Promising Results, Continuing Challenges:

The Final Report of the

National Assessment of Title I

U.S. Department of Education

Office of the Under Secretary

Planning and Evaluation Service

1999
U.S. Department of Education

Richard W. Riley

Secretary

Marshall S. Smith

Under Secretary

Planning and Evaluation Service

Alan Ginsburg

Director

Elementary and Secondary Education Division

Valena Plisko

Director

Joanne Bogart

Project Director

The full text of this public domain publication is available at the Department’s home page at http://www.ed.gov.

For more information, please contact us at:

U.S. Department of Education

Planning and Evaluation Service

Office of the Under Secretary

400 Maryland Ave., SW

Washington, DC 20202

http://www.ed.gov/offices/OUS/eval
Promising Results, Continuing Challenges:

The Final Report of the

National Assessment of Title I

Office of the Under Secretary

Planning and Evaluation Service

U.S. Department of Education

1999
Independent Review Panel

Christopher Cross

President, Council for Basic Education

Vice-Chair of the Independent Review Panel

Oregon Department of Education

Co-Director, Center for Research on

 Testing (CRESST)

Rolf Blank

Council of Chief State School Officers

Professor

George 

Director of Education

Sharon Darling

National Center for Family Literacy

Demmert

Western Washington University

Epstein

 Community Partnerships

Susan Fuhrman

University of Pennsylvania

Director

Joseph Johnson

Collaboratives for School Improvement

Diana Lam

San Antonio Independent School District

Director, State Education Assessment Center

Phyllis McClure

on Education & Equity

Montano

Minnesota Department of Children,

Jennifer 

Assistant Professor

Andrew Porter

University of Wisconsin at Madison

Reidy

The Pew Charitable Trusts

Supervisor of Title I

Richard 

Professor

Ramsay 

Director,

American Institutes for Research

Vinovskis

University of Michigan
 NationalAssessment of Title I

INDEPENDENT REVIEW PANEL

This report from the U.S. Department of Education provides a wealth of information

about the current status of the flagship federal program for the nation’s schools, Title I of

the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. Since its original enactment in 1965,

Title I has stood for a federal commitment to the education of children who live in

poverty. When it was reauthorized in 1994, Title I was redesigned to help the children it

serves meet high standards, within a framework of school and district accountability to be

developed by each state. Progress in implementing this law, which calls for changes in

program management at all levels of government, is of intense interest to all of us who

want to see improvement in the educational opportunities and performance of children at

risk of failure.

The Independent Review Panel, which it has been my privilege to chair, has fulfilled a

legislative charge in P.L. 103-382, Sec. 1501, that the National Assessment of Title I be

“...planned, reviewed, and conducted in consultation with an independent panel of

researchers, State practitioners, local practitioners, and other appropriate individuals.”

Our panel also fulfills the charge in Section 14701 of the law, which requires the

Secretary of Education to “appoint an independent panel to review the plan for [an

evaluation addressing numerous programs and provisions enacted by the 103rd

Congress], to advise the Secretary on such evaluation’s progress, and to comment, if the

panel so wishes, on the final report.”

As stated in our own report to the CongressMeasured Progress: The Report of the

Independent Review Panel on the Evaluation of Federal Education Legislationthe

panel considers it very unfortunate that financial support for evaluation at the federal

level has been inadequate. Moreover, the phased timetable for implementation of the

1994 Title I law has prevented the Department from collecting as much data about the

law’s results as we would all like to see. However, under the constraints of the 1994 act

and subsequent appropriations, the Department has conducted the evaluation that was

feasible within the available time and resources, and its findings are well reflected in this

report.

I commend the Department for its careful presentation of the available evidence, from its

own studies and other sources, on the operations and effectiveness of Title I. This

volume addresses critical questions about the targeting of funds, the instructional staff

and services supported, and the policies enacted by states and school districts. The panel

believes these data will do a great deal to inform the next reauthorization of this

significant federal program. The panel’s own report provides additional perspective and

recommendations for the reauthorization, which will occur in this Congress.

Sincerely yours,

Christopher T. Cross

President, Council for Basic Education, and

Chair of the Independent Review Panel
This work is dedicated to the memory of our late friend and colleague, Ed Reidy. A member of the

Independent Review Panel since its inception, Ed shared his knowledge and insights about highquality, equitable schooling throughout our deliberations. His memory continues to shape our

thinking and actions toward improving education for the nation’s children.
Contents

Executive Summary.............................................................................................................................. i

Foreword.............................................................................................................................................. 1

1. Introduction................................................................................................................................ 7

2. Progress in the Performance of Students in High-Poverty Schools........................................ 15

3. Development of Standards and Assessment Systems, and the Role of Title I......................... 39

4. The Role of Title I in Holding Schools Accountable for Performance

and in Supporting Improvement Efforts.............................................................................. 51

5. Targeting Resources to Districts and Schools Where the Needs Are Greatest ...................... 75

6. Title I Services at the School Level .......................................................................................... 95

7. Title I Support for Partnerships with Families, Schools, and

Communities to Support Learning ..................................................................................... 127

8. Title I Services to Students Attending Private Schools......................................................... 143

9. Title I, Part B, Even Start Family Literacy Program............................................................ 151

10. Title I, Part C, Migrant Education Program......................................................................... 163

11. Title I, Part D, Prevention and Intervention Programs for Children

and Youth Who Are Neglected, Delinquent, or At Risk of Dropping Out ........................ 173

12. Conclusions and Future Directions for Title I....................................................................... 181

Appendix A: Title I Evaluation Strategy ....................................................................................... 189

Appendix B: Description of Key Studies........................................................................................ 193

Acknowledgements.......................................................................................................................... 199
List of Exhibits

Executive Summary

Exhibit 1 Percentage of Schools Participating in Title I, by School Poverty Level, 1997-98.................... ii

Exhibit 2 Trends in NAEP Reading Performance................................................................................... v

Exhibit 3 Trends in NAEP Mathematics Performance............................................................................ vi

Exhibit 4 NAEP 4th-Grade Reading and Mathematics........................................................................... vii

Exhibit 5 State NAEP 4th-Grade Mathematics, 1996 ............................................................................. viii

Exhibit 6 States with Challenging Content Standards in Mathematics and Reading/Language Arts......... x

Exhibit 7 States with Challenging Performance Standards in Mathematics and

Reading/Language Arts.......................................................................................................... x

Exhibit 8 Percentage of Highest-Poverty Schools That Receive Title I Funds, 1993-94 to 1997-98......... xiii

1. Foreword/Introduction

Exhibit 1.1 Percentage of Schools Participating in Title I, by School Poverty Level, 1997-98.................... 8

Exhibit 1.2 Title I Appropriations in FY 1999, by Program....................................................................... 9

Exhibit 1.3 Funding for Title I and Other Federal Elementary-Secondary Programs, 1994 to 1999 ............ 10

Exhibit 1.4 All Title I Participants, by Grade Span, 1996-97..................................................................... 12

2. Progress in the Performance of Students in High-Poverty Schools

Exhibit 2.1 How NAEP Tests Are Used to Report Progress ...................................................................... 18

Exhibit 2.2 Trends in NAEP Reading Performance................................................................................... 19

Exhibit 2.3 NAEP Main Reading Assessment........................................................................................... 20

Exhibit 2.4 NAEP 4th-Grade Reading ...................................................................................................... 21

Exhibit 2.5 State NAEP 4th-Grade Reading, 1998 .................................................................................... 22

Exhibit 2.6 Trends in NAEP Mathematics Performance............................................................................ 23

Exhibit 2.7 NAEP Main Mathematics Assessment.................................................................................... 24

Exhibit 2.8 NAEP 4th-Grade Mathematics............................................................................................... 25

Exhibit 2.9 State NAEP 4th-Grade Mathematics, 1996 ............................................................................. 27

Exhibit 2.10 Trends in State-Level Achievement for Elementary School Students in ..................................

High-Poverty Schools............................................................................................................. 29

Exhibit 2.11 Connecticut Mastery Test: Grade 4........................................................................................ 29

Exhibit 2.12 Kentucky Instructional Skills Information System: Grade 4 .................................................... 30

Exhibit 2.13 Maine Educational Assessment: Grade 4 ................................................................................ 30

Exhibit 2.14 Maryland School Performance Assessment Program: Grade 3 ................................................ 31

Exhibit 2.15 North Carolina End of Grade: Grade 4.................................................................................... 31

Exhibit 2.16 Texas Assessment of Academic Skills: Grade 4...................................................................... 32

Exhibit 2.17 District Achievement Trends for Students in High-Poverty Schools ........................................ 33

Exhibit 2.18 Baltimore Results on the Maryland School Performance Assessment Program: Grade 3.......... 34

Exhibit 2.19 Chicago Results on the Illinois Goals Assessment Program: Grade 3....................................... 34

Exhibit 2.20 Jefferson County (Louisville) Results on the Kentucky Instructional Results

Information System: Grade 4 (Reading), Grade 5 (Math)........................................................ 35

Exhibit 2.21 Philadelphia Results on the Stanford 9: Grade 4...................................................................... 35

Exhibit 2.22 San Antonio Results on the Texas Assessment of Academic Skills: Grade 3............................ 36
List of Exhibits (continued)

3. Development of Standards and Assessment Systems, and the Role of Title I

Exhibit 3.1 States with Challenging Content Standards in Mathematics and Reading/Language Arts......... 42

Exhibit 3.2 States with Challenging Performance Standards in Mathematics and ......................................

Reading/Language Arts.......................................................................................................... 42

Exhibit 3.3 States with Achievement Data Disaggregated by Various Population Subgroups: 1996-97 ...... 44

Exhibit 3.4 Percentage of 8th Grade Students Meeting the NAEP Basic Level of Performance

in Mathematics in 1996, Compared to States’ Expected Levels on State Assessments ............. 45

4. The Role of Title I in Holding Schools Accountable for Performance and in Supporting

Improvement Efforts

Exhibit 4.1 Timeline for Title I Accountability ......................................................................................... 53

Exhibit 4.2 Schools and Districts Identified for Improvement: 1996-97..................................................... 59

Exhibit 4.3 State and Title I Accountability: New York City..................................................................... 61

Exhibit 4.4 School Report Cards .............................................................................................................. 66

5. Targeting Resources to Districts and Schools Where the Needs Are Greatest

Exhibit 5.1 Distribution of Federal, State, and Local Revenues, by District Poverty Quartile: FY 1997...... 79

Exhibit 5.2 Percentage of Schools Participating in Title I, by School Poverty Level, 1997-98.................... 80

Exhibit 5.3 Title I Funding for High- and Low-Poverty Schools................................................................ 81

Exhibit 5.4 Change in Proportion of Schools Served by Title I, by School Poverty Level:

1993-94 to 1997-98................................................................................................................ 82

Exhibit 5.5 Change in Title I Allocations for High- and Low-Poverty Schools

in 17 Large Urban School Districts, 1994-95 to 1996-97......................................................... 83

Exhibit 5.6 Change in Proportion of Highest-Poverty Secondary Schools that Receive

Title I Funds, 1993-94 to 1997-98 .......................................................................................... 84

Exhibit 5.7 Share of Waiver Decisions Pertaining to Title I Targeting:

School Years 1995-96, 1996-97, and 1997-98......................................................................... 85

Exhibit 5.8 Distribution of Funds Under Individual Title I Formulas, by District Poverty Quartile:

FY 1999................................................................................................................................. 86

Exhibit 5.9 Geographic Shifts in Child Poverty: Percentage Change in State Shares

Of the Nation’s Poor School-Age Children, 1990 to 1994 ....................................................... 88
List of Exhibits (continued)

6. Title I Services at the School Level

Exhibit 6.1 Teachers’ Familiarity with and Adherence to Standards and Assessments in Reading

and Mathematics, by District Policy Environment................................................................... 101

Exhibit 6.2 Percentage of Title I Principals Who Reported Using Content Standards to

Guide Curriculum and Instruction to a Great Extent................................................................ 102

Exhibit 6.3 Percentage of Principals Implementing Key Reforms, by Level of Familiarity

with Title I Reforms: 1997-98 ................................................................................................ 103

Exhibit 6.4 Criteria for High-Quality Professional Development............................................................... 106

Exhibit 6.5 Reading Instruction................................................................................................................ 108

Exhibit 6.6 Mathematics Instruction......................................................................................................... 108

Exhibit 6.7 Frequency that Title I Teachers’ Lessons Require Students to Use Computers and

the Internet............................................................................................................................. 116

Exhibit 6.8 Schoolwide Reform Approaches at a Glance........................................................................... 121

7. Title I Support for Partnerships with Families, Schools, and Communities to Support

Learning

Exhibit 7.1 Principal’s Views on Barriers to Applying High Standards to All Students.............................. 131

Exhibit 7.2 Principals’ Views on the Helpfulness of Title I School-Parent Compacts,

by School Poverty Level......................................................................................................... 132

Exhibit 7.3 Information on Report Cards.................................................................................................. 135

Exhibit 7.4 Principals’ Views on Major Reasons for Lack of Parent Involvement...................................... 136

10. Title I, Part C, Migrant Education Program

Exhibit 10.1 Methods Used to Transfer Migrant Student Records Between States and

School Districts in 1996-97 .................................................................................................... 169
Executive Summary xi

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Context for Title I

TITLE I—HELPING DISADVANTAGED CHILDREN MEET HIGH STANDARDS

“SEC. 1001. DECLARATION OF POLICY AND STATEMENT OF PURPOSE.

“(a)(1) The Congress declares it to be the policy of the United States that a high-quality education for all

individuals and a fair and equal opportunity to obtain that education are a societal good, are a moral

imperative, and improve the life of every individual, because the quality of our lives ultimately depends on

the quality of the lives of others.”

First enacted in 1965 as a “War on Poverty” program, Title I of the Elementary and Secondary

Education Act (ESEA) [P.L. 103-382] now provides more than $8 billion1 annually to fund

system-wide supports and additional resources for schools to improve learning for students at risk

of educational failure. The program’s central objective is to support state and local efforts to

ensure that all children reach challenging standards by providing additional resources for schools

and students who have furthest to go in achieving the goal.

Title I is intended to help address the greater educational challenges facing high-poverty

communities by targeting extra resources to school districts and schools with the highest

concentrations of poverty, where academic performance tends to be low and the obstacles to

raising performance are the greatest. Ninety-five percent of the nation’s highest-poverty schools

(those with 75 percent or more students eligible for free- or reduced price lunch) participate in

Title I.2 While the highest-poverty schools make up almost 15 percent of schools nationwide,

they account for 46 percent of Title I spending. About three-fourths (73 percent) of Title I funds

go to schools with 50 percent or more students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.3

Fully 99 percent of Title I dollars go to the local level. School districts use 90 to 93 percent of

their Title I funds for instruction and instructional support4most often in reading and math.

Although Title I accounts for a relatively small proportion of total funding for elementary and

secondary education (just under 3 percent), the program plays a significant role in supporting

local education improvement efforts. It provides flexible funding that may be used for

supplementary instruction, professional development, new computers, after-school or other

extended-time programs, and other strategies for raising student achievement.

Title I also provides supplemental assistance to children who face special educational

barriers. These include children who come from families with low literacy, the children of

migrant agricultural workers, and children who are neglected or delinquent. The children of

parents with poor literacy skills are less likely to receive early literacy training at home or to be

enrolled in a preschool programsituations that increase the risk of school failure. Migrant

children have families who move frequently to pursue agricultural work, and thus the children

must change schools frequentlya situation that has a detrimental effect on their achievement.

Neglected or delinquent students are extremely educationally disadvantaged; most are

incarcerated in state juvenile and adult correctional facilities and have experienced numerous

disruptions in their education.
Executive Summary xii

Exhibit reads: Almost all of the highest-poverty schools (95 percent) receive Title I

funds, compared with 36 percent of the lowest-poverty schools.

Source: Stullich, Donly, and Stolzberg, Targeting Schools: Study of Title I Allocations

Within School Districts, 1999.

Title I reaches more than 11 million students enrolled in both public and private

schoolsabout two-thirds of whom are in grades 1-6. The percentage of students in middle

and secondary schools remains a small proportion of those served overall. Minority students

participate at rates higher than their proportion of the student population. African American

students represent 28 percent of Title I participants, 30 percent are Hispanic, and 36 percent are

non-Hispanic white. The remaining 5 percent are from other ethnic/racial groups. Among those

served by the Title I, Part A (local education agency) program are about 167,000 private school

children, close to 300,000 migrant children, and over 200,000 children identified as homeless.

Title I services are also available to about 2 million students with limited English proficiency

(almost one-fifth of all students served and growing in number), and to 1 million students with

disabilities.5 In 1996-97, Even Start (Part B) served some 48,000 children and almost 36,000

adults.6 Over 580,000 migrant children were served under the Migrant Education Program

(Part C)7, and 200,000 neglected or delinquent youth were served in the Title I Part D program

for such youth.8

Exhibit 1

Percentage of Schools Participating in Title I,

by School Poverty Level, 1997-98

58%

95%

81%

64%

36%

0 %

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Total 75%-100% 50%-74% 35%-49% 0-34%

School Poverty Level (Free or Reduced-Price Lunch)

Percentage of Schools
Executive Summary xiii

The 1994 Reauthorization of Title I of the Elementary and Secondary

Education Act

The 1994 reauthorization of ESEA, along with the Goals 2000: Educate America Act, introduced

a new federal approach built around a framework of standards-driven reform. Challenging

standards for all students would promote excellence and equity, and better link Title I with other

federal programs to support state and local reform efforts. As the largest single federal

investment in elementary and secondary education, the reauthorized Title I adopted each of the

key principles outlined in the legislation:

ß Support states in setting high standards for all childrenwith the elements of education

aligned, so that they are working in concert to help all students reach those standards;

ß Focus on teaching and learning, through upgrading curriculum, accelerating instruction, and

providing teachers with professional development to teach to high standards;

ß Provide flexibility to stimulate school-based and district initiatives, coupled with

responsibility for student performance;

ß Create links among schools, parents, and communities; and

ß Target resources to where the needs are greatest.

Six years ago, the U.S. Department of Education reported to Congress on the effectiveness of the

program as it operated as Chapter 1. That report, Reinventing Chapter 1: The Current Chapter 1

Program and New Directions, which drew from the longitudinal study, Prospects: Student

Outcomes3⁄4Final Report, concluded that in order for the program to effectively support all

students in meeting challenging standards, fundamental change was required. Indeed, as the

prior National Assessment of Chapter 1 found, Chapter 1 programs reinforced low expectations

of the students they served by providing students with remedial instruction and holding them to

lower academic standards than other students.9

ß Different expectations were clearly evident for students in high- and low-poverty schools.

Indeed, when measured against a common test, an “A” student in a high-poverty school

would be about a “C” student in a low-poverty school.10

ß Program-supported services pulled most Chapter 1 students out of their regular classrooms,

adding an average of only 10 minutes of instructional time per day, and often failing to relate

to the rest of the student’s educational experience.11

ß Chapter 1 did not contribute to high-quality instruction, and often relied on teacher’s aides

who lacked educational credentials required to deliver high-quality instruction.12

ß Chapter 1 had not kept pace with the growing movement, across the country, toward the

establishment of challenging standards and assessments. Therefore, weaknesses in

instruction were compounded by minimum competency assessments that tested primarily

low-level skills.13
Executive Summary xiv

The reauthorized Title I legislation coupled flexibility in the use of resources with attention to

accountability for results. Providing flexibility in tandem with performance accountability is the

centerpiece of Title I, and an overall focus of the National Assessment of Title I. The National

Assessment also examines the implementation of key Title I provisions at the state, district, and

school levels.

The Mandate for a National Assessment of Title I

The final report of the National Assessment of Title I responds to Congress’s mandate to examine

the progress of students served by the program and implementation of key provisions, and

suggests strategies for improved policies or changes in statutory requirements.

Key issues addressed include:

ß The performance of students in high-poverty schools and low-performing students, the prime

beneficiaries of Title I services;

ß The implementation of systems designed to support schools in helping students meet high

standards, including the establishment of systems of challenging standards and assessments,

the role of Title I in holding schools accountable for results, and targeting of Title I funds and

the allocation and use of resources in states, districts, and schools;

ß The implementation of Title I services at the school level, including strategies for providing

challenging curriculum and instruction in high-poverty Title I schools, uses of schoolwide

and targeted assistance approaches for providing services in Title I schools, qualifications of

and support for staff (including aides) in Title I high-poverty schools, and Title I support for

partnerships with families; and

ß The implementation of additional Title I services targeted at special populations, including

(Part A) Services to Students Enrolled in Private Schools, Even Start (Part B), Migrant

Education Program (Part C), and Services to Neglected or Delinquent Children (Part D).

The National Assessment of Title I also reports progress on key indicators identified for the

Title I program in response to the Government Performance and Results Act of 1993 (GPRA)

[P.L. 103-62], which requires that agencies establish performance goals and track indicators for

every program. These indicators address improved achievement for students enrolled in highpoverty schools, increases in the number of Title I schools using standards-based reform and

effective strategies to enable all children to reach challenging standards, and accelerated state and

local reform efforts and assistance to Title I schools.

The National Assessment of Title I benefited from the involvement of an Independent Review

Panel composed of representatives of state and local education agencies and private schools,

school-level staff, parent representatives, education researchers, and policy experts. The Panel,

mandated under Sections 1501 and 14701 of the ESEA, has met three to four times a year since

May 1995. It has defined issues for the National Assessment of Title I and the companion Report

on the Impact of Federal Education Legislation Enacted in 1994. Panel members have also

participated in reviews of study plans, data analysis, and draft text for both reports.
Executive Summary xv

KEY FINDINGS

Progress in the Performance of Students in High-Poverty Schools

The impact of standards-based reform is beginning to be seen in improved achievement among

students in high-poverty schools and among low-performing studentswho are the primary

recipients of Title I services.

Performance on National Assessments of Reading

Since 1992, prior to the reauthorization of Title I, national reading performance has

improved for 9-year-olds in the highest-poverty public schools (those with 75 percent or

more low-income children), regaining ground lost in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Scores

on the long-term trend assessment of the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP)

of 9-year-olds in the highest-poverty public schools increased 8 points (close to one grade level)

between 1992 and 1996 (Exhibit 2).

Exhibit reads: In 1996, the average reading scale score for 9-year-old students in

the highest-poverty schools was 188.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, National

Assessment of Educational Progress, NAEP Reading Trends, unpublished tabulations, 1998.

Among the lowest-achieving public school 4th-gradersthose most likely to be served by

Title Ithere were fairly substantial improvements in reading between 1994 and 1998.

Results of the Main NAEP reading assessment showing substantial gains for low achievers

9 points among the bottom 10 percent and 5 points among the bottom 25 percentcompared with

the stable performance of other percentile groups suggest that it was the performance of the

lowest achievers that raised the national average of all 4th-graders.

Exhibit 2

Trends in NAEP Reading Performance

Average Scale Scores of 9-Year-Old Public School Students,

 by Poverty Level of School (1988 - 1996)

217

221 220 220

225

211 209 209 209 210

190 189

180

184

188

140

160

180

200

220

240

260

1988 1990 1992 1994 1996

0

Highest-poverty schools = 76% to 100% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.

Low-poverty schools = 0 to 25% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.

Scale scores are 0-500.

 Pre-Reauthorization

Low-Poverty Schools

All Schools

Highest-Poverty Schools

NAEP Mean Scale Score
Executive Summary xvi

Performance on National Assessments of Mathematics

Math achievement has improved nationally, especially among students in the highestpoverty public schools. NAEP scores on the long-term trend assessment show an increase of

about 10 points for all 9-year-olds from 1986 through 1996 (Exhibit 3).

Exhibit reads: In 1996, the average mathematics scale scores of 9-year-old students in

the highest-poverty schools was 217.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, National

Assessment of Educational Progress, NAEP Mathematics Trends, unpublished tabulations, 1998.

Math scores from the main NAEP assessment also improved substantially among public

4

th-grade students in the lowest percentiles of performancethose most typically targeted

for Title I services. The main NAEP assessment shows that, from 1990 to 1996, the average

performance of the lowest-achieving students improved steadily. NAEP scores of the lowest

25 percent improved by 8 points.

Exhibit 3

Trends in NAEP Mathematics Performance

Average Scale Scores of 9-Year-Old Public School Students,

by Poverty Level of School (1986 - 1996)

228

237 236

239 238

219

230 228 229 230

208

213

208

215 217

140

160

180

200

220

240

260

1986 1990 1992 1994 1996

0

 Pre-Reauthorization

Highest-poverty schools = 76% to 100% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.

Low-poverty schools = 0 to 25% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.

Scale scores are 0-500.

Low-Poverty Schools

All Schools

Highest-Poverty Schools

NAEP Mean Scale Score
Executive Summary xvii

However, a substantial achievement gap remains between students in the highest- and

lowest-poverty schools. In 1998, 32 percent of students in the highest-poverty schools met or

exceeded the NAEP Basic level in reading, about half the rate nationally of students in public

schools. In math, 42 percent of students in the highest-poverty schools scored at or above the

NAEP Basic level in 1996, compared with 62 percent in all public schools (Exhibit 4).

Exhibit reads: In 1998, 61 percent of 4th-grade students attending public schools performed at or

above the Basic level in reading, and in 1996, 62 percent of all 4th-graders scored at or above the

Basic level in mathematics.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, National Assessment of

Educational Progress, Main NAEP Reading and Mathematics, unpublished tabulations, 1999.

Despite the nationwide gap in performance, the percent of 4th-grade students enrolled in

highest-poverty public schools achieving at or above the Basic level in mathematics

exceeded the national average (62 percent) in 9 statesindicating that it is possible to bring

these students to high levels of achievement (Exhibit 5).

Exhibit 4

NAEP 4th-Grade Reading and Mathematics

Percentage of Public School 4th-Graders Scoring At or Above

Basic and Proficient Achievement Levels,

by Poverty Level of School, 1998

61%

77%

66%

51%

32%

29%

44%

31%

20%

10%

0 %

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

A ll Public

Schools

0-25%

Poverty

26-50%

Poverty

51-75%

Poverty

76-100%

Poverty

At or Above Basic At or Above Proficient

Reading Mathematics

Percentage of Students

62%

77%

62%

59%

42%

19%

28%

19% 19%

10%

A ll Public

Schools

0-25%

Poverty

26-50%

Poverty

51-75%

Poverty

76-100%

Poverty
Executive Summary xviii

Exhibit reads: In Maine, 80 percent of 4th-graders who attended the highest-poverty schools

scored at or above the Basic level in mathematics.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, National

Assessment of Education Progress, State NAEP Mathematics, unpublished tabulations, 1998.

Exhibit 5

State NAEP 4th-Grade Mathematics, 1996

Percentage of Students in the Highest-Poverty Schools Performing

At or Above Basic Level, by State

1 1 %

2 5 %

2 5 %

2 8 %

2 9 %

3 0 %

3 0 %

3 0 %

3 4 %

3 6 %

3 7 %

3 7 %

3 7 %

3 8 %

3 9 %

4 1 %

4 3 %

4 3 %

4 4 %

4 6 %

4 6 %

4 6 %

4 8 %

4 8 %

4 8 %

4 8 %

5 1 %

5 2 %

5 3 %

5 6 %

5 6 %

6 0 %

6 1 %

6 1 %

6 3 %

6 5 %

6 5 %

6 5 %

6 5 %

6 7 %

6 9 %

7 6 %

8 0 %

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

District of Columbia

New Jersey

California

Pennsylvania

Mississippi

Rhode Island

Alabama

New York

Maryland

Louisiana

Alaska

South Carolina

New Mexico

Arizona

Arkansas

Connecticut

Texas

Tennessee

Georgia

Virginia

North Carolina

Colorado

Oregon

Florida

Hawaii

Missouri

Massachusetts

Kentucky

Nevada

Washington

Michigan

Vermont

Iowa

West Virginia

Indiana

Wisconsin

Wyoming

Nebraska

Montana

Utah

North Dakota

Minnesota

Maine

Highest-Poverty Schools = 76% to 100% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.

National Average

62% for All Public

School Students
Executive Summary xix

Performance on State and District Assessments

Trends in student performance based on the assessments of individual states and districts provide

an additional perspective for measuring the progress of students in high-poverty areas.

Three-year trends reported by states and districts show progress in the percentage of

students in the highest-poverty schools meeting state and local standards for proficiency in

mathematics and reading. Among states and large urban districts that provided three-year trend

data for students in high-poverty schools, the results overall are positive. Because changes in

state assessment systems to comply with Title I legislation, few states can currently provide threeyear trend data on students in high-poverty schools. Results from 13 large urban districts are

presented to show trends in student performance in areas in which poverty and educational

challenges are most highly concentrated. Districts profiled are among the largest in the country,

have student populations that are at least 35 percent minority and 50 percent eligible for

free/reduced-price lunch, serve high concentrations of students with limited English proficiency,

are geographically diverse; and have at least three years of achievement data on the same

assessment in reading and math for elementary and middle school students. As with states, these

districts are among those that provided data (which were available in fall/early winter 1998).

ß The achievement of elementary school students in the highest-poverty schools improved in

5 of 6 states reporting three-year trends in reading, and in 4 of 5 states reporting trends in

mathematics. Students in Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina, and Texas made progress

in both subjects.14

ß Ten of 13 large urban districts showed increases in the percentage of elementary students in

the highest-poverty schools who met district or state proficiency standards in reading or math.

Six districtsHouston, Miami-Dade County, New York, Philadelphia, San Antonio and San

Franciscomade progress in both subjects.15

Title I Support for Systems Designed to Support Schools in Helping

Students Meet High Standards

Development of Standards and Assessments and the Role of Title I

Challenging standards of learning and assessments that ensure shared expectations for all children

are key policy drivers in Title I. Indeed, support for the establishment of systems of standards

and assessments under Title I, as well as the Goals 2000: Educate America Act, is consistent

with a key purpose of the program, as outlined in the statute: “to enable schools to provide

opportunities for children served to acquire the knowledge and skills contained in the challenging

State content standards and to meet the challenging State performance standards developed for all

children.”

In addition to requiring states to establish and use systems of standards and aligned assessments

to guide expectations for what children should be expected to know and do, Title I has required

that states develop criteria for tracking the student performance of schools and districts

participating in the program. By the 1997-98 school year, each state was to have adopted

challenging content standards, in at least reading and math, that specify what all children are

expected to know and be able to do, and challenging performance standards that describe
Executive Summary xx

students’ mastery of the content standards. By the year 2000-01, states are also to adopt or

develop student assessment systems that are aligned with standards in at least reading/language

arts and math.

States are making significant progress in developing content standards, but progress is

considerably slower with respect to developing performance standards according to the

timeline set forth in the statute.

ß Forty-eight states, the District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico have met the requirement for

developing content standards in the core subjects of reading and math. One remaining state is

approving its districts’ standards; the other state has a waiver to extend the deadline to

develop state standards. Federal assistance is credited with providing financial incentives and

support that helped states adopt standards (Exhibit 6).

ß Less than half the states had approved performance standards by 1998. Variability in the

rigor of standards is a concern, given the lack of evidence that states have benchmarked

standards against common criteria, such as NAEP (Exhibit 7).

Exhibit reads: In 1998, 48 states, the District of Columbia and Puerto had submitted evidence to

the U.S. Department of Education that content standards were in place.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, unpublished analysis of state plans required under Sec. 1111;

baseline (1994) data obtained from Council of Chief State School Officers, Status Report: State Systemic

Education Improvements, 1995.

States are not required to have assessment systems (which reflect standards) and include all

students until 2000-01. However, progress in their development is worth noting.

ß According to an independent review of state plans submitted to the U.S. Department of

Education in 1997, 14 states had in place transitional assessment systems linked to state

content standards.16

ß In addition, a sizable number reported student achievement based on state assessment data

according to categories established in the statute. For the 1996-97 school year, of the

48 states, plus the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico, that reported student achievement

data through the Title I Performance Report, 21 disaggregated results by school poverty

levels, 12 reported results for low-income students, 19 provided data for limited-Englishproficient students, and 16 reported achievement of migrant students.17

Exhibit 6

States with Challenging Content Standards

in Mathematics and Reading/Language Arts

1 9

4 2

5 0

5 2 5 2

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

1994 1997 1998 1999 2000

Number of States

Goal

Exhibit 7

States with Challenging Performance Standards

in Mathematics and Reading/Language Arts

0

1 8

2 2

3 8

5 2

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

1994 1997 1998 1999 2000

Number of States

Goal
Executive Summary xxi

Issues regarding assessment of special populations are among the greatest challenges

reported by states in developing their assessment systems. The review of state practices in

determining school and district progress found that most states (44) had at least partially

developed policies or procedures for assessing all students but only 28 provided some evidence

that these policies or procedures were being implemented.18

The Role of Title I in Holding Schools Accountable for Performance and Supporting

Improvement Efforts

Title I is intended to be linked to state accountability so that states will hold Title I schools to the

same high standards for performance expected for all schools. Under Title I each state is required

to develop criteria for determining a standard of adequate yearly progress for districts and schools

participating in Title I based on the state assessment and other measures. Title I schools and

districts that fail to make adequate yearly progress are to be identified for improvement. Schools

identified for improvement are to receive support and assistance from states and districts. Those

schools and districts that continue to fail to make progress are subject to corrective actions. The

performance of districts and schools under Title I is to be publicly reported and widely shared.

States are making progress in implementing the accountability provisions of Title I,

although full implementation of accountability under Title I is not required until final

assessments are in place in the 2000-01 school year. But states are also facing real challenges

as they transform their educational systems into higher-performing, results-based systems.

ß States have developed transitional measures for defining school and district progress under

Title I, but there are concerns about the rigor of the measures. An independent review of

state plans documented that only half of all states have set standards for measuring progress

based on students reaching a proficient level of performance, rather than only a minimum

level of competency. Most states do not have a specified timeline for having all students

meet expectations.19

ß There is considerable variation across states in the identification of Title I schools in need of

improvement. In Texas, only 1 percent of Title I schools were identified for improvement in

1996-97. In New Mexico and Washington, D.C., over 80 percent of Title I schools were

identified for improvement.20

ß Although there is variation in the number and percentage of Title I schools identified for

improvement across the states, evidence suggests that states are identifying their neediest

schools. Schools identified for improvement tend to serve a greater proportion of poor

students and have a larger minority enrollment.21

ß A recent study of accountability in large urban districts finds that Title I has been “a model

and an instigator” for standards-based reform and efforts to track student progress and

improve schools.22 Nationally, 14 percent of districts report that Title I is driving reform in

their districts as a whole to a great extent. Fifty percent of small poor districts and 47 percent

of large poor districts report that Title I is driving reform to a great extent.23

A key concern is the extent to which identification of schools for improvement under Title I

is integrated with the accountability systems states are putting in place for all schools.
Executive Summary xxii

ß Although there is considerable overlap between schools identified for improvement under

Title I and those identified through other state or local mechanisms, states report that they are

having difficulty integrating the Title I requirements with their own systems. Parallel

systems are operating in many states, with only 23 state Title I directors reporting that the

same accountability system is used for Title I as for schools in their state.

ß Research shows that state accountability systems that are “closer to home” are of greater

value to educators and have more immediate consequences to schools and districts.

Recent findings suggest that state and Title I accountability requirements are helping states,

districts, and schools focus more on the use of data for school improvement.

ß Research on accountability in 12 states and 14 districts found that a remarkably high level of

attention was being paid to using data to inform decisionmaking. The study found that

although outcome data was being required to be used for school improvement planning, many

districts were going beyond requirements of the law to use the performance data to identify

and develop strategies for staff development and curriculum improvement that address gaps

in performance.24

The lack of capacity of state school support teams to assist schools in need of improvement

under Title I is a major concern.

ß The State Improvement Grants that would have provided additional resources for the

operation of school support teams were not funded in reauthorization. Although the main

task for state school support teams has been to assist schoolwide programs, their charge also

includes providing assistance to schools in need of improvement. In 1998, only 8 states

reported that school support teams have been able to serve the majority of schools identified

as in need of improvement. In 24 states, Title I directors reported more schools in need of

assistance from school support teams than Title I could assist.25

ß Among schools that reported in 1997-98 that they had been identified as in need of

improvement, less than half (47 percent) reported that they had received additional

professional development or assistance as a result.26

Targeting Title I Resources to Districts and Schools Where the Needs Are Greatest

Historically, Title I funds were spread thinly to most districts and a large majority of

schools, undermining the program’s capacity to meet the high expectations set by

policymakers. The previous Chapter 1 formula and within-district allocation provisions spread

funds to virtually all counties, 93 percent of all school districts, and 66 percent of all public

schools, yet left many of the nation’s poorest schools unserved. The 1994 reauthorization

changed the allocation provisions in an effort to improve the targeting of Title I funds on the

neediest districts and schools. In addition, Congress has recently increased the proportion of

Title I funds appropriated for Concentration Grants in an effort to direct a greater share of the

funds to higher-poverty districts and schools.

Changes in the allocation formula and procedures, enacted in the 1994 amendments, have

had little effect on targeting at the state, county, and district levels, but substantial impact

on within-in district targeting. At the district level, the share of Title I funds allocated to the

highest-poverty quartile of districts remained unchanged (at 49 percent) from FY 1994 to
Executive Summary xxiii

FY 1997. At the school level, almost all (95 percent) of the highest-poverty schools (75 percent

or more low-income students) received Title I funds in 1997-98, up from 79 percent in 1993-94

 (Exhibit 8). Funding for low-poverty schools (less than 35 percent low-income students)

declined from 49 percent to 36 percent over the same period. At the secondary level, nearly all

(93 percent) highest-poverty secondary schools received Title I funds in 1997-98, up from

61 percent in 1993-94.27

Exhibit reads: The proportion of highest-poverty schools (those with 75 percent or

more low-income students) receiving Title I funding rose from 79 percent in 1993-94

to 95 percent in 1997-98.

Source: Stullich, Donly, and Stolzberg, Targeting Schools: Study of Title I Allocations Within

School Districts, 1999.

Nearly all Title I funds are allocated to local school districts. States distribute 99 percent of

their Title I funds to school districts and retain only 1 percent for administration, leadership, and

technical assistance to districts and schools.28 Title I funds allocated to school districts amounted

to $720 per poor child in FY 1999. Over 90 percent of Title I funds are used for instruction and

instructional support—much higher than the percentage of state and local funds (62 percent).29

Although Title I accounts for a relatively small percentage of total funding for elementary and

secondary education (about 3 percent), the program plays a significant role in supporting local

education improvement efforts. It provides flexible funding that may be used for supplementary

instruction, professional development, new computers, after-school or other extended-time

programs, and other strategies for raising student achievement. For example, Title I funds used

for technology amounted to roughly $237 million, nearly as much as the appropriations for the

Technology Literacy Challenge Fund and Technology Literacy Challenge Grants combined

($257 million). Similarly, Title I funds used for professional development amounted to

$191 million in 1997-98.30

Exhibit 8

Percentage of Highest-Poverty Schools

That Receive Title I Funds, 1993-94 to 1997-98

79%

93% 95%

0 %

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

1993-94 1995-96 1997-98

Highest-poverty schools = 75% to 100% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.

Percentage of Schools
Executive Summary xxiv

Title I funds may help equalize resources for high- and low-poverty schools. Title I provides

additional support in districts and schools with greater needs, which often receive fewer resources

from state and local sources. For example, Title I funds purchased an average of 3.3 computers in

the highest-poverty schools in 1997-98 (26 percent of the new computers), compared with

0.6 computers in low-poverty schools. High-poverty schools’ use of Title I funds for technology

helped to compensate for the fact that they received fewer computers from state or local funds

(4.8 computers, versus 12.4 in low-poverty schools).31

Increases in targeting have increased the number of high-poverty schools served but have

not necessarily increased the intensity of services. In a sample of 17 large urban districts, the

average size of school allocations remained unchanged from 1994-95 to 1996-97, indicating that

the growth in total funding and redirection of some funds away from low-poverty schools were

used to increase the number of high-poverty schools served rather than to increase the intensity of

services in those schools.

Title I Services at the School Level

The Context for Standards-Based Reform

There is evidence of progress for students in high-poverty schools where staff members

focus on challenging standards and strategies that help students achieve them. Preliminary

findings from the Longitudinal Evaluation of School Change and Performance (LESCP), a study

of instructional practices in 71 high-poverty schools found that

ß Students were likely to make better progress in reading if their teacher gave them more total

exposure to reading in the content areas and opportunities to talk in small groups about what

they had read.

ß Students in the bottom quarter of their class who had better growth in vocabulary and

comprehension tended to have teachers who gave them more exposure to reading materials of

at least one paragraph, reading content areas materials, working at a computer, and

completing workbooks or skill sheets.

ß Teachers who used a curriculum that reflected National Council of Teachers of Mathematics

(NCTM) standards had students with higher gains in mathematics.

ß Students who started the year as low achievers could be helped to gain more skill in problem

solving in mathematics when their teachers deliberately emphasized understanding and

problem solving with them.

Principals are reporting an increased use of content standards to guide curriculum and

instruction in their schools. The proportion of Title I principals who reported using content

standards to guide curriculum and instruction to a great extent increased substantially from

approximately half in 1995-96 to approximately three-quarters in 1997-98. Recent findings from

a study of high-performing, high-poverty schools carry this relationship one step further, finding

that implementing such reforms is associated with higher student performance. The study found

that in high-performing, high-poverty schools, 80 percent of principals reported using standards

extensively to design curriculum and instruction and 94 percent reported using standards to assess

student progress.32
Executive Summary xxv

However, most teachers do not feel very well prepared to use standards in the classroom. In

1998, only 37 percent of teachers in schools with 60 percent poverty or greater reported that they

felt very well prepared to implement state or district curriculum and performance standards. This

sense of preparedness is a key factor in predicting student outcomes, according to the LESCP

study of 71 high-poverty Title I schools. The LESCP found that teachers’ reported preparedness

in both subject matter and instructional strategies had a positive relationship with student

progress.33 The LESCP also found that district reform policy had an influence on teachers’

familiarity with standards-based reform and their implementation of such reform in their

classrooms. Teachers in higher-reform districts were more likely than their peers in lower-reform

districts to be familiar with content and performance standards and assessments, and their

curriculum was more likely to reflect the standards.

Another factor that may contribute to a teacher’s sense of preparedness is professional

development. In 1998, public school teachers, regardless of the poverty level of their school,

spent only a limited amount of time in professional development, although they did focus on

topics that supported standards-based reform. Most teachers are not participating in intensive

or sustained training—two essential characteristics of effective professional development. Given

the relationship between teacher preparedness and student achievement, this is a troubling

finding. Over half (55 percent) of all teachers in high-poverty schools reported spending less than

9 hours per year on training in the content areas. Over two-thirds (70 percent) of teachers in highpoverty schools reported receiving less than 9 hours per year of professional development related

to content and performance standards. 34

Title I Support for Standards-Based Reform

Schools are making better use of delivery models that integrate Title I with the regular

academic program. Reliance on the pull-out model (instruction outside the regular classroom)

has decreased, while in-class models (instruction in the regular classroom), schoolwide programs,

and extended-time instruction have all increased. Use of the in-class model has increased

dramatically since the years prior to reauthorization, from 58 percent of Title I schools in 1991-92

to 83 percent in 1997-98. Use of the pull-out model declined from 74 percent of Title I schools in

1991-92 to 68 percent in 1997-98. However, in 1997-98, over half (57 percent) reported using

both approaches.35

Title I paraprofessionals are widely used as part of schools’ instructional programs. In the

1997-98 school year, 84 percent of principals in high-poverty schools reported using aides, as

contrasted with 54 percent in low-poverty schools.36 Although very few paraprofessionals had

the educational background necessary to teach students, almost all (96 percent) were either

teaching or helping to teach students.37 Three-fourths of paraprofessionals (72 percent) spent at

least some of this time teaching without a teacher present.38

Schoolwide programs have the potential to help integrate Title I resources in standardsbased reform at the school level. Recent findings show that schoolwide programs are more

likely than targeted assistance schools to use a strategic plan and to use models of service delivery

that better integrate Title I into the larger educational program. Strategic plans allow Title I

services to be considered within the broader context of a school’s reform goals, and can provide a

framework for better integration of Title I within the regular academic program. In addition, as

would be expected, principals in schoolwide programs reported less use of the pull-out model

than targeted-assistance programs. They were also more likely to report using extended-time

programs.
Executive Summary xxvi

Less than half of Title I schools offer extended learning time programs during the school

year, although the proportion of schools offering extended time has increased from

9 percent to 41 percent since the last reauthorization. Moreover, few students participate in

these programs. Extended-time programs offered during the school year (through before-school,

after-school, or weekend programs) serve 16 percent of the students in the highest-poverty

schools with such programs and 11 percent of the students in Title I schools with such

programs.39 Summer school programs serve 17 percent of the students in the highest-poverty

schools and 19 percent of the students in Title I schools offering summer programs.40

Recent research on effective schools has found that such schools use extended learning time

in reading and mathematics to improve learning and achievement.

41 In a recent study of

higher-success and lower-success elementary schools in Maryland, researchers found that the

more successful schools were seeing consistent academic gains as a result of extended day

programs.42 In another study of high-performing, high-poverty schools, 86 percent of the schools

extended time for reading and 66 percent extended instructional time in mathematics.43

Recent evidence indicates that secondary schools are making progress in implementing

service delivery models that are less stigmatizing and better integrated with the regular

academic program. Secondary students are still served in pull-out settings, but less commonly

than elementary students. Moreover, in the schools that do provide pull-out services, this model

of service delivery appears to be only one of several such models. In addition to improving

Title I delivery strategies, secondary schools are making progress in implementing standardsbased reform. Title I services in secondary schools provide supplementary services in support of

schools’ efforts to enable students to achieve high standards. Most secondary school principals

reported using content standards to a great extent in reading (75 percent at the middle school level

and 62 percent at the high school level) and mathematics (72 percent at the middle school level

and 65 percent at the high school level).44 Case studies of 18 secondary schools engaged in

school improvement suggest that state and local accountability systems are prompting reform,

and that Title I generally serves to support these reform efforts. In states and districts with highstakes accountability systems, both core academic instruction and supplementary assistance

provided through Title I are often geared toward preparing students to pass state or district

assessments. 45

Title I Support for Partnerships with Families, Schools, and

Communities to Support Learning

Title I supports for parental involvement and family literacy. The federal role in supporting

parental involvement can be catalytic, encouraging schools to get parents to help their children

learn and to participate in school activities and decisions. Principals and teachers identify the

lack of parental involvement as a significant barrier to improvement, and see the need to engage

parents to achieve reform, especially in high-poverty schools. The new Title I school-parent

compacts can bring schools and parents together around their shared responsibilities, but they

need sustained support. Although the proportion of Title I schools with school-parent compacts

rose from 20 percent in 1994 to about 75 percent in 1998, there remain 25 percent with no parent

agreements. A substantial majority of schoolsespecially those serving high concentrations of

low-income children do find compacts helpful in promoting parental involvement, particularly

higher-poverty schools, but principals continue to identify lack of parental involvement as one of

the major barriers to reform.46 In addition, the Even Start family literacy program has shown

results in working with very needy families, but it needs to strengthen the intensity and quality of

services to improve performance.
Executive Summary xxvii

Special Title I Services

Title I Services to Students Attending Private Schools

Reauthorization and recent court rulings have affected the participation of private school

students in Title I. Federal law requires that students in private schools be afforded an

opportunity to participate in Title I equal to students in public schools, and the services provided

to them also must be equitable. Reauthorization in 1994 changed the allocation of Title I

resources for these services, linking it to the number of low-income students residing in

attendance areas instead of the level of educational need. The overturning of the Aguilar v. Felton

decision in June 1997 (Felton had restricted service locations for students in religiously affiliated

schools) adds considerable flexibility to districts’ options for providing Title I services to eligible

students enrolled in private schools.

ß Surveys have shown that the number of private school participants has declined by about

6 percent since the 1994 reauthorization, from 177,000 in 1993-94 to 167,000 in 1996-97.

Most Title I administrators and private school representatives agree that they have

established positive working relationships, but report differently about who is actually

involved in consultation and about the topics that are discussed. For example, Title I

administrators in at least 80 percent of districts say that they consulted with either a private school

principal or representative of a private school organization on most issues, but substantially fewer

private school representatives report such consultation.

Almost all districts that serve eligible private school students provide them with supplementary

academic instruction. A preliminary review of the experiences of nine large urban districts

indicates that they are taking advantage of the opportunity to provide instructional services on

religiously affiliated school premises. However, Title I administrators in these districts also

report that they continue to provide at least some of the instructional services in neutral sites on or

near the school grounds, with several of the districts relying more heavily on these facilities than

others.

Title I, Part B: Even Start Family Literacy Program

The Even Start program (Title I, Part B) provides support to states and local grantees for

family literacy programs intended to break the cycle of poverty and illiteracy in low-income

families. The program is designed to support high-quality, intensive instructional programs of

adult education, parenting education, and early childhood education.

The national evaluation has documented that Even Start projects successfully target

services toward families who are most in need, and that participating families consistently

make gains on measures of literacy.

ß At least 90 percent of families participating in 1996-97 had incomes at or below the federal

poverty level, and 85 percent of the adults had not earned a high school diploma or GED.

ß In 1995-96, the gap between scores of Even Start children and those for a national norms

group was reduced by two-thirds in one year.
Executive Summary xxviii

ß Adult participants also made gains on tests of adult literacy. Parents also showed moderate

gains on a measure of the home environment for literacy, gains not found in a control group

of parents in a study of the Comprehensive Child Development Program.

