Omaha Public Schools 

Issues and Implications of Nebraska Legislative Bill 1024 

On April 13, 2006, Governor David Heineman signed Nebraska Legislative Bill 1024,1

which included an amendment by State Senators Ernest Chambers and Ronald Raikes. 

The new law made a number of changes to the way in which school districts in the 

Omaha metropolitan area were structured and empowered. In particular, the ChambersRaikes amendment would have required that the Omaha Public School District be divided 

into three. The new law would have become effective July 1, 2008 unless repealed, 

superseded, or modified by lawmakers before that date. 

The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights (the “Commission”) conducted a briefing in 

Omaha, Nebraska, on September 8, 2006 to get a better understanding of the civil rights 

ramifications of the Chambers-Raikes amendment and its effects on minority and nonminority students. The Commission consulted 10 panelists, including state government 

officials, community activists, parents, and other individuals representing a broad 

segment of the Omaha community. 

Since the Commission’s visit to Omaha, LB 1024 has been repealed and superseded. On 

May 24, 2007, Governor Heineman signed Nebraska Legislative Bill 6412

 in an effort to 

address the issues raised in the Commission’s briefing as well as other issues. Rather 

than publish a report on what is now a moot issue, the Commission has elected to post 

only the panelists’ statements, their biographies and a transcript of the briefing. 

Following are the statements of seven of the 10 panelists who participated in the briefing. 

The following panelists did not submit prepared statements: (1) Senator Ernie Chambers, 

whose testimony can be found at transcript pages 7 thru 10; (2) Brenda Council, whose 

testimony can be found at transcript pages 124 thru 130; and (3) Ben Salazar, whose 

testimony can be found at transcript pages 159-166. 

 

1 B. 1024, 99th Leg., 2d Sess. (Neb. 2006). 

2 B. 641, 100th Leg., 1st Sess. (Neb. 2007)
Panel 1

STATEMENT OF SENATOR PATRICK BOURNE, NEBRASKA STATE 

SENATOR 

There are several components of LB 1024 that divide by race. It is critical to understand 

that the Legislature did not just create three districts divided by race, they created many 

districts separated by race. What we did was make permanent the boundaries for the 

other school districts inside Omaha who, prior to this law, would have been absorbed by 

the city school district as the city itself grew. The law now guarantees that all the 

districts in the fastest growing and wealthiest parts of Omaha have permanent boundaries. 

These districts are over 90% white, as compared to the whole district of Omaha which is 

over 50% minority. Therefore, LB 1024 creates racially isolated districts throughout the 

city - minority districts in the former OPS and white districts everywhere else. 

 

As if segregating the districts was not enough, LB 1024 (section 16) also destroys the 

current integration in OPS and prohibits most of the common tools used across the 

country to intentionally integrate. Section 16 puts a concept of "choice" before 

intentional integration, but the choice is controlled by the segregated school districts who 

are authorized to “cap” their own enrollment and who have to pay for the transportation 

of any student outside their district who comes in. Worse, it requires transportation for 

every student who attends a school other than the one in his or her neighborhood, 

regardless of whether such movement fosters integration. It also doesn't permit, 

internally, school districts to control the access to magnet schools. 

In other words, the law prohibits mandatory assignment to anything but a home 

attendance area school, prohibits using magnet schools as an intentional incentive to 

integrate, prohibits using transportation as an intentional incentive to integrate and creates 

an enormous incentive on school districts to try to keep everyone at home to control what 

otherwise would be huge transportation costs (There is no exception to the spending lid 

for the transportation funds to be paid, in arrears, by the state, so it eats into what a 

district can spend on everything else.) 

 

The most infamous component of the bill, Section 41, is being litigated because the 

Legislative record plainly reflects that at least one of the purposes for dividing OPS was 

to create a "black" district. 

The intent of AM 3142, the amendment to LB 1024 which requires the division of the 

Omaha Public School District, was stated succinctly on the floor by Senator Ernie 

Chambers, sponsor of the amendment. Since he is appearing as a member of the panel, I 

would encourage commissioners to review the transcript of floor debate on AM 3142 

with particular regard to his introductory and closing statements. Other senators joining 

in the debate concurred with Senator Chambers and I would encourage commissioners to 

review their statements as well. 
As a Legislature, we took action knowing full well what was included in the language of 

AM 3142. That amendment requires that OPS be divided using attendance areas of 

existing high schools. It also requires that the new districts be comprised of contiguous 

attendance areas and that two or three new districts be created. Limited by those rules, in 

the absence of some intervening change, it is simply impossible to create districts which 

are not racially segregated. I challenge commissioners to create non-segregated districts 

using the rules the Legislature set forth. It cannot be done. 

Some would argue that integrated districts can be created if OPS were to change 

attendance areas. No one in the Legislature suggested that course during debate on the 

bill. In fact, every effort was made to prevent intervention by the OPS board. AM 3142 

clearly sought to exclude any input from OPS by specifically providing that the new 

districts boundaries not be subject to approval of any school board. 

As originally introduced, AM 3142 required that the districts share a “community of 

interest”, thus guaranteeing segregated districts. While a later amendment eliminated the 

“community of interest” language, that occurred only after it was apparent that no nonsegregated division of the school district could take place under the language of the 

amendment. 

While argument may be made that the intent was not to segregate, but rather to simply 

divide an overgrown district, that was not the intent on the floor. Had it been, we would 

have adopted AM 3167 which would have reduced the size of Millard Public Schools and 

Lincoln Public Schools. 

The Legislature knew what it was doing when it adopted AM 3142 and approved LB 

1024. The Legislature was aware of the effect of AM 3142. The Legislature knew the 

racial composition of the other districts and that they would remain intact. 

Without going into great detail, what we do know about our federal constitution is that if 

a governmental entity takes race into account when it makes a law – and there is no doubt 

this does - then the courts must apply what is called "strict scrutiny". Nebraska will be 

required to show that it has a compelling interest to accomplish what cannot be achieved 

other than by using race. This has been the test required by our Supreme Court for years, 

it hasn't changed, and there is simply no compelling reason to use race to divide OPS. 

In a nutshell, the end result of LB 1024 will be exactly as intended: schools segregated 

by race, the districts themselves segregated, continued underfunding for what are and will 

be very high poverty areas. We will deny children an equal opportunity to the education 

they deserve in direct contradiction to the principles of Brown v. Board of Education. . 

I am not aware of any evidence, empirical or anecdotal, that segregated education 

provides students with enhanced educational opportunities. But it is simply irrelevant. 

For I am aware of the view of the United States Supreme Court when it stated, in Brown 

v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 at 495 (1954): “We conclude that, in the field of 
public education, the doctrine of ‘separate but equal’ has no place. Separate educational 

facilities are inherently unequal.” 
STAEMENT OF CHRISTOPHER TODD RODGERS, DOUGLAS COUNTY 

BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS 

I want to express my thanks to Chairman Reynolds and fellow members of the USCCR 

for their willingness to hold this briefing on Nebraska Legislative Bill 1024. 

The hearing is needed to have a comprehensive dialogue on what this legislation entails 

and what the consequences will be to children in the eastern part of Omaha particularly 

Black and Latino children if the Omaha Public School District is split into three separate 

school districts. 

As a Commissioner on the Douglas County Board, I have no direct authority over how 

education policy is governed or implemented in the school districts within our 

boundaries. The only direct involvement Douglas County Government has with its 

schools districts is through its Juvenile Detention Center and the educational options we 

offer while they are detained in our facility. 

I bring to this discussion five years of experience as member of the Metropolitan 

Community College Board of Governors were I acquired a sound understanding of the 

how the State of Nebraska finances primary and secondary education. The taxing 

authority for Nebraska Community Colleges is under the same section of the law. 

My interest in the section of the bill that splits OPS is totally personal. I came to Omaha 

in August of 1987 after graduating from East St. Louis Lincoln Sr. High School in 

Illinois School District 189 an entirely black school district. The first time I had a white 

classmate was my freshman year at Creighton University. 

From that personal experience and my appreciation for the historic battles in Black 

History nationally and locally that have allowed me to serve as an elected official, I think 

the language in LB 1024 that authorizes the splitting of OPS creates an educational 

disadvantage, and strikes a blow at the foundations of Civil Rights: The Brown v. Board 

of Education Decision. 

There are three provisions in LB 1024 that I feel will have unintended consequences for 

low income children in the newly formed Learning Community if the Omaha Public 

Schools (OPS) is split into three districts. Those provisions deal with the following 

issues: 

• Equitable Funding 

• Local Control 

• Integration 

Equitable Funding

The key attraction of LB 1024 is that is will address the issue of equal funding for school 

districts that have greater challenges associated with poverty and language barriers. 
The bill attempts to accomplish this by giving the new Learning Community the same 

$1.02 taxing authority as the 11 or 13 school districts within its boundaries. The school 

districts within the boundaries are still allowed their same taxing authority ($1.02), but 

can only use the amount the Learning Community does not authorize (i.e. if the Learning 

Community uses $0.52 cents, the school districts have $0.50 cents worth of taxing 

authority available). 

This provision does not guarantee equitable funding. Without a mandate to have the 

Learning Community use the entire $1.02 tax levy, funding between the school districts 

will still be unequal because the property values in the districts are different and some 

districts will not be able to generate the same amount of funding. 

The bill provides state aid but this does not offer a guarantee to equitable funding. If it 

did, we would not be here at this point in time because the school districts would be 

satisfied with the current provisions to fund primary and secondary education. 

Local Control

It is argued that the section of LB 1024 that breaks OPS into three separate districts will 

provide increased input for parents and increase local control. This argument is a “Trojan 

Horse” used to ignite the emotions that come from a community’s sense of pride and its 

feeling of oppression in the past and today. 

LB 1024 could actually weaken local control by adding another layer of authority to the 

local governance process and removing important powers from the representatives 

elected by the voters. The influential duties of establishing tax levies and the placement 

of specialized schools will no longer be the authority of local school boards. Those 

powers now go to an appointed learning community not representative of the individual 

school district populations. 

LB 1024 has set up a local education structure that resembles a business franchise model. 

It has turned each of the 11 or 13 school districts into franchisees with the Learning 

Community as the franchisor. Similar to the Marriott Hotels which is the umbrella with 

hotels under its ownership such as the Renaissance, Courtyard, Residence Inn, Fairfield 

Inn, Towne Place, and Spring Suites. In the structure of LB 1024, the Learning 

Community is the umbrella organization with the 11 or 13 other school districts being 

separate entities that function under its guiding hand. Similar to a hotel chain they have 

different names, hiring authority, but key and I emphasis key decisions are influenced 

and made by the umbrella organization. 

That is not local control. 
Integration

There is a common interest among all the parties involved to make sure that our schools 

are integrated and that children have a diverse educational experience. Before the 

passing of LB 1024, the OPS was the only school district within the newly formed 

Learning Community that had to deal with diversifying its student body in select schools. 

Even though the new law promotes efforts to integrate such as prioritizing student 

placement according to income levels and providing transportation for all students, I 

expect the practical application of the law to be difficult because of the following: 

• Option enrollment has been eliminated, 

• The school district which the child chooses to attend must pay for the 

transportation, 

• Each school district has the ability to set its own capacity, and 

• A hardship clause allows school districts to exceed the district’s capacity, but the 

rationale for the decision is not transparent. 

In closing, I want to thank the USCCR again for holding this briefing. The agency is on a 

limited budget, and for the Commission to hold a briefing on this issue speaks volumes 

about its importance in the context of civil rights. 

I hope this brief summary of my concerns gives you a clearer picture of the unintended 

consequence that will result if the provision of this bill that splits OPS is allowed to 

become law. 
Panel 2

STATEMENT OF WALTER VINCENT BROOKS, MEDIA SPECIALIST, 

UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA MEDICAL CENTER 

Nebraska Legislature Bill 1024 comprises 172 pages but its passage has resulted in a 

firestorm of resistance and criticism, primarily centering on a 1 1⁄2 page amendment added 

by Senator Ernie Chambers. The Chambers Amendment calls for the reformation of the 

Omaha Public School system into three autonomous districts – A north unit that will be 

predominately African American, but not totally African American; a south unit that will 

be predominately Hispanic, but not totally so; and a west unit that will be predominately 

Caucasian, but not totally so. 

I support this legislation. I have written a three-part series detailing my support for LB 

1024 in the Omaha Star newspaper, Nebraska’s only black-owned newspaper (May 4, 11, 

18, 2006 editions). My presence here today is to reiterate that support and offer to the 

U.S. Commission on Civil Rights a summation of my reasons for supporting this 

legislation. 

I am not here today to bring forth stacks of data and crunched numbers to prove, 

according to prevailing methodologies of scientific and administrative evidence, that the 

Omaha Public School system, in the main, has miserably failed African American 

children in this city. There are others on this panel today better equipped to provide the 

irrefutable documentation of this educational dysfunction. 

The opposition to LB 1024, while not yet presenting the fullness of its legal case in a 

court of law, seems to be focusing on certain areas. Greatest of all is their deep concern 

for the ramifications of what they are designating a de jure “legalization” of segregation 

in Omaha because of the obvious racial composition of the three districts to be formed. In 

addition, regarding the “fine points” of the legislation, all of which remain to be worked 

out, just as any other legislative enactment requires fine tuning and detail administration, 

there is great concern, for example, that the break-up of OPS into three divisions will 

hamper such issues as administrative and teacher contract negotiations, and jeopardize a 

host of grants, some of which are currently providing additional programming support for 

minority children in the OPS system. 

The working out of administrative details requires the presence of properly authorized 

representatives, timely and adequate review by all the parties involved of the issues at 

stake, and a table cleared of any and all possibilities of legal reversal of the entire 

platform. Until LB 1024 has met all of its legal challenges, the fine-tuning administrative 

questions can be asked but not fairly discussed and answered. This is the nature of 

bureaucracy. The mere fact that there may not be a satisfactory answer to such questions 

written into the bill itself has rarely been used as an excuse to call for the rejection of a 

wide array of national and local civil rights legislation passed over the last 40 years. 

Advocates get as much detail as possible into the mix, but the primary effort is to get 

something on the “board” that can be evolved. The key focus was to get a legal 
precedent that can be immediately used to fight discrimination even if the legislation 

didn’t, in full initial text, offer every answer to every potential question. 

The history of African American struggle for progress is filled with significant, pivotal 

moments of change and at every one of these junctions in our history, there were 

powerful voices saying, “No, it won’t work, leave it alone, we’ll be worse off in the end.” 

As America entered the 20th century, there were two giant voices clashing over the future 

course of the African American population – Booker T. Washington and Dr. William E. 

B. Dubois. Washington was counseling a reduction and aversion to political activism, 

and building up from within, while Dubois excoriated Washington for decades about his 

disinclination to pursue integration and significant political agitation. Yet, was it not Dr. 

Dubois himself, after struggling well into old age for equal rights for African Americans, 

who finally threw in the towel and abandoned America altogether and spent his final 

years living in West Africa. He wrote America off as a lost cause. In fact, in his twilight 

years, Dr. Dubois was quoted as saying that maybe in the final analysis, the biggest 

difference between Booker T. Washington and himself was that Washington had actually 

been born a slave and understood things about the nature of Black people and American 

reality that perhaps Dr. Dubois never could because he had been born into the black 

middle class. 

When Rosa Parks refused to move out of her seat in Montgomery, Alabama in 1955, 

nobody in the world would have or could have predicted that single act would result in a 

complete galvanization of the black community, a historic boycott, the elevation of a 

young minister named Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. to planetary prominence and a global 

resonance from America that the African American people were finally standing up. And 

it almost never happened. The male pastor dominated black church system in 

Montgomery rejected the initial calls to join the battle. The pastors felt that a bus boycott 

would trigger a white backlash that would be much worse than the community was 

prepared to handle. If black millionaire and primary civil rights activism financier A.D. 

Nixon had not threatened to encourage every black female church member to quit their 

churches rather than be led by cowards, that boycott would never had happened. Also 

don’t forget that the mighty National Baptist Convention, the largest black Christian 

association in the world, then led by conservative Dr. Joseph Jackson, had to be dragged 

into the civil rights struggle kicking and screaming. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., despite 

the fact that his own father was an executive official in the organization, renounced it and 

joined hundreds of other young dynamic fighting ministers to form a new national black 

ministers association dedicated to pursuing social justice for black people as well as 

heaven. 

When Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. finally acknowledged the arguments of African 

American youth activists in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee that he must 

openly reject America’s role in the Vietnam War, virtually the entire national civil rights 

apparatus, white and black, desperately tried to change his mind. The airwaves and news 

editorials thrashed Dr. King and said he could actually kill the civil rights movement. 

Major financial backers withdrew and said they would no longer support anything to do 
with Dr. King. The naysayers were legion, but he held his ground and his voice became a 

global beacon light that helped spark an opposition that helped America regain its soul 

and eventually end that madness. We’ll never know how many young Americans didn’t 

die in Vietnam because Dr. King did the unthinkable. 

And what about Malcolm X? How hard was it for him to spend the bulk of his activist 

life verbally burning white people at the stake, only to look deep into this own vision and 

realize that the primacy of his Islamic religion and his unceasing denigration of the entire 

white race were ultimately disserving the African American struggle for justice? He 

turned around and made the kind of earth shaking change that opened the door for an 

entirely new generation of activists, even as it cost him the loyalty of thousands of 

devoted followers. 

What is it that scares everybody so much about this bill? It is that LB 1024 has touched 

the third rail of the train track carrying the African American civil rights educational 

movement since Brown vs. the Board of Education in 1954. The mantra has never 

changed. Any form of separation or racial segmentation is detrimental to the African 

American community. Yet, all we have heard about since Brown turned 50 years old is 

how there has been just about a complete restoration of segregation in America’s public 

school systems. Nobody knows how, nobody knows why, it’s just that, like magic, 

everything is virtually back to the way it was. We’ve lived through bussing, and every 

manner of special project, special program, magnet school, and pea under the shell 

manipulation – “Now, where’s the education for black children that black people are still 

looking for? Which grant is it under now? Which new administration – presidential, 

gubernatorial, mayoral or school administrative? And we keep betting our children – our 

children – over and over again, that the dream educational “pea” is under “this” shell or 

“that” shell. And with the rarest exceptions, like natural born suckers, we keep losing, 

each and every time. 

Senator Ernie Chambers did the one thing nobody expected, even from him. He said, 

Omaha is a segregated city and it is going to be this way for long time to come. The 

economic disparities for African Americans in this city, the residential resistances to 

developing the kind of housing minorities can afford, the quite blatant – almost riotous – 

response from white west Omaha to the very thought that their white schools would have 

to merge into minority-majority Omaha Public School’s “One Omaha, One School 

System”, was enough for Senator Chambers, and a whole lot of us in North Omaha, to 

say, “Fine. You want it, you got it. Just give us the same autonomy in our side of town 

and let’s see what we can do for our kids, the same way you look out for yours.” 

So the primary notion that LB 1024 deliberately segregates the Omaha Public School 

system is really quite indefensible. The specifics of the bill actually guarantee a complete 

freedom of choice for every single student in the OPS system. But, really, have white 

kids from the suburbs ever truly indicated a significant will and desire to go to school in 

north or south Omaha? I don’t think so. And minority parents can still take their child to 

attend whatever majority white school (or other school they consider integrated, if North 
Omaha schools aren’t good enough for them). If they get in that school, their kids will 

receive free bus transportation. 

Now, whether they get in that school or not will be up to that particular school. LB 1024 

makes every student in Omaha welcome in North Omaha, but allows every school 

outside North Omaha to accept North Omaha kids on an individual basis. Nobody is 

being forced to do anything they don’t want to do. If none of us on this panel can agree 

on anything, I’d like to think we all can agree that forcing any school to take kids their 

community and culture doesn’t really want around is a dead horse in present day 

America. LB 1024 is not about forcing anybody to do anything. It’s about trying to 

maximize the day-to-day classroom administration and effectiveness for a handful of 

schools in each community. 

This brings me to an interesting observation. Have you ever really wondered why, after 

over 140 years since black emancipation from slavery, historically black colleges and 

universities still account for the lion’s share of all black college graduates? Yet, I never 

hear black college administrators crying to the media about how they need to have more 

white students on their campuses, that attending a predominately black college is 

somehow stunting the growth of those students. In fact, increasingly, HBCU students are 

highly sought after for immediate employment and graduate studies by major 

corporations and majority academic institutions. Black colleges and universities need 

more endowment money, they need more research grants, they need facilities upgrades, 

but I never hear anybody say those students didn’t get a good, if not outstanding, 

education because there were no white students in their classrooms. 

Or look at the astonishing growth of black church mega-ministries, the ones with 10,000, 

20,000 and even 30,000 members. I don’t hear Bishop T.D. Jakes, Bishop Eddie Long, 

and their peers talking about how they need more white people in their churches. Or 100 

Black Men or the National Council of Negro Women, Delta Sigma Theta International or 

Omega Psi Phi National Fraternity. All of these organizations and associations have 

world-wide affiliations and nobody seems to mind that there may not be any white people 

with them when they show up. 

Why is there a refrain that LB 1024 is going to segregate black children and they won’t 

be going to school with white children or other children from other cultures, and 

therefore they will receive a stunted upbringing and education? Isn’t it interesting that 

this argument is never successfully made when the children in question are white. White 

children in West Omaha go all 12 grades of public school without any meaningful 

interaction with students of color. And if there are students of color in those schools, their 

histories and cultures have no prevailing credibility and authority that extends past the 

momentary celebration of ethnic history day/week/month (you name the group) or a 

cultural foods day in the cafeteria or an annual entertainment assembly. 

White people don’t run around worrying about any of their children missing something 

because they didn’t have black people in their lives during their formative years. Since 

when? One of the biggest reasons Americans struggle so hard today with developing a 
true diversity mentality, especially in today’s changing “flat world” as outlined so vividly 

by Thomas L. Friedman in “The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First 

Century,” is that Caucasians have consistently failed to embrace and empower the very 

cultures that have been in America the longest and done the most for white progress in 

this nation –African Americans, Native Americans and Hispanic peoples. All of our 

peoples have been in America since before the Mayflower, and after almost 500 years 

white people are still struggling with evolving true parity and inclusion for even its 

longest serving and most faithful brethren of color. 

On the other hand, what is that makes highly intelligent and community-minded black 

people in Omaha insist that black people cannot gain control of a handful of schools in 

North Omaha, and legitimately provide a more hospitable learning environment that 

won’t eventually deaden the desire for education in 40 to 60 percent of the black children 

who start out in kindergarten each year. Is it their sincere belief that somehow we actually 

can’t do even at least a little better than this attrition rate once we get behind the steering 

wheel and have a authorized say over budget distribution, curriculum development, 

auxiliary support and the hiring and firing of the teachers and administrators who spend 

eight hours a day, five days a week with our – our – children? 

Black slaves created the first public education system for school children in the south 

after the Civil War. Are you saying poor white people didn’t send their kids to those 

schools? Of course they did. But unfortunately for black people and those racially 

misunderstanding white people, the federal government sold out that great opportunity to 

uplift all of America and allowed racist state’s rightists to prevail but we had done it. The 

cat was out of the bag. We showed how everybody benefits when black people get some 

leeway to develop our own community and creativity. We include everybody. We have 

never shut anybody out of our progressiveness. Today, there are thousands of white 

kids dropping out of the American education system every year and they are doing it 

without any help whatsoever from African Americans. Maybe some of those kids, too, 

need the fresh perspective LB 1024 can bring to public education in Omaha. 

The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights wants to consider whether or not LB 1024 is 

constitutional. I’ve been observing Senator Ernie Chambers for 28 years. I haven’t seen 

him project an unconstitutional act yet. In fact, most of us think he’s one of Nebraska’s – 

if not the nation’s – staunchest defenders of the U.S. Constitution. His record certainly 

speaks for itself. 

The Commission wants to know the long-term potentially harmful affects of this 

legislation on minority children. Well, here’s what I have to say about that: Nothing. I’ll 

let Joe R. Feagin and Melvin P. Sikes speak for me. They provide an astonishing look at 

contemporary education for middle class African American children in their 1994 book, 

“Living with Racism: The Black Middle Class Experience.” 

Here are some bullet points taken from the Chapter titled, “Seeking a Good Education – 

Obstacles in Elementary and Secondary Schools.” These points are black middle-class 
parents’ reflections on the short term and long term damage that discriminatory white 

actions in desegregated schools can often do to black children: 

Hurdles from white administrators, teachers, students, and parents such as subtle racial 

cues, strange looks and the familiar “hush” noted by many blacks when entering 

traditionally white spaces. 

School desegregation as it has actually been implemented mainly mixes together children 

and teachers of different racial backgrounds. But the curriculum is often not 

desegregated, and continues to reflect the topical interests of the white parents. A black 

parent may have to fight to bring new materials on African Americans into the instruction 

process, including expanded multicultural courses and programs educating all children 

about the contributions of Africans and African Americans to the development of the 

United States. 

The tracking system. The negative psychological impact of tracking black and white 

children into separate schools was at the heart of the 1954 Brown school desegregation 

decision, yet desegregated school testing procedures, administered under the guidance of 

school counselors and teachers, have often been used to place black children into special 

tracks. 

The interaction of black parents and children with white teachers, parents, and children 

can involve contending with common anti-black stereotypes. 

Harassment by white students that is overlooked as child’s play by white teachers, 

nevertheless gives the black child the impression of collusion. Exclusion from some 

playtime activities breeds a sense of quarantine and isolation. 

Schools that are predominately white develop their own cultures, often with a certain 

tolerance for conventional white prejudices and even racist symbols. What constitutes a 

racist slur in the black community is often considered, “just kidding around,” or even a 

sign of affection among whites. 

In closing, there is so much more to be addressed. LB 1024 is not trying to save the 

entire public school education for the entire African American people in the United 

States. There was an excellent automobile transmission repair shop in Omaha years ago 

called, All-Car Transmissions. They had a unique marketing promotion. They’d say, 

“We’re not nation-wide, but we’re one of the best in Omaha.” 

That’s what LB 1024 is. If it succeeds, then maybe, just maybe, somehow tiny little 

Omaha may have uncovered a Rosetta Stone for how common community people can 

take back the education of their children and change the course of so many thousands of 

black children, especially boys, who really only have a prison cell waiting for them at the 

end of their failed “trial by education”. If LB 1024 fails, then America really needn’t 

worry about anybody else coming this way anytime soon. Right? 
We’ve bet the lives of our children for 52 years on everything the white race has foisted 

upon us in the name of public school education. And what do we have to show for it in 

2006? Isn’t it time that just this once, we try it ourselves? How could we now have so 

much more to lose than the heart-breaking record that already totally speaks for itself? 

I’m Walter Vincent Brooks. Thanks for listening. 
STATEMENT OF MARIAN FEY, ARTISTIC DIRECTOR, THE ARTERY

My name is Marian Fey and I am a parent of four OPS students and the Artistic Director 

of a local arts organization. I am a professional educator with a degree in elementary 

education. I want to welcome the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights to Omaha and thank 

them for taking the time to look into, what I feel is not only a violation of civil rights as I 

understand them, but also a dangerous situation that presents a serious injustice to the 

children of Omaha. 

First of all, let me tell you about Omaha, who we are, and where we live. In Douglas and 

Sarpy County there are currently eleven school districts (map). That’s eleven in the 

greater Omaha Metro. Until approximately forty years ago, as Omaha grew, so grew the 

Omaha Public Schools. City annexations were made and OPS, with very little fuss, 

absorbed the previously independent school districts. I won’t go into the history of court 

ordered desegregation in the Metro, which, by the way, applied only to OPS, or the 

political climate at the time, or white flight, but you do need to know that when the city 

of Omaha annexed Millard in 1971 the Millard Public Schools were not taken in by OPS 

(chart). I’m certain the current school board has questioned that decision, or rather 

indecision many times (census map). This map expresses the racial breakdown of the 

Douglas Co. school districts. The vast majority of minority families live within the 

boundaries of the Omaha Public Schools. If this map could be broken down further, you 

would see that, in general, this section is primarily white, this section is primarily 

African-American, and this section is primarily Hispanic. Because of the large numbers 

of minority families and where they live, I don’t envision a situation where OPS could be 

divided into three districts in a way that doesn’t create a racially identifiable district. 

Now let me tell you a little about my family and why we’re in OPS. We live about right 

here. We chose our neighborhood and our children’s schools for their diversity, we were 

aware of the academic excellence of all the Omaha school districts but, viewing 

academics as something more than test scores, my husband and I chose the district that 

would best prepare our children for life outside of school. What I have found is that not 

all of Omaha agrees with that philosophy and we have had to speak up to defend our 

schools and the children who attend them. My children perform just fine in school and 

honestly, they would probably do OK wherever we sent them. They have two college 

educated parents at home, a comfortable house, and all their basic needs met. They are 

ready to learn when they enter the school building. The same can’t be said for every OPS 

student, in fact, many OPS students face challenges that I can hardly comprehend. One 

out of every eight OPS students is an English language learner and over 60% of OPS 

elementary students live in poverty. As OPS parents, neighbors, community members, 

and citizens of Omaha, we stand up for the rights of those children and work to ensure 

that the Omaha Public Schools are treated fairly in the legislature, within the state’s 

school finance formula, and by other local districts. I have testified before the 

legislature’s education committee on two occasions and my son, a sophomore at Omaha 

Central has even testified against 1024 articulating something that was clear even to a 

teenager, that many people in Omaha want the perks of the city, the zoo, memorial Park, 

Rosenblatt Stadium, the Qwest Center, and Holland Performing Arts Center, and then 
they want to turn their backs on the problems of the folks who live and work in those 

areas and go home. 

OPS has had in place an integration plan that works. It is natural that parents of 

elementary school age children, particularly those in the primary grades, prefer to attend 

neighborhood schools (map). In fact, in voting to approve the 1999 bond issue parents 

confirmed their support of this idea and mandatory busing based on race was ended. 

Before choosing to restructure the student assignment plan, OPS interviewed, polled, and 

met with parents across the district and a return to neighborhood schools was the 

overwhelming response. Knowing that the balance of racial and socio-economic 

integration could be upset, parents choose community, convenient access, and local 

control over court mandated integration. In response, OPS created a magnet program that 

continues to grow and attract students across racial lines (pie chart). Consistently, 

elementary schools are more diverse than the neighborhoods in which they stand. 

There is no way that in one morning of listening to testimony you can fully understand 

the ideas and culture of a city but I have tried to give you a glimpse of the history and 

attitudes that define Omaha. Segregationist ideologies no matter how subtle or overt, no 

matter if they come from whites or blacks, if they’re demonstrated through hate crimes or 

perpetuated through legal channels, are wrong. Wrong for this country and its global 

economy, wrong for this city and its sustained growth and development, and wrong for 

children and their futures. I want to close with a lesson I learned from my 15 year old 

(story). 

I’m glad that my children succeed academically but I’m grateful that their education 

includes seeing people for who they really are and not just for the clothes they wear or 

the color of their skin. As I said before, my children will do fine in school, but it is the 

lessons of life that I’m afraid will suffer if the Learning Community succeeds in dividing 

OPS into three school districts. 






STATEMENT OF CAROL KREJCI, PRESIDENT, OMAHA EDUCATION 

ASSOCIATION 

Ladies and Gentlemen, my name is Carol Krejci and I am president of the Omaha 

Education Association. I appreciate the opportunity to appear today on behalf of the 

nearly 3000 professional members of the Omaha Education Association. 

As I begin, I am reminded of the first motto of the United States and adopted as part of 

our Great Seal in 1775. This Latin phrase E pluribus unum translated means, “From 

many, one” or “out of many, one.” It refers to the integration of the 13 independent 

colonies into one united country. But since 1776, it has taken on an additional meaning, 

given the pluralistic nature of American society. Today more than ever American society 

is a diverse society made of up of distinct racial, ethnic and religious groups. If America 

is to survive well into the 21st century it must accommodate this diversity through 

assimilation and the teaching of shared values. For more than 200 years of our history, 

that assimilation has occurred in America’s public schools and so E pluribus unum could 

very well be the motto of America’s public school system. It is here, in our public 

schools, that our students, regardless of their national origin or mother tongue, become 

true Americans with shared values and a shared sense of national purpose. Public 

education is the glue that binds American society together and preserves our nation as a 

functioning democracy. 

