suppression of logistical support . . . will bring in

its wake the progressive liquidation of our [infiltrated] elements. There is little hope of seeing the leaders of our maquis

escape the "clemency" of President Ho Chi Minh.

As of August 15, 1954, fifteen enemy regular battalions,

fifteen regional battalions and seventeen regional companies

are now committed against them. Ceasing operations as per

orders at the very moment when they were about to triumph,

our maquis, undefeated on the field of battle, have been offered up for sacrifice.

While the [CCMAl command has, with discipline, accepted the sacrifice of the maquis, it no longer feels morally

authorized to ask its partisans to remain at our disposal

In this bloodthirsty adventure, their only consolation remains the pride of having won the last successes of that campaign, and of having created a veritable popular uprising

against the Vietminh.

• For a more detailed description of CCMA operations, see Bernard

Fall, Street Without Joy: Indochina at War, 1946-1963 (3d rev. ed; HATrfcburg; Stackpole, 1963).
INTRODUCTION • XO

During those decisive years in Indochina, Trinquier

began to study in depth the principles of "modern warfare," of which the pages that follow will give a detailed

account, but the years of combat in Algeria that were to

follow probably added a political dimension that was heretofore lacking in him. Assigned as a lieutenant-colonel to

the 10th Parachute Division of General Massu (another

old Indochina hand), he narrowly missed the Suez invasion of 1956—another perfect illustration, from his point

of view, of the frustration by politics of what seemed to

be a "sound" military operation—and found himself assigned, with all the other units of the 10th, to clearing the

town of Algiers of all terrorists. Bomb- and grenade-throwing in Algiers had, in 1957, become an everyday occurrence, against which the regular police was all but

powerless.

Massu, Trinquier, and the camouflage-clad paratroopers

of the 10th "waded" into the situation with a cold ferocity

that made headlines throughout the world and provided

Lart^guy's The Centurions with its choicest passages. It

also provided Trinquier with a Cartesian rationale for the

use of torture in revolutionary war; torture is the particular

bane of the terrorist, just as antiaircraft artillery is that of

the airman or machine-gun fire that of the foot soldier.

Trinquier's methods won the day in Algiers; but the dying

Fourth Republic felt that it could not afford to let him

remain much longer in the public eye, and Trinquier temporarily went to command the French Airborne Center at

Pau.

But his old protector, General Salan, soon recalled him

to Algeria to become the commander of the 3d Colonial Airborne Regiment. That unit took on the onerous task of sealing off the Tunisian border south of the "Morice Line"—the

electronic 300-kilometer-long fence constructed by the

French Army from the Mediterranean to the desert—along
£01 * INTRODUCTION

its Saharan fringe. As Trinqiiter was to describe in detail in

another book,* he found himself by accident rather than

design in the Algiersar^a when the May 13, 1958, putsch

in Algiers tedTolfie return of General de Gaulle to power,

but he nevertheless took an important part in establishing

the\famous Public Safety Committee of Algiers.

Soon in disagreement with de Gaulle's policies, he returned to the command of his regiment to participate in

the mop-up operations of the "Challe Plan," named after

the new commander-in-chief, Air Force General Challe.

Between July, 1959, and March, 1960, the 3d Airborne, in

a series of relentless pursuits, broke the Algerian nationalists' hold on one of the most difficult areas in Algeria, El

Milia. Militarily, the end seemed in sight, but, internationally, pressures had begun to build up against France.

The Algerian war was expensive, all the newly independent nations were turning against France, and even her

own allies no longer voted with her in the United Nations.

In a history-making "tour of the officers' messes" ("la

tournte des popotes") in March, 1960, de Gaulle explained

to his officers in Algeria that, inevitably, the country would

achieve independence.

To the new generation of technicians of revolutionary

warfare, that political solution was abhorrent, Not swayed

by the international implications of the situation, they believed that to abandon Algeria when military victory

seemed so near for the first time would be not only another

rank betrayal of a personal commitment but also a direct

condemnation of their methods of combat. The reaction

that set in was to lead many of them out of the army and

into prison—and a few to the firing squad.

Trinquier himself was, beyond a doubt, saved by circumstances. While the Algerian storm was brewing, he

• Roger Trinquier, Le coup d'tiat du 13 mai (Paris: Editions 1'Esprit

Nouveau,1063).
INTRODUCTION *

had been recalled from his command to help President

Moise Tshombe of Katanga Province organize his whitecadred forces. He had arrived in Elisabethville on January 25, 1961; he was expelled from Katanga on March 9,

under Belgian and U.N. pressure. He was in Athens writing up his recommendations for Katanga when most of his

former associates became involved, on April 21, 1961, in

the abortive "generals' mutiny** in Algiers. His army career,

at best, was finished, and his request to be put on the retired list met with no opposition.

But Trinquier seems to have found a new avocation in

political writing and lecturing, which may indicate that he

has certain political ambitions for the future. It would be

difficult to classify him by American standards as radically

"right wing," for his acquaintance with Mao leads him to

accept the need for social reforms as an instrument in defeating Communism. In his recent writings, however, he

has attacked what he considers to be the high-handed

methods of the Fifth Republic in the field of civil liberties;

yet his own writings clearly show that he would not shrink

from using the same methods, if necessary, himself.

To be sure, the informed reader will find in the following pages much that will shock him or that will strike him

as incredible. In many cases, Trinquier, like any other person who is certain he holds the key to absolute truth,

underplays the difficulties some of his counterinsurgency

measures are likely to raise and encounter or neglects to

explain all the failures satisfactorily. For example, although it is true that the GCMA's tied down a Vietminh

force three times their own size during the battle of Dien

Bien Phu, they never succeeded in seriously hampering

Communist supply lines to the besieged fortress. Likewise,

there has never been solid evidence to prove that a real

effort was made—as Trinquier advocates here—to infiltrate

counterguenilla maquis into Tunisia to attack Algerian
• INTRODUCTION

bases; or that such maquis, if they ever existed, were

successful.

But on the other hand, American readers—particularly

those who are concerned with today's operations in South

Vietnam—will find to their surprise that their various

seemingly "new" counterinsurgency gambits, from strategic hamlets to large-scale pacification, are mere rehashes

of old tactics to which helicopters, weed killers, and rapidfiring rifles merely add a new dimension of speed and

bloodiness without basically changing the character of the

struggle—nor its outcome, if the same political errors that

the French have made are repeated. And the careers of

Trinquier and of his numerous comrades still in the French

Army prove that France has an ample reserve of counterinsurgency specialists whose qualifications are second to

none.

It is, once again, Lart£guy who brings into sharp focus

that type of soldier, when one of his key characters, just

such a revolutionary-warfare colonel, jokingly states that

France should have two armies—one with ''lovely guns"

and "distinguished and doddering generals," and the other

"composed entirely of young enthusiasts in camouflaged

battle dress, who would not be put on display, but from

whom impossible efforts would be demanded. ..." To

which another character answers with a warning: "You're

heading for a lot of trouble."

But the trouble into which a regular army must inevitably—perhaps fatally—run when it is committed to a long

string of revolutionary wars is only dimly perceived in

America so far. Colonel Trinquier's book should do much

to serve as a timely warning.

Alexandria, Virginia

October,1963
ONE

PREPARATION FOR

WAR

/. The Need To Adapt Our Military

Apparatus to Modern Warfare

The defense of national territory is the raison ff&tre of an

army; it should always be capable of accomplishing this

objective.

Since the liberation of France in 1945, however, the

French Army has not been able to halt the collapse of our

Empire. And yet, the effort the country has made for the

army is unprecedented. No French military man ought to

rest until we have created an army at last capable of assuring the defense of our national territory.

We still persist in studying a type of warfare that no

longer exists and that we shall never fight again, while we

pay only passing attention to the war we lost in Indochina

and the one we are about to lose in Algeria. Yet the abandonment of Indochina or of Algeria is just as important for

France as would be the loss of a metropolitan province.

The result of this shortcoming is that the army is not

prepared to confront an adversary employing arms and

methods the army itself ignores. It has, therefore, no

chance of winning.

It is a fact that in Indochina, despite a marked superiority in materiel and in troops, we were beaten. From one

campaign to another, our commanders tried to drive the

Vietminh into a classic pitched battle, the only kind we

knew how to fight, in hope that our superiority in materiel

would allow an easy victory. The Vietminh always knew

91-5016
4 • MODERN WART ABB

how to elude such maneuvers. When they finally accepted

the conventional battle so vainly sought for several years,

it was only because they had assembled on the battlefield

resources superior to our own. That was at Dien Bien Fhu

in May, 1954.

Despite the record, our army Is employing, with few exceptions, the identical combat procedures in North Africa.

We are trying in the course of repeated complex operations

to seize an adversary who eludes us. The results obtained

bear no relation to the resources and efforts expended. In

fact, we are only dispersing, rather than destroying, the

attacked bands.

Our military machine reminds one of a pile driver attempting to crush a fly, indefatigably persisting in repeating its efforts.

The inability of the army to adapt itself to changed circumstances has heavy consequences. It gives credence to

the belief that our adversaries, who represent only weak

forces, are invincible and that, sooner or later, we shall

have to accept their conditions for peace. It encourages

the diffusion of dangerously erroneous ideas, which eventually become generally accepted. France is accused of

having conducted rigged elections in Algeria, and one is

led to believe that those carried out under the aegis of the

(Algerian) National Liberation Front (F.L.N.) would be

genuine. At the same time, it is well known that any threat

that would subsequently confront the voters would be effective in quite a different way from the former, merely

administrative, pressures.

All this is nonetheless what a large part of our own press

tries to tell the public.

We know that it is not at all necessary to have the sympathy of a majority of the people in order to rule them.

The right organization can turn the trick.
PREPARATION TOR WAR • 5

This is what our adversaries are accomplishing in Algeria. Thanks to a specially adapted organization and to

appropriate methods of warfare, they have been successful

in imposing themselves upon entire populations and in

using them, despite their own desires in the matter, against

us. Our enemies are submitting us to a kind of hateful extortion, to which we shall have to accede in the end if we cannot destroy the warfare system that confronts us. We would

be gravely remiss in our duty if we should permit ourselves

to be thus deluded and to abandon the struggle before final

victory. We would be sacrificing defenseless populations to

unscrupulous enemies.
2. Modern Warfare Defined

Since the end of World War II, a new form of warfare

has been born. Called at times either subversive warfare or

revolutionary warfare, it differs fundamentally from the

wars of the past in that victory is not expected from the

clash of two armies on a field of battle. This confrontation,

which in times past saw the annihilation of an enemy army

in one or more battles, no longer occurs.

Warfare is now an interlocking system of actionspolitical, economic, psychological, military—that aims at

the overthrow of the established authority in a country and

its replacement by another regime. To achieve this end,

the aggressor tries to exploit the internal tensions of the

country attacked—ideological, social, religious, economic

—any conflict liable to have a profound influence on the

population to be conquered. Moreover, in view of the present-day interdependence of nations, any residual grievance within a population, no matter how localized and

lacking in scope, will surely be brought by determined

adversaries into the framework of the great world conflict

From a localized conflict of secondary origin and importance, they will always attempt sooner or later to bring

about a generalized conflict.

On so vast a field of action, traditional armed forces no

longer enjoy their accustomed decisive role. Victory no

longer depends on one battle over a given terrain. Military

operations, as combat actions carried out against opposing

6
PREPARATION FOR WAR • 7

armed forces, are of only limited importance and are never

the total conflict.

This is doubtless the reason why the army, traditionally

attracted by the purely military aspect of a conflict, has

never seriously approached the study of a problem it considers an inferior element in the art of war.

A modern army is first of all one that is capable of winning the conflict in which its country is engaged. And we

are certainly at war, because we run the risk of being

finally defeated on the ground (as at Dien Bien Phu in

May, 1954) and because, in case of such a defeat, we shall

have to cede vast territories to our opponents.

The struggle we have been carrying on for fifteen years,

in Indochina as well as in Algeria, is truly a war. But what

we are involved in is modern warfare.

If we want to win, it is in this light that we must consider it from now on.

Studies have been made in many countries of what is

called subversive warfare. But they rarely go beyond the

stage of guerrilla warfare, which comes closest to the traditional form.

Mindful of the Allied victory in World War II, and perhaps because it is more appealing to study successful combat methods than to dwell upon the reasons for a defeat, only the offensive use of the guerrilla has been considered. But the study of effective counter-measures

has been neglected. Some authors have stressed the inadequacy of the means employed against the guerrilla; others

have simply counseled reacting against the guerrilla—confronting him with the counterguerrilla to beat him at his

own game.

This is to wish to resolve a problem quickl^without having duly weighed it.

The subtlest aspects of modern warfare, such as the manipulation of populations, have been the subject of recent
8 • MODERN WARFARE

studies. But only some of the methods employed by an

enemy to consolidate his hold over conquered populations

in peacetime have been investigated, in particular the

working of psychological action on the masses.

But the rallying of opposition and the study of effective

means of protection have been neglected. More exactly,

when the enemy's methods and their application have

been recognized, propaganda and pressures have always

been powerful enough to influence a poorly informed public and to lead it systematically to refuse to study or use

the same methods.

We know that the sine qua non of victory in modern

warfare is the unconditional support of a population. According to Mao Tse-tung, it is as essential to the combatant

as water to the fish. Such support may be spontaneous, although that is quite rare and probably a temporary condition. If it doesn't exist, it must be secured by every possible

means, the most effective of which is terrorism.

In modern warfare, we are not actually grappling with

an army organized along traditional lines, but with a few

armed elements acting clandestinely within a population

manipulated by a special organization.

Our army in Algeria is in excess of 300,000 men supplied

with the most modern equipment; its adversary numbers

some 30,000, in general poorly equipped with only light

weapons.

If we were to have an opportunity to meet this enemy

on the traditional field of battle, a dream vainly pursued

for years by many military commanders, victory would be

assured in a matter of hours.

The war has lasted more than six years, however, and

victory is still uncertain. The problem is more complex.

In seeking a solution, it is essential to realize that in

modern warfare we are not up against just a few armed

bands spread across a given territory, but rather against an
PREPARATION FOR WAR • 9

armed clandestine organization whose essential role is to

impose its will upon the population. Victory will be obtained only through the complete destruction of that organization. This is the master concept that must guide us

in our study of modern warfare.
3, An Example of a Clandestine Warfare

Organization

One example of a clandestine warfare organization is

that operating in the city of Algiers during 1956-57. It was

constituted as an autonomous zone by the National Liberation Front (F.L.N.), but was related to the F.L.N.

setup throughout Algeria.

The Autonomous Zone of Algiers (Z.A.A.) operated under a council of four members: a political-military leader,

a political assistant, a military assistant, and an assistant

for external liaison and intelligence. Decisions were made

in common, but the vote of the political-military leader

counted heaviest

The city and its suburbs were divided into three regions

—Central Algiers, Algiers West, and Algiers East—which

operated under regional councils identical to the zonal

council. Each region was divided into sectors, which, in

turn, were subdivided into districts. In all, the Z.A.A.'s

three regions comprised ten sectors, or thirty-four districts.

The organization of the Z.A.A. contained two distinct

elements: the National Liberation Front (F.L.N.), or political arm, and the National Liberation Army (A.L.N.), or

military arm. Both were integrated into the same geographical breakdown, but were highly compartmented

and were united only at the regional and zonal levels.

Units of the A.L.N. and F.L.N. worked side by side in

10
PREPARATION FOR WAR • 11

each district, but the regional council was responsible for

coordination of their action.

The political organization (F.L.N.) of each districtbased on the demi-cell of three men, then the cell, the

demi-group, the group, and the sub-district—was under

the command of a district leader, who controlled 127 men

(see the table below).

DemiCell CeU

1Demi- 2 Demi-Cells

Cell plus a Cell

Leader

Demi-Group

2 Cells

plus a

Demi-Croup

Leader

Group

2 DemiCroups plus

a Croup

Leader

Sub-District

2 Croups

plus a

Sub-District

Leader

District

2 SubDistricts

plus a

District

Leader

3 men 7 men 15 men 31 men 63 men 127 men

The military organization (A.L.N.) of the district consisted of 35 armed men. The district commander and his

deputy were at the head of three armed groups, each

headed by a leader and deputy and composed of three

cells of three men each.

i

n-.__ ji

i

m 1 commander of aimed

group* o/ the district

„ 1 deputy to the

group commander

I _—« Letter drop*

3 leaden of

armed group*

,3 deputies to

group kadafs

©0© (5)0© ©©©--ScdbolS

(The political organization had at its disposal some

armed shock groups of its own that were not part of the

A.L.N.; they constituted the F.L.N/S "police" and were
Z£ * MODERN WABFABX

charged with the execution of sentences pronounced by

their judiciary.)

The zonal council assistant for external liaison and intelligence had at his disposal a certain number of committees in which were grouped the F.L.N/s intellectuals. The

following were the principal committees and their duties.

• Liaison Committee—maintained contact with the

wilayas, or major military districts (Algeria was divided

by the F.L.N. into six wilayas); with the Committee

for External Coordination (C.C.E.), forerunner of the

present Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (G.P.R.A.); and with the Exterior; Tunisia, Morocco,

France.

• Information Committee—at that time the embryo of

the special services.

• Editorial Committee—maintained United Nations dossiers, "reprisal" dossiers, relations with the intellectuals,

documentation for the French and other foreign press, etc.

•Justice Committee—general surveillance of French citizens of Moslem origin (F.M.A.); judged cases between

Moslems in civil and criminal law, imposed various fines,

etc.

• Financial Committee—gathered funds from the population at large, using units of the F.L.N., and, in larger

amounts, directly from big companies, banks, leading merchants, etc.

• Health Committee—embryonic in Algiers. The sick and

wounded were mostly cared for in secret in the hospitals of

the city.

• Trade Union Committee—maintained permanent contact with various syndical organizations, such as the General Union of Algerian Workers (U.G.T.A.) and the General Union of Algerian Merchants (U.G.C A.)•

A final important element of the whole Z.A.A. organiza-
PREPARATION FOR WAR • 23

tion was the bomb-throwing network directly responsible to the zonal council. Carefully kept apart from other

elements of the organization, the network was broken

down into a number of quite distinct and compartmented

branches, in communication only with the network chief

through a system of letter boxes.