Working with such needy families poses challenges to providing intensive services and

engaging families over an extended period of time. Research has shown that service intensity

and duration can contribute to better outcomes. Although Even Start projects have increased the

amount of instruction they have offered in all core service areas over time, only about 25 percent

of all projects meet or exceed the Department’s performance indicator for the number of service

hours offered in the three core instructional components.

Title I, Part C: Migrant Education Program

The Migrant Education Program (MEP) provides formula grants to states for supplemental

education and support services for the children of migrant agricultural workers and fishers.

Reauthorization established a priority for services for migratory children whose education has

been interrupted during the school year and who are failing, or at risk of failing, to meet their

states’ content and performance standards. According to 80 percent of principals of schoolwide

programs, migrant students who fail to meet their state’s performance standards have the highest

priority for instructional services.

MEP summer-term and extended-time projects play an important role in the education of

migrant students. Summer projects provide continuity of instruct47ion for migrant students, who

experience a great deal of educational disruption. Over the past decade, summer projects have

grown faster than the regular program, and they now serve approximately 60 percent of the

number of students served during the regular term. The number of summer participants increased

from 220,800 in the 1995-96 school year to over 283,000 in 1996-97.

Effective coordination at the state level can increase the efficiency and effectiveness of

services to migrant children. Consortia arrangements designed to reduce administrative costs

and increase information sharing across states have grown since reauthorization.

ß As of August 1998, the Department had approved consortia arrangements involving 32 states,

an increase from 15 states in fiscal year 1995.

ß Two years after the elimination of the Migrant Student Records Transfer System, most states

and school districts rely on mail, telephone, and fax to transfer records for migrant students.

Title I, Part D: Prevention and Intervention Programs for Children and Youth Who

are Neglected, Delinquent, or At Risk of Dropping Out

The Title I, Part D program is intended to serve neglected and delinquent children and

youth, often in juvenile and adult correctional facilities. The 1994 reauthorization made

several major changes to the Title I, Part D program. One change was increasing the number of

hours each week for instruction to help students to meet challenging academic standards. The

reauthorized program also offered institutions the option of operating institutionwide programs,

modeled after Title I schoolwide programs, to help ensure that students’ needs are being met in a

coherent and coordinated manner.
Executive Summary xxix

Although states report that they are building facilities’ capacity to implement

institutionwide programs, few facilities have implemented them. More than half of the states

provided technical assistance on “whole school” improvement, yet only 9 percent of neglected or

delinquent (N or D) facilities are institutionwide programs. Moreover, states and institutions

need to work on collecting appropriate data and using it to inform program improvement.

Institutions are generally unable to collect comprehensive data on students’ educational

experiences and transition to further education or employment.

Options for Future Directions

Stay the Course: Maintain an Emphasis on Challenging Standards for All Students

Gains by students in the nation’s highest-poverty schools, coupled with evidence that aligning

instruction with challenging standards can substantially increase student achievement, point to the

need to stay the course of focusing instruction on challenging standards for all students. Though

there has clearly been progress in implementing standards at all levels, full implementation in

classrooms across the country has yet to be accomplished. States, districts, and schools need to

continue to implement standards that challenge all students to achieve at high levels, and to align

curriculum, teaching, and assessments with those standards. Reauthorization should address the

continuing challenges that limit Title I’s capacity to be a stimulus and support for better results

for our nation’s at-risk students.

Targeted High-Performance “Catch-Up” Grants to Strengthen the Highest-Poverty

Schools

The continuing weak performance of the highest-poverty schools, those with poverty in

excess of 75 percent, remains one of America’s most pressing educational problems.

Although all Title I schools need additional resources and assistance, the highest-poverty schools

are the neediest not only in terms of their populations served, but also in terms of the progress

they must make to improve their current performance. In these schools, 7 out of every 10

children are currently achieving below even the basic level of reading.

Reauthorization should focus on the extraordinary needs of the highest-poverty schools to

improve teaching and learning for our most at-risk students, while holding these schools

accountable for continuous improvement in student results. If these grants were to target an

additional $1.3 billion, or about 15 percent of current Title I funds, they would be sufficient,

when combined with current Title I funds and a 25 percent local match, to enable the highestpoverty schools to

ß Support a schoolwide model program of their choosing that is backed by evaluation evidence

of effectiveness. Schools could carry out intensive programs aimed at improving early

reading as in the Reading Excellence Act program, run a program to start their middle-school

students thinking about college and planning for their futures, as in GEAR UP, or a

combination of such approaches.
Executive Summary xxx

ß Within three years, achieve a ratio of modern multimedia computers to students of 5:1, a

long-term national target and a goal that is especially important in high-poverty communities

where children lack the home access to computers available in higher-income areas.

ß Provide a high-quality after-school instructional program for 50 percent of all students, up

from the current 12 percent.

ß Reduce class sizes in the early grades to 21 students per teacher, midway from current levels

to the long-term national goal of 18 students.

In turn,

ß Recipient schools would make a commitment to continued progress in improving

student outcomes as defined through annual outcome and service improvement targets.

These would be described in a peer-reviewed schoolwide plan. Schools would annually

report progress against outcome and service performance objectives with the plan and reports.

ß States and districts would need to make a commitment to assisting their highest-poverty

schools. States and districts would work with their schools to identify resources from all

sources that could be combined for meaningful, concerted school reform. Districts would

review their schools’ planning and implementation and offer peer reviewers to work with the

schools on a sustained basis. They would also share performance data, research on effective

approaches, and information across schools engaged in reform.

ß The highest-poverty schools would also have the highest priority for assistance from all

federally supported technical assistance providers. Comprehensive regional assistance

centers and other technical assistance providers would place these schools at the head of the

line for support, concentrating their efforts where they could do the most good.

These monies would raise the average amount of Title I funds that the highest-poverty schools

receive annually by 50 percent, to an estimated $336,000 for each school. These new monies

could go out under the current formulas to states and districts for their schools with poverty rates

of 75 percent or higher. If states lack schools in the highest-poverty category, they would receive

a minimum grant to be spent on their most impoverished schools.

The resources to support the Targeted High-Performance School Grants could come from

increases in Title I funding and an off-the-top set-aside for these schools in related federal

programs such as 21st Century Learning Communities, Reading Excellence Act, Technology

Literacy Challenge Fund, GEAR UP, and Class-Size Reduction. A set-aside of one-third of the

FY 2000 monies from these five programs for these highest-poverty schools would provide about

$990 million under the administration’s FY 2000 budget request. The remainder to bring the total

to $1.3 billion could come from channeling the $320 million proposed increase in Title I funding

to these new grants.

Targeting additional funds to schools with high concentrations of low-income students has

advantages over targeting on low performance. First, high-performing, high-poverty schools

should not be penalized for their progress. Second, low-performing schools should not be

rewarded for a lack of effort. High-performing schools need support, recognition, and

encouragement to sustain their gains. In addition, targeting funds on the basis of poverty is

consistent with the process for allocating funds currently and would not require a different

mechanism.
Executive Summary xxxi

Strengthen Instruction

Progress in using Title I to support better instructional practices at the school level remains

limited by the continued use of paraprofessionals who provide instruction, particularly in

the highest-poverty Title I schools. Paraprofessionals in high-poverty schools tend to have less

formal education than those in low-poverty schools, and they are often assigned to teach—

sometimes without a teacher present. Although many paraprofessionals have invested large

amounts of time and effort working in Title I schools and are an important part of the school

community, it is imperative that priorities for their services be based solely on the needs of

students. Phasing out their use in instruction and promoting their use as parent liaisons or in

administrative functions should be a priority.

Reauthorization should also support the establishment of career ladder programs for

paraprofessionals, so that those desiring to become credentialed would be supported in

doing so. These programs could include what recent survey data show that some districts are

doing already.

Reauthorization should include resources for the development of ongoing consumer guides

on effective practices. Schools are moving toward adopting curriculum and whole-school

reform models to frame their improvement efforts. However little independent research has been

conducted to evaluate the efficacy of comprehensive school reform models and better understand

the conditions under which they can succeed. The federal government should make such research

and evaluation of comprehensive model programs a priority through systematic study and annual

reporting in a consumer guide. To ensure the integrity and independence of model appraisal, a

quasi-governmental agency might be established to oversee the integrity of the evaluation process

and reporting of results. This information would enable schools to become better-educated

consumers in selecting and implementing models most likely to fit their circumstances and

contribute to improved results.

Strengthen Parental Involvement

The general direction of Title I parent involvement policies and compacts on supporting learning

is consistent with research. Options that would strengthen implementation include these:

ß Have schools report annually on measurable indicators of the effectiveness of parental

involvement, as reflected in their own policies and compacts.

ß Consolidate or coordinate parental involvement provisions across all elementary and

secondary programs that have them to form one uniform parent provision. These programs

are Title I, Even Start Family Literacy, Education of Migratory Children, Parental

Information and Resource Centers, Impact Aid, Education for Homeless Children and Youth,

Magnet Schools, 21st Century Community Learning Centers, Indian Education, Technology

for Education, and Safe and Drug-Free Schools and Communities.

ß Strengthen parental involvement activities in the early grades to support reading and family

literacy, and in the middle and high school grades to encourage students to take challenging

courses.
Executive Summary xxxii

Focus on Accountability

The use of school profiles designed to report school results and progress has been shown to

be a powerful tool for accountability and school improvement. However, profiles often do

not effectively reach parents and community members. They tend to be difficult to read, even

for the well-educated parent. Their scope of information is also limited; few school report cards

present information on teacher quality or student rates of progress. Also, schools are limited by a

lack of comparable statewide or national information on what they are able to accomplish. The

federal government should facilitate state and local school district efforts to provide coherent,

comparative information on school progress to their communities.

The reauthorization should also ensure that accountability provisions identify schools in

need of improvement on the basis of the best measures available to states and districts—

regardless of whether their final assessment systems are in place. Schools already identified

for improvement, should remain so; time should not be lost as a result of reauthorization in

identifying and reaching schools with the greatest needs.

Reauthorization should address eliminating dual accountability systems. For Title I to be an

effective lever for improvement, it needs to be aligned with and supportive of the systems that

states are creating.

Finally, Congress and those responsible for implementing and supporting Title I programs

should recognize that state and local systems of standards, assessments and accountability

are in flux and are likely to keep changing over time. Even established systems such as those

in Kentucky and Kansas, which were forerunners in the development of aligned systems of

standards and assessments, have revised their efforts to reflect priorities of their state legislatures

and boards. The law should recognize this situation and offer states and districts the flexibility to

continue to implement measures of school accountability under these conditions.

Summary

This National Assessment of Title I has examined the program in the context of the burgeoning

standards-based reform movement in states and school districts. Although there has clearly been

progress in implementing standards at all levels, full implementation in classrooms across the

country has yet to be accomplished. The new directions proposed for reauthorization are

designed to help speed up implementation of standards, to help all children achieve at high levels.

Reauthorization should address the continuing challenges that undercut Title I’s capacity to be a

stimulus and support for better results for our nation’s at-risk students
Executive Summary xxxiii

.

 

1

 The FY 1999 appropriation for Title I (Parts A-E) totaled $8.357 billion. U.S. Department of Education,

FY2000 Budget Summary (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education) 15.

2

 Stephanie Stullich, Brenda Donly, and Simeon Stolzberg, Targeting Schools: Study of Title I Allocations

Within School Districts (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1999).

3

 Jay Chambers, Joanne Lieberman, Tom Parrish, Daniel Kaleba, James Van Campen, and Stephanie

Stullich, Study of Education Resources and Federal Funding: Preliminary Report (Washington, DC: U.S.

Department of Education, 1999).

4

 U.S. Department of Education, The Use of Federal Funds for Administrative Costs (Washington, DC:

Author, 1998).

5

 U.S. Department of Education, unpublished tabulations from the 1996-97 Title I Performance Report.

6

 Fumiyo Tao, Beth Gamse, and Hope Tarr, National Evaluation of the Even Start Family Literacy

Program: 1994-1997 Final Report (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1998) 30.

7

 U.S. Department of Education, State Title I Migrant Participation Information: 1996-97 (Washington,

DC: Author, 1998) 1-48.

8

 U.S. Department of Education, 1996-97 Title I Performance Report.

9

 Michael Puma, Nancy Karweit, Cristofer Price, Anne Ricciuti, William Thompson, and Michael VadenKiernan, Prospects: Student Outcomes Final Report (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education,

1997) 12.

10 Puma et al., Prospects, 18.

11 U.S. Department of Education, Reinventing Chapter 1: The Current Program and New Directions

(Washington, DC: Author, 1993) 78-82.

12 U.S. Department of Education, Reinventing Chapter 1, 94-98.

13 U.S. Department of Education, Reinventing Chapter 1, 156-62.

14 States reported are among those from which data were made available through the U.S. Department of

Education’s Title I Performance Report and subsequent reports made through late fall/early winter 1998-

99. information will be available in the spring of 1999.

15 The McKenzie Group, Student Achievement and Accountability Systems in Urban Districts, draft (Dec.

23, 1998).

16 Allen Schenck and Dale Carlson, Standards-Based Assessment and Accountability in American

Education: A Report on the States’ Progress, as of 1997, in Implementing the Requirements of IASA,

Title I, draft (Jan. 28, 1999).

17 Rolf Blank, Jennifer Manise, Barbara Braithwaite, and Doreen Langesen, State Education Indicators

with a Focus on Title I: 1998 (Washington, DC: Council of Chief State School Officers, February 1999).

18 Schenck and Carlson.

19 Schenck and Carlson.

20 U.S. Department of Education, 1996-97 Title I Performance Report.

21 U.S. Department of Education, Local Implementation Study, District Results 1: Flexibility and

Accountability, draft (Nov. 23, 1998).

22 The McKenzie Group.

23 U.S. Department of Education, Local Implementation Study.

24 Margaret Goertz, Diane Massell, and Tammi Chun, District Response to State Accountability Systems,

paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management

(October 29, 1998).

25 Camilla Heid and Ann Webber, School-Level Implementation of Standards-Based Reform: Findings

from the Follow-up Public School Survey on Education Reform (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of

Education, 1999).

26 Heid and Webber.

27 Stullich et al, Targeting Schools.

28 U.S. Department of Education, Use of Federal Funds iii.

29 U.S. Department of Education, Use of Federal Funds iii.

30 Chambers et al, Study of Education Resources.

31 Chambers et al.

32 The Education Trust, in collaboration with the Council of Chief State School Officers, Dispelling the

Myth: High Poverty Schools Exceeding Expectations (Washington, DC: The Education Trust, 1999).
Executive Summary xxxiv

 

33 U.S. Department of Education, Longitudinal Evaluation of School Change and Performance: Some

Preliminary Findings from First Two Years, draft (Dec. 1998).

34 U.S. Department of Education, Teacher Quality: A Report on the Preparation and Qualifications of

Public School Teachers (Washington, DC: Author, 1999) B-23.

35 U.S. Department of Education, Chapter 1 Implementation Study (Washington, DC: Author) 2-3; Heid

and Webber, School-Level Implementation.

36 Heid and Webber.

37 Chambers et al, Study of Education Resources.

38 Chambers et al.

39 Chambers et al.

40 Chambers et al.

41 See The Education Trust, Dispelling the Myth, and Willis Hawley, William Schager, Francine Hultgren,

Andrew Abrams, Ernestine Lewis, and Steve Ferrara, An Outlier Study of School Effectiveness:

Implications for Public Policy and School Improvement, paper presented at the annual meeting of the

American Educational Research Association (March 25, 1997).

42 Hawley et al.

43 The Education Trust, 6.

44 Heid and Webber.

45 U.S. Department of Education, Case Studies of Title I and Educational Improvement in Secondary

Schools: Preliminary Findings (Washington, DC: Author, 1997).

46 Janie Funkhouser, Elizabeth Stief, and Stacy Allen, Title I School-Parent Compacts: Supporting

Partnerships to Improve Learning (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1998).

47
Foreword 1

FOREWORD

Background and Context for the National Assessment of Title I

As the largest single federal investment in schooling for more than 30 years, Title I of the Elementary and

Secondary Education Act (ESEA) [P.L. 103-382] provides over $8 billion annually to school systems

across the country to improve education for children who attend schools with high concentrations of

poverty. Title I supports improvements in teaching and learning and provides services that help children

who are most at risk of school failure to succeed in school. The program’s central objective is to support

state and local efforts to help all children reach challenging standards by providing additional resources

for schools and students who have farthest to go in achieving the goal.

The 1994 reauthorization of Title I of ESEA—through the enactment of the Improving America’s Schools

Act (IASA) [P.L. 103-382]—brought about significant changes in key elements of this program. Six

years ago, the U.S. Department of Education reported to Congress on the effectiveness of the program as

it operated as Chapter 1. That report, Reinventing Chapter 1: The Current Chapter 1 Program and New

Directions,1 which drew from the Prospects longitudinal study,2 found that Chapter 1 programs

reinforced low expectations of the students they served by providing students with remedial instruction

and holding them to lower academic and performance standards than other students.

ß Different expectations were held for students in high- and low-poverty schools. Indeed, an “A”

student in a high-poverty school would be about a “C” student in a low-poverty school when

measured against a common test.3

ß Chapter 1 students were often pulled out of their regular classrooms, adding an average of

10 minutes of instructional time per day and often failing to relate to the rest of the students’

educational experience.4

ß Chapter 1 did not fully contribute to high-quality instruction and often relied on teachers’ aides who

lacked educational credentials.5

ß Chapter 1 had not kept pace with the growing movement, across the country, toward the

establishment of challenging standards and assessments. Therefore, weaknesses in instruction were

coupled with minimum competency assessments that tested primarily low-level skills.6

The 1994 reauthorization addressed the limitations identified under Chapter 1 by emphasizing the goal of

holding all students to the same high state standards. These changes include the requirement that Title I

services be linked to the same rigorous standards that are expected of all children and that aligned

assessments measure students’ progress towards these standards. The statute also encourages highpoverty schools to develop schoolwide approaches to improving student performance, promotes attention

to challenging curriculum and accelerated instruction through high-quality teacher training and extended

learning time strategies, and encourages partnerships between parents and staff in high-poverty schools.
Foreword 2

Title I, along with other federally supported programs, was also redesigned to better link its national

purpose to state and local reform efforts. The legislation coupled flexibility in the use of resources with

attention to accountability for results. Providing flexibility in tandem with performance accountability is

the centerpiece of Title I and an overall focus of the National Assessment of Title I. The National

Assessment also examines the implementation of key Title I provisions at the state, district, and school

levels, analyzes which provisions make the most difference, and suggests strategies for improved

practices or changes in statutory requirements.

The Mandate for a National Assessment of Title I

The mandate for the National Assessment of Title I (P.L. 103-382, Sec. 1501) identifies key issues to be

examined by the U.S. Department of Education. First and foremost is the progress of schools, local

districts and states toward the goal of helping all children served by Title I reach challenging standards.

The mandate also requires that the Department report on progress toward achieving that goal by

examining key priorities in the law such as:

ß Ensuring challenging content and performance standards for all children;

ß Targeting resources to areas where the needs are greatest;

ß Providing an enriched and accelerated educational program to children enrolled in Title I schools, and

upgrading instruction by providing staff in participating schools with substantial opportunities for

professional development;

ß Affording opportunities for parents of children (served by Title I) to participate in the education of

their children at home and at school, such as the provision of family literacy services; and

ß Providing greater decision-making authority over the use of Title I funds to schools in exchange for

greater responsibility for student performance.

The focus on results in Title I is consistent with priorities established for all federal programs through the

Government Performance and Results Act of 1993 (GPRA) [P.L. 103-62], which requires that agencies

establish performance goals and track indicators for every program. The National Assessment of Title I

reports progress on key indicators identified for the Title I program under this Act. These indicators

reflect progress in three priority areas:

ß Improved achievement for students enrolled in high-poverty schools;

ß Increases in the number of Title I schools using standards-based reform and effective strategies to

enable all students to reach challenging standards; and

ß Accelerated state and local standards-based reform efforts and assistance to Title I schools.
Foreword 3

The National Assessment’s interim reportMapping Out the National Assessment of Title I—outlined

challenges in planning and conducting the National Assessment of Title I.7 Because Title I is no longer

conceived of as a separate supplemental program, progress cannot be measured in isolation from

changing state, district, and school reform efforts and results. The National Assessment relied on national

measures of academic progress overall, as well as assessments that states were developing aligned to their

academic standards. Also, the expansion of schoolwide programs blurred the distinction between

program participants and other children. Tracking the use of Title I funds became problematic when

schools were encouraged to pool their resources from all sources to support schoolwide reform. Early

reductions in congressional appropriations for Title I evaluation limited the Department’s efforts to track

progress of a nationally representative cohort of students and schools similar to the Prospects study,

which informed the National Assessment of Chapter 1.8

Nevertheless, these challenges created opportunities for bringing together multiple sources of

informationsupported both through the U.S. Department of Education and other sourcesto provide a

comprehensive assessment of the implementation and impact of the 1994 amendments to the program.

Descriptions of key program evaluations and other studiesboth ongoing and completedwhich

informed the National Assessment of Title I are listed in the Appendix.

Independent Review Panel for the National Assessment of Title I and Study of

the Federal Impact on Elementary/Secondary Reform

The National Assessment of Title I benefited from the involvement of an Independent Review Panel

composed of representatives of state and local education agencies and private schools, school-level staff,

parent representatives, education researchers, and policy experts. The Panel, mandated under Sections

1501 and 14701 of the ESEA, has met three to four times a year since May 1995. It has defined issues,

and reviewed plans, analysis and draft text for the National Assessment of Title I and a companion report,

Federal Education Legislation Enacted in 1994: An Evaluation of Implementation and Impact. Panel

members also prepared their own report, Measured Progress: The Report of the Independent Review

Panel on the Evaluation of Federal Education Legislation.

Key Issues Addressed in This Report

In responding to Congress’ mandate, the final report of the National Assessment of Title I responds to

Congress’ mandate to examine the progress of students served by the program and implementation of key

provisions. The report is organized around the following topics:

ß The performance of students in high-poverty schools and low-performing students, who are the prime

beneficiaries of Title I services;

ß The implementation of systems designed to support schools in helping students meet high standards,

including the establishment of systems of challenging standards and assessments, the role of Title I in

holding schools accountable for results, targeting of Title I funds, and the allocation and use of

resources in states, districts and schools;
Foreword 4

ß The implementation of Title I services at the school level, including uses of schoolwide and targetedassistance approaches for providing services in Title I schools, strategies for providing challenging

curriculum and instruction in high-poverty Title I schools, qualifications of and support for staff

(including aides) in Title I high-poverty schools, and Title I support for partnerships with families;

and

ß The implementation of additional Title I services targeted at special populations, including Services

to Students Enrolled in Private Schools (under Part A), Even Start (Part B), Migrant Education

Program (Part C), and Services to Neglected or Delinquent Children (Part D).

The Final Report of the National Assessment of Title I concludes with a summary of key findings and

suggestions for future directions for Title I legislation and program implementation.
Foreword 5

 

1

 U.S. Department of Education, Reinventing Chapter 1: The Current Program and New Directions

(Washington, DC: Author, 1993) xi-xii.

2

 Michael Puma, Nancy Karweit, Cristofer Price, Anne Ricciuti, William Thompson, and Michael VadenKiernan, Prospects: Student Outcomes Final Report (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education,

1997) 12.

33

 U.S. Department of Education, Prospects, 18.

4

 U.S. Department of Education, Reinventing Chapter 1, 78-82.

5

 U.S. Department of Education, Reinventing Chapter 1, 94-98.

6

 U.S. Department of Education, Reinventing Chapter 1, 156-162.

7

 U.S. Department of Education, Mapping Out the National Assessment of Title I (Washington, DC:

Author) 1-3.

8

 Title I evaluation funding for evaluations associated with the National Assessment of Title I (from 1995-

1998) totaled $21 million. In contrast, Chapter 1 evaluation funding (from 1989-1994) for evaluations

associated with the National Assessment of Chapter 1 (including the Prospects study) totaled $42 million.
Introduction 6
Introduction 7

1. INTRODUCTION

The Significance of Title I Support for Students at Risk

Poverty is a significant problem for many of our nation’s children. In 1997, the U.S. Bureau of the

Census estimated that 20 percent of American children under the age of 18 lived in poverty. This poverty

rate is about the same level as in 1965 (the year in which Title I was first enacted), although it fluctuated

during this period from a low of 15 percent in 1970 to a high of 22 percent in 1993).1 African American

and Hispanic childrenboth with poverty rates of 37 percentare more than twice as likely as nonHispanic white children to be poor.

2

 Particularly in the urban core, communities are faced with

concentrations of poverty that pose formidable challenges for schools. One-third of the children in

America’s cities live in poverty.3

Because the effects of poverty on learning are profound, these statistics translate into severe educational

disadvantages for many children and pose serious challenges for public education. At the individual

level, poverty has numerous correlates that inhibit learning. Poor children are more likely than wealthier

children to be exposed to drug abuse, violence, and unhealthy living conditions.

4

 Low-income students

are far more likely to drop out of schoolin 1996, almost eight times more low-income students dropped

out than high-income students did.5 Parents in economically disadvantaged families tend to have limited

education and involvement in their children’s learning.6 Teachers in schools with high concentrations of

low-income students are less likely to have high expectations regarding their students’ attainment of

challenging academic standards, holding the students to lower standards than those for more advantaged

students.7

But the effects of poverty on student achievement are not restricted to students who are poor. Research

shows that school-wide poverty affects student performance, independent of the students’ own family

background. The achievement levels of both poor and non-poor students decline as school poverty rates

increase. Thus, high concentrations of poverty put at-risk students at a double disadvantage.8

Title I helps meet the greater educational challenges facing high-poverty communities by targeting extra

resources to school districts and schools with the highest concentrations of poverty, where academic

performance tends to be low and the obstacles to raising performance are the greatest. Nearly all

(95 percent) of the highest-poverty schoolsthose where 75 percent or more of the students are eligible

for free- or reduced-price lunchreceive Title I funds (Exhibit 1.1), accounting for 46 percent of Title I

funding for schools and enrolling 14 percent of the nation’s students.9 Title I services are also provided to

disadvantaged children enrolled in private schools.
Introduction 8

Exhibit reads: Nearly all (95 percent) of the highest-poverty schools receive Title

I funds, compared with 58 percent of all schools.

Source: Stullich, Donly, and Stolzberg, Targeting Schools: Study of Title I Allocations

Within Schools, 1999.

Title I also provides supplemental assistance to children who face additional educational barriers—

children whose needs are generally not met by state and local funds. These include children who come

from families with low family literacy, the children of migrant agricultural workers, and children who

are neglected or delinquent.

The children of parents with poor literacy skills are less likely to receive early literacy training at home or

to be enrolled in a preschool program, and hence their risk of school failure increases.10 Migrant

children’s families move frequently to pursue agricultural work, and thus the children must change

schools frequentlya situation that has a detrimental effect on their achievement. Neglected or

delinquent students are extremely educationally disadvantaged; many are incarcerated in state juvenile

and adult correctional facilities and have experienced numerous disruptions in their education. These

children are served under other programs authorized under Title I, including:

ß Even Start Family Literacy Programs (Title IPart B), which supports literacy services and early

childhood programs for disadvantaged families;

ß Education of Migratory Children (Title IPart C), which provides supplemental services at the state

and local levels to assist children of migratory workers by providing continuity in their education and

additional support services to address the barriers posed by their migrant status; and

Exhibit 1.1

Percentage of Schools Participating in Title I,

by School Poverty Level, 1997-98

58%

95%

81%

64%

36%

0 %

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Total 75%-100% 50%-74% 35%-49% 0-34%

School Poverty Level (Free or Reduced-Price Lunch)

Percentage of Schools
Introduction 9

ß Prevention and Intervention Programs for Children and Youth Who are Neglected, Delinquent, or At

Risk of Dropping Out (Title IPart D), which support instructional and support services in state and

local facilities for neglected children and incarcerated youth.

Title I programs provided a total of $8.4 billion in FY 1999. About 93 percent of Title I funding

($7.676 billion) supported Basic and Concentration Grants to school districts authorized under Part A

(Exhibit 1.2). Title I programs funded in FY 1999 also included Capital Expenses for Private School

Children ($24 million), Even Start ($135 million), Migrant Education ($355 million), Services to Students

who are Neglected, Delinquent or At Risk of Dropping Out ($40 million), and Evaluation ($7.5 million).11

Exhibit reads: Title I funds primarily support Basic and Concentration

Grants to school districts (93 percent of all Title I funds).

Source: U.S. Department of Education, FY 2000 Budget Summary,

1999.

Title I funding for FY 1999 amounts to 2.5 percent of total current expenditures for public

elementary and secondary education for the 1999-2000 school year (projected). Title I Basic and

Concentration Grants amount to 2.3 percent of total spending.12

Exhibit 1.2

Title I Appropriations in FY 1999, by Program

Basic & 

Concentration

93.2%

Capital 

Expenses

0.3%

Migrant

4.3%

Even Start

1.6%

State N or D

0.5%

Evaluation

0.1%
Introduction 10

Over the past 30 years, funding for the Title I programs has increased by over 40 percent in inflationadjusted dollars. Since the 1994 reauthorization, Title I funding grew from $6.9 billion in FY 1994 to

$8.4 billion in FY 1999a 17 percent increase after adjusting for inflation. Over the same five-year

period, funding for other elementary-secondary programs administered by the Department of Education

(including other ESEA programs, Goals 2000, School-to-Work, and Individuals with Disabilities

Education Act (IDEA) programs) grew from $6.0 billion to $11.4 billionan 80 percent increase after

adjusting for inflation. The increase for other elementary-secondary programs was primarily due to a

72 percent increase for IDEA ($2.2 billion) and new programs for Class Size Reduction ($1.2 billion),

Technology ($550 million), Reading Excellence ($260 million), and 21st Century Community Learning

Centers ($200 million). In FY 1999, Title I funds accounted for 42 percent of total Department of

Education funds for elementary and secondary programs, down from 53 percent in FY 1994.

(Exhibit 1.3)

Exhibit reads: From FY 1994 to FY 1999, Title I funding grew from $6.9 billion

to $8.4 billion, while funding for other elementary-secondary programs

(including other ESEA programs, Goals 2000, School-to-Work, and IDEA) grew

from $6.0 billion to $11.4 billion.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, Budget Service.

Exhibit 1.3

Funding for Title I and Other Federal

Elementary-Secondary Programs,

1994 to 1999

$6.9 $7.2 $7.2 $7.7 $8.0 $8.4

$6.0 $6.2 $6.1

$7.6

$9.0

$11.4

$0.0

$5.0

$10.0

$15.0

$20.0

1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999

Dollars in Billions

Other ElementarySecondary Programs

Title I
Introduction 11

Federal education programs in general, and Title I in particular, are much more targeted to highpoverty schools and districts than are state and local funds.

While school finance systems in most states target additional state funds to districts with large numbers of

poor students, they do not fully compensate for funding disparities related to local property tax bases.

The districts in the highest poverty quartile, which have 49 percent of the nation’s poor children, receive

27 percent of state education revenues and 18 percent of local education revenues, but their share of state

and local funds combined (23 percent) is still less than their share of school-age children (25 percent).

In contrast, the districts in the highest poverty quartile receive 43 percent of federal education funds and

nearly half (49 percent) of Title I funds.13

What Title I Supports

In 1997-98, Title I (Part A) supported services for more than 45,000 schools, or 58 percent of all public

schools in the country, a decline from 62 percent in 1993-94. Almost two-thirds of elementary schools

receive funds, as do 29 percent of secondary schools. 14 In 1997-98, just over 16,000 Title I schools

operated schoolwide programs, an increase from 4,600 in 1994-95.15

School districts use 90 to 93 percent of their Title I funds for instruction and instructional supportmost

often in reading and mathmuch higher than the percentage of state and local funds used for this purpose

(62 percent). Nearly all Title I funds are allocated to school districts, with only one percent used at the

state and federal levels for administration and technical support.16

Although Title I accounts for a relatively small percentage of total funding for elementary and secondary

education (about 3 percent), the program can often play a significant role in supporting local education

improvement efforts. Title I funds may also be used to provide professional development, purchase

computers, offer after-school or other extended-time programs, and provide other strategies for raising

student achievement.
Introduction 12

Whom Title I Serves

Title I services reach more than 11 million students enrolled in both public and private schoolsabout

two-thirds of whom are enrolled in elementary grades 1-6 (Exhibit 1.4). Students in middle and

secondary schools remain a small proportion of those served overall.17

Exhibit reads: 37 percent of the children served in Title I are in grades 1- 3.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, unpublished tabulations from the 1996-97

Title I Performance Report.

Minority students participate at rates higher than their proportion of the student population. Some

28 percent of Title I participants are African American, 30 percent are Hispanic, and 36 percent are nonHispanic white; the remainder are from other ethnic/racial groups.

18

Among the 11 million students served by the Title I (Part A) program are about 167,000 private school

children, 300,000 migrant children, and 200,000 children identified as homeless. Title I services are also

provided to about 2 million students with limited English proficiency, and 1 million students with

disabilities.19 In 1996-97, Even Start served some 48,000 children and almost 36,000 adults.

20

 Over

580,000 migrant children were served under the Migrant Education Program (Part C) , and 200,000

neglected or delinquent youth were served in the Title I N or D.21

Exhibit 1.4

All Title I Participants, by Grade Span, 1996-97

Pre-K and K

12%

Grades 1-3

37%

Grades 4-6

30%

Grades 10-12

5 %

Grades 7-9

15%

Ungraded

1 %

Secondary

21%
Introduction 13

 

1

 U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, “Poverty Estimates by Selected Characteristics,” published

in Current Population Reports, Series P-60-10, Poverty in the United States and Income, Poverty, and Valuation of

Noncash Benefits (Washington, DC: Author, various years); available at

www.census.gov/hhes/poverty/poverty97/pv97est1.html.

2

 U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, “Poverty Status of People, by Age, Race, and Hispanic

Origin: 1959 to 1997” (Historical Poverty Tables - People, Table 3) (Washington, DC: Author, Feb. 1999);

available at www.census.gov/hhes/poverty/histpov/hstpov3.html.

3

 Laura Lippman, Urban Schools: The Challenge of Location and Poverty (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of

Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 1996) vi.

4

 Michael Puma, Nancy Karweit, Cristofer Price, Anne Ricciuti, William Thompson, and Michael Vaden-Kiernan,

Prospects: Student Outcomes Final Report (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1997) 10.

5

 U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Dropout Rates in the United States: 1996

(Washington, DC: Author, 1997) vi.

6

Puma et al., Prospects 69-71.

7

Puma et al., Prospects iii.

8

 Puma et al, Prospects vi.

9

 Stephanie Stullich, Brenda Donly, and Simeon Stolzberg, Targeting Schools: Study of Title I Allocations Within

School Districts (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1999); Jay Chambers, Joanne Lieberman, Tom

Parrish, Daniel Kaleba, James Van Campen, and Stephanie Stullich, Study of Education Resources and Federal

Funding: Preliminary Report (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1999).

10 U.S. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement, Goal 1 Work Group, Achieving

the Nation’s Readiness Goal: Technical Report (Washington, DC: Author, 1993).

11 U.S. Department of Education, FY 2000 Budget Summary 15.

12 U.S. Department of Education, Planning and Evaluation Service.

13 Chambers et al.

14 Stullich et al.

15 Camilla Heid and Ann Webber, School-Level Implementation of Standards-Based Reform: Findings from the

Follow-up Public School Survey on Education Reform (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1999);

U.S. Department of Education, unpublished tabulations from the 1996-97 Title I State Performance Report.

16 U. S. Department of Education, The Use of Federal Funds for Administrative Costs (Washington, DC: Author,

1998) vii.

17 U.S. Department of Education, 1996-97 Title I Performance Report.

18 U.S. Department of Education, 1996-97 Title I Performance Report.

19 U.S. Department of Education, 1996-97 Title I Performance Report.

2020 Fumiyo Tao, Beth Gamse, and Hope Tarr, National Evaluation of the Even Start Family Literacy Program:

1994-97 (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1998) 30.

21 U.S. Department of Education, 1996-97 Title I Performance Report.
Student Performance 15

2. PROGRESS IN THE PERFORMANCE OF STUDENTS IN

HIGH-POVERTY SCHOOLS

KEY FINDINGS

An examination of trends in the performance of students in the nation’s highest-poverty public schools

(those with 75 percent or more poor children), as well as progress of the lowest-achieving students

shows positive gains in reading and math performance since the reauthorization of Title I.

ß Since 1992, and the reauthorization of Title I, 9-year-olds in the highest-poverty schools gained

8 points in NAEP reading scores, regaining the losses between the late 1980s and early 1990s. The

lowest-achieving public school 4th-graders improved by about half to one grade level in reading

achievement between 1994 and 1998.

ß Math achievement has improved for all students and for students in the highest-poverty schools.

NAEP scores show an increase of about 10 points for all 9-year-olds from 1986 through 1996.

Students in the highest-poverty schools made their greatest gains after 1992. Math scores also

improved substantially among public 4th-graders in the lowest percentiles of performance. Scores

of the lowest 10 percent and 25 percent of public school 4th-graders improved by 9 and 8 points,

respectively (almost one grade level) between 1990 and 1996.

Despite gains in reading and math performance, the students in the highest-poverty schools remain

substantially below their more advantaged peers in meeting basic standards of performance in both

reading and math.

ß In 1998, 32 percent of 4th-graders in the highest-poverty schools scored at or above the NAEP

Basic level in reading, about half the national percentage.

ß In 1996, 42 percent of 4th-graders in the highest-poverty schools scored at or above the NAEP

Basic level in mathematics, compared with 62 percent of all public 4th-graders. Despite this gap at

the national level, there were 9 states in which performance of students in the highest-poverty

schools exceeded the national average, indicating that it is possible to raise the performance of

students in high-poverty schools to national levels of achievement.

Three-year trends reported by states and districts show progress in the percentage of students in the

highest-poverty schools who meet state and local standards for proficiency in mathematics and reading.

Among states and large urban districts that could provide three-year trend data for students in highpoverty schools, overall there is progress.

ß The achievement of elementary school students in the highest-poverty schools improved in

4 of 5 states in mathematics and in 5 of 6 states in reading. Students in Connecticut, Maryland,

North Carolina, and Texas made progress in both subjects.

ß Ten of 13 large urban districts showed increases in the percentage of elementary students in the

highest-poverty schools who met district or state proficiency standards in math or reading. Six

districts—Houston, Dade County (Miami), New York, Philadelphia, San Antonio, and San

Francisco—made progress in both subjects.
Student Performance 16

Background

Schools with the highest concentrations of poverty—those in which more than 75 percent or more

students receive free- or reduced-price lunches—face the greatest challenges in meeting the needs of all

their students. Ninety-five percent of these schools receive Title I funds.1 Because Title I is designed to

support the progress of schools with high concentrations of poverty, and because most Title I funds serve

elementary schools, data reported in this chapter focus on trends in performance of 9-year-olds in highpoverty schools and of low-performing 4th-graders. For additional data on the achievement, course-taking

patterns, and dropout rates of older students, see the companion report Federal Education Legislation

Enacted in 1994: An Evaluation of Implementation and Impact.

The Title I statute requires that by the 2000-2001 school year each state will use assessments that are

aligned with challenging standards to measure the academic progress of all Title I schools and students.

Although this chapter presents available trends from state and local assessments, it relies primarily on

results from the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), which, though not necessarily

aligned with standards in all states, provides the only uniform basis of comparing progress across states

and between individual states and the nation.2

The interpretation of national student achievement trends in evaluating Title I poses challenges. It is

difficult to attribute gains in student academic performance to the 3 percent of total funding contributed

by Title I, while disregarding the effect of the other 97 percent of the resources in education. Indeed, the

federal contribution should be examined as an investment in the much larger enterprise. Attributing the

effect of the federal program apart from the progress of the broader educational system poses challenges.

It requires that evaluation examine both national results for student performance and the extent to which

the federal program is being implemented in ways that may contribute to gains for students likely to

benefit from the program.

This chapter uses results from NAEP and from state and local assessments to answer two basic questions:

ß Has student achievement, particularly the achievement of students in high-poverty schools and of the

lowest-achieving students, improved over time?

ß To what extent are students, particularly those in the highest-poverty schools, meeting the standards

being set for all students across the nation?
Student Performance 17

Trends in Student Achievement Based on the National Assessment of

Educational Progress (NAEP)

Indicator: Student performance on national assessments. Between 1994 and 2002, performance of

the lowest-achieving students and students in the highest-poverty public schools will increase

substantially on the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP).

Prior to 1986, when measures of school poverty were first collected on NAEP, achievement data were

reported by type of community in which the school was located and by minority status of students. The

results show that throughout the 1970s and most of the 1980s there was a narrowing of the gap in

achievement between students in disadvantaged urban communities and those in more advantaged

communities, as well as between minority and white students. The NAEP results document that the gap

narrowed by a third between 1971 and 1988.3 Although these are imperfect measures of the conditions

that put students at risk of school failure, they are useful proxies of school poverty as minority students

are disproportionately found in high-poverty schools, and these schools are disproportionately located in

urban inner cities. In this chapter, NAEP trend data from 1986 through 1996 are reported by school

poverty level, as one measure of the performance of students whom Title I is intended to benefit.

Although comparing students’ achievement by school poverty level is preferable, this comparison is

possible only on the Trend NAEP (see Exhibit 2.1). On the Main NAEP assessments (the tests that

measure more current curricular emphasis and standards) trend data by poverty level are unavailable

because changes in the item measuring school-level poverty make the comparisons unreliable. Trends on

the Main NAEP, therefore, are reported for the lowest percentile groups of students, focusing on those

students who score in the lowest 10 and 25 percent of 4th-graders in each assessment year. Like school

poverty level, these groups of low-achieving students are a good proxy for Title I participation because

over 80 percent of these low-achieving students attend Title I schools.4
Student Performance 18

EXHIBIT 2.1

HOW NAEP TESTS ARE USED TO REPORT PROGRESS

The National Assessment of Educational Progress consists of two separate tests, the Trend Assessment

and the Main Assessment. They differ in purpose, item content, sample, assessment years, and method

of scoring results, and are used in this chapter to answer different questions about student progress.

The NAEP Trend Assessment is designed to measure long-term trends in student performance on sets

of items that have not changed since NAEP was first conducted in 1969.5 The test measures the

performance of 9-, 13-, and 17-year-old students at the national level. Results are reported as average

scores on a scale from zero to 500 points. In this chapter, NAEP trend data for 9-year-olds are used to

answer the question, Has student achievement improved over time? The NAEP Trend Assessment

is also used to report the performance of students by poverty level of the schools they attend as defined

by percent of students participating in free or reduced-price lunch programs. Trend data reported by

school poverty level is used to answer the question, Has student achievement improved over time

among students attending the highest-poverty schools?

The Main NAEP Assessment, first conducted in 1990, is designed to measure short-term trends in

student performance on items reflecting more current curricular content and standards. The test

measures the performance of students in grades 4, 8, and 12 at the national level, and at the state level

in states that elect to participate in State NAEP. Test scores are reported in two ways, as average scale

scores and as the percentage of students achieving at established standards of performance. The

standards are determined by expert judges at three levels of achievement: Basic, Proficient, and

Advanced. Each of these measures is used as follows in this chapter:

• The average scale scores of the lowest-achieving students (the bottom 10 and 25 percent of scorers)

are used to answer the question, Has student achievement of the lowest-performing students

improved over time?

• The percentages of students achieving at and above the Basic and Proficient levels are used to

answer the question, Are students in the highest-poverty schools achieving to the academic

standards being set for all students across the nation?
Student Performance 19

National Trends in Reading Achievement 6

Has reading achievement of students in the highest-poverty schools improved over time?

The average reading performance of 9-year-olds was stable between 1988 and 1996. In contrast,

the performance of students in the highest-poverty schools, which was at its lowest in 1992, has

improved since the re-authorization of Title I, bringing scores back to their earlier levels. From

1992 to 1996, scores of 9-year-olds in the highest-poverty schools rose by 8 scale score points, or close to

one grade level of improvement (Exhibit 2.2).

Exhibit reads: In 1996, the average reading scale score for 9-year-old students in the highestpoverty schools was 188.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, National

Assessment of Educational Progress, NAEP Reading Trends, unpublished tabulations, 1998.

Exhibit 2.2

Trends in NAEP Reading Performance

Average Scale Scores of 9-Year-Old Public School Students,

 by Poverty Level of School (1988 - 1996)

217

221 220 220

225

209 209 209 210

190 189

180

184

188

211

140

160

180

200

220

240

260

1988 1990 1992 1994 1996

0

Highest-poverty schools = 76% to 100% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.

Low-poverty schools = 0 to 25% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.

Scale scores are 0-500.

 Pre-Reauthorization

Low-Poverty Schools

All Schools

Highest-Poverty Schools

NAEP Mean Scale Score
Student Performance 20

Has reading achievement improved over time for the lowest-achieving students?

The lowest-achieving public school 4th-graders showed fairly substantial improvements in reading

between 1994 and 1998 on the Main NAEP. The substantial gains for these studentsamong those

targeted for Title I servicessuggest that it was the performance of the lowest achievers that raised

the national average of all 4th-graders, compared with the stable performance of higher-achieving

students.

Results of the Main NAEP reading assessment show that among 4th-graders scoring in the bottom 10 and

25 percent, the average scale scores declined between 1992 and 1994 and then increased between 1994

and 1998 almost to their 1992 levels (see Exhibit 2.3). The substantial gains since 1994—9 points among

the bottom 10 percent and 5 points among the bottom 25 percent—compared with the stable performance

of other higher achieving students, suggest that it was the performance of the lowest achievers that raised

the national average of all 4th-graders. Among 8th-graders in the lowest 25 percent, scores increased by 6

points between 1994 and 1998. These results are consistent with the results of the Trend NAEP, that is,

since the reauthorization of Title I there have been gains in reading achievement among students whom

Title I is intended to benefit.

Exhibit reads: In 1998, the average score of 4th-graders performing in the lowest 10

percent of students in the nation was 165 on the reading assessment.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics,

National Assessment of Educational Progress, Main NAEP Reading, unpublished

tabulations, 1999.

Exhibit 2.3

NAEP Main Reading Assessment

Average Scale Scores of Public School 4th-Graders,

by Performance Percentile (1992, 1994, and 1998)

168

156

165

192

187

192

215 212 215

140

160

180

200

220

240

260

1992 1994 1998

10th Percentile

25th Percentile

Average

0

NAEP Mean Scale Score

 Pre-Reauthorization
Student Performance 21

Are students in high-poverty schools achieving to the academic standards in reading

required of all students?

Despite the gains in reading among students targeted for Title I services, the achievement gap

between students in the highest-poverty schools and all students remains substantial.

In 1998, 32 percent of 4th-graders in the highest-poverty schools performed at or above the Basic level of

achievement in reading,i a rate about half that of all public 4th-graders in the nation (Exhibit 2.4).

Ten percent of students in the highest-poverty schools performed at or above Proficient,ii a rate one-third

that of all public 4th-graders. The decline in performance of students as their school poverty level

increases shows the consistency of the gap between students in poverty and their more advantaged peers.

Exhibit reads: In 1998, 77 percent of students attending low-poverty schools performed

at or above the Basic level in reading.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics,

National Assessment of Educational Progress, Main NAEP Reading, unpublished

tabulations, 1999.

 

i NAEP Basic Level: 4th-grade students are able to demonstrate an understanding of what they read. When reading

text appropriate for 4th-graders, they are able to make relatively obvious connections between the text and their own

experience and extend the ideas in the text by making simple references.

ii NAEP Proficient Level: 4th-grade students are able to demonstrate an overall understanding of the text, providing

inferential as well as literal information. When reading text appropriate to the 4th grade, they are able to extend the

ideas in the text by making inferences, drawing conclusions, and making connections to their own experiences. The

connection between the text and what the student infers should be clear.

Exhibit 2.4

NAEP 4th-Grade Reading

Percentage of Public School 4th-Graders Scoring At or Above

Basic and Proficient Achievement Levels,

by Poverty Level of School, 1998

6 1%

7 7%

6 6%

5 1%

3 2%

2 9%

4 4%

3 1%

2 0%

1 0%

0 %

2 0%

4 0%

6 0%

8 0%

100 %

All Public

Schools

0-25% 26%-50% 51%-75% 76%-100%

At or Above Basic At or Above Proficient

Poverty Level of School

Percentage of Students
Student Performance 22

State Trends in Student Achievement in Reading Based on Main State NAEP

At the state level in 1998 there was substantial variation in the reading performance of 4th-grade

students in the highest-poverty schools (Exhibit 2.5). The percentage of students in the highestpoverty schools scoring at or above the Basic level on Main State NAEP ranged from a low of 19 percent

to a high of 61 percentthe national average for all public school 4th-grade students.

Exhibit Reads: In Maine, 61 percent of 4th-graders who attended the highest-poverty schools scored at or above the

Basic level in reading.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, National

Assessment of Educational Progress, State NAEP Reading, unpublished tabulations, 1999.