We know of NO research that suggests that the best way to assimilate our children into 

American society is to isolate them in ethnic or racial enclaves. On the contrary, as 

history shows, if we are to educate our children to live in a diverse, multicultural society, 

this is best accomplished through integrated classrooms where students learn to respect 

each other, to appreciate the strength of diversity, and to share the common values that 

bind our nation together. LB 1024 seems to be in direct conflict with our public school 

mission and while the ultimate consequences of LB 1024 are yet to be determined, the 

statutory framework leaves many questions unanswered both for the students and 

teachers of the Omaha Public Schools. 

Researchers and reviewers have investigated the ways that knowledge, attitudes, and 

behavior are affected by a host of issues, including school desegregation, other forms of 

increased intergroup contact, multicultural education, self-esteem building activities and 

many others. For example, the use of cooperative learning as a means to improving 

intercultural relationships is supported by more well-designed research than other single 

schooling practices. This teaching strategy involves organizing learners into culturally 

heterogeneous teams giving them tasks requiring group cooperation and interdependence, 

and structuring the activity so that the teams can experience success. This technique has 

been shown to be an extremely powerful means of enhancing intergroup relations. The 

research also shows that heterogeneously grouped learners experience other positive 

outcomes, such as increased self-esteem; improved attitudes toward school, specific 

classes, subject areas, and teachers, and a greater ability to appreciate the strengths that 

diverse people bring to a learning team. In other words, if our goal is to prepare students 
to live and work in a diverse society, then it is critical that our schools mirror that 

society.3

We agree that it is important for students to have teachers and administrators of one’s 

cultural group in one’s school, but we also believe that it is important to expose children 

to a diverse teaching staff within each of our schools. Unfortunately, while our schoolaged population is becoming increasingly multicultural, the teaching profession is 

becoming more monocultural. The recruitment and retention of significant numbers of 

ethnic minority teachers is a problem that is not unique to Omaha. “In 1985, 

approximately 88 percent of the U.S. teaching force was white,” today that number is 

probably closer to 95 percent.4

 Clearly, if this trend is to be reversed, it will require a very 

concerted effort of public school administrators and teacher training institutions. 

One of the major concerns we have with LB 1024 is that it does very little to address the 

antiquated state system for financing public education. The breakup of the Omaha Public 

Schools and the addition of the Learning Community governing council will only add to 

the bureaucratic overhead costs, thus making the inadequacy of current funding levels 

even more critical. We cannot adequately staff or equip high poverty schools until we 

adequately fund them. Simple common sense should tell us that, to tackle the greater 

challenges they face, schools serving large disadvantaged populations should receive 

additional resources on top of an adequate and equitable base funding. 

LB 1024 is a 172 page document that generates far more questions than it answers. 

These questions come in two broad categories: questions being asked by students and 

parents, and questions that the teachers and staff are asking. 

Let’s start with the unanswered questions of parents and students. 

• Will each of the three new districts have the same curriculum? 

• Will they provide equal opportunity? 

• If students wish to integrate themselves, will opportunities be afforded to move 

across new district boundary lines and attend schools in other parts of the former 

district? 

• Will students have equal access to centers of academic excellence, for example, 

attendance centers that concentrate on math and science instruction? 

• If students live with extended families, will arbitrary boundary lines divide family 

members from family members? 

• If a parent wants his child to attend an integrated school, how does he find such a 

school? 

 

3

 Source: “Topical Synthesis #7: Fostering Intercultural Harmony in Schools: Research Findings” by 

Kathleen Cotton. Northwest Regional Educational Laboratory, 101 S.W. Main St., Suite 500, Portland, 

Oregon 97204 

4

 Source: “Topical Synthesis #7: Fostering Intercultural Harmony in Schools: Research Findings” by 

Kathleen Cotton. Northwest Regional Educational Laboratory, 101 S.W. Main St., Suite 500, Portland, 

Oregon 97204 
• What if a student is currently attending a school that is not in his home district, 

will he have to “apply” to continue there? 

It is clear that LB 1024 has created morale problems for both parents and students. This 

is evidenced by the fact that both African-American and Hispanic parents have filed 

separate lawsuits challenging the constitutionality of LB 1024. Evidently these parents, 

who know best the special needs of their children, are not convinced that dividing OPS 

along racial lines into three separate districts will be in the best interests of their children. 

The list of teacher questions and concerns is even longer. 

• How will the current Omaha Public School faculty be reallocated to three new 

independent school districts? 

• Will the allocation be along racial lines? 

• Currently all faculty are part of a single bargaining unit with commonly 

determined salaries, fringe benefits, leave policies, professional growth policies, 

etc. What guarantees are there that faculty will be treated equitably by the three 

new districts, each with a separately elected school board? 

• How will funding affect the look of negotiations within districts separately and 

collectively? 

• How will this affect teacher compensation? 

• How will it affect the number of educator jobs? 

• Will the Learning Community become one contract for all? 

• Currently OPS employees are all included in a single retirement system with 

pooled funds and common benefits. How will future retirement benefits be 

handled and how will retirement funds be allocated to the three new districts to 

guarantee equity? 

• How do the Nebraska school reorganizations statutes apply to the break up of 

OPS? 

• Will this division ultimately require other districts to re-structure? 

One last concern is the make-up of the governing body for the new “Learning 

Community” that is created in LB1024. Each of the 11 school districts that are to be part 

of the new learning community are to have equal representation on this board, yet the 11 

districts are not remotely equal in size. Bennington, with 800 students will have the same 

vote as Omaha with 45,000 students! This is not proportional representation and clearly 

violates the principle of “one man, one vote” as established by the Supreme Court nearly 

50 years ago. Making this situation even more nefarious is that it is ethnic minorities and 

the economically disadvantaged that are being the most underrepresented in this system. 

I want you to know that the Omaha Education Association, the Nebraska State Education 

Association and the National Education Association have a long history of opposing 

segregation and protecting the rights of teachers. No matter what direction this new law 

takes, we will be there on the front line of this important political, educational and social 

justice issue. But more importantly, we will be where we’ve always been-- in the 

classroom, looking into the bright eyes, teaching the eager minds, compassionately caring 

for the frightened and neglected, and celebrating the milestones of our students’ success. 
We, the professional educators of the Omaha Public Schools, believe that strong public 

schools are the foundation of our democratic society and that every child deserves a great 

public school. 
STATEMENT OF JOSEPHINE R. POTUTO, PROFESSOR OF 

CONSTITUIONAL LAW, COLLEGE OF LAW, UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA 

AT LINCOLN 

CONSTITUTIONALITY OF DISTRICTS CREATED ON RACIAL LINES 

1. Generally speaking a violation of the equal protection clause of the 14th amendment 

based on race requires a discriminatory effect (different treatment) and a purpose to 

discriminate against a racial group. Washington v. Davis, 426 US 229 (1976). 

2. All other things being equal, the higher the race concentration – African-American; 

Latino; white – per district, the clearer the discriminatory effect and, in turn, the more 

constitutionally suspect the plan. 

3. The constitutional presumption is that of a unitary (integrated) system. Providing 

separate systems for whites and other races is presumptively unconstitutional. Brown v. 

Board of Education, 347 US 483 (1954). To override the constitutional presumption the 

state must show that it has a compelling reason for its policy AND that there is no 

alternative that would have less discriminatory effect. 

4. Constitutional violations require a state actor. 

5. Dividing the races into different groups, even if the groups are then treated equally, 

violates the constitution when the reason resides in racist notions of racial supremacy of 

the white race and the motivation is to insulate the white race from contact with other 

races. Such a policy is considered a badge or indicia of slavery. Loving v. Virginia, 388 

US 1 (1967).

6. Equal protection principles do not change because a majority of each race supports the 

particular policy (although the fact of wide support among racial groups is evidence that 

the district plan does not embody a purpose to harm racial groups). 

7. Permitting free transfer in and out of these districts by students from the other districts 

does not avoid an equal protection challenge (although the fact of free transfers is 

evidence that the district plan does not embody a purpose to harm racial groups). 

Transferees seeking an integrated experience are faced with an additional burden not 

faced by students satisfied with the districting plan and not seeking to transfer. 

8. If the district lines described separate cities or were pre-existing historical districts 

whose populations developed without state intervention, then there would be no 

constitutional violation where the discrimination was intra-district or city as the equal 

protection clause does not require state actors to ignore traditional city or district 

boundaries to cure intra-district or city discrimination. Miliken v. Bradley, 418 US 717 

(1974). 
9. The difference between the race districts created by the Nebraska legislation and the 

de jure race discrimination in school districts found unconstitutional in Brown v. Board 

of Education is that the Nebraska legislation neither was impelled by notions of white 

race supremacy nor by a purpose to treat the non-white races less well than the white 

race. 

10. At one time in constitutional history it seemed that equal protection violations arose 

exclusively out of policies that disadvantaged “discrete and insular minorities,” and not 

from policies designed to help these groups. United States v. Carolene Products Co., 

304 US 144 (1938). Today, however, the prevailing paradigm is that any focus on race in 

the provision of benefits is constitutionally suspect; that “benign” discrimination is still 

an equal protection violation because the benign help provided one racial group 

disadvantages the racial groups not so helped. City of Richmond v. JA Croson Co., 488 

US 469 (1989). 

11. Even if the Omaha districting plan withstands constitutional challenge in its creation 

of the three districts on racial lines, there still is a very large constitutional obstacle 

related to whether the districts are, and will continue to be, equal in fact. The doctrine of 

“separate but equal” was found constitutionally insufficient in Brown v. Board of 

Education. The line of cases that preceded Brown were decided under the rubric that 

separate but equal is constitutional if the separate in fact are equal. Consistently in these 

cases the Court held that there was not equality in fact. Whether there is equality in the 

schools in each district will be a continuing issue. 
STATEMENT OF REVERENED DOCTOR EVERETT S. REYNOLDS, FORMER 

PRESIDENT OF THE OMAHA NAACP 

First let me thank Ms. Sock-Foon MacDougall for calling me and Mr. Kenneth L. Marcus 

for writing me, submitting the guidelines from which I shall address my remarks. 

Ladies and gentlemen, members of the United States Civil Rights Commission, let me 

thank you for the opportunity to come before you today. 

Education is the number one issue in the world today. It must necessarily, then, be the 

number one issue in Nebraska and yes, Omaha, Nebraska. We all know that at one time 

in America, it was against the law for slaves--black people--to learn, or to be taught to 

read and write. The struggle for equality and justice began when the first slaves were 

brought to America in 1619 and continues even as we speak. 

Booker T. Washington, the first Negro to receive an honorary degree from Harvard 

University, is quoted as having said, “The conditions of Negroes are deplorable but 

needing change from within. The change should be gradual, and its wake should not 

disturb the rest of American society.” 

For the moment, let’s set aside former U. N. Ambassador Andrew Young and former 

U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell and current Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. 

Let’s look at what Booker T. Washington calls gradualism. It took fifty eight years (1896 

to 1954) from Plessy v. Ferguson to Brown v. Board of Education and now it is fifty two 

years (1955 to 2006) from Brown v. Board of Education to LB 1024. Over one hundred 

years and still we are talking about yesterday’s issues. One moment of change in 

American education came when Homer Plessy stood up for what he believed and the 

courts ruled in 1896, Plessy v. Ferguson, that segregation could be practiced if the 

facilities were “separate but equal.” Really, everybody knew even then what that really 

meant: “separate and unequal”. It was not until 1955 that Brown v. Board of Education 

declared that “separated but equal” was inherently unequal and violated the constitution 

of the United States of America. That was in 1955. 

Let me ask: Which one of us would go out today and buy an 1896 automobile? You 

would say, “You have got to be joking!” Well, what about buying a 1955 automobile? 

And again, you would say that we must be joking. The 2006 automobile comes from the 

factory equipped with air conditioning, heat, cassette and DVD players, on-star tracking 

and alarm systems, new suspension, etc. On any make, and, as standard equipment on 

most. We buy these modern automobiles and expect such features, look for such features 

and demand such features when they come from the factory. 

Ladies and gentlemen, everything has changed. The way we fight wars has changed. 

Health and medical technology has changed and, lastly, computers have changed the 

world. I come before you today to let you know, and to declare, that quality education, 

quality integrated education must be the order of the day in 2006 and onward into the 

future. 
Quality, Integrated Education and Nothing Less!

Integrated education was good back then, for it was the stepping stone to quality 

education. Plessy v. Ferguson was good in its day; it was a stepping stone to Brown v. 

Board of Education. When I talk to legal minds here in Omaha, Nebraska, they tell me 

that Brown v. Board of Education was about integration and not, I repeat, and not about 

quality education. 

When I sat in the class room as a 4th grader in a Nebraska school, I would hear my 

teacher tell jokes, the “N” word jokes. I finished high school in a Nebraska school 

system and never finished reading an English book. Yes, I graduated. As President of 

the Omaha branch of the NAACP, I was called to many schools. Let me share a few 

experiences. I remember when I was called to assist a black family where the son had 

been suspended from school for kicking a student. The young man was wearing white 

tennis shoes and socks, white pants and shirt. The young man who was kicked was 

white-Caucasian kicked in the face. There was blood on the floor and on the steps and 

hallway floor, but no blood anywhere on the young black student. With white shoes, 

socks and pants, he had no blood on him at all, and yet he was suspended for kicking the 

white student in the face. Or take the case of the teacher who grabbed a young black girl 

by the arm so hard that her nails broke the skin, and when the young black girl pushed the 

teacher away because she was hurting her, the girl was suspended. You might ask what 

was the girl doing? It was reported that she and two of her friends were making too much 

noise going down the hall. Also, consider the case of the teacher who held a picture of an 

ape next to a little black girl’s face and told her that she looked just like the picture; and 

finally, there is the school that sold “slaves” as a money-making project. 

No, integrated education is not the end of the journey in education, it is another jump-off 

point on the journey for quality education, integrated, quality education. LB 1024, as 

amended, is a step in that direction. I tell you this, the present system is not working. 

There must be a change, a radical change in order to be educationally competitive, not 

just for minority (African Americans, Latino Americans, Native Americans and Asian 

Americans) but for all students. Not just for minority students to compete with white 

students, oh no, but for all students to be able to compete in a world and global 

educational market. We can no longer talk merely about “separate but equal” or Brown 

v. Board of Education, we must talk about students achieving equally in a highly 

competitive educational global market. Two-and-a-half grade levels behind can not be 

acceptable under any circumstances. In this current system, it is growing worse; yes, the 

achievement gap gets wider and wider. We need a radical change in the system in 

Omaha, Nebraska, and I fully support LB 1024, as amended, and signed by our governor. 

The law needs to stay in effect and be fully implemented. The class room must be, for 

our young people’s minds, exactly what the modern factory is for the automobile – fully 

equipped with the best technology and educational methodology available, for every

student. 

Does “neighborhood schools” under this plan mean segregation, because the respective 

neighborhoods are predominantly of one race? If so, then certainly Omaha schools 
currently are segregated, like district 66 and west Omaha. You see, it only becomes 

“racial” when the race is minority. However, neighborhood control of schools has 

always been the goal of American education. The problem is that we are talking here 

about minorities exercising control. Ladies and gentlemen it is really racist to say that an 

all white district is all right, but any district that is majority minority is all wrong. 

Unquestionably, that is a purely racist idea; and I hope we are not going to redefine 

racism in 2006 to attempt to make it look different for what it actually is. What this Bill 

is talking about is quality, integrated from the factory. From the class room of every 

building in every district. 

In the beginning, it was against the law for slaves to learn or to be taught to read and 

write. The first step or jumping-off point toward quality, integrated education was Plessy 

v. Ferguson. The second step or jumping-off point toward quality, integrated education 

was Brown v. Board of Education; and the third step or jumping-off point toward quality, 

integrated education is LB 1024. 

Let’s make it happen. 

Thank you for this opportunity. 
PANELISTS’ BIOGRAPHIES 

Senator Ernest Chambers, the first and only black member of the Nebraska Legislature, 

was first elected in 1970. He represents District 11, a poor and largely minority section 

of Omaha. Since 1970, Senator Chambers has been returned to office in every election. 

His term of office will expire at the end of 2008 as a result of a term-limits referendum 

that passed in 2001. Senator Chambers was the force behind LB 1024 amendment which 

divides the Omaha School District into three racially identifiable school districts, one 

predominantly white, one mostly black, and one largely Hispanic. He earned a 

bachelor’s degree from Creighton University and a law degree from Creighton University 

Law School. 

Senator Patrick J. Bourne is an Omaha native. He is a member of the Nebraska 

Legislature representing District 8 since 1998. From 2005-2006, he was the chairman of 

the State Judiciary Committee; a member of the Education Committee, Nebraska 

Retirement Systems Committee, Committee on Committees, Redistricting Committee, 

and the State Workforce Investment Board. He holds a bachelor’s degree from the 

University of Nebraska, Omaha, and a juris doctorate from Creighton University Law 

School. Senator Bourne is a member of the Omaha Bar Association, Nebraska State Bar 

Association, American Bar Association, and National Conferences of State Legislatures. 

Christopher Todd Rogers, a Douglas County Commissioner, was sworn into office in 

2005. Mr. Rodgers previously served as an assistant to Omaha Mayor Mike Fahey and 

an elected member of the Metropolitan Community College Board of Governors where 

he represented its second district. In addition to his public service positions, he worked 

as a bank representative for First National Bank of Omaha, the United Way of the 

Midlands, the Omaha Small Business Network, Culver & Associates, Inc. and the Omaha 

World-Herald. He graduated from Creighton in 1992 with a bachelor of arts in 

journalism. In 1999, he received his Masters of Business Administration also from 

Creighton. He later attended the University of Nebraska at Omaha where he received a 

Masters of Public Administration in 2002. 

Walter Vincent Brooks is a 59 year old African American who has resided in the city of 

Omaha since1977. He has two children who attend Omaha Public Schools. He is a high 

school graduate, a U.S. Marine Corps combat veteran of the Vietnam War, and a 

community activist. He has worked for the Omaha Star newspaper, Nebraska’s only 

black-owned newspaper, as a contributing writer for 28 years. 

During his time in the military, Mr. Brooks witnessed extraordinary disparities in the 

treatment of black soldiers such as duty assignments, arrests, convictions, and 

punishments. This along with other civil rights events from the 1960s, including the 

assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., has led him to become a historian of the 

African American experience. He has been affiliated with organizations that have 

challenged economic equality, racism and injustice in America, including the Black 

Panther Party and Vietnam Veterans Against War. 
Marian Fey is the mother of four students in the Omaha public Schools and is deeply 

committed to the concept of public education. She has volunteered extensively within the 

school system serving as President of the Alliance for Omaha’s future, on the board of 

the Omaha Schools Foundation, PTA president, chairman of the Harrison Elementary 

School 75th Anniversary Celebration, and on the Omaha Council PTA. Volunteer 

activities outside the public schools include teaching Sunday school at First Central 

United Church of Christ, Nebraskans for Peace, and leadership roles in both Boy and Girl 

Scouts. 

Marian has a degree in elementary education and was a substitute teacher in the Millard 

and Ralston school districts. She served as Nursery Coordinator at Dundee Presbyterian 

Church and teaches dance classes at two local dance studios. Currently, Marian is the 

Artistic Director and co-founder of The ARTery, a not-for-profit arts education 

organization with a commitment to community outreach. The ARTery is the home of 

Dancing Classrooms, a ballroom dance program for fifth grade students in the Omaha 

Public Schools. 

She is married to Paul Fey, an associate professor at the University of Nebraska Medical 

Center. 

Carol L. Krejci has been a professional educator for 35 years, the last 20 years teaching 

American history and government at Omaha Central High School. In August 2006, she 

became president of the Omaha Education Association, representing nearly 3000 

professionals in the Omaha Public Schools. Ms. Krejci is a graduate of university of 

Nebraska at Kearney, and earned her master’s degree in political science from the 

University of Wisconsin (Madison). Although a native of Omaha, her professional career 

has included positions in several states, urban, suburban and semi-rural schools, as well 

as both public and parochial. Ms. Krejci has served in various positions on the Board of 

Directors of the Omaha Education Association for 15 years and recently completed 6 

years on the Board of Directors for the Nebraska State Education Association. Outside of 

education, she is also active in political and community issues. 

Josephine (Jo) Potuto is the Richard H. Larson Professor of Constitutional Law at the 

College of Law, University of Nebraska at Lincoln as well as the University’s faculty 

athletics representative. She has written three books, Winning Appeals, Prisoner 

Collateral Attacks, and Federal Criminal Jury Instructions (with Perlman and Saltzburg). 

In 2003, she received the Outstanding Faculty Member Award from the Nebraska Law 

College Alumni Association. 

Potuto earned a bachelor’s degree at Rutgers’ Douglas College, a master’s degree at 

Seton Hall University, and a juris doctorate at Rutgers Law College. She is a member of 

the bar for the US Supreme Court; US Court of Appeals, Third Circuit; and the US 

District Courts for Nebraska and New Jersey. She is also a member of the American Law 

Institute and the Nebraska Bar Foundation. She is a past member of the Nebraska 

Commission on Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice, the County Attorneys Standard 
Advisory Council, and the Federal District Court Practice Committee for the District of 

Nebraska. 

Everett S. Reynolds is the Pastor of Lefler United Methodist Church in Omaha, 

Nebraska, and has taught at Wichita State University, Philander Smith College, and the 

University of Omaha. He earned his bachelor’s degree at Omaha University and 

Philander Smith College, and his ThD at Faith Theology Seminary. He is a life member 

of the Nebraska PTA, former President of the Omaha Branch of the NAACP, and former 

Vice President of the Lincoln Branch of the NAACP. He has also served as a member of 

the Omaha Public Schools Advisory Committee for Desegregation and the Urban 

Renewal Authority in Lincoln, Nebraska. 

Ben Salazar, born and raised in Nebraska, is an advocate for Latinos and Spanishspeaking people. He received his bachelor’s degree in sociology as well as his juris 

doctorate from the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. Describing himself as a Chicano 

activist, he has worked with Nebraska organizers of farm workers since the 1960s. He has 

also worked with Legal Aid in Phoenix, Arizona; Lincoln Action Program; Chicanos por 

la causa; the public defender’s office; and the Arizona attorney general’s office. He is 

currently the publisher of the Nuestro Mundo Newspaper, a Spanish-English newspaper, 

in Omaha. 
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The Commission convened at 9:07 a.m., Ashley L. Taylor,

Jr., Commissioner, presiding.

PRESENT:

ASHLEY L. TAYLOR, JR., Commissioner

PETER N. KIRSANOW, Commissioner (via telephone)

ARLAN D. MELENDEZ, Commissioner

MICHAEL YAKI, Commissioner

KENNETH L. MARCUS, Staff Director

STAFF PRESENT:

DAVID BLACKWOOD

MARGARET BUTLER

RANITA CARTER

PAMELA DUNSTON

DEREK HORNE

SOCK-FOON MacDOUGALL

JANIS MINOR
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C O N T E N T S

Introductory Remarks by Ashley L. Taylor

II. Speakers' Presentations

Panel 1

Hon. Ernest Chambers

Nebraska State Senator

Hon. Patrick Bourne

Nebraska State Senator

Christopher Todd Rodgers

Douglas County Board of Commissioners

Panel 2

Walter Brooks

Media Specialist, University of Nebraska

Medical Center

Brenda Council

Board of Directors, Urban League of Nebraska

Marian Fey

Artistic Director, the ARTery

Carol Krejci

President, Omaha Education Association

Prof. Josephine Potuto

University of Nebraska - Lincoln

Rev./Dr. Everett S. Reynolds

Former President of the Omaha NAACP

Ben Salazar

Publisher, Nuestro Mundo Newspaper

III. Questions by Commissioners and Staff Director
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1 P R O C E E D I N G S

2 (9:07 a.m.)

3 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Good morning.

4 I am Commissioner Taylor, and on behalf of the

5 Commission -- the United States Commission on Civil

6 Rights, I would welcome everyone speaking on the impending

7 decision of the Omaha School District.

8 The Commission, as you all probably know, is an

9 independent, bipartisan agency established by Congress in

10 1957.

11 The mission of the Commission is to inform on

12 the development of national civil rights policy and

13 enhance enforcement of federal civil rights laws for

14 quality research, objective findings and sound

15 recommendations.

16 We are directed by Congress to, among other

17 things, study and collect information relating to

18 discrimination or a denial of equal protection of the laws

19 under the Constitution due to race, color, religion, sex,

20 age, disability, or national origin in the administration

21 of justice.

22 Our Commission frequently arranges such public

23 briefings with presentations from experts outside of the

24 agency in order to inform itself and the nation of civil

25 rights situations and issues.
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1 At the briefing, we have invited this morning a

2 panel of experts to advise us on the legal and policy

3 issues and implications raised by the Nebraska Legislative

4 Bill 1024.

5 The bill includes an amendment by State Senator

6 Ernie Chambers and Senator Raikes which divides the Omaha

7 School District into three identifiable segments: One

8 district will be predominately African American another

9 will be chiefly Hispanic, and the third being primarily

10 white.

11 Although some support the amendment as a means

12 of providing local control to minority communities, others

13 oppose it, in their words, as a modern-day form of

14 governmentally imposed de jure racial segregation.

15 This morning we are pleased to welcome our

16 first panel of experts on the legislation. First, we

17 have Senator Chambers, Nebraska state senator; Patrick

18 Bourne, also a member of the senate; and Christopher Todd

19 Rodgers, a member of the Douglas County Board of

20 Commissioners.

21 I welcome all of you on behalf of the

22 Commission, and I will introduce everyone describe your

23 activities, and then we will call on you according to the

24 order you have been given for the record.
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1 What we would like to do is have each member

2 provide us with comments for ten minutes and with no

3 questions, and then we will circle back around and open up

4 the floor with questions.

5 Before I go any further, Commissioner Kirsanow,

6 are you on the line?

7 COMMISSIONER KIRSANOW: I am.

8 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Great. A community

9 activist -- this is to give you all a sense of the

10 background of Senator Chambers.

11 A community activist since the '60s, Senator

12 Chambers came into office on the crest of the new black

13 electoral power in 1970, and much of the senator's time

14 has been devoted to promoting human rights legislation.

15 He is the primary sponsor of Bill 1024, which

16 breaks the school district into three racially

17 identifiable districts. The bill was passed by a 31 to 16

18 margin and was signed into law by Governor Heineman.

19 Even though the districts are encouraged to act

20 voluntarily, pursuant to the integration plans, a number

21 of court battles are expected and believed -- and I

22 believe to be a number have already been initiated.

23 In a New York Times article of April 15th, 2006,

24 Senator Chambers is quoted as saying, “Several years ago I
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1 began discussing in my community the possibility of

2 carving out our area of Omaha Public Schools and

3 establishing a district over which we would have some

4 control. My intent is not to have an exclusionary system,

5 but we, meaning black people, whose children make up the

6 vast majority of the student population, would indeed

7 control.”

8 Senator Bourne will be next and then followed by

9 Mr. Rodgers.

10 And with that, Senator Chambers, I welcome you

11 and I look forward to your comments.

12 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Thank you and members of the

13 Commission.

14 I can't say that I'm pleased to be here without

15 qualification; I would rather be with the Congressional

16 Black Caucus in Washington, D.C., but they did not extend

17 an invitation to me until after I had agreed to appear at

18 this briefing with the Commission, and I feel that when an

19 agreement is made it must be kept.

20 The Commissioners are going to take information,

21 a report will be written, and I have read some Civil

22 Rights Commission reports.

23 In fact, many years ago when, as Billy Joel

24 sang, I wore a younger man's clothes, I was actually on
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1 the state committee for the Civil Rights Commission.

2 Obviously, we did not succeed in carrying out the mission

3 of the Commission or you all wouldn't be here today.

4 Racism is as virulent as it ever was.

5 Discrimination continues to tromp across the country in

6 seven-league boots. Political appointments are made to

7 various agencies and entities which ought to be

8 nonpartisan. But we have to deal with reality. I am a

9 practical politician.

10 I'm a pragmatist and a realist. I deal with

11 things as they are.

12 Omaha has had a segregated school system for the

13 69 years I've been in this world. It had a segregated

14 system while I attended OPS through elementary school at

15 Lothrop, high school at Technical.

16 It continues to have not only a segregated

17 system, but it is more segregated now than it has ever

18 been. And throughout the country, there is more racial

19 segregation in public school systems than was the case

20 prior to Brown.

21 Mr. Taylor mentioned the New York Times article,

22 which caused the Commission to be here, which was

23 misleading in its headline and that's all some people
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1 read. The headline was, “Law to Segregate Omaha Schools

2 Divides Nebraska.”

3 First of all, the schools are segregated, as

4 I've stated. To say that my provision would segregate the

5 schools is like saying I will make water wetter.

6 When I have been contacted by people around the

7 country about this provision and I ask them, “Have you

8 read the provision,” they say – they remind me of that

9 Holiday Inn commercial: An expert -- an expert-sounding

10 individual runs through all of the jargon, and then the

11 individual to whom he is speaking says, Well, are you this

12 expert? And the person says, Well, no, but I did stay at

13 a Holiday Inn Express last night.

14 Well, when I ask people have they read the

15 provision, they say No, but I did read the New York Times.

16 The New York Times is not the bible – the Bible, as some

17 people say; and rather than read just the quote in the New

18 York Times, it would have been good to read the language

19 of the provision. So in order that that would be in the

20 record, that's how I'm going to start.

21 “On or before July 1st, 2007, each Learning

22 Community coordinating council shall submit a plan to the

23 state committee to divide school districts organized

24 around the attendance areas of existing high school
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1 buildings with two or three such high school buildings in

2 each new Class V school district.”

3 Digressing, Omaha is the only metropolitan-sized

4 city, OPS is the only Class V district in the state.

5 “Such new Class V districts shall consist of

6 school buildings having attendance areas which are

7 contiguous. The effective date for reorganization

8 pursuant to this section shall be July 1st, 2008.”

9 “If the state committee disapproves such plan,

10 the state committee shall revise the plan and shall hold

11 one or more hearings on the revised plan.”

12 “The state committee may further revise the plan

13 and hold one or more additional hearings.”

14 “If a Learning Community council fails to submit

15 a plan as required pursuant to subsection (1) of this

16 section on or before July 1st, 2007, the state committee

17 shall develop a plan to divide any Class V school

18 districts in the Learning Community into new Class V

19 school districts organized around the attendance areas of

20 the existing high school buildings with two or three such

21 high school buildings in each new Class V school

22 district.”
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1 “The state committee shall hold a hearing and

2 may revise the plan and may hold one or more additional

3 hearings.”

4 “On or before December 31st, 2007, the state

5 committee shall approve plans to divide all Class V school

6 districts in learning communities into new Class V school

7 districts organized around the attendance areas of

8 existing high school buildings with two or three such high

9 school buildings in each new Class V school district.”

10 No mention of race. The criteria for drawing

11 boundaries are neutral. The Legislature does not draw the

12 boundaries. The attendance areas referenced are drawn by

13 OPS.

14 If those attendance areas are segregative, they

15 constitute formal state action by OPS in violation of

16 Brown versus Board of Education.

17 My provision deals with administration and

18 control of public education. It has nothing to do with

19 student attendance. It will bring local control to the

20 communities where the schools are located, provide more

21 input and influence to the parents whose children attend

22 those schools.
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1 There is one other thing that I want to I want

2 to add to what was quoted by Mr. Ashley from the New York

3 Times.

4 After that ending of that -- oh, my time is up?

5 I see -- the red light

6 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Go ahead and finish up.