A chart of the organization of the bomb-throwing network is shown below.

Chid

of

Netwoik

/

^^

Maaufacturt of tbt btdy of

the bomb and delivery to (fct

flock Md fta-hiaf atop,

Flniihinf, intuObf e*p)«fo,

fcalinc. afExiaf the dtioMlor

IMhcry W oottpUMd

to tcamiof bomb-pUc«k

In the city of Algiers alone, the clandestine warfare

organization comprised approximately 1,200 armed men

(A.L.N.), and 4,500 persons unarmed or semiarmed

(F.L.N.). At that time, there were scarcely a thousand

police, equipped only to fight common criminals in time

of peace. Taken by surprise by an adversary of which it

was totally ignorant, the police had no chance of coming

out on top. The army's intervention was therefore unavoidable.

A clandestine organization of such size and complexity
14 ' MODERN WARFABK

requires for its creation both time and a precise technique.

The higher cadres, up to regional level, had all received

a more or less thorough Marxist training; they had entered

the organization voluntarily.

The lower cadres and the rank-and-file were at first recruited from the seamier elements of the city, delinquents

or habitual criminals. By the very fact of their pasts, they

were already quite well adapted to the missions they were

going to be assigned.

Later on, the organization received a constant influx of

new members which kept up or augmented its forces. The

manner in which they were recruited has been revealed

to us through numerous interrogations. To the question

"How did you enter the A.L.N.?"—which was often put to

them—most of the young terrorists replied:

"I was a good worker and was earning an honest living.

One day, I was stopped by a fellow who insisted I pay a

certain sum to the F.L.N. At first I refused, and*was beaten

up by the three men he had with him. I paid. The next

month the same sum was asked. I paid it without argument. Some time later, I became a collector myself. I re*

ceived a list of persons who were to contribute and a small

armed team to protect me during the collection. Then, as

I was athletic and in good health, I was asked to enter into

the armed organization—the A.L.N.—the Army of National

Liberation. I wanted to refuse, but a few pointed threats

made me accept. From that time on I was lost, because to

be admitted to the A.L.N., one first had to prove his worth;

that is, to carry out an armed attack in the city. The con*

ditions under which this was to be accomplished were explained to me. One evening, at a fixed time and an appointed place, an individual unknown to me was to give

me a loaded weapon with the mission to kill the first person

I came across. I was then to flee, dropping the weapon into

a trashcan that the unknown person had pointed out to me.
PREPARATION FOR WAR • 25

I did what was required of me and, three days later, I entered as a member into a cell of the A.L.N."

It was in this manner in the month of January, 1957, that

Doctor X of Algiers was assassinated by a young man

who did not even know the name of his victim.

The means of putting pressure on the citizenry were

quite varied. The following is an example of one used by

the members of the zonal council to assure their own

security:

When one or several members of the council wanted to

install themselves in a house in the Casbah, they first sent

a team of masons to construct a hiding place there. The

masons immediately gathered together the people in the

building and told them, in substance: "You are soon to receive important personages. You will be responsible for

their security with your lives." And sometimes, to indicate

that this was no idle threat, a burst of gunfire cut down on

the spot the residents who seemed to them most suspect

From then on, the movements of the residents were strictly

controlled; never could more than half of them be outside

at a time. The secret was well kept

Yassef Saadi, political-military commissar of the Z.AA.

was able to install himself within 200 yards of the office of

the army commandant of the Algiers sector and remain

there without being found for several months before his

arrest.
4. Terrorism—The Principal Weapon of

Modern Warfare

The war in Indochina and the one in Algeria have demonstrated the basic weapon that permits our enemies to

fight effectively with few resources and even to defeat a

traditional army.

This weapon is terrorism.

Terrorism in the service of a clandestine organization

devoted to manipulating the population is a recent development. After being used in Morocco in 1954, it reached

its full development in Algiers in December, 1956, and

January, 1957. The resultant surprise gave our adversaries

an essential advantage, which may have been decisive. In

effect, a hundred organized terrorists were all that was

necessary to cause us to give up the game quickly to the

Moroccans.

Terrorism, then, is a weapon of warfare, which can neither be ignored nor minimized. It is as a weapon of warfare that we should study it.

The goal of modern warfare is control of the populace,

and terrorism is a particularly appropriate weapon, since it

aims directly at the inhabitant. In the street, at work, at

home, the citizen lives continually under the threat of violent death. In the presence of this permanent danger surrounding him/ he has the depressing feeling of being an

isolated and defenseless target. The fact that public au26
PREPARATION FOR WAR • I/

thority and the police are no longer capable of ensuring

his security adds to his distress. He loses confidence in the

state whose inherent mission it is to guarantee his safety.

He is more and more drawn to the side of the terrorists,

who alone are able to protect him.

The intended objective, which is to cause the population

to vacillate is thus attained.

What characterizes modern terrorism, and makes for its

basic strength, is the slaughter of generally defenseless

persons. The terrorist operates within a familiar legal

framework, while avoiding the ordinary risks taken by the

common criminal, let alone by soldiers on the field of battle, or even by partisans facing regular troops.

The ordinary criminal kills a certain individual, usually

only one, for a specific purpose. Having achieved it, he

may no longer constitute a danger to society. His crime is

based on an easily discernible motive—robbery, vengeance, etc. To succeed, he quite often has to run risks sufficient to cause his arrest. His crime is thus carried out

within a known framework. Well-defined police procedure

can easily be applied, which takes whatever time is necessary to obtain justice, while respecting the rights of both

the individual and society.

The soldier meets his adversary on the field of battle and

in uniform. He fights within a framework of traditional

rules that both sides respect. Aware of the dangers that

confront him, the soldier has always had a high regard for

his opponent, because both run the same risks. When the

battle is over, the dead and the wounded of the two camps

are treated with the same humanity; prisoners are withdrawn as quickly as possible from the battlefield and are

simply kept from fighting again until the end of the war.

For the partisan and the irregular who oppose a regular

army, the very fact that they violate the rules of warfare

in fighting without a uniform (avoiding the risks involved)
l8 • MOfltCRN WARFARE

deprives them of the protection of these same rules. If

taken prisoner while armed, they may be shot on the spot.

But the case of the terrorist is quite otherwise. Not only

does he carry on warfare without uniform, but he attacks,

far from a field of battle, only unarmed civilians who are

incapable of defending themselves and who are normally

protected under the rules of warfare. Surrounded by a

vast organization, which prepares his task and assists him

in its execution, which assures his withdrawal and his protection, he runs practically no risks—neither that of retailation by his victims nor that of having to appear before a

court of justice. When it has been decided to kill someone

sometime somewhere, with the sole purpose of terrorizing

the populace and strewing a certain number of bodies

along the streets of a city or on country roads, it is quite

easy under existing laws to escape the police.

In Algiers, during 1956, the F.L.N. set up the clandestine warfare organization already described, and it was impossible for the police forces to arrest a single terrorist. In

the face of the ever increasing number of attacks, the police ought to have acknowledged their impotence and appealed to the army.

Without the massive intervention of thef army (in particular of the Tenth Parachute Division) at the beginning

of 1957, the entire city would have fallen into the hands of

the F.L.N., the loss carrying with it the immediate abandonment of all Algeria.

In a large city, police forces can partly restrict the action

of the terrorists and delay their complete control of the

populace. Obliged to act secretly, the organization's functioning will be slow and difficult. Massive and drastic action by the army may even be able to stop it entirely, as in

Algiers in 1957.

But in the unprotected regions that comprise the major
PREPARATION FOB WAR • 19

portion of the national territory, particularly the vast area

of inhabited countryside where police forces are small or

nonexistent, terrorist action encounters no opposition at

the beginning of a conflict and is most effective.

Isolated raids first reveal the existence of a partially organized movement. These attract attention and promote

caution among the populace. Then, selective terrorism begins to eliminate lesser persons of influence, petty bureaucrats and various police officials who did not understand

the first warnings or were slow in reacting to them. Administrative cadres are restrained or eliminated. The silence

and collusion of the unprotected inhabitants have been

won. Agents of the enemy have a free hand to organize

and to manipulate the population at will.

From then on, within the midst of these people taken

over by terrorism, the small armed bands whose task it is

to wage guerrilla warfare are able to install themselves, in

the phrase of Mao Tse-tung, like fish in water. Fed, informed, protected, they are able to strike without difficulty

against the forces of order.

Modern warfare requires the unconditional support of

the populace. This support must be maintained at any

price. Here again, terrorism plays its role.

An unceasing watch is exercised over all the inhabitants.

Any suspicion or indication of lack of submission is punishable by death, quite often preceded by horrible torture.

The atrocities committed by the F.L.N, in Algeria to

maintain its hold over the populace are innumerable. I will

cite but one example to demonstrate the degree to which

they were carried in certain areas.

In the month of September, 1958, the forces of order

took possession of the files of a military tribunal of one of

the regions of the F.L.N. In the canton of Michelet alone,

in the arrondissement (district) of Fort-National in Ka91-5016
*0 • MODERN WARFARE

byllet more than 2,000 inhabitants were condemned to

death and executed between November 1,1954, and April

17,1957.

Quite clearly, terrorism is a Xveapon of warfare, and it

is important to stress it.

Although quite old, until recently it has been utilized

only by isolated revolutionaries for spectacular attacks,

principally against high political personalities, such as sovereigns, chiefs of state, and ministers. Even in Indochina,

where guerrillas achieved such a remarkable degree of

development that it permitted the Vietminh finally to win,

terrorism has never been systematically employed. For

example, the plastic bomb attacks outside the municipal theater in Saigon, which caused the greatest number

of victims, were not carried out by the Vietminh (see Graham Greene's book The Quiet American).

The terrorist should not be considered an ordinary

criminal. Actually, he fights within the framework of his

organization, without personal interest, for a cause he considers noble and for a respectable ideal, the same as the

soldiers in the armies confronting him. On the command

of his superiors, he kills without hatred individuals unknown to him, with the same indifference as the soldier on

the battlefield. His victims are often women and children,

almost always defenseless individuals taken by surprise.

But during a period of history when the bombing of open

cities is permitted, and when two Japanese cities were

razed to hasten the end of the war in the Pacific, one cannot with good cause reproach him.*

The terrorist has become a soldier, like the aviator or the

infantryman*

• Yassef Saadl, chief of the Autonomous Zone of Algiers (Z.A.A.), said

after his arrest: "I had my bombs planted in the city because I didn't have

the aircraft to transport them. But they caused fewer victims than the

artillery and air bombardments of our mountain villages. I'm in a war,

you cannot blame me."
PREPARATION FOR WAR * 21

But the aviator flying over a city knows that antiaircraft

shells can kill or maim him. The infantryman wounded on

the battlefield accepts physical suffering, often for long

hours, when he falls between the lines and it is impossible

to rescue him. It never occurs to him to complain and to

ask, for example, that his enemy renounce the use of the

rifle, the shell, or the bomb. If he can, he goes back to a

hospital knowing this to be his lot. The soldier, therefore,

admits the possibility of physical suffering as part of the

job. The risks he runs on the battlefield and the suffering

he endures are the price of the glory he receives.

The terrorist claims the same honors while rejecting the

same obligations. His kind of organization permits him to

escape from the police, his victims cannot defend themselves, and the army cannot use the power of its weapons

against him because he hides himself permanently within

the midst of a population going about its peaceful pursuits.

But he must be made to realize that, when he is captured,

he cannot be treated as an ordinary criminal, nor like a

prisoner taken on the battlefield. What the forces of order

who have arrested him are seeking is not to punish a crime,

for which he is otherwise not personally responsible, but,

as in any war, the destruction of the enemy army or its surrender. Therefore he is not asked details about himself or

about attacks that he may or may not have committed and

that are not of immediate interest, but rather for precise

informatien about his organization. In particular, each

man has a superior whom he knows; he will first have to

give the name of this person, along with his address, so that

it will be possible to proceed with the arrest without delay.

No lawyer is present for such an interrogation. If the

prisoner gives the information requested, the examination

is quickly terminated; if not, specialists must force his secret from him. Then, as a soldier, he must face the suffering, and perhaps the death, he has heretofore managed to
£2 • MODBBN WABPABB

avoid. The terrorist must accept this as a condition inherent in his trade and in the methods of warfare that, with

full knowledge, his superiors and he himself have chosen/

Once the interrogation is finished, however, the terrorist

can take his place among soldiers. From then on, he is a

prisoner of war like any other, kept from resuming hostilities until the end of the conflict.

It would be as useless and unjust to charge him with the

attacks he was able to carry out, as to hold responsible the

infantryman or the airman for the deaths caused by the

weapons they use. According to Clausewitz:

War ... is an act of violence intended to compel an opponent to fulfill our will. . . , Self-imposed restrictions, almost

imperceptible and hardly worth mentioning, termed usages

of International Law, accompany it without impairing its

power. Violence ... is therefore the means; the compulsory

submission of the enemy to our will is the ultimate object. . . .

In such dangerous things as war, the errors which proceed

from a spirit of benevolence are the worst. As the use of

physical power to the utmost extent by no means excludes

the cooperation of the intelligence, it follows that he who

uses force unsparingly, without reference to the bloodshed

involved, must obtain a superiority if his adversary uses less

vigor in its application. ...

To introduce into the philosophy of war itself a principle of

moderation would be an absurdity, f

These basic principles of traditional warfare retain all of

their validity in modern warfare.

Although violence is an unavoidable necessity in warfare, certain unnecessary violence ought to be rigorously

* In France during the Nazi occupation, members of the Resistance violated the rules of warfare. They knew they could not hide behind them, and

they were perfectly aware of the risks to which they were exposing

themselves. Their glory is to have calmly faced those risks with full

knowledge of the consequences.

t Karl von Clausewitz, On War, trans. Col. J. J. Graham (New York:

E. P. Button and Co.), 1,2-3.
PREPARATION FOB WAB • *3

banned. Interrogations in modern warfare should be conducted by specialists perfectly versed in the techniques to

be employed.

The first condition for a quick and effective interrogation is to have interrogators who know what they can ask

the terrorist under questioning. For this, it is first of all essential to place him precisely within the diagram of the

organization to which he belongs. A profound knowledge

of the organization is required. It is useless to ask a funds

collector about caches of weapons or bombs. Every clandestine organization is strictly compartmented, and he

would know nothing about them. To ask him would be a

useless waste of time. On the other hand, he does know to

whom he remits the funds and under what conditions. This

is the only subject about which he should be questioned.

It is known that the ordinary terrorist operates as part of

a three-man team; therefore he knows his comrade and his

demi-cell superior. This is the only information he will be

able to furnish, but he must give it quickly; otherwise, the

individuals sought will have the time to disappear, the

thread will be broken, and a lengthy search will quite

often come to naught.

The interrogators must always strive not to injure the

physical and moral integrity of individuals. Science can

easily place at the army's disposition the means for obtaining what is sought

But we must not trifle with our responsibilities. It is deceitful to permit artillery or aviation to bomb villages and

slaughter women and children, while the real enemy usually

escapes, and to refuse interrogation specialists the right to

seize the truly guilty terrorist and spare the innocent

Terrorism in the hands of our adversaries has become a

formidable weapon of war that we can no longer permit

ourselves to ignore. Tried out in Indochina and brought to
24 • MODERN WABFABB

perfection in Algeria, it can lead to any boldness, even a

direct attack on metropolitan France. Thanks to the Communist Party, which is already on the scene and is familiar

with underground operations, it would encounter no great

difficulty.

Even a band of gangsters, lacking any political ideology

at all, but without scruples and determined to employ the

same methods, could constitute a grave danger.

In the light of present events, we can imagine in its

broad outlines the unfolding of future aggression:

A few organized and well-trained men of action will

carry out a reign of terror in the big cities. If the goal

pursued is only to strew the streets nightly with a certain

number of anonymous corpses to terrorize the inhabitants,

a specialized organization would have no difficulty, within

the framework of existing laws, in escaping the pursuit of

the police. The numerous attacks being committed nightly

in our large cities, which are nothing other than a prelude to

facilitating the creation and training of an important warfare organization, demonstrate in a tangible way the inadequacy of a traditional police force against modern terrorists. Whenever a broad attack is unfolded, the police

run the risk of being quickly overwhelmed.

In the countryside, and particularly in the hilly regions

such as the Massif Central, the Alps, or Brittany, the population has no permanent protection. Small bands could

easily block traffic through difficult passes by killing the

passengers of the first two or three automobiles. A few

brutalities, such as savagely executed preventive assassinations in the surrounding villages, will cow the inhabitants

into providing for the maintenance of the bands and will

discourage them from giving useful information to the authorities.

Occasional police operations timidly carried out with

inadequate forces will fail pitifully. These failures will en-
PREPARATION FOR WAR • 2$

courage a goodly number of adventurers to team up with

the original outlaws, who will rapidly develop into rebels.

In this fashion, immense zones will be practically abandoned to our adversaries and will be lost to our control.

The way will be open to the guerrilla. With terrorism in

the cities and guerrillas in the countryside, the war will

have begun. This is the simple mechanism, now well

known, which can at any instant be unleashed against us.
5. Identifying the Adversary

To carry out a war effectively, to win it, it is indispensable to identify the adversary exactly. This condition must

be fulfilled so that our shots will strike home.

Formerly, this was a simple task. According to the period of our history, he was to be found on the other side of

the Rhine or the other side of the Channel. He had his war

aims, simple and precise, as we had ours. It would have

been useless to attempt to convert him to our cause or to

hope to cause him to give up the fight without having defeated him.

To gain a victory, the nation and its army put to work all

material and moral resources. Any person who dealt with

the enemy, or who favored his objectives in any way, was

considered a traitor and was treated as such.

In modern warfare, the enemy is far more difficult to

identify. No physical frontier separates the two camps.

The line of demarcation between friend and foe passes

through the very heart of the nation, through the same village, and sometimes divides the same family. It is a nonphysical, often ideological boundary, which must however

be expressly delineated if we want to reach the adversary

and to defeat him.