Exhibit 2.5

State NAEP 4th-Grade Reading, 1998

Percentage of Students in the Highest-Poverty Schools Performing

At or Above Basic Level, by State

1 9 %

2 0 %

2 1 %

2 3 %

2 4 %

2 5 %

2 6 %

2 6 %

2 6 %

2 9 %

2 9 %

2 9 %

3 0 %

3 0 %

3 1 %

3 1 %

3 2 %

3 2 %

3 2 %

3 2 %

3 3 %

3 3 %

3 3 %

3 5 %

3 6 %

3 8 %

3 8 %

3 8 %

3 9 %

4 0 %

4 3 %

4 6 %

4 7 %

5 0 %

5 2 %

6 1 %

0 % 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

M issouri

District of Columbia

Hawaii

C a lifornia

M ichigan

Nevada

Lo u is iana

M aryland

Virgin Islands

Arizona

Tennessee

W iscons in

Rhode Is land

Utah

New York

Wash ington

Alabama

Connecticut

M is s issipp i

New Mex ic o

F l o r id a

Georg ia

Virginia

Arkansas

Texas

Kansas

Oregon

South Carolina

C o lorado

M assachusetts

North Carolina

Oklahoma

M o ntana

West Virginia

Kentucky

M aine

Highest-Poverty Schools = 76% to 100% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.

National Average

61% for All Public

School Students
Student Performance 23

National Trends in Mathematics Achievement 7

Has math achievement of students in the highest-poverty schools improved

over time?

Math achievement improved substantially for students in the highest-poverty schools between 1992

and 1996, rising by 9 points, or one grade level. Since 1986 math achievement has improved for all

students and for students in the highest-poverty schools. Trend NAEP scores show an increase of about

11 points for all 9-year-olds from 1986 to 1996. Following a decline in 1992, scores of students in the

highest-poverty schools increased, narrowing the gap with students in more affluent schools to its 1986

margin (Exhibit 2.6).

Exhibit reads: In 1996 the average mathematics scale score of 9-year-old students in the highestpoverty schools was 217.

Source: : U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, National

Assessment of Educational Progress, NAEP Mathematics Trends, unpublished tabulations, 1998.

Exhibit 2.6

Trends in NAEP Mathematics Performance

Average Scale Scores of 9-Year-Old Public School Students,

by Poverty Level of School (1986 - 1996)

228

237 236

239 238

219

230 228 229 230

208

213

208

215 217

140

160

180

200

220

240

260

1986 1990 1992 1994 1996

 Pre-Reauthorization

Highest-poverty schools = 76% to 100% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.

Low-poverty schools = 0 to 25% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.

Scale scores are 0-500.

Low-Poverty Schools

All Schools

Highest-Poverty Schools

NAEP Mean Scale Score

0
Student Performance 24

Has math achievement improved over time for the lowest-achieving students?

Between 1990 and 1996, math achievement improved among the lowest-achieving students, those

who are most targeted for Title I services. The Main NAEP assessment, which measures current

standards of content and performance, shows that from 1990 to 1996, the performance of students in the

lowest percentiles improved steadily. The lowest 10 percent of 4th-graders gained 9 points, and the lowest

25 percent gained 8 points, roughly equivalent to one grade level (Exhibit 2.7). Similar gains were made

by students on average as well as by those in the top 10 percent of 4th-graders. Among the bottom 25

percent of 8th-graders there were gains of 7 points over this same period. These results are consistent with

those of the long-term trend NAEP, that is, among all 4th-grade students and among those most targeted

for Title I, there were substantial improvements in math achievement since the Title I reauthorization.

Exhibit reads: In 1996 the average mathematics score of 4th-grade students in the bottom

10 percent of the nation was 180.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, National

Assessment of Educational Progress, Main NAEP Mathematics, Summary Data Tables,

http://nces.ed.gov/NAEP

Exhibit 2.7

Average Scale Scores of Public School 4th-Graders,

by Performance Percentile (1990, 1992, and 1996)

171

176

180

193

197

201

213

220

224

140

160

180

200

220

240

260

1990 1992 1996

10th Percentile

25th Percentile

Average

0

NAEP Mean Scale Score

 Pre-Reauthorization
Student Performance 25

Are students in the highest-poverty schools achieving to the academic standards in math

required of all students?

Despite the gains in math among students targeted for Title I services, the achievement gap between

students in the highest-poverty schools and all students remains substantial.

In 1996, 42 percent of 4th-grade students attending the highest-poverty schools scored at or above the

Basic level of achievementiii compared with 62 percent of all 4th-graders (Exhibit 2.8). Ten percent of

students in the highest-poverty schools scored at or above the Proficient achievement leveliv compared

with 19 percent of all 4th-graders.

Exhibit reads: In 1996, 62 percent of all 4th-graders scored at or above the Basic level in

mathematics and 19 percent scored at or above Proficient.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, National

Assessment of Educational Progress, Main NAEP Mathematics, unpublished tabulations, 1998.

 

iii NAEP Basic Level: 4th-grade students are able to estimate and use basic facts to perform simple computations

with whole numbers, show some understanding of fractions and decimals, and solve simple real world problems in

all NAEP content areas. Students at this level are able to use—though not always accurately—four function

calculators, rulers, and geometric shapes. Their written responses are often minimal and presented without

supporting information.

iv NAEP Proficient Level: 4th-grade students are able to use whole numbers to estimate, compute, and determine

whether results are reasonable. They have a conceptual understanding of fractions and decimals; be able to solve

real world problems in all NAEP content areas; and use four function calculators, rulers, and geometric shapes

appropriately. Students performing at the proficient level employ problem-solving strategies such as identifying and

using appropriate information. Their written responses are organized and presented both with supporting

information and explanations of how they were achieved.

Exhibit 2.8

NAEP 4th-Grade Mathematics

Percentage of Public School 4th-Graders Scoring At or Above

Basic and Proficient Achievement Levels,

by Poverty Level of School, 1996

6 2%

7 7%

6 2%

5 9%

4 2%

1 9%

2 8%

1 9%

1 0%

1 9%

0 %

2 0%

4 0%

6 0%

8 0%

100 %

All Public

Schools

0-25% 26%-50% 51%-75% 76%-100%

At or Above Basic At or Above Proficient

Poverty Level of School

Percentage of Students
Student Performance 26

State Trends in Student Achievement in Mathematics Based on Main State NAEP

At the state level in 1996 there was substantial variation in the mathematics performance of

4

th-grade students in the highest-poverty schools (Exhibit 2.9). The percentage of students in the

highest-poverty schools scoring at or above the Basic level on Main State NAEP ranged from a low of

11 percent to a high of 80 percent. In 9 states, achievement of students in the highest-poverty schools met

or exceeded the national average for all public school students—62 percent at or above Basic8

indicating that it is possible to bring these students to high levels of achievement.

The percentage of school-age children (ages 5-17) living in poverty varies greatly by state, ranging from

13 percent to 31 percent.9 Although, in general, there is an inverse correlation between state poverty and

student performance, these data illustrate notable exceptions: In West Virginia, where 29 percent of

school-age children live in poverty, 61 percent of 4th-graders in the highest-poverty schools scored at or

above Basic. In Michigan and Kentucky, where 21 percent and 26 percent of children live in poverty,

respectively, more than half the students in the highest-poverty schools scored at or above Basic.
Student Performance 27

Exhibit Reads: In Maine, 80 percent of 4th-graders who attended the highest-poverty schools scored at or

above the Basic level in mathematics.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, National Assessment of Educational

Progress, State NAEP Mathematics, unpublished tabulations, 1998.

Exhibit 2.9

State NAEP 4th-Grade Mathematics, 1996

Percentage of Students in the Highest-Poverty Schools Performing

At or Above Basic Level, by State

1 1 %

2 5 %

2 5 %

2 8 %

2 9 %

3 0 %

3 0 %

3 0 %

3 4 %

3 6 %

3 7 %

3 7 %

3 7 %

3 8 %

3 9 %

4 1 %

4 3 %

4 3 %

4 4 %

4 6 %

4 6 %

4 6 %

4 8 %

4 8 %

4 8 %

4 8 %

5 1 %

5 2 %

5 3 %

5 6 %

5 6 %

6 0 %

6 1 %

6 1 %

6 3 %

6 5 %

6 5 %

6 5 %

6 5 %

6 7 %

6 9 %

7 6 %

8 0 %

0% 2 0 % 4 0 % 6 0 % 8 0 % 100%

District of Columbia

New Jersey

California

Pennsylvania

Mississippi

Rhode Island

Alabama

New York

Maryland

Louisiana

Alaska

South Carolina

New Mexico

Arizona

Arkansas

Connecticut

Texas

Tennessee

Georgia

Virginia

North Carolina

Colorado

Oregon

Florida

Hawaii

Missouri

Massachusetts

Kentucky

Nevada

Washington

Michigan

Vermont

Iowa

West Virginia

Indiana

Wisconsin

Wyoming

Nebraska

Montana

Utah

North Dakota

Minnesota

Maine

Highest-Poverty Schools = 76% to 100% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.

National Average

62% for All Public

School Students
Student Performance 28

Trends in Student Achievement Based on State Assessment Results

Indicator: Meeting or exceeding state performance standards. By 2002, 32 states with aligned

standards and assessments will report an increase in the percentage of students in high-poverty schools

who meet proficient and advanced performance levels in reading and math on their state assessment

systems.

Trends in student performance based on the assessments of individual states provide an additional

perspective for measuring progress of students in high-poverty schools. Because of changes in state

assessment systems to comply with Title I legislation, few states can currently provide three-year trend

data on students in high-poverty schools. The six reported here are those from which data were made

available through the U.S. Department of Education’s Title I Performance Report,10 and subsequent

requests made through late fall/early winter 1998-99. Data from these states, which represent the earliest

indicators of three-year trends, are used to examine achievement growth among students in high-poverty

schools and to illustrate the monitoring of progress for Title I services.11 The results reflect the

percentage of students meeting the states’ definition of proficiencyas required for final assessments

under Title I.

The preponderance of evidence suggests progress in most of the states reviewed. However, comparisons

across the states are limited by several factors. Specifically, the differences from state to state include the

assessment instruments used, the topics tested in each subject matter, the definition and measurement of

proficiency, the year and time of year of assessment, and the grade levels tested. Because of these

limitations, progress for each state is summarized as yes/no (improvement/no improvement) for each

subject. Subject to these constraints, the following conclusions are drawn (Exhibit 2.9):12

ß The achievement of elementary school students in high-poverty schools (meeting an expected level of

performance) improved in 4 of 5 states in mathematics and in 5 of 6 states in reading.

ß The gap in the percentage of elementary school students in high- and low-poverty schools achieving

at a proficient standard is narrowing in 4 out of 6 states in mathematics and in 2 of 6 states in reading.
Student Performance 29

Exhibit 2.10

Trends in State-Level Achievement for Elementary School Students

in High-Poverty Schools

Reading Mathematics

State Test Growth

Year 1 – Year 3

Gap Narrows

Year 1 – Year 3

Growth

Year 1 – Year 3

Gap Narrows

Year 1 – Year 3

Connecticut Connecticut Mastery Test Yes No Yes Yes

Kentucky Instructional Skills Information

System No No Not available Not available

Maine Maine Educational Assessment Yes Yes No Not applicable

Maryland School Performance

Assessment Program Yes No Yes Yes

North

Carolina North Carolina End of Grade Yes No Yes Yes

Texas Assessment of Academic Skills Yes Yes Yes Yes

TOTAL 5 YES/1 NO 2 YES/4 NO 4 YES/1 NO 4 YES/O NO

Exhibit reads: Of the five states reporting three-year trends in mathematics for elementary grades, four showed

progress of students in high-poverty schools meeting expected levels of performance.

Notes: Three-year trends are reported for either the 1994-95 through 1996-97 school years or the 1995-96 through

1997-98 school years. High-poverty schools reported for Maine have 50 percent or more low-income children.

Elementary-school student achievement in reading and mathematics in six states is described in the paragraphs and

exhibits that follow. For detailed information regarding student achievement in other states see Blank et al., 1999.

Exhibit 2.11

Connecticut Mastery Test: Grade 4

Connecticut, which has used its Mastery Test since 1994, shows gains in student achievement across the

state. Students in high-poverty schools, which represent 10 percent of all the state’s schools, have also shown

continued improvement—particularly in math. However, in 1997 only 21 percent of students in high-poverty

schools were at or above proficient in math and 13 percent in reading—compared with 61 percent and

55 percent, respectively, of all students. In 1997, 9 percent of 4th-graders were excluded from the state’s test

because of exemptions for disabilities, absences and invalid test scores.

Reading

 % At/Above Proficient

Mathematics

% At/Above Proficient

1995 1997 Gain 1995 1997 Gain

All Students 48% 55% 7% 59% 61% 2%

0-34% Poverty 57 65 8 70 70 0

75-100% Poverty 8 13 4 14 21 7

Test—CRT; levels set in 1994.

Connecticut Proficient Definition: Levels are Reading Band 3/ Math Band 4Above the statewide goal for reading/math.

Students possess the knowledge and skills necessary to successfully perform the tasks and assignments expected of 4th-

graders with minimal teacher assistance.
Student Performance 30

Exhibit 2.12

Kentucky Instructional Skills Information System: Grade 4

In reading, 33 percent of all 4th-grade students in Kentucky schools were at or above the state’s expected

level of performance in 1998, compared with 24 percent of students in high-poverty schools. Reading

performance improved slightly for all students between 1996 and 1998 but declined slightly among students

in high-poverty schools. Kentucky changed its math test to grade 5 in 1998, thus grade 4 trends cannot be

reported.

Reading

 % At/Above Proficient

Mathematics

% At/Above Proficient

1996 1998 Gain 1996 1998 Gain

All Students 31% 33% 2% 14% n/a n/a

0-34% Poverty 41 43 2 20 n/a n/a

75-100% Poverty 27 24 -2 12 n/a n/a

Test—CRT; levels set in 1995.

Kentucky Proficient Definition: Student demonstrates a knowledge of major concepts even though she/he overlooks or

misunderstands some less obvious ideas or details. Student can apply core concepts and skills to solve problems. Student

makes connections among major concepts.

Exhibit 2.13

Maine Educational Assessment: Grade 4

In reading, a large majority of Maine 4th-graders, including those in high-poverty schools, were at or above

the Basic level of proficiency in 1998. Compared with 1996, there were increased percentages of students,

especially those in high-poverty schools, reaching the Basic level in reading. In math, 72 percent of students

overall had attained the basic level in 1998, and among students in high-poverty schools, two-thirds were at

or above basic. From 1996, there were declines of 6 and 5 percentage points, respectively, in attainment of

the Basic level. In 1998, 10 percent of 4th-graders were excluded from the state’s assessment.

Reading

 % At/Above Basic

Mathematics

% At/Above Basic

1996 1998 Gain 1996 1998 Gain

All Students 87% 89% 2% 78% 72% -6%

0-34% Poverty 92 93 1 86 80 -6

50-100% Poverty 83 87 4 72 67 -5

Test—CRT; levels set in 1995.

Maine Basic Definition (state level between Novice and Advanced): Students demonstrate a command of essential

knowledge and skills with partial success on tasks involving higher level concepts, including applications of skills, make

connections among ideas, and successfully address problems and tasks.
Student Performance 31

Exhibit 2.14

Maryland School Performance Assessment Program: Grade 3

In 1998, in both reading and mathematics, over 40 percent of Maryland 3rd-grade students met the

satisfactory level of performance. In contrast, in high-poverty schools, 16 percent of students performed at

the satisfactory level in reading and 13 percent in math. Gains in reading from 1996 to 1998 in the

percentage of students at the satisfactory level were as great in the high-poverty schools as overall; and in

math the gains were greater in high-poverty schools. In 1998, 8 percent of 3rd-grade students were excluded

from the state assessment because of exemptions for disabilities, absences, and invalid test scores.

Reading

 % At/Above Satisfactory

Mathematics

% At/Above Satisfactory

1996 1998 Gain 1996 1998 Gain

All Students 35% 42% 6% 39% 42% 3%

0-34% Poverty 48 55 8 53 56 3

75-100% Poverty 9 16 7 8 13 5

Test—CRT; levels set in 1993.

Maryland Satisfactory Definition: A realistic and rigorous level of achievement indicating proficiency in meeting the needs

of students.

Exhibit 2.15

North Carolina End of Grade: Grade 4

In both reading and mathematics, North Carolina showed large differences in achievement between students

in high-poverty schools and those in more advantaged schools, based on an assessment system that has been

in place since 1993. Across North Carolina, more than two-thirds of 4th-graders were at or above proficient

levels of performance in both subjects—compared with about half of all students in high-poverty schools.

Nevertheless, students in the highest-poverty schools in the state have shown significant improvement in

math, and the gap in achievement between high- and low-poverty schools has narrowed. In 1997, 4 percent

of students were excluded from the state test in both reading and mathematics because of their limited English

proficiency or disabilities.

Reading

% At/Above Proficient

Mathematics

 % At/Above Proficient

1995 1997 Gain 1995 1997 Gain

All Students 64% 68% 4% 69% 75% 6%

0–34% Poverty 73 77 4 78 83 5

75–100% Poverty 46 49 3 49 57 8

Test–CRT; levels set in 1992.

North Carolina Proficient Definition: Level III Students consistently demonstrate mastery of grade-level subject matter

and skills and are well prepared for the next grade level.
Student Performance 32

Exhibit 2.16

Texas Assessment of Academic Skills: Grade 4

From 1996 to 1998, the percentage of 4th-graders in Texas achieving at the proficient level increased in both

reading and math, bringing very large majorities of students to the state’s standards for proficiency. Although

narrowing, gaps in achievement between students in the highest- and lowest-poverty schools remain in both

subjects. In 1998, 92 percent of 4th-graders were tested in both reading and math. Exclusions were due

primarily to students’ disabilities.

Reading

% At/Above Proficient

Mathematics

% At/Above Proficient

1996 1998 Gain 1996 1998 Gain

All Students 78% 89% 11% 78% 86% 8%

0–34% Poverty 87 95 8 87 92 5

75–100% Poverty 67 82 15 67 78 11

Test–CRT; levels set in 1989.

Texas Proficient Definition: Reading/Writing/Math TLI score of 70 and above.

Trends in Achievement in Large Urban Districts

Attention to large urban districts serving high percentages of poor students is important in reporting

student achievement. These districts, which have significant percentages of high-poverty schools, receive

a large percentage of Title I funds. Results from 13 large urban districts are presented to show trends in

student performance in areas in which poverty and educational challenges are most highly concentrated.

The results are reported as the percentage of students meeting the definition of proficiency used in the

district, as required for final assessments under Title I.

Districts profiled are among the largest in the country, have student populations that are at least

35 percent minority and 50 percent eligible for free or reduced-price lunch, serve high concentrations of

limited English proficient students, are geographically diverse, and have at least three years of data on the

same achievement test in reading and math for elementary and middle school students. As with the states,

these are among those that provided data (which were available in fall/early winter 1998). Almost all of

the highest-poverty schools in these districts receive Title I funds.

13

Of the 13 districts studied:

ß Ten showed increases in the percentage of elementary students in very high-poverty schools who

meet the district or state proficiency standard in either mathematics or reading. Of these, seven

showed evidence that the achievement gap between the highest-poverty and low-poverty schools is

closing.

ß Six districts showed increases in the percentage of elementary students (in the highest-poverty

schools) meeting the district or state proficiency standard in both mathematics and reading. Of these,

four showed evidence that the gap was narrowing in both subjects (Exhibit 2.17).
Student Performance 33

As with states, it is not possible to make direct comparisons of achievement across districts because of the

differences in the tests employed, the grades assessed, and the definitions of proficiency. Despite these

limitations and the necessity of summarizing the results simply as indicating progress or no progress, the

preponderance of evidence suggests that the districts have made progress in raising student achievement,

especially for students attending high-poverty schools. Note that three-year trends are reported for either

the 1994-95 through 1996-97 school years or the 1995-96 through 1997-98 school years.

Exhibit 2.17

District Achievement Trends for Students in High-Poverty Schools

Reading Mathematics

District Test Growth

Year 1 – Year 3

Gap Narrowed

Year 1 – Year 3

Growth

Year 1 – Year 3

Gap Narrowed

Year 1 – Year 3

Baltimore City MSPAP No change Not applicable No Not applicable

Boston Stanford 9 No change Not applicable Yes Yes

Chicago IGAP No change Not applicable Yes Yes

Detroit MEAP No change Not applicable Yes No

Houston TAAS Yes Yes Yes Yes

Jefferson County

(Louisville)

KIRIS Yes No No Not applicable

Kansas City, KS MAT No Not applicable No Not applicable

Memphis TCAP No Not applicable No Not applicable

Dade County

(Miami)

Stanford 8 Yes Yes Yes Yes

New York City CAT-5 (Math)

CTBS (Reading)

Yes Yes Yes Yes

Philadelphia Stanford 9 Yes No Yes No

San Antonio TAAS Yes Yes Yes Yes

San Francisco CTBS Yes No Yes Yes

Total 12 Different Tests

7 Yes/2 No

4 No Change

4 Yes/3 No

6 Not Applicable

9 Yes/4 No 7 Yes/2 No

4 Not Applicable

Exhibit reads: In the 13 districts for which three-year trends in achievement are reported, seven showed growth in

the percentage of elementary grade students in the highest-poverty schools who met the district standards for

proficiency in reading. Five showed a reduction in the achievement gap between students in the highest- and

lowest-poverty schools in the district.
Student Performance 34

Following are descriptions of the assessment systems and results in reading and math and how they vary

in selected large urban districts. More detailed descriptions of the remaining districts will be reported in a

forthcoming report.

14

Exhibit 2.18

Baltimore Results on the Maryland School Performance Assessment Program: Grade 3

Students in high-poverty schools in Baltimore City have not performed well on the Maryland School

Performance Assessment Program (MSPAP) compared with the rest of the state. MSPAP is a performance

assessment requiring constructed responses, and is considered challenging. In high-poverty schools, only 8 to

9 percent of 3rd-grade students met or exceeded performance standards in reading and 7 to 13 percent met

standards in mathematics in any year. Over 65 percent of students in the district are eligible for free or

reduced-price lunch, and 86 percent are minority. All Title I schools in the district have 75 percent or more

students eligible for the free and reduced-price lunch program.

Reading

% At/Above Proficient

Mathematics

% At/Above Proficient

1995 1997 Gain 1995 1997 Gain

All Students 12% 13% 1% 16% 12% -4%

0–34% Poverty 31 25 -6 34 25 -9

75–100% Poverty 9 9 0 13 8 -5

Test—CRT

Maryland Proficient Definition: Satisfactorya realistic and rigorous level of achievement indicating proficiency in

meeting the needs of students.

Exhibit 2.19

Chicago Results on the Illinois Goals Assessment Program: Grade 3

Chicago students, in general, are posting strong math gains on the Illinois Goals Assessment Program

(IGAP), a multiple choice criterion-referenced test. An overwhelming majority of students (96 percent of

3

rd-graders) in low-poverty schools have reached the state’s standard. Students in high-poverty schools lag

behind, but they have made impressive gains. The percentage of 3rd-graders attending high-poverty schools

who met or exceeded state goals in mathematics rose from 60 percent in 1994-95 to 72 percent in 1996-97.

Reading performance is less positive. While students in low-poverty schools have made gains, students in the

highest-poverty schools have remained at lower levels of performance. In 1994-95, 39 percent of 3rd-graders

in high-poverty schools met or exceeded state goals in reading, and this performance was unchanged by

1996-97. During this same period, the percentage of students in low-poverty schools who met or exceeded

state goals in reading rose from 75 percent to 85 percent. Eighty-two percent of students in the district are

eligible for free or reduced-price lunch and 89 percent are minority.

Reading

% At/Above Proficient

Mathematics

% At/Above Proficient

1995 1997 Gain 1995 1997 Gain

All Students 45% 44% -1% 64% 75% 11%

0–34% Poverty 75 85 10 86 96 10

75–100% Poverty 39 39 0 60 72 12

TestCRT; Illinois Proficient Definition: Meets state goals
Student Performance 35

Exhibit 2.20

Jefferson County (Louisville) Results on the Kentucky Instructional Results

Information System: Grade 4 (Reading), Grade 5 (Math)

In Jefferson County (Louisville, KY) Public Schools, 4th-grade students’ reading performance, after falling

slightly in 1995-96, recovered in 1996-97 on the Kentucky Instructional Results Information System (KIRIS).

KIRIS has been primarily a performance-based assessment since its inception in 1991-92. In 1996-97, 24

percent of 4th-graders attending high-poverty schools scored at or above the proficient level, up from 21

percent in 1994-95. Over the same period, children in low-poverty schools posted stronger gains, rising from

43 to 52 percent of 4th-graders scoring at or above the proficient level.

Unlike reading scores, math scores for children in the highest-poverty schools declined. In the highestpoverty schools, the percentage of 5th-graders scoring at or above the proficient level in math declined from

13 percent in 1994-95 to 10 percent in 1996-97. Fifty percent of students in the district are eligible for free or

reduced-price lunch and 90 percent of the highest-poverty schools receive Title I funds.

Reading

% At/Above Proficient

Mathematics

% At/Above Proficient

1995 1997 Gain 1995 1997 Gain

All Students 31% 38% 7% 21% 20% -1%

0–34% Poverty 43 52 9 29 32 3

75–100% Poverty 21 24 3 13 10 -3

Test—CRT

Kentucky Proficient Definition: Student demonstrates knowledge of major concepts even though she/he overlooks or

misunderstands some less obvious ideas or details. Student can apply core concepts and skills to solve problems. Student

makes connections among major concepts. Student communicates ideas effectively.

Exhibit 2.21

Philadelphia Results on the Stanford 9: Grade 4

Philadelphia exhibits improvement in 4th-grade reading and math, for all categories of poverty, over the three

analysis years on the Stanford 9, which includes multiple choice and short constructed response questions.

From 1995-96 to 1997-98, the percentage of students attending high-poverty schools and meeting or

exceeding proficiency standards increased from 11 percent to 17 percent in reading, and from 7 percent to 12

percent in math. Eighty percent of the districts’ students are eligible for free or reduced-price lunch, and all

Title I schools are included in the highest-poverty category (75 percent or more eligible for free or reducedprice lunch).15

Reading

% At/Above Proficient

Mathematics

% At/Above Proficient

1996 1998 Gain 1996 1998 Gain

All Students 16% 23% 7% 11% 16% 5%

35-49% Poverty 40 54 14 30 36 6

75–100% Poverty 11 17 6 7 12 5

Test—NRT; levels set in 1996

Proficient Definition: Scoring above the 7th stanine (Determined by Test Publisher—Harcourt Brace)
Student Performance 36

Exhibit 2.22

San Antonio Results on the Texas Assessment of Academic Skills: Grade 3

Reading scores for 3rd-grade students in the San Antonio Independent School District show improvement

from 1995-96 to 1997-98 for students overall as well as for those in high- and moderate-poverty schools.16

Overall, the percentage of 3rd-graders passing the reading component of the TAAS rose from 59 percent to

67 percent. In high-poverty schools, the percentage rose from 58 percent to 66 percent, while the pass rate in

moderate-poverty schools rose from 69 percent to 74 percent.

The trends in 3rd-grade mathematics are mixed. Overall, the percentage of 3rd-graders passing the

mathematics component of the TAAS rose from 56 percent to 61 percent. In high-poverty schools, the

percentage rose from 55 percent to 60 percent, but moderate-poverty schools saw a decline from 65 percent to

62 percent. San Antonio serves a very high concentration of poor children (91 percent eligible for free or

reduced-price lunch) and a large minority population (95 percent). The TAAS reading and mathematics tests

are multiple-choice criterion referenced.

Reading

% At/Above Proficient

Mathematics

% At/Above Proficient

1996 1998 Gain 1996 1998 Gain

All Students 59% 67% 8% 56% 61% 5%

50-74% Poverty 69 74 5 65 62 -3

75–100% Poverty 58 66 8 55 60 5

TestCRT; levels set in 1989

Texas Proficient Definition: Reading/Writing/Math TLI score of 70 and above.

Conclusion

Trends in the performance of students in the nation’s highest-poverty public schools, as well as progress

of the lowest-achieving students show positive gains in reading and math performance since the

reauthorization of Title I. These trends are further substantiated by the progress reported by some states

and districts with three-year trends in achievement. Despite these gains in the performance of students in

high-poverty schools, however, these students remain much further behind their peers in meeting basic

standards of performance in both reading and math. Yet the results from some states show that students in

the highest-poverty schools can perform at national levelsindicating that it is possible to bring students

in the highest-poverty schools to high levels of achievement.
Student Performance 37

 

1

Stephanie Stullich, Brenda Donly, and Simeon Stolzberg, Within-District Targeting of Title I Funds (Washington,

DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1999).

2

 Sec. 1501(a)(3) authorizes the Secretary to use data gathered through a variety of sources, including the National

Assessment of Educational Progress and state evaluations, to report on students’ progress for the National

Assessment of Title I.

3

 U.S. Department of Education, Reinventing Chapter 1: The Current Chapter 1 Program and New Directions

(Washington, DC: Author, 1993).

4

 Unpublished tables from the 1998 NAEP Reading Assessment, Educational Testing Service.

5

 NAEP measures for low-income status using percent of students receiving free and reduced price lunch go back to

1986 in math and 1988 in reading. For earlier trend data back to 1970, see I.V.S. Mullis et. al., Trends in Academic

Progress (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1991). Earlier measures of the gap in performance by

poverty were made by comparisons of children living in advantaged and disadvantaged urban communities. Mullis

found some closing of the gap in performance between students in advantaged and disadvantaged urban

communities through the late 1980s.

6

 For overall NAEP results in reading, see NAEP 1994 Reading Report Card from the National Assessment of

Educational Progress (Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics, March 1996) and NAEP 1998

Reading Report Card (Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics, 1998).

7

 For overall NAEP results in math, see Clyde Reese, Karen Miller, John Mazzeo, and John Dossey, NAEP 1996

Mathematics Report Card for the Nation and the States (Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics,

February 1997).

8

 See Appendix. Not all states participated in the 1996 NAEP state math main assessment. In addition, in the case

of Delaware, the sample size was insufficient to make a reliable estimate for student achievement in high-poverty

schools in the state.

9 U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, estimates of school-age children and poor children in 1996.

10 Data on school- and student-level participation in Title I and achievement results were collected through the

1996-97 and 1997-98 Title I Performance Reports. If available states were requested to report the percentage of

students in high- and low-poverty schools meeting the states’ established levels of proficiency. Results were also

requested for disaggregated student groups required once final assessments are in place. These findings are reported

in more detail in Rolf Blank, Jennifer Manise, Barbara Braithwaite, and Doreen Langesen, State Education

Indicators with a Focus on Title I, 1998 (Washington, DC: Council of Chief State School Officers, Feb. 1999).

11 Data were collected through the 1996-97 Title I Performance Report, and the Council of Chief State School

Officers. One- and two-year trends, in addition to results reported here, are reported in Blank et al.

12 Blank et al.

13 The McKenzie Group, Student Achievement and Accountability Systems in Urban Districts (draft report,

Feb. 1999).

14 The McKenzie Group. Exhibits 2.16 through 2.21 are all based on data from this study.

15 The School District of Philadelphia reported having no schools in the low-poverty category (less than 35 percent

eligible for free/ reduced-price lunch).

16 San Antonio reported having no schools with fewer than 50 percent of students eligible for free/reduced-price

lunch.
Standards 38

KEY PROVISIONS REGARDING THE ROLE OF TITLE I IN THE DEVELOPMENT

OF CHALLENGING STANDARDS AND ASSESSMENTS

Content and Performance Standards

By the 1997-98 school year, each state was to have adopted challenging content standards, in at least

reading and math, that specify what all children are expected to know and be able to do, and challenging

performance standards that describe students’ mastery of the content standards.

ß Performance standards must reflect at least three levels of achievement in order to measure progress.

ß If a state has content and performance standards, they must apply equally to all students, including

Title I students. If a state does not intend to develop standards for all students, it still is required to do

so for all children participating in Title I.

ß States are to submit, to the U.S. Department of Education, evidence that standards have been

developed.

State Assessment Systems

States are to adopt or develop student assessment systems that are aligned with standards in at least

reading/language arts and math.

ß These final assessments, which are required to be implemented by the 2000-2001 school year, are to

be administered at least once during grades 3-5; 6-9; and 10-12, and are to allow for reporting based

on standards.

ß The assessments are to include reasonable adaptations and accommodations for students with diverse

learning needs, and students with limited English proficiency, who are to be assessed to the extent

practicable, in the language most likely to yield accurate information on what they know and can do

to determine their mastery of skills in subjects other than English.

ß The assessments are also to be used in measuring the progress of Title I schools. They must allow for

the disaggregation and reporting at the state, district, and school levels of students’ results by gender,

major racial/ethnic group, English proficiency status, migrant status, disabilities and economic status.

To provide states with sufficient time to develop assessment systems aligned with standards, the statute

includes a transitional period—until the year 2000-2001—during which a state may use a transitional

assessment procedure for measuring progress on complex skills, and holding schools accountable. In the

meantime, however, states are to develop timetables and a reporting schedule for completing and field

testing assessments.

States may allow districts local discretion to develop their own standards and assessments as long as steps

are taken to ensure that they are rigorous and of high quality.
Standards 39

3. DEVELOPMENT OF STANDARDS AND ASSESSMENT

SYSTEMS, AND THE ROLE OF TITLE I

Key Findings

States are making significant progress in developing content standards, but the development of

performance standards is so closely related to the development of final assessments that many states have

not met the timeline set forth in the statute.

ß Most recently, 48 states, plus Puerto Rico and the District of Columbia, have met the requirements for

developing challenging statewide content standards. Prior to reauthorization, only 19 states reported

having challenging content standards.

ß Twenty-one states, plus Puerto Rico, have met the requirement for the development of student

performance standards.

ß States are not required to submit content and performance standards to the U.S. Department of

Education for reviewonly evidence of their quality and rigor, which is hard to gauge based on their

state plans. Expert reviews of standards, which could serve as a proxy guide, focus on varying

criteria. One review that has examined standards over a three-year period suggests improvement in

the quality of standards.

States are making progress in developing assessment systems that meet the requirements established in

Title I.

ß While final assessment systems are not required to be in place until 2000-01, state plans are required

to include a description of how states will develop final assessment systems and report on their

progress to date. According to a review of state plans commissioned by the U.S. Department of

Education, as of 1997, 14 states had provided evidence that they had in place transitional assessments

aligned to state content standards.

ß A sizeable number of states report student achievement based on state assessment data according to

categories established in the statute. For the 1996-97 school year, of the 48 states, plus D.C. and

Puerto Rico, that reported student achievement data through the Title I Performance Report,

21 disaggregated results by school poverty levels, 12 reported results for low-income students,

19 provided data for students with limited English proficiency, and 16 reported achievement of

migrant students.

ß Challenges remain in ensuring that all students are included in assessment systems and that results are

reported for various groups of students, as required by law.
Standards 40

What Did Reauthorization Seek to Accomplish?

Challenging standards of learning for all children and aligned assessments that ensure high expectations

for all students are key policy drivers in Title I. Indeed, the purpose of the program as outlined in the

statute “is to enable schools to provide opportunities for children served to acquire the knowledge and

skills contained in the challenging state content standards and to meet the challenging state performance

standards developed for all children.”*In addition to requiring states to establish and use systems of

standards and aligned assessments to guide expectations for what children should be expected to know

and do, Title I has required that states develop criteria for tracking how well students are doing in schools

served by the program meet the standards.

A key indicator for the program is this: “By 2000-01, all states will have assessments aligned with content

and performance standards for core subjects.” These aligned systems are to support Title I schools in

using challenging standards to guide curriculum and instruction, and assessments linked to the standards

to measure their progress and inform improvement efforts. This priority is reflected in a second key

indicator: “By the year 2000, all schools receiving Title I funds will report the use of content standards to

guide curriculum and instruction.” This chapter addresses the role of Title I in the development of state

standards and assessment systems designed to promote high expectations for all students. Progress in

implementing accountability requirements is addressed in a subsequent chapter.

The establishment of challenging state standards and assessment systems for all students rests on evidence

showing that students work harder and achieve more when they are challenged to meet higher

expectations and provided with the opportunity to do so. High standards for academic achievement—

when coupled with instruction and support that help students reach those standards, valid and reliable

assessments, and accountability systems that hold schools responsible for improved student

achievement—can unite students, parents, teachers and administrators, community residents, and school

district staff around the shared goal of improving learning. Committing to high academic standards

makes the unequivocal statement that all students are expected to achieve academically.

Evidence provided by research and the best judgment of experts, professional organizations, and local

stakeholders contribute to academic standards that codify expectations regarding instructional content

that all students should learn. By defining what students should know and be able to do, standards keep

schools focused on desired results for students—and can stimulate local development of content-rich

curricula and the effective teaching strategies that make results possible.1 Standards also indicate what

assessments must measure in order to show achievement. In return, good assessments can make

standards count by giving communities a mechanism by which to hold schools accountable for

achievement.2 Good assessments meet acceptable standards of test quality and measure what students are

expected to learn; they are aligned with the standards and reinforce what teachers are expected to cover in

the classroom.3

The requirement that Title I use the same standards and assessments that states establish for all students

was intended to integrate the program with state reform efforts and ensure that students in Title I schools

are held to the same high standards as all students. Indeed, the provisions in Title I requiring states to

develop challenging content and performance standards, aligned assessments, and systems of

accountability grew out of initiatives already under way in a number of states in 1994. The Goals 2000:

 

*

 Content standards broadly define what a student should know and be able to do in a given subject area.

Performance standards go on to define how well a student should perform in those subject areas to be considered

proficient, advanced, or partially proficient.
Standards 41

Educate America Act was to work with Title I to support states and local districts in developing and

implementing standards and assessment systems.

Key statutory provisions go beyond a general requirement for standards, assessments, and accountability,

and provide a timeline and key components to be addressed in their development. It is important to note

that the development of final assessments is not required until the 2000-01 school year.

How Are Key Provisions Being Implemented?

States have made varying levels of progress in developing and implementing systems of standards and

aligned assessments that meet the timelines set forth in the statute. States initially submitted plans to the

U.S. Department of Education in 1995 that included information on their standards and assessments, and

were to report major updates as they developed standards and assessment systems.

Progress in Developing Content and Performance Standards

The requirement for content and performance standards under Title I was designed to be consistent with

the development of standards supported under Goals 2000 and the policy direction in which many states

were moving. Soon after the 1994 enactment of both Goals 2000 and Title I, about half of all states

reported having content standards in math and reading/language arts, while fewer than one-fifth reported

having performance standards in place.

Although states are not required to submit their standards to the U.S. Department of Education for review,

they must demonstrate that they have developed content and performance standards by the 1997-98

school year. Upon completing the development of standards, each state is required to submit to the

Department evidence (in updates to their state plans) that standards are in place and that a rigorous

process was used to adopt standards. This evidence is examined by teams of peer reviewers, including

researchers and state and local practitioners.

Peer reviewers were charged with determining whether the plans addressed key provisions in the statute,

including the requirements that: (1) each state adopt content and performance standards in

reading/language arts and math with input from a broad base of educational stakeholders for three grade

spans; (2) that the performance standards represent three levels of proficiency; (3) the performance

standards were aligned with content standards; and (4) the standards were intended for all students,

including students with limited English proficiency and disabilities.

The peer reviewers also used the Department’s guidance for approval, which offered several ways for

states to demonstrate that the content and performance standards were challenging:

ß Conclusions from an independent peer review panel convened by the state to review its standards;

ß A detailed description of the process the state used to develop its standards and review their rigor (for

example, a process to benchmark state standards to nationally recognized standards, which includes

input from experts and other stakeholders); and
Standards 42

ß Evidence that student performance on an aligned state assessment is comparable to student

performance on the NAEP.

Standards Development in Maine

Maine developed standards for four levels of student performance in seven content areas. The

performance standards include descriptions of student work at each level within each content area. The

descriptive performance standards for reading, writing, and mathematics have been further defined in

terms of scores on the state assessment.

The process for developing performance standards in Maine included (1) convening teachers, school

administrators, and community members to define four performance levelsboth generically and for

each subject area; (2) forming panels of teachers, administrators, and parents to identify the quality of

student work at each level and to determine cut scores for each standard; and (3) using a modified Angoff

technique to check the process. Comparisons with NAEP levels indicate similar distributions of students

across levels.

States have made substantial progress in developing content standards and more moderate

progress with regard to performance standards. Most recently, 48 states plus Puerto Rico and the

District of Columbia have met the requirement for developing challenging state content standards, and 21

states plus Puerto Rico have met the requirement for developing student performance standards (Exhibits

3.1 and 3.2).4

Exhibit reads: In 1998, 48 states, the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico submitted evidence to the

U.S. Department of Education that content standards were in place.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, unpublished analysis of state plans required under Sec. 1111; baseline

(1994) data obtained from Council of Chief State School Officers, Status Report: State Systemic Education

Improvements, 1995.

Note: Numbers include Puerto Rico and the District of Columbia.

Exhibit 3.1

States with Challenging Content Standards

in Mathematics and Reading/Language Arts

19

42

50

52 52

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

1994 1997 1998 1999 2000

Number of States

Goal

Exhibit 3.2

States with Challenging Performance

Standards in Mathematics and

Reading/Language Arts

0

18

22

38

52

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

1994 1997 1998 1999 2000

Number of States

Goal
Standards 43

Twenty-six states and the District of Columbia are operating under temporary waivers granting extensions

for the development of performance standards.5 The remaining four have submitted evidence, which has

not yet been approved. States have been granted extensions as late as December 1999 to complete the

development of standardsmost often because they plan to establish performance standards once their

final assessments are developed.

A state requesting a waiver must describe where it is in the process of developing performance standards

and how long it expects it will take to decide on final standards. It must include a timeline for the

development of standards during the waiver period and a description of how the state plans to ensure that

standards are challenging and have been developed through broad-based consultation with relevant

stakeholders and other experts. States requesting waivers also must provide evidence of their progress

and a detailed timeline for completing their work, based on the timeline submitted with their waiver

request.

Progress in Developing Assessment Systems

Indicator: Aligned assessments. By 2000-01, all states will have assessments aligned with content and

performance standards for core subjects.

States are making progress in developing assessment systems that meet the requirements

established in Title I. State assessments aligned with content and student performance standards

which include reasonable adaptations for students with diverse learning needs and allow for

disaggregation and reporting by gender, major racial/ethnic group, English proficiency status, migrant

status, students with disabilities, and economically disadvantaged studentsare not required to be in

place until the 2000-01 school year.

Although final assessment systems are not required to be in place until 2000-01, states are required to

describe how they will develop final assessments and what their progress is to date. Key elements of

these descriptions include plans for administering assessments in the three required grade spans and in the

required content areas, evidence of alignment with content standards, inclusion of students with special

needs, and plans for disaggregation of data by student groups. According to a review of state plans6 for

developing procedures for determining school and district progress in helping all students attain state

standards, as of 1997, 14 states had provided evidence in their state plans that they had in place

transitional assessments aligned to state content standards.7 The primary criteria used in determining

alignment are that the assessment addresses all of the content standards and that it does not address any

other content within the subject areas assessed.8

Despite slower progress in developing final assessment systems, a sizeable number report student

achievement based on state assessment data according to categories established in the statute. For the

1996-97 school year, of the 48 states plus the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico that reported student

achievement data through the Title I Performance Report, 21 disaggregated results by school poverty

levels, 12 reported results for low-income students, 19 provided data for students with limited English

proficiency, and 16 reported achievement of migrant students (Exhibit 3.3).9
Standards 44

Exhibit reads: Twenty-one states disaggregate their assessment information by level of

school poverty.

Source: Blank, Manise, Braithwaite, and Langesen, State Education Indicators with a

Focus on Title I, 1999.

What Issues Remain to Be Addressed through Changes in Practice or

Statutory Requirements?

Because standards-based reform and accountability represent a major shift in educational practice, there

are reasons to pay close attention to the implementation of these Title I provisions. Few of these issues

can be addressed; most require changes in priorities and strategies for implementation at the federal, state,

and local levels.

Many states are undertaking a process for developing standards and assessment systems that

differs from the linear approach indicated in the statute. Rather than establishing performance

standards to inform the development of assessments, many states are defining performance standards

concurrently with the development of their statewide assessments. This approach is considered valid by

experts, and indeed for this reason many states have approved waivers allowing performance standards to

be developed later than anticipated in the statutory timelines.10

While the process for reviewing state plans for the development of standards and assessments

appears to be rigorous and participatory, no external assurance that the standards and assessments

are rigorous is required. The statute does not require states to submit standards and assessments to the

U.S. Department of Education. A review of the evidence provided by states shows that plans appear to be

weak in benchmarking standards against external criteria; only four states provided evidence of rigor by

comparing results with external assessments (for example, NAEP).11 State NAEP scores may provide a

Exhibit 3.3

States with Achievement Data Disaggregated by

Various Population Subgroups, 1996-97

2 1

1 2

1 9

1 6

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

School poverty

level

Low-income

students

Limited English

proficient

students

M igrant students

Number of States
Standards 45

common benchmark for comparing results based on states’ own standards to a common measure

(Exhibit 3.4a).

Exhibit reads: In Connecticut, a greater percentage of 8th-graders met the Basic level NAEP in

mathematics than met the state’s expected level on the state assessment.v

Source: U.S. Department of Education, Planning and Evaluation Service, based on published

reports of the National Assessment of Educational Progress and State Assessment data compiled

by Westat, Inc.

National attention to the development of high standards for all children has resulted in independent

reviews and comparisons of the rigor and quality of content and standards; however, discrepancies

among independent reviews point to difficulties. For four years the American Federation of Teachers

(AFT) has judged the “quality” of academic standards by whether content standards were clear and

specific enough to provide the basis for a common core curriculum, and has reported improvement over

that time.12 The Council for Basic Education (CBE) defined “rigor” of state standards based on the

requirement that all students learn the essential concepts and skills in math specified by NAEP and the

National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM). A review of standards in English language arts

included the requirement that all students learn the essential concepts and skills laid out in the Council’s

Standards of Excellence in Education.13 In 1998, state content standards were also reviewed by the

Fordham Foundation for clarity; adequacy of content; mathematical reasoning; and purposes, audience,

expectations, assumptions, organization, disciplinary coverage, quality, and absence of “anti-literary”

qualities in English/language arts.14

 

v

 This exhibit is provided to illustrate the variations in expectations established by states in 1996 for

achievement in 8th-grade mathematics. Some states, including South Carolina and Louisiana, have

since developed new assessments and performance levels.

Exhibit 3.4

Percentage of 8th-Grade Students Meeting the NAEP

Basic Level of Performance in Mathematics in 1996

Compared to States’ Expected Levels on State

Assessments

79%

68%

81%

68%

55%

56%

56%

57%

67%

67%

70%

13%

28%

43%

48%

55%

47%

38%

48%

51%

0 % 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Louisiana

South Carolina

Georgia

Delaware

Kentucky

North Carolina

Maryland

Oregon

Michigan

Connecticut

Percentage of Students

NAEP Basic

Expected Level
Standards 46

ß Overall, the grades assigned by these three groups to state content standards were average. Some

states, such as California, Virginia, and Wisconsin, received grades of “A” or “B” in both subjects by

both the AFT and CBE. Most states had a mix of grades across subject areas and reviewers.

ß There were discrepancies among the grades assigned to standards by the independent reviewers,

which highlights the difficulty in assessing the quality of standards. These discrepancies result in part

from different criteria used for each review and some subjectivity across the reviews and reviewers.

In addition, grades were given to state content standards at different times in their development, and

at a different level of detail.15

ß Some reviews focused on the specificity of standards for their potential to guide curriculum.

Grades given by outside groups should be carefully considered because states have often intentionally

developed broadly worded standards to provide for significant local discretion in how they would be

applied.16

The definitions and levels of alignment expected for standards and assessments vary according to

how they are worded. A 1997 effort to review the quality and alignment of standards and assessments

in two states, conducted by Achieve Inc., illustrates the challenge in developing rigorous standards and

high-quality assessments. The assessment program in one state was found to be substantially more

comprehensive and demanding than what would be expected from the state’s standards. The reverse

concern arose from a review of another state’s standards, which were judged to be “strong and well

balanced” but were not reflected in a challenging assessment system.17

Many states are establishing policies related to the assessment of students with limited English

proficiency (LEP) and students with disabilities, but the policies vary across states and seldom

include strategies for making accommodations. Indeed, the assessment of special populations is

among the greatest challenges reported by states in developing assessment systems. A review of

state practices in determining school/district progress found that, as of 1997, most states (43) had at least

partially developed policies and/or procedures for assessing all students but only 28 provided some

evidence that these policies or procedures were being implemented.18

Policies for testing students with special needs vary. They may include years spent in the district or

country, years spent in a bilingual program, scores on a language proficiency measure for LEP students,

Individualized Education Plans (IEPs) or recommendations from teachers or parents, and mandatory

inclusion of virtually all students with appropriate modifications or accommodations in test content and

administration.

The degree to which these policies are enforced also varies. The most problematic issues center around

the development and implementation of accommodations and modifications—specifically, the cost and

validity of changes in assessment systems required for students with special needs and the appropriateness

of their use. The cost of developing and administering modifications, such as translations and alternative

assessments, can be addressed directly through financial assistance. Questions regarding comparability of

results from modified or alternative assessments can be addressed through disaggregated reporting. States

and districts must still identify trade-offs in order to determine appropriate policies for including all

students in an assessment program.
Standards 47

More than half of the state administrators responsible for Title I report that their states are having

difficulty carrying out assessments that provide for reasonable adaptations and accommodations for

students with limited English proficiency.19 In addition, about one-third of states report having difficulty

in the development or adoption of assessments that provide for reasonable adaptations and

accommodations for students with special education needs and those who are migratory. One-third also

reported difficulty in establishing assessment systems that allow comparisons between economically

disadvantaged students and their more advantaged peers.20

The emphasis in Title I and Goals 2000 on standards and aligned assessments for all has

contributed to rapid progress in the developing of content and performance standards in

mathematics and reading/language arts, and that emphasis should remain a priority. However, the

pace of progress in the development of performance standards lags because states are developing their

assessments at the same time, and because the rigor and quality of standards are difficult to gauge.