7 We have 13 seconds.

8 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Okay. 13 seconds? I can't

9 get it done in that and so I will stop.

10 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: We will come back to you,

11 sir. Don't worry.

12 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Okay.

13 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Senator Bourne. Senator

14 Bourne graduated from Southeast Community College in 1994

15 (sic) and Creighton University School of Law in 1997. He

16 was elected in 1998 to represent the 8th Nebraska

17 Legislative District and reelected in 2002. He currently

18 sits on the Education and the Nebraska Retirement Systems

19 Committee as well as the Committee on Committees and

20 chairperson of the Judiciary Committee.

21 Senator Bourne voted against Senate Bill 1024.

22 And I will allow you to characterize the bill and the

23 basis of your opposition to the bill, sir.

24 Welcome and I look forward to hearing from you.
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1 SENATOR BOURNE: Thank you very much welcome to

2 Omaha.

3 There are several components of LB 1024 that, in

4 my opinion, divide by race. It's critical to understand

5 that the Legislature did not just create three districts

6 divided by race, they created several districts divided by

7 race. What we did was make permanent the boundaries for

8 the other school districts inside Omaha who, prior to this

9 law, would have been absorbed by the city school district

10 as the city itself grew.

11 The law now guarantees that all districts in the

12 fastest growing and wealthiest parts of Omaha have

13 permanent boundaries. These districts are over 90 percent

14 white, as compared to the whole district of Omaha which is

15 over 50 percent minority. Therefore, 1024 creates

16 racially isolated districts throughout the city, minority

17 districts in the former OPS districts and white districts

18 everywhere else.

19 As if segregating these districts were not

20 enough, LB 1024, in Section 16, also destroys the current

21 integration plan in OPS and prohibits most of the common

22 tools used across the country to intentionally integrate.

23 Section 16 puts the concept of choice before intentional

24 integration, but the choice is controlled by the
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1 segregated school districts who are authorized to cap

2 their own enrollment and who have to pay for the

3 transportation of any student outside the district who

4 comes in. In other words, the receiving school district

5 can determine if they're at capacity without any

6 justification for doing so.

7 Worse, it requires transportation for every

8 student who attends a school other than the one in his or

9 her neighborhood, regardless of whether such movement

10 fosters integration. It also does not permit, internally,

11 school districts to control the access to magnet schools.

12 In other words, the law prohibits mandatory

13 assignment to anything but a home attendance school --

14 home attendance area school, prohibits using magnet

15 schools as an intentional incentive to integrate,

16 prohibits using transportation as an intentional incentive

17 to integrate and creates an enormous incentive on school

18 districts to try to keep everyone at home to control what

19 otherwise would be huge transportation costs.

20 There's no exception to the spending lid for the

21 transportation funds to be paid, in arrears, by the state,

22 so it eats into what a district can spend on everything

23 else.
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1 Section 41 of the bill, which I consider to be

2 the most infamous component of it, is being litigated

3 because the legislative record plainly reflects that at

4 least one of the purposes for dividing OPS was to create a

5 black district.

6 The intent of Amendment 3142, the Ernie

7 Chambers/Raikes amendment, which requires the division of

8 OPS, was stated succinctly on the floor by Senator

9 Chambers, sponsor of the amendment. Since he is appearing

10 as a member of the panel, I would encourage the members to

11 review the transcripts of the floor debate on this

12 amendment with particular regard to his introductory and

13 closing statements.

14 Other senators joining in the debate concurred

15 with Senator Chambers and I would encourage the

16 Commissioners to review those statements as well.

17 As a legislature, we took action knowing full

18 well what was included in the language of Amendment 3142.

19 That amendment requires that OPS be divided using

20 attendance areas of existing high schools. It also

21 requires that the new districts be comprised of contiguous

22 attendance areas and that two or three new districts shall

23 be created. Limited by those rules, in the absence of
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1 some intervening change, it is simply impossible to

2 create districts that are not racially segregated.

3 I challenge the Commissioners to create non4 segregated districts using the rules the Legislature set

5 forth. It cannot be done.

6 Some would argue that integrated districts can

7 be created if OPS were to change attendance areas. No one

8 in the Legislature suggested that course during debate on

9 the bill. In fact, every effort was made to prevent

10 intervention by the Omaha Public School Board. AM 3142

11 clearly sought to exclude any input from OPS by

12 specifically providing that the new district's boundaries

13 not be subject to approval of any school board.

14 As originally introduced, AM 3142 required that

15 the districts share a, quote, community of interest, end

16 quote, thus guaranteeing segregated districts. While a

17 later amendment eliminated the community of interest

18 language, that occurred only after it was apparent that no

19 non-segregated division of the school district could take

20 place under the language of the amendment.

21 While argument may be made that the intent was

22 not to segregate but, rather, to simply divide an

23 overgrown district, that was not the intent on the floor.

24 Had it been, we would have adopted Amendment 3167 which
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1 would have reduced the size of Millard Public Schools and

2 the Lincoln Public School system.

3 The Legislature knew what it was doing when it

4 adopted AM 3142 and approved the subsequent bill, 1024.

5 The Legislature was aware of the effect of AM 3142 and

6 they knew the racial composition of the districts and that

7 they would remain intact.

8 Without going into great detail, what we do know

9 about our Federal Constitution is that if a government --

10 governmental entity takes race into account when it makes

11 law, and there is no doubt that LB 1024 does this, the

12 courts must apply what's called strict scrutiny. Nebraska

13 will be required to show that it is a compelling interest

14 to accomplish that which cannot be achieved other than by

15 using race. This has been the test required by our

16 Supreme Court for years; it has not changed, and there is

17 no compelling reason to use race to divide Omaha Public

18 School system.

19 In a nutshell, the end result of LB 1024 will be

20 exactly as intended: Schools segregated by race, the

21 districts themselves segregated, continued underfunding

22 for what are and will be high poverty areas. We will deny

23 children an equal opportunity to the education they
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1 deserve in direct contradiction to the principles in

2 Brown versus Board of Education.

3 I am not aware of any evidence, empirical or

4 anecdotal, that segregated education provides students

5 with enhanced educational opportunities, for that is,

6 simply, irrelevant. For I am aware of the United States

7 Supreme Court when it stated, in Brown v. Board, "We

8 conclude that, in the field of public education, the

9 doctrine of separate but equal has no place. Separate

10 educational facilities are inherently unequal."

11 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Thank you, Senator Bourne.

12 Mr. Rodgers, welcome.

13 Mr. Rodgers is a graduate of Creighton, a 1992

14 graduate, with a degree in journalism who later attended

15 Creighton and received his --

16 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Creighton.

17 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Creighton. I apologize.

18 He later received --

19 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Haven't you (inaudible) the

20 NCAA brackets?

21 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: I have not. He was sworn

22 into office as Douglas County -- Douglas County

23 Commissioner in January of 2005, and he focuses on

24 increasing public health resources, strengthening
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1 community corrections programs through controlling

2 spending through a better use of the taxpayers' dollars.

3 Welcome, Mr. Rodgers, and thank you for coming.

4 MR. RODGERS: Thank you, Mr. Chair, and let me

5 give you my welcome to you and thank you all for coming to

6 hear testimony.

7 My watch will be briefer because Senator Bourne

8 touched on some of those things, but I would -- I have a

9 couple of things I want – might want to highlight for you.

10 Let me say for the record, officially, that the

11 Douglas County Board doesn't have any direct involvement

12 in education, other than when a young person is put into

13 the Douglas County Detention Center; we have authority

14 over the guidance of education while they are there.

15 My background on this mostly comes from five

16 years that I spent on the Metropolitan Community College

17 Board, and the community college finance structure is in

18 the same section as the primary and secondary education --

19 education finance structure so I have some knowledge of

20 that, also.

21 I grew up for 13 years in District 189 in East

22 St. Louis. I came here in '87 on a basketball scholarship

23 to Creighton and stayed because I love the city. I spent

24 13 years in an all-black school district. I know
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1 personally, have experienced the pros and the cons of

2 that experience.

3 I think the law, the section of the law that

4 breaks OPS into three districts is a disadvantage to the

5 kids of color because of three reasons in the law, when

6 they're practically applied, they don't set the advantage

7 out for kids of color.

8 One, particularly, is the financing of how it

9 will happen. One of the starting points of the -- one of

10 the herald points of the law is the fact that it will give

11 equitable finance. That can't happen how the law is

12 written.

13 The Learning Community is set up and it's

14 governed by the law and the Learning Community is given

15 the same tax levy as the other school districts, but they

16 have first dibs on how to use that levy.

17 Because of the fact, if they don't use all of

18 the levy, which is $1.02 with -- $1.05 with capital

19 improvement, if they don't use that, the formula is

20 inherently unequal. There is nothing mandated to tell the

21 Learning Community you have to max out your tax levy.

22 For instance, if they use 50 cents of the tax

23 levy, the remaining districts have the authority to use 52

24 cents. It cannot be equal because the housing values in
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1 the parts of the district are unequal. The eastern part

2 of the city's housing values may be somewhere between 60-

3 and $80,000, while the outer parts range from 150- to

4 $300,000. There's no way, when the split up happens, that

5 the financing can be done equally.

6 One of the main reasons this issue has been

7 brought to the floor is because the Omaha School District

8 felt they were not getting equal funding. This does not

9 solve anything.

10 In the bill, there is allocation for, I think,

11 $26 million for state aid. My understanding is it's there

12 but hasn't been funded. So by that instance alone, you

13 don't get equal funding for those districts that are in

14 the eastern part, particularly those that are Latino and

15 black.

16 The other part is through the transportation

17 part of the law that talks about integration. There are

18 some things in there that says yeah, you will give

19 transportation to kids that are in the district and they

20 can go anywhere they want to go, but there are some hidden

21 hooks in the law.

22 One part is, as was stated, there is a piece of

23 school law that said there was option enrollment. Option

24 enrollment is when the kid went to another school
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1 district, that money followed it. From reading that, my

2 understanding is that is gone, that is no longer there.

3 Plus, the district that the kids go to when they need

4 transportation has to pick up that cost. I don't know

5 what the incentive is for people to come here to that

6 degree.

7 In the law, it says that individual school

8 districts have the power to set their capacity. This is

9 done at the beginning before all of this happens before,

10 so if the school district sets their capacity from the

11 start and they say we can just have a certain amount of

12 kids, no matter what that integration plan does, if they

13 set their capacity, you can't do anything in that regard

14 to override that amendment.

15 There is another part in the law that --

16 something that's been called a hardship clause. What that

17 hardship clause says is that a school district can declare

18 a kid hardship and pull them into the school district, but

19 that process is closed, nobody knows what determines that.

20 So you could potentially have an instance where some of

21 those outer school districts can go into the eastern

22 parts, pick the best and the brightest and bring them into

23 the school district and also start picking out top
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1 athletes, to give them overrides to come into the school

2 district.

3 There's nothing that's equal in that regards to

4 me in that law. It just has too many flaws in that regard

5 to when the school districts are separated.

6 And lastly, a lot of people, because of

7 community pride -- even myself sometimes when I hear that

8 part of local control, you know, because I grew up in a

9 black district, I want to say, yeah, okay, that probably

10 can happen, but there's a whole lot of things that go with

11 that. I mean, I don't think local control in that law is

12 local control. The Learning Community is an extra way of

13 (inaudible).

14 The strongest part of local control, in my 13

15 opinion, is the taxing authority and also the

16 determination to be able to determine what schools go in

17 place in certain areas. OPS had that with the magnet

18 schools, but now the Learning Community has the power to

19 determine where focus schools go. That's one of the

20 biggest attractions of a kid to a district, these special

21 schools that are focused in there.

22 Also, like I just explained to you, you don't

23 have the true levy authority because the Learning
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1 Community gets first dibs on it, and depending on how

2 they choose to do it, it could be unequal.

3 If they do not max out the levy, like I said

4 before with local control, you're going to put people in

5 the eastern part of the city in a situation where they are

6 going to have to vote for an override, and one of the

7 things that the Board of Commissioners does do is their

8 Board of Equalization. And I can tell you, personally,

9 there is a great sensitivity in all parts of the city

10 because of the tax levies.

11 I don't know if you will get a district where

12 you have a lot of elderly and low income and override

13 their tax levy and you add more taxes on to that, so the

14 question is will the money come. Those are my thoughts in

15 that respect. Again, I don't have direct involvement in

16 it, but I do feel that the benefits of the law when OPS is

17 split will not be beneficial to those kids in the eastern

18 part of the city.

19 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Thank you, Mr. Rodgers.

20 And before we open up the floor for questions, I

21 first would like to give each Commissioner an opportunity

22 to respond globally to what has been said or to make an

23 opening statement.

24 Commissioner Yaki.
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1 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Thank you very much,

2 Commissioner Taylor.

3 I'm Commissioner Michael Yaki, and I had the

4 opportunity to go introduce myself to members of the

5 audience out there. It's probably the old politician in

6 me: When it sees a crowd, just can't help shaking hands.

7 But what I heard -- what I heard from a few -- a

8 fair number of people is why are we, the United States

9 Commission on Civil Rights, here in Omaha today.

10 And just by way of background, we are coming up

11 on the 50th anniversary of the creation of the United

12 States Commission on Civil Rights. It was formed in '57

13 by President Eisenhower in response to, essentially, the

14 convulsions affecting this nation in the wake of the Brown

15 versus Board of Education decision in 1954 with the

16 integration of the Arkansas School District with the -- in

17 the wake of Rosa Parks' defiance on a Montgomery school

18 bus.

19 We were formed to, essentially, be the body that

20 would go out and be, essentially, the watchdog for the

21 federal government, to go out and find out what

22 discrimination is out there, what can be done, what can we

23 do to recommend, what changes can be -- can be made in

24 federal law that would help better heal a divided nation.
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1 So when someone asks why are we here, in many

2 ways we are here precisely because, you know, what we have

3 read in the newspapers, not just in the New York Times,

4 but, you know, articles from Ohio, Mississippi, Missouri,

5 Kansas, Colorado, California, comments of all kind about

6 what is happening in Omaha. It strikes at the very core

7 of who we as the Commission are when anyone talks about

8 the possibility, and I don't think anyone is concluding

9 anything right now. We are here to hear, to listen, and

10 make findings later.

11 But when anyone talks about the fact that anyone

12 has potentially done something that strikes at the very

13 root of why we were formed, that is to increase rather

14 than decrease the integration and diversity upon our

15 country, I think that is very probable for the Commission

16 to come forward.

17 I just want to say that we are here with pen

18 minds and open hearts. In just with the brief time that I

19 have been here in Omaha, I found a very welcoming

20 presence. When I'm eating dinner at Gorat's last night --

21 I'm just trying to do the thing. Luckily, I had all of my

22 stat drugs with me so that helped with all of the meat I

23 was getting.
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1 But I just want to say that I want to thank the

2 panelists for being here. This is going to be an open and

3 fair and free exchange of ideas and discussion today. But

4 make no mistake, we are here because of what has been

5 written and what has been said, and it is -- it is our job

6 and our solemn duty to investigate and to determine what

7 is going on and report back. And we look forward to

8 hearing and we have looked forward to hearing from what

9 has been said now and what will be said in the coming

10 hours.

11 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Commissioner Melendez.

12 COMMISSIONER MELENDEZ: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

13 It's great to be up here, and my name is Arlan

14 Melendez. I'm -- I live in Reno, Nevada. I'm actually a

15 member of the Paiute Tribe out in Reno, Nevada.

16 I was actually appointed on the Commission about

17 ten months ago, so I'm relatively a new Commissioner, but

18 I'm really glad to be out here. Most of our meetings are

19 actually held in Washington, D.C., so it's a breath of

20 fresh air to actually come out to a field hearing, to your

21 beautiful city here in Omaha and your hospitality. So I

22 just wanted to just say that.

23 We are here to listen to both sides of the issue

24 and, hopefully, you know, come to some recommendations
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1 later. But I just want to thank you for extending the

2 invitation for us to come here, so thank you.

3 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Commissioner Kirsanow.

4 COMMISSIONER KIRSANOW: Thank you, Commissioner

5 Taylor.

6 I (inaudible) with the comments made by

7 Commissioners Yaki and Melendez.

8 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Very well.

9 Questions?

10 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Yeah, I have -- I have a

11 question. I don't know if either of you can answer it, or

12 maybe one of the other panelists can, but what -- how is

13 the OPS School Board elected today? Is it at large? Is

14 it by district?

15 SENATOR CHAMBERS: I had run -- this is Chambers

16 speaking.

17 In the mid to late '60s, I ran for the school

18 board. It was an election at large. Black people could

19 not get anybody on the school board in that at large

20 election. South Omaha could get nobody. So when I got

21 into the Legislature, I persuaded my colleagues to adopt a

22 district form of election, so, currently, school board

23 members are elected by district.
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1 There are two black people on the 12-member

2 board. Brenda Council, who will speak later from what I

3 saw in the paper, got on the school board by virtue of my

4 legislative work.

5 The school board opposed vociferously and

6 strenuously a change from at large to district because

7 they would put out what they called an orange ticket

8 containing the members they wanted elected and that orange

9 ticket would prevail. So when districts came, all of that

10 was broken up. Representation could come from all parts

11 of the city.

12 So my history has been one of trying to empower

13 those voiceless, powerless people, and that is what I'm

14 doing with the amendment that I have. All of those

15 efforts were fought. The only reason Mr. Rodgers is on

16 the county board is because I got district elections. He

17 hasn't been here very long --

18 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I understand.

19 SENATOR CHAMBERS: -- so he doesn't know things.

20 COMMISSIONER YAKI: If I could just follow up,

21 in addition to the two black members of the school board,

22 are there any from the Latino or Hispanic community as

23 well?
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1 SENATOR CHAMBERS: There might be one from the

2 Latino community.

3 SENATOR BOURNE: One.

4 COMMISSIONER YAKI: So three out of the 12.

5 The reason I ask that, Senator Chambers, goes to

6 your continued usage of the word local control. In many

7 of the situations that either the Justice Department or

8 the Commission has examined over the past, the issue --

9 the issue of local control actually comes down to the --

10 it comes down to the method of election of school board

11 members.

12 And you're right, traditionally in the past, at

13 large -- at large schemes were a -- were a device to

14 ensure the -- that minority members were not elected to

15 school boards.

16 But given the fact that you have districts

17 currently, why -- why, then, do you believe that what you

18 are doing is better than -- than having school district --

19 school board members elected by district who do represent

20 the interest of African Americans or Latinos, or what have

21 you; why – why is this particular scheme that you put up

22 better than -- than that current system?

23 SENATOR CHAMBERS: My goal is quality education.

24 In Omaha in OPS, whether you are talking about the ACT,
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1 SAT, CAT, reading and other tests, the scores for Latino

2 and African American students are extremely low,

3 criminally so. So when I talk about local control in this

4 proposal, I'm talking about reducing the size of the

5 student population.

6 Right now there are about 46,600 students in

7 OPS. If the division occurs -- and by the way, nobody

8 knows what these districts will look like, nobody. And

9 contrary to what Senator Bourne and others have said who

10 have not read the language carefully, when the

11 coordinating council lays out the preliminary drawings,

12 those attendance areas must be contiguous, but when the

13 state committee takes over, there is no requirement that

14 the attendance districts be contiguous. So they are not

15 restricted to that.

16 And since you have seven high schools, two in

17 two of the districts each and one district having three,

18 the combination is almost infinite of how the district

19 boundaries could appear.

20 COMMISSIONER MELENDEZ: But --

21 COMMISSIONER YAKI: But --

22 SENATOR CHAMBERS: But you will have in each one

23 of those districts which is smaller a 12- member school

24 board.
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1 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I understand what – I

2 understand what it was -- what it is you're saying and why

3 -- why you rationalize what it is that you did.

4 Two questions that follow: One, isn't state law

5 a rather blunt instrument to deal with a city's

6 educational system, number one? Number two, what -- why

7 was the amendment, Amendment 31- -- I think it was 3142,

8 why was it brought up rather late in the process such that

9 when I was reading the transcripts of the debates over the

10 past few weeks that members were surprised, it was clear

11 that many did not understand? Some, like Senator Bourne,

12 seemed to understand what was going on, but, I mean, is --

13 SENATOR CHAMBERS: First of all, in a

14 legislature, those kinds of things happen all of the time,

15 in Congress, in every state in the union.

16 And Senator Bourne is aware of very substantive

17 amendments coming up late in the session, that has nothing

18 to do with anything.

19 If it was a violation of the constitutionally

20 mandated methods for legislation, it could be attacked on

21 the basis of violating the Constitution. There was

22 nothing irregular about it, nothing. It was a matter of

23 political timing as everything in the legislature is.
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1 But to get -- I'll get back to that. But I

2 want to get to this local control. We're making a record

3 here.

4 You have smaller districts, 12 members. That

5 district hires its own superintendent, hires the

6 administrators, hires the teachers, formulates the

7 curriculum, and can do something to improve the quality of

8 education, and that's what I want. I don't care about

9 integration, I don't care about separation. I see black

10 children, Latino children and poor white children in these

11 deprived areas failing, generations, and I'm not going to

12 sit back And watch it happen.

13 But right now, it doesn't matter what Senator

14 Bourne says, what Mr. Rodgers says, or what anybody on

15 those other panels will say. The issue is in federal

16 court now. That's where the constitutional issues will be

17 resolved.

18 But when you talk about why it came up early --

19 I mean late, let me explain how things happen in the

20 legislature.

21 I'm probably the most potent individual senator

22 there. There are 48 of them and one of me. It's an

23 unfair fight. I think they need more help.
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1 But in any case, I can stop all of this,

2 anything. This bill came because there was a dispute

3 between the white superintendent at OPS and the white

4 superintendents in the suburban areas. They were snarling

5 and sniping at each other and would not sit down and talk.

6 And I sat back and watched them.

7 What OPS was counting on as leverage was an 1891

8 law that said there should be one school district in a

9 metropolitan city, although as the city limits of Omaha

10 expanded, OPS never acted on that. But they had told

11 these suburban districts they were going to absorb

12 whatever parts of it extended into Omaha. I had said --

13 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Can we have -- just a

14 second, Mr. Chambers.

15 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Yes.

16 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Mr. Chambers, just one

17 second, Senator.

18 As much as we love enjoying your ring tones, if

19 you could please put your cell phones on vibrate, that

20 would help out, certainly, and not be so distracting.

21 I apologize, Senator Chambers.

22 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Was that what that – I

23 thought those were the angelic harps.
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1 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I realize -- I realize that

2 -- I realize that perhaps background music is part of the

3 --

4 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Thank you.

5 COMMISSIONER YAKI: If we were in Los Angeles,

6 we would just call it -- we call it scorned background

7 music but --

8 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Okay. The only reason I'm

9 giving you a little background Is so you can see the

10 political context --

11 COMMISSIONER YAKI: No. I understand the

12 background. The question -- I just only have one quick

13 question for Senator Bourne which is that Senator Chambers

14 said --

15 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Well, you asked why it came

16 up late because it's my amendment.

17 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I understand. I understand.

18 SENATOR CHAMBERS: So you don't want me to

19 answer that question?

20 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Well, actually, there's one

21 point of your question that I really wanted -- that you

22 said before that I really wanted an answer from Senator

23 Bourne because he seemed to have a reaction to it, and

24 that was --
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1 SENATOR CHAMBERS: So you want him to answer

2 the question you asked me?

3 COMMISSIONER YAKI: No. I'm asking --

4 SENATOR CHAMBERS: I don't understand what

5 you're saying --

6 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I'm asking him to answer a

7 different question --

8 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Okay.

9 COMMISSIONER YAKI: -- which is Senator Chambers

10 stated that no one knows what these districts are going to

11 look like, but it appears, at least from our reports, that

12 everyone kind of has an idea what the districts are going

13 to look like. Could you respond to that.

14 SENATOR BOURNE: Well, the law says that they

15 have to be -- they have to be contiguous. Now, keep in

16 mind that the first iteration of the law -- or of the

17 amendment said they had to have communities of interest

18 with two to three high schools in each one of them. Then

19 that was changed so that it said contiguous with two to

20 three high schools in it.

21 If you look at the map of the Omaha Public

22 Schools and plot out where the high schools are, you

23 cannot draw the map in any way other than there being a

24 black district in the north, a Hispanic district in the
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1 south, and a white district to the west. It cannot be

2 done.

3 And we had a -- there was -- I think what

4 Senator Chambers was referring to, there was a newspaper

5 article that talked about attendance centers. Nowhere in

6 the law is that contemplated. So now to hear -- to say

7 that there's hundreds or dozens, I don't know what the

8 words Senator Chambers used, that they could be drawn in a

9 way that doesn't divide racially is inaccurate. It is not

10 possible to draw -- to draw those districts in any way

11 other than to have a black district, a Hispanic district,

12 and a white district; it cannot be done.

13 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: I have a question. And

14 Commissioner Kirsanow, are you still on the line?

15 COMMISSIONER KIRSANOW: Yes, I am.

16 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Great. I didn't want you

17 to think I had forgotten about you and Commissioner

18 Melendez. I'm going to allow both of you all to hopefully

19 have a number of questions for our panelists.

20 I wanted to ask one overarching question so that

21 -- and maybe I'm the only person here who has this

22 perspective.

23 I sense that the unspoken issues relate to

24 quality education versus integration, and whether or not
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1 we place them on the same plane relative to priorities is

2 one issue. But in order to get that far, in my view, it

3 sounds like Senator Chambers has said, I size up the

4 situation as follows: What we have in place here is not

5 working for certain kids. And if that is a point of

6 agreement with the panelists, then I think we can get to

7 the second question and that is where do we place

8 integration on the plane in terms of priority with quality

9 education if certain kids aren't receiving a quality

10 education today.

11 So to Senator Bourne and Mr. Rodgers, I would

12 ask you all: In your view, are the kids that Senator

13 Chambers is concerned about today receiving a quality

14 education in the current system?

15 SENATOR BOURNE: I won't deny what Senator

16 Chambers says regarding some of our kids.

17 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Okay.

18 SENATOR BOURNE: And I think we could make that

19 argument for any city of our size throughout the country.

20 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Mr. Rodgers.

21 SENATOR BOURNE: But if I could just -- one more

22 thing.

23 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Okay.
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1 SENATOR BOURNE: If I could say, though, that

2 doesn't warrant destroying the district. Let's fix it

3 rather than tear it apart.

4 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: And that's -- that's level

5 two of my analysis, and I apologize; I want to make sure

6 we're starting from the same point.

7 Mr. Rodgers, would you agree with the statement

8 that it's not working for the kids that Senator Chambers

9 has identified today?

10 MR. RODGERS: I agree in the general spirit of

11 the statement that we have to address the gap between kids

12 of color and in schools; that's general. But I want to

13 say in defense, in being involved in some of the parts,

14 that the school district has taken steps with African

15 American Achievement Councils and things of that sort to

16 try to increase the grades. So I agree there is a crisis

17 we need to address in that respect but efforts are being

18 made.

19 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: And it sounds like, if we

20 are at that second level of analysis, that we all agree --

21 you all agree that something should be done and now we're

22 discussing methods. And with respect to Senator Chambers,

23 it sounds as if he has identified a possible method.
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1 Your opposition that I have heard, at least

2 what I have heard today, was not grounded in the sense

3 that you thought it would not lead to a better education,

4 it was grounded in something else.

5 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Well, I –

6 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Is it, to answer the

7 question?

8 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I would just – I mean, just

9 before anyone answers, I would slight -- my own opinion on

10 this, not that of Commissioner Taylor's, is that I hope

11 that we're not seen creating the dichotomy, that we're

12 saying that there must be a choice between quality

13 education and integration at the same time. I think

14 that's a false choice. I think that's -- that's the kind

15 of choice that people would want to try and lead down to a

16 path that none of us would want to see, I think.

17 So I would just say flat-out that I don't

18 believe that it should be a choice between quality

19 education and integration. I believe that the principles

20 of this country and the principles of Brown say that those

21 two are inexorably intertwined. If we are failing on one,

22 it doesn't mean we abandon the other. It means that we

23 have to continue on -- continue on that path that Brown

24 set forth over 60 years ago.
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1 COMMISSIONER MELENDEZ: Mr. Chairman, may I

2 comment.

3 One of my concerns, and I had read through some

4 of the history that said that we had – Omaha had stopped

5 the busing program a number of years ago, and when you

6 think about integration, you think that busing used to be

7 a big component to do that, in, you know, creating magnet

8 schools and all of those different things. I just wonder

9 any of your opinions as to -- as to trying -- and we hear

10 the quality of education is the main concern, but what is

11 the plan as far as integration in either scenario, if

12 anybody could just comment on that?

13 SENATOR CHAMBERS: I think integration is a

14 chimera, a will-o'-the-wisp. It started originally as a

15 means to an end and the end was supposed to be equality of

16 educational opportunity.

17 You put black kids among white kids and they

18 would have access to what is considered an enriched

19 educational environment. You bring white kids into the

20 black community and the facilities would be upgraded,

21 better teachers would be sent there to take care of the

22 white kids, but through it all, the aim supposedly was

23 quality education.
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1 Now the quality education has not happened,

2 busing is over, integration has become an end in itself,

3 and nobody can say how it will occur, not the federal

4 courts, not this Commission, not the Legislature.

5 You are not going to have busing mandatory. You

6 are not going to transplant the homes of black people from

7 their neighborhood into the homes -- into the

8 neighborhoods of white people. Since you are not going to

9 have housing transplants, you are not going to have

10 busing, I'm the only one willing to say honestly and

11 forthrightly there is no practical way to integrate the

12 schools in Omaha or any other city.

13 OPS has right now what they call a voluntary

14 integration program and the schools are more segregated

15 now than they ever have been before.

16 So my view is instead of wasting energy arguing

17 about integration, which has no bearing on the quality of

18 education, focus our efforts on what schools exist for and

19 that's to educate the children.

20 One point and then I'll stop at this point, the

21 19- -- last year's California Achievement Test, 2005, for

22 eighth grade students in English, white children tested --

23 tested out in the 85 percentile, Latino students 47
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1 percentile, African American students 33 percentile which

2 is ten points worse than it was five years before.

3 I don't care what people here say, I don't care

4 what the Commission says, with all due respect of the

5 individuals here. I'm not going to continue watching the

6 grades plummet for these black children and have people

7 talking to me about integration. They don't live in

8 integrated neighborhoods. Their spouse is not of another

9 race. They are not bringing up their children to marry

10 somebody of another race. The corporations run by these

11 rich white men who spoke against my bill do not have

12 diversity and integration in their businesses. So it's

13 been a distraction. Why can't we focus on quality

14 education.

15 You know what I've told OPS down through the

16 years: If you show me a plan that is going to improve the

17 quality of education, I'll be your biggest fan. And they

18 have never shown me anything.

19 And if you read the transcript of the debate,

20 you'll see where other senators ask OPS: While you're

21 opposed to Senator Chambers' idea, what plan do you have?

22 What alternative do you have? They have none.

23 I feel like I should have gone on to the

24 Congressional Black Caucus gathering. You know why?
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1 Because they are politicians who can do something. A

2 report will be produced and it will go to that repository

3 where there is so much dust you would think it's a

4 cemetery where we all revert to when we go ashes to ashes,

5 dust to dust from once we came. And I'm not trying to be

6 disrespectful. It's not my intent. But when I'm speaking

7 for the welfare of our children, I'm going to let you all

8 talk about integration.

9 When Senator Bourne had an amendment and he was

10 asked, How will you solve the problem of segregation in

11 Omaha? And I've got the article and he was frank. He

12 said, I don't have the answer. Well, who has got the

13 answer?

14 When OPS attacked my proposal, they attacked it

15 on the basis of segregation. Which is the most segregated

16 school district in the state? OPS. Who segregated OPS?

17 OPS's policies and practices. Who ended busing which was

18 allowing a struggling bit of integration? OPS ended it.