Since the military art is simply and completely one of

action, it is only when we have identified the enemy that

the apparently complex problems posed to the army by

modern warfare can be reduced to realistic proportions

26
PREPARATION FOR WAR * 2/

and easily resolved. The criteria for arriving.at such a point

will be difficult to establish; however, a study of the causes

of the war and the aims pursued by the adversary will permit us to discover them.

The period of preparation before the opening of hostilities generally takes place under cover of a legally

established political party; our opponents can thus get

themselves within our frontiers and under the protection

of our laws. Covered by legality, they will strive to create

a climate favorable to their cause within the country and

abroad and to establish on our own territory the essential

elements of their warfare organization.

The fact that modern warfare is not officially declared,

that a state of war is not generally proclaimed, permits the

adversary to continue to take advantage of peacetime legislation, to pursue his activities both openly and secretly.

He will strive by every means to preserve the fiction of

peace, which is so essential to the pursuit of his design.

Therefore, the surest means of unveiling the adversary

is to declare a state of war at the earliest moment, at the

very latest when the first symptoms of the struggle are revealed in political assassinations, terrorism, guerrilla activities, etc.

At this stage the* preparation of the opponent will be

quite well advanced and the danger very great; to minimize this would be a disastrous mistake. Henceforth, any

party that has supported or continues to support the enemy

shall be considered a party of the enemy.

The nation attacked must fall in behind the government

and its army. An army can throw itself into a campaign

only when it has the moral support of the nation; it is the

nation's faithful reflection because it is composed of the

nation's youth and because it carries within it the hopes of

the nation. Its unquestioned actions should be praised by

the nation to m^'nte"* the nobility of the just cause it has
a8 • MODERN WARFARE

been charged to make triumphant. The army, whose responsibility it is to do battle, must receive the unreserved,

affectionate, and devoted support of the nation. Any propaganda tending to undermine its morale, causing it to doubt

the necessity of its sacrifices/ should be unmercifully repressed.

The army will then know where to strike. Any individual who, in any fashion whatsoever, favors the objectives

of the enemy will be considered a traitor and treated as

such.

In totalitarian countries, ideological boundaries are extended to the country's geographic limits, so that there

may be no doubt as to the enemy to be struck. All enemies

of the established power are eliminated or driven out of

the national territory.

Although we should avoid these extreme measures,

which are unquestionably incompatible with the ideals of

liberty dear to us and to the civilization we are defending,

we cannot, obviously, defeat an enemy we have not clearly

identified.

We know that the enemy consists not of a few armed

bands fighting on the ground, but of an organization that

feeds him, informs him, and sustains his morale. This is a

state of affairs that democracy tolerates within an attacked

nation, but it enables the enemy to act secretly or openly

in such a way that measures which might deal him a decisive blow are either never taken or are indefinitely delayed
6. Defense of the Territory

Since the stake in modern warfare is the control of the

populace, the first objective is to assure the people their

protection by giving them the means of defending themselves, especially against terrorism.

We then have to create and train organizations capable

of detecting the elements our enemies will strive to introduce into our territory preparatory to the open struggle.

Finally, if hostilities break out, if terrorism and guerrilla

activity have established themselves over a large portion of

our territory, we must combat them with the appropriate

methods, which will be far more effective than those which

would have been considered and used in peacetime.

THE INHABITANTS' ORGANIZATION

Military schools teaching classic doctrines of warfare

rely upon a number of decision factors—the mission, the

enemy, the terrain, and the resources.

But one factor that is essential to the conduct of modern

warfare is omitted—the inhabitant.

The battlefield today is no longer restricted. It is limitless; it can encompass entire nations. The inhabitant in his

home is the center of the conflict. Amidst the continuing

movement of military actions, he is the stablest element.

Like it or not, the two camps are compelled to make him

participate in the combat; in a certain sense, he has become a combatant also* Therefore, it is essential to prepare
• MODERN WARFABK

him for the role he will have to play and to enable him to

fulfill it effectively on our side.

For the inhabitant to elude the threats of the enemy, to

cease to be an isolated target that no police force can protect, we must have him participate in his own defense. To

this end, we have him enter into a structured organization

encompassing the entire population. No one shall be able

to avoid this service, and each person at any moment will

be subject to the orders of his civil or military superiors to

participate in protective measures.

Control of the masses through a tight organization,

often through several parallel organizations, is the master

weapon of modern warfare. This is what permits the enemy to uncover quickly any hostile element within a subjugated population. Only when we have created a similar

organization will we be able to discover, and as quickly

eliminate, those individuals the enemy tries to introduce

among us.

The creation of such an organization may run into serious difficulties, but they are not insurmountable if we

firmly desire to succeed. There will be no lack of good will;

danger will create it. The experience of the battle of Algiers provides us with a sound basis for this assumption.

First, we designate an energetic and intelligent man in

each city who will, with one or more reliable assistants,

build the projected organization with a minimum of help

from the authorities.

The principle is very simple. The designated leader divides the city into districts, at the head of each of which he

places a chief and two or three assistants. These, in turn,

divide the district into sub-districts and designate a chief

and several assistants for each of them. Finally, each building or group of houses receives a chief and two or three

assistants who will be in direct contact with the populace.

Careful investigation is necessary before designating
PREPARATION FOR WAR * 32

members of the organization and to prevent failures.

Nevertheless, making each member responsible for the

designation and control of his immediate subordinates will

permit rapid creation of the organization on a sound foundation.

In our overseas territories or during a period of crisis at

home, when for a variety of reasons we may not be sure of

the loyalty of the people—particularly if the enemy organization previously created is sufficiently strong to oblige the

population to walk carefully—the problem will be more

complex, since the inhabitants will reject any responsibility that might subject them to the adversary's retaliation.

In this case, the pyramid of our organization is created

from the bottom up by the police forces charged with

maintaining order. Mobile gendarmerie squadrons, with

their accustomed police contacts with the people, will be

especially qualified to perform this delicate task.

First, they conduct a careful census of the entire population. The basic leader of the organizational structure will

be the head of the family. He is made responsible for all

inhabitants of his apartment or house, and for keeping up

to date the list established at the time of the census.

During the taking of the census, we designate at the

next echelon a chief of a group of houses (or of a building,

or a floor of a building), who will be responsible for a certain number of heads of family, four or five at most.

Finally, when the census is completed and a close relationship established with the population, chiefs of subdistricts will be designated. According to the way in which

the city is divided up, it will be possible tor a sub-district

leader to be made responsible for some ten chiefs of house

groups. Since this individual will play a key role, the district commander should appoint him and then only after

careful investigation. The essential quality of a potential

sub-district leader is that he have firm attachments in the
32 * MODERN WARFABS

sub-district (a business or shop, affluence, a large family).

That is, he should have a standard of living or family ties

that it would be difficult for him to abandon.

There will be no structural echelon above the subdistrict leader. His role is too important for him to be

easily commanded, and he will be too vulnerable a target

for the enemy. The organization will actually be a pyramid

of which the sub-district leader will constitute the apex.

In case of war, a special civil and military organism is

set up for an entire medium-sized city or for districts in the

larger cities. Its essential role is to transmit orders to the

sub-district leaders, to see to their execution, and to gather

information the sub-district leaders will provide. Having

permanent contact with the sub-district leaders, this special organism will ensure continuing and correct execution

of instructions issued to the various echelons of the organization.

The population census will permit each inhabitant to be

given a census card, one or two copies of which will remain in the possession of the forces of order.

The card will include a photograph of the individual, as

well as, say, his house-group number (e.g., 3), the letter of

the sub-district (B), the number of the district (2), and

the letter designating the city (A). The result will constitute what amounts to a catalog number (A.2.B.3.), which

will, in the course of frequent checks, enable us to keep

tabs on each individual and on the ability of the leaders

upon whom he depends.

This organization will permit the command to enlist the

participation of the populace in its own protection. To a

certain extent, it will be able to participate in the tasks of

the forces of order and carry out simple police missions.

Detection, surveillance, and occasionally the arrest of dangerous individuals will be managed without difficulty, and

the transmission of instructions will always be easy and
PREPARATION FOR WAR • 33

quick. The organization will rapidly become one of the

essential elements of the territorial command and will

assume an ever increasing importance. A special office,

which we shall call the bureau of the inhabitants9 organization and control, will be necessary to monitor the organization's activity.

In case of emergency, this organism would be in a position to establish without delay very strict control over food

supplies, animals, and all resources our adversaries could

use against us. This organization will enable the precise

identification of the outlaw: Any individual who is slow

to establish himself and does not enter the organization

would, in effect, be an outlaw,

A careful search of the population is necessary to find

men capable of being leaders of the organization at its

various echelons. The bulk of the population is by habit

or tradition normally devoted to established authority and

the forces of order. The people will be ready to help if we

ask their aid, on the condition that we will at all times support and protect those who are on our side. This protection

is one of the essential missions of the inhabitants' organization.

Good will is never lacking even in the most troubled of

times. Indochina and, later, Algeria have amply proven

this. But we ought never to forget that ambition has always been a powerful incentive for a young and dynamic

elite that wishes to get out of its rut and arrive. It is largely

to this youth that we must appeal. We must bind them to

us and compensate services rendered according to their

worth.

Finally, of course, we may always assure ourselves of

their loyalty by placing them within an organization it will

be difficult to leave once admitted.

This inhabitants' organization certainly runs counter to

our traditional spirit of individualism and may promote
34 • MODERN WABFABB

dangers to our liberties that we must not minimize. The

analogy with certain totalitarian organizations will afford

our adversaries easy opportunities to attack us.

But we cannot permit ourselves to be deluded. There is

a fundamental difference. Our organization is a defensive

one, the sole aim of which is to ensure the protection of the

populace, particularly against the danger of terrorism. No

individual entering it need abdicate a particle of his basic

liberties; but in the face of a common enemy, each will

give under discipline his total and unreserved assistance to

his fellows and his superiors. Once the war is won or the

danger has passed, our organization will have no reason to

exist.

Abuses are always possible. The organization will have

to be seriously controlled, so that it remains solely a means

of protection against the external enemy and does not become a vehicle for internal political pressure. This cannot

happen if it is created in a spirit of justice and if the burdens it necessitates are equitably shared among all the inhabitants of a given region, no matter what their social

circumstances may be.

One should not lose sight of the fact that this is the sole

means we have to assure the protection of peaceful citizens

and to prevent terrorism from forcing them into a harsh

and inhuman servitude.

Formerly, nations spent huge sums for the construction

of fortifications designed to protect themselves against invasion. Today, the inhabitants' organization, the elite formation designed as a framework for protection and to give

us information about the enemy's clandestine penetration

of our territory, constitutes the modern means of defense

against modern warfare.

Any country that does not create such an organization

runs a permanent danger of being invaded. The financial

outlays called for cannot be compared with those needed
PREPARATION FOB WAB * 35

for the construction of elaborate fortifications. We have no

excuse if we do not create such an organization.

COUNTRYWIDE INTELLIGENCE

With a reliable intelligence service, we would be able

to detect all infiltration attempts against our territory and

to discover who are those indispensable to the enemy's

preparation of his projected offensive action.

The inhabitants will know them, since they suffer terribly from their activities, but will not denounce these

agents unless they can do so without risk. Fear of reprisal

will always prevent them from communicating to us information they possess.

The inhabitants' organization, which in large measure

assures their security, will therefore be an important organism for information. In its very creation, it passes the

entire population through a sieve and learns the circumstances in which each person lives. Contacts are made, and

a certain confidence in the forces of order established.

Then, frequent meetings of responsible leaders at various echelons will permit regular and frequent relations between the authorities and qualified representatives of the

people. Much information will also be gathered, the source

of which our adversaries will not succeed in discovering.

We will thus have created an initial element of security

and understanding.

We cannot hope to transform all the inhabitants into

agents. But since modern warfare asserts its presence on

the totality of the population, we have to be everywhere

informed. Therefore, we must have a vast intelligence network, which ought to be set up, if possible, before the

opening of hostilities.

During a period of crisis, we complain of not being

better informed. We accuse the people unjustly of concealing the truth or of not giving us die information they

91-5016
36 • MODERN WARPABB

possess. And very often, because we have not prepared

anything, we will be tempted to obtain by violence information that a well-organized service would have given us

without difficulty.

Selective terrorism, as we have seen, will, even before

the opening of hostilities, put an end to our regular intelligence agents. Leaders and small functionaries are its first

victims. The threat of the enemy's warfare organization

quickly condemns the population to silence. When hostilities begin, we shall be cut off precipitously from all

sources of information if we have made no provision to

guard against it.

Even before the inhabitants have been organized, we

ought to give a portion of the populace the chance of informing us securely. The time is past when a specialized

service could recruit a few agents haphazardly and from a

quite special sector of society.

We have to have numerous and secretly established centers of accelerated training, where we will be able to train

quickly a great number of inhabitants in the agent roles

we shall ask them to play. Their training will be essentially

practical: It will be limited to teaching them a few elementary procedures for transmitting simple information

(telephone, letter box, dead-drop, etc. )f which will be sufficient to ensure their protection.

We then distribute them throughout all phases of human activity—factories, yards, administrative offices, the

large public services—everywhere people gather we will

be present, thanks to them. We shall almost always be able

to recruit them in the very circles of interest to us; if not,

we shall get them jobs appropriate to their professional or

vocational aptitudes that will serve them as cover.

These "benevolent" agents can give us information on

their milieu and inform us of the agents the enemy attempts to infiltrate into the population—that is, such basic
PREPARATION FOR WAR • 3/

activists as fund collectors, propagandists, strike leaders,

etc., who usually constitute the first echelon of the opponent's organization. Working among them, often in their

very midst, our agents can discover them without difficulty.

This intelligence network, despite its extent and the considerable number of agents it will put to work, can be

created at little expense. Their employment itself will provide the agents with a steady income. Various premiums

for production will usually be sufficient to sustain their

enthusiasm.

Information is nothing in itself, particularly during a

crisis, if it is not quickly exploited. Therefore, we must

create an intelligence-action service capable of exploiting

its own information in the shortest possible time.

Certain individuals of our broadly based intelligence

system, after proving their exceptional qualities, will be

able to enter the intelligence-action service. They ought

to be capable of detecting, following, and sometimes even

arresting the enemy agents they uncover.

But our best agents will be furnished to us by the enemy

himself. During the course of interrogations, we should always bear in mind that the majority of individuals arrested, if we have enough flexibility, can change camp.

Many among them have passed over to the service of the

enemy only through duress and have been kept there

solely by a continuing threat of blackmail. If we generously offer them another path with our protection, they

will become our most faithful collaborators.

As for others, it will suffice to lead them to denounce

openly members of the organization whom they know,

particularly their superiors and their subordinates. From

then on, they are no longer able to betray us and will collaborate with us if only to assure their own protection.

Finally, experience has demonstrated that, although
3# * MODERN WABFABX

confessions and conversions may be diflBcult to obtain at

lower echelons, they are, at a higher level, and especially

among intellectuals, usually easy and quick.

It is thus that we shall recruit the basic agents of our

intelligence-action service. Well trained by specialists of

the forces of order, they will themselves be prepared to

exploit their own information in the destruction of the

opposing organization.

But, except for a few individuals capable of playing a

double-agent role, profitable use of them is of short duration. We shall have to renew them frequently, particularly

after all their information has been exploited.

This service should cooperate with all the elements

charged with exploiting leads, be prepared to follow

closely all police operations, and be au courant of all arrests so as to utilize to the maximum all recruitment possibilities.

A well-organized intelligence service can make us aware

of the structure of the warfare organization our opponents

seek to implant upon our territory.

The most effective solution would no doubt consist of

destroying these opponents before they constitute a danger. However, if for various reasons—in general, political

ones—we are not authorized to do this, we ought to observe their development closely so as to be in a position to

arrest them the moment the order is given.

The best way to be well informed consists in introducing

our own agents into the organization of the enemy and in

corrupting his agents. This is a delicate task that only a few

proven agents will be able to accomplish.

As the adversary's organization begins to expand, our

opponents, working hi an enemy country, will find that

their freedom of action becomes more limited. They run

into increasing difficulties as they recruit more and more

persons; they are no longer able to exercise tight control
PREPARATION FOR WAR • 39

over all their agents. Then we will have the opportunities

of introducing our own agents into their organization, and

we ought to exploit them.

Here again, the best candidates will be furnished to us

by the enemy himself. The security of a clandestine organization is assured by rigorous compartmentation. Personal

contacts are, for reasons of security, rare at higher echelons. A well-trained intelligence-action service should be

able to make frequent arrests of members of the enemy

organization in utmost secrecy. We should try to make

them pass quickly into our service, permitting them to remain within their own organization after having established a sure system of communications.

We should not underestimate our adversaries, nor

should we overestimate them and attribute to them powers

they do not possess. They, too, will always have innumerable difficulties to overcome. The thing that makes their

task easy is the absence of a special service created to combat them, and the practically total freedom we permit

them in the field of clandestinity.

If we prepare ourselv.es in peacetime to face modern

warfare, if we provide the people with a means of defending themselves, if we take precautions to be informed at

all times of the preparations and the intentions of our adversaries, then we shall have no difficulty in quickly taking

the necessary action when the time comes to reduce our

adversaries to impotence.

This capability will not go unnoticed; in itself, it may be

sufficient to discourage any attempt at a trial of force and

serve to maintain the peace. If, however, our adversaries

should decide to pass over to open warfare, we would have

at hand the means of crushing any enemy who attempts to

carry the war onto our territory.

But if the measures decribed above are not adopted, our

adversaries will be able to undertake an open struggle to
40 • MODERN WARFARE

attain their final objective, which is to overthrow the established authority and to replace it with their own system.

Since it is the population that is at stake, the struggle will

assume two aspects: Political—direct action on the population; and military—the struggle against the armed forces of

the aggressor Our adversaries will not open hostilities until a certain number of preliminary conditions have been

realized. By that time their infiltration of our position will

be profound and extensive. It will be possible to eradicate it

only by powerful means, a firm intention to prevail, and a

considerable investment in time.
T WO

THE POLITICAL

AND MILITARY

CONDUCT

OF THE WAR

I. THE POLITICAL ASPECT

7. Direct Action on the Populations of Cities

Internal warfare within a population, particularly in

cities, generally involves an extensive police operation.