Finally, strategies must be developed to ensure that the progress of all childrenparticularly those with

limited English proficiency is considered as systems for setting goals and measuring progress are

established, and that reporting for various groups of students is conducted.
Standards 48

 

1

 Jennifer O’Day and Marshall Smith, “Systemic Reform and Educational Opportunity,” in Susan Fuhrman (ed.)

Designing Coherent Education Policy (San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 1993) 250-312.

2 O’Day and Smith, 289-90.

3

 Norman Webb, Determining Alignment of Expectations and Assessments in Mathematics and Science Education,

brief (Madison, WI: National Institute for Science Education, University of Wisconsin, Jan. 1997)

4 U.S. Department of Education, unpublished analysis of state plans required under Sec. 1111; baseline (1994) data

obtained from Council of Chief State School Officers, Status Report: State Systemic Education Improvements

(Washington, DC: Author, Aug. 1995).

5

 U.S. Department of Education, review of standards and assessment development process (ongoing).

6

 State plans submitted to the U.S. Department of Education were reviewed; this review encompassed the process for

developing assessments, documentation submitted by states for removal of conditions identified in the plan reviews,

and evidence submitted by states regarding the development of content and performance standards.

7

 Allen Schenck and Dale Carlson, Standards-Based Assessment and Accountability in American Education: A

Report on the States’ Progress, as of 1997, in Implementing the Requirements of IASA, Title I, draft (Jan. 28, 1999).

8

Schenck and Carlson.

9

 Rolf Blank, Jennifer Manise, Barbara Braithwaite and Doreen Langesen, State Education Indicators with a Focus

on Title I: 1998 (Washington, DC: Council of Chief State School Officers, Feb. 1999).

10 Review of state plans and waiver requests.

11 Schenck and Carlson.

12 American Federation of Teachers, Making Standards Matter (Washington, DC: American Federation of Teachers,

1998).

13 Scott Joftus and Ilene Berman, Great Expectations: Defining and Assessing Rigor in State Standards for

Mathematics and English Language Arts (Council for Basic Education, January 1998).

14 Chester E. Finn, Jr., Michael J. Petrilli, and Gregg Vanourek, “The State of State Standards,” Fordham Report,

Vol. 2, No. 5 (Washington DC: Fordham Foundation, July 1998) 23-26.

15 Douglas Archbald, The Reviews of State Content Standards in English-Language Arts and Mathematics: A

Summary and Review of Their Methods and Findings and Implications for Future Standards Development

(Washington, DC: National Education Goals Panel, 1998).

16 Massell, Kirst, and Hoppe, Persistence and Change: Standards Based Reform in 9 States (Council for Policy

Research in Education, March 1997).

17 “Aiming Higher,” Achieve, annual report (Oct. 1998).

18 Schenck and Carlson.

19 Camilla Heid and Ann Webber, School-Level Implementation of Standards-Based Reform: Findings from the

Follow-up Public School Survey on Education Reform (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1999).

20 Heid and Webber.
Standards 49

 
Accountability 50

KEY PROVISIONS REGARDING ACCOUNTABILITY IN TITLE I

Measuring progress and identifying schools and districts in need of improvement

ß States must establish criteria for measuring school progress, defined by continuous and substantial

yearly improvement of each school and district toward the goal of having all children who are served

by Title I meet state standards.

ß The measurement of progress developed by states must be rigorous, able to be applied within a

reasonable time frame, and linked to performance on a state’s final assessment, and other measures.

ß Because final assessments are not required to be in place until the 2000-01 school year, a state may

use, during the transitional assessment period, other criteria for measuring progress that rely on

accurate information about the continuous and substantial yearly progress of each school and district.

ß Each Title I school is required to demonstrate, based on measures established by states, adequate

yearly progress toward attaining the state’s performance standards. Schools and districts that fail to

make adequate progress for two consecutive years are to be identified for improvement. School

districts are also held accountable through mechanisms similar to those established for schools.

Assistance and support for schools in need of improvement

ß Schools and districts identified for improvement are required to develop or revise their plans to

address identified needs. States and districts are to provide technical assistance through school

support teams and other mechanisms to schools and districts identified as in need of improvement.

Corrective actions and consequences for school performance

ß If schools identified for improvement do not show progress, states and districts can intervene with

corrective actions. Corrective actions must be taken in schools and districts that fail to make progress

for three or more years. However, some of these sanctions (including reconstitution) cannot be

applied until final state assessment systems are in place.

ß To promote increased accountability to families and communities, Title I includes provisions for

local education agencies to publicly report on the progress of Title I schools.
Accountability 51

4. THE ROLE OF TITLE I IN HOLDING SCHOOLS

ACCOUNTABLE FOR PERFORMANCE AND IN

SUPPORTING IMPROVEMENT EFFORTS

Key Findings

Overall

ß Attention to accountability across the states is high, and states are making progress in linking

accountability to improvements in student performance. Two states, North Carolina and Texas,

recently judged by Education Week to have the most comprehensive statewide accountability

systems in the nation, were recently recognized by the National Education Goals Panel for

significant improvement in student performance on the National Assessment of Educational

Progress (NAEP). Significantly, in both states, statewide standards and assessments have remained

virtually unchanged since the early 1990s.

ß Although states are making progress, designing accountability systems for schools is an iterative

process requiring continuous revisions and improvements. States face technical, political, and

capacity challenges in holding schools accountable for performance.

Measuring Progress and Identifying Low-Performing Schools and Districts

ß Given the timeline set out in Title I, definitions of adequate yearly progress are not required until

final assessments are in place in the 2000-01 school year. In the meantime, states have developed

transitional measures for defining the progress of schools and districts under Title I. But there are

concerns about the rigor of the measures, the consistency of the measures across states, and the

integration of Title I accountability with state and local accountability systems.

ß According to one assessment of transitional measures for adequate yearly progress, most states

identified a target level for student performance, but only half of the states were judged to have set

standards for measuring school progress based on students’ reaching a proficient level of

performance, rather than meeting only a minimum level of competency. The majority of state

transitional definitions determined adequate school progress on the basis of average school

performance, requiring about half of students to meet the target performance level. Most states do

not set a date by which all students are to meet expectations. States that are further along in

developing student performance standards tend to have more rigorous and clearly defined

accountability systems.

ß There is considerable variation in the identification of Title I schools in need of improvement

across states. In Texas, only 1 percent of Title I schools were identified for improvement in

1996-97. In New Mexico and Washington, D.C., more than 80 percent of Title I schools were

identified for improvement.

ß Schools identified for improvement tend to serve higher-poverty students and have a larger

minority enrollment. Schools identified as in need of improvement were more likely to be in the

highest poverty category (75 percent or more students receiving free or reduced-price lunch) and to

have high minority student enrollment (80 percent or more minority students).
Accountability 52

ß Title I is intended to be linked to state accountability so that states will operate a single system,

holding all schools, including Title I schools, to the same high standards for performance.

Although there is considerable overlap between schools identified for improvement under Title I

and other state or local mechanisms, and the majority of low-performing schools identified by state

or local accountability systems are Title I schools, states still report that they are having difficulty

integrating the Title I requirements with their own systems and there is evidence that parallel

systems are operating in many states.

ß In some respects Title I may be driving states toward stricter accountability systems. In some

states and districts, Title I identifies schools more broadly than the state systems, and in highpoverty districts, Title I is driving reform to a greater extent. According to one recent study of state

accountability systems, only 15 states are identifying low-performing schools as part of their state

accountability while all but one state are identifying low-performing schools under Title I.

ß A recent study of accountability in large urban districts finds that Title I has been a “model and an

instigator” for standards-based reform and efforts to track student progress and improve schools.

Nationally, 14 percent of districts report that Title I is driving reform in their districts as a whole to

a great extent. Fifty percent of small poor districts and 47 percent of large poor districts report that

Title I is driving reform to a great extent.

Assistance and Data-Driven Improvement Efforts in Low-Performing Schools

ß Recent findings suggest that state and Title I accountability requirements are helping states,

districts, and schools become more data driven. A study of accountability in 12 states and

14 districts found a remarkably high level of attention paid to using data to inform decision

making. The study found that whereas outcome data was required to be used for school

improvement planning, many districts were going beyond requirements of the law to use this

performance data to identify and develop strategies for staff development and curriculum

improvements that address gaps in student performance.

ß The capacity of state school support teams to assist schools in need of improvement under Title I is

a major concern. State Improvement Grants intended to help states in operating school support

teams were not funded in the last reauthorization. Although the main task for state school support

teams has been to assist high-poverty schoolwide programs, their charge also includes providing

assistance to schools in need of improvement. In 1998, only eight states reported that school

support teams have been able to serve the majority of schools identified as in need of improvement.

In 24 states, Title I directors reported more schools in need of school support teams than Title I

could assist.

Corrective Actions and Consequences for Performance

ß Under Title I, the most severe corrective actions (such as reconstitution) are not permitted until

final assessments are in place in 2000-01.

ß As part of their own state accountability systems for all schools, states are taking actions to tie

consequences to school performance through public reporting of school performance, incentives,

rewards, and sanctions. Thirty-six states publicly report on school performance, 14 states give

monetary awards to schools that meet performance standards, and 16 states have laws that give

them the power to close, take over, or overhaul low-performing schools.
Accountability 53

What Did Reauthorization Seek to Accomplish?

This chapter examines the school accountability provisions in Title I—what the law required, how

consistently and rigorously the provisions for measuring school progress and identifying schools in need

of improvement are being implemented, the extent to which Title I is drawing attention and assistance to

schools with the greatest needs in states, and how the accountability provisions in Title I might be

strengthened in the next reauthorization.

Evaluating the implementation of the accountability requirements under Title I is a formidable challenge.

The accountability system outlined in Title I is ambitious, and tying school performance to consequences

is a high-stakes endeavor. The states are developing accountability systems as this report is being written,

and the process is a continuing one, with ongoing revisions and improvement. States face numerous

political, technical, and resource issues in devising reliable ways to measure student and school

performance, identify schools in need of improvement, and assist and intervene to improve lowperforming schools.

The implementation of accountability measures discussed in this chapter needs to be understood in the

context of the time period specified for states to complete the process. Full implementation of

accountability under Title I is not required until final assessments are in place by the 2000-01 school year

(Exhibit 4.1). In the interim, schools are to be identified for improvement based on transitional measures

of progress adopted by the state and approved by the U.S. Department of Education

Nonetheless, there is evidence that accountability tied to consequences is a motivating force, and some

states are showing that holding schools accountable for performance is leading to results. Texas and

North Carolina, two states recently recognized by the National Education Goals Panel for significant

gains on the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) as well as for progress on

33 indicators related to improving education, are also considered to have the two most comprehensive

state accountability systems in the nation.1 A recent study by Rand researchers concludes that the most

plausible explanation for the test score gains in both states is the policy environment, including the

creation of an aligned system of standards, curriculum, and assessments, and efforts to hold schools

Exhibit 4.1

Timeline for Title I Accountability

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001

Identify schools and districts in need of improvement, using 

accurate information about academic progress

Transitional Period

Adequate Yearly Progress 

definition to result in continuous 

and substantial yearly 

improvement of each district 

and school sufficient to achieve 

the goal of all children meeting 

the proficient and advanced 

levels of performance

Final Period
Accountability 54

accountable for improvement of all students.2 It is noteworthy that in both Texas and North Carolina,

statewide standards and assessments have remained virtually unchanged since the early 1990s.

The concept of accountability for performance is not new to the reauthorized Title I program. A decade

ago, with the enactment of the 1988 Hawkins-Stafford Elementary and Secondary School Improvement

Amendments (P.L. 100-297), Congress intended to send “a new and bold message” that Chapter 1

programs were to be held accountable for improving the academic performance of students served by

Chapter 1.3 But there were flaws in the legislation. The emphasis on accountability under Chapter 1 was

not linked to states’ own assessments and was based on evidence of any gain (regardless of how minimal)

without regard to clear or challenging standards. In addition, there were few consequences for failing

schools. Improvement plans developed for schools in need of improvement were generally less than

ambitious. As long as programs spent funds for intended purposes and followed proper procedures, they

were considered in compliance, regardless of the achievement of Chapter 1 students. Moreover, in most

states, the accountability systems developed under Chapter 1 operated independent of broader educational

reform and school improvement efforts.4

Findings regarding the minimal impact of Chapter 1 on school improvement contributed to a significant

rethinking of program accountability and a new direction for the program that tied Title I accountability to

the broader accountability efforts of states.

The ultimate goal of the school accountability measures in the reauthorized Title I has been to help all

students reach challenging standards by serving as an impetus for change in schools with the greatest

concentrations of disadvantaged children. In addition, it is important to note that the accountability

provisions in Title I apply to school and district accountability for student performance, and do not

address student accountability. The provisions were largely modeled on the systemic reform efforts

already underway in 1994 in a number of states.

Although it was Congress’s intent that accountability under Title I be consistent with existing state

efforts, the statute, regulations, and guidance do prescribe specific requirements and timelines for

measuring, reporting, and implementing accountability provisions. Under Title I, each state is required to

develop a definition of adequate yearly progress for districts and schools based on the state assessment

and other measures. Schools and districts that fail to make adequate yearly progress are to be identified

for improvement and receive support and assistance from states and districts. Those schools and districts

that continue to fail to make progress are subject to corrective actions. The performance of districts and

schools under Title I is to be publicly reported and widely shared.

How Are Key Provisions in the Law Being Implemented?

This section examines the implementation of the accountability provisions in Title I. It focuses on

progress in the following three key areas:

Measurement and Identification

ß Rigor of measures of adequate yearly progress

ß Consistency in identifying schools in need of improvement

ß Integration of Title I with state and local accountability systems
Accountability 55

Assistance and Support for Low-Performing Schools

ß Using performance data to guide improvement efforts

ß Assisting schools that are failing to meet standards

Corrective Actions and Consequences

ß Reporting publicly on school performance

ß Providing incentives and rewards for performance

ß Implementing corrective actions

Even though early reform states have had the advantage of pursuing standards-based reform and creating

systems of accountability for a longer period of time, all states are making progress in implementing the

accountability provisions of Title I. Accountability is being tied to student performance and learning.

Attention is being drawn to low-performing schools. But all states are also facing real challenges as they

transform their educational systems into higher-performing, outcomes-based systems.

Measurement and Identification

The concept behind the Title I requirement for developing measures of adequate yearly progress was to

have states establish explicit and rigorous school targets for continuous improvement. In the interim,

while final assessments are being developed, states are required to develop a procedure for identifying

schools and LEAs in need of improvement that relies on accurate information about continuous and

substantial yearly progress. States must develop measures of school progress under Title I that are

rigorous yet feasible for schools to obtain, include all students, and can be integrated into state

accountability systems. States and districts also must devise meaningful and valid measures that do the

best job of identifying schools while being clear and understandable.

States have met the Title I requirement for developing transitional definitions of adequate yearly

progress. Because state standards are evolving and state assessments changing, it has been difficult.

In their state plans for Title I and ESEA, states outlined transitional procedures for measuring adequate

yearly progress and identifying schools in need of improvement in spring of 1996. By 1997, all states had

satisfied the condition of determining continuous and substantial progress for schools and districts as

measured by interim criteria. Yet, during that time period, states reported difficulty with creating

adequate yearly progress measures because of changes in state assessments:

ß In 1996, after the first two years of the program’s implementation, two-thirds of states reported that

establishing criteria for adequate yearly progress was moderate to very difficult. Over half reported

the need for more assistance in establishing criteria.5

ß Two years later, in 1998, 19 of 45 state Title I directors reported being concerned about changing

local assessments for their ability to identify schools in need of improvement. States (20 of 45) were

even more concerned about the effect of changing state assessments in their efforts to identify

districts in need of improvement.6

Indicator: Establishing annual progress measures. By 2000, all states will develop measures of

adequate progress linked to state performance standards that are substantially more rigorous than

those developed under the antecedent Chapter 1 program.
Accountability 56

Without final assessments in place, there are major challenges to putting in place clear and consistent

measures of school progress that will be the basis for holding schools accountable for performance.

Because many states are developing or revising new assessment systems, few are able to examine trends

in the achievement of students.

ß In 1998, the Council of Chief State School Officers identified only 13 states that had at least two

years of consistent student achievement data from state assessments.7

Even established systems such as those in Kentucky and Kansas, which were forerunners in the

development of aligned systems of standards and assessments, have revised their efforts to reflect the

priorities of their state legislatures and boards. As a result, it has been very difficult for states to have

reliable and consistent measures of school performance over time.

Although there is little debate about whether all schools should be expected to reach high standards, there

are many complex issues related to how to measure school progress. Is it reasonable to see the same rate

of growth over time, or should schools be expected to progress at the same pace when some have further

to go than others? What are reasonable targets for growth? There are a number of ways of examining

performance that may set different expectations for schools and students.

According to a review of state transitional measures of school progress in 1997, roughly equal

numbers of states were requiring three different approaches to measuring school progress.

ß In 15 states, schools or districts were required to have a certain percentage of students attain a target

performance level, an average performance level, or a composite index target every year.

ß In 20 states, the same rate of increase in performance was required for all schools and districts every

year.

ß In 17 states, the required performance increase for schools and districts depended on their current

performance.8

The variety of approaches that states are developing to define adequate yearly progress have different

advantages and potential challenges. For example, a comparison of school progress against absolute

standards communicates that standards apply to all students, but factors that affect educational

achievement are not necessarily taken into account. Measures that compare rates of progress or measure

school progress against predicted performance focus attention on each school in its context. But the

approach also may hold students to lower standards and is more complex and difficult to explain and

understand.9

A recent report of the Citizens’ Commission on Civil Rights expressed concern about how the definitions

of adequate yearly progress may set different expectations for students. Their report concluded that many

of the transitional definitions of adequate yearly progress contain few or no specific provisions for

ensuring that all groups of students (including students with limited English proficiency and economically

disadvantaged students) make progress. Some state definitions set a single cut-off point for adequate

yearly progress instead of requiring continuous improvement. In addition, the commission was concerned

that many definitions require only very low rates of progress.10
Accountability 57

Rigor of Measures of Adequate Yearly Progress

A 1997 review of the state plans for determining school and district progress under Title I examined

various characteristics of the measures and processes being used by states during the transitional period.11

The review examined a number of attributes, some desired and others required by Title I, and evaluated

the rigor of transitional state definitions of adequate yearly progress against those criteria.

The review of how states measured up against various criteria for judging school progress found

that, as of 1997, states were employing many different approaches, and that the approaches differed

considerably in rigor and comprehensiveness.

ß Most states (47) had explicitly identified a target level for student performance. Half of the states had

set standards for measuring school and district progress based on having students meet “proficient”

levels of performance. Most other states measured progress based on a less-than-proficient target for

performance, such as having students meet a minimum level of competency. A small number of

states had no target level for student performance in their transitional definition of adequate yearly

progress.

ß Less than one-third of the states’ transitional definitions of adequate yearly progress included a

requirement that virtually all students in a school need to eventually attain a specified level of

performance. The majority of states defined adequate yearly progress on the basis of average school

performance, with about half of a school’s students expected to meet the target performance level.

ß Most states did not explicitly set a deadline for when schools should attain the target level of

performance, nor did most states set a specific deadline by which all students would attain a proficient

level performance. Of those that did, most states, 13 in 1997, required a period of 10 years or less.

Four required a period that extended beyond 10 years.

ß Twenty-two states determine school or district progress based on performance separately in at least

reading/language arts and math; 19 states determine progress after combining performance results

from different subjects into a single index.

ß Half of states include local assessment results in determining the progress of schools. Very few

employ additional indicators of school performance.12

Texas: Holding Schools Accountable for the Performance of All Students

Texas is the one state in the nation that takes into account the achievement of students in all subgroups

when measuring school progress. Schools and districts are rated on multiple measures in the state’s

Academic Excellence Indicator System (AEIS): pass rates on reading, math, and writing sections of the

TAAS for grades 3, 8, and 10; annual dropout rates for grades 7-12; and attendance rates for grades 1-12.

Standards for performance and dropout rates are disaggregated by student groups: African American,

Hispanic, white and economically disadvantaged. Schools must show that they meet the performance

targets overall and for student subgroups.

The state has four rating levels for schools: Exemplary, Recognized, Acceptable, and Low-Performing. In

1996-97, an Acceptable school rating required that at least 40 percent of all students and student groups

pass each section of the TAAS, the dropout rate not exceed 6 percent, and the attendance rate be at least 94

percent. Texas deals with the issue of continuous improvement by raising the percentage of students

showing improvement on the TAAS in schools by 5 percent annually. The state’s accountability system is

used for adequate yearly progress under Title I as well as for all other schools in the state.
Accountability 58

The review of state plans also found that states further along in the process of developing standards

and assessment systems in 1997 had more robust means of measuring school progress and

identifying schools in need of improvement, and seemed to have clearer, more rigorous

accountability systems.

ß Almost all states with performance standards (12 out of 15) specified a target that required a

proficient level of student achievement for schools to make progress. Most states without

performance standards did not specify targets that required students to meet a proficient level of

student performance in order for schools to make progress.

ß Half of the states with performance standards in 1997 had established deadlines by which all students

should reach state standards, compared to only 10 out of 37 states without performance standards.13

Consistency in Identifying Schools and Districts in Need of Improvement

ß Despite ongoing changes in many states’ assessment systems, most states have been able to identify

schools in need of improvement under Title I using an interim measure developed specifically for

Title I, or linked to their own accountability system. But there are wide variations in the percentages

of districts and schools identified for improvement across the states. This variation may be explained

in part by differences in the rigor of transitional definitions of adequate yearly progress, but is also

likely due to the difficulties in low-performing schools with changing assessments, as well as realistic

constraints on the capacity of states and districts to help identified schools.

For the 1996-97 school year, the percentages of districts and schools identified for improvement

varied widely across states.

ß For the 1996-97 school year approximately 7,000 schools, or 16 percent of Title I schools overall,

were identified for school improvement under Title I. Yet there was a good deal of variation in the

range of schools identified for improvement across states. Nevada, New Mexico, and the District of

Columbia identified more than half of their Title I schools as in need of improvement. In 18 other

states, such as Florida, Illinois, California, and Texas, less than 10 percent of Title I schools were

identified for improvement (Exhibit 4.2).

ß In 1996-97, approximately 1,000 districts, or 8 percent of Title I districts were identified as in need of

improvement. Ten states provided no information about districts in need of improvement and

10 other states reported that they identified no districts in their states as in need of improvement

(in two states there is only a single district). The largest percentages of districts identified for

improvement were in Nevada and New Mexico (Exhibit 4.2).14

Indicator: Adequate yearly progress. By the year 2000, an increased percentage of Title I

schools will report that they have met or exceeded state and district standards for progress for two

consecutive years.
Accountability 59

Exhibit 4.2

Schools and Districts Identified for Improvement (1996-97)

Title I Schools Title I Districts

State

Total #

Title I Schools

Number

Identified

Percent

Identified

Total #

Title I Districts

Number

Identified

Percent

Identified

ALABAMA 789 248 31% 126 23 18%

Alaska 205 24 12% 48 0 0

Arizona 778 42 5% 321 28 9%

Arkansas 799 101 13% 312 44 14%

Bureau of Indian Affairs 173 160 92% 173 -- --

California 4,166 330 8% 876 -- --

Colorado 549 15 3% 167 1 1%

Connecticut 398 95 24% 117 10 9%

Delaware 112 29 26% 21 0 0

District of Columbia 97 82 85% 1 1 100%

Florida 916 29 3% 67 0 0

Georgia 987 236 24% 180 0 0

Hawaii 117 37 32% 1 -- --

Idaho 372 45 12% 110 20 18%

Illinois 2,305 93 4% 806 14 2%

Indiana 844 242 29% 285 -- --

Iowa 799 28 4% 379 28 7%

Kansas 672 147 22% 302 65 22%

Kentucky 886 356 40% 175 77 44%

Louisiana 841 30 4% 66 1 2%

Maine 416 127 31% 188 58 31%

Maryland 269 59 22% 24 0 0

Massachusetts 841 97 12% 247 23 9%

Michigan 1,964 641 33% 603 10 2%

Minnesota 887 98 11% 350 36 10%

Mississippi 670 129 19% 153 37 24%

Missouri -- -- -- -- -- --

Montana 618 53 9% 309 35 11%

Nebraska 480 102 21% 320 60 19%

Nevada 91 64 70% 17 14 82%

New Hampshire 233 1 0% 130 0 0

New Jersey 1,173 185 16% 460 40 9%

New Mexico 487 394 81% 88 71 81%

New York 2,593 410 16% 645 61 9%

North Carolina 974 74 8% 117 0 0

North Dakota 281 16 6% 207 -- --

Ohio 1,789 680 38% 595 -- --

Oklahoma 1,079 37 3% 542 38 7%

Oregon 647 29 4% 179 2 1%

Pennsylvania 1,735 215 12% 479 31 6%

Puerto Rico 1,358 435 32% 1 -- --

Rhode Island 138 23 17% 37 -- --

South Carolina 477 88 18% 91 -- --

South Dakota 380 10 3% 389 10 3%

Tennessee 738 118 16% 139 7 5%

Texas 3,923 40 1% 1,010 4 0

Utah 255 7 3% 40 0 0

Vermont 230 14 6% 60 -- --

Virginia 699 152 22% 133 46 35%

Washington 905 176 19% 286 93 33%

West Virginia 471 60 13% 55 0 0

Wisconsin 1,666 139 8% 388 0 0

Wyoming 127 23 18% 42 5 12%

TOTAL 45,399 7,065 16% 12,857 993 8%

Source: U.S. Department of Education, 1996-97 Title I Performance Reports. Information for Missouri is not

included because the state did not report the number of schools and districts in need of improvement.
Accountability 60

Schools identified for improvement tend to serve higher-poverty students and have a larger

minority enrollment.

ß Schools identified as in need of improvement were more likely to be in the highest-poverty category

(75 percent or more students receiving free or reduced price lunch) and to have high minority student

enrollment (80 percent or more minority students).15

ß Schools identified for improvement for two or more years were more likely to be schoolwide

programs and to have relatively high minority enrollment (50 percent or more minority students).16

ß Large, high-poverty districts were more likely than other districts to have identified schools in need of

improvement. Two-thirds of large poor school districts, compared with about 20 percent of districts

nationally and one-third of small poor districts, formally identified schools in need of improvement.17

During the transition, states and districts have found it difficult to effectively communicate the

criteria and consequences of being identified for improvement. In 1997-98:

ß More than a third of states reported that they are finding it difficult to convey to schools the criteria

that are used in identifying schools in need of improvement.18

ß Twelve percent of Title I school principals in a 1997-98 survey reported that their schools had been

identified for improvement, and 75 percent reported their schools had not been identified. However,

an additional 13 percent of principals were uncertain as to whether their schools had been identified

for improvement.19

ß Twelve percent of large poor districts and 9 percent of districts nationwide do not know whether their

district as a whole is making adequate yearly progress according to the state’s Title I criteria.20

ß Across 12 school districts with schools in need of improvement in 1998, most local educators other

than district Title I directors knew little about the specific procedures that trigger school identification

under Title I.21

Integration of Title I with State and Local Accountability Systems

A key issue facing Title I is the extent to which identification of schools for improvement under Title I is

compatible with the accountability measures that states are putting into place for all schools. Ideally,

Title I should help create a seamless, coherent system where accountability for Title I schools fits in

within the accountability measures used for all schools.

Research shows that there is significant overlap of schools identified for improvement under Title I

and schools identified for improvement under some other state or local designation, but that two

parallel systems are operating in many states.

ß In fall 1998, only 23 state Title I directors reported that the same accountability system is used for

Title I as the system defined by the state for all schools.22

Preliminary findings from a study examining the congruence of state, district, and Title I procedures for

identifying schools in need of improvement in five prominent jurisdictions (Kentucky, Maryland,

New York City, Chicago, and San Francisco) show that there is considerable overlap between schools

identified for improvement under Title I and those identified in their state or local systems. The majority
Accountability 61

of low-performing schools identified by state or local accountability systems are Title I schools. But the

study also raises some concerns about the extent to which an integrated system exists.

ß Of the five sites in the study, only in Kentucky were the “lists” of schools that were identified for

improvement by state or local accountability or by Title I held in a common record system. Even

collecting the information on what schools had been identified was difficult for the researchers.

ß Where identification of schools by the state/local and Title I systems is not congruent, the discrepancy

stems primarily from differences in the criteria used for identification. These differences in criteria

derive from differences in the purposes of the systems, differences in who identifies the schools, and

problems of administrative coordination.

ß Even systems that were taking accountability seriously were having difficulty fully integrating the

Title I requirements.

ß The study noted that the inconsistencies between Title I and state and local accountability systems

may cause significant difficulties when states implement corrective actions. Some research shows

that regardless of how schools are identified, they are undergoing improvement efforts. But the

inconsistency between Title I and state and local systems may become particularly problematic when

corrective actions begin.23

The lack of consistency between Title I and state and local accountability is one concern. Another

is the rigor of accountability systems and whether the requirements in Title I are driving states

toward more challenging accountability systems for all schools.

ß A recent study of accountability in large urban districts finds that Title I has been a “model and an

instigator” for standards-based reform and efforts to track student progress and improve schools.24

ß Nationally, 14 percent of districts report that Title I is driving reform in their districts as a whole to

a great extent. Fifty percent of small poor districts and 47 percent of large poor districts report that

Title I is driving reform to a great extent.25

ß According to one recent report, 15 states

identify low-performing schools as part of

their state accountability systems. At the

same time, all but one state identifies lowperforming schools under Title I.26

ß In some jurisdictions schools have been able

to meet expectations for state accountability

but not for progress under Title I. For

example, New York identifies schools for

school improvement that are farthest from

reaching the state standard. Under Title I,

however, New York City identifies any

schools that are not making adequate yearly

progress toward the state standard. As a result, 89 percent of the schools identified under the state’s

Schools Under Registration Review (SURR) system in New York City are also identified for school

improvement under Title I. However, only 9 percent of the schools identified for school

improvement under Title I are also identified under SURR.27

Exhibit 4.3

State and Title I Accountability

New York City

Title I School

Improvement

State

Identification

(SURR)
Accountability 62

Although the goal of Title I is to have single, integrated state accountability systems, there are limits

to the capacity of Title I to drive statewide change.

ß Accountability systems “closer to home” are of greater consequence to educators. State and local

systems tend to be more clearly specified and understood by educators and have more immediate

consequences to schools and districts. The lack of clarity and specified consequences for Title I

schools that fail to improve during the transitional period may contribute to low saliency for Title I

accountability.28

Assistance and Support for Low-Performing Schools

Accountability provisions under Title 1 are intended to help schools use performance data to guide

improvement efforts and to support states and districts in assisting schools that are failing to meet

standards.

Using Performance Data to Guide Improvement Efforts

Collecting data on student and school performance and progress in Title I is not envisioned solely as a

means of holding schools accountable. One of the hopes in shifting toward a more outcome-based

education system is to move away from collecting data for compliance and monitoring purposes, in favor

of using measures of performance for effective decision making as well as to guide instruction and

improvement efforts. Recent findings suggest that Title I requirements may be contributing to an

increased use of data for planning and improvement purposes.

Recent findings suggest that state and Title I accountability requirements are helping states,

districts, and schools become more data driven. Because Title I gave states, districts, and schools

significant flexibility in using funds to support programs that best meet the needs of particular students,

the program stresses the need to analyze outcome data, assess needs, and focus on continuous

improvement.

ß Research on accountability in 14 districts by the Consortium for Policy Research in Education found

a remarkably high level of attention being paid to using data to inform decision making. The study

found that although outcome data were required to be used for school improvement planning, many

districts were going beyond requirements of the law to use the data to identify professional

development activities that would address gaps in performance, plan curriculum and instruction,

assign personnel, and develop remedial programs for students.29

ß A report on accountability in 12 districts with stable systems, innovative practices, and a large

number of low-performing schools—in Kansas, New York, North Carolina, and Oregon—found that

educators were paying attention to performance data. Several of the districts used technology to

make the data accessible and all gave schools assistance in interpreting and using data. Larger

districts had greater skills in using data to give principals and teachers “good, quick feedback, sliced

and diced in a variety of ways.” 30

ß A recent study of accountability in large urban districts affirms that many districts “have gone from

virtually ignoring student achievement data and other indicators of school success to embracing it.”

School improvement plans are becoming more focused on data, and plans are being used more to

guide practice, goal setting, and monitoring.31
Accountability 63

Assisting Schools That Are Failing to Meet Standards

Assistance and intervention for schools identified as in need of improvement are a priority for the Title I

program. Although Congress did not fund the State Improvement Grants intended to help states operate

school support teams authorized in the legislation, states are using their administrative set-aside funds to

operate school support teams. But the demand for assistance is high, and the capacity of states and

districts to provide it is limited.

Ideally, assistance to schools identified as in need of improvement is timely, focused on the lowestperforming schools, and based on what is known about effective practices for helping to turn around lowperforming schools. Efforts must focus on providing students with challenging curriculum and

instruction, creating a high-quality professional development program, helping schools use data to drive

improvement, and using resources more strategically to support comprehensive change.

States have tended to develop school support systems composed of a group of distinguished

educators, staff from existing intermediary organizations (such as education service centers), or

state staff.

ß Kentucky’s STAR (School Transformation Assistance and Renewal) program, for example, assigns

distinguished educators to schools “in crisis” to help school staff develop and implement data-driven

improvement plans. States such as Massachusetts, Illinois, and Louisiana designate state staff to

work with schools in need of improvement. Maryland has developed a mentor school model that

pairs schools identified as in need of improvement with schools designated as distinguished.32

ß A recent study of school support teams identified a number of strengths. State coordinators believe

that school support teams, despite limited capacity, are providing support for school reform and

schoolwide programs. States find peer consultation to be particularly effective, and schools seem to

benefit from assistance, as evidenced by more creative plans and more integrated approaches to

funding.33

Indicator: School support teams. States and districts will provide more effective assistance to

schools not making progress through school support teams and other sources.

New York: Assistance for Low-Performing Schools

New York’s state accountability system requires that 90 percent of students in schools score at or

above state benchmarks (State Reference Point) on the state assessment and no school’s dropout rate is

to exceed 5 percent. Adequate yearly progress is determined school by school as the difference

between student performance in a school and the State Reference Point on the state assessment.

Schools have two years to close the gap between state standards and school performance by 20 percent.

Low-performing schools in New York are identified to the public as Schools Under Registration

Review (SURR). A team visits the schools and makes recommendations, and the district is required to

develop a corrective action plan for the school. The review includes examination of the school’s

instruction, curriculum, assessments, management, leadership, professional development, parental and

family involvement, discipline and safety, and the adequacy of district support for the school. SURR

schools are given three academic years to demonstrate improved student results. If insufficient

progress is made, the commissioner may recommend that the school’s registration be revoked.
Accountability 64

Assistance to schools in need of improvement by states and districts tends to be ongoing and

focused on professional development, planning and needs assessment, and identification of

promising practices.

ß States report that schools and districts most frequently request assistance for identifying successful

strategies for improving instruction, conducting needs assessments, and using assessment information

from multiple sources.34

ß “More professional development” is the most common strategy identified by districts for helping

schools in need of improvement. More than 70 percent of districts with such schools reported using

this strategy.35

The biggest challenge facing state school support teams and other assistance providers is lack of

capacity. Demand for assistance is high, but states and districts have limited resources to provide

assistance to all of the schools that need it.

ß In early feedback from states and districts after the reauthorization of Title I, administrators reported

the need for a great deal more technical assistance to districts and schools not making adequate

progress. Baseline findings at the district level in 1996 indicated that almost 20 percent of districts

reported needing information and support in providing technical assistance to schools not making

adequate progress, and districts with the highest poverty levels reported the greatest need.36

ß According to one study, three years after the reauthorization of Title I, 10 states still had no

identifiable school support team systems.37

Source: U.S. Department of Education, Follow-Up State Survey, 1998.

States have limited capacity to provide assistance because school support teams have limited

resources and competing priorities. State Improvement Grants intended to help states operate

school support teams were not funded during reauthorization. Moreover, the first priority of state

school support teams has been to assist schoolwide programs—schools in need of improvement

come second.

ß A study of accountability systems in five jurisdictions found that support provided to low-performing

schools varied substantially from jurisdiction to jurisdiction and even from school to school. Much of

the assistance was focused on helping schools develop improvement plans, as required by the law.

The primary source of support was the state or district, with Title I appearing “peripheral and

sporadic.” 38

State Support Teams Lack the Capacity to Serve All Schools in Need of Improvement

ß Only nine states report that school support teams are able to serve at least half of schools in need of

improvement in their states.

ß Twelve states report that school support teams serve less than half of schools in need of improvement in

their states.

ß Twenty-four states report that they have more schools in need of support team services than they have the

resources to provide.
Accountability 65

ß Among schools that reported in a 1998 survey that they had been identified as in need of

improvement, less than half (47 percent) reported that they had received additional professional

development or technical assistance as a result of being identified for improvement. However, highpoverty schools (65 percent) identified for improvement were more likely to receive assistance.39

Corrective Actions and Consequences

Accountability for performance is meaningless without consequences for results. Although consequences

and corrective actions are an important part of the accountability provisions in Title I, most of the

provisions do not have to be put in place until after final assessments (2000-01 school year). As part of

their state accountability systems some states are implementing measures, including sanctions, under their

own accountability systems.

Reporting Publicly on School Performance

Public reports of school performance, “school profiles” or “report cards,” are increasingly being

used as an important tool for accountability and school improvement. Although Title I does not

require uniform reporting on school performance, all states are required to provide results on statewide

assessments to districts and schools. Title I requires districts to do an annual review of school progress

and publish the results in school profiles that include information on student achievement disaggregated

by demographic subgroups in order to draw the attention of states, districts, and schools to the gaps

between disadvantaged students and other students. This provision is not required under Title I until final

assessments are in place. Still:

ß As part of their own state accountability systems, 36 states have developed annual school report

cards.40

According to some analyses of school report cards across states, the reports are being used to a

limited extent to rate low-performing schools, compare school performance to other schools in the

state, or inform parents and the public about school performance.

ß An analysis of early report cards indicates that they were heavy on “input measures” that described

the characteristics of schools, rather than on measures of quality or performance.41

ß Only 19 states currently rate the schools or identify low-performing schools statewide, and only

13 require school report cards to be sent home to parents under state accountability systems.42

ß In focus groups held around the country, most parents and taxpayers said they had never seen a report

card on individual public schools in their communities. Many school report cards do not include

information that parents and the public want to know, and say they need, to evaluate schools.43
Accountability 66

Exhibit 4.4

School Report Cards

State

Annual School

Report Cards

Report Cards

Sent Home

Report Cards

Compare School

Performance to

State Average

Report Cards

Compare Scores in

Similar Schools or

Districts

ALABAMA Yes Yes

Alaska Yes

Arizona Yes Yes Yes

Arkansas

California Yes Yes

Colorado

Connecticut Yes Yes Yes (high schools only)

Delaware Yes Yes

Florida Yes Yes Yes Yes

Georgia Yes Yes

Hawaii Yes

Idaho

Illinois Yes Yes Yes

Indiana Yes Yes

Iowa

Kansas Yes Yes

Kentucky Yes Yes Yes

Louisiana Yes Yes

Maine

Maryland Yes Yes

Massachusetts Yes Yes

Michigan Yes Yes

Minnesota Yes Yes

Mississippi

Missouri Yes

Montana

Nebraska

Nevada Yes Yes

New Hampshire

New Jersey Yes Yes Yes

New Mexico Yes Yes Yes

New York Yes Yes Yes

North Carolina Yes

North Dakota

Ohio Yes Yes Yes

Oklahoma Yes Yes Yes

Oregon

Pennsylvania Yes Yes Yes

Rhode Island Yes

South Carolina

South Dakota Yes

Tennessee

Texas Yes Yes Yes Yes

Utah

Vermont Yes Yes Yes

Virginia Yes Yes Yes

Washington Yes Yes

West Virginia Yes Yes Yes

Wisconsin Yes Yes Yes

Wyoming Yes Yes

TOTAL 36 13 25 9

 Source: Education Week, Quality Counts, 1999.
Accountability 67

Providing Incentives and Rewards for Performance

In addition to identifying schools in need of improvement, Title I requires states to designate

distinguished schools—schools where adequate yearly progress has been achieved for three years, where

virtually all students in schools meet state performance requirements, or where significant progress has

been made in raising the achievement of low-performing students. Title I also provides states with the

opportunity to reserve funds to reward performance or provide incentives to schools. Some states are

already identifying distinguished schools under Title I, and many of the states’ own accountability

systems include incentives and rewards.

ß According to a recent survey of state Title I directors, 28 states designate schools that have a record of

improving student performance as distinguished.44

ß Fourteen states give monetary awards for schools that meet performance standards. In nine states the

money can be used for salary bonuses.45

ß A study of accountability systems in Kentucky and Charlotte-Mecklenburg found that although

bonuses seem to be less of an incentive to teachers than thanks and praise, teachers tended to agree

that bonuses were an important symbol of accountability. Negative outcomes, such as being labeled

as a low-performing school, seemed to have an equal motivating force.46

Implementing Corrective Actions

According to Title I, schools that fail to make adequate yearly progress for three years after being

identified for school improvement are subject to corrective actions, such as withholding funds, changing

decision-making authority in schools or districts, reconstituting schools, or authorizing student transfers

to other schools. Although Title I requirements for these corrective actions are not to be put in place until

NORTH CAROLINA: INCENTIVES AND REWARDS FOR PERFORMANCE

The ABCs of Public Education is North Carolina’s school accountability system. It relies on an expected

growth composite based on three factors: statewide average growth, the previous performance of students

in the school, and a statistical adjustment for comparing students from one year to the next. The student

performance standard is 50 percent of students at or above grade level in reading, math, and writing.

Schools in which less than 50 percent of students meet the standard are classified as low-performing.

Adequate yearly progress for Title I schools is the same definition as the state accountability requirements,

except that Title I schools must make progress for two years to move out of the low-performing (schools in

need of improvement) category, while other schools need to demonstrate only one year of progress.

Schools achieving gains that are exemplary (10 percent above statewide average) or expected are eligible

for incentive awards, which can be distributed as direct bonuses to teachers or used by the school. For

exemplary gain, schools receive up to $1,500 for each certified staff member and $500 for each teacher’s

assistant. For expected gain schools, incentive awards are up to $750 per certified staff member and $375

for each teacher assistant. To be eligible for incentives, schools must not have excessive exemptions and

must test at least 95 percent of students. Low-performing schools are assigned assistance teams of three to

five educators who work with staff to align the instructional program with the state curriculum. In 1997-

98, 83 percent of elementary and middle schools in the state met either expected or exemplary growth

standards.
Accountability 68

after final assessments (2000-01 school year), some states are implementing accountability measures

including sanctions, under their own accountability systems.

ß Sixteen states have laws to give them the power to close, take over, or overhaul chronically failing

schools. According to one source, only three states have closed or reconstituted schools (New York,

Oklahoma, Texas), for a total of 55 schools nationwide.47 Another source indicates that 8 states have

reconstituted a school or a district.48

ß A number of school districts such as Chicago, San Francisco, and Philadelphia have their own

reconstitution or “takeover” policies—but most have reconstituted only a handful of schools, and no

schools have been reconstituted under the authority of Title I.

Although Title I includes a requirement for corrective actions for low achievement, most such

actions cannot go into effect under Title I until after final assessments are in place. Corrective

actions under Title I—including withholding funds to districts or schools, revoking authority for schools

to be schoolwide programs, changing governance arrangements in schools or districts, reconstitution and

authorizing transfers to other public schools—have not been required to date under Title I.

As many states begin to implement sanctions and corrective actions as part of their own state

accountability systems, they face some resistance.

ß As one recent study explained, “Despite threats to impose severe penalties, few states are ready or

willing to impose them. Most educators also remain opposed to accountability as it is being pursued

in many states.”49

ß In contrast to the support found among the public, parents, and employers, most teachers think it is a

bad idea to overhaul persistently low-performing schools, have principals work under contracts that

could be terminated if schools fail to reach goals, or tie student performance to financial incentives

for teachers and principals.50

Accountability for performance under Title I starts with the school. But states and districts are

beginning to set their sights on holding students accountable for performance, and are creating

policies to end social promotion.

ß The problem of social promotion—promoting students from grade to grade when they are unprepared

and have not met standards—is an often hidden but potentially large problem. Research indicates that

from 10 to 15 percent of young adults who graduate from high school but have no further formal

education—up to 340,000 high school graduates each year—cannot balance a checkbook or write a

letter to a credit card company to complain about a bill.51

ß A recent survey shows that 32 percent of parents, 26 percent of teachers, and 63 percent of employers

do not believe a high school diploma is a guarantee that students have mastered the basics.52

ß According to the American Federation of Teachers, 10 states have established statewide policies for

ending social promotion.53 Districts such as Chicago, Cincinnati, and Boston have stepped up efforts

to end social promotion.

ß Where states and districts have established policies for ending social promotion, clear standards have

been set for performance, coupled with extra assistance and intervention to help students meet those

standards through preschools and early childhood programs, after-school and summer school

programs, and attention to students with special needs.
Accountability 69

Policies to allow students in low-performing schools the choice to transfer to another school,

although not yet permitted to be implemented under Title I, are being implemented in some

districts and states across the nation, and may help provide incentives to improve failing schools.

ß Boston Public Schools, for example, has a controlled public school choice system where parents can

register their children in one of at least 23 elementary schools and at least 5 middle schools within

their assignment area, plus several citywide schools. High school students may choose from among

12 citywide high schools. In addition, students may apply for several special high schools and

programs. In 1991, when the district began the policy, Samuel Mason Elementary School was the

least chosen in the system, with only 130 students attending the school. By 1996, the school had

turned itself around to become one of the most chosen in the district.54

What Issues Remain to Be Addressed through Changes in Practice or

Statutory Requirements?

The data presented in this chapter raise some key questions that should guide future directions of

accountability provisions under Title I.

ß How can state accountability systems and Title I be aligned while meeting the requirements of Title I,

under which states must set accountability standards that are rigorous, include all students, and help

all students reach proficiency?

ß Because states and districts have limited resources to provide the level of assistance needed to turn

around low-performing schools, how can strong accountability be better tied to improving

performance?

This section suggests ways that accountability can be strengthened in the next reauthorization.

Help states move toward a single, integrated, and rigorous accountability system

The message the Department is getting from the field is to stay the course on standards-based reform and

accountability for performance. But Title I cannot be expected to drive systemwide accountability,

particularly in districts where most of the schools do not receive Title I funds. States need to adopt

statewide accountability systems that are based on student achievement data that are aligned to

challenging state standards, include all students, and use multiple measures and indicators. Such

statewide systems would identify schools in need of improvement and offer quick interventions; support

strong corrective actions in schools that continue to need improvement; and provide recognition and

rewards for schools that demonstrate improvements in student achievement. Such state accountability

systems would ensure that all students, particularly economically disadvantaged students, have

opportunities to be successful learners and would take appropriate steps to intervene when students are

not making progress.

Build capacity for targeting technical assistance toward the neediest schools

One of the biggest problems facing states is their lack of capacity to help schools meet expectations and

intervene when schools need assistance. This chapter has presented evidence that states and districts are

struggling to improve their capacity to help low-performing schools.
Accountability 70

To address the issue of inadequate capacity, a percentage of Title I funds should be reserved to support

interventions in low-performing schools and rewards for school improvement. These funds would be

targeted to ensure that interventions are significant and meaningful enough to turn around low-performing

schools. Funds would be used to pay for external experts to work with the schools to turn around

performance, to implement professional development and curriculum improvements outlined in school

improvement plans, to extend learning time for students in low-performing schools, to pay for

reconstitution costs, and to provide rewards for improved performance.

Implement strong corrective actions for lowest-performing schools

States must identify and take clear, strong, and swift corrective actions in the schools with the greatest

needs in the state. Rather than waiting until several years after final assessments are in place, schools

with the lowest levels of student performance that have been identified as in need of school improvement

for three or more consecutive years should be subject to corrective actions under Title I, even if such

designation was under the transitional assessment and accountability system.

In the case of persistently low-performing schools, corrective actions should include giving parents and

students alternatives, including the choice to attend another public school. Title I funds can be used to

help fund alternatives, including paying for the cost of transferring students to another public school.

Publicly report state, district, and school profiles of student achievement in clear, and more

meaningful ways

Research suggests that states, districts, and schools are making better use of data for decisions about

school operation, classroom practice and bringing about school improvement, but they have a long way to

go. Effective report cards should be useful for school improvement as well as for informing parents and

the public about school performance. Therefore, all districts should produce annual school profiles, made

available to parents and the public, that report on student achievement disaggregated by demographic

subgroups of students, and by other nonacademic indicators that the public and parents care about, such as

attendance and dropout rates, class size, teacher professional qualifications, parental involvement, and

school safety and discipline. These profiles should provide timely information and be focused on

performance rather than process indicators.

Help schools end social promotion and provide extra assistance and interventions to help

students meet standards

As states set standards for performance and hold schools accountable for student achievement, educators

must face the issue of how to deal with students who fail to meet performance expectations. Research

shows that neither passing students along from grade to grade when they are unprepared nor retaining

students to repeat a grade is an effective strategy for meeting the needs of students who fail to reach

standards. As part of their accountability systems, states should make a commitment to address high rates

of social promotion and retention of failing students by intervening with strategies to help all students

achieve to high standards.