19 Who has segregated the schools through their assignment of

20 students? OPS.

21 And if you want figures, you don't have to take

22 them from me. You can get them from the State Department

23 of Education. So all of this opinionating by Mr. Rodgers,
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1 Senator Bourne, and even myself, doesn't have to be the

2 final word. You can go get the facts.

3 And if Senator Bourne and those supporting OPS

4 had the evidence, why didn't they show the test scores to

5 shut me up? Why didn't they show that they were not --

6 why didn't -- why did they not show with the figures that

7 I have that segregation is not worsening? That would have

8 been the best argument of everything I said against it,

9 but they didn't produce it.

10 There is a disproportionate number of

11 expulsions, suspensions, dropouts among non-white

12 children. And when you have 56 percent of the student

13 body being minority, 92 percent of the teacher corps being

14 white, there is a disparity there that nobody talks about.

15 Nobody on this panel has brought up the fact

16 that an all-white district has been carved out of the

17 heart of OPS by statute. It has its own school board, its

18 own superintendent.

19 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: That's all -- Senator

20 Chambers, is that -- is that District 66?

21 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Yes.

22 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: That's actually a question

23 I wanted to raise.
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1 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Then let me stop. Maybe I'm

2 anticipating.

3 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: And, you know, don't take

4 my thunder in asking questions.

5 And I would ask folks in the audience to please

6 keep your applause to a minimum because we are trying to

7 create a record here, and in order to do our job well and

8 hopefully provide policymakers with the information they

9 need to make informed decisions, I want to get as much

10 information into this record as possible. And so for that

11 reason, I would ask you to keep your applause to a

12 minimum, please.

13 Senator Bourne.

14 SENATOR BOURNE: You know -- thank you.

15 Senator Chambers talks a lot about integration

16 of Omaha Public Schools. The reality of this is that 56

17 percent of OPS's elementary schools are more racially

18 diverse than the neighborhood in which they are located,

19 64 percent of the middle schools are more racially diverse

20 than the neighborhoods in which they are located, and it's

21 close to 80 percent of the high schools are more racially

22 diverse than the neighborhoods in which they are located.

23 That was before the passage of 1024.
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1 Part of the reason -- and Senator Chambers is

2 right that an amendment in our legislature can be brought

3 forth at any time, but in my opinion, part of the reason -

4 - or part of the problem with the Chambers' amendment and

5 why I feel that the enormity of that amendment will come

6 back and haunt us is that we weren't provided the

7 opportunity to fully vent these issues.

8 When Senator Chambers gets on the floor and says

9 that the schools are segregated, it's -- it's not

10 accurate. Are they as integrated as they should be? I

11 don't think so. But to say they are segregated is not

12 accurate.

13 I want to go back to the -- when he talks about

14 funding for schools and quality education. I can't

15 dispute that everybody that's involved in this issue wants

16 quality education for every one of our children. But how

17 do you take a district that is already struggling to

18 provide quality education to everybody because the

19 financial resources aren't what they should be and divide

20 it into three separate districts when -- when you look at

21 how our education is funded here, half through property

22 tax and half through income tax, state aid, and you divide

23 up the areas east of 72nd Street into two separate

24 districts and one district is out west, when the property
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1 values east of 72nd Street are dramatically less than

2 that in west Omaha, so what you are going to have is at

3 least two of the three districts that are going to be

4 inadequately funded. I don't understand how breaking the

5 one district up into three is going to enhance quality

6 education for any of our kids.

7 SENATOR CHAMBERS: On the funding -- oh, go

8 ahead. I'm sorry.

9 MR. RODGERS: Let me add on to Senator Bourne's

10 comments. In addition to the 55 percent earlier, as it

11 goes up into the junior highs and high schools, it

12 continues to get diverse.

13 But the situation, I guess, with – with the new

14 law -- and let me note, I agree with Senator Chambers'

15 point, but the process and how they go about doing it

16 politically is -- is a political process. That's why

17 there's no dispute mostly with what they came up with the

18 Learning Community; that was a political issue to say yes.

19 That district you talked about, 66, and all of those

20 others, that was a political solution. The split, in my

21 opinion here, aggravates it for those kids of color.

22 For instance, the priority in the integration

23 plan is that it goes to low-, moderate-, and high-income

24 kids, and they get first choice. So how the plan is set
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1 up, all of the transportation is going west, nothing is

2 coming in. Those incomes are higher so they don't get

3 first priority coming here. The transition would go from

4 bogy income to income the way the law is set up. There is

5 no incentive to encourage that. OPS has that today with

6 some degree.

7 And back to the issue of the test scores, Speak

8 from personal experience. I'm not a big fan of

9 standardized tests. I got a 14 on my ACT. I took the

10 GMAT and flunked it, took it again and got a lower score.

11 I passed high school, I passed my MBA with flying colors

12 and an MPA. I'm not saying they don't have (inaudible)

13 but there are other measurement tools.

14 And if you are going to take the facts of an

15 eighth grade kid, everybody -- when you look at the data

16 of OPS, you know there's troubles in the eighth grade, but

17 there's issues outside of the classroom. And to their

18 credit, they passed a bill with emphasis on early

19 education to try to prevent some of that in the early

20 part. You don't just look at the test scores and say that

21 that is the issue. There are a whole lot of other

22 elements in there that have that issue at hand.

23 Now, my personal opinion with what Senator

24 Chambers said, and I agree on the spirit of the fact that
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1 this society is not perfect, there is still a lot of

2 things that I'm not thinking I should be here battling

3 today when I thought my mother battled those 40 years ago.

4 And in that spirit, if you have a kid, and I'm speaking

5 personally, that is in one of those black or Latino

6 districts, they would have to be above and beyond par to

7 get over the stigma that would come from coming out of

8 that district.

9 I went through it, I lived through it, and every

10 time I came into it, the fact was that I came out of that

11 all-black district; I had to be two times better.

12 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Commissioner Kirsanow, do

13 you have any questions?

14 MMISSIONER KIRSANOW: Yes, I do. Thank you very

15 much.

16 First, I would like to apologize for speaking to

17 you in a disembodied voice. But I have a question for

18 Senator Chambers.

19 Commissioner Taylor, can you hear me okay?

20 COMMISSIONER TAYOR: Yes I can.

21 COMMISSIONER KIRSANOW: Okay.

22 Senator Chambers, I think I'm – everybody is

23 sensitive to the fact that black students (inaudible) are

24 performing at high school levels. The average black high
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1 school graduate nationwide has the academic skills of an

2 average white eighth grader, and according to the National

3 Assessment of Education Progress, 90 percent of black 17

4 year olds score below the average white 17 year old in

5 math, more than 90 percent of black 17 year olds score

6 below the average white 17 year old in science, and the

7 same type of scores are present in reading.

8 What do you think that this bill will do what

9 would improve those scores?

10 SENATOR CHAMBERS: All right. It goes back to

11 what I said about local control. It will bring the

12 administration of those schools to the parents whose

13 children go there. They will not be treated dismissively

14 and insultingly. The least qualified teachers will not be

15 dumped there.

16 So when you have an involved community whose

17 input is going to be respected and you can make the

18 teachers and administrators accountable to that community,

19 there will be an improvement in what is done in the

20 classroom because there are teachers who don't teach now

21 because they don't have to but they are able to.

22 If they know that they are going to be respected

23 and well paid and the community is watching them, they

24 will do a better job, and the parents will watch to make
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1 sure that what is going on in those classrooms is aimed

2 at teaching their children.

3 And the way some parents test their children is

4 to give them a newspaper and say read the newspaper, give

5 them a book and say read me from the book. We don't need

6 a standardized test. If your child can't read the

7 newspaper, can't read the book, your child is being

8 cheated when it comes to reading.

9 So I believe that this plan that I'm advocating

10 will result in an improvement in the quality of education.

11 And going back to the funding, what happens

12 under this bill is that the wealthier districts are, in

13 fact, going to have to help subsidize the cost of

14 education in these deprived areas. All of the tax money,

15 there will be a common levy across the Learning Community,

16 all 11 districts which exist now and 13 after the division

17 occurs; all of that money goes Into a common pot.

18 Then there is what's called revenue sharing

19 similar to what happens in the professional leagues. The

20 wealthy teams subsidize the poorer teams to ensure the

21 health of each individual team and stabilize the financial

22 well-being of the league. So all of these districts will

23 contribute according to their means which means the

24 wealthier ones will put more into the pot.
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1 Then it is allocated based on need which means

2 that when you weight things, such as poverty, English as a

3 second language, those districts where those children are

4 located will take more money out of that pot and it will

5 go directly to those children. When it comes to the state

6 aid formula, the same weighting occurs.

7 The problem that some people don't realize with

8 the funding is that the Learning Community wanted to go to

9 $1.10 instead of $1.05. The others didn't want that

10 because the rest of the state could not levy that large an

11 amount. So what I see from this is an equalizing of

12 financial means, control and accountability demanded by

13 the parents, plus that overarching allowance of students

14 to seek attendance in any school in the 11 school district

15 area and transportation provided.

16 I will give my colleagues this much. Anytime

17 you look at a comprehensive piece of legislation, you can

18 raise a lot of what-ifs or suppose or maybe this or maybe

19 that. Let's get away from that and look at the reality.

20 They say that they have this voluntary integration

21 plan in Omaha. There is more segregation now than before.

22 There are more minority dominant schools with higher

23 concentrations of minority students than there has ever

24 been before. The test scores are not improving. So
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1 despite what Mr. Rodgers says, I do think you have to

2 have some objective indicia or criteria for getting an

3 idea of what is happening in these schools.

4 I never had a black teacher in my life. I hated

5 every day of school. It was a white teacher when I was in

6 the kindergarten or first grade who read Little Black

7 Sambo and let those kids laugh at me. The only thing I

8 saw in these schools, and all of them were majority white,

9 vastly so when I attended, was favoritism toward the white

10 kids and belittling of black kids such as myself.

11 I developed no ongoing friendships from

12 elementary school where I went to school with white kids,

13 from high school where I went with white kids, from

14 Creighton University from which I graduated and most of

15 them white, or Creighton Law School from which I

16 graduated. And at Creighton University in the law school

17 I seldom attended a class. I didn't want to be in those

18 classes. I hated school, and school should not be a place

19 where children hate it.

20 But if you look at the funny papers, you will

21 see that it's a traumatic experience for the students, for

22 the teachers, for the parents; going back to the school is

23 a terrible thing.
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1 We, if I have anything to say about it, in a

2 district where we have some influence, would create an

3 environment where the children would see that they count

4 and they would want to learn.

5 So in summing up what I'm getting to right now,

6 I will provide the Commission with actual figures that go

7 not just to percentages of how many minority students

8 there are, but how many by number there are in each of

9 these schools, and when you see that number increasing,

10 you know that something is wrong.

11 COMMISSIONER KIRSANOW: Commissioner Taylor, I

12 have a follow-up question, and, again, this is piggyback

13 on my question about what you hope to accomplish, how do

14 you prove the academic performance of the black and/or

15 Hispanic kids in those school districts.

16 I'm originally from Cleveland, Ohio, although

17 I'm based right now in Washington, D.C. In Cleveland,

18 Ohio, there is a suburb of Cleveland known as East

19 Cleveland, but there a number of other metropolitan

20 districts -- Baltimore, District of Columbia in

21 Washington, Chicago, and others, Newark, you name it -- a

22 number of metropolitan districts where the environment

23 that you just described has either existed in practice or

24 by law. There's local controlled schools, improved
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1 funding, black teachers in many of the classrooms, if not

2 most, where a learning environment is one where there is

3 the considerable stress on (inaudible), for example, and

4 yet in the school districts that I mentioned, the

5 performance of black children still is abysmal.

6 Were any of these empirical pieces of evidence

7 or data related to local control in other jurisdictions in

8 effect on performance of black and Hispanic children

9 considered in the deliberations of this particular bill?

10 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Was -- to whom – was your

11 question addressed to me as a follow-up, Chambers?

12 COMMISSIONER KIRSANOW: Yes, or anyone -- anyone

13 else who can answer if they wish.

14 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Well, first of all, Nebraska

15 and the Legislature are unique because I'm there. I make

16 things happen that don't happen other places. I brought

17 this Commission here. I'm causing the congressional black

18 congress – the Congressional Black Caucus to have a

19 seminar on this. There are law schools having seminars on

20 it. It's being debated around the world.

21 My activity made these white superintendents sit

22 down and talk to each other which nothing and nobody else

23 could do, not editorials, not criticism by organizations,

24 none of that but I made the difference.
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1 I was the senator who made Nebraska the first

2 legislature to take formal action to divest public funds

3 from South Africa, so my presence is going to make a world

4 of difference in how this whole thing goes. I don't just

5 want a piece of legislation with my name on it. I have

6 lived in the black community all of my life, all of my

7 children went through OPS, I have two grandchildren there

8 now.

9 Most children are going to attend public school,

10 so I want to improve the education in every school

11 building wherever located. And because of my interest, my

12 ability, the driving force that I can provide, what

13 happens in other cities and states will be rendered

14 totally irrelevant. This is a different, this is a

15 unique, this is a rara avis. It is a one-of-a-kind

16 activity. You will not find any piece of legislation

17 anywhere in the country like this one.

18 So it's going to be an experiment in the minds

19 of some people, and either we're going to deliver or we're

20 not. When we deliver, it's going to give the lie to all

21 of this focus on integration, these side, or tertiary

22 issues, that don't go to the quality of education.

23 When children can read, when they understand

24 principles of math, not just how to pass a math
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1 examination, when they understand geography, history,

2 social studies, civics, and can relate those things to

3 what's going on in the world around them, you and

4 everybody else will see what this is and what it will do.

5 That's the confidence that I have and that's the only

6 answer really that I can offer.

7 COMMISSIONER YAKI: But at what –

8 SENATOR BOURNE: If I may –

9 COMMISSIONER YAKI: But at what -- but at what

10 cost? I guess the question is at what cost in terms of --

11 in terms of the fact that under the districts that have

12 been drawn, if we were to believe what is -- what has been

13 stated by Senator Bourne and others --

14 SENATOR CHAMBERS: That's not correct. You keep

15 interrupting me on a false premise. I'm not going to

16 answer a question like “have you stopped beating your

17 wife?” I'm going to frame the question based on the facts

18 and then I'll answer that, but you can ask it however way

19 you want to and then I will rephrase the question.

20 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Well, then, I'm just -- then

21 I'll ask it in a hypothetical if you would allow me.

22 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Yes.

23 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I mean, if -- if under a

24 hypothetical --
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1 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Yes.

2 COMMISSIONER YAKI: -- your plan results in the

3 concentration of minorities in two distinct districts

4 predominantly classified by race, one African American

5 district in the northwest, a Latino district in the south,

6 as a hypothetical, if that were to be the result, is that

7 a good thing?

8 SENATOR CHAMBERS: It means nothing.

9 COMMISSIONER YAKI: It means nothing to you?

10 SENATOR CHAMBERS: No. Let me explain this to

11 you. The term racially identifiable districts was put out

12 by the media and OPS. All -- that's a description.

13 COMMISSIONER YAKI: But I'm just asking that --

14 I understand. I'm asking –

15 SENATOR CHAMBERS: I'm going to answer.

16 COMMISSIONER YAKI: But I'm asking a

17 hypothetical.

18 SENATOR CHAMBERS: And I'm --

19 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Would that be a good thing?

20 SENATOR CHAMBERS: I'm not going to answer --

21 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Do you see that it's good or

22 bad?
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1 SENATOR CHAMBERS: I'm not going to answer the

2 way you want me to answer. I'm going to answer it in

3 accordance with my understanding of the question.

4 That simply means there is a sufficient

5 concentration of that group to affect the identity. It

6 means nothing else. It is constitutionally neutral. So

7 right now you have those concentrations.

8 COMMISSIONER YAKI: How is it constitutionally

9 neutral?

10 SENATOR CHAMBERS: OPS is running a split or

11 dual system: One for the white children where they

12 achieve much better, another for the Latino and black,

13 poor white children where they achieve much worse.

14 All I'm saying is that we're going to alter the

15 administration. The children will still attend the same

16 schools, but we will have a different way of

17 administering, allocating the funds, hiring and assigning

18 teachers. These children will still attend the schools

19 they are attending now --

20 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Let me --

21 SENATOR CHAMBERS: -- no matter what.

22 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Let me -- just indulge me,

23 Senator Chambers. Let me just indulge further my

24 hypothetical.
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1 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Then why don't you just ask

2 me directly. Do I think that there have to be white

3 children in a classroom before black and Latino children

4 can learn? No, I don't think that and --

5 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I'm not saying that at all.

6 SENATOR CHAMBERS: -- I find it offensive if

7 that's the question.

8 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I'm not saying that at all.

9 SENATOR CHAMBERS: I don't think there needs to

10 be integration, in other words. Does that answer the

11 question? Because you want to ask me something.

12 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Yeah, I do.

13 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Well, ask me directly.

14 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I guess you just answered

15 it. Do you believe that integration, as a value, has no

16 place in education in Omaha? Is that saying --

17 SENATOR CHAMBERS: I'm saying it's not

18 education's job.

19 When you have all of these rich people speaking

20 against my proposal, why don't they talk about residential

21 segregation, which if they broke that up, then the kids

22 going to school will go to integrated schools.

23 The problem in the south is that they didn't

24 have as much residential segregation so black kids had to
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1 walk past white schools to go to these ramshackle, black

2 schools.

3 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I mean, I do – I think -- I

4 think you were aware that problems with integration

5 between the north, as you go further south and you go

6 further north, in terms of concentration of housing and

7 other kinds of things are unique things that have caused

8 difficulty and that many -- many people have -- have

9 struggled with over the years but --

10 SENATOR CHAMBERS: And the Supreme Court has

11 said --

12 COMMISSIONER YAKI: -- but I know --

13 SENATOR CHAMBERS: -- that the schools are not

14 responsible to deal with that.

15 COMMISSIONER YAKI: But I guess – I guess, you

16 know, what it comes down to and what -- and what I am

17 concerned about is your last statement that integration

18 has no place in education.

19 SENATOR CHAMBERS: I said -- I don't say it has

20 no place. I said it is not significant. It is of no

21 consequence because right now black children are failing.

22 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Well, if it -- if it's

23 insignificant and has no consequence, it, therefore, has

24 no value in any school system that you would devise.
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1 SENATOR CHAMBERS: No, that's what you're

2 saying.

3 COMMISSIONER YAKI: No. I'm saying --

4 SENATOR CHAMBERS: I'll answer the question my

5 way.

6 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Then how -- then how am I

7 supposed to interpret it when you say --

8 SENATOR CHAMBERS: All right. Let me put t like

9 this. You have a Latino student, a white student in the

10 same class with a white student, African American student,

11 Asian/Pacific Islander student, a Native American student

12 and they are in an environment where you have a teacher

13 who is not that competent, not adequate supplies and you

14 have a checkerboard of dumbbells.

15 I don't want an integrated classroom where the

16 children don't learn. A single-race school is not in and

17 of itself an evil.

18 The segregation exists in America and in Omaha

19 right now, rather than spend all of this time contriving

20 these artificial means of bringing about what they call

21 integration. You heard Senator Bourne and Mr. Rodgers

22 condemn the proposal for transferring students. Everybody

23 is against everything. So I'm saying let's concentrate on

24 how to improve what the children learn in school.
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1 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Senator Chambers, I think

2 that seems --

3 SENATOR CHAMBERS: That's all schools are for.

4 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Senator Chambers, I think in

5 the real world, where you and I do exist outside of this

6 artificial hearing, I would – I would agree with

7 everything that you say and do probably 99 percent of the

8 time. I think you and I are very like spirits in terms of

9 how we approach policy, how we approach representing

10 communities, how we approach the fact that if a system is

11 failing we need to change it, we need to change it in a

12 way to think outside of the box.

13 But my problem continues to be, and I'll just

14 state my own -- as evidence my own biases out here, and --

15 and I apologize for the fact that it is, but I just have a

16 very difficult time comprehending the fact that someone of

17 your stature and background and what you have done with

18 your life can say that I don't mind a one-race school, I

19 don't think that putting kids of different races together

20 has any -- has any educational social benefit when, in

21 fact, you know, we can -- we can go through – I have a

22 stack of studies. We just did a briefing about diversing

23 in the elementary and secondary school education, because,
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1 as a broader issue, the issue of integration is very much

2 under debate and under attack throughout this country.

3 And I have a stack of studies about this high

4 that I've been reading that talk about the benefits of

5 integration in terms of performance, in terms of job

6 performance later on, in terms – in terms of the ability

7 to relate better together as a society.

8 I mean, whether we want to say it – say it or

9 not, education has not been education. Education has

10 always been a form of socialization for -- for this

11 country. And back in the '30s and '40s, it was a

12 socialization that said that African Americans were

13 inferior to whites and we were going to change that and

14 Brown v. Board did that. And now it's 2000, things are a

15 lot more complicated, we don't know that, forget it. I

16 understand your frustration.

17 But I -- but I don't know if I can go to where

18 you are, and that's what I'm having trouble understanding

19 to the point where integration has no --

20 SENATOR CHAMBERS: But, Mr. Commissioner --

21 COMMISSIONER YAKI: -- integration has no value

22 or integration has no -- no real meaning --

23 SENATOR CHAMBERS: You hit -- you hit the nail

24 on the --
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1 COMMISSIONER YAKI: -- regarding how we design

2 it.

3 SENATOR CHAMBERS: You hit the nail on the head

4 when you said that there was that given or accepted notion

5 that black people are inferior. That's what integration

6 presumes.

7 If all white people go to the same school,

8 nobody says that's bad. I mean, it becomes bad only when

9 black people or Latinos or Native Americans are going to

10 be in a school.

11 I would like to see people --

12 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I don't think it's bad.

13 SENATOR CHAMBERS: -- of all groups work

14 together but it's not leading to quality education in the

15 schools, but we're spending a lot of time arguing it, and,

16 apparently, people say if we have -- if we have

17 integration, it doesn't matter if children fail. That is

18 not what I want.

19 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Senator Chambers, I want

20 to get Senator Bourne and Mr. Rodgers in here.

21 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Yes.

22 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: I think they want to

23 address Commissioner Kirsanow's questions and a couple of

24 things that he's said.
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1 SENATOR BOURNE: Commissioner, I wanted to go

2 back just for a minute. The question the gentleman on the

3 phone asked was did we contemplate solving the problem in

4 the low test scores and with Senator Chambers amendment

5 and the answer to that is no, we did not.

6 I also wanted to comment, Senator Chambers said

7 there is no legislation like this anywhere, and he's

8 probably right because the law is so clear on what is

9 constitutional and what isn't and this law is so clearly

10 unconstitutional that no other state is going to adopt

11 such a law.

12 The reason integration keeps coming up in this

13 argument is because what Senator Chambers has done through

14 that amendment is -- is encouraged or convinced the

15 Legislature to pass an unconstitutional law because it

16 does segregate. That's the law. So when we keep talking

17 about integration, that's why it's relevant here because

18 the entire law on its face is unconstitutional.

19 So we can argue all day, if you want, about

20 whether or not integration is good or bad or what we

21 should do in that regard, but the reality is the reason

22 it's relevant as it relates to 1024 is for the first time

23 in 25 years a state has passed a bill that is state24 sanctioned segregation. That's why it's relevant.
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1 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Mr. Rodgers.

2 MR. RODGERS: I mean, back to the point on

3 quality education and even when Senator Chambers said

4 about the practicality of it functioning, he gave his

5 experience when he was in school as well. I was in

6 school, never had a -- you know, nobody -- I don't know,

7 if anybody in the building was white when I went to

8 school, they were gray. You know, there was no white

9 presence when I grew up at Spring Creek.

10 But when you say to the quality of education,

11 there are a lot of factors that go in there. If you talk

12 to any educator, they would talk about socioeconomic

13 things, they don't come from homes with passion, they will

14 talk about the teachers themselves, they will talk about

15 the principals and other things.

16 I had all-black teachers, teachers that

17 constantly every day reinforced to you, you are in a hard,

18 cruel world; these are the realities of a young black kid.

19 You deal with it and you make it happen.

20 Now, in the practicality of how this law is laid

21 out with the local control piece -- let's take OPS. OPS

22 knows it has a trouble with, one, recruiting black

23 teachers. They also have trouble with getting them here

24 because the state doesn't pay high enough.
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1 What OPS can do is take teachers and move them

2 around, and to their credit, they have. They have tried

3 to mix them with years of experience and try to mix them

4 with color in schools. But you can't get black kids to

5 get into education nowadays.

6 When you break this school district up, and I

7 want to make this clear, the world has still got issue

8 with race to some degree.

9 So you have an all-black and all-Latino

10 district. You don't have enough Latinos going into

11 education, you don't have enough black people. And to the

12 people that support local control, it would be a slap in

13 their face if they walked their kids into a school and 90

14 percent of them were young black females -- I mean young

15 white females. They are going to want to see black

16 teachers, and right now you don't have enough going into

17 the field, and to make that happen, the state would have

18 to pay at least $50,000 a teacher. They are not ready to

19 do that.

20 So the practicalness of it functioning is you're

21 going to have this district, you will not have enough

22 black teachers coming in; and the realness of it, like I

23 just said, when you come out of this district, you are

24 going to have to be that above and beyond par, you are
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1 going to have to have some people in there dealing with

2 them who understand what they are going through and go

3 through.

4 I think practically that is the issue on a lot

5 of things. You can't avoid the practicalness of it: How

6 are you going to teach the teachers, how are you going to

7 get them here, how are you going to get the Latino

8 teachers to come to deal with the students that -- the

9 English as a second language students? There is a whole

10 lot of things in there (inaudible) practically wrong.

11 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Commissioner Kirsanow, do

12 you have a follow-up question.

13 MR. RODGERS: And, excuse me, but I have to go

14 to an appointment I made. (Inaudible.)

15 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Oh. Well, thank you for

16 your time.

17 COMMISSIONER KIRSANOW: Commissioner Taylor, I

18 don't have a lot but I just have one -- one additional

19 one. This is to anyone who wishes to respond. Is Senator

20 Bourne still there, though?

21 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Senator Bourne?

22 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Yes, he is.

23 COMMISSIONER KIRSANOW: Yes.
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1 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Senator Bourne is still

2 here, yes.

3 SENATOR BOURNE: Go ahead.

4 COMMISSIONER KIRSANOW: Okay. And this goes to

5 I think what Senator Bourne had made mention of.

6 When I looked through the legislative record,

7 and this bill was being considered by the Nebraska

8 Legislature, there was repeated reference to not only

9 local control but black districts having control of black

10 students by black parents and black teachers and black

11 administrators, et cetera. And it also appears, based at

12 least on the limited amount of information that I have --

13 and anyone can correct me if I'm wrong. Obviously, you

14 know more than I do about this. But we -- we have

15 hundreds of pages of information which I have gone through

16 and it appears on my best assessment that if you look

17 under Section 41, there's only four ways of dividing this

18 up so that contiguous attendance areas would satisfy the

19 mandates of the statute.

20 Now given that you've got a legislative record

21 that talks about race is one of the primary reasons for

22 doing this and then that the effect of this is to have

23 districts that are predominantly white, Hispanic or black,

24 how does one defend this on Fourteenth Amendment grounds?
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1 SENATOR BOURNE: I don't think it's defensible,

2 and I -- sir, I think your question probably should be

3 directed to Senator Chambers because he brought the

4 amendment and I tried to stop it and I could not get it

5 done. Senator Chambers is formidable in the Legislature

6 and I think the question is more suited for him.

7 I don't think it's defensible. I think it's

8 clear that it is creating separate segregated districts.

9 I don't think anyone would dispute that.

10 If you looked at the fact that in 1024 if a

11 student from the Omaha Public School District, say --

12 let's say a student from the newly created black district

13 wants to go on Millard. The superintendent in Millard

14 gets to decide whether or not they are at capacity. If

15 they are at capacity, nobody comes into that district.

16 They could have ten empty classrooms, 20 empty classrooms,

17 an empty school building and they get to solely determine

18 whether or not they are at capacity.

19 So right now Senator Chambers would argue that

20 these schools aren't integrated and he did argue that on

21 the floor.

22 If they are not integrated today and there is a

23 mechanism to move kids west into east, east into west via

24 specialized magnet schools -- and I would argue that OPS
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1 is successful in integrating those schools, contrary to

2 what Senator Chambers says -- but if that's the case today

3 and there's not sufficient integration, then how do you

4 think there's going to be integration in the future if the

5 receiving school district can say we are at capacity and

6 there is a disincentive for them to say we have room,

7 because if they say we have room, they have to pay the

8 transportation costs, and they don't get reimbursed for

9 those transportation costs until the next year under our

10 formula.

11 So I think it's pretty clear it does not square

12 with the Fourteenth Amendment. I think it is clearly

13 unconstitutional under Brown versus Board of Education.

14 And, again, to Senator Chambers' point, no other

15 state is doing this because this is an area of law that is

16 so clearly defined there isn't any ambiguity as to what

17 you can do. And we, unfortunately, went ahead and passed

18 a law that is so blatantly unconstitutional it is still –

19 several months after we've done it, I'm still shocked.

20 SENATOR CHAMBERS: The reason I won’t keep

21 arguing about constitutionality, it's before the court.

22 What we say is piffle; it means nothing. The federal

23 court will make that determination, so Senator Bourne can

24 say what he pleases.
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1 But to the gentleman who was calling, there is

2 not reference throughout the transcript about black

3 teachers, black administrators unless it's by those who

4 oppose this because what I emphasized is that what we're

5 interested in is quality education for all children. And

6 if among the pool of teachers available the most competent

7 ones all are white, every classroom would be presided over

8 by a white teacher, and what we mean by competency is to

9 have knowledge of the subject and the ability to impart

10 that knowledge and that information. And I did emphasize

11 over and over and over that quality education is what I'm

12 interested in.

13 My mantra was I don't care about separation or

14 integration but quality education. So when people say

15 they have read the transcript, they say they've read the

16 law, they haven't read well. They recite as though they

17 are victims of OPS' education because if you look at the

18 language that I read this morning, the contiguousness of

19 attendance areas is required when the coordinating council

20 makes the initial drawing. But when it comes to the state

21 committee, which has the final say-so and the final

22 approval, it is authorized to revise or substitute a plan,

23 and there is no contiguous attendance area requirement

24 when it comes to the state committee.
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1 So you looked at the authority of the final

2 arbiter, which is the state committee, and it is not bound

3 by that contiguous word which means the number of possible

4 configurations is virtually finite.

5 Senator Bourne is going by what OPS said. When

6 Commissioner Yaki mentioned having read from all of these

7 other newspapers, I've had the articles, too, and they all

8 follow what was written by the New York Times. They

9 didn't do any independent research. They quoted from the

10 New York Times. And the New York Times cut off from that

11 quote they made, a comment that I made right with that.

12 I had said words to the effect: people who have

13 become aware of my intent ask me, Does this mean that

14 white people are not welcome? White children can't come

15 to these districts? I said, Everybody is welcome and, in

16 fact, these districts will be more inclusive than any

17 others. But that was left out by the New York Times, it

18 was left out in the NAACP's lawsuit, it was left out in

19 the Chicano Awareness lawsuit.

20 So, again, since the courts are going to take

21 care of all of that, I don't even need to keep going

22 through it. I'm trying to give the Commissioners the

23 rationale I have for what I did.
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1 That bill would have been dead in the water had

2 I not removed my opposition. The reason it came up late

3 is because the bill was late getting to the floor of the

4 Legislature.

5 The first day I said nothing on the bill. I

6 wanted to see if they were going to talk about quality

7 education and nobody did. They talked about boundaries

8 and these other types of things.

9 So Senator Raikes, who is the primary

10 introducer, came to me and asked what would it take for me

11 to not oppose the bill. I had discussed with him and

12 others months before, my plan of dividing OPS. He said,

13 Do you still feel that way? I said, If we can do that,

14 not only will I withdraw my opposition, I will support the

15 bill and guarantee that it will pass.