There is also an intensive propaganda effort, destined primarily to make the steps that are taken understood. A

broad social program follows, the objective of which is to

give the people the material and moral assistance necessary to permit them to resume their normal activities

quickly after operations are over.

We have seen how action against the population is conducted by the enemy, and we stressed the primary role of

terrorism supported by a warfare organization.

Any actions taken in cities against enemy organizations

will be essentially broad police operations and will be performed by the regular police forces if these are adequate

and capable. If not, the army may take over the task.

The mission of the police operation is not merely to seek

a few individuals who have carried out terrorist attacks,

but to eliminate from the midst of the population the entire enemy organization that has infiltrated it and is manipulating it at will.

Simultaneously, units of the army will spread their activity throughout the entire city, throwing over it an immense

net to overlay the police forces already in place. The police

organization will not be disturbed, but will continue to

43
44 * MODERN WARFARE

operate within its normal framework while cooperating

completely with the army.

Without fear of reaction from the enemy, the army will

operate in light detachments. A highly mobile reserve element, the size of a company, will usually allow the handling of any unforeseen eventuality in even a large city.

The police forces can take advantage of the army's presence and the protection and assistance that it will afford to

undertake without delay (as described in the preceding

chapter) the organization and control of the population,

the creation of a broadly based intelligence service, and

the establishment of an intelligence-action service—all of

which ought to start functioning as quickly as possible.

In this way, we can oppose the enemy with our own

organization. If we are serious, it will quickly be in place.

Working openly in a systematic way and with great resources, the forces of order will often be able to outrun the

enemy, who, obliged to operate in secret, has only limited

resources at his disposal.

Then, in collaboration with the police services, we obtain as much information as possible on the organization

to be destroyed and then reconstruct, if possible, its organizational chart. Since it is adapted to each city according to

the city's importance and the local situation, the organization will rarely be very different in its general structure

from that of Algiers in 1956-57, described at the beginning

of this study.

The forces of order must simultaneously initiate normal

police operations, which from the outset will run into serious difficulties-.. We know that if the enemy opens hostilities it is because certain preliminary conditions have been

met: Principally, he is capable of exercising a strong hold

over the populace his attacks have terrorized.

The people know certain key persons in the enemy or-
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAB • 45

ganization—fund collectors, activists, and terrorists of the

armed groups who live in permanent contact with the population. But they will not denounce them unless they can

do so in safety. Therefore, assuring this safety is one of the

first aims of the inhabitants' organization and the intelligence service. We cannot wait, however, until an intelligence network has been set up before obtaining from the

population the information we need. Operations must begin as soon as the army has taken up its position.

The inhabitants are first mustered entirely, by city district. They are quickly interrogated, individually and in

secret, in a series of previously arranged small rooms. Any

noncommissioned officer of the unit can ask them simple

questions, the most frequent of which will be, "Who in

your district collects the organization's funds?"

As time goes on, we increase the number of interrogation teams. Certain inhabitants, assured that their identities will not be disclosed, will readily give the information

requested. After verifying this data, we proceed to the

arrest of the individuals who have been singled out. In this

manner, we can capture the first-echelon elements of the

enemy organization.

Except for rare cases of emergency, the arrests should

take place at night, facilitated by a curfew. The forces of

order can easily watch all the streets of a city with a minimum of troops. Anyone found away from his home at night

is suspect, and will be arrested and interrogated. Numerous small patrols will move about rapidly and securely apprehend most of the individuals sought in their homes.

These are interrogated on the spot by specialized teams.

They must give quickly the names and addresses of their

superiors, so that the latter may be arrested before the lifting of the curfew. During the day, they would surely be

forewarned and would place themselves beyond our reach.
j6 • MODERN WARFARE

A series of night raids will cause important elements of the

enemy organization to fall into our hands and will disrupt

it

There are other effective intelligence and control procedures. When we arrest important leaders, we carefully disguise them and line up before them all persons picked up

in the course of police raids. The leaders will be able to

point out members of their organization they recognize,

whom we can arrest on the spot. At other times, we may

place the leaders in concealed "observation posts,0 set up

at heavily trafficked points in a city, from which they will

indicate (by radio or other means) recognized individuals

to surveillance teams who will quickly apprehend them.

One of our most effective methods is the census card

(already described) issued to each individual. Of course,

the important members of the enemy organization always

have one or more pseudonyms, but certain inhabitants

have met them at one time or other, although they may not

know their name, function, or place of residence. However,

they can readily recognize them from the photographs on

the copies of the census card retained by the authorities. At

one time, we can obtain not only their exact address, but

also the names of those who are responsible for their movements (chiefs of house-groups and chiefs of sub-districts).

But the conduct of a police operation in the middle of a

city raises numerous difficulties. We should note the main

ones so that we may be able to overcome them.

1, Modern warfare is a new experience for the majority

of our fellow citizens. Even among our friends, the systematic conduct of raids will run into opposition, resulting

generally from a total lack of understanding of the enemy

and his methods of warfare. This will often be very difficult to overcome.

For example, the fact that the enemy's warfare organization in a single city may consist of several thousand men
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAB • JJ

will coixie as a surprise even to the majority of high administrative functionaries, who thought sincerely that they

were dealing with only a few isolated criminals.

One of the first problems encountered, that of lodging

the individuals arrested, will generally not have been anticipated. Prisons, designed essentially to accommodate

offenders against common law, will rapidly become inadequate and will not' meet our needs. We will be compelled

to intern the prisoners under improvised, often deplorable

conditions, which will lead to justifiable criticism our adversaries will exploit. From the beginning of hostilities,

prison camps should be set up according to the conditions

laid down by the Geneva Convention. They should be sufficiently large to take care of all prisoners until the end of

the war.

2. By every means—and this is a quite legitimate tactic—

our opponents will seek to slow down and, if possible, put

an end to our operations. The fact that a state of war will

generally not have been declared will be, as we have already indicated, one of their most effective means of

achieving this. In particular, they will attempt to have

arrested terrorists treated as ordinary criminals and to

have members of their organization considered as minor

peacetime offenders.

On this subject, the files of the Algiers terrorist organization divulged some particularly interesting documents.

"We are no longer protected by legality," wrote the chief

of the Algiers F.L.N. in 1957, when the army had taken

over the functions of the police. "We ask all our friends to

do the impossible to have legality re-established; otherwise

we are lost."

Actually, the peacetime laws gave our enemies maximum opportunities for evading pursuit; it was vital to

them that legality be strictly applied. The appeal was not

launched in vain. Shortly thereafter, a violent press cam-
48 • MODERN WARFARE

paign was unleashed, both in France and abroad, demanding that peacetime laws be strictly adhered to in the course

of police operations.

3. Warfare operations, especially those of a police nature in a large city, take place in the very midst of the

populace, almost in public, whereas formerly they occurred on a battlefield, to which only armed forces had

access.

Certain harsh actions can easily pass for brutalities in

the eyes of a sensitive public. And it is a fact also that, in

the process of extirpating the terrorist organization from

their midst, the people will be manhandled, lined up, interrogated, searched. Day and night, armed soldiers will

make unexpected intrusions inio the homes of peaceful

citizens to carry out necessary arrests. Fighting may occur

in which the inhabitants will suffer.

People who know our adversaries will not protest in submitting to inconveniences they know to be necessary for

the recovery of their liberty. But our enemies will not fail

to exploit the situation for their propaganda needs.

Nevertheless, even if some brutality is inevitable, rigorous discipline must always be enforced to prevent wanton

acts. The army has the means of demanding and maintaining firm discipline. It has at its disposal its own system

of justice, precisely created to check quickly misdeeds or

crimes committed by military personnel in the exercise of

their duties. The army must apply the law without hesitation.

Under no pretext, however, can a government permit

itself to become engaged in a polemic against the forces

of order in this respect, a situation that can benefit only

our adversaries.

Police action will therefore be actual operational warfare. It will be methodically pursued until the enemy organization has been entirely annihilated. It will not end
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR * <$

until we have organized the population and created an

efficient intelligence service to enable it to defend itself.

This organization will have to be maintained until the end

of hostilities to- prevent any return by the enemy to the

offensive. After the battle of Algiers in 1957, the French

Government, under pressure from our adversaries, permitted the dismantling of everything the army had built

up. Three years later, the enemy was able to re-establish

his organization and once again to take control of the population (December, 1960). The victory of Algiers in 1957

had gone for naught.

Our war aims must be clearly known to the people.

They will have to be convinced that if we call upon them

to fight at our sides it can only be in defense of a just

cause. And we should not deceive them. The surest means

of gaining their confidence will be to crush those who

want to oppress them. When we have placed the terrorists

out of harm's way, the problem of pacification will be

quickly resolved.

As long as we have not arrived at such a point, any propaganda, any solution, however skillful, will be ineffective

on a populace infected by clandestine organisms that penetrate like a cancer into its midst and terrorize it. It is

only when we have delivered it from this evil that it will

freely listen, think, and express itself. A just peace will

then be quite possible.

During the period of active operations, the role of propaganda action of the masses will have little effect. It will

usually be limited to making the people understand that

the frequently severe measures taken have no purpose

other than to cause the rapid destruction of the enemy.

With the gradual return to peace, however, propaganda

will play an important role in causing the sometimes impatient masses to understand the variety of problems that
50 * MODERN WABFABB

must be resolved before a return to normal existence is

possible. The inhabitants' organization will be the most

effective instrument of propaganda contact and dissemination.

The people know instinctively what is correct. It is only

by substantive measures that we will lead them to judge

the validity of our action.

War has always been a calamity for the people. Formerly, only those inhabitants who found themselves in the

paths of the armies had to suffer the calamity. Today,

modern warfare strikes the entire population of a country,

the inhabitants of the large cities as well as those of the

most remote rural districts.

The enemy, infiltrated among the people, will always

try to deprive the inhabitants of their means of subsistence. It is among the people that combat operations will

take place, and their activities will be limited in many

ways. They will have to suffer the exacting demands the

enemy invokes to compel obedience, as well as the frequently severe measures the forces of order are led to take.

It will be the role of the social services to lessen the

miseries war engenders.

But we must not lose sight of the fact that any material

aid we give will only profit the enemy if the organization

that permits his control and manipulation of the people

has not first been destroyed. Aid must be prudently administered until the police operation has been completed;

premature, uncontrolled assistance would be of no use to

the inhabitants.

Once peace has been established, even in a small part

of the territory, extensive and generous social assistance

will be of prime importance in bringing to our cause

many people who are unhappy and often disoriented by
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR • 51

the military operations and who will not have always understood the underlying reasons for them.

The conduct of military operations in a large city, in

the midst of the populace, without the benefit of the powerful weapons it possesses, is certainly one of the most

delicate and complex problems ever to face an army.

To carry out effective police work, conduct operations

among.the citizenry, and cause the inhabitants to participate actively on its side, are obviously tasks for which the

military generally has not been prepared. Some feel that

these operations should be entirely carried out by the police, and that the army should keep to the nobler task,

better adapted to its specialty, of reducing armed bands

in the field.

This is a grave error into which our adversaries would

certainly like to lead us. The job of the police is only to

ensure the protection of the people in time of peace

against ordinary offenders or criminals. But the police do

not have the means of conducting combat operations

against a powerful enemy organization whose aim is not

to attack individuals protected by the police, but rather

to conquer the nation and to overthrow its regime.

The protection of the national territory and regime is

quite clearly the essential role of the army. By and large

it has the means necessary for victory; there is only the

question of will and method.
II. THE MILITARY ASPECT

8. Errors in Fighting the Guerrilla

The basic weapon of modern warfare, particularly in the

cities, is terrorism, supported by a special organization. In

the countryside, there is an old method of combat that has

proved itself in the past and has been taken over and

adapted to conditions of modern warfare: It is guerrilla

warfare, which is rooted in terrorism.

The guerrilla and terrorism are only one stage of modern

warfare, designed to create a situation favorable to the

build-up of a regular army for the purpose of eventually

confronting an enemy army on the battlefield and defeating him.

The goal of the guerrilla, during what can be a long

period of time, is not so much to obtain local successes

as it is to create a climate of insecurity, to compel the

forces of order to retire into their most easily defensible

areas. This results in the abandonment of certain portions

of territory that the guerrillas are then able to control.

At the beginning of hostilities, the guerrillas show them*

selves only in minor but violent actions, which they cany

out by surprise but with care to avoid losses.

Dispersion is a necessary part of their defense. Their

subsequent regrouping and transformation into large, regularly organized units is not possible until they have acquired absolute control of a vast area in which they are

able to secure the substantial material aid necessary for

5*
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAH • 53

the establishment, training, and enlistment of a regular

army.

The appearance of regular units in certain regions does

not mean the end of the guerrilla. He will continue actively wherever the establishment of regular units has not

been carried out. Regular units and guerrilla bands will

cooperate closely to try to bring about a situation favorable to the engagement of the enemy army in a decisive

fight to annihilate it.

Modern warfare, like classical wars of the past, will

definitely end only with the crushing of one of the two

armies on the battlefield, or by capitulation of one side to

the war aims of the opponent

The origin, evolution, and efficacy of the guerrilla are

well known. Many authors have studied him, particularly

in the various theaters of operation of World War II, He

was unquestionably a success in Russia, France, and Yugoslavia. In China and Indochina, it was possible to lead

him to a final victory over well-equipped regular modern

armies. In Algeria, despite his meager resources of personnel and materiel, he has for years fought a French army

that has not succeeded in eliminating him.

There are those who think that, to defeat the guerrilla,

it is sufficient to fight him with his own weapons; that is,

to oppose the guerrilla with the counterguerrilla. In a way,

this is what we tried to do in Indochina and then in Algeria. But the guerrilla's weapons and those of a regular

army are quite different, even opposed, in a number of

respects.

To attempt to employ guerrilla tactics that we ourselves

do not have or cannot put to use is to condemn ourselves

to neglect those that we do possess and that can have a

definite, useful application.

I believe that the errors committed and the failures sus-
54 ' MODERN WABFABE

tained flow in large part from confusion between the guerrilla's potential and that of a regular army. For brief intervals in Indochina, we were able to play the part of the

counterguerrilla against the Vietminh, and even that of

the guerrilla. This experience illustrated the difference between the potential of the guerrilla and of the regular

army soldier.

At the time that the French Army occupied Than-Uyen

on the right bank of the Red River, to the north of NghiaLo in Thai country, the town and its airfield were defended by a fortified post atop a rocky peak, held by one

regular company reinforced by some partisans. But its

security was rather chancy, even around the immediate approaches of the town, and on numerous occasions the Vietminh were able to open fire on the planes parked on the

airfield.

After the fall of Nghia-Lo, the town of Than-Uyen,

which had been evacuated by air-lift, was occupied by the

Vietminh.

Then, in October, 1953, native maquisards from the

right bank of the Red River, recruited from among people

who had remained loyal to us, were able with their own

resources to reoccupy the Phong-Tho region and its airfield,

to launch a successful raid on Lao-Kay, and, finally, to seize

Than-Uyen and hold it for seven months, deep behind

enemy lines. When observers came back to the town, they

were struck by the fact that the fortified post had not been

reoccupied and the airfield was never guarded. Nonetheless, security was tighter than the previous year when

French troops held the position.

The regular troops had observed the airfield and its

immediate approaches from the fortified post. Outside of

a quite limited circle of vision, they were blind, particularly at night when they missed everything. The Vietminh,
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR • 55

who knew the limits of this circle, were able to harass us

easily.

Our maquisards, recruited from among and living in -the

midst of the local population, watched not the airfield,

but rather the Vietminh themselves. They placed their

agents everywhere—in units of the Vietminh, in every

village, in every house, and on all the trails of the area.

The entire population was responsible for watching the

enemy, and nothing could escape its observation. When

the maquisards signaled us that the area was free, our

planes were able to land without risk on the airfield, to

which it was unnecessary to give close protection.

The support of the population is essential to the guerrilla. In particular, it prevents him from being taken by

surprise, a vital factor for success in combat. As long as

this support is not withdrawn from him, we cannot surprise him, unless he commits some blunder, which is unlikely if he is well trained and battle-hardened.

This is the reason why methods currently employed

against guerrillas—such as military outposts, autonomous

commando groups or patrols detached from such posts,

isolated ambushes, and wide-ranging sweeps—only rarely

achieve the hoped-for results, and then usually by accident.

Military outposts, installed at great expense in areas to

be pacified, are in general not successful. Often the villages they surround are as well controlled by our enemies

as villages quite distant.

Outposts are usually placed at communications junctions that must be held to secure heavy equipment. They

cause the guerrillas no trouble because there is no need

to take them. Armed bands can freely circulate in the large

areas between the outposts, and can organize and control the population without interference. A few cleverly
$6 • MODERN WARFARE

planned terrorist attacks can suffice to subject the inhabitants to their will.

In addition, the disposition of the outposts is an open

book to our enemies, who observe them at their leisure.

They miss nothing.

The only usefulness of the outposts is the obligation they

create for us. To maintain them forces us to open and keep

up roads, to protect supply convoys during the course of

long hauls, and in general to carry on military activity in

which we would not indulge if it were not for the outposts.

To break the feeling of isolation, which is not long in

coming, the more active or experienced outposts send out

patrols rarely exceeding about sixty men (two platoons)

in strength. Certain sectors even make use of specially

trained commandos of company strength. Their mission is

to patrol day and night a predetermined sector by a variety of routes, with the objective of creating a sense of

insecurity in the guerrillas surrounding the post and of

reassuring the people by their presence.

The populace sees the commandos or patrols passing

through, and often views them sympathetically. But the

patrols always pass too quickly to destroy the organization the rebels have set up in each village to terrorize the

inhabitants and to bend them to their will—the fund collectors, organization leaders, lookouts, etc. As long as this

structure is not demolished, the population's fear will remain the same and the task of pacification can make no

headway.