Promote state accountability for performance

Accountability for school performance must be shared throughout the system. Although states, districts,

and schools are taking advantage of the flexibility in Title I to design educational programs that best meet

the needs of their students, one of the challenges at the federal level has been a limited ability to hold

states accountable for implementing provisions of Title I. To address this issue, under the Government
Accountability 71

Performance and Results Act, states are asked to submit progress reports to the federal government in a

timely fashion, and include information on progress against program performance indicators such as those

featured in this chapter, from the U.S. Department of Education’s annual Strategic Plan.

Conclusion

States are making progress in implementing accountability systems. Yet as one recent report notes, “states

have completed only the first few miles of a marathon when it comes to holding schools accountable for

results. Many have a long way to go in making their accountability systems clear, fair and complete.” 55

Recognizing that we are examining accountability in the context of a transitional period, our findings

suggest some concern about the implementation of Title I accountability measures. Most important is the

issue of the compatibility of state and local accountability systems with Title I accountability provisions.

Accountability under Title I is not meant to operate as a separate system, but there is some evidence to

suggest that these systems are less well integrated than the Title I legislation envisioned. In addition,

many states have found it difficult to define adequate yearly progress and have been uneven both in their

identification of schools in need of improvement and in the assistance they provide to low-performing

schools. Our findings about corrective actions and consequences implemented by states under their own

accountability systems suggest that although these measures can be effective, educators have shown some

resistance to the measures, and putting them into place under Title I when final assessments are in place

will be an upcoming challenge for the program.
Accountability 72

 

1

 “Quality Counts 1999: Rewarding Results, Punishing Failure”, Education Week, Vol. 18, No. 17 (Jan. 11, 1999).

2 David Grissmer and Ann Flanagan, Exploring Rapid Achievement Gains in North Carolina and Texas

(Washington, DC: National Education Goals Panel, 1998).

3 U.S. Department of Education, Reinventing Chapter 1 (Washington, DC: Author, 1993).

4 U.S. Department of Education, Reinventing Chapter 1.

5

 Jane Hannaway and Kristi Kimball, Reports on Reform from the Field: District and State Survey Results: Final

Report (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1997) III-64-65.

6

 U.S. Department of Education, unpublished tabulations from the Follow-Up Survey of State Implementation.

7

 Rolf K. Blank, Jennifer Manise, Barbara C. Braithwaite, and Doreen Langesen, State Education Indicators with a

Focus on Title I (Washington, DC: Council of Chief State School Officers, 1998).

8

 Allen Schenck and Dale Carlson, Standards-Based Assessment and Accountability in American Education: A

Report on the States’ Progress, as of 1997, in Implementing the Requirements of IASA, Title I, draft (Jan. 28, 1999).

9

 National Association of State Boards of Education, Public Accountability for Student Success: Standards for

Education Accountability Systems (Alexandria, VA: Author, 1998) 29-31.

10 The Citizens’ Commission on Civil Rights, Title I in Midstream: the Fight to Improve Schools for Poor Kids

(Washington, DC: Author, 1998) 17.

11 Schenck and Carlson.

12 Schenck and Carlson, part IV.

13 Schenck and Carlson, part IV.

14 U.S. Department of Education, unpublished tabulations from the 1996-97 Title I State Performance Report.

15 Camilla Heid and Ann Webber, School-Level Implementation of Standards-Based Reform: Findings from the

Follow-up Public School Survey on Education Reform (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1999).

16 Heid and Webber.

17 U.S. Department of Education, unpublished tabulations from the Local Implementation Study, District Results 1:

Flexibility and Accountability.

18 U.S. Department of Education, Follow-Up State Survey.

19 Heid and Webber, School-Level Implementation.

20 U.S. Department of Education, Local Implementation Study.

21 See U.S. Department of Education, Local Implementation Study; Policy Studies Associates, Accountability and

Flexibility at the School District Level: Findings from 12 Sites, draft (November 1998) 5-6.

22 U.S. Department of Education, Follow-Up State Survey.

23 Jennifer O’Day and Bethany Gross, One System or Two?: Title I Accountability in the Context of High Stakes for

Schools in Local Districts and States, draft (1999).

24 McKenzie Group, Student Achievement and Accountability Systems in Urban Districts, draft (Feb. 1999).

25 U.S. Department of Education, Local Implementation Study.

26 “Quality Counts 1999”.

27 O’Day and Gross.

28 O’Day and Gross.

29 Margaret Goertz, Diane Massell, and Tammi Chun, District Response to State Accountability Systems, paper

presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management (Oct. 29, 1998) 11.

30 Policy Studies Associates.

31 McKenzie Group.

32 Shelly H. Billig, Suzanne Perry, and Nancy Pokorny, School Support Teams: Building State Capacity for

Improving Schools (Denver, CO: RMC Research Corporation, 1998) 2-3.

33 Billig, Perry, and Pokorny, 4-5.

34 U.S. Department of Education, Follow-Up State Survey.

35 U.S. Department of Education, Local Implementation Study.

36 U.S. Department of Education, Reports on Reform from the Field, Table 3-6.

37 Billig, Perry, and Pokorny.

38 O’Day and Gross.

39 Heid and Webber, School-Level Implementation.

40 “Quality Counts 1999,” 87.

41 Southern Regional Education Board, Getting Results: A Fresh Look at School Accountability (Atlanta, GA:

Author, 1998) 16.
Accountability 73

 

42 “Quality Counts 1999,” 87.

43 “Quality Counts 1999” 27-36.

44 U.S. Department of Education, Follow Up State Survey.

45 “Quality Counts 1999,” 93.

46 Susan Fuhrman, CPRE Policy Brief: The New Accountability (Philadelphia, PA: Council for Policy Research in

Education, Jan. 1999).

47 “Quality Counts 1999,” 83.

48 American Federation of Teachers, Raising Student Achievement: A Resource Guide for Redesigning LowPerforming Schools (Washington DC: Author, 1997).

49 “Quality Counts 1999.”

50 “Quality Counts 1999—What To Do When all Else Fails” 37-40.

51 National Center for Education Statistics, National Adult Literacy Survey (Washington DC: U.S. Department of

Education, 1992).

52 “Reality Check,” Public Agenda (1998).

53 American Federation of Teachers, Making Standards Matter 1998 (Washington DC: Author, 1998).

54 Jonna Sullivan-Casey, A Review of the Samuel W. Mason Elementary School Project (ERRN Action Research

Institute, May 1997).

55 “Quality Counts 1999.”
Targeting Resources 74

KEY PROVISIONS FOR THE ALLOCATION OF TITLE I FUNDS

Allocations to School Districts

Since the Title I program began in 1965, the Department of Education has made allocations to the county

level, and states have suballocated these funds to school districts within each county. However,

beginning in FY 1999, the law requires the Department of Education to make allocations directly to

school districts without regard to county boundaries.

Allocations are based primarily on Census Bureau estimates of the number of poor school-age children

(ages 5-17) in each county or district. The law requires use of updated census poverty data for counties in

FY 1997 and for school districts in FY 1999 (unless the Secretaries of Education and Commerce jointly

determined that use of this data would be inappropriate or unreliable).

Funds may be allocated using up to four statutory formulasBasic Grants, Concentration Grants,

Targeted Grants, and the Education Finance Incentive Program. Basic Grants currently distribute

86 percent of the funds (FY 1999), and the remaining funds are allocated through Concentration Grants;

the other two formulas have never been funded.

ß Basic Grants. Funds are allocated based on each county or district’s number of formula-eligible

children. The county or district allocations are adjusted using state average per-pupil expenditures, a

factor intended to compensate for differences in the cost of education. The formula also incorporates

minimum eligibility, hold-harmless, and state minimum grant provisions.

ß Concentration Grants. Similar to Basic Grants, except that funds go only to counties and school

districts with high numbers (over 6,500) or percentages (over 15 percent) of poor children.

ß Targeted Grants. Similar to Basic Grants, but uses weighted child counts that result in higher

allocations per poor child for districts with higher numbers or percentages of poor children.

ß Education Finance Incentive Program. Funds would be allocated to states through a formula that

is based on a count of all school-age children (not just poor children), multiplied by fiscal effort and

equity factors. This formula would provide higher levels of funding to states that have higher levels

of fiscal effort and within-state equalization (as defined in the law). States would suballocate these

funds to school districts in proportion to other Title I funds.

Within-District Allocations

School districts allocate funds to eligible schools based on each school’s number of low-income children,

typically using data from the free and reduced-price lunch program. A school is eligible if its school

attendance area has a poverty rate that is at least equal to the district average poverty rate or 35 percent

(whichever is less). However, districts may choose to concentrate their Title I funds on their highestpoverty schools and limit school eligibility to a poverty level that is higher than the district-wide average.

Districts may give schools different amounts per poor child as long as schools with higher poverty rates

receive higher allocations per poor child than schools with lower poverty rates. Districts must ensure that

each school’s Title I allocation is at least 125 percent of the district-wide allocation per poor child (this

provision applies only if the district serves schools with poverty rates below 35 percent).
Targeting Resources 75

5. TARGETING RESOURCES TO DISTRICTS AND SCHOOLS

WHERE THE NEEDS ARE GREATEST

Key Findings

ß More than 90 percent of Title I funds are used for instruction and instructional support—much higher

than the percentage of state and local funds used for these purposes (62 percent). Funds spent at the

federal and state levels amount to 1.5 percent of total funding.

ß Title I funds that districts and schools used for technology ($237 million) amounted to 37 percent

of total support for technology from Department of Education programs. Title I funds paid for

12 percent of all new computers that schools received in 1997-98.

ß Title I spending on professional development ($191 million) amounted to 27 percent of federal

funding for professional development at the district and school levels.

ß Title I resources in high-poverty schools can be sufficient to pay most if not all of the additional

costs of many model programs for raising the achievement of disadvantaged students.

ß Districts in the highest-poverty quartile receive 49 percent of all Title I funds, about the same as their

share of the nation’s poor school-age children, compared with only 23 percent of state and local

funds.

ß Formula changes have had little effect on targeting at the school district level. The share of Title I

funds received by the highest-poverty districts has remained unchanged (at 49 percent) from

FY 1994 through FY 1997. District-level targeting will not change substantially in FY 1998 and

FY 1999 because of special 100 percent hold-harmless provisions enacted for those years.

ß School-level targeting within districts increased substantially after the 1994 reauthorization. Almost

all (95 percent) of the highest-poverty schools (75 percent or more poverty) received Title I funds in

1997-98, up from 79 percent in 1993-94. The proportion of low-poverty schools (less than

35 percent poverty) receiving Title I funds declined from 49 percent to 36 percent over this period.

ß Low-poverty schools account for 30 percent of Title I schools but receive only 18 percent of Title I

funds. However, those low-poverty schools that receive Title I funds tend to receive substantially

larger funding levels per low-income student ($1,001) compared with the highest-poverty schools

($617) and Title I schools overall ($613).

ß Nearly all (93 percent) high-poverty secondary schools received Title I funds in 1997-98, up from

61 percent in 1993-94. The overall percentage of secondary schools that receive Title I funds

declined from 36 percent to 29 percent over the same period. Secondary schools that do receive Title

I funds tend to receive smaller allocations per low-income student ($483) than elementary schools

($643).

ß Recent census updates of poverty data reflect a shift toward large urban areas, particularly in the

Northeast, and away from small rural areas, partly reversing previous shifts that occurred in the

1990 census.
Targeting Resources 76

What Did Reauthorization Seek to Accomplish?

Historically, Title I funds have been spread thinly among a large majority of districts and schools,

undermining the program’s capacity to meet the high expectations set by policymakers. The previous

Chapter 1 formula and within-district allocation provisions spread funds to virtually all counties,

93 percent of all school districts, and 66 percent of all public schools, yet left many of the nation’s poorest

schools unserved. In an effort to improve the targeting of Title I funds on the neediest districts and

schools, the 1994 reauthorization created the new Targeted Grants formula and changed the withindistrict allocation provisions. In addition, Congress increased the proportion of Title I funds appropriated

for Concentration Grants, in an effort to direct a greater share of the funds to higher-poverty districts and

schools.

This chapter first describes changes in the Title I formulas that allocate funds to states and school districts

and in the provisions governing how districts allocate funds to schools. The chapter then discusses the

amount of Title I funds used at the district and school levels for instruction and other purposes and the

targeting of Title I funds at the school district and school levels. The chapter also discusses the effects of

different formulas for allocating funds to school districts, the effect of the 1994 poverty updates, and the

change to allocating funds directly to school districts.

Changes in Title I Formulas That Allocate Funds to States, Counties, and School Districts

Under the antecedent Chapter 1, 90 percent of the funds were distributed through Basic Grants, which go

to almost all school districts, and 10 percent were distributed through Concentration Grants to districts

with more than 15 percent poverty or 6,500 poor children. To improve the targeting and fairness of

allocations, several changes were authorized:

ß New Targeted Grants formula. The reauthorized Title I provided that “new money” (funds above

the FY 1995 level) was to flow through Targeted Grants, a weighted formula that provides higher perpupil amounts to counties and districts with higher percentages or numbers of poor children.

However, this formula has never been funded.

ß Increased appropriations for Concentration Grants. Allocations for school districts continue to

flow primarily through the Basic Grant formula that has been used since the beginning of the Title I

program in 1965. However, Concentration Grants have recently been used to allocate an increasing

percentage of Title I funds, rising from 4 percent in 1989 to 10 percent in 1996 and 14 percent in

1999. Concentration Grants provide funding only to districts with relatively high concentrations of

poor children (more than 15 percent poverty or 6,500 poor children).

ß Use of updated census poverty data. To address concerns about the use of out-of-date poverty data

from the decennial census for Title I allocations, Congress mandated that these allocations use

biennial poverty estimates prepared by the Census Bureau. The first intercensal estimates, which

provided county-level poverty and population estimates for 1994 (for income year 1993), were first

used for Title I allocations in FY 1997. The Census Bureau has also prepared updated 1996 estimates

for school districts, intended for use in the FY 1999 allocations, as discussed below.
Targeting Resources 77

ß Allocating funds directly to school districts. Historically, Title I funds have been allocated to

school districts through a two-stage process, with the Department allocating funds to the county level

and states then suballocating those funds to school districts within each county. Beginning in

FY 1999, the Department will allocate Title I funds to school districts using updated census poverty

data. However, the law permits states to redistribute Title I funds for districts with less than 20,000

persons (which account for 80 percent of districts and 27 percent of school-age children), as well as to

adjust for boundary changes, allocations to charter schools, and other issues.

Changes in How Districts Allocate Funds to Schools

Title I procedures require districts to rank-order their schools on the basis of the percentage of children

from low-income families. Schools with poverty rates above the districtwide average are eligible for

Title I, but previously there were several exceptions to this rule that permitted districts to spread their

funds among a larger number of schools. Changes enacted in the 1994 reauthorization that affect withindistrict allocations include the following:

ß Stronger within-district targeting provisions. School eligibility requirements were tightened in the

reauthorization to exclude schools below the average poverty rate for the district (unless the school

has a poverty rate of 35 percent or more). Districts were no longer allowed to serve all schools if the

variation in school poverty rates was less than 10 percentage points, or to grandfather in a school that

had become ineligible. In addition, districts are now required to serve all schools at or above

75 percent poverty before serving any schools below that poverty levela change intended to

increase the number of high-poverty schools, particularly high schools and middle schools, that

receive Title I funds. Finally, districts must ensure that each school’s Title I allocation is at least

125 percent of the districtwide allocation per poor child, a provision intended to ensure that funds are

not spread too thinly across schools; however, this provision does not apply if the district serves only

schools with poverty rates of 35 percent or more.

ß Waiver authority. New waiver provisions were added to ESEA during the 1994 reauthorization to

allow greater flexibility for states and districts to adapt federal education programs to the educational

needs of their students and communities. This waiver authority could affect the school-level targeting

of Title I funds, because it may be used to waive certain within-district allocation rules.

How Are Key Provisions Being Implemented?

Uses of Title I Funds

Nearly all Title I funds are allocated to local school districts. States distribute 98.8 percent of their

Title I funds to school districts and retain only 1.2 percent for administration, school improvement

programs, and technical assistance to districts and schools. At the federal level, funds for Departmental

administration are not retained from Title I appropriations but instead are provided through a separate

appropriation; however, across all elementary and secondary programs, funds spent on program

administration account for 0.5 percent of total funding for these programs.1
Targeting Resources 78

More than 90 percent of Title I funds are used for instruction and instructional support—much higher than

the percentage of state and local funds used for these purposes (62 percent). About four-fifths of Title I

funds are used for instruction; these funds are primarily used to hire teachers and aides, but also support

purchases of computers and instructional materials. About 10 percent of the funds are used for program

administration. The remaining funds are used mainly for instructional support, including professional

development, curriculum and program development, and support services for students such as health

services and guidance counseling.2

Although Title I accounts for a relatively small percentage of total funding for elementary and secondary

education (about 2.5 percent),3 the program plays a significant role in supporting local education

improvement efforts because it provides flexible funding that may be used for supplementary instruction,

professional development, technology, after-school and other extended-time programs, and other

strategies for raising student achievement.

For example, Title I funds used for professional development amounted to $191 million in 1997-98

(27 percent of federal funds that school districts use for professional development). Title I funds

used for technology amounted to $237 million (37 percent of federal support for technology in

schools). Title I funds used for technology primarily support purchases of new computers; Title I funds

paid for 12 percent of all new computers that schools received in 1997-98.4

Title I funds may help equalize resources for high- and low-poverty schools. Title I provides

additional support in districts and schools with greater needs, which often receive fewer resources

from state and local sources. For example, Title I funds purchased an average of 3.3 computers in the

highest-poverty schools in 1997-98 (26 percent of the new computers), compared with 0.6 computers in

low-poverty schools. High-poverty schools’ use of Title I funds for technology helped to compensate for

the fact that they received fewer computers from state and local funds (4.8 computers, versus 12.4 in lowpoverty schools).5

Title I resources in high-poverty schools can be sufficient to pay most if not all of the additional

costs of many model programs for raising the achievement of disadvantaged students. The first-year

cost of operating 23 different model programs for schoolwide reform has been estimated as ranging from

a low of $12,000 up to a high of $588,000, with a median cost of $130,000.6 A typical elementary school

with enrollment of 500 students and a poverty rate of 75 percent would receive a total Title I allocation of

about $231,000 (that is, about $617 per child eligible for free or reduced-price lunches).7 Based on these

estimates, Title I funds could cover the full cost of 19 of the model programs, or between

86 and 95 percent of three of the higher-cost models. In addition, the total cost of implementing many of

the model programs could be reduced by reassigning current staff.

Relative Targeting of Title I Funds in Comparison with State and Local Funds

Federal education programs in general, and Title I in particular, are much more targeted to

high-poverty districts than are state and local funds. The districts in the highest-poverty quartile,

which have 25 percent of the nation’s school-age children and 49 percent of the nation’s poor children,

receive 43 percent of federal funds and 49 percent of Title I funds, compared with only 23 percent of state

and local funds. In contrast, districts in the lowest-poverty quartile, which have 25 percent of all children

and 7 percent of the poor children, receive 11 percent of federal funds and 7 percent of Title I funds but

30 percent of state and local funds.8 Similarly, the U.S. General Accounting Office found that federal

funds provided an average of $4.73 per poor student nationwide for every $1 provided to each student,

while state funds provided an additional $0.62 per poor student in state funding.9
Targeting Resources 79

State funds, on average, compensate partially but not fully for funding disparities related to local property

tax bases. Districts in the highest-poverty quartile receive 18 percent of local education revenues and 27

percent of state education revenues, but their share of state and local funds combined (23 percent) is still

less than their share of school-age children (25 percent).

Exhibit reads: The poorest school districts receive 43 percent of all federal revenues, compared

with 23 percent of state and local revenues.

Source: Chambers, Lieberman, Parrish, Kaleba, Van Campen, and Stullich, Study of Education

Resources and Federal Funding: Preliminary Report, 1999.

Because Title I funds are allocated to school districts and schools based on their numbers of poor schoolage children, they help to alleviate disparities in school funding and to support district and school efforts

to close the achievement gap.

Impact of Formula Changes on District-Level Targeting

The formula changes enacted in the 1994 reauthorization have had little effect on targeting at the

school district level. Title I funds continue to go to 93 percent of all school districts, the same percentage

as in 1987-88.10 Districts in the highest-poverty quartile continue to receive the same share of funds (49

percent) in FY 1997 as they did in FY 1994, although there is a slight shift away from the lowest-poverty

quartile (from 8 percent to 7 percent of total funds).11

Exhibit 5.1

Distribution of Federal, State, and Local Revenues,

by District Poverty Quartile, FY 1997

4 3 %

1 1 %

2 7 %

2 2 %

1 8 %

3 9 %

2 3 %

3 0 %

0 %

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Highest-Poverty Quartile Lowest-Poverty Quartile

Federal State Loca l State & Loca l Combined

High Highest-poverty quartile contains 25% of the nation’s students and 49% of the poor students.

Lowest-poverty quartile contains 25% of the nation’s students and 7% of the poor students.

Percentage of Revenues
Targeting Resources 80

The primary vehicle for increasing targeting, the new Targeted Grants formula, has not been funded.

Although the 1994 Amendments stated that any funds over the FY 1995 appropriations level would be

allocated through this formula, Congress has since overridden that requirement through special language

in appropriations bills. Instead, increases in Title I appropriations have been directed through the old

Basic Grant and Concentration Grant formulas.

Although Congress did substantially increase funding for Concentration Grants (including a 49 percent

increase for Concentration Grants in FY 1997), this has not had a substantial impact on district-level

targeting. Despite the large percentage increase for Concentration Grants, this formula still allocates only

14 percent of total funding, so the overall distribution of funds closely resembles the distribution of Basic

Grants (under which 49 percent of the funds goes to the poorest quartile of districts). In addition, holdharmless provisions (including a 100 percent hold-harmless in FY 1996) have limited any increases in

targeting. The FY 1998 and FY 1999 appropriations bills also included 100 percent hold-harmless

provisions, so little change in district-level targeting can be expected to occur in those years as well.

Targeting of Title I Funds to Schools

At the school level, Title I funds go to nearly all (95 percent) of the highest-poverty schools—those

where 75 percent or more of the students are eligible for free or reduced-price lunches. Schools with

lower poverty rates are less likely to receive Title I funds, with only 36 percent of the lowest-poverty

schools (less than 35 percent poor) receiving these funds (Exhibit 5.2).12

Exhibit reads: Almost all of the highest-poverty schools (95 percent) receive

Title I funds, compared with 36 percent of the lowest-poverty schools.

Source: Stullich, Donly, and Stolzberg, Targeting Schools: Study of Title I Allocations

Within School Districts, 1999.

Exhibit 5.2

School-Level Targeting of Title I Funds

Percentage of Schools Participating in Title I,

by School Poverty Level, 1997-98

58%

95%

81%

64%

36%

0 %

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

All Schools 75%-100% 50%-74% 35%-49% 0-34%

School Poverty Level (Free or Reduced-Price Lunch)

Percentage of Schools
Targeting Resources 81

Nearly three-fourths (73 percent) of Title I school funds go to schools with poverty levels of

50 percent or more. This partly reflects the relatively high proportion of poor students in high-poverty

schools (61 percent), as well as the fact that high-poverty schools are more likely to receive Title I funds

than are low-poverty schools (Exhibit 5.3).13

Although low-poverty schools account for 30 percent of all Title I schools, they receive only

18 percent of Title I funds. However, low-poverty schools tend to receive substantially larger

allocations per low-income student. Schools with poverty rates below 35 percent receive an estimated

$1,001 per low-income student, on average, for the 1999-2000 school year, compared with $617 for

schools with 75 percent or more poverty. Overall, funding for Title I schools amounted to an average of

$613 per low-income student.14

Exhibit 5.3

Title I Funding for High- and Low-Poverty Schools, 1999-2000

School Poverty Level

Proportion of

Low-Income Students

Proportion of

Title I Funds

Average Amount of Title I Funds

Per Low-Income Student

0-34% 25% 18% $1,001

35%-49% 14% 9% $530

50%-74% 28% 27% $519

75%-100% 33% 46% $617

All Schools 100% 100% $613

Exhibit reads: The lowest-poverty schools receive only 18 percent of Title I funds, but they receive more Title I

funds per low-income student ($1,001) than do the highest-poverty schools ($617).

Note: Figures are based on data collected in the 1997-98 school year. Average school allocations have been

adjusted to reflect increased appropriations from FY 1997 to FY 1999 and the addition of funds that are used for

districtwide programs and services related to instruction and instructional support.

Source: Chambers, Lieberman, Parrish, Kaleba, Van Campen, and Stullich, Study of Education Resources

and Federal Funding: Preliminary Report, 1999.

Although some districts allocate equal per-pupil amounts to each of their Title I schools, others choose to

target most of their funds to their highest-poverty schools while also providing support for less intensive

services in lower-poverty schools. A study of Title I within-district targeting found that, in a sample of

14 large urban districts, half of the districts provided higher allocations to higher-poverty schools. For

example, one district provided $1,075 per pupil to schools with 85 percent poverty or above,

$806 to schools with poverty of 75 to 85 percent, $538 to schools with poverty of 50 to 75 percent, and

$269 to schools with poverty of 35 to 50 percent.15
Targeting Resources 82

The percentage of the highest-poverty schools (those with poverty rates of 75 percent or higher)

receiving Title I funds increased significantly after reauthorization, from 79 percent in 1993-94 to

95 percent in 1997-98. Over the same period, the proportion of low-poverty schools (less than

35 percent poor) receiving Title I funds declined from 49 percent to 36 percent. Overall, the percentage

of schools receiving Title I funds declined slightly, from 62 percent in 1993-94 to 58 percent in 1997-98

(Exhibit 5.4).

Exhibit 5.4

Change in Proportion of Schools Served by Title I, by School Poverty Level

1993-94 to 1997-98

Proportion of Schools Receiving Title I Funds

Number of

Title I Schools

School poverty rate 1993-94 1995-96 1997-98 1997-98

Low-poverty

(0-34%) 49% 45% 36% 13,499

Moderate-poverty

(35%-49%) 72% 75% 64% 8,529

High-poverty

(50%-74%) 77% 86% 81% 11,985

Highest-poverty

(75%-100%) 79% 93% 95% 10,814

All schools 62% 66% 58% 45,227

Exhibit reads: The percentage of the highest-poverty schools receiving Title I funds rose from 79 percent in 1993-94 to

95 percent in 1997-98, while the proportion of low-poverty schools receiving such funds declined.

Source: Stullich, Donly, and Stolzberg, Targeting Schools: Study of Title I Allocations Within School Districts, 1999.

In 1997-98, for the first time, half (50 percent) of all Title I schools had poverty rates of 50 percent

or more, up from 41 percent of Title I schools prior to reauthorization (1993-94). Over the same

period, the proportion of Title I schools that had low poverty levels declined from 42 percent to

30 percent.16

To examine the change in the distribution of Title I funds among schools since reauthorization, the study

of Title I within-district targeting examined changes in school allocations from 1994-95 to 1996-97 in a

sample of 17 large school districts. Although this is a small number of districts, the sample includes

many of the nation’s largest school districts and accounts for 17 percent of all Title I funds.

In these districts, the total amount of Title I funds allocated to low- and moderate-poverty schools fell

substantially over this two-year period—by 87 percent for schools that were under 35 percent poor, and

by 51 percent for schools that were 35 to 49 percent poor (Exhibit 5.5). At the same time, funding for

high-poverty schools rose—by 16 percent for schools over 75 percent poor and by 20 percent for schools

that were 50 to 74 percent poor. However, most of the funding increase for high-poverty schools came

from increased funding rather than increased targeting, because low-poverty schools in these districts

received only 2 percent of the funds prior to reauthorization.17
Targeting Resources 83

Exhibit reads: In a sample of 17 large urban districts, low-poverty schools experienced a

substantial decline in Title I funding from 1994-95 to 1996-97, while funding for highpoverty schools rose 16 to 20 percent.

Source: Stullich, Donly, and Stolzberg, Targeting Schools: Study of Title I Allocations

Within School Districts, 1999.

Increases in targeting have increased the number of high-poverty schools served but have not

necessarily increased the intensity of services. In the 17 largest school districts, the size of school

allocations was essentially unchanged from 1994-95 to 1996-97 (at about $470 per low-income pupil).18

This finding suggests that the growth in total funding and the redirection of some funds away from lowpoverty schools were used to support Title I programs in newly-funded schools rather than to increase the

intensity of services in existing Title I programs.

Exhibit 5.5

Impact of Reauthorization on Title I School Allocations

Change in Title I Allocations for High- and Low-Poverty Schools

in 17 Large Urban School Districts, 1994-95 to 1996-97

16%

20%

-51%

-87% -100%

-80%

-60%

-40%

-20%

0 %

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

75%-100% 50-74% 35%-49% 0-34%

School Poverty Level (Free or Reduced-Price Lunch)

Percentage Change
Targeting Resources 84

Title I Funding for Secondary Schools

The percentage of the highest-poverty secondary schools receiving Title I funds rose markedly after

reauthorization, from 61 percent in 1993-94 to 74 percent in 1995-96 and 93 percent in

1997-98 (Exhibit 5.6). Historically, school districts have tended to focus their Title I funds on the

elementary grades, and many high-poverty middle schools and high schools received no Title I funds,

even though elementary schools with much lower poverty levels were funded. By 1997-98, however,

nearly all of the highest-poverty secondary schools (those with poverty rates of 75 percent or more) were

receiving Title I funds (as is the case with the highest-poverty elementary schools).

Exhibit reads: The percentage of the highest-poverty secondary schools (those with

poverty rates of 75 percent or higher) that received Title I funding rose from 61 percent in

1993-94 to 93 percent in 1997-98.

Source: Stullich, Donly, and Stolzberg, Targeting Schools: Study of Title I Allocations

Within School Districts, 1999.

Overall, however, the percentage of all secondary schools receiving Title I funds declined from

36 percent in 1993-94 to 29 percent in 1997-98. Increases in services to high-poverty secondary

schools were offset by decreases in services to low-poverty secondary schools.19

Secondary schools that do receive Title I funds tend to receive smaller amounts of funds per lowincome student ($483, on average) than do elementary schools ($643). However, the highest-poverty

secondary schools receive funding levels similar to those in the highest-poverty elementary schools ($579

and $622, respectively).20 In a sample of 17 large school districts, the highest-poverty secondary schools

experienced a 19 percent increase in the size of their per-pupil allocations from 1994-95 to 1996-97

(while overall per-pupil allocations remained unchanged).21 Overall, secondary schools received

15 percent of all Title I funds allocated to schools in 1997-98, while 85 percent went to elementary

schools.22

Exhibit 5.6

Change in Proportion of Highest-Poverty Secondary Schools

That Receive Title I Funds, 1993-94 to 1997-98

61%

74%

93%

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

1993-94 1995-96 1997-98

Highest-poverty schools = 75% to 100% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.

Percentage of Schools
Targeting Resources 85

Effect of Waivers on School-Level Targeting

New waiver provisions were authorized under IASA and Goals 2000 in order to give states and school

districts more flexibility to adapt Title I and other federal education programs to the educational needs of

their students and communities. Of the 242 federal waivers granted for the first three school years

after the waiver provisions were enacted, 55 percent concerned within-district targeting provisions.

In addition, 10 states granted 504 waivers of statutory provisions for the 1996-97 school year under the

“Ed-Flex” waiver authority, and 86 of these waivers (17 percent) related to Title I targeting provisions

(Exhibit 5.7). Most requests for targeting waivers were approved.

Exhibit 5.7

Share of Waivers Pertaining to Title I Targeting,

School Years 1995-96, 1996-97, and 1997-98

Total Federal Waiver Requests

Waiver

Requests

Ed-Flex

Waiver

Requests All Federal 1995-96 1996-97 1997-98

Total waivers 746 504 242 103 43 89

Title I targeting waivers 220 86 134 87 21 26

Percent of all waivers 29% 17% 55% 84% 49% 29%

Percent of Title I targeting waiver

requests that were approved

89% 100% 85% 88% 70% 90%

Exhibit reads: Targeting waivers are more prevalent among federal waiver requests (55 percent) than among

Ed-Flex waivers (17 percent). Targeting waivers declined from 84 percent of federal waiver decisions in 1995-96 to

29 percent in 1997-98.

Note: Analysis of Ed-Flex waivers is based on state reports of waivers granted in 1996 and 1997.

Source: Stullich, Donly, and Stolzberg, Targeting Schools: Study of Title I Allocations Within School Districts, 1999.

In many cases, waivers were requested and approved to ease the transition to new targeting provisions.

Waivers of within-district targeting provisions were much more common in the first year after

reauthorization. However, many of the waivers granted for 1995-96 were for three years, so there may be

an increase in targeting waivers in 1998-99 if these districts reapply for waivers.

Requests to serve ineligible schools were by far the most common type (71 percent) of targeting waiver

requests. Such waiver requests were often accompanied by requests to provide schools with allocations

that were less than 125 percent of the district per-pupil allocation (30 percent of waiver requests).23

However, in many cases districts were able to serve ineligible schools without going below the

125 percent minimum (often by choosing not to serve high schools and middle schools).
Targeting Resources 86

Targeting waivers approved by the Department of Education have had a small effect on the overall

targeting of Title I funds, although the impact was often significant in individual districts receiving these

waivers. Schools affected by approved targeting waivers amount to only 1 percent of all Title I schools

nationally. However, waivers to serve ineligible schools caused a 34 percent increase in the number of

schools receiving Title I funds in the waiver districts. Overall, targeting waivers resulted in a reduction in

the median school allocation per pupil in waiver districts of 18 percent in 1995-96 and 12 percent in

1997-98.24

Impact of Individual Title I Formulas on Targeting

The Targeted Grants formula would target substantially more funds to the highest-poverty school

districts than the other three formulas. The Targeted Grants formula would direct 63 percent of the

funds to the districts in the highest-poverty quartile (which have 25 percent of the nation’s children and

50 percent of the poor children). In contrast, the Concentration and Basic formulas direct 59 percent and

49 percent of the funds, respectively, to the highest-poverty quartile.25

Exhibit reads: The poorest school districts would receive 63 percent of the funds under the

Targeted Grants formula, compared with 59 percent under Concentration Grants, 49 percent

under Basic Grants, and 46 percent under Incentive Grants.

Source: Chambers, Lieberman, Parrish, Kaleba, Van Campen, and Stullich, Study of Education

Resources and Federal Funding: Preliminary Report, 1999.

Exhibit 5.8

Distribution of Funds Under Individual Title I Formulas,

by District Poverty Quartile, FY 1999

63%

3 %

59%

1 %

49%

8 %

46%

8 %

0 %

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Highest Poverty Quartile Lowest Poverty Quartile

Targeted Grants

Concentration Grants

Basic Grants

Education Finance

Incentive Program

Highest-poverty quartile contains 25% of the nation’s students and 49% of the poor students.

Lowest-poverty quartile contains 25% of the nation’s students and 7% of the poor students.

Percentage of Funds
Targeting Resources 87

Use of the Education Finance Incentive Program formula would reduce the overall targeting of

Title I funds, because this formula would direct only 46 percent of the funds to the districts in the

highest-poverty quartile. This situation occurs partly because the Incentive formula allocates funds to

states based on the total number of school-age children, whereas the other three formulas use the number

of poor school-age children.

The Concentration formula is an “all or nothing” formula that gives the same proportional benefit

to districts that barely qualify as to those with very high poverty rates, while the weighted formula

used for Targeted Grants provides funding levels that gradually increase with the poverty level of

school district. The “cliff effect” inherent in the Concentration formula causes counties and districts with

14.9 percent poverty to receive no Concentration money, while those with 15.1 percent poverty receive

the same proportional benefit as counties with 70 percent poverty.

Some concern has been expressed that the Targeted Grants formula favors urban districts over

rural ones, but the evidence is mixed. Both the Targeted and the Concentration formulas recognize that

educational needs are greater in districts with large numbers of poor children as well as districts with high

percentages of poor children. It is true that small rural districts with moderately high poverty rates tend

to do less well under the Targeted formula than large urban districts with large numbers of disadvantaged

children but somewhat lower poverty percentages. However, it is also true that the districts that do best

under the Targeted Grants formula are poor rural districts, because the highest-poverty rates are found in

rural school districts.

In order for either the Concentration or Targeted formulas to have a substantial effect on the

overall targeting of Title I funds, it would be necessary to allocate a high proportion of total funds

through one of these more targeted formulas. Because 86 percent of the funds are currently allocated

through the Basic Grant formula, the overall distribution of funds closely resembles the distribution of

Basic Grant funds. If half of all Title I funds were allocated through the Concentration formula, the share

of total funds going to the poorest school districts could be expected to rise to about 54 percent (from

49 percent currently). If half of all Title I funds were allocated through the Targeted formula, the share of

total funds going to the poorest school districts could be expected to rise to about 56 percent.

Using Updated Poverty Data for Title I Allocations

Under the 1994 amendments, Congress mandated that, beginning in FY 1997, Title I allocations use

updated poverty estimates prepared by the Census Bureau. The purpose of this new requirement was to

address long-standing concerns about the fairness and accuracy of allocations based on the decennial

census, which becomes increasingly out-of-date as the decade progresses. Congress also mandated that

the Department contract with the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) to evaluate the reliability and

usefulness of the census updates.

The first set of updated county-level data extended the census population and poverty estimates from

1990 to 1994 (income year 1993). The Census Bureau’s model-based estimates incorporated data from

the decennial census and the annual Current Population Survey, as well as administrative data from

federal income tax returns and the food stamp program. An NAS panel of experts concluded in 1998 that

the Census Bureau’s estimates were “demonstrably superior to estimates from the 1990 census,” and

FY 1998 allocations were based on these estimates (which had been partially used for the FY 1997

allocations).26 The impact of the new poverty updates on Title I allocations is being phased in gradually

because of hold-harmless provisions and other factors.27
Targeting Resources 88

From 1990 to 1994, the number of poor school-age children rose in almost every state and in more

than 70 percent of the nation’s counties. Poverty rates rose in 64 percent of the nation’s counties.

However, large poverty increases tended to be concentrated in a relatively small number of counties; only

23 percent of counties experienced increases greater than the national average.

Changes in state shares of the nation’s poor children show a bicoastal shift toward the Atlantic and

Pacific coasts, which were hardest hit by the recession of the early 1990s.28 In general, an increasing

share of the nation’s poor children will tend to result in an increasing share of Title I funds. States in the

Northeast experienced large increases in numbers of poor children, largely reversing previous declines in

poverty recorded in the 1990 census. However, although most of these states now have more poor

children than in 1980, they still have a smaller share of the nation’s poor children. Other states with

noteworthy increases in poverty include California, where the number of poor children rose 55 percent

from 1990 to 1994, and Florida (up 45 percent). Southern states tended to see substantial reductions in

their shares of the nation’s poor children, although they continue to be among the poorest states in the

United States.

Exhibit reads: The percentage change in state shares of the nation’s poor school-age children between 1990

and 1994 shows a shift toward the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. States like Mississippi now have a decreased

share of the nation’s poor children, while the share of poor children in states such as Massachusetts and

California has grown.

Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, estimates of school-age and poor children for

1990 and 1994.

Exhibit 5.9

Geographic Shifts in Child Poverty

Percentage Change in State Shares of the Nation’s

Poor School-Age Children, 1990 to 1994

WA

OR

ID

MT

WY

CO

UT

AZ NM

ND

SD

NE

KS

OK

TX

MN

IA

MO

AR

LA

WI

IL IN

KY

TN

OH

MS AL GA

FL

SC

NC

VA

WV

PA

NY

DC

MD

NJ

VT

ME

DE

MA

RI

CT

HI

AK

MI

CA NV

NH

Percentage Change

-13% to -36%

 0% to -12%

+1% to +12%

+13% to +28%
Targeting Resources 89

Because poverty rates rose markedly throughout the nation from 1990 to 1994, most states and

counties that lose Title I funds because of the new data do so because of below-average increases in

poverty rather than actual decreases. About one-fourth (29 percent) of the nation’s counties will

experience relative reductions in Title I funding as a result of reductions in their number of poor children,

and another 47 percent will lose funding because their increases in poverty were smaller than the national

average.

High-poverty counties tended to experience reductions in their share of the nation’s poor children,

while large urban counties (which contain a majority of the nation’s poor children) tended to

experience increases. Only 8 percent of the counties that had above-average poverty rates in 1990 will

benefit from use of the updates. However, two-thirds of the counties with more than 50,000 school-age

children (which contain 60 percent of the nation’s poor children) experienced an increase in their share of

the nation’s poor children (55 percent, on average). In contrast, small counties with less than 5,000

school-age children (which contain 8 percent of all poor children) tend to experience reductions;

90 percent of these counties experienced reductions that averaged 22 percent.

Allocating Title I Funds Directly to School Districts

Since Title I’s inception, the law has directed the Secretary of Education to make allocations directly to

school districts using census poverty data, but allowed the Secretary to allocate funds to the county level

(with state suballocations to school districts) if the census poverty data for school districts were not

satisfactory. Historically, the Secretary elected not to make allocations directly to school districts because

of concerns about the reliability of the census estimates for school districts, particularly small districts,

which are subject to high sampling error. States suballocated Title I funds to school districts within each

county using the “best available data on the number of children from low-income families.”29 Most states

used data from the census, the free and reduced-price lunch program, or state welfare programs.30

In the 1994 reauthorization, Congress revised the law to require that allocations be made directly to

school districts beginning in FY 1999 using census poverty estimates, unless the Secretaries of Education

and Commerce jointly determine that use of the data would be inappropriate or unreliable. This change

resulted from several concerns about the existing two-stage allocations process. First, the requirement

that county allocations be suballocated to districts within each county resulted in inequities for some highpoverty school districts that were eligible for Concentration Grants but did not receive these funds

because they were located in counties that were not eligible (although the law allowed states to reserve up

to 2 percent of the funds for allocations to such school districts). Second, district eligibility and

allocations were based on inconsistent data across states that use different low-income data with different

income thresholds. Finally, the two-stage process made it difficult to examine the impact of proposed

formula changes on school district allocations.

The Census Bureau released 1996 poverty estimates for school districts in fall 1998, and in January 1999

the National Academy of Sciences panel recommended that these estimates be used to make direct Title I

allocations to school districts for the 1999-2000 school year. The NAS panel noted that although these

estimates “have potentially large errors for many school districts, the panel nonetheless concludes

that they are not inappropriate or unreliable to use for direct Title I allocations to districts as

intended by the 1994 legislation” and that they “are generally as good as—and, in some instances,

better than—estimates that are currently being used.”31 The Secretaries of Education and Commerce

subsequently decided to follow the NAS panel’s recommendation.
Targeting Resources 90

The impact of the new allocations process on the distribution of funds is unclear at this time.

First, none of the school district allocations computed by the U.S. Department of Education will be final,

because states will need to make adjustments for eligible school districts that are not covered in the

census data. These include charter schools that are treated as school districts for Title I allocation

purposes (about 500 in 1999), certain regional districts and other agencies that receive Title I funds, and

districts that were newly created or had boundary changes since the 1995-96 school year. In addition, the

law permits states to redistribute Title I funds for districts with populations of less than 20,000 persons,

which account for 80 percent of all districts (and 27 percent of school-age children). Finally, because the

FY 1999 appropriations law included a 100 percent hold-harmless provision (for both Basic and

Concentration Grants), most districts will receive about the same amount of Title I funds as in the prior

year despite the use of the new poverty data.

What Issues Remain to Be Addressed Through Changes in Practice or

Statutory Requirements?

Reauthorization should address the issue of providing substantial additional resources to schools in

the highest-poverty category. A significant proportion of any new funding for Title I should be devoted

to targeting extra resources on the poorest schools. To make a substantial difference in the resources that

the highest-poverty schools receive, an estimated $1.3 billion in additional funds would be necessary

annually. Such monies would raise the average annual amount of Title I funds that high-poverty schools

receive by 50 percent, to an estimated $336,000 for each school. These new monies could go out under

the current formulas to states and districts for their schools with poverty rates of 75 percent or higher. If

states do not have schools in this poverty category, they would receive a minimum grant to be spent on

their schools closest in poverty.

Targeting additional funds based on high poverty has advantages over targeting on low performance.

High-performing, high-poverty schools should not be penalized for their progress. Nor should lowperforming schools be rewarded for a lack of effort. High-performing schools need support, recognition,

and encouragement to sustain their gains. In addition, targeting funds on the basis of poverty is consistent

with the current process for allocating funds and would not require a different mechanism.

These funds need to be in sufficient amounts to enable schools to improve teaching and learning

through a variety of strategies tailored to the needs of their students. With these funds, high-poverty

schools could implement comprehensive school reform along the lines of the Comprehensive School

Reform Demonstration Program, reduce class size in the early grades as provided by the Class Size

Reduction Program, operate a high-quality extended-time program as in the 21st Century Learning

Communities Program, carry out intensive programs aimed at improving early reading as in the Reading

Excellence Act program, run a program to help middle-school students think about college and plan for

their futures as in GEAR UP, or a combination of such approaches. Rather than be required to apply for

these federal funds separately, schools would be automatically eligible to participate in such programs

using these additional Title I funds and would receive assistance tailored to making these strategies

successful in their schools.
Targeting Resources 91

 

1

 U.S. Department of Education, The Use of Federal Funds for Administrative Costs (Washington, DC: Author,

1998) iii.

2 U.S. Department of Education, Use of Federal Funds, iii.

3

 Jay Chambers, Joanne Lieberman, Tom Parrish, Daniel Kaleba, James Van Campen, and Stephanie Stullich, Study

of Education Resources and Federal Funding: Preliminary Report (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of

Education, 1999).

4

 Chambers et al.

5

 Chambers et al.

6

 Rebecca Herman, Daniel Aladjem, Patricia McMahon, Erick Masem, Ivor Ulligan, Amy Smith O’Malley, Sherri

Quinones, Alison Reeve, and Darren Woodruff, An Educators’ Guide to Schoolwide Reform (Arlington, VA:

Educational Research Service, 1999).

7

 Average Title I funding in high-poverty schools is based on Chambers et al., Study of Education Resources; also

see Exhibit 5.3 in this chapter.

8

 Allan Odden, “How to Rethink School Budgets to Support School Transformation,” Getting Better by Design,

Vol. 3 (Arlington, VA: New American Schools, 1997).

9

 U.S. General Accounting Office, State and Federal Efforts to Target Poor Students (Washington, DC:

Author, 1998) 4.

10 See Chambers et al.; Judith Anderson, The Distribution of Chapter 1 Services: Which School Districts and

Schools Serve Students in Chapter 1? Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research

Association, San Francisco (1992).

11 Chambers et al.

12 Stephanie Stullich, Brenda Donly, and Simeon Stolzberg, Targeting Schools: Study of Title I Allocations Within

School Districts (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1999).

13 Chambers et al.

14 Chambers et al.

15 Stullich et al.

16 Stullich et al.

17 Stullich et al.

18 Stullich et al.

19 Stullich et al.

20 Chambers et al. Figures are based on data collected in the 1997-98 school year. Average school allocations have

been adjusted to reflect increased appropriations from FY 1997 to FY 1999 and the addition of funds that are used

for districtwide programs and services related to instruction and instructional support.

21 Stullich et al.

22 Chambers et al.

23 Stullich et al.

24 Stullich et al.

25 Chambers et al. These data are based on simulations of each formula without any hold-harmless provisions, in

order to examine the full impact of each formula. Targeted and Incentive Grants were simulated at a funding level

equal to that of Concentration Grants in FY 1999.

26 National Research Council, Small Area Estimates of Children in Poverty: Evaluation of Revised 1993 County

Estimates for Title I Allocations (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1998) 3.

27 Factors that have caused the effects of the census updates to phase in gradually include: (1) the FY 1997

allocations continued to rely partly on the decennial data; (2) Congress appropriated additional funds in FY 1997 for

supplemental allocations to states that lost funding due to the new poverty data; (3) a statutory hold-harmless

provision limits any reductions in Basic Grant funds to no more than 5 to 15 percent of the prior year allocation

(depending on the poverty rate of the county or district); and (4) appropriations bills included special 100 percent

hold-harmless provisions for both Basic and Concentration Grants in FY 1998 and FY 1999.

28 See, for example, M. Dzialo, S. Shank, and D. Smith, “Atlantic and Pacific Coasts’ Labor Markets Hit Hard in

Early 1990's,” Monthly Labor Review (Feb. 1993).
Targeting Resources 92

 

29 U.S. Department of Education, Title I Part A Policy Guidance (Washington, DC: Author, 1996) 19.

30 The Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) program, successor to the Aid to Families with Dependent

Children (AFDC) program.

31 National Research Council, Small Area Estimates of Children in Poverty, 3.
Targeting Resources 93

 
School Level Services 94

KEY PROVISIONS FOR TITLE I SERVICES

AT THE SCHOOL LEVEL

Title I emphasizes giving children an enriched and accelerated educational program by supporting

schoolwide reform and targeted services; upgrading instruction through substantial professional

development; and offering greater decision-making authority and flexibility to schools and teachers in

exchange for greater responsibility for student performance. Title I is to work within the broader reform

context to support high standards for all children and high-quality teaching to those standards.