16 So when that amendment was drafted and presented

17 to the Legislature, it wasn't a surprise to all of the

18 senators. They knew what I had been trying to do down

19 through the years. But this was that golden opportunity,

20 the confluence of circumstances that made it feasible so I

21 offered the amendment. I persuaded by colleagues that

22 they ought to adopt it.

23 Senator Bourne made his arguments that it's

24 unconstitutional. OPS and their lobbyists made the same
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1 arguments. The senators took the amendment, it became

2 law, and now is before the court, but that's why it was

3 late in coming.

4 If you look at the legislative history, you will

5 see hundreds of pages of debate which is a greater amount

6 of debate than occurs on practically any other provision

7 that has come before the Legislature. So when they say

8 they didn't understand, the problem is with them, not with

9 what I presented. If they say the debate was not lengthy

10 enough, it's because they didn't pay attention to what was

11 going on. But the facts are there. The record is there.

12 And I even made a statement that there are

13 people creating a false legislative history; that this

14 bill is not designed to create racial districts; the

15 boundaries will not be drawn on the basis of race; and I

16 as the introducer want to make it clear that when you read

17 their false legislative history they are trying to

18 contrive, that it is false.

19 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Senator Bourne (inaudible)

20 --

21 COMMISSIONER KIRSANOW: If I could ask a

22 question, Mr. Chairman.
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1 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Commissioner Kirsanow,

2 Senator Bourne wanted to follow up on comments Senator

3 Chambers made. Then let's go back to your next question.

4 COMMISSIONER KIRSANOW: Sure.

5 SENATOR BOURNE: Thank you.

6 With all due respect to Senator Chambers, I've

7 heard his story change about five times as to why the

8 amendment was brought forth.

9 Senator Chambers has a long-standing animus

10 towards Omaha Public Schools. Anytime there has ever been

11 a bill that would either benefit or hurt Omaha Public

12 Schools, he's issued or handed out on the floor of the

13 Legislature volumes of information criticizing the

14 superintendent of Omaha Public Schools. Any chance or

15 opportunity he has on the floor of the Legislature to rail

16 against the Omaha Public Schools and its administration,

17 he does so.

18 Senator Chambers forgets the fact that in a lot

19 of legislatures there's a Democrat versus a Republican

20 bent. In Nebraska I think it's fair to say that there's

21 an urban versus rural, a rural versus urban bent rather

22 than Democrat versus Republican.
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1 People in greater Nebraska resent the City of

2 Omaha, so it's real easy to pass a bill that hurts Omaha

3 and/or its inhabitants.

4 There was at the last minute a provision that

5 was put into the bill that gave an additional $2 or 3

6 million to the declining enrollment schools in rural

7 Nebraska.

8 The first time the bill went to go for closure

9 under our rules the bill failed. Then they gussied up the

10 bill, prettied it up, put lipstick on a hog, so to speak,

11 and put in additional money for declining enrollment

12 schools to bring on rural voters. They took away the

13 language in there that talked about how Omaha Public

14 Schools had to be divided by communities of interest which

15 is clearly racial. There is nothing else you can argue.

16 There is a whole host of reasons why this bill

17 passed, and Senator Chambers, it was his amendment, it was

18 his idea, but there are a whole host of things going on as

19 it relates to the amendment.

20 But the bottom line is, the original iteration

21 of the amendment said communities of interest. I don't

22 know how you define that in any way other than black,

23 Hispanic, or white. And ultimately that's what was

24 passed.
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1 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Commissioner Kirsanow,

2 you are next on the line and then I think Commissioner

3 Melendez is next in the cue of questions.

4 COMMISSIONER KIRSANOW: Thank you very much.

5 Senator Chambers, this goes to the comment that,

6 you know, (inaudible) read the transcripts personally, and

7 I will admit that I haven't read every single page of it,

8 but I've read almost all of it, and I can just flip it

9 open and you can come to almost any page. I'm looking at

10 page 12,792 where you are testifying and you say, quite

11 frankly, as you just indicated, My intent is not to have

12 an exclusionary system, but one in which we, meaning black

13 people, whose children make up the vast majority of the

14 student population, would control.

15 Now, that was -- the history would suggest that

16 the intent is to have districts that are divided, at least

17 in some measure, with the consideration or voice which

18 would implicate the Fourteenth Amendment, but you think

19 it's – the Fourteenth Amendment wouldn't just

20 automatically strike this down.

21 I guess the question is what empirical evidence

22 is there that a district could control -- by the way, I

23 think everybody wants to have a district that improves the

24 schools black kids, black, white, Hispanic, whatever. But
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1 what evidence is there for having such a district would,

2 in fact, improve the performance of black students or

3 Hispanic students or anybody?

4 SENATOR CHAMBERS: I answered that so I will

5 keep it brief. I can do it by reading the language that

6 you left out when you read that.

7 After it, it says, The student population of

8 people there, since the majority of the students go there,

9 they will control that district.

10 This is what you didn't read: “That does not

11 happen as long as we are part of OPS. When we go to the

12 poorer areas of the city, you will find minority group

13 members and poor white children all of whom are victimized

14 by the current operation of the Omaha Public School

15 system. When people have no say that is effective in the

16 destiny of their children themselves or the education

17 being provided for their children, there is a feeling of

18 futility and hopelessness.”

19 “When approaches are made to individual teachers

20 and principals, parents are often treated rudely and

21 dismissively. Going to the school board is even less

22 helpful.”

23 “We will create a system where anybody

24 interested in having their children treated like human
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1 beings, with respect and concern and, above all, properly

2 educated, they would be welcome to let their children

3 come. And any teachers who are competent, meaning they

4 know their subject, they know how to teach or impart that

5 information to the children, have respect for the

6 students, would be welcome. It is not exclusionary but it

7 would no longer be one of those areas where people who are

8 not qualified can be dumped to the detriment of the

9 children.”

10 I always included the poor white children,

11 always.

12 COMMISSIONER KIRSANOW: But, Senator,

13 specifically to my question, what evidence is there that

14 by doing this, all of the things you just mentioned,

15 would, in fact, occur?

16 SENATOR CHAMBERS: This hasn't been done in

17 Omaha.

18 COMMISSIONER KIRSANOW: It's been done in other

19 places, though, maybe not specifically with this

20 legislation. But where I live -- and by the way, I'm

21 black. Where I live, Cleveland, Ohio, you've got a black

22 superintendent, we've had a black superintendent for

23 decades. You've got black principals, black teachers,

24 majority black city and you've got, you know, local
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1 attendance in all of these things, yet those things, in

2 and of themselves, haven't done anything. In fact, scores

3 and dropout rates and everything else has gotten worse.

4 SENATOR CHAMBERS: This is not a national piece

5 of legislation. This relates to Omaha where I live. I

6 challenge you or anybody else to find any legislator at

7 any level, federal or state, who has done the things I

8 have done while I've been in the Legislature. I am a

9 force to be reckoned with. I'm not boasting; I'm telling

10 the truth.

11 Why would the New York Times write articles

12 about me and these other national papers when there is not

13 that much in Nebraska that's of interest to anybody other

14 than Senator Chambers.

15 SENATOR BOURNE: The reason – the reason -- the

16 reason they would write these articles is because we're

17 the first state in 25 years that sanctioned segregation.

18 What Senator Chambers forgets, and he leaves out some of

19 the elements of his testimony on the floor, he says,

20 Several years ago I began discussing in my community the

21 possibility of carving our area of OPS and establishing a

22 district over which we would have control. We, meaning

23 black people, whose children make up the vast majority of

24 the student population.
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1 He goes on to say, in response to a question

2 from another senator, Oh, there will be an

3 interrelationship between school districts because in

4 competitions of an athletic nature, ours will win all of

5 the championships, because right now the black athletes

6 are very welcome in white schools but the black student at

7 large is not welcome. So when we get those kids back in

8 our district, football, baseball, basketball, you can all

9 forget it.

10 This shows so clearly a race-based segregative

11 act, it's crystal clear.

12 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Read the next statement that

13 followed that that I made.

14 SENATOR BOURNE: I don't have that in my record

15 here.

16 SENATOR CHAMBERS: You're reading from a lawsuit

17 that was filed?

18 SENATOR BOURNE: Nope, I'm reading from

19 transcripts that I looked at -- or quotes that I looked at

20 in the transcripts from the debate on the floor over that

21 period of time that demonstrate that the reason the

22 amendment was brought was because of race.

23 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Do you know what the word was

24 in the statement that followed that he read about the
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1 athletes? Facetious. And some people don't know what

2 facetious means. But that statement on its face is

3 obviously facetious.

4 Senator Bourne knows what my main thrust was.

5 When I'm discussing an issue, I'm going to discuss it in

6 terms of the people that I represent. represent black

7 people and poor white people. I'm familiar with how they

8 are being cheated.

9 Why am I going to talk about west Omaha or south

10 Omaha? I want to be able to speak with as much authority

11 and knowledge as possible. So when I talk about black

12 children and poor white children, I'm talking about those

13 who have been victimized and how this plan is going to

14 impact on them.

15 It will actually help everybody, because when

16 you raise the bottom of the barrel, which non-white

17 children are perceived to be, you raise everything in it.

18 And we can improve the quality of education through this

19 plan.

20 COMMISSIONER YAKI: But you have to do it in

21 separate -- have to do it in separate barrels.

22 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Say it again.

23 COMMISSIONER YAKI: But you have to do it in

24 separate barrels.
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1 SENATOR CHAMBERS: No, that's -- here's what

2 you keep not hearing.

3 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I --

4 SENATOR CHAMBERS: This does not go to student

5 attendance. It does not change the – it doesn't change

6 anything from what exists now except who administers those

7 schools.

8 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I know, but, Senator

9 Chambers, you say, and you've said on more than one

10 occasion here, in your writings, on the floor of the

11 senate, that the Omaha School District is -- OPS is

12 segregated.

13 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Yes.

14 COMMISSIONER YAKI: And then you say I'm not

15 going to change a thing about that, I'm just going to

16 change who runs -- who runs it. So you're essentially

17 saying I'm just going to change the actors who are running

18 the segregation because my folks are better than any other

19 folks at doing that. I mean, read --

20 SENATOR CHAMBERS: No, that's not what I said.

21 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I'm going to read -- I'm

22 going to read --

23 SENATOR CHAMBERS: What I said --
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1 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I'm going to read from the

2 transcript of the floor debate 1282 -- I mean, you spoke

3 many times --

4 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Many times.

5 COMMISSIONER YAKI: -- and very eloquently, but

6 the point that's clear is this one statement where you

7 say, Black people simply want to say it's going to be a

8 different sheriff in town, and you're talking about

9 administrators and how the school board works.

10 I mean, you're basically saying that this -- and

11 in principle -- the principles of this, I think, are fine.

12 The idea of having more diversity, of having African

13 Americans be leaders in the education community, at the

14 school board, those are all good and sound principles.

15 What – the concern is that we talk -- we keep on talking

16 about the children, we keep on talking about their quality

17 of education and their -- and their hopes and aspirations

18 for the future. How are we doing that by saying that in

19 order to effectuate control by adults over education for

20 kids, the compound – the necessary consequence of that is

21 going to be those kids are going to be isolated by race in

22 these schools districts?

23 SENATOR CHAMBERS: No, they still – they go --

24 they are isolated now. They will keep – if you think it's
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1 so terrible under my plan, why don't you speak against

2 the segregated schools now where they go? I'm saying I

3 recognize what the problem is --

4 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Senator Chambers, when I --

5 SENATOR CHAMBERS: -- (inaudible) into those

6 schools.

7 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I had said before I agree

8 with you about -- outside of this artificial hearing, 99

9 percent of the time I would probably agree with you.

10 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Well, I have to function --

11 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Like I said --

12 SENATOR CHAMBERS: -- in the real world where

13 the children are.

14 COMMISSIONER YAKI: -- I would -- and I would

15 say -- and I would say the scope of this hearing is

16 predicated on 1024 and what it intends to do.

17 The background of it, and that is what you

18 brought up, which is how -- whether or not OPS has done

19 its job, and I think we've heard from people here that it

20 hasn't done it's job as well as it should or can or

21 anywhere where it should be, I understand that there is

22 that background going on behind you. I understand that's

23 behind your rage. I understand that's behind your concern

24 and your passion. None of that is to be denigrated by –
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1 by what we say here today. It is just the means to

2 achieve that, that at least I have a slight problem with

3 and others might have as well.

4 SENATOR CHAMBERS: But, Commissioner, so you

5 really understand me, I have lived in Omaha 69 years.

6 I've been in the Legislature 36 years. I have watched

7 OPS. What Senator Bourne doesn't pay attention to, is

8 what I say in my debates, to the extent I do, because I

9 know what I say.

10 When there have been bills that OPS brought that

11 I opposed, I said, you will not show me that you are going

12 to do anything to improve education, and until you show me

13 that, I will stop every bill you bring. Well, I told them

14 how they can get me on their side, improve education, and

15 that's what they are supposed to do. But they have not

16 done it. Don't take my word for it. Read the test

17 scores, read the local newspaper which has pointed it out.

18 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Senator Chambers --

19 SENATOR CHAMBERS: So here's -- here's the

20 question I would ask you.

21 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I'm not going to argue.

22 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Then how are we going to

23 correct it? If my way is not the way and nothing OPS has

24 done to date and they have nothing else on the table,
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1 you're saying leave everything as it is because as long

2 as white people control it, it's okay.

3 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I would never –I would never

4 say -- I would never say leave everything the way it is.

5 I never --

6 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Then what is the change?

7 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I never -- I don't believe

8 in status quo. I will say -- I will say --

9 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Then how do we change it?

10 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I'm not -- I can't -- I'm

11 not from Omaha. I can't speak for the people of Omaha,

12 but I can say this. What you have done, certainly, is

13 raise the issue and raised the bar and raised the debate.

14 That is to your absolute credit, to you and to the

15 communities that you represent.

16 The question --

17 SENATOR BOURNE: If the --

18 COMMISSIONER YAKI: -- though, is that in

19 attempting to jump over that bar or raise it even further

20 are we doing something that however unintentionally -- and

21 I take you as a person of good motives and good intent,

22 but however unintentionally in attempting to do something

23 we accidentally go to a place that we left 40 years ago, I

24 don't know if that's the way to do it.
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1 There have got to be -- there must be – I saw

2 on the debate on reconsideration people pleading to bring

3 people to the table and redo -- and rethink this and redo

4 it in response to your passion and your concerns. That

5 did not win and it should have won. To avoid -- to avoid

6 our presence here today, that should have happened.

7 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Well, if that --.

8 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I have a feeling that part

9 of what you did you did because you wanted to get that

10 reaction and get people to the table. That is to your

11 credit. But the concern is the way -- the way -- the

12 means that have been chosen, the freezing of the

13 segregation and, therefore, institutionalizing it is not

14 where I want to be. I don't think in reality you want to

15 be either.

16 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Senator Bourne, I ant to

17 hear you respond to what's been said. And I am going to

18 make sure that Commissioner Melendez gets his questions

19 and then I want to state my concern which is slightly

20 different than Commissioner Yaki's position.

21 SENATOR BOURNE: It's not only – this amendment

22 won't only freeze segregation, it's going to make it worse

23 because, as I indicated, the receiving school district
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1 gets to determine capacity, so segregation will be more

2 prevalent under the passage of this bill.

3 You know what I find is really unfortunate,

4 because I think Commissioner Yaki hit the nail on the

5 head, that Senator Chambers is trying to make a point with

6 his amendment in 1024. I don't know that if he really

7 believes it's unconstitutional or not. I know that he is

8 about trying to provide quality education for the kids. I

9 don't know, again, if what he has done is passed or tried

10 to pass an amendment or got an amendment adopted that he

11 knows is unconstitutional, but the reality is that we're

12 moving backwards in that we already have a school district

13 that, in my opinion, is underfunded and we are spending

14 millions and millions of dollars on legal fees when we

15 could be buying books for some of these kids and solving

16 some of the problems, and instead, we're letting lawyers

17 get rich and all of that to make a point, and that's

18 unfortunate.

19 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Commissioner Melendez.

20 COMMISSIONER MELENDEZ: Just a comment I had

21 read, Mr. Chambers, that the NAACP had become involved in

22 this, and they basically represent people of color and

23 African Americans in best interest and they've actually

24 entered this, so there must be a concern on race and
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1 segregation on all of this. And what's your feeling, as

2 far as them, involvement in this whole lawsuit situation?

3 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Not every- -- not everybody

4 agrees that the new direction of the NAACP under their new

5 CEO, who was an official with Verizon, is moving in a

6 direction of its black people. They are now trying to

7 plug into the corporate community to get contributions and

8 donations from them, because at the grassroots level,

9 their membership is falling off.

10 One thing the new CEO said was that they keep

11 saying they have a 500,000 membership in the country.

12 That's false. It's closer to 200,000. They are losing

13 members.

14 So the NAACP read the New York Times article.

15 They saw where these wealthy businessmen, including Mr.

16 Warren Buffett, second behind Bill Gates, are opposed to

17 it, so that was enough to draw them into it, the scent of

18 money. And this isn't the first time or first place I've

19 said this.

20 They have not taken a position on the white

21 district that has been cut out of the heart of OPS. When

22 they filed the lawsuit against my proposal, they did not

23 address the white district, not only racially
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1 identifiable, but drawn for that purpose; they didn't

2 touch that.

3 So the presence of the NAACP in this lawsuit

4 indicates to me only that they have lost their way.

5 The former positions that they have taken, the

6 work that was done under Thurgood Marshall and others, is

7 being defamed by some of the things the NAACP is now doing

8 and some of the issues they are refraining from being

9 drawn into. So that's how I would answer your question as

10 far as the NAACP's involvement.

11 But not all of the local members of the NAACP

12 agree with what the national is doing. The president of

13 the local chapter was ordered by the national office to

14 read at a press conference a statement against this bill.

15 The local chapter had not met and taken a position against

16 it, but the office of the NAACP nationally compelled them

17 to read that statement.

18 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Gentlemen, I would ask you

19 all to compare Senator Chambers amendment to District 66,

20 and in doing so -- I can guess Senator Chambers'

21 description of District 66. I wanted, Senator Bourne, you

22 to educate us on that and if it is comparable to Senator

23 Chambers' amendment, describe the comparison points,

24 what's different, how is it different, and address, I
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1 think, his overarching point of that potentially being a

2 segregated district just segregated for a different race.

3 SENATOR BOURNE: I -- I'll be honest with you,

4 because of the nature of the amendment that Senator

5 Chambers ran, District 66 was never discussed in the

6 Legislature where I'm confident it would have been had

7 Senator Chambers' amendment been introduced as a bill. In

8 Nebraska, every bill that's introduced has to have a

9 hearing but not every amendment that is run on the floor.

10 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Uh-huh.

11 SENATOR BOURNE: So the point that I'm trying to

12 make is that I don't know the history of District 66 and

13 why it was put in the statute in the way it is. I know

14 that it was done. I believe it was done in the '40s. I

15 believe Senator Chambers probably would know more than I.

16 It is a -- it is a district within the Omaha

17 Public School District. It is -- it's probably the

18 wealthiest school district in the state. It's probably

19 the most white school district in the state.

20 Historically, I cannot tell you why it was put in the

21 statute but it clearly is.

22 The law as it -- as it was written prior to

23 1024, with the exception of districts District 66, would
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1 allow OPS to take over school districts as the city

2 expands.

3 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Uh-huh.

4 SENATOR CHAMBERS: So Omaha Public Schools under

5 the law could have taken over Millard, it could have --

6 again, as the city expanded, it could have taken over

7 Ralston and it could have taken over Elkhorn as the city

8 grows. Under 1024, the taking over of those districts is

9 prohibited.

10 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Uh-huh.

11 SENATOR BOURNE: So historically, I can't tell

12 you why District 66 --

13 Excuse me. (Brief interruption.) Senator

14 Chambers. Don’t die up here.

15 SENATOR BOURNE: Senator Chambers said, don’t

16 die up here. I can't tell you historically why District

17 66 is the way it is, but I can say that had we had Senator

18 Chambers' amendment as a bill, that issue would have been

19 discussed, it would have been vetted and would have

20 determined whether or not that was -- you know, what the

21 Legislature passed in the '40s should still apply today.

22 But with the passage of 1024, really the point is moot

23 because we've created -- not only have we allowed District
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1 66 to remain, we have allowed the other districts that

2 are --

3 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Remain.

4 SENATOR BOURNE: -- predominantly white to

5 remain as well as.

6 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: And expected. And I

7 apologize, I'm from Virginia so I -- this may be a topic

8 that is being discussed now throughout the state and

9 intensely discussed in Omaha, but is there any concern

10 about District 66 in its current composition? Is there

11 any concerns that it lacks sufficient integration? Are

12 those all issues that are being widely debated as this

13 amendment is being debated?

14 SENATOR BOURNE: I don't believe during the

15 debate that it was really discussed extensively. I don't

16 recall that discussion. I don't recall there ever being

17 any discussion in years past, in the eight years I've been

18 in the Legislature, about somehow repealing the

19 legislation that allowed for District 66. I'm just

20 unaware of it.

21 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Senator Chambers, is

22 District 66 part of, if you know, an issue raised in the

23 lawsuit or has it been an issue raised with you in terms
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1 of that being what appears to be a segregated district

2 that exists today?

3 SENATOR CHAMBERS: I think during the debate,

4 and I could be mistaken, Senator Pam Redfield I think made

5 reference to District 66; and after so much criticism was

6 launched against my proposal after it became law, then I

7 mentioned District 66 every time I had an opportunity to

8 show that if the people were really concerned about

9 integration, which I was not, should look at District 66.

10 And when OPS talked about filing a lawsuit and others

11 talked about OPS filing a lawsuit, it was always only

12 against my proposal but never was District 66 mentioned.

13 When the rich white men got together to speak

14 against my bill and a reporter asked about this other

15 dispute about the suburban schools, those white men said

16 specifically, we cannot reach a consensus on that. We're

17 not going to take a position on that because we don't all

18 agree; but we all agree on being against what Chambers had

19 done.

20 So, here's the argument I had made. Whyever

21 District 66 came into existence or continues, whyever all

22 of these white districts in the suburban areas exist, they

23 all give an overriding reason: local control.
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1 There are districts in the State of Nebraska,

2 the whole district, with as few as 120 students because

3 they want local control. So if white people want to

4 administer and control their schools, it's called local

5 control. If non-white people want the same thing, it's

6 called segregation. So that's how they defeat us.

7 The residential -- the residential segregation

8 creates a set of circumstances where, if we want to

9 administer the schools where we live- and -- we are

10 restricted residentially.-- they can say, well, -you can't

11 do that because that's segregation, so not only are you

12 going to be segregated residentially, you can never

13 exercise local control because we'll call that

14 segregation. And although white people 12 have always had

15 it -- local control is considered one of the mainstays of

16 conservative Republican philosophy. It suddenly becomes

17 sinister, un-American and unthinkable when the groups who

18 traditionally have not been able to exercise that control,

19 get in a position to do so.

20 Had this headline in the New York Times said, “A

21 Bill Calling for Local Control, Equalizing School Funding,

22 and Improving Quality of Education,” people may not have

23 even read it. But when you get a screaming, misleading

24 headline that's false, “Law to Segregate Omaha Schools
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1 Divides Nebraska,” that is what brought everybody out of

2 the woodwork.

3 No group that I have ever discussed this with,

4 left with the same view that they had which had been based

5 on what the New York Times wrote.

6 So when you talk about these other articles,

7 without my reading them and seeing what you've got, I

8 venture to say that they parallel and parrot what was in

9 the New York Times.

10 But here's how I'm going to sum up everything

11 I've said. I think it got lost, although I'll repeat it:

12 Quality education.

13 I don't want to have a school system where they

14 are going to say, your son can learn auto mechanics; we'll

15 give him a wrench, a pair of pliers and a screwdriver. I

16 say, no, give him a book. And I want him to be able to

17 read the book. I want him to understand what's in the

18 book, and I want him to be able to explain to me what he

19 read based on his understanding.

20 I don't want him to show me how you turn a screw

21 clockwise or counterclockwise or how you tighten a wrench.

22 All of that is fine. But education is the most important

23 function that a government carries out.
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1 The budget for education at the state level in

2 Nebraska, and this won't seem like a lot to other places,

3 $900 million, 720 million if you don't include special

4 education. The largest part of a lot of budgets will go

5 for education.

6 If we have a situation where black children are

7 not achieving well in segregated schools, what is the

8 first thing people say? “It starts with the home. Go

9 into the home.”

10 When we can show that white children, compared

11 to what's happening in other countries, are not doing well

12 -- but they do well because the tests are geared to let

13 them do well, you know what they say? They don't say, “go

14 into white homes.” They say: “The system has failed; the

15 teachers are not adequately trained; we have too much

16 bureaucracy; the textbooks are not suitable; there are not

17 enough months that they have to go to school; they should

18 have to go to school on Saturday.” But never do they say,

19 “Johnny White cannot read because of his home. Sally20 stay-at-home's daughter is not doing well because of

21 something in her home.” So there's always the double

22 standard.

23 And as I suggested to Commissioner Yaki, it's

24 still -- sub rosa -- is based on the notion that black
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1 people, non-white people, are inferior. When we talk

2 about integration, it's always in conjunction with making

3 the black children bear the onus of it, and I don't think

4 that's right.

5 I never did poorer than the white kids with whom

6 I went to school, and I was under pressure because of the

7 way the teachers would belittle me. So I had things to

8 deal with in my mind that they didn't, and yet, I still

9 excelled.

10 Then I read books and see studies that suggest

11 that I'm inferior, but I haven't been around white people

12 who made me feel that way. And as I told them on the

13 floor of the Legislature, I didn't encounter those

14 superior white people at Lothrop. I didn't encounter them

15 at Tech High. I didn't encounter them at Creighton

16 undergraduate school. I didn't encounter them at

17 Creighton Law School. And I didn't encounter them in the

18 Army and I certainly don't encounter them on the floor of

19 this Legislature.

20 So since I can look at myself and know what I

21 have to fight against to get an education and those

22 grades, coping with things those other white kids didn't

23 have to cope with, I'm not going to let people treat

24 children of any race, but because if they are not black,
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1 they are poor, that somehow they are genetically

2 inferior, they are of less value, that because their

3 parents can't buy them a certain type of clothing, they

4 are not entitled to fair treatment. So here's how it is

5 going to be corrected. We are going to take these poor

6 children of any race and cart them out to white schools

7 where attire is very important.

8 White people don't think about these things.

9 They don't live what we live. You've got children whose

10 parents cannot buy them the kind of clothes that will keep

11 them from sticking out and being embarrassed. So going to

12 school every day is traumatic. It is hard. It's

13 depressing. It's stressful. And we are talking about

14 children.

15 That's why, with all due respect to everybody in

16 here and in the Legislature and everywhere else, I don't

17 care what they say. As long as I see these children

18 failing, I have a job to do. I have not a bit of religion

19 in me, but there's one thing that Jesus said that I think

20 everybody ought to listen to talking about the children:

21 If one offends against one of these little ones, it were

22 better that a millstone be hanged around his neck and he

23 be drowned in the sea.
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1 The children are the ones Jesus said, bring to

2 me because they're what Heaven is about, not all of these

3 adults, not all of these religious people, not the

4 teachers. So the children are the cash cows whom we have

5 school people and teachers come to the Legislature for

6 more money.

7 They don't say, so we can teach the children; so

8 that we can make sure that the curriculum is meeting their

9 needs. The only time they talk about education is when

10 they say, we've got to educate them so that businessmen

11 can hire them and they will fit into a businessman's

12 scheme.

13 But those of us who look beyond that know that

14 businesses don't have loyalty to workers anymore. You're

15 not going to stay there long enough to retire. So, we

16 have to deal with the real world that these children will

17 confront. And we who feel the way that I do, who would

18 have some input that would be taken seriously -- can help

19 mold the curriculum, hire the teachers who will do these

20 kind of things so when the child leaves that classroom, he

21 or she can function anywhere.

22 I can know how to get along with white people

23 without living in a white neighborhood, which I've never
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1 done; without sitting next to them in a classroom. Let

2 me --

3 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Senator Chambers --

4 SENATOR CHAMBERS: -- learn those things there

5 and then I can socialize on my own afterwards.

6 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Senator Chambers, I think

7 we have one -- just one or two questions from a staff

8 director and I want to make sure I get those in.

9 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Sure.

10 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: And then I have a few more

11 comments from the Commission. Staff Director.

12 STAFF DIRECTOR MARCUS: Thank you.

13 Senator Bourne, you (inaudible) stated earlier

14 that one of the purposes for dividing the Omaha Public

15 School system was to create a black district, and your

16 colleague Senator Chambers has indicated that the

17 amendment was not about attendance. When you say that one

18 of the purposes was to create a black district, are you

19 referring only to administrative control of the district

20 or also to student composition?

21 SENATOR BOURNE: I don't recall saying that one

22 of the purposes was to create a black district other than

23 Senator Chambers' comments on the floor saying that's

24 what's going to happen.
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1 So I -- the reason that I keep talking about

2 integration in the bill is because if you read Brown

3 versus Board of Education and then the string of cases

4 subsequent to that, it is clear that if a state takes an

5 action that deliberately segregates it's unconstitutional.

6 So I never really said the purpose of the bill

7 was to do that. I do think the purpose of Senator

8 Chambers' amendment, if you read his comments on the

9 floor, is to allow black people to control or have control

10 over their districts.

11 And I'm not saying that local control is bad. I

12 am saying that if you read the whole string of cases

13 starting with Brown it's unconstitutional.

14 STAFF DIRECTOR MARCUS: Just to clarify, I

15 believe your statement in (inaudible) is referring only to

16 Section 41 and that --

17 SENATOR BOURNE: The dividing of Omaha Public

18 Schools I believe in Senator's -- in Senator Chambers'

19 mind the purpose was to segregate.

20 STAFF DIRECTOR MARCUS: Do you believe that

21 other senators share that intent?

22 SENATOR BOURNE: That's a good question. I

23 don't know the answer to that.

24 STAFF DIRECTOR MARCUS: Senator Chambers --
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1 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Yes.

2 STAFF DIRECTOR MARCUS: -- was it your intent to

3 create three separate districts, one of which would have a

4 predominantly African American student composition, one of

5 which would have a predominantly Spanish-speaking

6 composition, and one which would have a predominantly

7 white student composition?

8 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Here's the way I've dealt

9 with that issue. Omaha is segregated residentially where

10 most of the black people live in northeast Omaha, most of

11 the Latinos in southeast Omaha, most of the white people

12 in west Omaha. So depending on how the district

13 boundaries are drawn, there would be a concentration, or

14 could be, of one race predominating in the student body

15 more so than another.

16 But since we did not allow the Legislature to be

17 the one to draw the districts, what I said is not that

18 relevant because one of the things I did say, if when they

19 draw the boundaries an attempt is made to draw them so

20 they reach out and include all black people and exclude

21 white people, I'll fight against that because that's not

22 what I want.

23 And when the districts are drawn, it doesn't

24 matter who lives in them because whoever lives there, if
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1 the population changes entirely, they should have local

2 control of those schools located in their area. That was

3 my point.

4 STAFF DIRECTOR MARCUS: Thank you.

5 And let me follow that up by asking this:

6 Senator Chambers, your colleague Senator Bourne indicated

7 earlier that the only way that the public school system

8 could comply with the amendment and divide schools up to

9 meet the continuity requirement and the other requirements

10 of the legislation would be to divide the district up into

11 a predominantly white, predominantly Hispanic, and

12 predominantly black school district. Would you agree with

13 that assessment and was that your view at the time the

14 legislation was passed?