Away from their outposts or bases, the commandos or

patrols are unable to subsist for long—a few days at best,

just time enough to use up the rations they can carry.

They cannot live off the land, because they do not have

at their disposal the resources the guerrillas use. The guerrilla bands have inhabitants to guide them, an organization
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR • 57

that prepares their bivouac each day, sees to their provisioning, and assures their security.

The commandos move about blindly, guided only by

the reconnaissance elements they send ahead. At night,

even with sentinels nearby, their security is precarious at

best. Physical and mental wear and tear come rapidly.

In addition, they are unable to vary their itinerary as

much as they would like, particularly on the trip back and

if the terrain is difficult. They cannot escape the observation of the inhabitants and the lookouts, who are able to

analyze their habits quickly. They will shortly realize that

a patrol on a certain path will not leave it—sometimes by

force of habit, often because it has no way of getting out

Nothing will happen as long as our enemies are unable to

bring together sufficient forces for an attack. But when

this time comes, they will make the best of it.

Patrol action, unwearyingly attempted by military men

who still believe it possible to beat the enemy on his own

ground, is often rewarded by serious failures; at best, it

never produces convincing results.

That is why outposts, when first established, attempt to

carry out some external activity, but then pull in their

horns and never try again.

For the same reasons, isolated ambushes do not accomplish anything. Usually they are betrayed before they take

place and come to nothing; at other times, they actually do

us harm.

Pursuit commandos or isolated ambushes are combat

operations the guerrilla can employ with the backing of

the population and when he has a support organization

on the spot. As long as we are unable to resort to the same

methods, we will achieve only mediocre results, which are

disproportionate to the risks run and the efforts demanded

from the soldiers.
5& * MODERN WABFABB

Large-unit sweeps, conducted with conventional resources within a framework similar to that of conventional

warfare, and invariably limited in time,* temporarily disperse guerrilla bands rather than destroy them.

A normal operation of this type usually consists in the

attempted surprise encirclement of a well-defined zone in

which guerrillas are thought to be located, while mobile

elements conduct a mopping-up operation. Despite the ingenuity, even mastery, which some commanders have

demonstrated in moving their units about, these operations

are always the same.

Surprise, that essential factor of success, is practically

never realized. As we have seen, the people among whom

our troops live and move have as their mission the informing of the guerrillas, and no movement of troops can escape them. The noose is never completely tightened. The

troops charged with the mop-up operations are always too

few in number to search a vast and difficult terrain in which

the dispersed bands are able to disappear during the brief

operation.

Traditionally attracted by the purely military aspect of

warfare—that is, by the pursuit and destruction in combat

of guerrilla bands on the ground—operational commanders

invariably hope to succeed in maneuvering them like regular units and to gain a rapid and spectacular success. They

have little interest in the less noble task, however essential, of subtle work with the population and the destruction of the clandestine organization that enables guerrilla

bands to survive despite local defeats the forces of order

periodically inflict.

Only a long occupation of the countryside, which will

permit police operations among the people analogous to

those carried out in the cities, can succeed.

• Frequently, in fact, it is decided a priori that a given operation not

last more than a short, predetermined time—several days, for example.
THE CONDUCT OP THE WAB • 59

The certainty of never running the risk of a clear defeat,

such as an equally armed opponent could inflict upon us,

enables any military commander to conduct some sort of

operation. Even if guerrilla bands are not destroyed, at

least geographical objectives are secured within the prescribed time, and a few dead rebels will always balance

the account. If, moreover, a few arms are recovered, the

operation, which has been carried out like a normal peacetime maneuver, then assumes an air of battle and victory

sufficient to satisfy a commander who is not too exacting.

But that which is essential—*he destruction of the enemy's potential for warfare—is never accomplished, principally because it is never seriously contemplated.

If it is still necessary to remove any illusion regarding the possibility of conducting a surprise envelopment

against guerrillas, under conditions where the population

has not yet been brought under control by the forces of

order, an account by a former officer in Indochina follows:

In 1948, in a certain sector, I was able to establish relations

with a Vietminh captain in charge of a command (a Bo

Doi) that was independent of the enemy regiment stationed

in the region. He himself was not a Communist, although the

entire cadre of the regiment was. Still, he was unwilling to

rally to the French cause, and he explained his reasons as

follows: ''Some day, sooner or later, we shall have peace with

France. My personal situation at that time will be what I

have made it. If I should go over to your side today, you

would always consider me a turncoat, and you would give

me at best rather menial employment. 1 have chosen the

Vietminh because it is here that I have the best chances for

advancement. If the regiment on my flank, therefore, should

suffer a serious defeat, my own sector will increase in importance, and my future will be enhanced. I am in a position

to give you information that will be useful to you in this

respect*
6O • MODERN WARFARE

As a matter of fact, he provided me with a precisely detailed

plan of the regimental command post and its camouflaged

forest installations, which had previously evaded our observation. In exchange, I generously promised to warn him in

advance of the projected operation. That's quite unnecessary," he said ironically. "I'm always aware of your operations

at least twenty-four hours in advance. There will be plenty of

time for me to withdraw to another sector."

I had always been convinced that I was preparing my operations in the utmost secrecy, but nothing could escape the

numerous agents among the population surrounding us, who

spied upon us unceasingly.
9. The Problem of Resources

The traditional army, having at its disposal large numbers of trained troops and an abundance of modern materiel, in the final analysis is completely incapable of overcoming a practically destitute enemy whose leaders and

men have received only rudimentary military training.

Incredible as this seems, it is nonetheless a bitter reality.

A slave to its training and traditions, our army has not

succeeded in adapting itself to a form of warfare the military schools do not yet teach. Its valiant efforts, sufferings,

and sacrifices serve to obstruct the enemy, to slow down

the execution of his plan, but they have been incapable of

stopping the enemy from attaining his objective.

The army usually strikes into a vacuum, and fruitlessly

expends considerable materiel Nor would a significant increase in materiel bring a solution any closer. It is how we

exploit our resources that we must completely revise.

If we want to meet the guerrilla successfully and to defeat him within a reasonable period of time, we must study

his methods, study our own methods and their potential,

and draw from this study some general principles that will

permit us to detect the guerrilla's weak points and concentrate our main efforts on them.

The following table compares simply the guerrilla's

basic resources with those of the traditional army:

61
MODERN WARFABB

Traditional army

1. Has large numbers of wellarmed troops, ready supplies

of food and ammunition.

2. Can move quickly over favorable terrain (aviation, motor vehicles, boats, etc.).

3. Has a well-organized communications network, which

gives it great control advantages.

BUT

1. Experiences great difficulty in

moving about guerrilla country; usually has imperfect

knowledge of the terrain.

2. Has practically no support

from the population, even if

it is not hostile.

3. Has great difficulty in getting

information on the movements and intentions of the

guerrilla.

Guerrilla band

1. Has small numbers of poorly

armed troops (at least at the

beginning of hostilities), difficulty in obtaining supplies

of food and ammunition.

2. Can move only on foot

3. Has little long-distance communications equipment (at

least at the outset), which

leads to difficulties in coordinating operations.

BUT

1. Chooses own terrain, is well

adapted to it, can move

quickly, and quite often disappears into it

2. Has the support of the population (either spontaneous or

through terror), to which it

is closely tied.

3. Gets information on all our

movements from the populace and sometimes (through

agents infiltrated into our

midst) on our intentions as

well.

By studying this table, we can see that the guerrilla's

greatest advantages are his perfect knowledge of an area

(which he himself has chosen) and its potential, and the

support given him by the inhabitants.

The advantages of the traditional army are imposing superiority in numbers and in materiel, practicaDy unlimited
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR • 63

sources of supply, and the advantages of command and

extended maneuver granted by modern methods of communication and transport.

What can the guerrilla do with the means he has at his

disposal?

He chooses the terrain and imposes it upon us. It is usually inaccessible to heavy and quick-moving equipment,

and thus deprives us of the benefit of our modern arms.

We are forced to fight on foot, under conditions identical

to those of the guerrilla.

On his terrain, which he knows perfectly, he is able to

trap us easily in ambushes or, in case of danger, to disappear. On the other hand, if he is an incomparable fighter

on his own grounds, or in an area to which he has adapted

himself, the guerrilla loses a great deal of his value in new

or unknown terrain. He also is inclined not to leave his

area, but clings to it except in case of absolute necessity,

because he knows that away from his own terrain and deprived of his means of support he is only a mediocre

fighter.

We have already seen how indispensable the support of

the population is to the guerrilla. It is possible for him to

exist only where the people give him their unqualified

support. He cannot live among a populace he has not previously organized and subjected to his will, because it is

from it that he must draw his sustenance and protection.

It is the inhabitant who supplies the guerrilla with his

food requirements on an almost daily basis, thereby enabling him to avoid setting up cumbersome supply points

—so easily identifiable and difficult to re-establish. It is the

inhabitant also who occasionally supplies him with ammunition. The inhabitant contributes to his protection by

keeping him informed. Our rest and supply bases are located in the midst of a populace whose essential mission

is to keep an eye on them. No troop movement can escape
64 * MODERN WARFARE

the inhabitant. Any threat to the guerrilla is communicated to him in plenty of time, and the guerrilla can take

cover or trap us in profitable ambushes. Sometimes the

inhabitant's home is the guerrilla's refuge, where he can

disappear in case of danger.

But this total dependence upon terrain and population

is also the guerrilla's weak point. We should be able, with

our more powerful potential, to make him submit or to

destroy him by acting upon his terrain and upon his support—the population.

Knowing that the guerrilla sticks to the area of his

choice, we ought resolutely to engage him there. Once we

have occupied the terrain, we ought to have the will and

the patience to track him down until we have annihilated

him. This requires time, and our operations will be long.

We know also that he is less of a fighter away from

home. We should therefore devote ourselves to making

him forgo the benefit of his terrain by causing him to

leave it. Whenever possible, we should interrupt his food

supplies, much more important than his supplies of ammunition. Action of this kind often implies political or economic measures that do not always fall within the purview

of military leaders, but they should be used whenever

possible.

Above all, we must loose the guerrilla's hold on the

population by systematically destroying his combat organization. Finally, we must permit the people to participate in their own defense and to protect themselves

against any offensive return of the enemy, by having them

enter into the structured organization we have already described. Such an organization must be established without

delay in areas we control that could be the refuge of

armed bands.

To recapitulate our rapid analysis, we have three simple

principles to apply in fighting the guerrilla—to cut the
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR • 65

guerrilla off from the population that sustains him; to

render guerrilla zones untenable; and to coordinate these

actions over a wide area and for long enough, so that these

steps will yield the desired results.

The fight against the guerrilla must be organized methodically and conducted with unremitting patience and

resolution. Except for the rare exception, it will never

achieve spectacular results, so dear to laurel-seeking military leaders. It is only by means of a sum total of perfectly.

coordinated, complex measures—which we are going to

make an effort to study—that the struggle will, slowly but

surely, push the guerrilla to the wall.

Before drawing some practical conclusions about the

conduct of operations against the guerrilla, we should examine those the U.S. Army conducted with complete success in Korea. Thanks to a series of methodically conducted operations, the army was able, in a relatively short

period of time, to eliminate completely the guerrillas who

had installed themselves behind the American lines in 1950.

In an article entitled "Beating the Guerrilla/' (Military

Review, December, 1955), Lieutenant Colonel John E.

Beebe, of the faculty of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, draws profitable lessons from these

operations.

Military operations alone he says, are not sufficient.

Counterguerrilla operations have two objectives—the destruction of the guerrilla forces, and the eradication of

their influence on the population.

The counterguerrilla plan to prevent the formation of

guerrilla units or to destroy them if they have been formed,

since it will comprise measures that are political, economic, psychological, administrative, and military, must

be prepared at a very high command echelon.

For the conduct of operations against the guerrilla, he
66 • MODERN WABFABB

recommends that the command post of the counterguerrilla forces be established near the guerrilla zone and that

troops penetrate the zone of the guerrilla and install bases

of operations there, taking the necessary security precautions. Then a plan of combat and ambush against the guerrillas can be prepared, with the idea in mind of constantly

maintaining pressure to deprive them of any chance of

resting or of reorganizing and preparing new operations.

This operation will end only when there are no longer

any guerrillas in the area. Counterguerrilla operations involve large numbers of soldiers and last many months. In

Korea, there were two examples.

Operation Ratkiller, in the mountainous region of southwest Korea, was conducted by three divisions—two Korean

and one American—to which was added a police battalion.

It lasted three and a half months, from December 1, 1951,

until March 16, 1952, during the course of which 11,000

guerrillas were killed and 10,000 taken prisoner.

Operation Trample, against guerrilla elements still remaining in the south of Korea, was conducted by two divisions from December, 1953, until June, 1954—just about six

months. It was the last of the operations against the guerrilla, and the first during the course of which the population gave its total support to the troops responsible for the

maintenance of order.

These lessons do not differ from those that may be

drawn from several successful counterguerrilla operations

in South Vietnam, at the beginning of the Indochina campaign, and even in Algeria.
10. Conducting Counterguerrilla Operations

THE ENEMY ORGANIZATION

In any military operation, we must first locate the enemy

before we can concentrate our blows against him.

We know that in modern warfare we are not clashing

with just a few armed bands, but rather with an organization installed within the population—an organization that

constitutes the combat machine of the enemy, of which the

bands are but one element.

To win, we have to destroy this entire organization.

We have seen the importance the organization can assume in a single city like Algiers. And because of our experience in Algeria, we know what a war organization covering a whole country is like.

Algeria is divided into 6 wilayas (major military districts); each wilaya is divided into 4 or 5 zones; each zone

into 4 or 5 regions; each region into 4 or 5 sectors; and,

finally, each sector is divided into a certain number of

communes.

Just as in the cities, at each geographical level fulfilling

the same functions we find the same leaders—a politicomilitary leader, a political assistant, a military assistant,

and an assistant responsible for liaison and intelligence.

There are also departments, unnecessary in the cities,

that have been created for the broader organization—a director responsible for logistical problems, especially for

67
68 • MODERN WARFARE

food supplies; and a person responsible for the health service, for organizing hospitals when possible, and for looking

after the populace in this respect.

The councils at all levels make their decisions in common, but the politico-military leader has the deciding

voice.

(The geographic breakdown, made solely with the conduct of the war in mind, is never patterned on the lines of

peacetime administration. Nevertheless, the approximate

equivalents are as follows: A wilaya comprises the same

area as an igamte,* a zone that of a French department, and

a region that of an arrondissement.)

The basic unit of organization is the region. It is the

lowest echelon at which a complete staff, such as we have

just described, is found. At lower levels—the sector and the

commune—the staff is merely embryonic. In the communes

in particular, it is reduced to the "committee of five," the

most important of whom is the man charged with problems of supply.

A region is divided into a certain number of sectors, four

or five depending upon the extent of the area and the

characteristics of the terrain. (See the adjoining sketch.)

The urban sector is small in area but encompasses the

largest population concentration of the region, quite often

the chief town of the arrondissement. Here there is located

a military unit the size of a platoon, well trained and well

armed, especially entrusted with the task of carrying out

assassinations and of continually presenting a threat to the

inhabitants of the town. Then there are three or four

sectors of similar characteristics. In the urban sector, the

enemy permanently assigns some of his own people to serve

* Translator's note: In French administrative parlance an {game is an fnspecteur general d'administration en mmion extraordinaire, e.g., an official outranking several departmental prefects and supervising them. The

territory under his control i* then known as an igamie.
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR • 69

SKETCH OP A THEORETICAL REGION

I

I %

\ City or Town •

^~'**Sector 5 \

, •"' \ \

-•••*•- Boundaries between sectors

«.._._ Boundaries between regions

• ••••••• Boundary between mountainous

and inhabited areas

in the town's political administration. Each is in charge of

an area of the inhabited flat land that extends from the

town to the hilly country. It is here that the "base" of the
/O • MODERN WARFARE

armed band is located, usually a company per sector. The

refuge area is in the roughest part of the adjoining mountains, to which the band may withdraw in case of danger.

Except for operational missions ordered by the region,

or in case of grave danger, the band does not leave its sector, where it has its roots and the elements that help it to

subsist. Away from its sector, it would enjoy no support

and would usually move about in unknown terrain. In such

cases, it would be quite vulnerable.

Within a given sector, the various elements of the enemy

organization are divided geographically into three groups:

The towns or population centers each under the command of a politico-administrative leader responsible for organizing urban terrorism, collection of funds, propaganda,

and an intelligence service, whose main task is to report

on the movements of army troops stationed in the town.

The inhabited rural area, under the command of a

politico-military leader responsible for maintaining a

firm hold on the population; distributing or arranging delivery of supplied coming from the towns, sheltering and

feeding the band normally stationed there or those passing

through; and providing the bands with information and,

thanks to its armed partisans, close protection. In such an

area, which is under some sort of control by the forces of

order at least sporadically, the politico-military organization plays a very important role.

The refuge area, under the command of a politico-military leader, responsible for seeing to the guerrillas' security

and supply, and assuring that the depots and bivouac areas

are guarded when the bands are moving about. The refuge

area is situated in terrain to which access is difficult, isolated by the cutting of roads, sabotage of bridges, etc.; and

so organized to permit the bands to be stationed there.

The armed guerrilla band, because of the permanent

threat it poses to the population and the fear it inspires
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR • /I

among units of the forces of order, is the guarantee of the

entire organization. It normally inhabits the refuge area,

but makes frequent visits to the intermediate area between

the refuge area and the town, especially in winter when it

lives there practically all the time.

The members of the sector organization thus live under

one of two different kinds of situation—either in the town

and the intermediate area; or in the intermediate or refuge

area. But there is no direct connection between the towns

and the refuge area.

When such an organization has been able to establish itself in a country, military operations directed against the

armed bands never quite reach them. Even if they did

reach them, the essential part of the organization would

remain in place and, even without the bands, would stay

sufficiently powerful to retain its hold over the population.

Victory therefore can be attained only through the complete destruction of the entire organization.