Schoolwide Programs

ß Expands eligibility and flexibility for schoolwide programs by lowering the minimum poverty level at

which a school can become a schoolwide program from 75 percent to 50 percent, and permitting the

combining of Title I funds with other federal, state, and local funding to bring all resources together

to improve achievement for all students, particularly low-achieving students;

ß Requires a comprehensive needs assessment of the school, based on students’ performance relative to

state content and performance standards;

ß Requires use of schoolwide reform strategies that provide opportunities for all children to meet the

state’s proficient and advanced levels of student performance and are based on effective means of

improving achievement, and increasing the amount and quality of learning time; and

ß Requires schools to provide activities to ensure that students having difficulty mastering any

standards will receive effective, timely additional assistance.

Targeted Assistance Programs

ß Targets children who are failing or most at risk of failing to meet the state’s performance standards;

ß Requires use of effective instructional strategies to provide accelerated, high-quality curriculum;

recommends extended-time approaches and minimizing the use of pull-out approaches;

ß Focuses on improving integration and coordination with the regular education program;

ß Requires instruction by highly qualified staff;

ß Requires professional development opportunities for administrators and staff; and

ß Requires strategies to increase parental involvement, such as family literacy services.

Professional Development and Staff Capacity

ß Emphasizes high-quality teaching and professional development for all staff (and parents, when

appropriate) to help all children meet state student performance standards; and

ß Encourages district support for career ladders and improved educational attainment for

paraprofessionals.
School Level Services 95

6. TITLE I SERVICES AT THE SCHOOL LEVEL

Key Findings

Title I in the Broader Context of Standards-Based Reform

Effects of District Reform Policies

District reform policies appear to influence the level of implementation of standards in the

classroom.

ß In a study of 71 high-poverty Title I schools, teachers in higher-reform districts (those districts that

have more fully implemented a standards-based system of instruction) were more familiar with the

elements of standards-based reform and used curricula in mathematics and reading that reflected

content standards to a greater extent in the classroom than did teachers in lower-reform districts.

School Awareness of, and Teacher Preparedness to, Teach to Standards

About half of Title I principals nationally report moderate levels of implementation of various

reform strategies. Teachers are becoming more aware of the components of standards-based

reform but report being not well equipped to use them.

ß In 1995-96, about two-thirds of the teachers in schools enrolling more than 75 percent low-income

students reported using curricula aligned with high standards and slightly over half (56 percent)

reported using instructional strategies aligned with high standards to a great extent.

ß In 1998, only 37 percent of teachers in schools enrolling 60 percent or more low-income students

reported that they felt very well prepared to implement state or district curriculum and performance

standards.

In 1998, teachers in high-poverty schools spent limited time in professional development, although

they did focus on topics that supported standards-based reform.

ß Over half (55 percent) of all teachers in high-poverty schools report spending less than 9 hours per

year on training in the content areas. Moreover, over two-thirds (70 percent) of teachers in highpoverty schools report receiving less than 9 hours per year of professional development related to

state or district curriculum and performance standards, yet this topic was the most common one on

which teachers received training (80 percent received professional development in this area).

ß Other common topics included new methods of teaching (78 percent), integration of educational

technology (76 percent), and in-depth study in the subject area (75 percent).
School Level Services 96

Promising Instructional Practices in Title I Schools

Research on high-performing, high-poverty schools shows that these schools use standards

extensively to design curriculum and instruction and to assess both student and teacher

performance.

The recent National Academy of Sciences’ synthesis of reading research suggests the need for a balanced

approach that exposes children to the sound structure of words and builds conceptual knowledge and

comprehension. Expert opinion in mathematics instruction calls for orienting curriculum and instruction

toward students’ conceptual understanding and mathematical reasoning.

There are many ways to teach to high standards, particularly given different levels of student and teacher

proficiency. Case studies on effective schoolwide programs found more differences than similarities in

the instructional approaches used across the schools. This finding confirms recent reporting that

information on the effectiveness of model programs to implement comprehensive reform is quite limited.

Preliminary findings from a longitudinal evaluation of school change and performance in 71 high-poverty

schools show that the following strategies were associated with larger student gains in reading and

mathematics subtests of the Stanford-9 assessment:

ß Fourth-graders were likely to make better progress in the Reading Open-Ended subtest (which

measures initial understanding, interpretation, and critical analysis skills) if their teacher gave them

more exposure to reading in the content areas.

ß Students in the bottom quarter of their class who had better growth in the Reading Closed-Ended

subtest (a combination of vocabulary and comprehension) tended to have teachers who gave them

more exposure to reading materials of at least one paragraph, talking in small groups, and completing

workbooks or skill sheets. These students also had better growth on the Comprehension subtest when

their teachers provided them more exposure to working at a computer.

ß Teachers who used a curriculum that reflected National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM)

standards had students with higher gains in mathematics.

ß The students who started the year as low achievers could be helped to gain more skill in problem

solving in mathematics when their teachers deliberately emphasized understanding and problem

solving with them.

Title I Support for Standards-Based Reform

Since the last reauthorization, Title I services in schools have changed significantly in some ways

but not in others.

Title I Staffing

ß Despite the fact that Title I teachers have good credentials, half of the instructional staff employed in

Title I are paraprofessionals, a staffing pattern unchanged from prior to reauthorization.
School Level Services 97

ß Paraprofessionals are used in many Title I schools for teaching and assisting in teaching even though

their educational backgrounds do not qualify them for such responsibilities. Paraprofessionals tend to

be used more heavily in the highest-poverty schools, where only 10 percent of paraprofessionals have

bachelor’s degrees. Eighty-four percent of principals in high-poverty schools report using

paraprofessionals, as contrasted with 54 percent in low-poverty schools.

Schoolwide Programs

Schoolwide programs have increased substantially with the lowering of the poverty threshold for

eligibility. Most promising is their potential to help integrate Title I resources in standards-based

reform at the school level.

ß Since 1995, the number of schools implementing schoolwide programs has more than tripled, from

about 5,000 to approximately 16,000.

ß Schoolwide program schools are making greater use of strategic plans than are targeted-assistance

schools, and are more likely to use alternative service delivery strategies that integrate Title I

instruction with the school’s overall academic program.

Extended Learning Time Programs

ß Less than half (41 percent) of Title I schools are using Title I funds to implement extended learning

time programs, up from 9 percent before reauthorization. However, schools that offer extended-time

programs typically serve a small percentage of their students (11 percent, on average) in these

programs.

Use of Technology

ß About one-quarter (26 percent) of Title I teachers use computers in daily instruction, but 31 percent

report never or hardly ever using them. Use of the Internet is limited.

Secondary Schools

ß Case studies of Title I programs in secondary schools demonstrate that they are using service delivery

models that are less stigmatizing and better integrated with the regular academic program than they

were prior to 1994. Title I is often geared toward preparing high school students to pass state or

district assessments.
School Level Services 98

What Did Reauthorization Seek to Accomplish?

As discussed in the preceding chapters, the reauthorization of Title I established systems of support to

help schools improve teaching and learning for all students. The development of standards and aligned

assessments is intended to provide a framework for the implementation of standards-based reform in the

classroom. The effective use of Title I resources also plays an important role in determining the types of

services provided and their potential effect. With more than 90 percent of funds going to instruction and

instructional support, the next task is to examine Title I services at the school level. How are these

instructional services provided and how does Title I operate at the school level, in this broader context of

standards-based reform?

The 1994 reauthorization made a number of changes to support more effective services and to improve

the quality of teaching in Title I schools, in accordance with findings from earlier evaluations of Title I.

These evaluations documented the federal program’s support for instruction guided by the conventional

wisdom about how best to help students at risk of educational failure: identify their deficiencies, teach

discrete skills, and require that they master basics before being introduced to more advanced concepts and

skills. Yet the studies showed that remediation was not helping students catch up to their appropriate

grade levels and attain higher-level thinking and reasoning skills. Not all students were being held to the

same standards. Schools that opted for pull-out strategies, sometimes involving complicated logistics,

offered most Chapter 1 students a schedule of supplementary activities that averaged only 10 minutes of

additional instruction per day.1

Moreover, the previous National Assessment of Chapter 1 reported that Chapter 1 did not add highquality instruction to students’ days, but often relied on skill drills without providing the context the

students needed to understand how to use the skills.2 In addition, few Chapter 1 teachers received highquality professional development explicitly linked to the curricular goals that their students were expected

to achieve or to the specific obstacles that blocked students’ success. About half of the Chapter 1

instructional staff were teacher’s paraprofessionals who lacked the qualifications of teachers.

The 1994 reauthorization of ESEA made a number of changes to improve services and the quality of

teaching in Title I schools. The legislation placed a strong emphasis on schoolwide reform to help all

students in high-poverty schools meet challenging standards. It required that enriched and accelerated

instruction be provided through Title I to enable students to meet the challenging state standards set for all

students. It called for minimizing pull-out strategies to encourage the full integration of Title I into the

school’s education program. The legislation also encouraged high-quality professional development.
School Level Services 99

Research on high-performing, high-poverty schools shows that these schools use standards

extensively to design curriculum and instruction, and to assess both student and teacher

performance. The 1994 statute encouraged schools to adopt strategies that have been proven effective in

raising student performance in high-poverty schools.

This chapter discusses how the key provisions in Title I support standards-based reform in school; it

examines the district policy context, teacher preparedness to teach to standards, promising instructional

practices, and Title I service delivery models.

Title I in the Broader Context of Standards-based Reform

Title I can only be as effective as the systems that support it. The federal role in implementing Title I is

to provide funding to improve the education of at-risk children in high-poverty schools and to provide

goals and guidelines that encourage high-quality programs. State and district policies must also support

education reform through developing a system in which standards and assessments are aligned and

through assisting schools as they implement standards-based reform in classrooms. Title I, as was

pointed out in earlier chapters of this report, can serve to drive reform, especially in high-poverty districts.

Approaches to Excellence:

Key Attributes of Effective, High-Poverty, Title I Schools

High-performing, high-poverty Title I schools:

ß Use standards extensively to design curriculum and instruction, assess student

work, and evaluate teachers;

ß Lengthen instructional time in reading and mathematics as a strategy for

increasing the number of students meeting the standards;

ß Use the available flexibility in the law to spend more on professional

development that can improve instructional practice;

ß Have comprehensive systems to monitor students’ mastery of standards and

provide extra support to students’ who need it;

ß Tightly focus parental involvement efforts on helping students meet standards by

helping parents understand the standards; and

ß Tend to be located in districts and/or states that have accountability systems with

built-in consequences for school staff.

Source: The Education Trust, in collaboration with the Council of Chief State School

Officers, Dispelling the Myth: High-Poverty Schools Exceeding Expectations, 1999.
School Level Services 100

Effects of District Reform Policies

In a study of 71 high-poverty Title I schools, teachers in higher-reform districts (those districts that have

more fully implemented a standards-based system of instruction) were more familiar with the elements of

standards-based reform and used them to a greater extent in the classroom than teachers in lower-reform

districts.3 These findings indicate that school districts can bring about education reform at the classroom

level.

In the higher-reform districts, more teachers reported that their mathematics and reading

curricula reflected content standards and curriculum frameworks to a great extent.4 The

Longitudinal Evaluation of School Change and Performance (LESCP) used documents provided by

school district offices to create ratings on several indicators of standards-based reform policies in 1998.

The following indicators were used to distinguish between those districts with policies that highly reflect

standards-based reform and those at the other end of the continuum:

ß District uses standards and aligned curriculum materials in at least reading and mathematics, with

standards clearly linked to state or national professional standards.

ß District and school improvement plans are based on standards and linked to performance standards’

proficiency levels.

ß Some assessments are based on performance at each development level.

ß District reports assessment data in terms of its own or the state’s proficiency levels (for example,

novice, proficient, satisfactory).

ß District has defined adequate yearly progress according to the state’s standards or it has built on the

state’s definition to derive its own.

ß District has policies to reward or sanction schools on the basis of their achievement of the district

and/or state standards.

ß District periodically reports on the status of the schools’ and district’s achievement to the public in

readable and understandable formats using disaggregated data.

The results show differences in teachers’ reports, in the expected direction, across these different policy

environments. Teachers tended to be more familiar with content and performance standards and

assessments in higher-reform districts, and they were more likely to use curricula that were aligned with

those standards and assessments. The differences were less pronounced in the extent to which

mathematics curriculum reflected the policy instruments (Exhibit 6.1).
School Level Services 101

Exhibit 6.1

Teachers’ Familiarity with and Adherence to Standards and Assessments

in Reading and Mathematics, by District Policy Environment, 1998

Higher-Reform

Districts

(n = 4 districts)

Lower-Reform

Districts

(n = 4 districts)

Teachers Report That They Are Very Familiar with:

Reading

Content standards 51% 31%

Curriculum frameworks 55% 31%

Student assessments 56% 40%

Performance standards 51% 29%

Mathematics

Content standards 53% 40%

Curriculum frameworks 55% 35%

Student assessments 56% 46%

Performance standards 48% 37%

Teachers Report That Their Curriculum Reflects to a Great Extent:

Reading

Content standards 58% 39%

Curriculum frameworks 52% 38%

Student assessments 51% 37%

Performance standards 45% 36%

Mathematics

Content standards 57% 50%

Curriculum frameworks 55% 47%

Student assessments 48% 47%

Performance standards 46% 46%

Exhibit reads: In districts with higher-reform policy environments, 51 percent of

teachers reported that they were very familiar with content standards in reading,

compared with 31 percent in lower-reform districts.

Source: Turnbull, Welsh, Heid, Davis, and Ratnofsky, Longitudinal Evaluation of

School Change and Performance: Interim Report, 1999.
School Level Services 102

School Awareness of, and Teacher Preparedness to Teach to, Standards

Indicator: Using content standards to guide curriculum and instruction. By the year 2000 all

schools receiving Title I funds will report using content standards to guide curriculum and instruction.

It appears that school staff are aware of the need to implement standards in classrooms, and this

familiarity with standards is a necessary first step to change teaching and learning in Title I schools. The

second step is implementation, and more work appears to be needed on this. Principals are reporting an

increased use of content standards to guide curriculum and instruction in their schools and are building

their schools’ capacities to implement standards through the use of a variety of reform strategies, but

teachers do not feel very well prepared to use standards in the classroom.

The proportion of Title I principals who reported using content standards to guide curriculum and

instruction to a great extent increased from about half in 1995-96 to three-quarters in 1997-98

(Exhibit 6.2).5

Exhibit reads: The proportion of Title I principals who reported using content standards to

guide reading curriculum and instruction to a great extent increased from 48 percent in

1995-96 to 74 percent in 1997-98.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, Status of Education Reform in Public Elementary

and Secondary Schools: Principals’ Perspectives, 1998; Heid and Webber, School-Level

Implementation of Standards-Based Reform: Findings from the Follow-up Public School

Survey on Education Reform, 1999.

Exhibit 6.2

Percentage of Title I Principals who Reported

Using Content Standards to Guide Curriculum and Instruction

to a Great Extent

48%

74%

54%

73%

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

1995-96 1997-98

Percentage of Title I Principals

Reading

Mathematics
School Level Services 103

Almost half (49 percent) of Title I principals reported they were familiar to a great extent with the

expectation to apply high state-approved standards to all students. Principals who reported a high

familiarity with Title I reforms were more likely than principals with low familiarity to report

implementing key reforms in their schools (Exhibit 6.3), including implementing professional

development related to content standards (91 percent versus 76 percent), restructuring the school day

(58 percent versus 41 percent), and extending the school day (35 percent versus 17 percent). In addition,

one-third (33 percent) of Title I principals reported that standards for teacher quality were linked to a

great extent to student content and performance standards.6

Exhibit reads: Principals who reported a high familiarity with Title I reforms were more

likely than principals with low familiarity to report implementing professional development

related to content standards (91 percent versus 76 percent).

Source: Heid and Webber, School-Level Implementation of Standards-Based Reform:

Findings from the Follow-up Public School Survey on Education Reform, 1999.

Recent findings from a study of high-performing, high-poverty schools carry this relationship one step

further, finding that implementing such reforms indeed improves performance. The study found that in

high-performing, high-poverty schools, 80 percent of principals reported using standards extensively to

design curriculum and instruction and 94 percent reported using standards to assess student progress.7

Exhibit 6.3

Percentage of Principals Implementing Key Reforms,

by Level of Familiarity with Title I Reforms, 1997-98

91%

58%

35%

76%

41%

17%

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Professional

development related to

content standards

 Restructuring 

the school day

 Extending 

the school day

Percentage of Principals

High Level of

Familiarity

Low Level of

Familiarity
School Level Services 104

Principals in Title I schools report moderate levels of implementation of various reform strategies.

Among the strategies most commonly employed to a great extent were using a strategic plan to help

students achieve at high levels (52 percent), providing professional development to enable staff to teach

the content students are expected to learn (45 percent), and using assessments for school accountability

and continuous improvement (44 percent). Other strategies the principals reported using to a great extent

were assessments that measure performance against the content that students are expected to learn

(37 percent). In schools with more than one-fifth limited English proficient (LEP) student enrollment,

53 percent of principals reported their school made adaptations to a great extent for LEP students to

achieve to high levels of performance; 21 percent in schools with 0-9 percent LEP enrollment reported

doing so. 8

Principals reported that their schools would not need to make changes to a great extent in order to

implement many key reform strategies. Only 17 percent said that a “great extent” of change would be

required to use student performance results for school accountability and continuous improvement.

Similarly, few principals believed that a great extent of change would be needed to assess student

performance against high standards (16 percent), apply high state-approved standards to all students

(14 percent), minimize pull-out programs (16 percent), or provide extended learning time programs

(18 percent).9

These findings may indicate that principals believe they are well on the way to implementing reforms and

may be overestimating their capacity to implement these strategies. Alternatively, it may indicate that

Title I reforms are compatible with the reforms that schools have already implemented.

Teachers are becoming more aware of the components of standards-based reform but report not

being very well equipped to use them.

ß In 1995-96, 40 percent of the teachers in schools enrolling more than 75 percent low-income students

reported using curricula aligned with high standards to a great extent. Slightly over half (56 percent)

reported using instructional strategies aligned with high standards to a great extent. That same year,

only about half thought they understood the concept of standards very well and even fewer

(38 percent) felt very well equipped to implement them. 10

ß In 1998, only 35 percent of teachers in schools with 60 percent poverty or greater reported that they

felt very well prepared to implement state or district curriculum and performance standards.11
School Level Services 105

East St. Louis: Centerville Elementary School

Alignment Works

Centerville Elementary in East St. Louis has made a dramatic turnaround over the past decade,

transforming itself from a low-achieving to high-performing school. Despite poverty (86 percent) and

related needs of its students, attendance has soared to 95 percent and student achievement exceeds

both the state averages and the district averages on the Illinois Goal Assessment Program in reading

and mathematics. A key to the school’s success was Centerville staff’s participation in a learning and

data analysis process that enabled the school to better align curriculum, instruction, and assessments.

The learning process involved the principal, teachers, staff, and parents at this Title I schoolwide

program school.

The school used “test coaches” to arm teachers with innovative teaching strategies. The training

provided by the test coaches revamped the way that teachers thought about teaching and resulted in

greatly improved test scores. The school staff analyzed all available data and spent several months

reviewing test scores. They identified weaknesses and strengths and made determinations about where

they needed improvement. They discussed the skills of the staff and made note of where additional

professional development was needed. They studied the curriculum and assessment instruments, and

they reported their findings to the group. They comprehensively analyzed the programs currently in

place.

A teacher recalls, “The major change at Centerville has been our taking a look at our curriculum and

what we were teaching to determine if we were aligned with the state goals. We also asked ourselves

if what we were teaching and requiring our students to learn was what was assessed by the state. The

whole process made us more aware of the changes that we needed to implement in our program. It has

made me more conscientious.”

The Longitudinal Evaluation of School Change and Performance (LESCP) study of 71 high-poverty

Title I schools substantiates the findings of national studies. Almost all teachers reported that they were

familiar with content standards (89 percent were familiar with reading standards and 90 percent were

familiar with mathematics standards).12 About one-half (51 percent) of the teachers have aligned their

reading and mathematics curriculum with the content standards to a great extent.13 At the same time, case

studies of exemplary high-poverty schools show that standards can help to galvanize school staff around

improving the curriculum and aligning their instruction.

Support for Teachers in Successful Texas Schoolwide Programs

Teachers in exemplary schoolwide programs in Texas were assisted in planning their lessons through

“extensive school and/or district efforts to align curriculum, staff development, and technology purchases

with the objectives of the TAAS. Teachers knew what objective they were teaching and why the particular

instructional approach was most likely to work with their students.”

Teachers reported being supported by their principals, by adequate instructional materials, and by relevant

staff development. Principals reported similar support from their superintendents and central office

colleagues. The community and business-school partnerships also often supported these schools. Everyone

had a role in “actualizing the school’s mission” to improve achievement for all students.

Source: Charles Dana Center, University of Texas at Austin, Successful Texas Schoolwide Programs, 1996.
School Level Services 106

According to the LESCP, teachers’ reported preparedness in both subject matter and instructional

strategies was positively related to academic progress for 4th-grade students:14

ß For both low- and higher-achieving students, 4th-graders with better growth in reading skills tended

to have teachers who rated themselves better prepared to use a variety of assessment strategies and to

teach heterogeneous groups.

ß For low-achieving students, growth in reading skills was also higher for those whose teachers rated

themselves well prepared to take students’ existing skills into account, use small-group instruction,

and integrate reading/language arts with content areas.

ß In mathematics, low-achieving students achieved more growth in their ability to communicate and

reason mathematically and to apply problem-solving strategies if their teachers rated themselves well

prepared to take students’ existing skills into account, teach heterogeneous groups, use cooperative

learning groups, and use the textbook as a resource.

However, participation in professional development was not strongly associated with changes in

teachers’ sense of preparedness or their instructional practices over the two years of the LESCP

study. Only 22 to 23 percent of teachers of reading and math reported that professional development

experiences during the past year helped them “to a great extent” to adapt their teaching to meet state

standards or curriculum framework requirements. Teachers were somewhat more likely to say that

professional development had greatly increased their motivation to draw from a wide variety of

pedagogical methods (28 to 29 percent), but less likely to report that it greatly increased their confidence

in their ability to use new pedagogical approaches (17 to 18 percent).15

In order to have a real effect on teachers’ skills and sense of preparedness, districts must provide teachers

with professional development that is sustained and intensive. Exhibit 6.4 summarizes factors that

characterize high-quality professional development.

Exhibit 6.4

Criteria for High-Quality Professional Development

ß Focus on academic success for all students and let it drive the organization of instruction;

ß Cultivation of teachers’ knowledge of content and human development;

ß Use of methods that are intensive, sustained, and embedded into the daily life of school and that build on

participants’ existing knowledge, immerse them in stimulating processes, allow for teamwork, and spread

out over time to permit participants to digest new ideas, try them out, and solicit thoughtful feedback;

ß Expanded roles for teachers as mentors, peer coaches, leaders, designers, planners, and facilitators; and

changes in school organization—shifting authority, responsibility, and time—to nurture collegial

relationships and critical analysis of practice;

ß Linkages across initiatives and ties to relevant curricula, assessments, and standards; and

ß Data-based continuous improvement to maintain the quality of professional development at high levels.

Sources: U.S. Department of Education, Professional Development Principles; American Federation of

Teachers; National Education Goal #4; and Improving America’s Schools Act, Section 2001 (4).
School Level Services 107

In 1998, public school teachers, regardless of the poverty level of their school, spent a limited

amount of time in professional development, although they did focus on topics that supported

standards-based reform. Therefore, most teachers are not participating in intensive or sustained

training—two essential characteristics of effective professional development. Over half (55 percent) of

all teachers in high-poverty schools reported spending less than 9 hours per year on training in the content

areas. Over two-thirds (70 percent) of teachers in high-poverty schools reported receiving less than

9 hours per year of professional development related to content and performance standards. Public school

teachers were more likely to have participated in professional development that focused on education

reform. The most common topics included state or district curriculum standards (81 percent), integration

of educational technology (78 percent), new methods of teaching (76 percent), and in-depth study in the

subject area.

16

Teachers in high-poverty schools face greater challenges in teaching their students and therefore have

greater needs for training and assistance. Recent data have found that teachers in high-poverty schools

are receiving more professional development in particular areas where they have special needs. The

percentage of teachers from high-poverty schools participating in professional development that deals

with “classroom management” (61 percent) is much higher than the percentage of teachers from lowpoverty schools participating in such professional development (40 percent). In addition, the percentage

of teachers from high-poverty schools participating in professional development that deals with

addressing the needs of students with limited English proficiency or from diverse cultural

backgrounds”(44 percent) is much higher than the percentage of teachers from low-poverty schools

participating in such professional development (25 percent). 17

Promising Instructional Practices in Title I Schools

The recent National Academy of Sciences’ synthesis of reading research suggests the need for a balanced

approach that exposes children to the sound structure of words and builds conceptual knowledge and

comprehension. In mathematics instruction, expert opinion calls for orienting curriculum and instruction

toward students’ conceptual understanding and mathematical reasoning. Exhibits 6.5 and 6.6 present

some more specific tenets of effective instruction in reading and mathematics instruction.

Within these frameworks for instruction, there are many ways to teach content, particularly given

the different levels of student and teacher proficiency. Recent research on effective schoolwide

programs and schools found more differences than similarities in the instructional approaches used across

the schools, or found that instructional strategies were not the essential factors in schools’ effectiveness.18

However, there are probably some qualities that are characteristic of most high-quality instruction.

According to recent data, all children benefit from exposure to challenging content that develops their

thinking and problem-solving skills. Comprehensive, research-based approaches to improve curriculum

and instruction are likely to employ strategies that develop these skills.

Indicator: Comprehensive, research-based approaches to improve curriculum and instruction.

An increasing percent of Title I schools will use comprehensive, research-based approaches to

improve curriculum and instruction.
School Level Services 108

Exhibit 6.5

Reading Instruction

The newly released study by the National Academy of Sciences, Preventing Reading Difficulties in Young

Children, reports on an emerging consensus about how children best learn to read. The study emphasizes

that excellent instruction from qualified and effective teachers who effectively and deliberately plan their

instruction to meet the diverse needs of children is the main way to prevent reading difficulties. These

teachers:

• Give children access to a variety of reading and writing materials;

• Present explicit instruction for reading and writing, both in the context of authentic and isolated

practice;

• Create multiple opportunities for sustained reading practice in a variety of formats;

• Carefully choose instructional-level text from a variety of materials; and

• Adjust the grouping and explicitness of instruction to meet the needs of individual students.

Adequate initial reading instruction requires that children use reading to obtain meaning from print, have

frequent and intensive opportunities to read, are frequently exposed to spelling-sound relationships, learn

about the nature of the alphabetic writing system, and understand the structure of spoken words.

Source: National Academy of Sciences, Preventing Reading Difficulties in Young Children, 1998.

Exhibit 6.6

Mathematics Instruction

As summarized in a recent document from the Mid-Continent Regional Education Laboratory,

measurable learning in mathematics is influenced by the following practices:

• Focusing on problem solving;

• Defining basic skills to involve more than computation;

• Emphasizing reasoning and thinking skills, concept development, communicating mathematically,

and applying mathematics;

• Integrating topics of numeration, patterns and relations, geometry, measurement, probability and

statistics, algebra, and algorithmic thinking; and

• Taking advantage of calculators and computers to extend students’ mathematical reach.

While integrating these principles, instructional strategies should encourage multiple solutions to

problems and draw heavily on children’s prior mathematical knowledge.19 Two instructional strategies

that increase mathematical understanding and problem-solving proficiency are “(1) orienting curriculum

and instruction toward conceptual understanding of the material, and (2) broadening the range of the

mathematical content studied”—aspects of teaching in which low-income children are often shortchanged.20

Content should be presented in a logical progression with an increasing emphasis on higher-order

thinking skills, such as problem solving and mathematical reasoning, and mathematical communication.

Source: Mid-Continent Regional Educational Laboratory, “Project Application for the Comprehensive School

Mathematics Programs,” submitted to the U.S. Department of Education, National Diffusion Network, 1992.
School Level Services 109

Reading Instruction

Positive associations between growth in 4th-graders’ reading skills and exposure to certain instructional

activities was found by the Longitudinal Evaluation of School Change and Performance (LESCP)

conducted in 71 high-poverty Title I schools. For example:21

ß Both low- and higher-achieving students who had better growth in reading comprehension skills

tended to have teachers who had them spend more time talking in small groups about what they read.

Low-achieving students also had better growth in reading comprehension when their teachers

provided them more exposure to reading content area materials.

ß Low-achieving students had better growth in vocabulary skills when their teachers provided them

more exposure to reading materials of at least one paragraph, reading aloud, and working at a

computer.

The LESCP has also noted some positive changes in classroom reading activities over the two years of

the study. More 3rd, 4th, and 5th grade teachers reported using a larger number of reading activities every

day, especially with their lowest-achieving students, and the classroom experiences of typical and lowestachieving students became more similar. In 1998, 58 percent of the teachers (up from 47 percent in 1997)

reported that their lowest-achieving students read books that they choose themselves almost every day,

and read aloud almost every day (76 percent in 1998, up from 62 percent in 1997). In 1998, more

teachers reported that the lowest-achieving students talked in small groups about what they had read

(38 percent, up from 28 percent in 1997), although this number is still small, given its positive association

with student growth for all students.22

Principles of Literacy at Work

A recent study by the Northeast and Islands Regional Educational Laboratory at Brown University found

that the principles articulated in the National Academy of Sciences’ reading report were being put to work

in 12 high-poverty urban elementary schools in Massachusetts where students were outperforming others

in their districts. For example, in these schools, “Literacy is taught through a range of techniques that

combine literature-based and phonics approaches,” and “Reading instruction occurs in small groups so

that teachers can focus on students’ individual needs.” There is also an emphasis on reading and literacy

that allows students and teachers to spend a considerable amount of time on literacy instruction, extended

reading, and writing. Teachers use student work and assessments as well as other data to improve their

instruction.

Source: Dwyer, Piontek, Seager, DiMartino, & Graham, Indicators of Capacity for School Reform: Project

Massachusetts Literacy Study, Report of Phase I Findings, 1998.
School Level Services 110

Mathematics Instruction

An important component of effective practice in mathematics instruction is students’ exposure to highlevel content. The LESCP found that a teacher’s emphasis in the curriculum showed some relationship to

4

th-graders’ gains in mathematics skills. Moreover, the curriculum’s reflection of NCTM standards was

associated with gains for all students.23 Patterns in learning gains in mathematics depended on students’

prior achievement relative to that of their classmates. Students with initially higher achievement were

especially likely to gain more with teachers who covered a wider array of topics.24 The students who

started the year as low-achievers could be helped to gain more skill in problem-solving when their

teachers deliberately emphasized understanding and problem-solving with them. Specifically, the LESCP

found:

ß Higher achievement gains in a variety of mathematics skills for both low- and higher-achieving

4

th-grade students were associated with greater exposure to assignments taking more than one week,

reviewing completed homework in class, and drilling in computational skills. These achievement

gains appeared to be related to the frequency of these activities rather than their duration.25

ß Instruction focused on critical thinking skills, rather than memorization, seemed to be especially

beneficial for low-achieving students. These students achieved more growth in their problem-solving

skills when their teachers emphasized understanding concepts, solving equations, solving word

problems, and solving novel problems; in contrast, an emphasis on memorizing facts or collecting and

interpreting data was not associated with greater achievement gains.26

Title I Support for Standards-Based Reform

Legislation cannot mandate all that happens in classrooms, but it can provide support for effective

practices that can lead to better instruction, the provision of better services, and higher student

achievement.

Since the last reauthorization, the delivery of Title I services in schools has changed significantly in

some ways but not in others. Schools are making better use of delivery models that integrate Title I

with the regular academic program. The sole use of the pull-out (instruction outside the regular

classroom) model has decreased, while in-class models (instruction in the regular classroom), schoolwide

programs, and extended-time instruction have all increased. Use of the in-class model has increased

dramatically since the years prior to reauthorization, from 58 percent of Title I schools in 1991-92 to

83 percent in 1997-98. Use of the pull-out model declined from 74 percent of Title I schools in 1991-92

to 68 percent in 1997-98. However, in 1997-98, over half (57 percent) reported using both approaches.27

Title I funds may be used for a variety of services and activities, most commonly for instruction and

instructional support in reading and mathematics. Title I funds are also used to support professional

development, to purchase instructional materials including computers, and to support extended-time

programs for students. One-third of districts (30 percent) use Title I funds to expand the use of

technology in their district.28

Reading and mathematics remain the principal areas of instruction in Title I targeted assistance programs

(schoolwide programs are designed to support the entire instructional program and not just certain subject

areas). In 1997-98, 98 percent of Title I targeted assistance schools provided instruction in reading and

65 percent provided mathematics instruction; 10 percent also reported providing instruction in English as

a Second Language (ESL).29
School Level Services 111

Title I Staffing

Since the last reauthorization, the numbers of Title I teachers and paraprofessionals and their levels of

education have increased, but staffing patterns have not changed much. Title I paraprofessionals are as

prevalent as they were in the last reauthorization, and they still spend a majority of their time teaching

despite their lack of the educational background to do so. Moreover, paraprofessionals are more common

in high-poverty schools. These findings are of concern, given teachers’ potential to influence the lives,

experiences, and achievement of all students, particularly those in high-poverty schools.

In 1996, the National Commission on Teaching and America’s Future issued a report that reached the

following conclusions:30

ß What teachers know and can do is one of the most important influences on what students learn.

ß Recruiting, preparing, and retaining good teachers is the central strategy for improving our schools.

ß School reform cannot succeed unless it creates the conditions in which teachers can teach and teach

well.

These conclusions were the result of an analysis of several hundred studies of teaching, schooling, and

reform initiatives. Recent studies, which examine the effect of school resources on achievement, have

confirmed these conclusions and have found that teacher quality is the most significant determinant of

student achievement. Several of these studies have concluded that teacher quality or instructional quality

is as important as poverty status in predicting student achievement.31

Moreover, some studies have found that teacher quality has a greater effect on students who are at risk

than other students. Sanders and Rivers determined that having one of the most effective teachers

increased low-achieving students’ test scores 39 points more than having one of the least effective

teachers.32 These findings highlight the importance of high-quality teachers for all students, and at-risk

students in particular.

To gain a better sense of how services are delivered at the classroom level, it is useful to examine the mix

of teachers and paraprofessionals supported by Title I funds, the poverty levels of the schools they work

in, and their respective roles in working with students. Numbers of teachers and paraprofessionals

supported through Title I have increased since the last assessment of Chapter 1. The last assessment,

based on 1993 data, reported 72,000 full-time-equivalent (FTE) Chapter 1 teachers and 65,000 FTE

paraprofessionals.33 Recent data from a 1997-98 school-year survey found the following:

ß Nationwide, approximately 74,700 teachers were supported through Title I. About 48,000 teachers

were in schools with 50 percent poverty or greater, but a significant 15,900 were in schools with

poverty levels below 35 percent.34

ß Virtually all Title I teachers had a permanent/regular teaching credential and a bachelor’s degree.

Half had a master’s degree.35

ß Approximately 76,900 paraprofessionals were supported through Title I and about two-thirds

(69 percent) of all Title I schools used paraprofessionals in 1997-98. About 52,000 paraprofessionals

were in schools with 50 percent poverty or greater, and 10,600 were in schools with less than

35 percent poverty. 36
School Level Services 112

Use of Title I Paraprofessionals

Half of the instructional staff supported through Title I are paraprofessionals, a staffing pattern

that did not change with reauthorization. Paraprofessionals are most commonly used in high-poverty

schools, where 84 percent of principals reported using Title I funds for paraprofessionals, contrasted with

53 percent in low-poverty schools.37

If paraprofessionals are to work effectively, it is important to clearly define their roles and

responsibilities. Part of the necessary organizational support for paraprofessionals is direct supervision by

a certified teacher.38 Yet recent studies are finding that this support is not necessarily provided to Title I

teacher paraprofessionals. In addition, continuing a tendency identified in the last assessment of

Chapter 1, paraprofessionals are used in many Title I schools for teaching and assisting in teaching,

although their educational backgrounds do not qualify them for such responsibilities.

In the 1997-98 school year, although very few paraprofessionals had the educational background

necessary to teach students, almost all (98 percent) of the paraprofessionals were either teaching or

helping to teach students. Three-fourths (76 percent) of paraprofessionals spent at least some of this

time teaching without a teacher present, and 41 percent reported that half or more of the time they spent

teaching or helping to teach was on their own, without a teacher present. 39

ß Teacher aides in high-poverty schools are more likely to lack the educational background that would

qualify them to teach or help teach children. Only 10 percent of Title I aides in the highest-poverty

elementary schools have a bachelor’s degree, compared with 19 percent nationwide. Virtually all

(99 percent) paraprofessionals had a high school diploma or a GED.40

ß Most (88 percent) paraprofessionals taught or helped to teach reading, language arts or English, and

three-fourths (73 percent) taught or helped to teach mathematics. About one-fifth (21 percent) taught

or helped to teach English as a Second Language (ESL) or bilingual education.41

ß Other responsibilities reported by a majority of paraprofessionals included preparing teaching

materials (84 percent), correcting student work, taking roll or doing other administrative duties

(81 percent), testing students (77 percent), and doing yard or cafeteria duty (56 percent). Just over

half (54 percent) of paraprofessionals reported working or meeting with parents.42

A slightly different picture emerges when examining the percentage of time that paraprofessionals

actually spend on such responsibilities. In 1997-98, principals reported that paraprofessionals spent most

of their time working one-on-one or in small groups with students (85 percent); the rest of their time was

spent doing clerical tasks and working with parents.43

Indicator: Educational improvement of paraprofessionals and teacher paraprofessionals. By the

year 2000, 35 percent of Title I school principals will report increased district support for the educational

improvement of paraprofessionals and teacher paraprofessionals.

Although paraprofessionals are spending a majority of their time teaching, they have limited opportunities

to advance their skills. Principals report that less than half of school districts are supporting

paraprofessionals by providing career ladders (38 percent), funding for higher education classes

(33 percent), and release time for classwork or studying for higher education courses (22 percent).44

Paraprofessionals also receive limited in-service training. Although over three-quarters (78 percent)

reported receiving such training in the 1997-98 school year, most received less than 2 days of training.45
School Level Services 113

Schoolwide Programs

Schoolwide programs have the potential to help integrate Title I resources to support standards-based

reform at the school level. Recent findings show that schoolwide programs are more likely to use a

strategic plan and to use models of service delivery that better integrate Title I into the larger educational

program.

Schoolwide programs have increased substantially with the lowering of the poverty threshold for

eligibility. Although schoolwide programs were previously allowed only in schools with 75 percent or

greater poverty, the reauthorizing legislation permitted schools at the 60 percent poverty level to become

schoolwide programs in the 1995-96 school year, and those at the 50 percent level beginning in the

1996-97 school year. This change in the eligibility threshold opened the door for many previously

ineligible schools to operate schoolwide programs and resulted in a substantial increase in the number of

schoolwide programs. The percentage of Title I schools operating schoolwide programs increased from

10 percent in 1994-95 to 33 percent in 1996-97 and 37 percent in 1997-98. Indeed, by 1997-98,

73 percent of eligible schools were using the schoolwide option. 46 Of those eligible schools that are not

operating schoolwide programs, most reported that they were considering implementing schoolwide

programs. 47 In contrast to findings from a 1993 study that nearly half of principals of Title I schools

eligible for schoolwide programs were not aware of this option, this no longer appears to be a problem.48

Findings from a study of schoolwide programs serving migrant students sheds some light on why schools

choose to implement schoolwide programs. Gaining more flexibility in service delivery or

instructional grouping was the most commonly noted reason for deciding to implement a

schoolwide program. More than half of schools reported that the schoolwide program fit in better with

their overall school program, and about one-half reported that it gave them more discretion in their use of

federal funds.49

Schoolwide programs are more likely to use a strategic plan than are targeted assistance schools.

Three-fifths (61 percent) of principals in schoolwide programs reported using a strategic plan to a great

extent for enabling students to achieve to high levels of performance, as contrasted with less than half of

targeted-assistance programs (45 percent).50 Because schoolwide programs are required to have a

comprehensive reform plan, this is not a surprising finding.

Strategic plans allow Title I services to be considered within the broader context of a school’s

reform goals, and provide a framework for better integration of Title I within the regular academic

program. They may also lead to a stronger vision and sense of mission in schools. A recent study of

successful schoolwide programs in Texas found that such programs had a common vision of high

academic expectations for all students. The Texas schools had a sense of mission that was evident in

every aspect of planning, organization, and use of resources in the schools.51

Schoolwide programs are also more likely to use alternative service delivery strategies that have the

potential to better integrate Title I instruction with a school’s overall academic program. Principals

in schoolwide programs reported less use of the pullout model than targeted assistance programs, as

would be expected. It is important to note, however, that most schools using a pull-out model, regardless

of whether schoolwide or targeted assistance, also used the in-class model to provide services. Overall,

68 percent of Title I schools used a pullout model, with 53 percent of schoolwide programs and

80 percent of targeted assistance programs reporting use of this model. Eighty-three percent of all Title I

schools reported using an in-class model, with no significant differences between schoolwides and

targeted assistance programs.52
School Level Services 114

Schoolwide programs frequently combine Title I funds with other resources to support schoolwide

program activities. Close to three-fourths (73 percent) of all schoolwide programs reported that they

combine their Title I funds with other federal or state and local resources.53 However, in most cases

schools do not receive individual dollar allocations from federal programs other than Title I or from the

district’s general fund; rather, they receive allocations of personnel and other resources and have access to

professional development opportunities and other services.54 Thus, while these schools appear to be

integrating non-Title I resources into their schoolwide programs, they are probably not commingling

funds in a fiscal sense. The federal resources most commonly used by schoolwide programs were Title

IV (43 percent) and Title II (35 percent), followed by Goals 2000 (21 percent) and Title VI (17 percent).

Schoolwides also reported combining resources from private sources (41percent) and state compensatory

education programs (33 percent).55

Extended Learning Time Programs

Less than half of Title I schools offer extended learning time programs, although their number has

increased significantly since the last reauthorization. However, few students participate in these

programs, despite recent evidence of their effectiveness.

Extended learning time programs can improve student achievement when coordinated with challenging

curricula and thoughtful instruction.56 Successful programs connect the added time to regular school

experiences so that teachers can build on the skills that students are gaining in their regular classes and

supplement what they are learning during the school day. Recent research on effective schools has found

that such schools use extended learning time in reading and mathematics to improve achievement. In a

recent study of higher-success and lower-success elementary schools in Maryland, researchers found that

the more successful schools were seeing consistent academic gains as a result of extended-day

programs.57 In a study of high-performing, high-poverty schools, 86 percent of the schools extended time

for reading and 66 percent extended instructional time in mathematics.58

In addition to the ESEA focus on extending learning time, Congress has recently appropriated

$200 million for 21st Century Community Learning Centers after-school programs in FY1999, an increase

from the FY 1998 level of $40 million. The expansion is part of the administration’s effort to encourage

children’s continued learning after school. The program targets rural and inner-city schools.

Indicator: Extended learning time programs. By the year 2000, 60 percent of Title I schools will

operate extended learning time programs to extend and reinforce student learning.

One-third (35 percent) of Title I school principals reported in 1997-98 that they were familiar to a

great extent with the legislation’s new emphasis on extending learning time, and 41 percent of all

Title I schools implemented such opportunities in the 1997-98 school year. Principals from highpoverty schools were more likely to report using Title I funds to implement extended learning time

programs (54 percent, compared with 28 percent in low-poverty schools). Principals from high-poverty

Title I schools were also more likely to implement summer instructional programs (41 percent, compared

with 29 percent in low-poverty schools).59

Use of extended-time and summer programs has increased dramatically since the reauthorization. The

percentage of Title I elementary schools offering summer school programs rose from 15 percent in 1991-

92 to 41 percent in 1997-98. Similarly, the percentage of Title I elementary schools with before- or afterschool programs grew from 9 percent in 1991-92 to 39 percent in 1997-98.60
School Level Services 115

However, schools that offer extended-time programs typically serve a small percentage of their

students in these programs. Extended-time instructional programs during the school year (before- and

after-school and weekend programs) serve only 16 percent of the students in the highest-poverty schools

that offer such programs and 11 percent of the students in Title I schools with these programs. Summer

instructional programs serve 17 percent of the students in the highest-poverty schools with summer

programs and 19 percent of the students in Title I schools with such programs.61 According to Title I

school principals in the 1997-98 school year, before-school programs averaged 4 hours a week and afterschool programs averaged 5 hours a week. Summer programs averaged 5 weeks per year and 16 hours

per week.62

Milwaukee: Hawley Environmental School

Extending Learning Time

At Hawley Environmental School, a high-poverty, high-performing school in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, an

extended-time education program was one successful component of the school’s reform strategy.

The Hawley After-School Math Club for 4th- and 5th-graders was organized because of low achievement of

some groups of students in mathematics. The group meets weekly, with the busing schedule adjusted to allow

this extra time at school. The school social worker is an integral part of the club. He said:

I can get into the academics, like after-school math and tutoring. As social workers, we pride

ourselves in ensuring that families get the most out of what our schools have to offer, and it is

nice to know that I can have some impact upon academics. Not only do I do the after school

math block, [but] when kids are in need of homework help, I am the liaison between the

school, the home and the community, finding programs where they can [get help] in their

immediate neighborhood.

At Hawley, student achievement exceeds the state average on both state tests and nationally normed

assessments. In addition, all students in 3rd grade passed the state assessment in reading in 1998, and 5th-

graders’ scores on the science assessment increased by 50 percentage points for the same year. Fifth-graders’

assessment mathematics scores have shown steady upward movement for the past 10 years, with 89 percent

now scoring at or above the national average.

Use of Technology

The use of technology also supports teaching and learning in Title I schools. Title I plays an important

role in supplying high-poverty schools with computers, paying for 27 percent of the new computers

that the highest-poverty schools received in 1997-98 (and 12 percent of new computers in schools

overall). Title I funds were used to purchase an average of 3.3 computers in the highest-poverty schools

and 0.6 computer (4 percent of the new computers) in low-poverty schools. Use of Title I funds for

technology helped high-poverty schools’ to compensate for the fact that they received fewer computers

from state/local funds (4.8 computers, versus 12.4 in low-poverty schools).63

Most teachers report that their lessons require students to use computers, but relatively few

incorporate the use of computers on a daily basis (Exhibit 6.7). More than two-thirds of Title I

teachers (69 percent) and classroom teachers (70 percent) say that their lessons require students to use

computers at least once or twice a month, but only 26 percent of Title I teachers (and 17 percent of

classroom teachers) rely on computer usage on a daily basis. 64
School Level Services 116

Teachers typically do not integrate use of the Internet into their instruction or expectations for

their students. Two-thirds say their lessons “never” or “hardly ever” require students to use the Internet

(69 percent of Title I teachers and 67 percent of classroom teachers). 65

However, with the recent establishment of the E-rate for schools, which provides discounted access to the

Internet, there may be a rapid increase in the use of the Internet as a part of classroom instruction. It will

be important to provide the necessary professional development to teachers to appropriately integrate its

use in classroom instruction.

Exhibit reads: 73 percent of Title I teachers report that their lessons never or hardly ever

require use of the Internet, while 33 percent report that their lessons never or hardly ever

require use of computers.

Source: Chambers, Lieberman, Parrish, Kaleba, Van Campen, and Stullich, Study of

Education Resources and Federal Funding: Preliminary Report, 1999.

School principals reported that insufficient understanding by teachers of ways to integrate technology into

the curriculum was the most common barrier to effective use of technology (70 percent of all schools).

Teachers themselves also reported that their insufficient understanding was a barrier (45 percent of

classroom teachers and 49 percent of Title I teachers). However, teachers were more likely to express

concern about an insufficient number of computers (71 percent of classroom teachers and 58 percent of

Title I teachers), lack of software that is integrated with the school’s curriculum (60 percent and

51 percent, respectively), and insufficient technical support (49 percent and 45 percent, respectively).66

Exhibit 6.7

Frequency that Title I Teachers’ Lessons Require

Students to Use Computers and the Internet

29% 26%

12%

33%

1%

11% 14%

73%

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Daily or Almost

Daily

Once or Twice a

Week

Once or Twice a

Month

Never or Hardly

Ever

Percentage of Title I Teachers

Computers Internet
School Level Services 117

Title I Services in Secondary Schools

Recent evidence indicates that schools are making progress in implementing service delivery models that

are less stigmatizing and better integrated with the regular academic program. Secondary students are

still served in pull-out settings, but less commonly than elementary students are. Moreover, in the schools

that do provide pull-out services, they appear to be one of several models of service delivery.

Although Title I remains primarily an elementary school program, more high-poverty secondary schools

are receiving funds than was the case before reauthorization in 1994. The proportion of the highestpoverty secondary schools (where at least 75 percent of the students are eligible for free or reduced-price

lunches) that receive Title I funds rose from 61 percent in 1993-94 to 93 percent in 1997-98. This

increase is probably due to the new requirement that districts provide Title I funds to all schools at or

above the 75 percent poverty level (regardless of grade level) before serving any schools below that

poverty level.

However, it is still true that relatively few secondary schools receive Title I funds. Only 29 percent of all

secondary schools received Title I funds in 1997-98, compared with 67 percent of all elementary schools.