15 SENATOR CHAMBERS: If the contiguous requirement

16 would change throughout the process, what they have said

17 would be valid. But when it comes to the activity by the

18 state committee, that contiguous requirement is dropped.

19 The state committee is not bound by that.

20 So the coordinating committee is like

21 preliminary work, and no matter what it presents or if it

22 fails to present something, the state committee has the

23 last word; the state committee will approve of the final
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1 plan, and it is not limited in the same way as the

2 coordinating committee council.

3 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I have a follow-up to that.

4 So, Senator Chambers --

5 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Yes.

6 COMMISSIONER YAKI: -- if the state committee

7 were to gerrymander northwest Omaha in a way that the

8 representative for the Learning Community for that

9 district were white, what would your reaction be?

10 SENATOR CHAMBERS: Let me answer it this way. A

11 guy was asked, What would you be if you were great and

12 rich? Here's what he said: “What would I be if great and

13 rich? That is the kind of question which I cannot

14 prophesy on. Apply it to yourself and see what kind of

15 lion would you be if you could be a lion?”

16 There are all kinds of speculative notions that

17 can be presented, but some of them are so unlikely to

18 occur that they are not even worthy of discussion. And

19 I'm not saying that the point you were trying to make is

20 not worthy of discussion, but I can't see how what you're

21 suggesting would occur.

22 Let me say this. If it did, remember, there is

23 a 12-member school board. If you have a mixture of white

24 people and black people, then black people are going to
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1 have people on that school board and the white people

2 are. Since they now are a part of the same district,

3 instead of this creating a division, it has brought these

4 two elements together, and now to be sure that all of

5 their children have an opportunity, they will cooperate to

6 be sure that every school in that district provides

7 quality education. Then it doesn't matter which building

8 the child attends school in.

9 So if what you pose would happen, it would

10 actually bring the two groups together rather than divide

11 them.

12 SENATOR BOURNE: I just want to point one thing

13 out. When Senator Chambers says that there's the ability

14 to change what the original committee draws as it relates

15 to the districts, they still have to work within the

16 parameters of three districts with two to three high

17 schools in each. So they may be able to change some areas

18 of the original map, they cannot subvert the statute that

19 states it's two to three high schools in each contiguously

20 drawn. That's the parameters.

21 STAFF DIRECTOR MARCUS: Thank you.

22 Any another questions? Senator Bourne, in your

23 written statement you said the following: "As if

24 segregating the districts was not enough, LB 1024, Section
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1 16, also destroys the current integration in OPS and

2 prohibits most of the common tools used across the country

3 to intentionally integrate."

4 Senator Bourne, would you tell us some of those

5 tools that you had in mind, and then I want to hear from

6 Senator Chambers, whether he agrees that those tools would

7 no longer be available.

8 SENATOR BOURNE: The magnet schools, schools of

9 interest. OPS has done a fantastic job of creating, let's

10 say, Central High School; it's a magnet school. It's in -

11 - it's in an area that is predominantly black and, yet, I

12 believe it's 56 percent of the high school there is -- or,

13 actually, it's 46 percent is minority.

14 OPS has done a good job of attracting students

15 to the eastern part of the city, and those tools, as I

16 understand it, in 1024 would be gone.

17 STAFF DIRECTOR MARCUS: And, Senator Chambers,

18 would you agree that those tools would no longer be

19 available?

20 SENATOR CHAMBERS: No, because this bill does

21 not require any child to cease going to the school he or

22 she attends. In fact, they are called continuing

23 students. There is an absolute guarantee that every child
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1 will continue to go to the school that he or she is

2 attending after the reorganization if that's the desire.

3 So if OPS had said that somehow these children

4 who go to Central can't go there, that's -- that's totally

5 false.

6 SENATOR BOURNE: He's accurate to the extent

7 that if I'm a freshman and the bill passes I can continue

8 on as a sophomore and a junior and a senior, but no new

9 freshmen are going to come in. So he's true; for four

10 years what Senator Chambers says is accurate, but after

11 that, they have taken away the tools that OPS has used and

12 relied on to integrate the schools in accordance with the

13 court order that was in place earlier.

14 STAFF DIRECTOR MARCUS: Thank you.

15 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: We're going to close this

16 portion of the briefing. We're going to break until about

17 1 o'clock. We're going to break for lunch.

18 I want to thank Senator Bourne and Senator

19 Chambers for giving of your time.

20 Before we all break up, let me say one more

21 thing. There have been a number of individuals from

22 Nebraska and Omaha that have said it's unfortunate that

23 the national spotlight is shining on this issue for the

24 state and the city in that some people have ridiculed the
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1 state and the city for passing this amendment. While

2 that may be true, in the context of some folks ridiculing

3 Nebraska, I want to say that, in my view, what you have

4 all done is important in one respect and that is that

5 you're discussing critical issues and considering quality

6 education in the context of integration and putting those

7 issues on the table, because, in my view, it's only with

8 discussions like this that we'll get to the nub of the

9 issue which, frankly, I think we will continue to nibble

10 at.

11 And so with that, we are going to -- 1 o'clock

12 we will be back. Thanks.

13 (Whereupon, the above-entitled Commission

14 briefing was adjourned at 11:19 a.m.)

15 **   ** 

16 P R O C E E D I N G S

17 (Continued)

18 (1:04 p.m.)

19 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: For phase two of our

20 briefing, we are going to hear from a number of community

21 activists and others representing a broad segment of the -

22 - of the community, and we're going to go from left to

23 right on our panel here.
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1 I'm going to ask each of you all to limit your

2 comments to ten minutes. And we'll go through everyone's

3 comments, and I will then turn to the Commissioners and

4 ask them if they have any statements to make, and then we

5 will move on to questions, essentially the same format we

6 used for the first half.

7 Before we get started, I wanted to give

8 Commissioner Melendez a moment to introduce someone.

9 COMMISSIONER MELENDEZ: I just wanted to

10 introduce one to our staff assistants, Richard Schmechel.

11 I'm not sure if he's -- he might have stepped out.

12 Richard, he's actually from the Omaha area here,

13 so he gave us a tour of the area; and his mother is

14 actually with him today, to be here, so I just wanted to

15 recognize them. I think he may have stepped out, or is he

16 here?

17 COMMISSIONER YAKI: She's here.

18 COMMISSIONER MELENDEZ: Would you please stand

19 up. And give her a hand.

20 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: We're going to first hear

21 from Walter Brooks who is a contributing writer to the

22 Omaha Star newspaper. I understand that's Nebraska's only

23 black newspaper, and Mr. Brooks has been associated with

24 the newspaper for 28 years.
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1 Mr. Brooks is a U.S. Marine Corps combat

2 veteran of the Vietnam War, and has a history of community

3 activism in Seattle, Denver, and Omaha.

4 And I'm not going to go on and on with his

5 background, or any other person's background too long,

6 because I want to get right into it.

7 So Mr. Brooks.

8 MR. BROOKS: Thank you very much. I'm glad to

9 be here.

10 And this morning's presentation was very lively

11 and very interesting. And part of me says I'm not really

12 sure that I have all that much more to contribute at this

13 point, but I thought this morning was very extensive.

14 I submitted a written testimony, and if anyone

15 has read this, it pretty much has my position on this

16 legislation. Of course, I'm for it.

17 In the three-part article that I wrote in May

18 addressing my support for this bill, I focused on

19 basically three things: The general disparities for --

20 between the majority Caucasian population in Omaha and

21 between the minorities, in particular the African American

22 community.

23 In part two, I told the history of a very

24 significant moment in African American history in 1968
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1 when a black community of Brooklyn, New York, had an

2 opportunity to acquire the kind of legislation that this

3 bill represents.

4 And then the third part was to really take a

5 look at the long-term effects of having such a consistent

6 generational issue of dropout in the African American

7 community and, particularly, looking at it with relation

8 to the American prison system. We have the data now that

9 shows in most state prison populations, the federal,

10 anywhere from 45 to over 60 percent of the inmates are

11 school dropouts.

12 So when we look at the issue of the schools, the

13 neighborhood schools, we see that these individuals, there

14 is a tremendously long-term effect of what is taking

15 place, particularly in our elementary and secondary

16 schools.

17 I'm just going to draw a couple of points here

18 and use my own ten minutes up to make some references to

19 what I had previously written, and then I expect that I'll

20 have an opportunity to speak again during question and

21 answer.

22 I do want to also make note, I'm grateful that

23 your Commission has chose to seek Ben Salazar, even though

24 he wasn't originally to be a part of this panel, so that
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1 the Latino community could be represented. I think he

2 was very right to come down and draw your attention to

3 that, and I would be more than happy, you know, to give up

4 any time that I may have coming to account his being on

5 this panel. I have no idea what position he's taking;

6 that doesn't matter. The Latino population needs to be

7 sitting at this table.

8 This morning there were so many different things

9 brought up, but I think, among other things, that issue --

10 the issue of disparities, of widespread disparities

11 economically -- I know that both Senator Bourne and

12 Commissioner Rodgers, you know, talked about their

13 feelings that there will not be the kind of tax base

14 behind this legislation with -- with the economic

15 disparities of home ownership and taxes and things like

16 that. And as I sit and listen to those, I think, well,

17 you know, maybe at some point that's what we ought to be

18 talking about, because, as Senator Chambers made mention

19 and has been mentioned over and over again, the moment

20 that his legislation or this particular aspect of the

21 legislation was made public, literally the richest, most

22 powerful people in the city of Omaha, which means in the

23 State of Nebraska, chose to meet and discuss this as

24 something that was going to be a mar, a mark on the City
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1 of Omaha and, as we -- we keep going back and forth, is

2 going to legalize segregation in this country and -- or,

3 excuse me, in the city of Omaha.

4 And in my testimony, my written statement,

5 there's a portion and I'll just make reference to that for

6 now.

7 This brings me to an interesting observation.

8 Have you ever wondered why, after over 140 years since

9 black emancipation from slavery, historically black

10 colleges and universities still account for the lion's

11 share of all black college graduates? Yet, I never hear

12 black college administrators crying to the media about how

13 they need to have more white students on their campuses,

14 that attending a predominantly black college is somehow

15 stunting the growth of these students.

16 In fact, increasingly, HCBU students are highly

17 sought after for immediate employment, in graduate studies

18 by major corporations and majority academic institutions.

19 Black colleges and universities need more

20 endowment money, they need more research grants. They

21 need facilities upgrades, but I never hear anybody say

22 those students didn't get a good, if not outstanding,

23 education because there were no white students in their

24 classrooms.
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1 Or look at the astonishing growth of black

2 church ministries, the ones with 10,000, 20,000, or even

3 30,000 members. I don't hear Bishop T.D. Jakes, Bishop

4 Eddie Long or their peers talking about how they need more

5 Caucasians in their churches. Or 100 Black Men or

6 National Council of Negro Women, Delta Sigma Theta

7 International or Omega Psi Phi National Fraternity; all of

8 these organizations and associations have worldwide

9 affiliations, and no one seems to mind that there may not

10 be any Caucasian people with them when they show up.

11 Why is there such a refrain that LB 1024 is

12 going to segregate black children and they won't be going

13 to school with Caucasian children or other children from

14 other cultures and, therefore, they will receive a stunted

15 upbringing in education? Isn't it interesting that this

16 argument is never successfully made when the children in

17 question are white?

18 White children in west Omaha can go all 12

19 grades of public school without any meaningful interaction

20 with students of color. And if there are students of

21 color in those schools, their histories and cultures have

22 no prevailing credibility and authority that extends past

23 momentarily celebration of ethnic history week, day,
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1 month, you name the group, or a cultural foods day in

2 the cafeteria or an annual entertainment assembly.

3 Whites run around worrying about – white people

4 don't run around worrying about any of their children

5 missing something because they didn't have black people in

6 their lives during their formative years. Since when?

7 One of the biggest reasons America struggled so

8 hard today with developing a true diversity mentality,

9 especially in today's changing flat world, as outlined so

10 vividly by Thomas L. Friedman in his best seller, The

11 World is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First

12 Century, is that Caucasians have consistently failed to

13 embrace and empower the very cultures that have been in

14 America the longest and done the most for white progress

15 in this nation: African Americans, Native Americans and

16 Hispanic people.

17 All of our peoples have been in America since

18 before the Mayflower, and after almost 500 years, whites

19 are still struggling with the (inaudible) true parity and

20 inclusion for even its longest-serving, longest-suffering

21 and most faithful brotherin of color.

22 And as I near to the end of my ten minutes, I

23 want to jump to something.
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1 Black slaves created the first public

2 education system for school children in the south after

3 the Civil War. Are you saying poor white people didn't

4 send their kids to those schools? Of course they did.

5 But unfortunately for black people and those racially

6 misunderstanding whites, the federal government sold out

7 that great opportunity to uplift all of America. The

8 racist state's rightists took over.

9 But we had done it. The cat was out of the bag.

10 We showed how everybody benefits when black people get

11 some leeway to develop our own community and creativity.

12 We included everybody. We have never shut anybody out of

13 our progressiveness.

14 Today, there are thousands of white kids

15 dropping out of the American education system every year

16 and they are doing it without any help whatsoever from

17 African Americans. Maybe some of these kids, too, need a

18 fresh perspective LB 1024 could bring to public school

19 education in Omaha.

20 And Senator Chambers was quite poignant

21 consistently saying we're just offering a change in Omaha.

22 The fact that this has become earthshaking and national

23 and drawing your Commission and drawing the New York
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1 Times, that was never the intent. It was to look at

2 some options that had not been considered.

3 And I put at the end of my prepared statement:

4 In closing, there is so much more to be

5 addressed, as we had this morning and we will this

6 afternoon. LB 1024 is not trying to save the entire

7 public school education for the entire African American

8 people in the United States.

9 There was an excellent automobile transmission

10 repair shop in Omaha called, All-Car Transmission. They

11 had a unique marketing promotion. They'd say, "We're not

12 nationwide, but we're one of the best in Omaha."

13 That's what LB 1024 is. If it succeeds, then

14 maybe, just maybe, somehow tiny little Omaha may have

15 uncovered a Rosetta Stone for how common community people

16 can take back the education of their children and change

17 the course of so many thousands of black children,

18 especially boys, who really only have a prison cell

19 waiting for them at the end of their failed trial by

20 education.

21 If LB 1024 fails, then America really needn't

22 worry about anybody else coming this way anytime soon.

23 We've bet the lives of our children for 52 years

24 on everything the white race has foisted upon us in the
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1 name of public school education. And what do we have to

2 show for it in 2006? Isn't it time that just this once we

3 try it ourselves?

4 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Thank you. Thank you, Mr.

5 Brooks.

6 We will next hear from Brenda Council. Ms.

7 Council was elected to the Omaha Board of Education in

8 1982 and has served two terms as vice president and four

9 terms as the board's president.

10 She's also chaired the Governor's Task Force on

11 Excellence in Education in 1983 and was Western Regional

12 President of the National Caucus of Black School Board

13 Members. In 1993 she was elected to the Omaha City

14 Council and has also been in private practice with a

15 number of the state's leading law firms and is also on the

16 Board of Directors of the Urban League of Nebraska.

17 Thank you for coming and we look forward to

18 hearing your comments.

19 MS. COUNCIL: Thank you. I appreciate the

20 opportunity to be here this afternoon and I really mean

21 that this afternoon. I was advised that the panel started

22 this morning and I, unfortunately, had to be in court

23 representing a client and so I appreciate the fact that
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1 the Commission held the hearings over to allow me an

2 opportunity to speak this afternoon.

3 One thing that I want to state for the record

4 that while I am a member of the Board of Directors of the

5 Urban League of Nebraska, my comments this afternoon are

6 mine and mine solely. I am not speaking on behalf of the

7 Urban League. I'm speaking as an individual member of

8 this community.

9 I appear here this afternoon in opposition to LB

10 1024.

11 I regret the fact that I did not have an

12 opportunity to hear this morning's discussion. I

13 appreciate the comments provided by my friend, Mr. Brooks,

14 and I agree in many respects with the concerns he

15 addresses and raises in his commentary, but I do not

16 believe that this bill provides the means of addressing

17 this.

18 First and foremost, I view this bill as being

19 segretory in nature. I don't see any way that you can

20 read Section 16 of this bill as providing and resulting in

21 anything other than racially segregated school districts.

22 Dividing Omaha Public Schools into three will invariably

23 result in the creation of minority school districts.
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1 And when you put it in the context of freezing

2 the boundaries of all of the school districts and not

3 allowing Omaha Public School District to grow, you, in

4 fact, cement the segretory effects of this bill.

5 I've heard the discussion about, Well, the bill

6 was designed to provide a means by which integrated

7 efforts would be encouraged. But I think if you look

8 closely, particularly at Section 16 of the bill, I don't

9 know how you accomplish creating integrated educational

10 environments. In fact, if you look at Section 16 and how

11 it would operate, it would operate, quite frankly, to

12 dismantle the integrated efforts that have been achieved,

13 particularly in the Omaha Public Schools, particularly

14 with regard to the middle school and high school program.

15 The bill provides for the establishment of focus

16 schools but those focus schools have no attendance areas,

17 and as a result, the legislation provides that any person

18 who would want to attend the focus schools are on a first19 come-first-serve basis. So I have problems understanding

20 how you can achieve diversity when you have no choice with

21 regard to who is the first to apply.

22 The only time a school district has choice is

23 once the school reaches capacity, then they are in a

24 position where they can choose to allow students who have
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1 applied to move to those schools on the basis of their

2 social or economic status. But prior to that, there's no

3 -- there's no involvement or real opportunity to provide

4 for integrative efforts.

5 It also places a tremendous burden on the

6 receiving school districts because the receiving school

7 district is required to provide transportation, regardless

8 of whether or not that student's attendance at that school

9 will have any effect on the diversity of that school.

10 So when I look at Section 16 and I don't -- and

11 I know there has been discussion as to whether or not the

12 boundaries of the three districts that would be created

13 out of the Omaha Public Schools would have to be

14 contiguous, whether they are contiguous or not, the result

15 would still be segretory.

16 And I don't think that this community -- and I'm

17 speaking about this community. Quite frankly, you know,

18 what the nation thinks about Omaha is not my concern. I

19 live in Omaha and I'm concerned about the educational

20 opportunities for children in Omaha.

21 And I believe that this bill flies squarely of

22 the face of Brown versus Board of Education in terms of

23 providing, legislatively, for separate and, quite frankly,

24 in terms of operation would ultimately be unequal schools
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1 which gets me to the second point, the concern about

2 local control.

3 And I certainly appreciate the concern that's

4 been expressed about local control. I -- I'm an advocate

5 for parental involvement in the education of young people.

6 I'm an advocate. I mean, I am the benefactor of the

7 district elections that Senator Chambers was responsible

8 for. That's how I was elected to the Omaha Board of

9 Education. So I appreciate that. But this bill does not

10 provide the level of involvement that I think people have

11 been led to believe.

12 First of all, with regard to the issue of

13 finances, which is critical when we're talking about

14 providing quality educational opportunities, under this

15 bill, the decisions about how money is distributed rests

16 at the Learning Community level where, quite frankly,

17 you're going to have a delusion, in my opinion, of the

18 voice of the people who I hear some of the proponents of

19 the bill wanting to represent.

20 At worst case, you end up with two minority

21 districts out of OPS. That means they have two votes out

22 of 13 on how the money is to be distributed. I don't know

23 how that improves the position of the children or the

24 parents in those districts.
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1 When you look at the amount of money available

2 and that vote -- and I think I should point out the fact

3 that there would be two of 13 votes on the Learning

4 Community, but if you divide up Omaha Public Schools into

5 three, you would have three 15,000 student school

6 districts.

7 What you also, as a part of the Learning

8 Community, have are some 500 and 600 student school

9 districts, and those individuals with 500 students would

10 have just as much vote and just as much say as a district

11 with 15,000 students.

12 I don't think that's fair, I don't think that's

13 just, I don't think that results in equity.

14 Also, the bill allows for the individual school

15 districts by a vote of the public to exceed the limits

16 that have been set by the Learning Community in terms of

17 dollars for students. Well, if we're talking about

18 looking at the districts, the three districts that would

19 be created out of the Omaha Public Schools, we're talking

20 about school districts where the tax base is not as high,

21 is not as strong as the tax bases in some of the suburban

22 districts, and then the expectation would be that those

23 individuals, many of whom are low income, would be in a

24 position to self-impose additional taxes in order to
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1 provide the quality of education that their young people

2 deserve.

3 There's no new money under this bill, no new

4 money. So in terms of what would be the resulting school

5 districts, you would have these majority minority school

6 districts who would have the overwhelming percentage of

7 youngsters who would have English as a second language, an

8 overwhelming percentage of youngsters who are on free and

9 reduced lunch and no additional money to provide the kinds

10 of educational resources that those young people need.

11 Finally, with regard to the local control issue,

12 if this bill is allowed to remain in effect and Omaha

13 Public Schools is divided into three separate school

14 districts, when we talk about the voices of the

15 individuals in those districts, those voices won't even be

16 heard until 2012 under the current legislation. And from

17 2008 to 2010, the school boards for those districts would

18 be appointed; the entire school board would be appointed.

19 No -- no representation, no voice of the constituency.

20 From 2010 to 2012 half of the school board would

21 be appointed and the constituents in those districts would

22 have an opportunity to vote. It wouldn't be until 2012

23 that those districts would have boards of educations

24 elected from those districts.
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1 So if -- at the totality of this bill, it

2 becomes at least obvious and clear to me that we don't

3 gain any educational benefit from this legislation.

4 I know there have been discussions about test

5 scores and performance in Omaha Public Schools, and I will

6 be the first to tell you that Omaha Public Schools has a

7 long way to go in terms of closing the gap in educational

8 achievement between minority and majority students, but

9 that's not to say they haven't come some way in addressing

10 that gap, that they haven't taken steps to ensure that we

11 address these educational deficiencies.

12 And I reference the African American Achievement

13 Council and the work that that council has done in terms

14 of being a conscience of the Omaha Board of Education in

15 terms of addressing these educational achievement issues.

16 I challenge someone to point to any specific

17 provision in this bill that they can say definitively,

18 definitively, will result in increasing test scores or

19 increasing academic achievement for African American or

20 any children in this school district, for that matter.

21 What we should be focusing our attention on is

22 what will it take to provide the kind of educational

23 programs that will ensure that all of our children receive

24 a quality education.
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1 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Thank you.

2 Our next speaker is Marian Fey. Ms. Fey is the

3 mother of four children in the Omaha Public School system,

4 and she has served on a number of posts within the school

5 system, including president for the Alliance for Omaha's

6 Future, is serving as a member of the board of the Omaha

7 School Foundation, PTA president of the Harrison

8 Elementary School, and on the Omaha Council PTA.

9 Ms. Fey has a degree in elementary education and

10 has also served as a substitute teacher in the Millard and

11 Ralston school districts. Thank you, and we look forward

12 to hearing from you.

13 MS. FEY: Thank you.

14 And I just -- in answer to a question that was

15 raised by Senator Chambers and Mr. Brooks, I am actually a

16 white parent who does not think it is okay for children to

17 go to all -- white children to go to all-white schools and

18 that's what I want to talk to you a little bit about

19 today.

20 As you said, I'm a professional educator with a

21 degree in elementary education. I thank you for coming

22 today and for inviting me to speak and looking into what I

23 feel is a violation of civil rights, as I understand them,
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1 and a dangerous situation that presents a serious

2 injustice to the children of Omaha.

3 First of all, I want to tell you about Omaha,

4 who we are, and where we live. I have visual aids that

5 you will get when we're all done. It's the elementary

6 teacher thing.

7 In Douglas and Sarpy County, there's 11 school

8 districts.

9 COMMISSIONER YAKI: If we get unruly, just send

10 us to nap time.

11 MS. FEY: Absolutely.

12 So here's the 11 school districts. That's 11 in

13 the greater Omaha Metro.

14 And until approximately 40 years ago, as Omaha

15 grew, so did the Omaha Public Schools. City annexations

16 were made and OPS, with very little fuss, absorbed the

17 previously independent school districts.

18 I won't go into the history of court-ordered

19 desegregation in the Metro, which, by the way, applied

20 only to OPS, or the political climate at the time, or

21 white flight, but you do need to know when the City of

22 Omaha annexed Millard in 1971 the Millard Public Schools

23 were not taken in by OPS.
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1 And there's a chart here that just shows,

2 again you will get a copy, but the difference in the

3 population of minorities in 1974 was approximately 11,000

4 and in 2004 about 25,000 minority students versus the

5 Caucasian population in 1974 was at about 45,000 students

6 versus 2004 where it had dropped to about 20,000 students.

7 And that's consistent with what happened around the

8 country when there was court-ordered busing,

9 desegregation.

10 I'm certain that the current school board has

11 questioned that decision, or the indecision of the

12 previous school board, many times.

13 I also have a census map. This map expresses

14 the racial breakdown of the Douglas County school

15 districts, and the vast majority of minority students live

16 in the Omaha school district, which is right here.

17 If the map could be broken down further, you

18 would see that, in general, the Omaha Public Schools is

19 primarily white here, African American here, Hispanic down

20 here. This is OPS, this section.

21 Because of the large numbers of minority

22 families and where they live, as has been stated before, I

23 don't envision a situation where OPS could be divided into
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1 three districts in a way that doesn't create a racially

2 identifiable district.

3 So now let me tell you a little bit about my

4 family, why I'm here.

5 We live about right here. There's my house.

6 We chose our neighborhood and our children's

7 schools for their diversity. We were aware of the

8 academic excellence of all of the Omaha school districts,

9 but viewing academics as something more than test scores,

10 my husband and I chose the district that would best

11 prepare our children for life outside of school.

12 What I found is that not all of Omaha agrees

13 with that philosophy. We've had to speak up to defend our

14 schools and the children who attend them.

15 My children perform just fine in school, and,

16 honestly, they'd probably do okay wherever we'd send them.

17 They have two college-educated parents at home, a

18 comfortable house, and all their basic needs are met.

19 They are ready to learn when they enter the school

20 building.

21 The same can't be said for every OPS student.

22 In fact, many OPS students face challenges that I can

23 hardly comprehend.
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1 One out of every eight OPS students is an

2 English language learner, and over 60 percent of OPS

3 elementary students live in poverty.

4 As OPS parents, neighbors, community members and

5 citizens of Omaha, we stand up for the rights of those

6 children and work to ensure that the Omaha Public Schools

7 are treated fairly in the Legislature, within the state's

8 school finance formula, and by other local districts.

9 I have testified myself before the Legislature's

10 education committee on two occasions, and my son, who is a

11 sophomore at Omaha Central High School, has even testified

12 against 1024, when it was still in committee, articulating

13 something that was clear even to a teenager, that many

14 people in Omaha want the perks of Omaha -- the city, the

15 zoo, Memorial Park, Rosenblatt Stadium, Qwest Center

16 across the street -- and then they want to turn their

17 backs on the problems of the people who live and work in

18 these areas.

19 OPS has had a place -- has had in place an

20 integration plan that works. It is natural that parents

21 of elementary school-aged children, particularly those in

22 primary grades, prefer to attend their neighborhood

23 schools. And that was something that Senator Chambers

24 brought up, that OPS is segregated.
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1 Well, in voting to approve the 1999 bond

2 issue, parents confirmed their support of the idea that

3 mandatory -- and mandatory busing based on race was ended.

4 Before choosing to restructure the student assignment

5 plan, OPS interviewed, polled, and met with parents across

6 the district and a return to neighborhood schools was the

7 overwhelming response. Knowing that the balance of racial

8 and socioeconomic integration could be upset, parents

9 chose community, convenient access and/or local control

10 over court-mandated integration.

11 In response, OPS created a magnet program that

12 continues to grow and attract students across racial

13 lines. Consistently, elementary schools are more diverse

14 than the neighborhoods in which they stand.

15 And so to my pie chart. Just to show you, this

16 is Catlin Performing Arts Magnet. Without magnet

17 students, because of 21 percent of the students receive

18 free or reduced lunch, 17 percent of them are minority.

19 With the magnet students, 41 percent are free or reduced

20 lunch, 43 percent are minority. This is a west Omaha

21 magnet school.

22 I think it's probably one of the most successful

23 of the magnet schools, but I think, again, as Senator

24 Bourne stated and as I just said, of all of the magnet
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1 schools and, in fact, I think most of the elementary

2 schools are more racially diverse in the neighborhoods in

3 which they are located.

4 There is no way that in one morning of listening

5 to testimony you can fully understand the ideas and the

6 culture of a city, but I'm trying to give you a glimpse of

7 the history and the attitudes that define Omaha.

8 Segregationist ideologies, no matter how subtle or overt,

9 no matter how – no matter if they come from whites or

10 blacks, if they are demonstrated through hate crimes or

11 perpetuated through legal channels, are wrong, wrong for

12 this country and its global economy, wrong for the city

13 and its sustained growth and development, and wrong for

14 children and their futures.

15 I want to close with a lesson I learned from my

16 15 year old and that is that last -- he's growing up in

17 the Omaha Public Schools in racially diverse schools.

18 We were at a Central High basketball last year,

19 and our whole family, and I was sitting off a little ways

20 from some African American boy students at Central who

21 were wearing the baggy pants, sunglasses inside, the

22 logos, the gear. And I made a comment, just sort of under

23 my breath, that just hated that. I just hate the baggy

24 pants and I hate the –
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1 And my son, who has blonde hair and blue eyes,

2 and who was at the time wearing a pink polo shirt, looked

3 at me and said, Mom, it's their culture. Their mom is

4 probably over there going, I hate that kid in the pink

5 polo shirt.

6 FEMALE AUDIENCE PARTICIPANT: You do not

7 represent Omaha. I am sorry, I cannot take any more of

8 this –

9 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Please. Please, show some

10 respect.

11 FEMALE AUDIENCE PARTICIPANT: (Inaudible) -- by

12 a parent in OPS. That is not my experience.

13 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Will you please step

14 outside. Please, show some respect. I apologize.

15 FEMALE AUDIENCE PARTICIPANT: Shame on you.

16 MS. FEY: So my son turns to me and said, Mom,

17 their mom is probably over there saying, I hate the pink

18 polo shirt. He said, Mom, it's all good.

19 And for him to have had grown up in that and

20 witnessed that and thought -- he doesn't see that.

21 He -- my children have succeeded academically in

22 OPS, and I'm grateful that their education includes seeing

23 people for who they really are, not the clothes they wear

24 or the color of their skin.
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1 As I said before, my children will do fine in

2 school, but it's the lessons of life that I'm afraid will

3 suffer if OPS is divided into three racially identifiable

4 school districts.

5 Thank you.

6 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Thank you. Our next

7 speaker is Carol Krejci --

8 MS. KREJCI: Krejci.

9 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: -- Krejci who has been --

10 been a professional educator for 35 years, the last 20

11 years teaching American history and government at Omaha

12 Central High School. In August of this year, she became

13 president of the Omaha Education Association which

14 represents nearly 3,000 professionals in the Omaha Public

15 School system.

16 She has served in various positions on the Board

17 of Directors of the Omaha Education Association for 15

18 years and recently completed six years on the Board of

19 Directors for the Nebraska State Education Association.

20 Thank for you coming, look forward to hearing

21 from you.

22 MS. KREJCI: Thank you.

23 I am Carol Krejci, president of the Omaha

24 Education Association. I appreciate the opportunity to
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1 appear today on behalf of the nearly 3,000 professional

2 educators in the OEA.

3 As I begin, I am reminded of the first motto of

4 the United States and adopted as part of our Great Seal in

5 1775. This Latin phrase E pluribus unum translated means,

6 "From many, one" or "Out of many, one." It refers to the

7 integration of the 13 independent colonies into one united

8 country. But since 1776, it has taken on an additional

9 meaning, given the pluralistic nature of modern American

10 society.

11 Today, more than ever, American society is a

12 diverse society made up of distinct racial, ethnic, and

13 religious groups. If America is to survive well into the

14 twenty-first century, it must accommodate this diversity

15 through assimilation and the teaching of shared values.