COUNTERGUERRILLA STRATEGY

The most vulnerable part of the enemy organization is in

the towns. It is Always within the control of the army

troops that occupy it, and a police operation conducted

along the lines already described can destroy it.

But the most desirable objective is the destruction of the

politico-military organization in the intermediate area.

This we should undertake as soon as we have the necessary

means at our disposal. Such an operation will lead us back

to the town organization and also provide us with the

channel essential to reaching the bands in the refuge areas.

We can thus destroy the entire organization supporting the

bands. Cut off from their sources of supply and information, they will be more vulnerable.

A broad envelopment, therefore, ought logically to begin with a police operation in the intermediate area. The
7* * MODERN WARFARE

occupation of the intermediate area and the destruction of

the organization supporting the bands is our first objective.

In this way we can, in an initial phase, compel the bands to

withdraw into the refuge area. Deprived of supplies and

information, they will no longer be able to leave without

risk and will find it difficult to defend themselves when we

finally decide to attack them.

COUNT^ERCUERRILLA TACTICS

The Organization of Defense: "Gridding*

The enemy's first acts of war—terrorist attacks, localized

guerrilla action—generally take the peacetime forces of order—police, gendarmerie, army—by surprise. Too widely

dispersed and too vulnerable, these forces quickly fall back

upon the built-up areas, which offer them the best chance

of resisting the aggressor.

Some elements are pushed back to positions that must

be held. Traffic between these held positions is maintained

or re-established by means of armed convoys, but the majority of secondary roads are abandoned.

The aggressor also obliges us to take up an area defense

to protect vital positions and to prevent complete strangulation of the territory. This defense, more or less in depth,

is established after taking into consideration immediate

needs and available resources—vulnerable points, population density, attitude of the inhabitants, the necessity of

keeping open roads and ways essential to the life of the

country.

Eventually there is established a so-called defensive

grid system, in which the military organization follows

the lines of the civil administration to make maximum use

of all command possibilities and to permit normal administration to function insofar as possible—the department becomes a zone, the arrondissement becomes a sector, the

canton becomes a quartier.
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR • 73

The retreat of the forces of order rapidly delivers a large

part of the territory to the enemy. Surprise has been to his

advantage. From this point on he will attempt to consolidate and complete his combat organization, to defend the

territory he has conquered against the forces of order, to

crush one by one the largest number possible of the squares

of the grid in order to increase the area under his control

Offense—Sector Level

How can we, with the forces at our immediate disposal,

plus the reinforcements we shall receive, set about the destruction of the enemy's combat organization and the liberation of the occupied territory?

First of all, we have the troops that make up the initial

grid, called sector troops. If the region is the basis of the

enemy's organization, the sector (arrondissement) is the

basis of our system.

The withdrawal of our elements has led to the creation

of military posts in the most important villages and in the

towns, particularly in the principal town of the sector.

We have observed how ineffective outposts are. Since

the control of the population is the aim of modern warfare,

any element not in direct and permanent contact with the

population is useless. Furthermore, if we try to make

strongholds of outposts, we would be surrounding them

with walls built to support a siege the enemy has neither

the intention nor the possibility of undertaking.

In the villages, however, we of ten find one or two empty

houses, where the bands usually stay while in transit,

which we can occupy. Other houses for the lodging of the

men can be rented from the inhabitants or constructed if

necessary.

We then organize not just the defense of a sole military

post, but that of the entire village and its inhabitants, making it a strategic hamlet. A tight, impassable perimeter is
74 * MODERN WABFABB

created (of barbed-wire, underbrush, various other materials), protected by a few armed blockhouses, manned

with automatic weapons and capable of covering the

whole perimeter.

A police operation is undertaken immediately within the

village thus protected. Simultaneously, we organize the

population according to the principles we studied previously.

Inhabitants of the nearest villages or isolated individuals

are progressively brought within the security perimeter.

Most of the others will come there themselves. The inhabitants are allowed to leave the village only by the gates,

and all exits will be controlled. They are permitted to take

neither money nor supplies with them. No one will be able

to leave or enter the village by night.

In effect, we are re-establishing the old system of medieval fortified villages, designed to protect the inhabitants

against marauding bands.

The first police operation will be carried out in the principal town of the sector (arrondissement). An office for the

control and organization of the inhabitants is installed as

soon as possible at the sector military staff. The town itself

will be surrounded by a tight and protected perimeter, and

all its entrances and exits will be controlled.

Inhabitants of the principal town and villages will, as

we said earlier, receive a census card, a copy of which will

be sent to the command post of the sector and district

Each card will bear a photograph of the individual, his

house-group number (4), the letter of the sub-district (B),

the number of the district (2), and the letter of the town

or strategic hamlet (C).

The first part (C2) lets us know where he comes from;

the second part (B4) tells us the leaders responsible for the

individual—the house-group leader and the sub-district
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAH • 75

leader. The census card will also enable us to control individual ration cards.

A census is also taken of all animals—draft animals

(horses, donkeys, and mules) and hovines (calves, cows,

and bulls) will be branded with the card number of

their owner. We know how important supplies are to the

guerrilla. Henceforth, no supplies are permitted to leave

the towns or strategic hamlets. Even the animals will be

strictly controlled. If we prohibit uncontrolled traffic of

food on the main roads, we can cut off the enemy's main

sources of supply in a very short time.

Thus, even with much reduced forces, we can again regain control of the major portion of the country's population—from 80 to 90 per cent, if one considers the total number of inhabitants of the large towns down to villages

having gendarme units to control them. In this way, we

have in our hands an important mass of people adequately

protected and controlled, and able to be used to block the

enemy offensive on all sides.

The intervals between the grid squares, however, still remain empty of troops; their defenseless inhabitants are at

the mercy of enemy action. Broad-scale operations or commando raids may cause our opponents passing concern, but

they are usually too brief and superficial to destroy their

combat organization.

The organization and control of the inhabitants of the

towns and strategic hamlets permit a majority of them to

take part in their own defense. A certain number of troops

can in this way be freed to reinforce the reserve element

of the sector command. Being unengaged and mobile, they

will form the sector's interval troops and act continuously

between the outposts.

This force should be large enough to outclass an armed

band whose size and quality will vary according to the
76 • MODERN WABFABB

guerrilla's position and circumstances. But if we react

quickly enough, before the situation can deteriorate, the

enemy will not be able to create bands larger than approximately a company. This is the normal unit that will permit

him to move about securely over long distances and to live

off the country and the inhabitant, usually his sole sources

of supply.

Therefore, a four-company battalion of infantry will be

our standard interval unit It must be essentially mobile,

moving usually by foot, but also equipped with vehicles to

move quickly over long distances. Its basic mission will be

to destroy the politico-military organization in the intermediate area; to destroy the armed bands that attempt to

oppose this action, to bring in people to the strategic hamlets and, if possible, to create new hamlets for regrouping

and control of every inhabitant of the intermediate area.

If the sector's interval troops do not amount to at least a

four-company battalion, they will certainly be unable to

handle at one time the intermediate areas of an enemy

region, which corresponds approximately to a French sector (arrondissement)..

We know that, within the region, each enemy sector has

an intermediate area of its own, where it puts up and supports an armed band.

At very least, we must attack the intermediate area of an

enemy sector. Its boundaries are easily definable. Our police operations in the towns and strategic hamlets will have

yielded sufficient information for us to establish them without difficulty. The interval troops cannot hope to surprise

the enemy in this area by stealthy penetration, a desire we

have seen is illusory, but they can surprise him by their

methods.

Troops penetrate the intermediate area at the ready to

avoid being surprised and to be in a position to maneuver

in the event of a chance encounter with a band. If the
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR • 77

band succeeds in escaping or finds itself in its refuge area,

the police operation commences immediately. The politico-military organization does not follow the band, as it

would only be excess baggage. It stays in place or in the

immediate vicinity. It is therefore always within range of

the interval troop units, if there is sufficient time to look for

it and destroy it

Keeping one element in reserve, the troops spread over

a large area in order to occupy, if possible, the entire intermediate area of the sector, especially the maximum number of villages and the most frequented paths.

Then, while part of the cadre sets out on an intensive

search of the terrain, to locate any caches or deposits and

to study a layout for the night's ambushes, the units' specialists undertake the police work.

The entire population of each village, men and women,

is called together and prohibited from leaving for the

duration of the operation. Every inhabitant is individually

and privately interrogated, without any resort to violence.

A few simple but precise questions will be asked of each.

For the first interrogation, two in general will suffice—

Which individuals collect funds in your village? Who are

the young people who are armed and carry on the surveillance of the village?

If this first interrogation is well handled, several people

will readily make the desired replies. Quite often, since

guilty individuals hope to escape detection, the ones we

seek will be among those assembled. We will therefore

have no difficulty in arresting them. Those who have succeeded in leaving the village will not have gotten very far.

Deprived of any contact with the population, they may

very likely fall into our night ambushes when they attempt

to find out what is going on or try to escape.

The first echelon of the enemy politico-military organization will also fall into our hands. More stringent in-
7 • MODERN WARFARE

terrogation will enable us to discover quickly who all the

members are—front leaders, members of committees of

five, supply people, lookouts, etc.—as well as the location

of food deposits and arms caches.

At least a week is needed for the specialized teams to

destroy a village politico-military organization. This is likewise the minimum for a police operation in the inhabited

rural area of an enemy sector.

Parallel to the work of destruction, we lay the foundation of our own system by selecting intelligence agents and

organizing the populace.

To succeed, we must never lose sight of the fact that we

will receive information only from people who can give

us information without risk to themselves. We must assure

our agents of this indispensable security.

We will choose them in the village itself. They will

usually be people who proved best informed during the

first interrogation. Having marked them, we contact them

only in the course of the next police operation and under

the same circumstances. They will then point out to us

those men the enemy has installed to replace his disrupted

organization. Later, when the situation has improved, we

can find out who are capable of handling the secret communication of simple information.

We proceed immediately to the organization and control of the population of the intermediate area.

The first resort is the traditional division of the area

into districts, sub-districts and house-groups—with the

usual numbering. We conduct an exact census of all the

inhabitants, their means of subsistence, and in particular

their livestock. Then we enroll th6m in the structured organization of which we have already spoken.

In the beginning, we will not make many demands on

the cadres we have chosen. But this initial activity will
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR • 79

greatly facilitate the control of the population in the

course of subsequent police operations, which must be

frequent if we want to prevent the destroyed organization

from reconstituting itself. Individuals will be considered

suspect who appear in the census but who cannot be

found. Their leaders and their families will be held responsible for them. On the other hand, any individuals of

whom no record has been made will be registered only

after a very detailed interrogation.

Inhabitants from the rural areas who wish to join the

strategic hamlets will be permitted to do so. With our assistance, they will carry with them all their means of subsistence. In this manner, we can continue to add to the

number of persons controlled and protected. The difference

in their manner of life, especially with respect to the degree

of security accorded to the inhabitants in the protected

perimeters, will constitute a powerful attraction throughout the intermediate area. Whenever and wherever we

have enough troops and the necessary means, we must

create new strategic hamlets.

Only if we approach the problem methodically can we

continue to establish a strict control over all the population and its means of subsistence.

The supplying of the bands will become more and

more difficult in the intermediate area as we proceed to

drain off their means of support. If they can escape the

frequent police operations of the interval troops, they will

have to maintain themselves in their refuge area under

difficult conditions. Armed with considerable information

about the enemy (bivouacs, caches, depots, etc.), the

sector commander will be able, with additional help on

a temporary basis, to follow him into his refuge with good

chances of destroying him.

Methodical and patient conduct of operations will, in
SO • MODERN WABFABE

the easier sectors and those of medium difficulty, lead to

the destruction of the enemy's combat apparatus and the

restoration of peace within a reasonable length of time.

Offense—Zone Level

If the action of the sector commanders is decisively carried out, the general commanding the zone (department)

can move ahead with the essential role of achieving the

methodic destruction of the enemy organization over a

broader area.'

For each sector, he will initially designate the points to

be occupied in the execution of an over-all plan to avoid

the strangulation of the department. He will especially

determine the thoroughfares to be kept open to traffic.

Having dealt the adversary his initial setback, the commanding general takes the offensive. First he attacks the

enemy organization in the important towns of the department, especially in the principal town, to put an end

to the spectacular terrorist attacks which build the

enemy's prestige.

He gives detailed orders for the conduct of police operations. He sees to it that the organization and control of

the entire population is secured without delay. He assures

that the methods and procedures used are the same

throughout the area of the zone to maintain a uniformity

of action. He will at all times have at his disposition a

significant reserve element to bring pressure to bear on

those points which, in their turn, appear most likely to

hasten the execution of the pacification plan he has drawn

up.

As we have seen, units of the enemy organization rarely

coincide with the peacetime administrative boundaries

our military organization must adopt.

The sector commanders ought not to stop any action at

their own sector limits, but should rather follow up
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAB • 8l

methodically and relentlessly throughout the whole territory of the enemy organization attacked—sector or region.

Hence, there is a necessity for coordinating operations at

the zone level, and for strict planning of methods and

procedures.

Refuge areas are usually in irregular terrain to which

access is difficult, country often cut through with administrative boundaries. In such a case, the attack on the

refuge areas will be launched by the general commanding

the zone and at such time as the peripheral police operations of the sector commanders have been concluded.

While he leaves a broad area of initiative to his subordinates, the commanding general assures through frequent inspections that his orders are being strictly followed. He makes sure that his plan of pacification is

followed in all areas, especially with respect to practical

projects that call for considerable expenditures and in

which no waste should occur. Such projects include construction of new roads, or the repair of those that have

been sabotaged; construction of new strategic hamlets to

receive people falling back from the danger areas; school

construction, and economic development of the department to give displaced persons means of subsistence.

A well-conceived plan, executed with determination,

courage, and foresight, will save from needless distress a

population that will have had more than its share of

suffering.

In areas of difficult access, where the guerrilla has been

able to establish well-equipped bases for his bands and

where he has numbers of seasoned fighters, the sector

troops will generally not have sufficient resources to attack and destroy them. They will therefore have to appeal

to the intervention troops.

The intervention troops of the zone will, in principle,

consist of the zone commander's reserve elements, which
82 • MODERN WARFARE

can be reinforced by levies on the general reserve of the

theater commander if necessary. It is through the judicious use of intervention troops—injecting them at the desired moment at specific points—that the commanding

general of the zone will be able to accelerate the process

of pacification.

Their normal mission will be the destruction of the

armed bands when the interval troops of the sectors have

forced them to withdraw into the refuge area. An operation against the bands will not differ essentially from operations conducted by interval troops in the intermediate

area. It will be their logical extension.

The number of troops to be employed will depend on

the importance of the armed bands to be subdued and

the extent of the refuge area. In general, two or three

intervention regiments, working closely with interval units

of the interested sectors, will suffice. They may be commanded by either the zone general or his deputy or, on

occasion, by the sector commander most directly interested in the operation.

At an early stage, the target area is sealed off by interval

troops of the sectors involved, who will establish themselves in the inhabited rural zones. If the police operation

has been properly executed, contact between the guerrillas

and the populace will have been broken; the inhabitants

will already be regrouped and organized and an intelligence service created.

The troops responsible for the isolation of the refuge

area will become thoroughly familiar with the terrain

over which they repeatedly travel This sealing-off, or encircling, will not be linear, but will extend over a deep

and perfectly well-known zone in which any element of

the band will be immediately detected and attacked.

After the net has been put in place, the zone intervention troops will invest—by helicopter, air-drop, or on
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAB • 83

foot—the entire refuge area, simultaneously if possible. If

a band is encountered, the troops must at all times be prepared to engage it, to maneuver, and to destroy it.

The commander of the operation divides the zone up

among his units, which will in turn set up light bases

maintained by a reserve element. During the course of the

first day, the units will prudently and securely fan out as

far from their base as they possibly can, to reconnoiter as

many as possible of the paths and tracks where, at nightfall, ambushes will be set.

A reserve to be moved by helicopter is held in readiness

for disposition by the zone commander, to permit him to

exploit and pursue to a finish any engagement at any point

in the operational area, Helicopters and light observation

aircraft are precious instruments of reconnaissance and

protection.

All inhabitants encountered are immediately assembled.

The police operation, initiated without delay, will permit

the completion of information on depots, bivouacs, caches,

hospitals, etc.

The information obtained is exploited on the spot, but

carefully and with sufficient troops to avoid surprise by an

adversary who is well armed, hardened, and determined

to defend himself.

Individuals recognized as part of the enemy organization are arrested and kept within the units for exploitation

during the operation,

The population, usually not very numerous, is evacuated entirely to a regroupment center previously set up

for this purpose.

From the very beginning, therefore, the bands will be

cut off from any contact with the population, and thrown

back solely on their own resources.

All troops engaged in the operation have their evening

meal before the end of the hours of daylight. After night-
84 • MODERN WARFARE

fall, no fires are lit. At appropriate points selected during

the day, the ambushes go into effect. During the first days

after the commencement of the operation, an ambush

may take a platoon. But in the days that follow, taking

advantage of the disarray of the adversary and our improved knowledge of the terrain, the number of ambush

points will increase and the strength of each will diminish

to where it does not exceed four or five men.

All paths, in particular those where it is impossible to

establish ambushes, are booby-trapped in a simple manner—with grenades or plastic explosives—and retrieved

in the morning by the same men who put them in place,

to obviate blunders.

At night, the intervention troops and sector troops

spread out a vast net; guerrillas who want to move about

by night, leave the danger zone, or regroup, will run into

it.

In general, it is recommended to fire without warning

on any individual who wanders within close range of an

ambush, say within ten yards. It is difficult to fire accurately at a greater distance at night, and guerrillas will

never appear in front of an ambush in a compact group.

The net is kept in effect for two hours after daybreak,

because quite often it is in the morning that guerrillas

who want tcTes^ape will take their chances.

Around the area $nd in as great depth as possible, all

outposts should keep on the alert, in a position to control

all suspicious persons. Any individual not carrying his

census card will be considered suspect and arrested.