Moreover, secondary schools that do receive Title I funds tend to receive smaller allocations than

elementary schools ($372 and $495, respectively), although allocations in the highest-poverty secondary

schools were comparable to those in the highest-poverty elementary schools. Overall, secondary schools

received 15 percent of Title I funds, although they accounted for 33 percent of low-income students (and

44 percent of all students).67

Prior to the 1994 reauthorization, a 1991 study of Title I services in 20 secondary schools had

shown that Title I played only a small role in the daily lives of most participating students, often

providing no more than one period a day of instruction. Schools relied frequently on the

“replacement” model, which enabled them to substitute Title I classes that were tailored to the particular

needs of low-performing students for the students’ core academic classes. The 1991 study concluded that

in order to minimize the stigma that students feel when they are singled out for remediation, secondary

schools should do more to integrate Title I services with regular instruction, and that Title I instruction

should help students improve their skills by using challenging content and age-appropriate materials.68

In the 1997-98 school year, according to secondary school principals nationally, services were provided in

the following manner:

ß The most common use of Title I funds was to serve targeted children in an in-class setting (78 percent

reported by middle schools, 85 percent reported by high schools). Approximately 47 percent of

students in high schools and 58 percent in middle schools are served in pull-out settings, compared

with 72 percent in elementary schools. Approximately 42 percent of secondary schools and

45 percent of middle schools serve students using both pull-out and in-class approaches.69

ß Professional development was also a common use of Title I funds in secondary schools (71 percent).70

ß About 43 percent of secondary schools reported providing extended learning time opportunities for

targeted students, while 44 percent reported providing summer learning opportunities.71

ß Well over half (59 percent) of Title I high schools reported implementing schoolwide programs in

1997-98, up from 11 percent in 1995-96.72
School Level Services 118

In addition to improving Title I delivery strategies, secondary schools are making progress in

implementing standards-based reform. Title I services in secondary schools provide supplementary

services to enable students to achieve high standards. Most secondary school principals reported using

content standards to a great extent in reading (75 percent at the middle-school level and 62 percent at the

high school level) and mathematics (72 percent at the middle-school level and 65 percent at the high

school level).73

Case studies of 18 secondary schools engaged in school improvement efforts illustrate that although

Title I has not served as the impetus for standards-based reform in those schools, there have been

significant improvements in the quality and delivery of services that are provided through the program

since the last reauthorization.74 This study demonstrates that secondary schools are engaging in

standards-based reform primarily as a result of state and local accountability systems, and Title I

generally serves to support these reform efforts. In states and districts with high-stakes accountability

systems, both core academic instruction and supplementary assistance provided through Title I are often

geared toward preparing students to pass state or district assessments.

Virtually none of the case study schools used Title I funds to hire certified teachers who teach core classes

designed for Title I students. In these schools, Title I is well integrated into schools’ general academic

program, and poses no significant barriers to school reform efforts. It provides resources that enable

secondary schools to offer extra academic assistance to low-performing students. Schools use their Title I

resources to fund computer resource labs and to pay teachers and paraprofessionals who provide in-class

and extended-time academic assistance.

The picture of Title I and educational improvement that is painted by recent evidence is encouraging.

Title I secondary schools are integrating Title I into their operations with far fewer problems than were

found in the earlier study of Title I in secondary schools. In addition, Title I secondary schools

demonstrate a greater commitment to high standards and high achievement than was true earlier, even

though a significant part of the current commitment appears to result from high-stakes tests. Title I can

play an important role by adding to and supporting ongoing state and local reforms.
School Level Services 119

What Issues Remain to Be Addressed through Changes in Practice or

Statutory Requirements?

Title I should continue its strong emphasis on increasing the alignment of curriculum and instruction with

challenging academic standards, but teachers, schools, and districts need more technical assistance to

improve the implementation of standards-based systems in the classroom. Principals and teachers are

increasingly familiar with this approach to improving education and are working to implement changes in

curriculum and instruction to support standards set or adopted by their states. However, principals need

more technical assistance in particular areas, and teachers need more professional development.

Standards-based reform has motivated both elementary and secondary schools to eliminate the dual

system in which Title I students were not receiving challenging instruction. Moreover, schools and

districts that are adopting this system are seeing results. Therefore, the federal government must

provide greater assistance to schools and districts in implementing a high-quality standards-based

system.

ß Title I teachers are well credentialed and experienced, but are receiving inadequate professional

development to implement all components of a standards-based system in the classroom. Not only do

teachers spend very few hours in professional development, but they also feel that they are not very

well prepared to implement the components of a standards-based system.

ß Half of Title I instructional staff are paraprofessionals who have teaching or assisting in teaching as

their primary responsibilities, yet paraprofessionals are not teachers and do not have the educational

background to perform teaching duties. This mismatching of responsibilities to staff qualifications

must change in the future. Schools need to think differently about the use of paraprofessionals and

consider other roles for them, restructuring their time to accommodate the most useful roles. The use

of paraprofessionals in instruction should be phased out.

ß It is encouraging that pull-out approaches to service delivery are almost always used in combination

with other service delivery models, such as in-class. Federal guidance and technical assistance should

continue to support alternative models of service delivery and should support research to determine

the most effective modes of delivery. Additional resources should be provided to high-poverty

schools to implement comprehensive, research-based school reform. Districts need to provide better

technical assistance to schools in choosing comprehensive reform.

ß Title I schools can draw on a range of research-based model programs and approaches developed by

independent organizations to improve their effectiveness in helping all children reach challenging

standards. Some of these models have strong or at least promising research evidence of positive

effects on student achievement. In many high-poverty schools, Title I funds are sufficient to cover

most if not all of the additional cost of these models (see page 76).

ß More research is needed on the effectiveness of individual school reform models. A recent report

by the American Institutes of Research found that “even though many of the approaches have

been in schools for years, only three out of 24 provide strong evidence of positive effects on

student achievement,” with six additional programs having research evidence characterized as

“promising” (Exhibit 6.8).75 This finding does not necessarily mean that the other approaches are

ineffective, but, rather, that there is little rigorous evaluation of these programs. Moreover, there are

varying perspectives about the appropriate methodology for evaluating these programs. As a result,

schools often make decisions and spend thousands of dollars without having much concrete

information on how particular strategies will address the improvements needed in their schools.
School Level Services 120

ß Targeted assistance schools, like schoolwide programs, should be required to submit comprehensive

reform plans for their schools which describe how Title I services will support standards-based

reform. The plans should also describe how the school will design its services, monitor progress on

an ongoing basis, and make changes based on the self-monitoring. Schoolwide program plans should

also be strengthened and should require measurable goals and objectives more tightly linked to

teaching and learning.

ß Despite relatively high familiarity with the Title I provisions encouraging the establishment of

extended learning time programs, less than half of Title I schools have implemented these programs

and few students in these schools participate in them. Because staffing patterns and school operations

need to be changed to accommodate learning time outside the regular school day, additional technical

assistance and dissemination of information on extended-time strategies is necessary.

ß Classrooms appear to be making progress in using best practices in instructional methods, but they

still have a good deal of work to do in using methods that encourage high-level thinking and

understanding. Districts need to provide technical assistance to schools to help them improve their

instructional strategies and align them with high standards.
School Level Services 121

Exhibit 6.8

Schoolwide Reform Approaches at a Glance

Evidence of

Positive Effects

on Student

Achievementa

Year

Introduced

in Schools

Number

of Schools

Support

Developer

Provides

Schools

First-Year

Costs

First-Year

Costs with

Current Staff

Reassigned

Accelerated Schools (K-8) P 1986 1,000 P $27,000 $14,000

America’s Choice (K-12) ? 1998 300 S $190,000 $90,000

ATLAS Communities (PreK-12) ? 1992 63 P $98,000 $90,000

Audrey Cohen College (K-12) ? 1970 16 P $161,000 $86,000

Basic Schools Network (K-12) ? 1992 150 P $12,000 NC

Coalition of Essential Schools (K-12) M/W 1984 1,000 M NA NA

Community for Learning (K-12) P 1990 92 S $157,000 $82,000

Co-NECT (K-12) ? 1992 75 S $588,000 NC

Core Knowledge (K-8) P 1990 750 P $56,000 NC

Different Ways of Knowing (K-7) P 1989 412 S $84,000 NC

Direct Instruction (K-6) S Late ‘60s 150 P $244,000 $194,000

Expeditionary Learning Outward Bound

(K-12)

P 1992 65 S $81,000 NC

The Foxfire Fund (K-12) ? 1966 NA M $65,000 NC

High Schools that Work (9-12) S 1987 860 S $48,000 NC

High/Scope (K-3) M 1967 27 S $130,000b NC

League of Professional Schools (K-12) M 1989 158 P $13,000 NC

Modern Red Schoolhouse (K-12) ? 1993 50 S $215,000 NC

Onward to Excellence (K-12) M 1981 1,000 S $72,000 $60,000

Paideia (K-12) M/W 1982 80 P $146,000 $96,000

Roots and Wings (PreK-6) M 1993 200 S $270,000 $70,000

School Development Program (K-12) P 1968 700 P $45,000 $32,000

Success for All (PreK-6) S 1987 1,130 S $270,000 $70,000

Talent Development High School (9-12) M 1994 10 S $57,000 $27,000

Urban Learning Centers (PreK-12) ? 1993 13 P $169,000 $159,000

S=Strong P=Promising M=Marginal M/W=Mixed/Weak ?=No Research NA=Not Available NC=No Change

a

 Although many types of student outcomes are important, evidence of positive effects on student achievement is a key

consideration in selecting schoolwide reforms. However, some schools may wish to consider a new approach that has not yet

developed strong evidence of effectiveness, but provides the strongest match with school goals.

b

 The estimate for High/Scope assumes a school of 25 K-3 teachers.

Source: Herman et al., An Educator’s Guide to Schoolwide Reform, 1999

 

1

 Mary Ann Millsap, Marc Moss, and Beth Gamse, The Chapter 1 Implementation Study Final Report: Chapter 1 in
School Level Services 122

 

Public Schools (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1993) 3-6.

2

 U.S. Department of Education, Reinventing Chapter 1: The Current Chapter 1 Program and New Directions,

Final Report of the National Assessment of the Chapter 1 Program (Washington, DC: Author, 1993) 85.

3

 Brenda Turnbull, Megan Welsh, Camilla Heid, William Davis, and Alex Ratnofsky, Longitudinal Evaluation of

School Change and Performance in Title I Schools: Interim Report to Congress (Washington, DC: U.S. Department

of Education, 1999).

4 Turnbull et al., Longitudinal Evaluation, Tables 48 and 49. This analysis is based on a sample of 185 to 197

responding teachers in higher-reform districts and 97 to 98 teachers in lower-reform districts.

5

 See U.S. Department of Education, Status of Education Reform in Public Elementary and Secondary Schools:

Principals’ Perspectives (Washington, DC: Author, 1998) 58; Camilla Heid and Ann Webber, School-Level

Implementation of Standards-Based Reform: Findings from the Follow-up Public School Survey on Education

Reform (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1999).

6 Heid and Webber, Follow-Up School Survey.

7

 The Education Trust, in collaboration with the Council of Chief State School Officers, Dispelling the Myth: High

Poverty Schools Exceeding Expectations (Washington, DC: The Education Trust, 1999).

8 Heid and Webber, Follow-Up School Survey.

9 Heid and Webber, Follow-Up School Survey.

10 National Center for Education Statistics, Status of Education Reform in Public Elementary and Secondary

Schools: Teachers’ Perspectives (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1998) Table B-2.

11 U.S. Department of Education, Teacher Quality: A Report on the Preparation and Qualifications of Public School

Teachers (Washington, DC: Author, 1999) B-59.

12 U. S. Department of Education, unpublished tabulations from the Longitudinal Evaluation of School Change and

Performance.

13 Turnbull et al., Longitudinal Evaluation, Tables 46 and 47.

14 Turnbull et al., Longitudinal Evaluation, Tables 19 and 39.

15 Turnbull et al., Longitudinal Evaluation, Tables 53 and 57.

16 U.S. Department of Education, Teacher Quality, B-24, B-27.

17 U.S. Department of Education, Teacher Quality, B-26.

18 See Willis Hawley, William Schager, Francine Hultgren, Andrew Abrams, Ernestine Lewis, and Steve Ferrara, An

Outlier Study of School Effectiveness: Implications for Public Policy and School Improvement, paper presented at

the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Asssociation (March 25, 1997); Education Trust,

Dispelling the Myth; and the Charles A. Dana Center, University of Texas at Austin, Successful Texas Schoolwide

Programs: Research Study Results (Austin, TX: University of Texas at Austin, Oct. 1996).

19 Michael Knapp, Nancy Adelman, Camille Marder, Heather McCollum, Margaret Needels, Patrick Shields, Brenda

Turnbull, and Andrew Zucker, Academic Challenge for the Children of Poverty: Findings and Conclusions

(Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1993) 32.

20 Knapp et al, Academic Challenge, 81.

21 Turnbull et al., Longitudinal Evaluation, Table 12. Reading comprehension and vocabulary skills were measured

by the Reading closed-ended subtest of the Stanford-9.

22 Turnbull et al., Longitudinal Evaluation, Table 11.

23 Turnbull et al., Longitudinal Evaluation, Table 41.

24 Turnbull et al., Longitudinal Evaluation, Table 26.

25 Turnbull et al., Longitudinal Evaluation, Tables 34, 35, and 36.

26 Turnbull et al., Longitudinal Evaluation, Table 27.

27 Millsap et al., Chapter 1 Implementation Study, 2-3; Heid and Webber, School-Level Implementation.

28 Jay Chambers, Joanne Lieberman, Tom Parrish, Daniel Kaleba, James Van Campen, and Stephanie Stullich, Study

of Education Resources and Federal Funding: Preliminary Report (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of

Education, 1999).

29 Heid and Webber, School-Level Implementation.

30 National Commission on Teaching & America’s Future, What Matters Most: Teaching for America’s Future

(New York: Author, 1996).
School Level Services 123

 

31 Ronald F. Ferguson, “Paying for Public Education: New Evidence on How and Why Money Matters,” Harvard

Journal on Legislation, 28.2 (Summer 1991) 465-498; Ronald F. Ferguson and Helen Ladd, “How and Why Money

Matters: An Analysis of Alabama Schools,” Helen F. Ladd (ed.) Holding Schools Accountable: Performance Based

Reform in Education (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1996).

32 William L. Sanders and J.C. Rivers, Cumulative and Residual Effects of Teachers on Future Student Academic

Achievement, research report (Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Value-Added Research and Assessment

Center, 1996).

33 U.S. Department of Education, Reinventing Chapter 1, 94.

34 Heid and Webber, School-Level Implementation.

35 Chambers et al., Study of Education Resources.

36 Heid and Webber.

37 Heid and Webber.

38 U.S. Department of Education, Roles for Education Paraprofessionals 20.

39 Chambers et al.

40 Chambers et al.

41 Chambers et al.

42 Chambers et al.

43 Heid and Webber.

44 Heid and Webber.

45 Chambers et al.

46 Stephanie Stullich, Brenda Donly, and Simeon Stolzberg, Targeting Schools: Study of Title I Allocations Within

School Districts (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1999).

47 Chambers et al.

48 Millsap et al., Chapter 1 Implementation Study 2-14.

49 Amy Siler, Simeon Stolzberg, Adrienne von Glatz, and William Strang, Meeting the Needs of Migrant Students in

Schoolwide Programs, Summary Report (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1999) 38.

50 Heid and Webber.

51 Charles A. Dana Center, Successful Texas Schoolwide Programs.

52 Heid and Webber.

53 Chambers et al.

54 In a study of 24 school districts with reputations for pursuing innovative reforms to improve teaching and

learning, Goertz and Duffy found that most of these districts “retain control over the allocation of most personnel

and non-personnel resources to schools. Schools have limited control over the size and composition of their staff.

In most of the study sites, schools’ budgetary authority is generally limited to the expenditure of Title I, state

compensatory education, instructional and professional development funds and occasional grant monies.” Margaret

Goertz and Mark Duffy, “Resource Allocation in Reforming Schools and School Districts,” Margaret Goertz and

Allan Odden (eds.), School-Based Financing (Corwin Press, 1999).

55 Chambers et al.

56 U. S. Department of Education, Extending Learning Time for Disadvantaged Students: An Idea book, Volume I,

Summary of Promising Practices (Washington, DC: Author, 1995) i.

57 Hawley et al.

58 The Education Trust, 6.

59 Heid and Webber.

60 Millsap et al., Chapter 1 Implementation Study; Heid and Webber.

61 Chambers et al.

62 Heid and Webber.

63 Chambers et al.

64 Chambers et al.

65 Chambers et al.

66 Chambers et al.

67 Stullich et al., Targeting Schools.

68 U.S. Department of Education, preliminary findings from Case Studies of Title I and Educational Improvement in

Secondary Schools.

69 Heid and Webber.

70 Heid and Webber.
School Level Services 124

 

71 Heid and Webber.

72 U.S. Department of Education, Status of Education Reform: Principals’ Perspectives, 58; Heid and Webber.

73 Heid and Webber.

74 U.S. Department of Education, Case Studies of Title I.

75 Rebecca Herman, Daniel Aladjem, Patricia McMahon, Erick Masem, Ivor Ulligan, Amy Smith O’Malley, Sherri

Quinones, Alison Reeve, and Darren Woodruff, An Educators’ Guide to Schoolwide Reform (Arlington, VA:

Education Research Services, 1999) 3.
School Level Services 125

 
Family Involvement 126

KEY PROVISIONS REGARDING TITLE I SUPPORT FOR PARENT INVOLVEMENT

Each local education agency (LEA) shall have a written policy that (1) gets parents involved in joint

development of the LEA Title I plan; (2) provides coordination, technical assistance, and support to help

schools implement and build capacity for parental involvement; (3) coordinates and integrates parental

involvement strategies, including those under Head Start and Even Start; (4) annually evaluates the

effectiveness of the parental involvement policy plan; and (5) if the district receives more than $500,000 from

Title I, reserves at least 1 percent of Title I funds to carry out parental involvement provisions.

In addition, LEAs are required to report on the progress of schools toward improving student performance

through “school report cards” or school profiles made available to parents, school staff, and the community.

Written School Policy:

The written policy shall cover:

ß Timely information about Title I supported programs;

ß School performance profiles;

ß A description of the curriculum and forms of assessment used;

ß Opportunities for regular meetings to formulate suggestions and share opinions;

ß School-parent compacts; and

ß Efforts to build capacity for parental involvement, including helping parents understand the National

Education Goals and standards and assessments, assistance (including literacy assistance) in improving

children’s performance, and training teachers and other school staff in how to reach out to and

communicate with parents.

School-Parent Compact:

Each school shall develop with parents a school-parent compact (that is, a written agreement) that:

ß Outlines how the school staff, parents, and students will share responsibility for improved achievement

(for example, school staff are to be accessible and open to parents and responsive to parents’ educational

concerns, and parents are to regularly attend parent-teacher conferences and ensure that homework is

completed and that children come to school prepared to learn); and

ß Addresses the importance of ongoing communication between teachers and parents and provides frequent

reports to parents on their children’s progress.
Family Involvement 127

7. TITLE I SUPPORT FOR PARTNERSHIPS WITH FAMILIES,

SCHOOLS AND COMMUNITIES TO SUPPORT LEARNING

Key Findings

Parents have a central role in helping their children achieve to high standards, and schools need

to work with parents to ensure adequate learning opportunities for all children. The 1994 Title I

amendments increased parents’ roles as partners with the schools to support children’s learning. This

new approach, centering on school-parent compacts, promises to help parents understand what standards

are and how schools and parents can work together to enable their children to meet them.

Three decades of research support the effectiveness of the parents and home environment in helping

children learn through ensuring high attendance, encouraging reading, and monitoring television.

New research also finds positive effects on children’s behaviors when schools make a commitment to

promoting parent involvement using written agreements known as compacts.

However, many schools have not yet made the commitment to supporting a meaningful partnership with

parents for learning.

ß Schools find compacts helpful in promoting many desirable behaviors, but compacts are used in

only three-quarters of Title I schools and parents remain less involved with their children’s schools

than is desirable.

ß Many schools do not offer the outreach and assistance that parents need to help their children

succeed in school.

Principals find that the two main challenges to strengthening parental involvement are the lack of time,

on the parts of both staff and parents, to work on family issues, and the lack of education on the part of

parents. The latter is particularly true in high-poverty schools. There are also challenges created by

legislative overlaps among the provisions for parental involvement in so many federal programs.

The general direction of Title I parental involvement policies and compacts on supporting

learning is consistent with research, but options that would strengthen implementation include the

following:

ß Having schools report annually on measurable indicators of the effectiveness of parental

involvement, as reflected in their own policies and compacts. Annual school reports could include

measures of parental satisfaction with school quality and communication, and measures of parental

involvement, such as regular attendance at parent-teacher conferences and the extent to which

children come to school with homework complete. Schools could also report annually on the

resources and activities they devote to support parental involvement.
Family Involvement 128

ß Consolidating or coordinating parental involvement provisions across all elementary and secondary

programs that have them to form one parent provision. These programs are Title I, Even Start

Family Literacy, Education of Migratory Children, Parental Information and Resource Centers,

Impact Aid, Education for Homeless Children and Youth, Magnet Schools, 21st Century

Community Learning Centers, Indian Education, Technology for Education, and Safe and DrugFree Schools and Communities.

ß Strengthening parental involvement activities in the early elementary grades in the areas of

supporting reading and family literacy and in middle school and high school grades to encourage

students to take challenging courses.

What Did Reauthorization Seek to Accomplish?

While parents have always had a role in Title I, the 1994 amendments strengthened the role of

parents in the education of their children. Earlier authorizations of Title I emphasized a governance

role for Title I parents through parent advisory councils (PACs). These district and school-level quasigoverning bodies were a response to evidence that Title I funds were not reaching the intended students.

Although the role of the PACs was reduced with the 1981 amendments, governance councils served as

the primary vehicle for involving parents until the enactment of the 1994 amendments. Although the

PACs have helped ensure financial accountability, which was one of their original purposes, studies have

not found that the parental governance role did much to raise student achievement.1

The 1994 legislation introduced a new provision that emphasizes the role of family involvement in

children’s learning. This provision, known as a school-parent compact, clarifies the responsibilities that

parents should have to help their children learn and the ways in which schools should support parents at

home and ensure a supportive learning environment for children at school.

Compacts can be constructed in a number of ways and the elements to be included can depend on the

wishes of the schools and parents involved. In addition, schools may get parents involved outside the

mechanism of the compact itself, for example in a governance or other role. One well-known framework2

specifies six types of parental involvement:

ß Parenting;

ß Communicating;

ß Volunteering;

ß Learning at home;

ß Decision-making; and

ß Collaborating with the community.
Family Involvement 129

Most of these parental involvement activities are included in one way or another in the 1994 Title I

legislation and many of these activities, including communicating, and volunteering, could be

incorporated within a school-parent compact. The bottom line is that what goes into the parental policy

and compact should support learning, but how that is done is a matter of local choice.

Research supports the direction taken by the 1994 legislation. This emphasis on parents as partners in

their children’s learning is consistent with three decades of research supporting the critical role that

families play in their children’s academic success.3 All types of families can help their children learn at

challenging academic levels. Studies of individual families show that what the family does in developing

language, motivating children, monitoring homework, and limiting television watching is more important

to student success than family income or education.4

ß A recent study of over 2,000 households determined that the number of hours spent reading at home

significantly influences children’s comprehension of reading passages. 5

Family literacy has also been shown to play an important role in children’s learning and achievement.

A number of studies,6 while not comparing programs for literacy with control groups, have nonetheless

shown effects related to increasing family literacy:

ß A follow-up study of one model of a family literacy program found that when parents and children

from at-risk families are provided the opportunity to “learn how to learn together” that parents gain

confidence in their own abilities, in the abilities of their children, and in the operations of the schools;

and most children in the family literacy program achieve as well as or better than their peers, at least

through third grade.7

ß A study of 542 families enrolled at 32 urban family literacy sites found that participants in the family

literacy program gained more than did participants in programs focusing primarily on either adults or

children; and children gained more on both measures of development and emergent literacy.8

The Title I legislation requires districts to coordinate necessary literacy training from other sources to

help parents work with their children to improve their children’s achievement. Where such resources are

not available, districts may use their Title I funds to provide literacy training.

Both parents and teachers have voiced the need for further parental involvement:

ß In one survey, 79 percent of parents reported that they want to learn more about how to be involved in

their children’s learning.9

ß Most teachers, especially those in inner-city schools, would like to see an increase in the level of

parental involvement in education. The majority of teachers feel that many parents take too little

interest in their children’s education.10

Other studies have pointed out that parents need help from the schools if they are to be effective in their

roles as educators. School efforts in assisting parents had a greater impact on parents’ continued

involvement in children’s education than whether parents finished high school or not, whether they had

one child or five children, whether the parents were married or not, or whether the family was in poverty

or not.11 Many parents said they would be willing to spend more time on homework or other learning

activities with their children if teachers gave them more guidance.12
Family Involvement 130

The keystone of school reform is the emphasis on high standards to which all children should

achieve. However, in the discussions of standards and their value for increasing achievement, the central

role of parents is sometimes ignored. There is evidence that parents are not adequately aware of the

standards used in their children’s schools.

ß In a 1997 survey conducted with 700 representative parents of children in grades K-12, parents were

asked how much they knew about the curriculum and academic goals for their child’s grade. Only

55 percent said they knew “a lot,” while 34 percent said they knew only “a little.”13

ß A second 1997 survey of 376 parents asked how well the school explained the school’s achievement

goals. Only 52 percent said “very well.” Of the remaining parents, 93 percent wanted to know more.

Among nonwhite parents, a full 100 percent wanted to know more.14

Although parents may not always be fully informed about the details of standards, most parents favor

them.

ß The same study asked parents whether they thought that having guidelines for what students are

expected to learn and know helps improve students’ academic performance; 82 percent agreed that

such guidelines were helpful.15

ß When asked which was worse for a child struggling in school—to have to repeat a grade, or to be

passed to the next grade and expected to keep up with the work—only 19 percent said it was worse to

repeat a grade. Thus parents themselves are not in favor of “social promotions.”16
Family Involvement 131

The focus on parental involvement is consistent with principals’ views that stronger parent involvement is

essential to their efforts to achieve high standards. Schools see family involvement as connected with

achieving high standards. When principals were asked about barriers to applying high standards to all

students, inadequate parent involvement was one of their most frequent responses—particularly in the

highest-poverty schools (Exhibit 7.1).

Exhibit reads: In the highest-poverty schools, 72 percent of principals identify inadequate

parent involvement as a major barrier to implementing high standards.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, Status of Education Reform in Public Elementary

and Secondary Schools: Principals’ Perspectives, 1998.

How Are the Key Title I Provisions Being Implemented?

Indicator: By the year 2000, 60 percent of Title I participating schools will report that their school staffs

find school-parent compacts and other tools very helpful to better communication between parents and

schools and to better student learning.

Compacts are a growing presence in Title I schools, but 25 percent of Title I principals do not yet

have them in place four years after they were required. Prior to the 1994 legislation, only about

20 percent of parents nationwide indicated that their children attended schools with parent compacts.

In 1997, 37 percent of a sample of parents in Title I schools had signed in-class agreements and

32 percent had signed at-home agreements to assist their children.17 In the 1997-98 school year, a

nationally representative study of public schools found that 74 percent of Title I principals indicated they

had written compacts. In schools with 50 to 75 percent and 75 to 100 percent low-income students, 8 out

of 10 schools had compacts. Among the schools with the fewest poor students, the proportion declined to

6 out of 10. The fact that a higher proportion of high-poverty schools had agreements is evidence that

these principals are responding to their greater perceived needs.18

Exhibit 7.1

Principals’ Views on Barriers to Applying

High Standards to All Students

37%

75%

72%

64%

53%

66%

41%

13%

29%

35%

41%

49% 48%

56%

30%

44%

0 %

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Students who

are at

different

levels

Inadequate

parent

involvement

Lack of

aligned

assessments

Outdated

technology

Inadequate

guidance

High student

mobility

Student

diversity

Language

barriers

Percentage of Principals

All Schools

75%-100% Poverty
Family Involvement 132

A majority of Title I schools indicate that compacts help promote family involvement, but fewer

indicate that they are “very” helpful. Title I principals were asked to rate the helpfulness of compacts

in achieving different types of school and family outcomes. Responses tended to differ by school

poverty, with the highest-poverty schools finding compacts most helpful (Exhibit 7.2).

Exhibit reads: In the highest-poverty schools, 85 percent of principals found Title I compacts helpful in

supporting homework completion.

Source: Heid and Webber, School-Level Implementation of Standards-Based Reform: Findings from the

Follow-up Public School Survey on Education Reform, 1999.

About 8 out of 10 principals in high-poverty Title I schools rated compacts as helpful, as did a majority of

principals in low-poverty schools.

ß Across all schools, about 30 percent of the principals considered compacts “very helpful”—about half

of the number needed to meet the indicator in 2000.

ß Principals perceived compacts as having the greatest impact on homework completion, school

climate, student discipline, and reading at home—factors that are amenable to intervention by schoolfamily partnership activities.

Case studies provide further insights into the compact process. In case studies of five schools that

developed strong written compacts, researchers found that in four of the five schools, the compact

functioned as a supportive component of a much larger and well-established parent involvement program.

In the fifth school, the compact served as the primary catalyst for more intensive involvement by

families.19

Helpful (includes 

very helpful) Very helpful

Helpful (includes 

very helpful) Very helpful

Homework completion 85 33 64 25

Parents helping with learning at home 84 21 67 24

School climate 89 42 63 31

Student discipline 82 38 61 26

Reading at home 81 35 68 32

Student attendance 80 38 61 28

Teacher-parent relations 78 37 70 32

Student preparedness for school 77 30 53 20

Parent volunteers 76 30 42 17

Highest-Poverty (75-100%) Low-Poverty (0-34%)

Exhibit 7.2

Principals' Views on the Helpfulness of Title I School-Parent Compacts,

by School Poverty Level
Family Involvement 133

Data from the Prospects study of student outcomes (1998) provide evidence that when compacts are

effectively implemented, positive student outcomes, including higher achievement, result. Schools

with compacts were compared with non-compact schools on parental involvement and student

achievement.20 Schools with compacts had higher levels of family involvement in those activities in

which parents worked directly with their own children. These activities included parents’ monitoring of

homework and reading with their children. The study concluded that, after controlling for other factors,

positive student outcomes found in compact schools were associated with the greater involvement of

parents in supporting their own children’s learning. Other activities, such as volunteering and decision

making, may be valuable in their own right but were not shown to significantly affect learning.

In a second study from the same time period21 an examination of ten schools found that four aspects of

parent involvement in their own children’s education correlated highly with achievement and other

outcomes. These were: the parent caring about what occurred in the Chapter 1 (Title I) classroom; the

parent encouraging the student to read; the parent keeping track of the child’s progress in school work;

and the parent making sure that there was a place for the child to study at home.

Because the data in the first study covered the early 1990s, before the Title I compact requirement,

compact schools were ones that initiated the compact on their own and presumably were committed to its

success. Now that compacts are required in all Title I schools, achieving this level of commitment in all

schools will take more effort.

How Involved Are Parents?

Studies have identified three factors associated with greater family engagement in schools:

ß Parents’ understanding of their importance for their children’s success in school;

ß Parents’ having a sense of efficacy about what to do to help their children; and

ß Parents’ belief that schools want them to help their children.22

Because the implementation of compacts is still incomplete, there is little evidence about the effectiveness

of implementation. However, there are some baseline data against which we can begin to measure effects

in the future. In 1996 (too early for compact provisions to show an effect), principals’ reports indicated

that whereas 73 percent of parents in low-poverty Title I schools attended most or all schoolwide parentteacher conferences, only 33 percent of parents in high-poverty schools did the same.23 Parents in highpoverty schools also have lower attendance in other school-sponsored events such as open houses, plays,

sports events, and science fairs. The same survey shows that 62 percent of Title I schools have parental

involvement activities; a 1998 follow-up survey shows essentially no change.

Other studies show that parental involvement with schools and with their children’s education inside and

outside the classroom is not yet so high as might be desired.

ß In a longitudinal study of 71 high-poverty Title I schools, over half (55 percent) of 4th-grade teachers

said that “few or none” of their low-achieving students had parents who were at least moderately

involved.24
Family Involvement 134

ß More recent data from another study show that only 35 percent of elementary school teachers asked

parents to sign off on students’ homework “almost daily,” and only 37 percent sent home reading

activities parents can use with students “almost daily.”25

ß In the national survey of 376 parents, parents responded to a number of questions about their

involvement; 37 percent said they had signed agreements supporting in-class learning, and 32 percent

had signed at-home learning support agreements. Thirty-nine percent said they signed homework

each night. When parents were asked whether the school had asked them how they could support

parents, 62 percent said yes, but only 46 percent said the school had formally asked.26

How Do Districts and Schools Support Parent Involvement?

Title I schools use a variety of strategies for getting parents involved in their children’s education.

Common strategies are parent advisory councils (81 percent of Title I schools), home-based education

activities designed to reinforce classroom instruction (70 percent), parental resource centers (67 percent),

liaison staff designated to work with parents (67 percent), and family literacy programs (44 percent).

Elementary schools are more likely than secondary schools to use home-based activities and family

literacy programs.27

At the district level, 23 percent of Title I coordinators report using Title I funds “a great deal” to support

the building of partnerships with parents and communities, and 30 percent report using Title I funds

“a great deal” to support professional development focused on building partnerships with parents and

community. Classroom teachers reported that they spent 7.2 hours in the 1997-98 school year in

professional development focused on parental or community involvement, and Title I teachers reported

spending 5.7 hours on this topic of professional development.28

Districts are required to issue school profiles or “school report cards” and make them available to parents,

school staff, and the broader community. As noted in a recent study released in Education Week, school

profiles do not always provide parents with the information that they want.29 For example, parents want

to know about student progress, but not just from test scores (Exhibit 7.3). As for the credibility of such

report cards, parents rated reports from nonprofit watchdog organizations higher (8 on a scale of 1-10)

than those from principals. Finally, school report cards are not reaching the parental audience; only 39

percent of parents in the tested groups had ever seen one, compared with 51 percent of educators.
Family Involvement 135

Exhibit 7.3

Information on School Report Cards

What Parents, Taxpayers, and Educators

Want to Know about Education30 School Report Cards

Student Performance

Statewide test scores uuuu

Attendance rates uuuu

Dropout rate uuuu

Graduation rate uuu

SAT/ACT scores uu

% of students promoted to next grade u

% of students who go on to a 4-year college u

% of students with an “A” or “B” average u

School Resources and Quality Indicators

Teacher qualifications uuu

Class size uuu

Per-pupil spending uuu

Teacher salaries uu

Course offerings uu

School safety uu

% of parents who attend parent-teacher conferences u

Parental satisfaction surveys u

Student satisfaction surveys u

Hours of homework per week u

Number of students per computer u

Demographics

Number of students uuuu

Poverty (free/reduced-price lunch) uuuu

Race/ethnicity uuuu

Limited English proficiency uu

Students with disabilities uu

Title I uu

Migrant u

Gender u

uuuu = Commonly reported; u = Rarely reported

Exhibit reads: School report cards commonly report student performance on statewide tests but

rarely report the percentage of students with an “A” or “B” average.

Source: List of items from A-Plus Communications, Reporting Results, 1999. Frequency of

reported items from U.S. Department of Education, Planning and Evaluation Service reviews of

state school report cards.
Family Involvement 136

Challenges to Family-School Partnerships

Challenges to Principals, Parents, and Teachers

If family-school partnerships were easily achieved, strengthening family involvement would not be such a

major concern. Principals identify the primary barriers to strengthening parental involvement as the lack

of staff and parent time to work on family issues.31 Principals in the highest-poverty schools also identify

parents’ lack of education as a major reason for lack of parent involvement (Exhibit 7.4).

Time limitations are a serious problem for all schools, regardless of their poverty level. Teachers must

learn how to teach to the new academic standards. Although greater family involvement would ultimately

help them achieve their learning goals, finding the time to work with families is increasingly difficult.

For high-poverty schools, parents’ lack of education is the next most frequently cited barrier to family

engagement in their children’s education. Teaching parents how to help their children learn, as well as

improving family literacy, are activities that can be undertaken by Title I districts, schools, and parental

resource centers.

Exhibit reads: 81 percent of the principals in the highest-poverty schools and 88 percent of

the principals in low-poverty schools report parents’ lack of time as a major reason for lack

of parent involvement.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, Parent Involvement in Children’s Education:

Efforts by Public Elementary Schools, 1998.

Exhibit 7.4

Principals’ Views on Major Reasons for

Lack of Parent Involvement

81%

52%

44%

41%

44%

70%

48%

57%

88%

9%

14% 15%

0 %

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Parents' lack

of time

 Staff's lack 

of time

Lack of staff

training

Parents' lack

of education

Cultural

differences

Parent

attitudes

Percentage of Principals

Highest-Poverty Schools

Low-Poverty Schools

Highest-poverty schools = 76% to 100% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.

Low-poverty schools = 0 to 25% of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.
Family Involvement 137

Depending on the poverty level of the school, principals say parental involvement is the topic on which

they most need more information—32 percent in low-poverty schools and 49 percent in the highestpoverty schools. (Only 20 and 16 percent of principals in highest and low-poverty schools, respectively,

say that they are implementing parent involvement activities “to a great extent.”)32

Low-income parents also need the schools’ help to achieve a true sense of efficacy about their ability to

support their children’s learning at home. Out-of-school reading is especially critical to how well

students read in school. However, when less-educated parents read with their children, they do not use

optimal educational techniques. Often, they fail to question their children about what they have read.

Also, children are allowed to select reading material that does not appropriately challenge and advance

their reading skills. Schools can help by providing parents with training in family literacy and with

appropriate reading materials aligned with school instruction.

Teachers are also more likely to assume that low-income and less-educated parents cannot help their

children. Yet studies of school outreach consistently find that parents are much more likely to become

involved when teachers encourage and assist parents to help their children. Many parents want to do

more to help their children, and research suggests that they will if encouraged.

Other barriers to family involvement include the following:33

ß School organization and practices. As children get older, their parents are less likely to attend a

school event or volunteer at their children’s schools. High schools, with their departmental structures

and larger, more impersonal settings, may be particularly daunting to parents. Schools that rely solely

on traditional approaches to getting parents involved, such as open houses, are less likely to be

successful than schools that use a more varied set of approaches.

ß Lack of external support for family-school partnerships. There may be a lack of support from the

district or the state for partnerships. Neighborhoods may lack necessary resources such as libraries or

social services. Work schedules that do not include flex time or other accommodations will hamper

parents’ involvement with schools.

Title I provisions supporting parental involvement are designed to address and help overcome these

challenges.

Challenges Created by Legislative Overlaps

There are at least 10 other ESEA programs that authorize some sort of parent involvement. Some

programs emphasize parents’ roles in school governance and instructional decisionmaking, while others

focus more on parents’ helping their children learn at home. A few important ESEA authorities have no,

or only vestigial, parental involvement provisions. In these cases, principals may not think to include

parents in their children’s education. The current set of legislative provisions therefore is not optimal for

a unified approach to parental involvement.

The proliferation and fragmentation of legislation relating to services for parents and parental

involvement represent an overlap and eventual dilution of time and other resources. A principal of a

single school that has a number of these programs is likely not to be able to run a single, comprehensive

program to enhance parental involvement, outreach, literacy, and other services.
Family Involvement 138

What Issues Remain to Be Addressed Through Changes in Practice or

Statutory Requirements?

Include Performance Indicators for Parental Involvement in School Profile Reports

Each school should be accountable to parents for teaching children well, and parents should be

responsible for reinforcing their children’s instruction. Reporting on how well schools and parents are

fulfilling their obligations would become a visible commitment to the importance they attach to

strengthening parental involvement.

Under Title I parental involvement legislation, schools are required to issue school profiles or report

cards. These profiles could include how well the responsibilities of schools and parents, as they

themselves define them in their compacts, are being fulfilled. The parental involvement section of a

school profile could annually report on the following:

ß Parents’ satisfaction with the school. Some possible indicators of how well the schools are doing

include the percentage of parents who believe the school communicates effectively and regularly to

them about their child’s performance, the percentage of parents who believe the school is providing

academically challenging work, and the percentage of parents who feel their needs for help for their

children or for themselves are being taken into account.

ß Parents’ fulfillment of their responsibilities. In terms of parents upholding their end of the

compact, one could ascertain the percentage of parents who regularly attend parent-teacher

conferences, the percentage of parents who sign homework (or students who come to school with

homework completed), and the percentage of parents who are responsive to their children’s teacher

when the teacher asks for their help.

ß Schools could also report annually on the resources and activities they devote to support parent

involvement.

The profile reports could give each school the flexibility to adjust results to take into account the special

needs of certain parents, such as those who speak a language other than English. In such cases, however,

the school should also indicate the services it may offer to help these parents become involved in their

children’s education.

Provide a Unified Statement

As the Title I legislation on school-level parental requirements now stands, many sections are partially

overlapping and confusing. There are separate provisions for a compact, for a parental involvement

policy, and for capacity building. These provisions could be melded together, with the school-family

compact at the heart of it and policy development and capacity building supporting the compact.

In addition, parental involvement provisions should be made consistent across all ESEA program

authorities. Some 10 other programs have parental involvement provisions. For example, the program on

Education of Migratory Children requires Migrant Education programs to provide for advocacy and

outreach activities for migratory children and their families, including informing and helping such

children and families gain access to other education, health, nutrition, and social services. The Goals

2000 program authorizes funding of nonprofit organizations to provide training, information, and support

to parents of children from birth through secondary school, specifically those in low-income urban and

rural areas. Funds could be commingled so that there is one coherent approach to parental involvement.
Family Involvement 139

The underlying purpose of parental involvement, especially of the compact, is to ensure that schools and

parents work together. It should make no difference to parents whether their child is eligible for migrant

funds, Title I funds, bilingual funds, or none of the above. It is a waste of the limited amount of resources

schools have available to support parental involvement to have requirements across programs so

dispersed and disconnected.

Provide Technical Assistance and Resources for Parental Involvement with an Emphasis on

Helping Parents through Family Literacy

Principals, teachers, parent coordinators, and others who work with parents all need training and

assistance on making the parent-as-educator role most effective. Good approaches to compacts and other

types of parent-school liaisons have been identified by research. The federal parent centers, as a network,

could set up an electronic library of these useful approaches that would be available to all school

professionals and aides who work with parents. The Comprehensive Centers and other organizations

could also help parents in their efforts to support their children’s learning. This assistance can be a vital

part of the legislation, and can work to ensure that high-quality parental training is provided.

There are some new programs that support learning and involve parents in particularly critical areas of

early reading and taking challenging middle-school courses. These programs, which should also be

linked with efforts under Title I, include the following:

ß The Reading Excellence Act, which is designed to enhance reading in the early grades. This Act

stresses the importance of family literacy and represents a potentially major source of federal

resources to support literacy in the homes of Title I children.

ß The GEAR UP program, which encourages middle-school students to look toward college early, and

especially to take the math and science courses that will enable them to enter postsecondary

education. GEAR UP recognizes the important influence that all families could exert to ensure that

schools offer and their children take advantage of challenging coursework, especially in math and

science.
Family Involvement 140

 

1

 Jerome V. D’Agostino, Kenneth K.Wong, Larry V. Hedges, and Geoffrey D. Borman, The Effectiveness of Title I

Parent Programs: A Multilevel Analysis of Prospects Data. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American

Educational Research Association, San Diego, April 1998.

2

 Joyce L. Epstein, “School/Family/Community Partnerships: Caring for the Children We Share,” Phi Delta

Kappan, May, 1995.

3

 U.S. Department of Education, Strong Families, Strong Schools: Building Community Partnerships for Learning.

(Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1994).

4

 Adriana de Kanter, Alan Ginsburg, and Ann Milne, Parent Involvement Strategies: A New Emphasis on

Traditional Parent Roles (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education,1987); A. Henderson and N. Berla

(eds.), A New Generation of Evidence: The Family is Critical to Student Achievement (Washington, DC: National

Committee for Citizens in Education,1994); David Stevenson and David Baker, “The Family-School Relation and

the Child’s School Performance,” Child Development (1987).

5

 Sandra L. Hofferth, Healthy Environments, Healthy Children: Children in Families, A Report on the 1997 Panel

Study of Income Dynamics, Child Development Supplement (1998).

6 National Center for Family Literacy, private communication (1999).

7

 D. Seaman, B. Popp, and S. Darling, Follow-up Study of the Impact of the Kenan Trust Model for Family Literacy

(Louisville, KY: National Center for Family Literacy, 1991).

8

 William Philliber, Robert Spillman, and Rebecca King, “Consequences of Family Literacy for Adults and

Children: Some Preliminary Findings,” Journal of Adolescent and Adult Literacy, 39 (1996) 558-565.

9 U.S. Department of Education, Partnership for Family Involvement in Education, and GTE Foundation, The Study

of Opportunities for and Barriers to Family Involvement in Education (Washington, DC: Author, 1998).

10 Louis Harris & Associates, Inc., The Metropolitan Life Survey of the American Teacher 1998.

11 S. Dauber and J. Epstein, “Parent Attitudes and Practices of Involvement in Inner-City Elementary and Middle

Schools,” in A. T. Henderson and N. Berla (eds.), A New Generation of Evidence: The Family is Critical to Student

Achievement (Washington, DC: Center for Law and Education, 1993).

12 Oliver Moles, “Collaboration Between Schools and Disadvantaged Parents: Obstacles and Openings,” in N.

Chavkin (ed.), Families and Schools in a Pluralistic Society (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press,

1993).

13 Reality Check, Fully Annotated Survey Results, Public Agenda (1998).

14 D’Agostino et al.

15 Partnership for Family Involvement in Education.

16 Partnership for Family Involvement in Education.

17 Partnership for Family Involvement in Education.

18 Camilla Heid and Ann Webber, School-Level Implementation of Standards-Based Reform: Findings from the

Follow-up Public School Survey on Education Reform (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1999).

19 Janie Funkhouser, Elizabeth Stief, and Stacy Allen, Title I School-Parent Compacts: Supporting Partnerships to

Improve Learning (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1998).

20 D’Agostino et al.

21 K. Yap and D. Enoki, “In Search of the Elusive Magic Bullet: Parental Involvement and Student Outcomes.” The

School Community Journal, Fall/Winter 1995.

22 Kathleen Hoover-Dempsey and Howard Sandler, “Why Do Parents Become Involved in Their Children’s

Education?” Review of Educational Research, Spring 1997.

23 U.S. Department of Education, Overcoming Barriers to Family Involvement in Title I Schools (Washington, DC:

Author, 1997).

24 Brenda Turnbull, Megan Welsh, Camilla Heid, William Davis, and Alex Ratnofsky, Longitudinal Evaluation of

School Change and Performance in Title I Schools: Interim Report to Congress (Washington, DC: U.S. Department

of Education, 1999), Tables 26 and 46.

25 U.S. Department of Education, unpublished tabulations from the National Longitudinal Survey of Schools.

26 Partnership for Family Involvement in Education, GTE Foundation, and U.S. Department of Education. Family

Involvement in Education: A National Portrait (1998).

27 Jay Chambers, Joanne Lieberman, Tom Parrish, Daniel Kaleba, James Van Campen, and Stephanie Stullich, Study

of Education Resources and Federal Funding: Preliminary Report (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of

Education, 1999).

28 Chambers et al., Study of Education Resources.
Family Involvement 141

 

29 “Quality Counts 1999: Rewarding Results, Punishing Failure”, Education Week, Vol. 18, No. 17 (Jan. 11, 1999)

30 A-Plus Communications, Reporting Results (Arlington, VA: Author, 1999).

31 U.S. Department of Education. Parent Involvement in Children’s Education: Efforts by Public Elementary

Schools (Washington, DC: Author, 1998).

32 Heid and Webber, School-Level Implementation.

33 U.S. Department of Education, Overcoming Barriers to Family Involvement.
Services to Private School Students 142

KEY PROVISIONS REGARDING TITLE I SERVICES TO

PRIVATE SCHOOL STUDENTS

Targeting and Allocation of Title I Services to Private School Students

Title I, Section 1120, mandates that school districts provide Title I services to eligible private school

students who reside in participating public school attendance areas.

ß The allocation of Title I resources for these services is linked to the number of low-income students

residing in the attendance areas of participating public schools.

ß These services must be equitable with services provided to public school students.

Consultation Between Public and Private School Representatives Regarding Services

To ensure that Title I services meet the educational needs of participating private school students, the

law requires districts to consult with private school representatives in a “timely and meaningful”

fashion before making “any decisions that affect the opportunities of eligible private school children”

to participate in Title I activities and services.

Locations and Strategies for Serving Private School Students

Between 1965 and 1985, Title I instructional and support staff served eligible private school students in

private school facilities, including those operated by religious organizations. In 1985, in Aguilar v.

Felton, the Supreme Court ruled that federally funded staff working in religiously affiliated schools

constituted excessive entanglement between church and state.

ß Following the Aguilar decision, and with extensive guidance from the U.S. Department of

Education, districts adopted a range of approaches to serve eligible students who were enrolled in

religious schools. These included purchasing or leasing mobile units equipped as classrooms,

transporting religious school students to nearby public schools for instructional support, and

establishing computer laboratories in religious schools, overseen by noninstructional technicians

who were barred from providing any direct instruction.

ß Districts could cover the expenses related to compliance with Aguilar with funds taken off the top

of their Title I allocation for administrative expenses. Federal appropriations made a capital

expense fund available to states to use to reimburse districts for these capital expenditures.