16 For more than 200 years of our history, that assimilation

17 has occurred in America's public schools, and so E

18 pluribus unum could very well be the motto of the American

19 public school system.

20 It is here, in our public schools, that our

21 students, regardless of their national origin or their

22 mother tongue, become true Americans with shared values

23 and a shared sense of national purpose. Public education
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1 is the glue that binds American society together and

2 preserves our nation 17 as a functioning democracy.

3 We know of no research that suggests that the

4 best way to assimilate our children into American society

5 is to isolate them in racial or ethnic enclaves. On the

6 contrary, as history shows, if we are to educate our

7 children to live in a diverse society, multicultural

8 society, this is best accomplished through integrated

9 classrooms where students learn to respect each other, to

10 appreciate the strength of diversity, and to share the

11 common values that bind our nation together.

12 LB 1024 seems to be a direct conflict with our

13 public school mission, and while the ultimate consequences

14 of LB 1024 are yet to be determined, the statutory

15 framework leaves many questions unanswered, both for the

16 students and teachers of the Omaha Public Schools.

17 Researchers and reviewers have investigated the

18 ways that knowledge, attitudes, and behavior are affected

19 by a host of issues, including school desegregation, other

20 forms of increased intergroup contact, multicultural

21 education, self-esteem building activities and many

22 others.

23 For example, the use of cooperative learning as

24 a means to improving intercultural relationships is
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1 supported by more well-designed research than any other

2 single schooling practice. This teaching strategy

3 involves organizing learners into culturally heterogeneous

4 groups -- teams giving them tasks requiring group

5 cooperation and interdependence, and structuring the

6 activity so that the teams can experience success.

7 This technique has been shown to be an extremely

8 powerful means of enhancing intergroup relations. The

9 research also shows that heterogeneously grouped learners

10 experience other positive outcomes, such as increased

11 self-esteem; improved attitudes towards school, specific

12 classes, subject areas, and teachers; and a greater

13 ability to appreciate the strengths that diverse people

14 bring to a learning table. In other words, if our goal is

15 to prepare students to live and work in a diverse society,

16 then it is critical that our schools mirror that society.

17 We agree that it is important for students to

18 have teachers and administrators of one's cultural group

19 in one's school, but we also believe that it is important

20 to expose children to a diverse teaching staff in each

21 school.

22 Unfortunately, while our school-aged population

23 is becoming increasingly multicultural, the teaching

24 profession is becoming increasing monocultural. The
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1 recruitment and retention of significant numbers of

2 ethnic minority teachers is a problem that is not unique

3 to Omaha. In 1985, approximately 88 percent of the U.S.

4 teaching force was white. Today that number is probably

5 closer to percent. Clearly, if this trend is to be

6 reversed, it will require a very concerted effort of

7 public school administrators and teacher training

8 institutions.

9 One of the major concerns we have with LB 1024

10 is that it does very little to address the antiquated

11 state system for financing public education. The breakup

12 of the Omaha Public Schools and the addition of the

13 Learning Community governing council will only add to the

14 bureaucratic overhead costs, thus making the inadequacy of

15 current funding levels even more critical. We cannot

16 adequately staff or equip high poverty schools until we

17 adequately fund them. Simple common sense should tell us

18 that to tackle the greater challenges they face schools

19 serving large disadvantaged populations should receive

20 additional resources on top of an adequate and equitable

21 base funding.

22 LB 1024 is a 172-page document that generates

23 far more questions than it does answers. These questions

24 come in two broad categories: Questions being asked by
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1 students and parents, and questions that the teachers

2 and staff are asking.

3 Let me start with the unanswered questions of

4 parents and students:

5 Will each of the three new districts have the

6 same curriculum?

7 Will they provide equal opportunity? If

8 students wish to integrate themselves, will opportunities

9 be afforded to move across new district boundary lines and

10 attend schools in other parts of the former district?

11 Will students have equal access to centers of

12 academic excellence, for example attendance centers that

13 concentrate on math and science instruction?

14 If students live with extended families, will

15 arbitrary boundary lines divide families members from

16 family members?

17 If a parent wants his child to attend an

18 integrated school, how does he find such a school?

19 And what if a current -- a student is currently

20 attending school that is not in his home district; will he

21 have to apply to continue there?

22 It is clear that LB 1024 has created morale

23 problems for both parents and students. This is evidenced

24 by the fact that both African American and Hispanic
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1 parents have filed separate lawsuits challenging the

2 constitutionality of LB 1024. Evidently these parents,

3 who know the special needs of their children, are not

4 convinced that dividing 25 OPS along racial lines into

5 three separate districts will be in the best interests of

6 their children.

7 The list of teacher questions and concerns is

8 even longer:

9 How will the current Omaha Public School faculty

10 be reallocated to three new independent school districts?

11 Will the allocation be along racial lines?

12 Currently all faculty are part of a single bargaining unit

13 with commonly determined salaries, fringe benefits, leave

14 policies, professional growth policies, et cetera. What

15 guarantees are there that the faculty will be treated

16 equitably by the three new districts, each with separately

17 elected school boards?

18 How will funding affect the negotiations within

19 districts, both separately and collectively?

20 How will this affect teacher compensation?

21 How will it affect the number of educator jobs?

22 Will the Learning Community become one contract

23 for all?
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1 Currently OPS employees are all included in a

2 single retirement system with pooled funds and common

3 benefits. How will future benefits be handled and how

4 will retirement funds be allocated to the three new

5 districts to guarantee equity?

6 How do the Nebraska school reorganization

7 statutes apply to the breakup of OPS?

8 And will this division ultimately require other

9 districts to restructure?

10 One last concern is the makeup of the governing

11 body for the new Learning Community that is created in LB

12 1024.

13 Each of the 11 school districts that are to be

14 part of the new Learning Community are to have equal

15 representation on this board, yet the 11 districts are not

16 remotely equal in size. Bennington, with 800 students,

17 will have the same vote as Omaha, with 45,000 students.

18 This is not proportional representation and clearly

19 violates the principle of "one man, one vote" as

20 established by the Supreme Court nearly 50 years ago.

21 Making this situation even more nefarious is that

22 it is the ethnic minorities and economically disadvantaged

23 that are being the most underrepresented in this system.
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1 I want you to know that the Omaha Education

2 Association, the Nebraska State Education Association, and

3 the National Education Association have a long history of

4 opposing segregation and protecting the rights of

5 teachers. No matter what direction this new law takes, we

6 will be there on the front line of this important

7 political, educational, and social justice issue. But

8 more importantly, we will be where we've always been, in

9 the classroom, looking into the bright eyes, teaching the

10 eager minds, compassionately caring for the frightened and

11 neglected, and celebrating the milestones of our students'

12 success.

13 We, the professional educators of the Omaha

14 Public Schools, believe that strong public schools are the

15 foundation of our democratic society and that every child

16 deserves a great public school.

17 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Thank you very much.

18 Our next speaker is Professor Potuto. Professor

19 Potuto is currently the Richard H. Larson Professor of

20 Constitutional Law at the College Of Law, University of

21 Nebraska at Lincoln. She received her journalism degree

22 from Rutgers and her J.D. from -- from Rutgers as well.

23 PROFESSOR POTUTO: Yes.

24 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Welcome.
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1 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Wait, wait. Commissioner

2 Taylor --

3 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Yes, sir.

4 COMMISSIONER YAKI: -- you left out the most

5 important of her biography, the NCAA infractions official

6 is what she's also.

7 PROFESSOR POTUTO: That's right, with all of

8 this private information.

9 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: That's right.

10 PROFESSOR POTUTO: I don't want to – my comments

11 are probably -- probably sound somewhat disjointed because

12 I've been editing and editing as the day has gone on, and

13 I've heard some of the things I might have said and

14 probably said more eloquently than I would have said them.

15 I also rely on and will not repeat my written submission.

16 I think, listening to everyone today and

17 thinking about this issue over the last many months now in

18 -- I guess in focused detail, and certainly thinking about

19 education for my whole adult career, everybody here wants

20 to enhance the educational opportunity and performance of

21 students and, in this case in particular, the students in

22 the Omaha schools, and I think everyone here wants to do

23 it in a way that's constitutional.
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1 But we differ some on the policy issues. What

2 is the best way to do it or maybe it would be more

3 accurate to say the best way to get a good jump-start to

4 do it.

5 My own bias is that diversity is of critical

6 importance in education, both K through 12 and in college

7 and in post college, because if for nothing else the world

8 we live in and also because I think it enhances the

9 educational experience in the schools to see and hear and

10 interact with people who don't look and sound and think

11 maybe the same way we do.

12 But I think of more importance is to be sure

13 that kids K through 8, K through 12 can read and write and

14 do those basic tasks at least that we expect of all people

15 coming out of the schools and who are going to be

16 functioning performers in our society and citizens.

17 And I think part of what I heard today is really

18 a disagreement as to how fast you can do the latter and

19 also do the former at the same time and whether getting

20 them up to speed and keeping them in school and performing

21 well on what we would have called the three Rs should be

22 the primary goal right now.
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1 Now, the constitutional -- and that's what I'm

2 here about, but, you know, the constitutional principles

3 are not all that difficult.

4 The equal protection clause, as I know you all

5 Commissioners know and I'm sure everybody on the panel

6 does and probably everybody in the audience knows, the

7 equal protection clause requires a purpose to

8 discriminate, an effect to discriminate, and a state

9 actor. And that with regard to the old notion of separate

10 but equal, the context out of which that -- well, the

11 context from which that -- that notion came was one in

12 which the reason for the separate was not to try to

13 enhance educational goals or performance of

14 underperforming kids or minorities but it came out of

15 white supremist notions that the white majority should not

16 be interacting with minorities.

17 Now, that goal is abhorrent, but it is not the

18 one that's reflected -- and I think everybody would agree

19 it's not the one reflected in the Nebraska statute,

20 whether that statute is constitutional or not.

21 It makes it a little difficult -- and I think

22 that's why at least from my perspective some of what I

23 heard came from so many different directions. It's pretty

24 hard to take a paradigm that says separate but equal is
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1 abhorrent because of why we have separateness and try to

2 place it in a context in which those advocating the

3 separateness, assuming that the result of the -- of the

4 statute in operation would be three very racially distinct

5 districts, to try to put it in a context in which the

6 reason for doing it is so different.

7 The clear -- I mean, there are some things in

8 the constitutional tests that are pretty clear here, and

9 one is clearly you've got state actors, whether it's the

10 unicameral or it's OPD or it's the whatever they are

11 calling them -- I read the statute but I guess I can't

12 remember right now – the coordinating commissions, the

13 state commission or anybody who's assigned under the

14 statute to have authority with regard to what happens

15 here, are all going to be state actors.

16 The difference that I heard this morning between

17 Senators Bourne and Chambers is with regard to whether LB

18 1024 simply acknowledges what already is the status quo or

19 is going to freeze and make worse the racial disparity in

20 the schools. I'm not sure it makes all that much

21 difference constitutionally, at least under the tests

22 we're under right now.

23 If Senator Bourne is correct, then I think he is

24 also correct that the statute would be unconstitutional.
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1 If Senator Chambers is correct in describing the way the

2 system will, in fact, operate, I still think there's a

3 very good chance under the way that current -- the court

4 has dealt with racial districting or segregation, at least

5 in the schools, I still think there's a very good chance

6 it will be unconstitutional.

7 That is independent of the policy question as to

8 whether what might work best right now, at least in a

9 jump-start situation.

10 The additional component to this, and Ms. Krejci

11 in some ways reflected it when she was describing all of

12 the questions that will exist, is even if the courts were

13 to find the plan in theory constitutional, you still have

14 the second component which is going to be whether that

15 which is separate but equal in theory will turn out to be

16 separate but equal in fact; and that's an entirely

17 different and probably a continuing issue that will come

18 up under this plan.

19 And I, frankly, don't see how it wouldn't come

20 up. I've heard the discussion earlier today about how the

21 -- how the distribution of resources would be made, and if

22 there is a differential – if there are differential

23 resources in the districts, that will show in differences

24 in terms of what the schools and the districts are able to
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1 do. I think what may come out of this is continuing

2 litigation, which I guess given that I teach in the law

3 school will keep our people very happy, but I doubt it's

4 going to keep anybody else very happy.

5 I'm going to end here. I have a lot more that I

6 might have said but I think people here have said it all

7 day and I don't want to take any more time of the

8 Commission or anybody else who's here.

9 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Thank you very much. We

10 will now hear from Dr. Everett Reynolds who is immediate

11 past president of the Omaha NAACP and is also the pastor

12 of the United Methodist Church here in Omaha.

13 Welcome, Dr. Reynolds, and we look forward to

14 hearing from you.

15 REV. REYNOLDS: Thank you, Mr. Taylor. Yes, let

16 me affirm that I am a United Methodist pastor with over 55

17 years serving the church and people. And I'll read, under

18 the Matthew 25:40, Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of

19 the least of these my brethren, you have done it unto me.

20 I should say that I've been looking for a lady,

21 but I don't see any ladies on the Commission and so my

22 heart is a little bit low, but that's alright I know

23 you've got some up there, but they didn't show up and so -

24 -
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1 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: They had family

2 obligations. They are active on the Commission, very

3 active.

4 REV. REYNOLDS: I know. I know. I share

5 mothers support but I like to see the ladies.

6 All right. The second piece is that when you

7 talk about the Omaha School District, I want to just be

8 sure before I make my formal statement, in District 2 we

9 are raising question as to how long will it be minority

10 because of population shifts. If there's a forgone

11 conclusion that we have a black neighborhood, there is

12 very few, if any, blocks in Omaha, Nebraska, that are all

13 black.

14 Now, to my statement which you have and let me

15 go through it, if I might, please.

16 I want to thank those who are part of the team,

17 Ms. Butler, Ms. MacDougall, and Mr. Marcus, for their part

18 in bringing us on board and the information that they

19 shared and we'll try to go with that.

20 Education is the number one issue in the world

21 today. It must necessarily, then, be the number one issue

22 in Nebraska and yes, in Omaha.

23 We all know that at one time in America it was

24 against the law for slaves, black people, to learn or to
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1 be taught to read and write. The struggle for equality

2 and justice began when the first slaves were brought to

3 America in 1619 and continues even as we speak.

4 Booker T. Washington, the first Negro to receive

5 an honorary degree from Harvard University, is quoted as

6 having said, ”The condition of Negroes is deplorable but

7 needing change from within. The change should be gradual

8 and its wakes should not disturb the rest of American

9 society.”

10 For a moment, let's set aside former U.S.

11 Ambassador Andrew Young and former U.S. Secretary of State

12 Colin Powell and our current Secretary of State

13 Condoleezza Rice. Let's look at what Booker T. Washington

14 calls gradualism.

15 It took 58 years, 1869 (sic) to 1954, from

16 Plessy versus Ferguson to Brown versus Board of Education,

17 and now it's 52 years, '55 to '06, from Brown versus Board

18 of Education to LB 1024. Over 100 years and still we're

19 talking about yesterday's issues.

20 One moment of change in American education came

21 when Homer Plessy stood up for what he believed and the

22 court ruled in 1896, Plessy versus Ferguson, that

23 segregation could be practiced if the facilities were
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1 separate but equal. Really, everybody knew even then

2 what that really meant: Separate and unequal.

3 It was not until 1955 that Brown versus Board of

4 Education declared that separate but equal was inherently

5 unequal and violated the Constitution of the United States

6 of America. That was in 1955.

7 Let me ask: Which one of us would go out today

8 and buy an 1896 automobile? You would say, You've got to

9 be joking. Well, what about buying a 1955 automobile?

10 And, again, you would say that we must be joking.

11 The 2006 automobile comes from the factory

12 equipped with air conditioning, heat, cassette and DVD

13 player, OnStar tracking, an alarm system, new suspension,

14 on any make. And make -- and ours – and as standard

15 equipment on most. We buy these modern automobiles and

16 expect such features, look for such features, and demand

17 such features when they come from the factory.

18 Ladies and gentlemen -- everything has changed.

19 The way we fight wars has changed, health and medical

20 technology has changed, and lastly, computers have changed

21 the world.

22 I come before you today to let you know, and to

23 declare, that quality education, quality integrated
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1 education must be the order of the day in 2006 and

2 forward into the future.

3 Quality integrated education and nothing less.

4 Integrated education was good back then, for it

5 was the stepping stone to quality education. Plessy

6 versus Ferguson was good in its day; it was a stepping

7 stone to Brown versus Board of Education.

8 When I talk to legal minds here in Omaha,

9 Nebraska, 14 they tell me that Brown versus Board of

10 Education was about ending -- was about integration and

11 not, and I repeat, and not quality education.

12 When I sat in the classroom as a fourth grader

13 in a Nebraska public school, I would hear my teacher tell

14 jokes, the "N" word jokes. I finished high school in the

15 Nebraska school system and never finished reading an

16 English book. Yes, I graduated.

17 As president of the Omaha branch NAACP, I was

18 called to many schools. Let me share a few experiences.

19 I remember when I was called to assist a 1

20 black family where the son had been suspended from school

21 for kicking a student. The young man was wearing white

22 tennis shoes and socks, white pants and shirt. The young

23 man who was kicked was white Caucasian, kicked in the

24 face. There was blood on the floor and on the steps and
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1 the hallway, but no blood anywhere on the young black

2 student. With white shoes, socks and pants, he had no

3 blood on him at all, and yet, he was suspended for kicking

4 the white student in the face.

5 Or take the case of the teacher who grabbed a

6 young black girl by the arm so hard that her nails broke

7 the skin, and when the young black girl pushed the teacher

8 away, because she was hurting her, the girl was suspended.

9 You might ask, What was the girl doing? It was

10 reported that she and two of her friends were making too

11 much noise going down the hall.

12 Also, consider the case of the teacher who held

13 a picture of an ape next to a little black girl's face and

14 told her that she looked just like the picture. And

15 finally, there's a school that sold slaves as a money16 making project.

17 No, OEA support in any case, at any time for any

18 student, they cannot help OEA supports teachers and not

19 students in my ten years as NAACP president.

20 No integrated education is not the end of the

21 journey in education. Integration is not the end of the

22 journey. It's another jumping-off point on the journey to

23 a quality education, integrated quality education.
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1 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Thank you, Dr. Reynolds,

2 and we're going to have some time to hear more from you in

3 a moment.

4 Would you answer one question: Do you support

5 1024 in its current form?

6 REV. REYNOLDS: Absolutely, as amended and

7 signed by the governor.

8 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: All right. Thank you.

9 Next we have Mr. Salazar who is the publisher of

10 the Mundo newspaper. And thank you for joining us, sir,

11 and I would ask that you at some point submit written

12 statements so we can have that in the record, whenever you

13 get a chance following this hearing, but I'm glad you're

14 able to join us and we want to hear from you.

15 MR. SALAZAR: Thank you. For the record, the

16 name of the paper is the Nuestro Mundo newspaper.

17 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: All right.

18 MR. SALAZAR: It's Omaha's oldest bilingual,

19 Spanish/English, newspaper. We're finishing up 17 years

20 next year.

21 And by the way, I might add that I, first of

22 all, would like to thank Marguerita Washington from the

23 Omaha Star I think without whose help Nuestro Mundo
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1 probably wouldn't be here today. And thank you for the

2 brother at the end of the table for giving me his support.

3 I know that my invitation was late coming and I

4 didn't anticipate being here today, but given the quick

5 work and quick thinking and help of Mr. Yaki, I'm here to

6 speak on behalf of and given the privilege of speaking on

7 behalf of Omaha's Latino community.

8 I might add, first of all, upfront, that I do

9 support Ernie Chambers and the efforts that he's

10 undertaken to give us in urban Omaha more local support --

11 local control, rather, over the schools where so many of

12 our children go to school, struggle, and try to achieve

13 higher education. So he has my support 100 percent. And

14 I say that upfront because I know the person who would

15 have been here ordinarily, who as I understand it had been

16 invited, to speak on behalf of the Hispanic community

17 could not attend or did not -- did not attend because her

18 agency is involved in one of the lawsuits.

19 Which brings up the point that I wanted to make

20 upfront, demographically, the growth of the Hispanic

21 community in Omaha has been unprecedented. At this point,

22 as I speak here today, the numbers of Hispanics in Omaha

23 proper range anywhere from between 80- to 100,000 people.
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1 There are approximately 10,000 Latino kids in the Omaha

2 Public School system.

3 The thing that makes it so difficult to speak on

4 behalf of the Latino community here, and I'm sure

5 elsewhere in these United States, is that we're really

6 speaking of a bifurcated community, a divided community,

7 not just on this particular issue but, rather, from our

8 backgrounds.

9 I am a Mexican American, a Chicano; I am second

10 generation. My grandparents all migrated from Mexico to

11 here in the last century.

12 I am not an elected official. However,

13 everything that I stand for, everything that I write in my

14 publication, things that I advocate for the Hispanic

15 community have to have a sense of credibility, have to

16 have some sense of validity, otherwise neither my Mexican

17 American community nor the Hispanic immigrant community

18 would allow me the privilege of remaining, living, working

19 and earning a living off of them, which is what I do. I

20 am given the privilege of making a living off of the blood

21 and sweat, hard work of the Latino community. So for

22 that, I am truly privileged to be here today.

23 I am not originally from Omaha. I am a native

24 son of Scottsbluff, Nebraska, which is in extreme west
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1 Nebraska and a part of the original migrant trail. I've

2 been in Omaha for about 18 years now and I'm glad to say

3 that I feel as if I'm an accepted and adopted son of the

4 great City of Omaha.

5 If you take a quick scan across the room here

6 today, you'll see that there are very few Hispanics

7 present, and the main reason that I'm here today is

8 because of that very reason, is that I'm cognizant of the

9 fact that so many of our people are in a situation where

10 they are working, oftentimes two jobs, sometimes three

11 jobs, they have children in school, they are busy

12 attending to life's needs instead of being able to come

13 here today.

14 Many of them are unfamiliar with the system,

15 with the process, the very issues that we're laying on the

16 table this afternoon.

17 If you were to ask almost any Latino immigrant

18 in south Omaha what are the complexity of issues that are

19 embedded in this particular legislation, what does busing

20 mean to you, what does immigration mean to you, what does

21 assimilation mean to you, I'm speculating but I would

22 guess that the majority would know very little of the

23 social and legal consequences that flow from these issues.
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1 This is one of the complexities of having to

2 deal with these two types of separate yet distinctly

3 unified communities that I represent here today.

4 Racially, ethnically, we are, to a large extent,

5 monolithic, but to a lesser degree, we don't concern

6 ourselves very often, thankfully, with the issue of color

7 in our society because Latinos come in all colors.

8 In my own family when I go to visit my mother on

9 weekends and have dinner with her on Sunday, our kitchen

10 looks like a small mini United Nations, literally. We

11 have African Americans in my family, we have Japanese

12 Americans in my family, white Americans, and, obviously,

13 Native Americans and Latinos, us being primarily mestizos.

14 In fact, when a white person has married into our family,

15 99 percent of the time their children do not become more

16 white people, they become Latinos.

17 There are some things that unify us, however,

18 and I've heard earlier someone making a comment about

19 shared values. In the Latino community, we have shared

20 values. And since I have been on this earth for a little

21 over 60 years, sometimes the shared values that we Latinos

22 have seem to be in conflict with the shared values that

23 so-called Americans have, white Americans.
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1 So I'm coming from an angle of these

2 complexities, these layers, these bits of assimilation,

3 the myth of integration in our community.

4 Latinos can be a very cynical, sarcastic people.

5 You may not see that; it's not very obvious and, more

6 often than not, it's not very visible, mainly because

7 we're speaking in our own tongue, oftentimes in private,

8 oftentimes in our homes, expressing ourselves more openly

9 than we would normally out in public.

10 m unique, to some degree, in that regard. I'm

11 more willing to lay out my feelings on the table. A lot

12 of Latinos aren't. Again, a flection of who is and who

13 isn't here today.

14 I believe in local control because of my own

15 personal experiences, and I heard this morning Senator

16 Chambers, Mr. Rodgers, and others speak about their own

17 experiences in the educational system here in Omaha.

18 We Latinos have also suffered from

19 discrimination in our own respective school systems. The

20 same remains true today. I deal with immigrants and their

21 children on a day-to-day basis. They express to me their

22 feelings, their experiences, the hurt, the pain that they

23 go through in trying to make the adaptation from where --
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1 from whence they come to this society, to the school, to

2 the work environment.

3 I'm proud to come from a racially identifiable

4 community. What Senator Chambers said this morning is

5 true. There is no re-segregation of the school districts

6 here in Omaha. It's the acceptance of reality.

7 Someone also mentioned, I think it was the

8 professor, made reference to the advocacy of separateness

9 and I'm note so sure that that's accurate. I don't think

10 anyone here who in support of this legislation advocates

11 separateness. I think what it is, rather, is that there

12 is a growing realization that forced integration ain't

13 always the best thing.

14 Those of us who feel that way obviously have

15 come from a legacy of experiences where we are somewhat

16 still embittered by those experiences. That's the

17 reality. And, oftentimes, in order to ensure that our

18 children are more secure, more sure of themselves as they

19 move forward, we don't want them to suffer through the

20 same kind of pain and suffering that we went through. And

21 forced integration oftentimes is not the best way to go.

22 And just briefly, let me finish up, by saying

23 this. There's a question here of constitutionality. I

24 recognize that. But the Constitution, as we all know, is
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1 a live and living document. It ebbs and flows. It's

2 something that was constitutional 50 years ago, may not

3 necessarily be constitutional today, and, in fact, may not

4 be the best way to approach an issue today.

5 So I hope that you all keep this in mind. The

6 Constitution is not set in stone. As society evolves and

7 changes, then I think that that's the best way to approach

8 the Constitution.

9 Thank you for your time.

10 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: First, I would like to

11 thank all of you all. It's been very informative.

12 And at this point I would like to offer the

13 Commissioners an opportunity to make a statement

14 concerning anything they have heard this afternoon and to

15 ask questions.

16 I'll begin with Commissioner Yaki.

17 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Nothing right now.

18 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Nothing right now?

19 Commissioner Melendez.

20 COMMISSIONER MELENDEZ: Yes, just going back to

21 integration in general.

22 Before LB 1024, was the voluntary integration

23 program working? From anybody.
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1 MS. KREJCI: I believe so. Especially at

2 the middle school and high school level. We have -- you

3 know, at OPS, any student in the city can choose any high

4 school in the city, and almost 21 every school is more

5 diverse than the neighborhoods that they exist in. And I

6 teach just up the street at Central High School which is

7 probably the oldest high school in Nebraska, probably the

8 largest and probably the most diverse.

9 COMMISSIONER MELENDEZ: Anybody else?

10 MS. COUNCIL: Yeah, Commissioner Melendez, I

11 concur.

12 At the elementary school level -- and I think

13 you've heard, and I wasn't here this morning, but at the

14 elementary school level, particularly in the primary

15 grades, parents are more inclined to have their children

16 go to the neighborhood school because of the proximity,

17 concerns about safety.

18 But even at the elementary school level, the

19 school district's student assignment plan allows

20 youngsters at the elementary school level to attend magnet

21 elementary schools. You see it working, and I think Ms.

22 Fey had an example of one of the magnet elementary

23 schools, if not for the magnet program there, what the

24 racial composition would be.
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1 And at the middle schools and the senior

2 highs, again, where parents are more inclined to give

3 their children more freedom, their concerns begin to

4 diminish about the distance to school, you see the student

5 assignment plan in OPS working in terms of providing

6 diverse educational environments at the middle school and

7 high school level.

8 REV. REYNOLDS: If I could respond to that,

9 also.

10 If you're using the Brown versus Topeka concept

11 of integration as numbers, then I think that the

12 conversation in response is correct. But if you're

13 talking about quality, integrated education, meaning that

14 they are without racial incidence, that very few weeks

15 went by when I served as the president of the NAACP that I

16 was not in the elementary or high school and middle school

17 because of racial incidents. And certainly the test

18 scores will show that over the past few years that the

19 disparity is still there.

20 So we have a dual concept. If we talk about

21 integrating education based on numbers, why, then we can

22 all agree that we do have black and white, Hispanic

23 students in the schools, but if you're asking the question
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1 about the ability to learn and achieve at an equal

2 level, then I think we have another answer.

3 MR. SALAZAR: Can I offer maybe a little

4 anecdotal information on sort of this broad issue of

5 integration and quality of education.

6 One of the things that -- that I'm particularly

7 encouraged by is that OPS in the last several years has

8 undertaken to establish bilingual programs across the

9 spectrum of primarily schools in the elementary level, and

10 this approach, I think, is doing wonderful things in the

11 Hispanic community because it gives the children a sense

12 of self-worth.

13 They are able to use their native language in

14 schools, where people of my generation were punished,

15 spanked, hit on the hand, demeaned, for using their native

16 language; and that's why so many Mexican Americans of my

17 generation rarely use the Spanish language anymore.

18 Thankfully, things have changed where now people are more

19 -- are more enlightened to see the value of having or

20 being able to speak more than one language.

21 But the additional benefit, and I wouldn't

22 suggest that this is possible not only among Latinos but

23 African Americans as well, is that there are quite a few -

24 - a growing number of white parents who also see the value
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1 in a bilingual education in the Hispanic culture, that

2 the values that Latinos bring into these elementary

3 schools, and so they deliberately bring their children and

4 enroll them down at Marrs and Castelar and other schools

5 in south Omaha, so that their children can benefit. This

6 is voluntarily done.

7 And I think that potentially that when you're

8 talking about emphasizing the benefits that people of

9 color bring to this society, instead of trying to force us

10 into a box and allow us and our families to bring our

11 culture and our -- I'll call it shared values to this

12 society. Many of us will tell you that we revere our

13 values, those from our ancestors and those who came before

14 us, because we think that they are special values that we

15 never want to lose, and we're quite willing to share those

16 with white America if they will allow us.

17 So in other words, don't put us into your square

18 box, expand that box and come with us because we can be of

19 great benefit to you.

20 COMMISSIONER YAKI: But, Mr. Salazar, just

21 following up on that eloquent point, what you -- what you

22 do by supporting 1024, as I understand it, is you start to

23 close that box.

24 MR. SALAZAR: No.
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1 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Because what you're

2 talking about is the establishment of schools bilingual

3 from which -- which I presume would serve the mostly

4 Hispanic population within the third district in south

5 Omaha, but as I've heard from testimony from several

6 people already here today, the bill -- the criteria for

7 transferring into that district and, therefore, to avail

8 themselves of that program is severely constrained by the

9 way 1024 is currently written.

10 MR. SALAZAR: Well, that may be something that I'm

11 not prepared to rebut, but I think a lot of these issues

12 are malleable, and I'm not certain, and correct me if I'm

13 wrong, Ernie, but I think many of these points are still

14 being ironed out. But I'm not the expert on that

15 provision or that part of the statute.

16 COMMISSIONER YAKI: But if there were a

17 provision in 1024 that constrained the transfer of

18 students from west Omaha into south Omaha to avail

19 themselves of those programs, that would concern you?

20 MR. SALAZAR: I think that that would be some

21 concern, obviously, if I'm addressing the point correctly.

22 MS. FEY: If I may, the way the magnet school --

23 the way the magnet program works in OPS right now, you

24 have a magnet school in a certain part of town that can --
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1 that draws from that neighborhood. If you are in the

2 attendance area of the magnet school, you are guaranteed a

3 spot in that school. Additional spots in that school are

4 on a first come, first serve or, if you're over capacity

5 with the first come, first serve, on a lottery basis based

6 on where you live in another zone in the district so that

7 that intent is that if the magnet school is here, the zone

8 it draws from maybe is over here so that you have

9 intentional voluntary --

10 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Right.

11 MS. FEY: -- desegregation. And that 1024, even

12 with its focus schools piece, doesn't provide -- there's

13 no such language in there to provide for that type of

14 incentive.