Inside the zone during the day, patrols search the brush

unceasingly and with minute care. They collect the dead

for identification, the wounded for interrogation. Prisoners

are subjected to quick interrogations and their statements

checked on the spot.

This action will compel the guerrillas, cut off from the
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR • 85

population and with no knowledge of the situation, to

leave their comfortable hiding places—where otherwise

they might be discovered—to obtain water or food or to attempt to flee. Their wounded will become an impossible

burden.

Appropriate psychological action, using loudspeakers or

leaflets, will quite likely secure the surrender of weak individuals whom circumstances have placed beyond the

reach and authority of their chiefs. Many of the guerrillas

who have escaped the ambushes will give themselves up,

demoralized. The entire operation must last as long as is

necessary to destroy the guerrilla band completely.

Anything that would facilitate the existence of the

guerrillas in any way, or which could conceivably be used

by them—depots, shelters, caches, food, crops, houses, etc.

—must be systematically destroyed or brought in. This

will actually permit the methodical recovery of materiel

and food, which can be distributed to the regrouped

civilians. All inhabitants and livestock must be evacuated

from the refuge area.

When they leave, the intervention troops must not only

have completely destroyed the bands, but must leave behind them an area empty of all resources and absolutely

uninhabitable.

The operation against the armed bands in a refuge area,

supported by intervention troops, should spell the end of

the battle against the guerrilla in a sector. To be successful, it must be prepared in the greatest detail at the

echelon of the general commanding the zone. It should

get under way when the operations of the interval troops

in the sectors have created a favorable situation and the

zone commander has assembled all the necessary men

and materiel. Then, carefully prepared and energetically

carried out, it cannot fail.

Once successful, the sector commander will be able to
86 • MODERN WARFARE

regroup and control all of the inhabitants of his sector—

the ultimate aim of modern warfare operations.

However, organization and control of the population,

and supplementary controls over food, circulation of persons and goods, animals, etc., as well as a flawless intelligence service, must remain in force until peace has been

restored to the entire national territory. Any lack of vigilance or premature dismantling of the control system will

certainly permit the enemy to recoup lost ground and

jeopardize the peace of the sector.

Offense—Theater Level

The commander-in-chief of the entire theater of operations should maintain a considerable general reserve. This

will permit him to strike at the precise time and place he

judges opportune in the conduct of theater-level operations. By judicious employment of reserves, as we have

seen, he will be able to accelerate and bring about the

pacification of difficult areas.

For reasons of troop economy, certain areas may be

abandoned or held by only very small forces. Here, the

enemy will be able to organize and maintain significant

forces. When the theater commander decides on their

pacification, the normal resources of the sector and zone

may be inadequate. Such operations will therefore fall

to units of the general reserve.

At the beginning of any conflict, the enemy normally

will not be able to launch hostilities simultaneously

throughout the entire territory. He first sets himself up in

areas favorable to guerrilla warfare and attempts to keep

these under his control.

At this point, forceful action, quickly begun and vigorously carried out according to the principles discussed,

ought to annihilate the guerrilla and prevent extension of

the conflict. The success of such an operation is of the
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR •' 87

utmost importance, because it can re-establish the peace

in short order.

In any case, the operational area must be clearly defined

and isolated. Initially, this is the role of the zones and

sectors nearest the enemy. At the first aggressive acts,

elements of the forces of order already in place—the army,

gendarmerie, police, various peacetime intelligence services—attempt to determine as accurately as possible the

limits of the area under the enemy's control.

After quickly establishing the limits of this area, the

measures previously studied—control and organization of

the populace, creation of an efficient intelligence service

—can contain the enemy's sphere of action even further.

The extent of this final restriction of enemy activity will

delimit the area of attack.

The number of the troops (two to four divisions, if one

accepts the Korean experience), the civilian and military

means to be committed, the need for strict coordination

of complex actions—all means that a theater-level operation ought not to be launched until detailed study permits the drawing up of a precise plan of action when the

necessary men and equipment have been assembled. Insufficient means or carelessness of preparation and execution of operations will lead to certain failure; the area of the

conflict would spread, and a long war could not be avoided.

The commander of the operation should be the commander of the general reserve units to be used. His will be

the complete responsibility not merely to weaken the bands

or disperse them, but rather to destroy the combat apparatus of the enemy and re-establish normal life within the

affected area.

No time limit for the operation should be set ahead of

time. It will end when the enemy's combat organizationguerrilla bands included—are completely destroyed (that

is, when not one more guerrilla remains in the region),
00 • MODERN WARFARE

and when a cohesive system capable of preventing any

offensive return of the adversary has been established.

At the appropriate time, after the general reserves have

been withdrawn, an assistant can be charged with assuring a rapid return to peacetime conditions in the liberated

territory with whatever means are available and with the

organization that has been created.

Although a theater-level operation differs in size from

those previously considered, the principles to be applied

are the same.

If the number of troops available can cover the whole

target area, operations should begin simultaneously in

both the intermediate and refuge areas. Valuable time

may thus be saved. But we can only rarely bring together

the troops necessary for an operation of such size.

Therefore, the operation usually begins in the intermediate area—which borders the refuge area—the importance

of which we have already described, and with whose character we are familiar.

A vast police operation covering this whole area will

enable us to destroy the important politico-military organism implanted there, and to complete if necessary the

destruction of the politico-administrative organization of

the towns.

At times we will run across guerrilla bands, which we

will attempt to destroy, but above all we must put an end

to their free passage and oblige them to withdraw and

live in the refuge areas.

Parallel to the police operation, the now familiar organization is created to control food, animals, circulation

of persons and consumer goods, etc. The inhabitants are

regrouped in strategic hamlets, which will be equipped

with the necessary means to ensure their control and protection. Villages, roads, and outposts are set up and a normal administration created.
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR * 89

The inhabited rural area will in this way become an immense worksite in which the populace, properly harnessed,

can render precious and effective assistance.

It is only when the rural area operation has ended that

theater-level operation against the refuge areas can be

undertaken.

Our intelligence services, the civilian population, and

prisoners, as well as the impression of strength emanating

from a vast operation forcefully and methodically conducted, will have enabled us, before the launching of the

operation, to be well-informed about the bands—their

weapons, numbers, usual bivouac areas, shelters, caches,

depots, normal routes of movement, means of subsistence,

and sources of information.

We will not approach the refuge areas blindly, but will

first have completely and precisely blueprinted our objectives.

Although it is on a much larger scale, the theater-level

operation is carried out fust like those against the refuge

areas of the sector and the zone.

After first setting up a blockade, every modern method

of transportation—helicopter, parachute, etc.—is employed

simultaneously in the shortest possible time, to clamp

down on the entire enemy refuge area. The guerrilla bands

are allowed no opportunity to escape.

The entire operation lasts long enough for them to be

destroyed. It ends only when the area they have chosen

as their haven is wiped clean of all means of subsistence

and rendered completely useless to them.

Thus, we shall have achieved a real specialization of the

troops used in modern warfare.

The grid units are the first troops used, to stop the adversary's offensive effort. Responsible for occupying towns

and sensitive points throughout the country and for ensur-
90 • MODERN WARFABE

ing the security of the main roads, their apparently static

mission should be the most active.

Their role is quite important because they partition off

the enemy area, stop the extension of the territory he controls, and, thanks to the outposts they occupy and the network of roads they keep open, provide excellent bases of

departure for troops specialized in offensive operations.

Their responsibility extends not only to the safety of the

cities, but also to the security of the immense majority of

the population living in medium-sized and small towns.

This security depends upon the ability of the checkerboard

units to destroy the enemy's organization in the towns, to

set up an effective control system among the populace to

control the movement of persons and goods, on which will

depend in large part the success of operations conducted

on the periphery by the interval units.

The grid troops must be trained in police operations.

These they should carry out firmly, but with tact and discretion, not to alienate themselves unnecessarily from the

people with whom they will be in permanent contact.

They will be replaced little by little with normal police

forces, in particular the gendarmerie, once the assistance

and collaboration of the people has been acquired. Then

they will go to reinforce the interval units and permit them

to extend their field of activity.

The interval units should be composed of excellent,

well-trained troops. Their basic mission is to destroy the

enemy's politico-military organization in the intermediate

area of their sector, to regroup the dispersed populace to

ensure their protection, and to organize them so that the

inhabitants participate in their own defense.

These troops will be nomads, capable of living away

from their base for long periods, of dispersing over a great

area to carry out police operations in depth, and of quickly

regrouping in the event of an engagement with the enemy
THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR • Ql

so that they can maneuver and destroy the guerrilla bands.

The intervention units are elite troops who will seek out

the bands in their refuge areas and destroy them.

To follow a resolute adversary in difficult terrain, to

move long distances on foot by day and night to reach

him, to man ambushes all night long in small teams of four

or five men along forest paths—all this calls for excellent

training and insuperable morale.

Cadres of the highest quality are needed to conduct an

effective police operation, to interrogate interesting prisoners quickly at the very point of their capture, and to exploit the situation without losing any time. This difficult

and costly training will be available to only a small number of units. They should be utilized judiciously so that

they do not suffer unnecessary wear and tear.

If one accepts the Korean experience and the present

needs of the war in Algeria, the commanding general of an

important theater of operations ought to have at least four

divisions at his disposal.

Consolidated under the command of a dynamic leader,

well up on the combat procedures of modern warfare, they

will be capable of successfully handling within a few

months the most threatened and vulnerable areas.

To sum up, guerrilla warfare, because of the advantages

that accrue to the guerrilla—for example, the terrain he

has chosen and the population that supports him—can be

effectively conducted by small bands against a much

larger army. The guerrilla's adversary is always at arm's

length; the guerrilla's numerous agents can continually

observe him, and at their leisure study his vulnerable

points. The guerrilla bands will always be able to choose

the propitious moment to attack and harass their opponents.

To be effective, his operations do not call for coordina-
Q2 • MODERN WARFARE

tion of all his elements, which are too widely dispersed

even though they operate on the same territory. Audacity,

initiative, courage—these are the chief qualities of guerrilla leaders. In the beginning, at least, guerrilla warfare

is a war of lieutenants and young captains.

We on the contrary attack an enemy who is invisible,

fluid, uncatchable. In order to get to him, we have no

alternative but to throw a net of fine mesh over the entire

area in which the bands move. Counterguerrilla operations

therefore cannot succeed unless they are conducted on a

large scale, unless they last the necessary length of time,

and unless they are prepared and directed in greatest

detail

To the words of Colonel Beebe, already cited above,

aA counterguerrilla operation ends only when there are no

more guerrillas in the area, and not when the guerrilla has

been disorganized and dispersed," let me add, "and when

the enemy's entire warfare organization has been destroyed and ours put in its place."

The struggle against the guerrilla is not, as one might

suppose, a war of lieutenants and captains. The number of

troops that must be put in action, the vast areas over

which they will be led to do battle, the necessity of coordinating diverse actions over these vast areas, the politicomilitary measures to be taken regarding the populace, the

necessarily close cooperation with various branches of

the civil administration—all this requires that operations

against the guerrilla be conducted according to a plan,

established at a very high command level,* capable at any

moment of making quick, direct intercession effectively

felt in the wide areas affected by modern warfare.

The counterguerrilla struggle is definitely a question of

method. A modern state possesses forces sufficiently large

• In principle, that of the commander of the theater of operations.
TOE CONDUCT OF THE WAR • 93

to fight him. Our repeated failures result solely from poor

employment of our resources.

Many military leaders judge these insufficient. We know

of no example in military history of a soldier who went

into battle with all the means he thought he needed. The

great military leader is the one who knows how to win with

the means at his disposal-
THRE E

CARRYING THE WAR

TO THE ENEMY
11. The Inadequacies of Traditional Warfare

We have just studied ways to react against an opponent

employing the methods of modern warfare on our own territory. But the means prescribed provide only for the destruction of forces the enemy has introduced or organized

within our frontiers.

The enemy, however, before moving to open warfare,

will attempt to assure himself of the support of one or

more friendly, nonbelligerent foreign nations. There, he

will set up important bases for training his troops and will

install reserves of war materiel. This territory will very

often serve as a base of departure for attacks launched into

our territory. It is there that the enemy will, at the opening of hostilities, set up his command structure, and will

shape it gradually into the provisional government he

hopes to set up on our territory as soon as there is a large

enough area conquered.

The fact that the state which supports our adversaries

is a nonbelligerent one seems to place these bases beyond

our range and leave the enemy completely free to receive

without interruption the men and materiel that will permit

him to supply his battle on our territory.

As long as this considerable war potential is not destroyed or neutralized, peace, even if completely restored

within our own borders, will be precarious and in continual jeopardy.

97
98 • MODERN WARFARE

The enemy's freedom of action beyond our frontiers is

one of the factors determining the duration of the conflict.

Material support and the assurance of strong and continuing aid from abroad are essential to maintaining a high

morale among those fighting in our interior. Without external aid and the hope of an Allied landing, most of the

French maquis under the occupation would not have been

able to hold out under the pressure of the German attacks.

And several more recent examples also demonstrate the

importance that the support of a nonbelligerent state in

modern warfare can have on the outcome of a conflict.

Greece was unable to crush the Communist attack until

Yugoslavia, having left the Soviet camp, no longer served

as a support base to the armed bands fighting on Greek

soil. The principal error of the French in Indochina was

not to have made enough of an effort to gain a victory before the arrival of Chinese Communists at the Tonkin

frontier. From then on, the Vietminh were able to make

use of important bases in China, where they could freely

provision themselves and where their large units could be

formed and trained. The character of the war immediately

changed. It was lost for the French, who were no longer

capable of supplying, so far from home, a theater of operations that had so increased in complexity.

The destruction or neutralization of enemy bases on foreign territory is essential if we are to hasten the end of

hostilities and ensure a durable peace.

The simplest solution is to obtain diplomatic assurances

that neighboring states will not contribute assistance to

the enemy. But since the Spanish Civil War, in particular,

different ideologies have divided the great world powers

into opposed camps. Our ideological opponents will, under

various guises, give our enemies greater or lesser aid, according to their capabilities and their geographic situation, but, in any case, they will support them.
CARRYING THE WAR TO THE ENEMY • 99

Moreover, by the very fact of the present interdependence of nations, any revolutionary movement in any country will be exploited by others for their own ends. The

Soviet bloc, in particular, will do everything possible to

feed a conflict susceptible of weakening the opposing

camp. The enemy will undoubtedly seek support in a

country where diplomatic action will have no chance of

success.

When diplomatic intervention proves ineffective, attempts will be made to establish along the frontiers of the

territory under attack a system capable of depriving the

enemy of delivery of support from without. But the

boundaries of a state are long and ways of crossing them

plentiful.

In a defensive endeavor of this kind, the task of the

navy is to guard the sea frontiers. Guided by an effective

intelligence service, it is able to intercept suspect ships,

even on the high seas. Its action can thus considerably

interfere with the enemy's supplies. But this will not succeed in cutting off contraband in arms and other war

materiel indispensable to him. To keep a close watch on

the ports and coasts is the responsibility of the civil authority. But this involves great problems because of the

number of administrative areas concerned, and because

of the volume of the traffic to be controlled, particularly

in the large ports. Also, rigorous regulation delays a country's own supplies and for this reason is not practical.

By day, the air force can ensure the effective surveillance of land and sea frontiers, and can even attack enemy

supply convoys when they cross the frontier. At night,

however, its role is much reduced. It cannot stop parachute drops of materiel or agents, not even in closely

watched areas, which can escape our control for sufficiently long periods.

Guarding the frontiers on the ground is even more
1OO * MODERN WARFARE

difficult to realize. We know that guerrillas use essentially

light war materiel and use it sparingly. Even if we succeed

in cutting off their main penetration routes, there are still

the little mountain paths known only to experts. We can

rarely cut them off entirely.

Even the fortified perimeter along the edge of the

Tonkin delta, established at great cost by General de

Lattre in 1950-51, did not succeed in impeding regular

exchanges between the Vietminh units infiltrated into the

delta. They continued to receive all their military provisions from the outside, and saw to it that their comrades,

installed around the perimeter or in the Upper Region, got

their needed rations of rice. We were never able to stop that

traffic.

In Algeria, drawing on past experience, we have managed to set up a fragile, but tight, barrier of indisputable

effectiveness. If our opponents are stalemated, if they have

not been successful in creating guerrilla units larger than

company size, it is in large part because the border fence

has not permitted them to receive the supplies vital to the

normal development of their activities. The guerrilla operates sporadically, intending more to maintain his hold over

the rural population than to disturb the forces of order. It is

therefore more toward terrorism in the cities that they

have bent their efforts, principally because this type of

action calls for a minimum of materiel.

This is why hostilities in Algeria are stalled. The adversary is counting on the proven inability of France to

pursue a costly and seemingly interminable conflict, permitting him ultimately to attain his war aims.

But the barrier possesses the serious defect of all defensive organizations. There is no secret about its location;

the enemy can observe it functioning and detect its weaknesses.

At irregular intervals, sporadic attacks in small force.
CARRYING THE WAR TO THE ENEMY • 101

never pressed to a culmination, are enough to immobilize

large numbers of troops. Moreover, the ease with which

these forays can be repulsed develops a false sense of

security, which can be very dangerous. We must never

permit ourselves to be decoyed. The enemy will profit

from these repeated forays to maintain the offensive spirit

of their troops and to study our reactions. Only when they

have assembled the necessary men and materiel to force

the barrier will they really attack.

The lesson of Dien Bien Phu should not be forgotten.

The camp's entrenched garrison believed itself secure behind its extensive barbed-wire network, which in some

places ran more than fifty yards in depth. The troops

readily looked forward to a mass enemy attack, which they

thought themselves capable of easily repulsing. By the

time their attack was finally unleashed, the Vietminh had

had plenty of time to appreciate the true value of the

defensive system, and they brought together the means

necessary for a breakthrough.

No doubt the barrier has a certain value, but it has no

effect on the combat potential the enemy can rally together with impunity along the frontiers.

Formerly, particularly during the nineteenth century,

when armed bands crossed the frontier of French overseas

possessions they were followed. If necessary, the country

giving them refuge was attacked and quite often brought

to submission. Agreements among a few of the great

powers were sufficient to localize a conflict, usually a simple incident our army had the capability of quickly concluding. Today, because of the power of international organizations and the intricacies of world problems, this

kind of intervention would lead to reactions throughout

the entire world, and certainly to an unpredictable extension of the conflict

But follow-up action remains the normal reflex of the
1O2 • MODERN WARFARE

traditional military man. Actually, if enemy bases outside

our territory are close to the frontiers, sometimes within

range of our heavier weapons, they are a tempting target,

certainly easy to reach and destroy. Let us consider the

effects of an air attack against these bases and a traditional attack by ground forces supported by aviation and

artillery.

An air attack offers the advantage of secret preparation

and rapid execution. It will, however, have decisive results

only if it is massive. Therefore, it requires considerable

resources. There is an element of surprise only during

the first bombardments; dispersion and then camouflage

quickly make them less profitable. Despite precise information, targets will be progressively more difficult to define. They will often be located close to built-up areas,

which must bear the brunt of the bombardments.

Finally, aerial attacks do not permit the realization of

desired objectives. They accord our enemies complete

freedom to present the facts in the manner most favorable

to them—the number of civilian victims are considerably

exaggerated and the military results minimized. A bombing run is transformed by unfavorable propaganda into a

terrorist raid that the enemy press can exploit. Even a

large part of the French press exploited the only bombing

attack the French Army in Algeria ever carried out—the

one in February, 1958, on the F.L.N. base of Sakhiet Sidi

Youssef, near the Tunisian frontier.

A conventional attack against enemy bases by ground

forces also presents disadvantages. The fact is that the

crossing of the frontier of a state by a regularly constituted

army is a casus belli. It is equivalent to a declaration of

war, and international usage would definitely designate us

as the aggressor.

Modern warfare has not been codified. Innumerable

attacks can be committed in a country by a powerful
CARRYING THE WAR TO THE ENEMY • lt>3

enemy combat force; armed bands based abroad can regularly cross a frontier and harass the army of a neighboring

country in order to overthrow its regime—and none of

these is a casus belli. Terrorists and armed bands can always be deceptive to the eyes of observers uneducated to

the conditions of modern warfare, or to persons who are

merely of bad faith. But the traditional army with its great

numbers of troops, its heavy materiel, slow to move about

and impossible to hide, can never pass unobserved.

A ground attack in sufficient strength, carried out with

determination, would most certainly produce initial good

results. Most of the storage points situated near our frontiers could be destroyed or captured; a significant portion

of the enemy forces could be annihilated or captured, but

never all of them. Adept at guerrilla warfare, elements we

cannot attack or which have succeeded in fleeing, benefiting from the support of the people to whom we appear as

the aggressor, would find refuge in areas inaccessible to

our heavy equipment.

Without gaining any decisive advantage, we would considerably widen the dimensions of a battlefield we already

find difficult to manage. But, above all, we would give the

enemy unexpected support on the international plane, support awaiting only a favorable occasion to manifest itself

openly against us.

If it is indispensable to destroy these bases abroad that

are essential to our enemies, it is certainly not methods of

traditional warfare we should employ. Attacked on our

own territory with the methods of modern warfare, we

must carry the war to the enemy with the same methods.
12. Modern Warfare in Enemy Territory

Traditional warfare methods interfere to a certain extent with our opponents' supplies, but cannot halt them.

The conventional army, as we have seen, deploys its considerable resources on a field of battle devoid of the enemy. It cannot meet him except by chance, because the

two normally operate on completely different planes, and

the army's attacks fall more often than not into a void.

It is accepted that the final stake of modern warfare is

the control of the populace. The army should therefore

make its main effort in those areas where the population

is densest; that is, in the cities. But in Algeria, after a few

spectacular early successes (the battle of Algiers in 1957),

the large cities were abandoned to enemy terrorist organizations, while the main troop units chased after small and

unimportant bands in unpopulated regions.*

(It should be stressed that this recurring error springs

from the fact that the army by tradition rejects the use of

the modern warfare methods it little understands. On the

other hand, the violence of attacks the army has undergone

in certain intellectual circles, and the poor backing it has

received from the government, have certainly not encouraged it to involve itself in operations for which it is in any

case poorly prepared.)

* The disturbances of December, 1960, In the larger Algerian towns

were the result of such abandonment, which tended to worsen the entire

problem.

104
CARRYING THE WAR TO TOE ENEMY • 105

Attacked on our own territory, we must first defend ourselves. Then we may carry the war to the enemy and grant

them no respite until they capitulate. We will attack them

on their terrain with weapons of modern warfare that will

permit us to strike directly, in their territory, without exposing ourselves to the international complications the

employment of traditional arms would surely evoke.

The conduct of modern warfare requires close collaboration with the population. We must first assure ourselves of

its support. Experience has demonstrated that it is by no

means necessary to enjoy the sympathy of the majority of

the people to obtain their backing; most are amorphous,

indifferent. We will limit ourselves to forming an active

elite and introducing it as leaven into the mass to produce

action at the desired moment.

We need cadres first, and they are easy to find. (In the

former French Union, a number of men remained devoted;

this was amply demonstrated in Indochina, and later in

Algeria.) They are doubtless more attracted by the benefits they expect than by our country itself, but this attachment can be unflagging if we are resolved to accept it and

are firm in our intentions and objectives. We know also

that, in troubled periods, self-interest and ambition have

always been powerful incentives for dynamic individuals

who want to move out of their rut and get somewhere.

Self-interest and ambition can be consistent with an ideal

and with honorable intentions. It is this ideal and these

intentions that we must discover. In each country, within

each race, in every social stratum, we must find a reason,

an idea, often different ones in neighboring areas, but

capable nonetheless of constituting adequate motivation

for the assumption of necessary risks. The present troubled

period, with its social and ideological struggles, provides

a broad field for research through which we can find the

basic elements appropriate to our undertaking.
106 • MODERN WARFARE

As every state, every political system lias its opponents

and internal enemies, so will the regime we want to destroy.

Their numbers are always large in a nation occupied by

foreign troops, under a dictatorial regime, and in certain

outlying regions where popular opposition to the central

power has not disappeared.

It is among these that we will find the cadres we need.

ESTABLISHMENT OF MAQUIS ZONES

The installation of advance elements on enemy territory

requires a prior study in depth to determine the areas into

which we ought to direct our efforts. The study should

gather information on the physical, economic, and human

geography; the current psychological climate, and the disposition of military and police forces. This study will permit us to determine which areas will be more responsive

to our action and where the conduct of a large operation

can be most effective.

At first, our resources will be very limited. We must

therefore cho:ose the least protected areas—sparsely populated mountain regions, for example, where secrecy can

be maintained for the time needed to plant our contact

teams. Our action begins with the establishment of maquis

zones on foreign territory.

Experience has shown that in an area suited to the setting up of a maquis team, there is no room for two masters

—the land belongs to the first occupant. Accordingly, it is

very difficult to dislodge the people already living there.

The rugged life led by the maquis, the fear they must inspire among the surrounding inhabitants in order to subsist, will oblige the natives to support them despite themselves. In those areas where we intend to begin, we must

become the primary force, to prevent the rise of any authority other than our own.
CARRYING THE WAR TO THE ENEMY * 1O/

For taking over a particular maquis zone, we recruit

initial cadres and, if possible, a leader to take over the area

command who will be representative of the ethnic and

geographic group predominant in that zone.

The cadres should be from the area in question and

know it perfectly, in order to be able to make recruiting

contacts with men who will be entrusted with creating the

assembly areas of future maquis teams. They should all be

local people or persons who have maintained friendly connections or family relationships.

The Contact Teams

These first volunteers will be assembled in a special

camp for training contact teams. Following a process of

rigorous selection, they will be classified into three categories—combat personnel (about 50 per cent of the volunteers), communications specialists (25 per cent), and political and intelligence agents (25 per cent).

Their training will consist of basic general instruction

(political, psychological, military, paratroop, counterintelligence) and specialized instruction (in particular, communications). This training will be conducted by specialized volunteer cadres, officers, and N.C.O/s, who will

ultimately assume charge of the maquis bands when they

are activated.

At the end of the first training period, lasting two or

three months depending on the intellectual capacity of the

pupils, the first contact missions will be constituted. They

will generally be composed of a team leader and his assistant (taken from among those who received the specialized instruction for combat personnel), a communications specialist (voice), and two political and intelligence

agents. About ten such teams will suffice to prospect the

maquis zone, and to make the contacts necessary for creat-
208 • MODERN WARFARE

ing bases. The other volunteers will continue their training,

especially the wireless operators, whose instruction must

be especially thorough.

At the right moment, the contact teams will be assembled together in the maquis zone. This will be accomplished by night parachute drops, or by infiltration by land

or water. Night drops of small teams by trained air crews

offer the advantage of great secrecy and spare the men

both a long difficult trek and the risks of interception.

Each team is independent and operates in the vicinity of

a village that is well known to at least one of the agents

and in which it will be possible to renew friendly connections and make desirable contacts. Radio communication

will enable the work of the teams to be monitored.

When the contact mission is well under way, the team

leader and an intelligence agent return to base, usually by

a land route/ By this time, they should be familiar enough

with the terrain not to run any risk. They will take along

with them a few picked young people, already given some

basic training, to enroll them in the maquis commando. The

assistant team leader, the communications specialist, and

an intelligence agent remain in the area so that contacts

are maintained and, if possible, improved. This phase of

taking up positions and making contacts should last from

one to two months.

Information furnished by the contact teams, coordinated

upon the return of the team leaders, will enable the officer

commanding the maquis to follow the evolution of the

situation. It enables him to direct the recruitment and

training of the necessary personnel, particularly that of the

maquis command, which should consist of about 100 men.

He can coordinate radio contact with the teams remaining

in the field. He will be able to set the precise limits of

future maquis zones, designate and study parachute drop

• Or by helicopter, a considerable saving in time.
CARRYING THE WAR TO THE ENEMY • 1OQ

areas, and establish quotas for weapons, radios, and other

materiel.

When all the equipment has been mustered, when the

training of the commando group, the team leaders, and the

various specialists is completed, when the organization of

the zone is fully coordinated, an effective maquis should be

set to work as soon as possible.

The maquis team chiefs are parachuted first. Upon their

arrival, they will organize their maquis teams for personal

protection. Maquis action begins immediately with the dismantling of the local administration. The maquis leader

follows his commando unit and radio equipment. He establishes himself as the ultimate authority in his area and puts

an end to any action of the local police or gendarmerie that

interferes with his activity. A few well-calculated acts of

sabotage and terrorism will then compel any reluctant citizens to give the required cooperation. Harassment of communication lines can begin, which will lead to the isolation

of the maquis zone. By means of internal subversion, insecurity can be sowed in the surrounding villages.

Once this important phase is complete, the development

and extension of the maquis zone will depend on the leader

and the reactions of the enemy. Effective weapon strength

should rapidly reach 1,000 rifles. Experience has shown that

a maquis team of 1,000 armed men, supported by 2,000 or

3,000 collaborating inhabitants, is practically invulnerable

to the police forces.

If several maquis efforts are launched at the same time,

they can create disturbances of incalculable magnitude in

the enemy's country of support.

Other quicker and more brutal techniques can be employed. One used in Indochina led to the installation of

20,000 organized and equipped partisans in the Upper Region of Tonking and in Laos in a single year. This figure was

to be increased to 50,000 in the autumn of 1954, which
11O • MODERN WABFABE

would have permitted the soundly based reconquest of

Upper Tonking, the haunt of large Vietminh units. Unfortunately, this action, undertaken on the initiative of General

de Lattre de Tassigny, came too late. The regrettable Dien

Bien Phu incident brought the sudden cessation of hostilities and prevented us from exploiting our opportunities in

depth.

The action of French maquis teams did, however, permit

the evacuation without losses of the fortified camp of

Nasan; the reconquest by Laos of the provinces of PhongSaly and Sam-Neua without the help of regular troops; the

total interdiction of the direct road from Lao-Kay to Dien

Bien Phu for the entire duration of the siege, as well as the

immobilization of more than fourteen battalions of the

Vietminh regular army on Route R.P. 41, the umbilical cord

of the besiegers; the recovery of hundreds of prisoners, etc.

And yet, the establishment of maquis in the Tonkinese

Upper Region, right in the middle of an area under Vietminh control, seemed a gamble when it was undertaken

in 1952. This potential of the maquis command, although

scarcely noticed at the time and already forgotten, ought

not be lost sight of.

Once large maquis teams are installed, we undertake

action in the towns. The maquis zones will serve as assembly areas and as refuge areas for forces charged with creating a feeling of insecurity in the small surrounding towns.

The large towns and cities in themselves constitute maquis zones. The extent of their surface area, their population density, the difficulty of establishing there a strict control over a large and concentrated population, will permit

our agents to set themselves up, to organize, and to create

a reign of insecurity sufficient to cause the authorities considerable trouble.
CABRYINC THE WAR TO THE ENEMY • 111

Concealing the Build-up

In order to succeed, our action in enemy territory has

to be carried out with discretion. We must recruit, assemble, and train our maquis elements in absolute secrecy.

A camp capable of training 500 men, located in an isolated

area of difficult access, will serve our needs.

The most practical method, the one guaranteeing the

best results, is to turn over a frontier sector command to

whoever is designated to prepare and conduct the necessary action. The regular sector forces would continue their

usual tasks during the maquis training period and would

be in a position to support them when action begins.

In no case do regular troops, elements of regular troops,

or isolated nationals cross the frontier. Our intervention

troops will receive only enemy weapons and equipment,

captured in combat or otherwise procured. Many of our

maquis will b$ recruited directly from among the enemy,

especially from among prisoners, and natives of the territory where our action takes place.

Thus, we will have carried the war onto foreign territory

without using regular troops. With respect to international opinion, the movement we launch may be presented

by ourselves and our friends as an internal uprising,

from which we are apparently divorced but which nonetheless has our official sympathy. We will attempt to give

the military action a clearly defined political character

and, if possible, a symbolic leader to represent it. We will

give it any assistance that will contribute to its development, in anticipation of the moment when the international situation permits us to give aid officially.

Certainly our opponents won't be deceived; they will

know from where the blows are coming. But their protests

will carry no more weight than our own. Modern warfare,

not having been codified, remains officially ignored. Any
112 * MODERN WARFARE

diplomatic intervention would look like meddling in the

internal affairs of a sovereign country and would be

rejected.

Peace may then be re-established only on our own

terms; that is, when the aid given to our enemies has

ceased
Conclusion

In modern warfare, as in the traditional wars of the

past, it is absolutely essential to make use of all the weapons the enemy employs. Not to do so would be absurd.

We lost the war in Indochina largely because we hesitated to take the necessary measures or took them too late.

For the same reason we are going to lose the war in Algeria. France will seek a compromise peace it never would

have considered if the army had given it the victory the

country had rightly come to expect in view of the sacrifices

it had made.

If an army has atomic weapons and is firmly resolved to

use them to dissuade a potential enemy from attacking,

we ought equally to be firmly decided to employ every

resource of modern warfare to ensure our protection.

Such resolution, clearly stated, may be enough to deter

aggression.

The forms of warfare and its weapons have evolved

gradually over the ages. We are once again at an important juncture of that evolution.

Science is allowing the military to kill more and more of

the enemy at greater and greater distances. Airmen, artillerymen, even infantrymen have killed and been killed

without having seen a single enemy. The hard and pitiless

realities of war—cruel and brutal physical contact with the

enemy—are being spared the modern soldier. Combatants

philosophically accept killing and dying, but usually avoid

113
* MODERN WARFARE

the rugged contact of physical suffering and death individually given and received.

With the advent of the atomic weapon, the power of

destruction has become such that its use would probably

involve the simultaneous disappearance of belligerents of

both camps. It will therefore not be used.

But war itself will not disappear. The increasing power

of weaponry, which places distance between combatants,

is also abruptly bringing them together. Once again, they

will confront one another on a clearly defined field, and

will rediscover the physical contact lost these many centuries. Immense armies will no longer simultaneously invade a vast battlefield. War will be a juxtaposition of a

multitude of small actions. Intelligence and ruse, allied

to physical brutality, will succeed the power of blind

armament

A problem confronts us: Will we in modern warfare

make use of all necessary resources to win, as we have

always done in the traditional wars of the past and as we

at present envisage doing when we construct nuclear

weapons?

Other soldiers have been confronted with problems of

this nature in the course of history. At the battle of Cr6cy

in 1346, the army of the French King refused to use the

bow and the arrow the English handled so effectively. For

them, true combat, the only fair and permissible kind,

remained man-to-man, body-to-body. To use an arrow, to

kill one's adversary from afar, was a kind of impermissible

cowardliness not compatible with their concepts of honor

and chivalry.

At Agincourt in 1415, the lesson of Cr6cy went unheeded. Once again on horseback, with breastplate and

sword, French knights advanced on English archers, and

once again were crushed.

The knights, at that time the professional military men
CARRYING THE WAR TO THE ENEMY • 125

of the nation, refused to use the new arms, but the King of

France, responsible for the destiny of the country, adopted

them and armed his infantry with the bow. Charles VII,

in fact, from that time on obliged every parish to maintain

an archer, the first step toward our present national army.

Knights, having become an archaic and useless luxury,

disappeared from the field of battle. For them, a page of

history has been turned for all time.

No nation deprives its army of material resources or

moral support. It allows it its own system of justice, swift

and severe, to pass judgment in the context of warfare on

those soldiers found guilty of offenses or crimes; doctors

to care for the wounded on the field of battle; chaplains to

ensure spiritual peace to the dying, and the power of life

and death over opponents within the framework of the

rules of war. Usually, the army lives isolated from the

people for the duration of conflict.

ITie nation does not ask the army to define problems,

but to win the war it is engaged in and to ensure the population's protection and security against any threatening

danger.

If, like the knights of old, our army refused to employ

all the weapons of modern warfare, it could no longer fulfill

its mission. We would no longer be defended. Our national

independence, the civilization we hold dear, our very freedom would probably perish.

91-5016-CGSC-1000-1 Nov 91