15 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Dr. Reynolds.

16 REV. REYNOLDS: But I believe that in that same

17 concept one of the issues that was raised initially with

18 the transfer program for magnet schools is that there are

19 cases where if you want to go, you have to get special

20 permission, individual permission to make the transfer, so

21 it's not just a given fact that your application to a

22 school will be automatically granted.

23 MS. COUNCIL: Well, if I can comment on that,

24 under 1024, each school gets to establish their capacity,
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1 and it has not been pointed out and I haven't found who

2 has the opportunity to challenge those capacity

3 determinations, but if a particular school wished to

4 prevent people from outside of that school's attendance

5 area from attending and facilitating integration, they

6 could do so by setting their capacities at so low of a

7 level that they couldn't accept any other students.

8 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: I want to follow up. You

9 made a number of comments, Ms. Council, concerning the

10 mechanical aspects of 1024 relative to funding and school

11 selection within the district.

12 Do you have a philosophical opposition to 1024

13 as a vehicle in addition to the mechanical opposition you

14 have, with the opposition to the mechanics you have raised

15 here, or is it limited to the mechanical operation of

16 1024?

17 MS. COUNCIL: And if I didn't make it clear, I

18 thought I had indicated at the beginning of my comments

19 that I am opposed to it philosophically. I believe that

20 it flies in the face of Brown versus Board of Education.

21 I think its intent is segretory.

22 But, in addition, in terms of addressing some of

23 the concerns of others who are supportive of the

24 legislation for various reasons, it's just trying to
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1 direct your attention to the fact that while there may

2 be appearances that the legislation can address particular

3 issues to their satisfaction, it's not there. And in

4 particular, the funding, you know, the resource.

5 I mean, it's fine to say that you can elect your

6 school board from a smaller area, which the expectation is

7 that there would be more representation from the people

8 within that district, but if the ultimate result is they

9 are limited in the authority that they have by virtue of

10 the fact they don't have control over what money is

11 available to them, then to me, that's shallow in terms of

12 -- and hollow local control.

13 If you tell me that I have control over $10 and

14 I will always have control over $10, I'm still going to be

15 challenged on how I'm going to utilize that $10 to address

16 the needs of the children in the district and -- the needs

17 of the children in the district. And there's enough data

18 that establishes that meeting the needs of special needs

19 students requires greater resources.

20 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Uh-huh.

21 MS. COUNCIL: There's nothing in this

22 legislation that provides or assures that there are

23 greater resources directed to those districts.
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1 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Let me -- let me try to

2 break this out, if I may, for one moment. I have heard

3 and read a good bit of material before this briefing and

4 have found, in my mind at least, that the opposition to

5 1024 falls into three general categories: First, the

6 mechanical; the second is pointing back to Brown v. Board;

7 and the third is more of a global philosophical

8 opposition.

9 So I'm wondering if -- I understand you believe

10 it violates Brown v. Board, but putting aside the narrow

11 constitutional question, do you oppose it philosophically

12 the way I break it out? Most lay people don't go back to

13 Brown v. Board and say they oppose it. So I'm just trying

14 to get a sense of philosophically are you in opposition of

15 it or is it a constitutional concern?

16 MS. COUNCIL: And I think, to answer your

17 question, Commissioner, it would be fair to say that my

18 opposition is philosophical --

19 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Okay.

20 MS. COUNCIL: -- because it also goes -- and

21 this is where the lines get blurred because so many

22 characterize what I'm getting ready to say as mechanical.

23 But, you know, I'm happy to go on record and I've been on
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1 record in supporting the "one city, one school district"

2 concept. And under 1024, 1024 freezes the boundaries –

3 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Uh-huh.

4 MS. COUNCIL: -- of the school districts. So if

5 you have -- take Omaha Public Schools and carve it into

6 three, those districts boundaries are going to be frozen

7 like that.

8 And in terms of its ability in terms of its

9 property base increasing, the likelihood of that occurring

10 is not greater, just looking at history. And one of the

11 reasons that the whole "one city, one school district" was

12 vacated was because of the inequities in property tax.

13 And I don't need to tell the Commissioners the

14 debate that has gone on in education for the last 40 years

15 about relying on property taxes as a source of funding

16 public education. And as long as we fund public education

17 on the basis of property tax, we're going to have these

18 kinds of inequities and these equity issues being

19 presented.

20 And when we -- when we look at -- at least when

21 I look at 1024, I don't see anything in 1024 21 that

22 addresses those financial equity issues. In fact, I see

23 it creating more problems than it sounds in terms of

24 ensuring that the adequate resources are available to meet
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1 the needs of the -- of the children in the greater Omaha

2 area.

3 So I guess if you -- if -- the longer answer to

4 the short question, mechanically, philosophically,

5 constitutionally, I'm opposed to 1024. What I'm in favor

6 of is legislation that is designed to provide the kinds of

7 resources and the kinds of controls on those resources

8 that ensure that our children receive a quality education.

9 That's why I said (inaudible).

10 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Thank you.

11 MR. BROOKS: That really kind of gets us to, you

12 know, almost like full circle, again, from this morning

13 because -- without it.

14 The arguments continue to be were it for 1024 we

15 are just going to be slipping so much further. There

16 doesn't seem to be much disagreement that we are behind,

17 minority children in particular, African American. We

18 seem to agree that there's a lot of disparities in this

19 city. The references to integration this morning, the

20 very vociferous, you know, back and forth about

21 integration providing quality education or not.

22 It seems to me, historically since 1954, the

23 number one focus on integration has always been about the

24 minority people having to kind of go towards the Caucasian
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1 community, Caucasian power, Caucasian education, the

2 whole one Omaha, one school system, that I don't know how

3 familiar you are with that, that created this fire storm a

4 summer ago. The suburbans -- the suburban schools don't

5 want to be a part of the Omaha Public School system. And

6 whether that would have essentially evolved into a big

7 legal battle and court battle like 1024 is now set to be

8 taken into court, we don't know.

9 But, ultimately, it still seems that we're

10 dealing with the minority, the lesser economic population

11 and demographics having to somehow get, sign off, and the

12 Caucasian population, the upper income population to say

13 we want to deal with you, we want to help alter the

14 reality for your children. And as long as we're faced

15 with that, we're going to have this.

16 As far as your question about whether it's

17 mechanical, philosophical or constitutional, well,

18 certainly the courts are going to -- will be the decisive

19 factor as to whether or not this bill is constitutional.

20 As I have said consistently, I have not known Senator

21 Chambers yet to introduce something that is

22 unconstitutional. He is a fighter for the U.S.

23 Constitution.
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1 On the other hand, he's a realist, and when I

2 hear the head of the teachers association talk about the

3 Bill of Rights and the Declaration of Independence, you

4 know, I just remind her that, you know, when I look back

5 at the history books, African Americans weren't included

6 in that, Native Americans were not included in that,

7 Hispanic Americans were not included in that, or women.

8 And all of these entities have had to spend the last 30,

9 50 years fighting for inclusion. It has never been

10 granted, it has never come easy. And if we're going to

11 throw this –

12 Just, okay, let's just drop it, let's drop 1024

13 right now, status quo, status quo. Where is the Omaha

14 Public School system? We've got majority minority

15 children, majority Caucasian teachers; we still have that

16 clash. Yes, there are good programs, there are some

17 programs, we've mentioned this morning, Brenda has

18 mentioned it, the African American Achievement program is

19 a good program. But it's a program. We are still

20 fighting for programs.

21 Now, forgive me, but a program is an adjunct.

22 It's not -- it's not a fundamentally reshuffling of the

23 deck. It's maybe we're going to add a couple of cards.

24 It doesn't mean that it's not a good thing, but it means
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1 we're still consistently dealing with not fundamentally

2 altering the relationship between these communities and

3 the school system. And until that has been tested and

4 battle tested, we will just have to wait to go into court,

5 as Senator Chambers said, and let it shake out there.

6 Philosophically, absolutely I am for this

7 because of that change, because you reach that point. In

8 my bio I made reference to Vietnam, and somebody said,

9 Well, boy that's pretty heavy of all of the credentials

10 that I could have listed, but the reason that I say that

11 is because my experiences there taught me a lesson that I

12 have continued to push for 40 years. You learn there are

13 some things you don't want to have to learn when your life

14 is at stake. The lives of our children, it's really

15 what's at stake here.

16 And I'm not saying anyone who is against this

17 bill does not like our children at all. But when we look

18 at the results, we're just trying to say, things ain't

19 working so good right now and we'd like this opportunity

20 to try a fix.

21 Now, all of the mechanics, and as Brenda has

22 laid out -- I never want to have to go to court and go up

23 against her in the court of law. She knows that. But my

24 point is if we're going to put it down because we can't
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1 answer all of those questions right now, then let's let

2 this thing play out, let's let it go to court. But

3 somebody is --

4 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Mr. Brooks --

5 MR. BROOKS: -- going to say, Well, you're --

6 boy there was an awful lot of questions asked about that.

7 I don't think so. I don't think so.

8 I'll just break this down and let this go to

9 somebody else and as personal as I can make it. I have

10 two children in the Omaha Public School system, one is a

11 fourth grader and one has just started the ninth grade. I

12 actually attended my fourth grader's first parent/teacher

13 conference yesterday. She goes to Lothrop school. In

14 west Omaha, that would be considered a ghetto school. In

15 north Omaha, it would be considered one of the oldest,

16 most traditional schools in the African American

17 community.

18 Her teacher is a young Caucasian woman, roughly

19 probably between 25 and 30 years old. She's been teaching

20 for five years. A wonderful person, wonderful. I liked

21 her, my wife liked her.

22 We sat there talking with her about, you know,

23 our daughter and asking her questions and so forth, and

24 she made at least three to four references. Now, here's
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1 the thing. That school, her class started with a

2 substitute who was a, actually, African American retiree

3 who has continued to do substitute work just to stay

4 active.

5 We had conversations with her and, actually, we

6 were hoping that that would be her teacher, not just

7 because she was African American but because she was a

8 veteran teacher.

9 This woman -- and then one of the first things I

10 asked her was, You know, the kids are so much different.

11 And we do know, I'm -- I'll be 60 years old. I know that

12 generationally teachers are dealing with some new issues

13 in the classroom.

14 And I said, How was it for you, particularly

15 being an older woman? She said, Oh, yeah, you know, they

16 wanted to get in my face for a minute. And she put the

17 hammer down and calmed that class in one day, okay. And

18 she was doing fine, because our daughter was telling us,

19 Oh, yeah, yeah. They were trying to do stuff to her, and

20 boom. And then for the next four days that she was there,

21 she was teaching and down to her business.

22 Now the teacher that is there and is going to be

23 their teacher, she's been there two weeks, and in the

24 course of our conversation, she made at least four
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1 references to, I'm really going to get my curriculum

2 going when I get my classroom under control. And so she

3 was talking like, you know, it's probably going to take me

4 a week to two weeks to really get my classroom under

5 control. And I'm like, wow, you've lost a month already.

6 Now, my point is not that being Caucasian, being

7 female, being young makes her responsible, she can't hack

8 it, but we have a situation in which too many of our

9 children are in those kinds of situations.

10 Now, my wife and I have volunteered to be what

11 they call classroom parents. That means we will be

12 dropping in and out of that classroom to let them know not

13 only that we have a child in that classroom but to give

14 them an African American presence.

15 So what is my point? My point is that LB 1024,

16 from where we look at it, is designed to try to

17 reinvigorate the community to get back in. It's not --

18 it's not just all of the mechanics and where is the money

19 going to come from and how are the teacher contracts going

20 to be and all of that. Senator Chambers said this morning

21 to a lot of persons he could care less on those kinds of

22 issues.

23 When you look at what happened in Brooklyn in

24 1968, it wasn't the teachers' union that destroyed that
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1 effort because they were not willing to grant an African

2 American community-based board the right to hire and fire

3 white teachers. That's what that was about. But because

4 they controlled the entire city's union, they put 1

5 million students in the street in order to break that.

6 My point is simply this. All of these details

7 that we keep going over, ultimately this thing is going to

8 come into court and the judge is going to have the final

9 say; we all understand that. But let's not forget that

10 integration has still consistently -- even the magnet

11 school. The magnet school concept was great, but what was

12 it designed for? It was designed to create a basis to get

13 more middle class and/or Caucasian students to want to

14 come to this part of town or to the south and so forth.

15 It is still about the ability to draw a certain class, if

16 not race, of students. It is still an adjunct program.

17 And 1024 is saying if the magnet school is so

18 good, then maybe -- maybe is there a possibility that we

19 can turn the whole thing or at least this -- these group

20 of schools into that level of quality, not just one to

21 draw, and that's really what I'm looking at.

22 That old saying -- what's the joke about the

23 recorder boxes in the airplanes, you know, no matter what

24 happens when they crash, those things are always intact,
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1 why don't you make the whole plane out of those things?

2 You know, people say it. Of course we know

3 technologically that's not possible, but, again, that's

4 where we're at, and I don't want that lost.

5 And I know that this other lady over here,

6 excuse me, Marian Fey, is great. There are Caucasians

7 that are really going out of their way to relate, to

8 diversify, but it's not a mass movement.

9 And I'm not willing to bet the next generation

10 of black children on how many more Marian Fey – excuse me,

11 Brenda -- on how many more Marian Feys there are out

12 there. There are not that many.

13 It was mentioned that when Omaha incorporated

14 Millard schools, the Millard district, the school system

15 didn't come in. I don't know why. I'm going to find out

16 why they didn't take the school system when they -- when

17 they annexed the area, the suburb. But I know last summer

18 when they went back to say one school -- one Omaha, one

19 school system, Millard was front and center, We don't want

20 anything to do with Omaha.

21 And maybe we're just tired of people not wanting

22 to do anything with our kids because they are too black,

23 they are too poor, they are too non-English speaking, they

24 are too whatever. And we'd like that shot to say maybe
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1 this -- right now on paper it looks like a disaster, but

2 so did the Montgomery bus boycott.

3 When Martin Luther King came out against the

4 Vietnam War, half of the civil rights movement swore that

5 was the death of the civil rights movement. No, no, no,

6 you can't come out against the war. That's -- that's

7 separate from civil rights.

8 We're always dealing with these major issues and

9 people going, wow, no, no, no, no, no, you can't go there.

10 Well, LB 1024 is going there. I'm going there with it and

11 there's enough of us.

12 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Mr. Brooks --

13 MR. BROOKS: (Inaudible.)

14 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Mr. Brooks, I mean,

15 everything -- I don't disagree with a word that you've

16 said; I don't disagree, as I said before, to Senator

17 Chambers; I don't disagree with anything, any of the

18 sentiments on the line with what you're talking about,

19 about how as a nation we haven't done enough to close or,

20 I should say, open the minds of people to the

21 potentialities of all people of all races of all colors

22 and creeds.

23 But, unfortunately -- and, you know, you can

24 hate me for this or Professor Potuto can say, All right --
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1 I'm a lawyer and I read 1024 and read what has been

2 said, and in listening to what you say, I just can't help

3 but feel there's some kind of disconnect going on, because

4 when you talk about how you are tired of having the fact

5 that you always have to go to the white community, you

6 have to go to -- go to them for this or for that, well,

7 the fact is that under the Learning Community council they

8 put together, the African American school district is one

9 vote of about 12- to 20,000 students against seeking the

10 vote of a white district with about 600 students.

11 Now, how in the name of everything with Baker

12 versus Carr and Reynolds versus Sims and everything that

13 we've talked about in terms of one person, one vote is

14 that the kind of equity that you would want to support?

15 Why should -- why should a school districts with 12- to

16 20,000 kids have to -- have the same vote as one with 700

17 kids? The same kind of control over the money, the same

18 kind of control over curriculum, the same kind of control

19 over -- over resources or allocation of the tax rolls?

20 How does that say to you that is an equitable way to take

21 control of the destiny that I believe should be done but

22 may not be done in this way?

23 If this is a debate topic, if 1024 is a debate

24 topic, that's one issue, but if it's something real and
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1 practical that's supposed to go into being, you know,

2 what do you have to say to that?

3 MR. BROOKS: What I have to say to that is

4 simple. First of all, I certainly don't hate you because

5 you're a lawyer. Brenda is a lawyer. I'm all right with

6 lawyers.

7 Number two, you probably don't ever want to make

8 a speech in the United Nations, okay, about why should

9 some little country with 50,000 people have the same votes

10 as some country with 50 million.

11 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Actually, that gets done at

12 the Security Council every day, Mr. Brooks --

13 MR. BROOKS: Yeah, okay.

14 COMMISSIONER YAKI: -- in terms of whether or

15 not -- because the question here is about the United

16 States.

17 MR. BROOKS: No, no.

18 COMMISSIONER YAKI: We're not talking about the

19 United Nations. We're talking about one person, one vote.

20 We're talking about --

21 MR. BROOKS: May I answer your question?

22 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Then don't go off on the

23 United Nations to me.

24 MR. BROOKS: No, no, no, no.
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1 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I mean --

2 MR. BROOKS: I'm not going off.

3 COMMISSIONER YAKI: -- that is so off this

4 conversation.

5 MR. BROOKS: What I'm saying is you brought up

6 what would change, okay, as I just started my entire

7 conversation to lead to your question. I said let's drop

8 1024. Let's status quo.

9 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I don't think you should.

10 MR. BROOKS: No.

11 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I don't think you should.

12 MR. BROOKS: No.

13 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I never said – I never said

14 you -- I never said you should --

15 MR. BROOKS: No, but I'm saying -- -- I'm saying

16 -- but I'm saying if it were dropped right now, that's

17 what it would be.

18 COMMISSIONER YAKI: No. Why should – why should

19 it be?

20 MR. BROOKS: No, I'm saying that's what it is.

21 COMMISSIONER YAKI: With all of this passion,

22 why shouldn't --

23 MR. BROOKS: No.
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1 COMMISSIONER YAKI: -- why should – why should

2 the end of 1024 be the status quo?

3 MR. BROOKS: No. What I'm saying to you, Mr.

4 Yaki, is that OPS and all of the people who are against

5 this bill, they are standing up for the system for the way

6 that it is right now. They are saying yes, it has got

7 some problems, but this is going to make it all a lot

8 worse.

9 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Well, I'm not -- sir, I'm

10 not –

11 MS. COUNCIL: May I interject.

12 I don't want my opposition to be

13 mischaracterized by anyone.

14 I'm not suggesting that the world is all right

15 with status quo. I would -- I would challenge Mr. Brooks

16 to point to me in 1024 -- he made a statement that this

17 would fundamentally alter a situation that he described

18 with the situation with his youngster at Lothrop. Point

19 to me in this bill where there would be a fundamental

20 alterization, point to me where it mandates that every

21 school will have veteran teachers, point to me where it

22 mandates that there will be diversity or, for that matter,

23 that the staff will be one-to-one reflective of the

24 children.
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1 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Well, as I --

2 MS. COUNCIL: There's no fundamental alteration

3 occurring about the issue that he was expressing and

4 concerned about.

5 COMMISSIONER YAKI: And that --

6 MS. COUNCIL: This bill is not going to

7 accomplish that.

8 COMMISSIONER YAKI: The point -- the point I was

9 trying to make is that -- and has been made by other

10 speakers in other -- in other situations here is that, for

11 example, there aren't enough African American teachers

12 right now --

13 MR. BROOKS: That's right.

14 COMMISSIONER YAKI: (Inaudible.)

15 MR. BROOKS: That's right.

16 COMMISSIONER YAKI: There aren't even enough

17 African American administrators to support -- I mean,

18 there are -- I'm not saying that -- I'm not saying that

19 there is a status -- that status quo is where it should

20 be. I mean, if anyone here misstates -- mistakes me for

21 thinking that, then, like you, they don't know -- they

22 don't know me very well and what my background is.

23 MR. BROOKS: Okay.
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1 COMMISSIONER YAKI: What I am saying, though,

2 is that I am concerned about this particular mechanism to

3 do it and how it is, in some sense; and I think this is a

4 perfect example of it, A, creating wedges; B, creating

5 division; and C, diverting the issue that you really want

6 to bring up and that Senator Chambers wants to bring up

7 and that we all care about and that we all should care

8 about and that -- and that -- and that nine people on the

9 Supreme Court should be caring more about and haven't been

10 for the last 10 or 20 years. You know, we can go into

11 that kind of -- that kind of --

12 MR. SALAZAR: Mr. Yaki, may I for a second.

13 I think you're being a little bit unfair with

14 Mr. Brooks, both you and Brenda, because you are expecting

15 him to come up with ironclad legal solutions to issues

16 that present before the federal court.

17 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I'm not --

18 MR. SALAZAR: And we all know, none of us here

19 are experts and we're not here --

20 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I'm not -- I'm not --

21 (Inaudible.)

22 MS. COUNCIL: And you're not --

23 MR. SALAZAR: And let me finish. Let me finish.
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1 MS. COUNCIL: And you're not going to

2 mischaracterize me either.

3 MR. SALAZAR: What I would like to say, though,

4 is I think -- first of all, I agree with Mr. Brooks that

5 his -- first of all, his message, the one he just spoke

6 to, was the most poignant one that I've heard all day, the

7 most profound statement that he's made all day because

8 it's a philosophical approach that's he's taking. And

9 most of us – and many of us agree with that philosophy.

10 There's a frustration level, not just here in Omaha,

11 Nebraska, but across this country.

12 Brown kids, black kids are being left out of the

13 system; they are being pushed out of the system. The

14 dropout rate of Latino kids, African American kids,

15 especially young men, is horrendous. It's horrendous. So

16 there's a great and embedded frustration.

17 And what we're trying to do here today is to

18 offer up a philosophy that grows out of that frustration

19 which is, look, we have the status quo, this is the way to

20 be maybe a little more creative, and maybe it goes against

21 the grain of the Constitution, but so what.

22 COMMISSIONER YAKI: So the philosophy of

23 separate but equal is okay; is that what you said?
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1 MR. SALAZAR: You know, in some minds that may

2 be the case.

3 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Well, I think that's

4 absolutely 100 percent wrong.

5 MR. SALAZAR: And we may disagree.

6 COMMISSIONER YAKI: 100 percent wrong.

7 MR. SALAZAR: We may disagree.

8 COMMISSIONER YAKI: That's where we disagree.

9 MR. SALAZAR: I think I just --

10 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Dr. Reynolds.

11 REV. REYNOLDS: I didn't get a chance to finish

12 my statement. I can do that in a brief – a brief

13 statement. One, we cannot be satisfied with what we have

14 now, not only for Omaha but for America. How many cities

15 have you witnessed where the African Americans are two,

16 three grade levels behind? And after we listen to that,

17 we become satisfied with that. That's the concept of

18 integration, that's what this brought about.

19 We're saying a radical change, a radical change.

20 How many of us are willing to step out and be radical

21 about what it is we are trying to do, not get along with

22 the system because the system will say, Look, don't rock

23 the boat. That's why I introduced the thing about the

24 gradualism. There needs to be change, but it's like but
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1 we are afraid and don’t want to upset the apple cart.

2 There has got to be an upsetting of the apple cart. There

3 has got to be a change.

4 When you talk about the funding, how much of the

5 funds what is being allocated on what basis -- we haven't

6 even talked about special. What happens if, in fact, the

7 west schools are reduced, they don't get any special money

8 at all. It all comes into the other schools. Another

9 piece of radical change. There has got to be a radical

10 change. And that's what happened, when I started off with

11 the Plessy v. Ferguson, Brown v. Board of Education. That

12 was unheard of to grant a separate but equal. That was a

13 big step for America.

14 Then came the Brown versus Board of Education, a

15 big step for America.

16 I'm saying it's time for another form to be

17 clear-cut integration that says quality integrated

18 education must be a part of every educational system and

19 not a program as some have said. We think about the

20 African American Achievement Council and the Latino

21 Achievement Council. Go back and read their history. See

22 how they changed. Well, if that can change and now be a

23 positive force, why, then, are we saying this bill will

24 not work?
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1 I am not a lawyer, I'm not professing to be

2 one, I'm not trying to be one. I'm trying to be a

3 preacher. A preacher says that we must rise to the

4 highest moral level, and that level say if you know that

5 you've got black students who are failing within the

6 system and, yet, we approve of the system, somebody has

7 got to do something. And I'm saying that to do something,

8 it must be a radical change.

9 So if you look at that aspect, then, it says

10 that at one time it was against the law for us to read and

11 write. A radical change came about. It as, okay, we're

12 going to let those color folk read and write now but in

13 separate institutions. And that was a big step for

14 America.

15 Then they said, well, now, listen, that's not

16 right, so we're going to get them integrated because there

17 is something going to happen magical, that those black

18 students are going to learn better and those white

19 students are going to learn better because now they are

20 together.

21 I remember when I first went to an integrated

22 school and I was shocked when the student beside me was

23 white made an F and I made a C. It stopped my mentality
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1 because I had grown up to believe that all white folk

2 were smart and all black folk were dumb.

3 That's funny, isn't it. But talk to some of our

4 black students now who are seeing their group fail and

5 white groups succeed in a system that says we're doing our

6 best for you color folks.

7 Now, I'm just saying that the time has come for

8 us to make a radical change. If LB 1024 as amended and

9 signed by the governor says we must now recognize that

10 there needs to be a different format that is going to

11 guarantee integrated quality education. If there are some

12 things in that bill that need to be changed, granted,

13 change them, but let's not keep the same system where we

14 know that according to the World Herald in just this past

15 week we have got the test scores. All the schools are

16 reporting little change if any and as said yes, the same

17 old, same old. This says a radical change must take

18 place.

19 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Before Commissioner Yaki

20 presents his question -- I sense a question coming.

21 COMMISSIONER YAKI: No, I don't.

22 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Professor Potuto, you had

23 something to say.
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1 PROFESSOR POTUTO: Yeah, and I regret that I'm

2 going to move to incrementalism, but I did want to at

3 least respond.

4 I said I don't think we're doing paradigm, that

5 the -- that the -- that LB 1024 will be found

6 constitutional and I think that's true, but I will also

7 say that to the extent that I'm wrong and that the program

8 is found constitutional in theory, then I do think some of

9 the issues about, you know, there's not enough funding,

10 that quality of the teachers isn't as good in this

11 district as compared to that district will be taken care

12 of. It's going to be taken care of in court, but it will

13 be taken care of because then the issue as to equal in

14 fact will be on the table.

15 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: I want to make one quick

16 statement about that point and that's why I was trying to

17 break this down in my mind, at least, as I hear discussion

18 unfolding to three separate parts, because if you are

19 opposed to a new radical structure, as proposed by 1024,

20 that I can get my mind around, but if the opposition is

21 one of a mechanical opposition, then those are issues

22 that, assuming the courts find it to be constitutional,

23 you must grapple with.
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1 And then I think you're getting to the real

2 issue, that is whether or not it's worth grappling with

3 those mechanical issues within the context of 1024, or

4 whether there is a better road that will and can be

5 traveled as a practical political matter. And that is a

6 question that while -- only you all here in Omaha and the

7 State of Nebraska can and will address.

8 Frankly, I think it's a good discussion for

9 America to witness because that is what we really should

10 be talking about and that is why, for me at least, I hope

11 this discussion continues. I hope people really think

12 about the paradigms of Brown v. Board in putting in 1024

13 versus what's been said here today and whether or not we

14 ever really can get to those mechanical issues of funding.

15 But at bottom, I'm going to -- what I want to

16 reflect is the frustration on the lack of control that

17 folks sense in terms of controlling ones own destiny; that

18 should be a concern to everyone because if you don't sense

19 you're in control of your own destiny, you're simply --

20 you're not going to be empowered, I don't care who you

21 are. So those are the issues I hope can be addressed

22 before folks start arguing within the confines of some

23 structure, whether 1024 or not.
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1 Do we have any other questions? Commissioner

2 Melendez?

3 COMMISSIONER MELENDEZ: Just a comment. I think

4 many times when you have diverse opinions, even within a

5 minority community itself, even the African American

6 community, I think that with the bill itself I think you

7 want to, hopefully, build I as many options as you can for

8 people to opt into it, but I'm not sure, it seemed to me

9 that with this new bill even the -- even the integration

10 or whatever those difference -- attending different

11 schools seem to be closing.

12 So I'm just saying that if you can build as many

13 options there for people that may not agree with the way

14 we're going, but because I think part of this is educating

15 a whole community as to what this issue is here on this

16 bill. And I think that there's a lot of work that's going

17 to be done, so I think that -- you know, that's what I'm

18 hearing from people is people want to see options that

19 they're afforded, not an agreement.

20 Thank you.

21 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: Commissioner Yaki.

22 COMMISSIONER YAKI: I just want to – I just want

23 to thank all of the panelists who are here for all of

24 their points of view. I think that I enjoyed the passion,
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1 I enjoyed the arguments, I enjoyed the -- most

2 importantly, I enjoyed the sense of feeling that there's a

3 need for participation, and whenever we do these, watching

4 this is – is important.

5 I want to say one thing, though, and that is --

6 and it goes to the point I was trying to make to Mr.

7 Brooks. And that is I would -- I would hate that the

8 fortunes of education in Omaha have to hang upon

9 resolution of 1024 in the court system. I think that that

10 would be, I think, a mistake by all parties.

11 I think -- I sense that there has been -- what

12 Senator Chambers has done has created a great debate that,

13 as my co-Commissioner -- as my fellow Commissioner Mr.

14 Taylor has said, needs to be -- needs to be had as a

15 debate that we see in every large city or every medium16 sized city in this country regarding African American

17 graduation rates, test scores, et cetera, that, quite

18 frankly, as we all know, is appalling, unacceptable and

19 should not be the standard by which we measure ourselves

20 as a country.

21 So I would hope that in addition to whatever is

22 going on in the courts on 1024 there are efforts made by

23 legislative leaders who will understand what Senator

24 Chambers is really talking about, to come together and say
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1 this is -- these are the kinds of reforms that we need,

2 this is the kind of controls and responsibilities that we

3 need to put in place.

4 If we need to create programs to incentivize

5 more African Americans going into teaching at K through

6 12, what are we going to do to do that? If we need -- if

7 we need to create a different kind of property or tax

8 basis for our school system, this is what we need to do.

9 Incrementalism, I think, is not acceptable in

10 this debate, just minor tweaks or changes. As you said, a

11 program is not a school, a program is not a school

12 district, a program is not -- is not a county or a state.

13 I think that is really – really the kind of reform that we

14 support.

15 Certainly all of us understand the passion

16 behind 1024 for being here today. You've been welcome,

17 and I just want to thank all of you for being here today

18 and being a part of this discussion.

19 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: I want to thank the

20 panelists and, again, I want to thank everyone involved

21 because I really think you all may not appreciate this,

22 since you've sort of had the national spotlight put on

23 you, but I really think you all are contributing to the
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1 national debate in a real and meaningful way to -- it's

2 an important issue.

3 I also want to take the opportunity to thank the

4 staff. They did a great job in putting this together. I

5 know it was a lot of hard work, as evidenced by the fact

6 it was pulled off without a single flaw.

7 And you know how those things are, when things

8 go smoothly, that means someone did a lot of hard work

9 behind the scenes. So I want to thank all of the staff

10 members for all of their hard work because they did a

11 yeoman's work and did a great job.

12 I also want the public to know –

13 I want the public to know that this record will

14 remain open for 30 days after this hearing for purposes of

15 allowing folks from the public to consider what has been

16 said today and submit to the Commission any material they

17 would like us to consider as we compose our final report

18 relative to this briefing, which will also be done at a

19 public meeting that is a vote on the report, a discussion

20 of the report at a public meaning. And once it's adopted,

21 I know it can be pulled from our website.

22 And with that --

23 COMMISSIONER YAKI: Thank you all.
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1 COMMISSIONER TAYLOR: -- we'll call the

2 briefing to a close. Thank you all again.

3 (Whereupon, the above-entitled Commission

4 briefing was concluded at 3:05 p.m.)