ß In June 1997, in Agostini v. Felton, the Supreme Court overturned the Aguilar decision and ruled

that Title I instructional staff can provide instructional services to eligible students in religiously

affiliated schools. The ruling adds considerable flexibility to districts’ options for providing Title I

services to eligible students enrolled in private schools.
Services to Private School Students 143

TITLE I SERVICES TO STUDENTS ATTENDING

PRIVATE SCHOOLS

Key Findings

ß The total number of private school Title I participants has declined by about 6 percent since the

1994 reauthorization, from 177,000 in 1993-94 to 167,000 in 1996-97. Decreases in the number

of private school students served were reported by one-third of all districts and two-thirds of the

districts that serve the largest numbers of private school students.

ß In some cases, the decline in allocations for Title I services to private school students has been

quite large. An analysis of Title I allocations in 15 large urban districts found that in 8 of these

districts, allocations declined by 39 to 56 percent from 1994-95 to 1996-97. However, other

districts experienced increases or smaller decreases in these funds, and across all 15 districts,

funding for private school students declined by 10 percent.

ß Most Title I administrators and private school representatives agree they have established positive

working relationships in communicating about Title I services to private school students.

Despite these generally positive assessments, national survey results show significant variation in

who is actually involved in consultation and about the topics that are discussed. For example,

Title I administrators in at least 80 percent of districts say that they consulted with either a private

school principal or representative of a private school organization on most issues, but

substantially fewer private school representatives report such consultation.

ß Almost all districts that serve eligible private school students provide them with supplementary

academic instruction. A very small number provide other allowable services (for example,

counseling, health services, homework assistance, and professional development).

ß A preliminary review of the experiences of nine large urban districts indicates that they are taking

advantage of the opportunity to provide instructional services on religiously affiliated school

premises. However, Title I administrators in these districts also report that they continue to

provide at least some of the instructional services in neutral sites on or near the school grounds,

with several of the districts relying more heavily on these facilities than others.

What Did Reauthorization Seek to Accomplish?

School districts have provided Title I services to private school students since 1965, when ESEA was first

enacted. Since that time, a series of Supreme Court decisions associated with the separation of church

and state and changes in the law have greatly influenced how districts provide these services. Between

1965 and 1985, Title I instructional and support staff served eligible private school students on private

school campuses, including those operated by religious organizations.1 In 1985, in Aguilar v. Felton, the

U.S. Supreme Court ruled that federally funded staff working in religious schools represented an

excessive entanglement between church and state and therefore was not permissible. As a result, services

were provided in neutral sites, including mobile units, public schools, and computer laboratories in

private schools. A separate appropriation for capital expenses was provided to help districts comply with

the Aguilar ruling.
Services to Private School Students 144

The 1994 amendments made significant changes to the identification and targeting of private school

students and to specified consultation requirements between districts and private schools:

ß The allocation of funds for serving students is linked to the number of students from low-income

families residing in the attendance areas of participating public schools. As with students in public

schools, the number of children from low-income familiesrather than the level of educational

disadvantagegenerates Title I funds to be used for instructional support.

ß The language requiring consultation between Title I administrators and private school representatives

was strengthened. The new provision states that district Title I staff must consult in a “timely and

meaningful” fashion with private school representatives. Section 1120 also specifies the topics that

should be discussed in the consultation process, including how children’s needs will be identified,

what services will be offered, how and where services will be provided, how the services will be

assessed, how extensive the equitable services will be, and what proportion of the district’s Title I

funds will be available for these services.

In June 1997, in Agostini v. Felton, the Supreme Court reversed the earlier ruling in the Aguilar case and

determined that Title I instructional staff could provide instructional services to eligible students in

religiously affiliated schools. This ruling affords districts considerable flexibility in providing services.

Title I services may be provided inside religious school buildings or through any service delivery

locations that were previously used. This means that issues related to the use of capital expense funds and

choices about some service delivery options created in response to Aguilar should become less important.

Other factors, such as determining the number of eligible private school students, consultation, and

assessment of student learning, will continue to be important.

How Is the Program Being Implemented?

Participation of Private School Students in Title I

The total number of private school students served by Title I has declined by 6 percent since the

1994 reauthorization. Just over 167,000 private school students (1 percent of all Title I participants)

received Title I services in 1996-97, compared to 177,000 in 1993-94. About 2,000 school districts

(or about 13 percent of all districts) provide Title I services to eligible private school students.2

Some districts showed substantial fluctuations in private school student participation in Title I in

the two years immediately after the enactment of the new law. About one-third of all districts, and

57 percent of the districts that serve the largest numbers of private school students, reported decreases in

their participation in 1995-96, the first year after the implementation of the Title I amendments.

Subsequently, 48 percent of the districts that experienced the initial declines reported that the declines

continued for a second year. At the same time, 24 percent of all districts reported an increase in the

number of private school participants.3

Local allocations for services for private school students also fluctuated immediately following

enactment of the 1994 amendments. National survey data indicate that while only 30 percent of all

districts allocated less funding for private school students in 1995-96, such reductions occurred in almost

two-thirds of the districts serving the largest numbers of private school students. Overall, 43 percent of

the districts that experienced a decline in these allocations witnessed additional declines in 1996-97. In

contrast, a quarter of those districts that reported a decline in 1995-96 reported an increase in 1997-98.4
Services to Private School Students 145

In some cases, the decline in allocations for Title I services to private school students has been quite

large. For example, an analysis of Title I allocations in 15 large urban districts found that in 8 of these

districts, allocations declined by 39 to 56 percent over the two-year period from 1994-95 to 1996-97.

Allocations increased in only 3 districts, with four districts showing small decreases in funding

(21 percent or less). The 8 districts with the largest reductions tended to have relatively small allocations

for private school students prior to reauthorization, accounting for 10 percent of total allocations for

private school students in these 15 districts in 1994-95. Overall, across all 15 districts, funding for private

school students declined by 10 percent, while total Title I funding in these districts increased by

5 percent.5

Consultation between Public and Private School Representatives Regarding Services

Consultation between district Title I administrators and representatives of private school organizations is

necessary to ensure that the services are appropriate to meet student learning needs and to accurately

count the number of private school students who come from low-income families. Most Title I

administrators and private school representatives agree that they have established positive working

relationships in communicating about Title I services to private school students.6

However, despite these generally positive assessments, national survey results point to significant

differences in reports about who is actually involved in consultation and about the topics that are

discussed. Title I administrators report more consultation on a wider variety of topics than representatives

of private school organizations. Private school representatives were most likely to report less consultation

on issues related to program funding and student achievement results. For example, Title I administrators

in 72 percent of districts surveyed reported consultation on the determination of administrative costs,

capital expenses, and per-pupil allocation of resources. About a third of private school representatives

reported consultation in these areas.

7

Instructional and Support Services for Private School Students

Almost all districts that serve eligible private school students provide them with supplementary

academic instruction. A very small number of these districts provide other allowable services (e.g.,

counseling, health services, homework assistance, professional development). Districts report that the

overall configuration of services changed little between 1994-95 and 1996-97.8

Since the 1985 Aguilar decision, districts have adopted a variety of approaches to providing

supplementary instruction to private school students. Some districts have relied on Title I instructional

staff to provide services in facilities outside religiously affiliated schools. Other districts, particularly

those serving the largest numbers of private school students, have worked with private schools to

establish computer laboratories in private school buildings. In these cases, instructional services are

provided through computer-assisted instruction (CAI). Students working in computer laboratories are

supervised by noninstructional technicians, and the district relies on the computer systems to monitor and

report on their progress. These students receive little or no direct instruction from Title I instructional

staff. Some districts rely on a combination of strategies to provide supplementary instruction.

Overall, representatives of private school organizations prefer face-to-face instruction by Title I

instructional staff to computer-assisted instruction and generally report that these staff services are

of higher quality than CAI instruction.9 However, in a finding that speaks directly to the importance of

the consultation process, 73 percent of private school representatives who reported they were heavily

involved in decisions about the use of CAI said that these services were of high quality and met students’

needs. In contrast, only 11 percent of those who reported little or no involvement rated CAI services in

the same way.10
Services to Private School Students 146

Some districts provide Title I services to private school students after school or during the summer.

Overall, about 60 percent of Title I administrators in districts providing these services report that private

school students participate in them. At the same time, about 40 percent of private school representatives

say they did not know whether the districts that serve their students offered extended-time services. 11

Use of Assessments to Measure the Achievement of Private School Students Receiving

Title I Services

Districts are required to assess the progress of participating private school students in meeting challenging

standards. They use various instruments to make these assessments. About a quarter (23 percent)

reported using state assessment instruments that are linked to standards; 49 percent reported using

transitional assessment instruments, and 38 percent reported using some other kind of instrument.12

Many Title I administrators reported that they shared the results of these assessments with private school

principals, private school teachers, and parents of private school students. As was the case with other

findings about consultation and communication, private school representatives reported considerably less

sharing, and many said that they did not know whether or not the results were shared. 13

Early Impact of Agostini

Under the Supreme Court’s ruling in the Agostini decision, Title I instructional staff can again provide

supplementary instructional services in facilities operated by religiously affiliated schools. Beginning in

1997-98, school districts and private school organizations started to work together to reconfigure Title I

services to take advantage of the new options available to them.

A preliminary review of the experiences of nine large urban districts indicates that they are taking

advantage of the opportunity to provide instructional services in religiously affiliated schools.14

However, Title I administrators in these districts also report that they continue to provide at least some of

the instructional services in neutral sites on or near religious school grounds, with several of the districts

relying more heavily on these facilities than others. The most common reason for continuing this

arrangement is the lack of space in private school buildings. Seven of the nine districts reported receiving

reimbursement for capital expenses to cover the costs of providing these services.

What Issues Remain to Be Addressed through Changes in Practice or

Statutory Requirements?

The organization and administration of Title I services to private school students are in transition. The

Supreme Court’s decision in Agostini v. Felton gives districts considerable flexibility in providing these

services, particularly in terms of opportunities to provide additional face-to-face instruction by Title I

instructional staff. As these new service delivery models become available, it is possible that there will

be increased demand for services and increased participation. The transition to new service delivery

models, along with the possible increases in participation, will continue to require careful planning and

coordination between district officials and private school representatives. For this reason, the lessons

learned about the gaps in communication and information about this area of Title I are important.

Policymakers, program administrators, and leaders of private school organizations will need to work

together to explore these issues and discuss strategies for enhancing communication.
Services to Private School Students 147

With extensive input from key stakeholders, the Department issued new guidance in July 1997 to help

districts take advantage of the opportunities to improve services to private school students that are

available to them under the Agostini decision. The 1997 guidance has been widely distributed to Title I

programs, private schools, and private school organizations.

Most important, however, is the need to disseminate information and offer technical assistance on

effective strategies for consultation, counting the number of low-income private school students, using

extended time for Title I services as public schools are increasingly doing, providing effective

professional development and parental involvement opportunities, and assessing student performance.
Services to Private School Students 148

 

1

 The Department estimates that at least 95 percent of eligible private school students who receive Title I services

are enrolled in religious schools. Of this number, the vast majority are enrolled in Catholic schools.

2

 U.S. Department of Education, unpublished tabulations from the 1996-97 Title I Performance Report; Beth

Sinclair and Babette Gutmann, State Chapter 1 Participation and Achievement Information, 1993-94: Summary

Report (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1996).

3

 Michael C. Rubenstein, Keith S. Gayler, and M. Bruce Haslam, Title I Services for Private School Students under

the Reauthorization of ESEA: A Snapshot of Federal Assistance in Transition. (Washington, DC: U.S. Department

of Education, 1998), 7-8.

4 Rubenstein et al., 18-20.

5

 Stephanie Stullich, Brenda Donly, and Simeon Stolzberg, Targeting Schools: Study of Title I Allocations Within

School Districts (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1999).

6 Rubenstein et al., 8-11.

7 Rubenstein et al., 12.

8 Rubenstein et al., 27.

9 Rubenstein et al., 27-31.

10 Rubenstein et al., Exhibit 22.

11 Rubenstein et al., 34.

12 Rubenstein et al., 36.

13 Rubenstein et al., 36-38.

14 U.S. Department of Education, unpublished tabulations from a survey of 9 large urban districts regarding the

impact of the Agostini decision on the location of Title I services to private school children.
Services to Private School Students 149

 
Even Start 150

KEY PROVISIONS OF THE TITLE I, PART B, EVEN START PROGRAM

The Even Start program (Title I, Part B) provides support to states and local grantees for family literacy

programs that integrate early childhood education, adult literacy or basic education, and parenting

education for the purpose of breaking the cycle of poverty and illiteracy in low-income families.

As of the 1995-96 program year, all Even Start grantees were to have implemented the changes made to

the legislation in the 1994 reauthorization. The key requirements of the Even Start legislation are as

follows:

ß Identify, recruit, and serve families most in need of services, as determined by income level,

parents’ literacy or English proficiency skills, and other need-related indicators;

ß Screen and prepare parents to participate fully in Even Start services and activities;

ß Design services to accommodate participants’ work schedules and other responsibilities, and

schedule and locate services to allow joint participation by parents and children;

ß Offer high-quality, intensive instructional programs that promote adult literacy and empower

parents to support the educational growth of their children, and developmentally appropriate early

childhood educational services that prepare children for success in school;

ß Provide and monitor integrated instructional services to parents and children through home-based

programs;

ß Provide services for at least a three-year age range, which may begin at birth;

ß Provide services on a year-round basis, including the provision of some program services,

instructional or enrichment, during the summer months;

ß Provide special staff training, including training for child care staff, to develop the skills necessary

to work with parents and young children in the full range of Even Start instructional services;

ß Coordinate with other programs, such as those administered by ESEA, the Adult Education and

Family Literacy Act, the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, the Job Training Partnership

Act, the Head Start program, and volunteer literacy programs; and

ß Provide for an independent evaluation of the program.

Local projects are also required to build on existing services and to cooperate with the national

evaluation. Key new provisions in the 1994 legislation include allowing younger teen parents to

participate, requiring projects to serve at least a three-year age range of children, requiring year-round

services, and requiring a partnership rather than a collaboration between the applicant entities.
Even Start 151

9. TITLE I, PART B, EVEN START

FAMILY LITERACY PROGRAM

Key Findings

ß Even Start projects have successfully targeted services toward families who are most in need. The

second national evaluation found that at least 90 percent of families participating in 1996-97 had

incomes at or below the federal poverty level. Eighty-five percent of adults who enrolled in 1996-

97 had not earned a high school diploma or GED.

ß On average, Even Start projects have increased the amount of instruction they have offered in all

core service areas over time, and participation rates have improved. However, only about 25

percent of all projects meet or exceed the Department’s performance indicator for the number of

service hours offered in the three core instructional components.

ß Children and adults receiving Even Start services have consistently made gains on measures of

literacy. In 1995-96, the gap between the standard gains of Even Start children and children in the

national norms group on the Preschool Language Scale (PLS) was reduced by two-thirds. Adult

participants at the median in pretest scores gained more than one grade level in reading and nearly

one grade level in math by the posttest, as measured by the Tests of Adult Basic Education (TABE).

ß Parents also showed moderate gains on a measure of the home environment for literacy, gains not

found in a control group of parents in a study of the Comprehensive Child Development Program.

What Did Reauthorization Seek to Accomplish?

The link between the education of a child’s parents, especially that of the mother, and the child’s own

school success has long been recognized. There is also strong evidence that families provide essential

support for literacy development by providing opportunities for children to develop the language skills

that are prerequisites to greater literacy. Families can build this foundation by directly transferring

knowledge about print, by engaging in literacy practices, by ensuring that literacy activities are both fun

and meaningful, and by modeling the use of literacy in the home. Yet families differ enormously in the

extent to which they provide a supportive environment for a child’s literacy development.1 The link

between poverty and low literacy is also strong. Parents with little education or poor English skills often

cannot get jobs that will allow them to escape poverty. The children of these parents are less likely to

receive early literacy training at home or to be enrolled in a preschool program; as a result, the risk of

school failure increases.2

The underlying assumption of Even Start is that adults with low educational attainment who participate in

adult education and parenting education will develop the necessary skills to enhance their young

children’s educational outcomes as well as their own.3 Even Start was first authorized in 1988 by the

Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 (ESEA), as amended by the Elementary and Secondary

School Improvement Act.4 Subsequent amendments, including the program’s reauthorization under

Title I, have resulted in considerable improvement in the basic program design. Changes made in the

1994 reauthorization placed greater emphasis on the following:
Even Start 152

ß Targeting services to those families most in need, with special attention to teenage parents;

ß Promoting continuity and retention of grantees by requiring projects to provide services to at least a

three-year age range of children and to provide services over the summer months;

ß Focusing on family services by allowing projects to involve ineligible family members in appropriate

family literacy activities; and

ß Requiring stronger collaboration between schools and communities in the application and

implementation process.

Amendments subsequent to the 1994 reauthorization include a requirement, enacted in 1996, that

instructional services be intensive.5 Recent amendments included in the FY 1999 Appropriations Bill for

Health and Human Services, Labor, and Education address the need for local evaluations to collect data

on program effectiveness and require the Department to provide technical assistance to states and Even

Start projects to ensure that local evaluations provide accurate information on the effectiveness of local

projects. The legislation also requires states to develop results-based indicators of program quality and to

use these indicators to monitor, evaluate, and improve Even Start programs.

How Does the Program Operate?

Title I, Part B, is distinct from the support for preschool services allowed under Title I, Part A, although

each Even Start project funded must be coordinated with Title I, Part A. Title I, Part A, focuses on

enabling schools to provide opportunities for children served to acquire the knowledge and skills

contained in challenging state content and student performance results.6 However, preschool services for

children who are most at risk of failing to meet the state’s challenging performance standards are one of

many allowable district expenditures under Part A of this program. Of some 11 million students served

under Title I, Part A, about 260,000 are preschool-age children.7

Preschool programs under Title I, Part A, must comply with the Head Start Performance Standards8 or use

the family literacy model in Title I, Part B. Few recent data on program quality or performance are

available for preschool programs funded under Title I, Part A. Title I, Part B, has been studied over the

past 10 years, with results available from two completed four-year national evaluations. Thus this section

focuses on the Even Start program, including its early childhood education component.

Title I, Part B, provides for formula grants to states, which then award discretionary subgrants to eligible

entities to carry out Even Start programs. Eligible entities are partnerships composed of one or more local

educational agencies and one or more nonprofit community-based organizations, public agencies other

than a local educational agency, institutions of higher education, or other public or private, nonprofit

organizations other than a local educational agency.

The Even Start program has grown significantly since its inception and over the period of the second

national evaluation. In the 1989-90 program year, the Even Start program provided $14.8 million in

funding to 76 grantees serving more than 2,700 children and 2,900 adults.

9

 In the 1992-93 program year,

with $70 million in funding, the program converted to state administration of 340 Even Start projects

serving more than 28,000 children and 23,000 adults.10 In 1996-97, Even Start’s funding reached

$102 million, supporting 637 local projects and serving approximately 48,000 children and 36,000

adults.11
Even Start 153

How Is the Program Being Implemented?

Evaluation findings provide data on the effectiveness of selected programmatic practices, specifically that

intensity of services, service location, parent-child joint activity time, and literacy-based parenting

education are important to family outcomes.12

A substantial body of research on the effectiveness of early childhood education programs shows that

gains are enhanced by a high level of exposure to a high-quality, center-based program. Much of the

evaluation evidence regarding Even Start supports this finding: Adults and children with high

participation in Even Start's core services had larger learning gains than those with low participation. In

addition:

ß Children in projects that emphasized center-based programs had larger learning gains than children in

projects that emphasized home-based services.13

ß Families in projects that allowed large amounts of time for parent-child joint activities had better

home environments (e.g., more materials in the home, parent-child learning activities, approaches to

discipline) than families in projects that had smaller amounts of parent-child joint time.14

ß In Even Start’s early years, projects received strong messages from the federal level to focus on

literacy-based parenting education. Findings from the first national evaluation showed that there was

a positive relationship between parents’ participation in parenting education and their children’s

vocabulary test scores. The second national evaluation produced anecdotal evidence that parenting

education has become less focused on literacy. If this is the case, it may help explain the

disappearance of the relationship between amount of parenting education and child test gains in the

second national evaluation.15

In each of the three core areas that were examined in the second Even Start national evaluation (1993-94

through 1996-97), participating children and parents have made gains. However, in a small-scale

experimental study of five projects during the first national evaluation (1989-90 through 1992-93),

families in a control group achieved similar gains on most measures, suggesting that gains for Even Start

families may not be due solely to participation in the program.16 It is important to note that although

control group families were restricted from participating in Even Start, they were not restricted from

participating in any other early childhood, parenting, or adult education programs they could find on their

own. Thus control group families may have received educational services similar to those provided

through Even Start. In addition, this study was conducted during the early years of the program, and

important changes to the program have been made since the time of the study.

The second national evaluation assessed program outcomes through a sample study of Even Start projects

and did not include a control group to gauge whether or not gains were due solely to participation in Even

Start. The outcomes described below come from this sample study and are based on data from

participants who remained in Even Start long enough for at least two rounds of data collection. As a

result, the findings below cannot be generalized to the universe of Even Start participants.

The following findings are organized around key indicators identified for the program under the

Government Performance and Results Act.
Even Start 154

Outcomes for Children and Their Parents

Indicator: Children’s language development and reading readiness. By fall 2001, 60 percent of

Even Start children will achieve significant gains on measures of language development and reading

readiness.

In the area of child cognitive development, children in the national evaluation achieved gains on the

PreSchool Inventory (PSI), a test of school readiness skills, and the Preschool Language Scale (PLS), a

test of language development, that were larger than might be expected on the basis of development alone.

ß In 1994-95, 66 percent of Even Start children achieved moderate-to-large gains on the PSI.17 In

1995-96, this figure was 81 percent. In 1994-95, 44 percent of children achieved moderate-to-large

gains on the PLS. In 1995-96, this figure was 50 percent.18

ß In 1995-96, the gap between the gains in the standard scores of Even Start children and the children in

the national norms group on the PLS was reduced by two-thirds.19

Indicator: Adult literacy achievement. By fall 2001, 40 percent of Even Start adults will achieve

significant learning gains on measures of math skills, and 30 percent will achieve such gains on measures

of reading skills.

Participating parents achieved significant, moderate gains in the domain of adult literacy, as measured by

the Tests of Adult Basic Education (TABE), an assessment of achievement, and the Comprehensive Adult

Student Assessment System (CASAS), an assessment of adults’ capacity to apply basic skills to

functional situations.

ß In 1994-95, 26 percent of the adults who took the TABE math achievement test achieved a moderateto-large gain between pretest and posttest. In 1995-96, this figure was 24 percent. In TABE reading

achievement, 31 percent of adults achieved a moderate-to-large gain in 1994-95; 20 percent did so in

1995-96.20

ß Adults made gains on the CASAS comparable to those seen in the first Even Start national evaluation

and in other adult education programs.21 In 1994-95, 44 percent of adults made a moderate-to-large

gain on the CASAS math test; in 1995-96, 55 percent did so. For the CASAS reading test, the figures

are 27 percent in 1994-95 and 24 percent in 1995-96.22

ß Participants at the median in pretest scores gained more than one grade level in reading and nearly

one grade level in math by the posttest, as measured by the TABE.23

Indicator: Adult educational attainment. By fall 2001, 25 percent of adult secondary education Even

Start participants will earn their high school diploma or equivalent.

ß In 1995-96, 18 percent of all Even Start participants who received adult secondary education or GED

training earned a GED.24
Even Start 155

Indicator: Parenting skills. Increasing percentages of parents will show significant improvement on

measures of parenting skills, home environment, and expectations for their children.

Parents made significant, moderate gains on the Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment

Screening Questionnaire (HSQ), which is intended to measure the quality of cognitive stimulation and

emotional support that parents provide to their children.

ß During the second national evaluation, depending on the age of the child and the year in question,

between 36 and 54 percent of parents scored 75 percent or higher correct on the HSQ posttest.25

ß On average, parents’ posttest scores on the HSQ showed moderate gains both for parents of children

less than three years old and for parents of children between three and six years old. By comparison,

parents from a control group in a study of the Comprehensive Child Development Program did not

achieve gains on the HSQ.26

Targeting of Services

Indicator: Recruitment of most in need. The projects will continue to recruit low-income,

disadvantaged families with low literacy levels.

As is consistent with the purpose of the program to target families who are most in need, Even Start

projects have served a highly disadvantaged population:

ß More than 80 percent of families in the last two program years of the second national evaluation had

annual incomes below $15,000. Family income has been consistently low. According to a

conservative estimate, at least 90 percent of families participating in Even Start in 1996-97 had

incomes at or significantly below the federal poverty level.27

ß Forty-three percent of 1996-97 new enrollees relied on government assistance as their major source of

income. Only 26 percent of participating parents in 1996-97 were employed at the time they enrolled

in Even Start (although the data suggest that nonparticipating spouses in many two-parent families

were employed).28

ß Most participating parents lacked a high school diploma or its equivalent. Forty-five percent of 1996-

97 new enrollees had reached, at a maximum, grade 9 before enrolling in Even Start. Another

42 percent had reached grades 10-12 but had not graduated.29

ß The percentage of adult participants who have limited proficiency in English has increased over time.

Some 39 percent of parents who enrolled in 1996-97 reported speaking languages other than English

at home, up from 34 percent in 1992-93. The percentage of primarily Spanish-speaking parents rose

from 26 percent in 1992-93 to 32 percent in 1996-97. About 30 percent of all 1996-97 new enrollees

(three-fourths of those who spoke languages other than English at home) were unable to read or speak

English well or at all.30

ß Even Start is serving more teen parents, reflecting priorities in the statute. The percentage of teen

parents increased from 9 percent of Even Start parents in 1994-95 to 17 percent of new parent

enrollees in 1996-97.31
Even Start 156

The ethnic composition of Even Start participants has also shifted substantially since the program's

inception. Hispanics, 22 percent of all Even Start parents in 1992-93, now represent the largest group of

Even Start parents (39 percent). Whites are the second-largest group of Even Start parents (32 percent),

followed by African Americans (21 percent). Asians/Pacific Islanders and American Indians have

consistently represented less than 10 percent of the parent population.32

Service Intensity and Participation

Indicator: Service hours. By fall 2001, half of projects will offer at least 60 hours of adult education

per month, 20 hours of parenting education per month, and 65 hours of early childhood education per

month.

Over the years, Even Start projects have significantly increased the amount of instruction offered in all

three core components. During the second national evaluation, the amount of adult education services

offered increased by 25 to 30 percent. The amount of early childhood education offered increased by

10 percent in the same period. The amount of parenting education, while generally increasing over time,

seems to have stabilized at the level it reached in 1994-95 (around 200 hours per year).33 However, only

about 25 percent of all projects meet or exceed the Department’s performance indicator for the number of

service hours offered in the three core instructional components.

ß In 1995-96, about half of projects offered 32 hours or more of adult education per month, 13 hours or

more of parenting education per month, and 34 hours or more of early childhood education per

month.34

ß During the second national evaluation, projects offered the three core instructional services an

average of 10 months during the year. In 1996-97, the average number of hours offered was between

335 and 430 hours of adult education, depending on the educational level; 196 hours of parenting

education; and between 406 hours and 588 hours of early childhood education, depending on the age

group.35

Indicator: Participation, retention, and continuity. By fall 2001, at least 60 percent of new families will

stay in the program for more than one year.

Families’ actual participation in the services offered has varied over the years. However, there is a clear,

continuing relationship between the amount of services that projects offer and the amount of which

participants avail themselves. The average number of hours spent in adult education has been holding

steady at about 95 hours per year for several years. Participation in parenting education declined from an

average of 58 hours per year in 1992-93 to about 30 hours per year for 1994-95 through 1996-97.36

ß Of new families who entered the program in 1995-96, 41 percent stayed for more than one year.37

Almost 5 percent met family-defined goals and 6 percent moved out of the area.38

ß In 1996-97, 93 percent of families participated in all three core components of the program.39

ß Participation in early childhood education remained stable and substantial (at least 90 percent)

throughout the first eight years of Even Start. In 1996-97, 95 percent of the children enrolled in Even

Start participated in some form of early childhood education and 22 percent participated for 10 to 12

months.40
Even Start 157

What Issues Remain to Be Addressed through Changes in Practice or

Statutory Requirements?

Although Even Start participants continue to show gains, there is no clear evidence to date that these

gains can be attributed to the program. Even Start is a complicated program that builds on existing

services, and the quality of implementation varies widely. Several issues remain to be addressed through

improved program implementation and increased attention to program results.

Even Start projects’ goals and objectives should be clear, measurable, and focused on literacy. The

profound needs of families served make it difficult to keep the focus on literacy at times, but this focus is

crucial to the success of the program’s meeting its goal of breaking the cycle of poverty and illiteracy. On

the evaluation side, information about Even Start participants’ progress toward literacy skills is key at all

levels. The national evaluation could help focus projects on literacy by designating a common set of

rigorous and objective outcome measures, and giving local projects flexibility by allowing them to choose

from a set of approved measures. The Department will also be able to work with states in developing

their indicators of quality through the Statewide Family Literacy Initiative grants authorized by the

Reading Excellence Act. The Department will also provide technical assistance to states and local

projects to ensure that local evaluations accurately measure program effectiveness.

Accountability and local evaluation efforts should be strengthened. A recent review of a sample of

local Even Start evaluation reports calls into question the usefulness of these efforts to local projects. One

way to strengthen local evaluation is to reframe it as a continuous improvement effort, with projects

setting clear, concrete program outcome goals that can be used as a framework for them to identify

promising strategies for service provision and to critically examine what they do. Projects would

rigorously and objectively assess participants’ outcomes and use this information for program

improvement. States could use reliable information on project results to hold projects accountable. The

Reading Excellence Act requires states that receive Even Start funding to develop indicators of program

quality and to use them to monitor, evaluate, and improve local projects. These indicators might begin to

build an infrastructure for a continuous improvement framework.

The quality of Even Start services should be improved. The legislative framework that drives Even

Start makes ensuring quality difficult, because the requirement to build on existing services means that

Even Start is only as good as the services it brings together. In order for Even Start to be successful, local

projects must be very careful not only to collaborate as the legislation requires, but also to work to ensure

that collaborations are ones that can produce the literacy outcomes expected of Even Start. The

Department may need to provide guidance for states and local projects in determining which services

should be used to create an Even Start program. Evaluations and studies can also inform quality issues

through comparisons of program outcomes with some set of performance standards and a study of the

collaborations that Even Start projects arrange.

The intensity of Even Start services and retention must be improved. Even Start, with its ability to

serve families with children from birth through age 7, has the potential to be a multiyear program. Thus

the most important effects of Even Start may come in the long term. Furthermore, the level of services

has a direct, positive relationship on the extent to which families participate, which is in turn related to

better outcomes. Unfortunately, the intensity of Even Start services varies widely, and few projects meet

a level of intensity that might be expected to produce large literacy gains for the families who are most in

need. Projects need more clarity about what levels of service count as intensive. The Reading Excellence

Act specifies several results-based indicators of quality that states must develop and use for evaluating

local projects. The legislation could add another specific indicator for states to develop on the levels of

intensity and duration of participation that are necessary to achieve state-defined outcomes. For further
Even Start 158

guidance, the Department of Education’s program performance plan for Even Start sets target levels of

service intensity using evidence from Even Start national evaluations and the Guide to Quality for Even

Start.

Even Start families, who have such profound educational and economic needs, must have intensive,

sustained services to achieve substantial outcomes. The Department has encouraged states to provide

multiple-year services through policy and technical assistance. However, fewer than half of new families

remain in the program for more than a year (although projects report that for about 10 percent of new

families the reason for leaving the program is that they meet their goals or move within the first year).

Only when families participate over time can Even Start be expected to produce the kind of outcomes

intended. Increasing the number of services offered, and making them more flexible, are critical to

increasing the retention of families. Because many of Even Start’s potential outcomes will not occur until

long after a family’s participation in the program ends, only a study of families over an extended period

of time would provide concrete information on the long-term value of the short-term gains measured in

the national evaluation.
Even Start 159

 

1

 Catherine Snow, Intergenerational Transfer of Literacy (Washington, DC: Office of Educational Research and

Improvement, 1996).

2

 U.S. Department of Education, Achieving the Nation’s Readiness Goal: Technical Report (Washington, DC: OERI

Goal 1 Work Group, 1993).

3

 Judith Alamprese, Understanding Adult Literacy in the Context of Family Literacy (Chapel Hill: National Center

for Early Development and Learning, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1998).

4

P.L. 100-297.

5

P.L. 104-134.

6

 Section 1001(d).

7

 U.S. Department of Education, unpublished tabulations from the 1996-97 Title I State Performance Report.

8

 For more information on the Head Start Performance Standards, see U.S. Department of Health and Human

Services, “Program Performance Standards for the Operation of Head Start Programs by Grantee and Delegate

Agencies” (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, October 1997), 231-232.

9 Robert St. Pierre, Beth Gamse, Judith Alamprese, Tracy Rimdzius, and Fumiyo Tao, Even Start: Evidence from

the Past and a Look to the Future (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1998) 4.

10 St. Pierre et al., 49.

11 Fumiyo Tao, Beth Gamse, and Hope Tarr, National Evaluation of the Even Start Family Literacy Program: 1994-

1997 Final Report (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1998) 30.

12 St. Pierre et al., 26-28.

13 St.Pierre et al., 27.

14 Fumiyo Tao, Janet Swartz, Robert St.Pierre, and Hope Tarr, National Evaluation of the Even Start Family

Literacy Program: 1995 Interim Report (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, January 1997), 184-185.

15 St. Pierre et al., 27.

16 St. Pierre et al., 23.

17 A small standardized gain is generally in the range of 0.20 standard deviation units; a medium or moderate gain is

about 0.50, and a large standardized gain is in the range of 0.80 (from J. Cohen, Statistical Power Analysis for the

Social Science, 2

nd ed. (Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, 1988)).

18 U.S. Department of Education, unpublished tabulations from the National Evaluation of the Even Start Family

Literacy Program.

19 Fumiyo Tao, Sherry Khan, Beth Gamse, Robert St.Pierre, and Hope Tarr, National Evaluation of the Even Start

Family Literacy Program: 1996 Interim Report (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1998) 126.

20 U.S. Department of Education, National Evaluation of the Even Start Family Literacy Program.

21 Tao, Gamse, and Tarr, 154.

22 U.S. Department of Education, National Evaluation of the Even Start Family Literacy Program.

23 Tao, Gamse, and Tarr, 157-158.

24 U.S. Department of Education, National Evaluation of the Even Start Family Literacy Program.

25 U.S. Department of Education, National Evaluation of the Even Start Family Literacy Program.

26 Tao, Gamse, and Tarr, 148-149.

27 Tao, Gamse, and Tarr, 37. Because of ambiguity in the national evaluation (ESIS) data collection form’s use of

the terms “family” and “household,” the family income reported may underestimate the household income for some

Even Start families.

28 Tao, Gamse, and Tarr, 38-40.

29 Tao, Gamse, and Tarr, 41.

30 Tao, Gamse, and Tarr, 47-48.

31 Tao, Gamse, and Tarr, 32.

32 Tao, Gamse, and Tarr, 45.

33 St. Pierre et al., 15.

34 U.S. Department of Education, National Evaluation of the Even Start Family Literacy Program.

35 Tao, Gamse, and Tarr, 82-83.

36 Tao, Gamse, and Tarr, 106-107, 110.

37 Tao, Gamse, and Tarr, 120.

38 U.S. Department of Education, National Evaluation of the Even Start Family Literacy Program.

39 Tao, Gamse, and Tarr, 115.

40 Tao, Gamse, and Tarr, 112-113.
Even Start 160

 
Even Start 161

 
Migrant Education Program 162

KEY PROVISIONS OF THE TITLE I, PART C, MIGRANT EDUCATION

PROGRAM

The Migrant Education Program (MEP) provides formula grants to states to be used for supplemental

education and support services for the children of migrant agricultural workers and fishers. Key

provisions of the 1994 reauthorization are as follows:

ß Establish a priority for services for migratory children whose education has been interrupted

during the school year and who are failing, or at risk of failing, to meet their state’s content and

performance standards;

ß Ensure that migrant children are provided with appropriate educational services (including

support services such as health and social services) that address their special needs in a

coordinated and efficient manner;

ß Require that states transfer student records and other data to other states and schools as students

migrate;

ß Target the most recently mobile children, who experience the most disruption in schooling, by

limiting the population counted to those who have moved within the previous three years; and

ß Encourage the formation of consortia of states and other appropriate entities to reduce

administrative and other costs for state MEPs and to make more funds available for direct

services for children.
Migrant Education Program 163

10. TITLE I, PART C, MIGRANT EDUCATION PROGRAM

Key Findings

ß If all students are to meet high standards, adequate support is needed for students who are failing

to meet those standards. There is some evidence that migratory children who are failing to meet

state standards have the highest priority for instructional services. According to 80 percent of

principals of schoolwide programs, migrant students who fail to meet their state’s content and

performance standards have the highest priority for instructional services.

ß MEP summer-term and extended-time projects play an important role in the education of migrant

students. Summer projects provide continuity of instruction for migrant students, who experience

a great deal of educational disruption. Over the past decade, summer projects have grown faster

than the regular program. The number of summer participants increased 181 percent from 1984-

85 to 1996-97 (from 100,895 to 283,026), compared to a 52 percent increase (from 311,615 to

473,261) for the regular program.

ß Effective coordination at the state level will increase the efficiency and effectiveness of services

to migrant children. A primary component of effective coordination at the state level is the

consortium arrangement, which reduces administrative costs and increases information sharing

among many states. For FY1998, the Department had approved consortia arrangements

involving a total of 32 states, an increase from arrangements involving 15 states in FY 1995.

ß Inter- and intrastate coordination includes the task of transferring student information when

migrant students must change schools. The 1994 reauthorization eliminated the previous Migrant

Student Records Transfer System (MSRTS) in response to the many reports detailing a system

that was expensive but did not transfer data efficiently. Two years after the elimination of the

MSRTS, most states and school districts relied on mail, telephone, and fax to transfer records for

migrant students.

What Did Reauthorization Seek to Accomplish?

Migrant children are among the most educationally and economically disadvantaged groups in the nation.

Their movement across local and state boundaries creates a need for federal support, because no single

school districtand, in many cases, no single stateis responsible for the education of a migrant child.

Several studies have documented the detrimental effect that changing schools has on student achievement.

According to a 1994 General Accounting Office study, 41 percent of 3rd-graders who had changed

schools three or more times since first grade were low achievers in reading, compared with 26 percent of

3

rd-graders who had not moved once.1

 A similar relationship held for math (33 percent vs. 17 percent).2

The study also reported that migrant children are much more likely than other children to have changed

schools frequently: about 40 percent of migrant children have changed schools frequently, compared

with about 17 percent of all children.3

Migrant students also have a greater need for limited-English-proficient and English as a Second

Language services than other students. Approximately 83 percent of migrant students participating in the

MEP program in the 1996-97 school year were Hispanic.4 A study of Title I schoolwide schools that

serve migrant students showed that more than half of the migrant students had limited English

proficiency, compared with about one-quarter of non-migrant students.5
Migrant Education Program 164

The 1994 reauthorization focused on helping migrant children meet the same high standards expected of

all children by supporting services that address their special needs and sustain and accelerate their

progress in school. It sought to improve instructional continuity through better coordination among states

and districts serving migrant children. The Migrant Student Records Transfer System was eliminated,

and states were required to develop their own methods of transferring student records. The reauthorized

law also sought to target the neediest students for support services by defining currently migratory

students as those who have moved within the past three years, as opposed to six years in the previous

statute.

How Does the Program Operate?

Migrant Education Program funds are allocated through a statutory formula based on each state’s

per-pupil expenditure for education and counts of migratory children, ages 3 through 21, residing within

the state. In 1996-97, states reported 473,261 MEP participants in the regular term and 283,026 in the

summer term.6 California identified the largest number of migratory students (208,739) in the 1996-97

school year.7 Texas identified the second largest number of students (115,043), and five other

statesFlorida, Washington, Oregon, Kansas, and Kentuckyeach reported more than 20,000 students

eligible for funding.8

How Is the Program Being Implemented?

Evaluation findings show that the MEP is making progress in implementing the provisions of the 1994

statute. Information from program evaluations, the State Performance Report, and grant applications

show that the MEP is working to help migrant students meet challenging standards by targeting students

with the greatest need, meeting the special needs of migrant students in a coordinated manner and

coordinating information within and among states. However, the Department does not yet have the

achievement data needed to determine whether migrant students are improving their academic

performance.

The following findings are organized around performance indicators identified for the program under the

Government Performance and Results Act.

Priority for Students at Risk of Failing to Meet Standards

Indicator: Migrant Students Participation in State Assessments. The number of states that include

migrant students in state assessments linked to high standards will increase, reaching 52 in 2001.

The heart of the 1994 statutethat all students should be expected to meet high standardsdepends on

adequate support for students who are failing to meet those standards. There is some evidence from

schoolwide program schools that migratory children who are failing to meet state standards do have the

highest priority for instructional services. It is possible, however, that because all students who are

failing to meet state standards have the highest priority to receive support services, schools are assuming

that migrant students are included in this group. In addition, most schools do not yet disaggregate their

assessments by migrant status and therefore do not report on the performance of migrant students. In

1996-97, only 15 states included migrant students in their state assessment reports.9 It is also unclear

whether most migrant students are participating in state assessments, and if they are, whether their test
Migrant Education Program 165

scores are being reported within the aggregate scores. In a recent survey of state coordinators, only

15 states responded that many or almost all of migrant students are assessed.10

With these caveats in mind, there is some indication that schools are paying particular attention to migrant

students who fail to meet state standards. When asked what types of migrant children or youth have the

highest priority for instructional services, the majority of principals of schoolwide program schools

(80 percent) reported that migrant children or youth failing to meet their state’s content and performance

standards had the highest priority for instructional services.11 Migrant children or youth who enrolled

after the start of the year (reported by 42 percent) had the second highest priority to receive instructional

services.12 These same two groups of students also had the highest priority for support services.13

Appropriate and Coordinated Services

The appropriate use of MEP funds and the coordination of services are necessary preconditions for

effective programs. The study of migrant students in schoolwide programs indicated that funds are used

to serve migrant students appropriately. First, those schools that specifically targeted instructional

services to meet their migrant students’ special learning needs were the schools with the greatest

proportion of migrant students.14 Second, schools that reported having MEP funds available were more

likely to offer extended-day or year-round programs, and schools that were more likely to provide these

programs just for migrant students included those with MEP funds available, larger numbers of migrant

students, or high proportions of migrants among their LEP students.15 Third, support services intended

specifically for migrants were more likely to be found in schools with more migrants, transient migrants,

more MEP dollars, and the involvement of migrant parents or staff in schoolwide planning.16

There is some evidence that schools that serve migrant students are addressing the issue of

coordination. A central function of the Migrant Education Program is to reduce the negative effects of

educational disruptions on the instructional opportunities and academic achievement of migrant students.

Through inter- and intrastate coordination, school districts with the help of state education agencies are

using MEP funds to help design, implement, or support innovative mechanisms to improve the continuity

of instruction for migrant students.

Indicator: Schoolwide programs. Migrant programs will demonstrate increasing levels of

collaboration as demonstrated by the number of schoolwide programs operated.

The increased prevalence of schoolwide programs that serve migrant students is one indicator of greater

program coordination. Schoolwide migrant programs increased from 1,541 in the 1995-9617 school year

to 2,626 in 1996-97.18 The boxes that follow provide further examples of effective coordination of

services.
Migrant Education Program 166

Texas Migrant Interstate Program19

Texas shares the responsibility of educating migrant students with 44 other states in the nation. The need

to efficiently share information with schools and school districts in those receiving states has led to

several innovations. The Texas Migrant Interstate Program (TMIP) located in Pharr, Texas, provides

services to improve the coordination of educational services for secondary-level migrant children. Since

its inception in 1980, the goal of TMIP’s efforts has been to increase the graduation rate of the migrant

student population.

TMIP staff provides information to educators and counselors in receiving states on what students

attending Texas schools need for coursework, grade promotion, and graduation. Staff members also

provide advice to educators and school guidance counselors to help individual students accumulate and

transfer course credits for grade promotion or graduation.

Technology is an invaluable tool for coordination among schools and states and for connecting students to

continuous educational resources. Several projects across the country have received federal grants to use

technology to improve educational access and continuity for migrant students and to transfer student

records and information—Project Estrella is one of them.

Project Estrella20

Project Estrella uses technology to help high school students accrue credits toward graduation, obtain guidance

and instructional support, and develop academic skills. Participants in Project Estrella receive laptop computers

to enable them to keep up with their studies. Students use the computers to complete coursework and prepare for

the Texas Assessment of Academic Skills (TAAS). Family members can use the computers for their own studies.

Estrella students agree to work on on-line courses and spend time with their mentors for 10 hours a week. All

students are connected to the Interstate Student Coordinator through e-mail, and each student has his or her own

cyber-mentor.

Coordinating educational services also means ensuring that they form a seamless web. This has led to the

development of extended-time, alternative, and summer-term programs for migrant students.
Migrant Education Program 167

Indicator: Summer-term projects. An increasing number of migrant children will be served by summer

and intersession programs.

Portable Assisted Study Sequence Program

(PASS)21

The PASS program is a correspondence program that

has been operating in several states for over a decade. It

enables high school students to take courses from remote

locations that meet high school graduation requirements.

Students work with mentors who issue portable learning

packets, provide tutoring and instruction, and administer

tests. Students who participate in PASS programs work

independently and tailor their studies to their own

schedules.

Summer Migrants Access Resources through

Technology (Project SMART)22

Project SMART takes the classroom to migrant students

via distance learning for eight weeks during the summer.

In the summer of 1998, 19 states participated in Project

SMART, in programs involving more than 22,000

migrant students. Project SMART is also experimenting

with supplying students with laptop computers equipped

with modems so that students can transfer lessons to

teachers in Texas for instruction and feedback.

Texas also offers an algebra distance learning project in

which classes are broadcast twice a week and each

student is provided with a laptop computer, modem,

graphing calculator, and Internet access. During the

broadcasts, students receive direct instruction, guided

practice, and homework assignments. In the 1996

school year, Project SMART students successfully

completed 222,266 lessons, about 88 percent of those

attempted.

ß MEP summer-term and extended-time projects play an important role in the education of migrant

students. Summer projects provide continuity of instruction for migrant students, who experience a

great deal of educational disruption. Over the last decade, summer projects have grown faster than

the regular program, and they now serve 60 percent of the number of students served during the

regular term.23 The number of summer participants increased 181 percent from 1984-85 to 1996-97

(from 100,895 to 283,026), compared to a 52 percent increase (from 311,615 to 473,261) for the

regular program. 24

Like summer-term projects, extended-time programs provide additional learning time that migrant

students may need to make up for prior educational disruption. They also build upon and reinforce the

curricula that migrant students are learning during the school day. Extended-time programs grew from

1,783 projects during the 1995-9625 school year to 2,082 projects in 1996-97.26

Targeting the Neediest Children

The change in the targeting provisionto focus services on students who have moved within the past

three yearsis intended to ensure that MEP programs serve the neediest students. The number of

migrant students served by the program has declined since reauthorization, yet funding has remained flat.

Therefore, it appears that the change in eligibility has encouraged programs to concentrate services on the

children who need them the most. Between 1994-95 and 1996-97, participants in the program declined

by 15 percent.27
Migrant Education Program 168

State Coordination

Indicator: State Consortia. An increasing number of students will be served by consortia states.

Effective coordination at the state level will increase the efficiency and effectiveness of the services

provided to migrant children. A primary component of effective coordination at the state level is the

consortium arrangement, which reduces administrative costs and increases information sharing among

many states. For FY 1998, the Department approved consortia arrangements involving a total of

32 states, an increase from arrangements involving 15 states in FY 1995.28 The incentive grant awards

range in size from $28,099 to $84,298. Each consortium has its own mission and goals. Several of the

consortia were formed to facilitate the transfer of records. Other consortia share resource materials,

model practices in educating migrant students, and provide greater access to technology to improve the

education of migrant students.

The Consortium Arrangement to Facilitate Migrant Student Achievement (CAFMSA)29 is one example.

The Consortium Arrangement to Facilitate Migrant Student Achievement (CAFMSA)

CAFMSA will develop and share a procedure among its partner states that will quickly assess the

specific academic needs of migrating children in core curriculum areas for grades 9-12. This procedure

will enable educators in the partner states to provide migrant students with appropriate classroom

intervention and improve student achievement. The seven states participating in this consortium are

Colorado (the lead state), Maine, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Mexico, North Dakota, and Utah.

These states estimate that the consortium will permit approximately $280,000 of MEP basic grant

funds to be redirected from program administration into direct services for migrant children.

Transfer of Student Information

Inter- and intrastate coordination includes the task of transferring student information when migrant

students must change schools. Since the program’s inception in 1966, the law has required states to

implement procedures for the timely transfer of migrant students’ education records as the students move

from one school to another.30 For 20 years, states fulfilled their obligation by participating in the Migrant

Student Records Transfer System (MSRTS). Congress eliminated the MSRTS in the 1994

reauthorization in response to the many reports detailing a system that was expensive but did not transfer

data efficiently.

Two years after the elimination of the MSRTS, most states and school districts relied on mail, telephone,

and fax to transfer records for migrant students. However, it is encouraging that about 27 states have

some type of electronic system in place, although many of these systems are used for maintaining, rather

than transferring, student records.
Migrant Education Program 169

Exhibit 10.1

Methods used to Transfer Migrant Student Records

Between States and School Districts in 1996-97

Method of Transfer Between States Between Districts

Mail 18 states 17 states

Phone or fax 16 states 14 states

Electronic transmission 7 states 7 states

NCS 6 states 5 states

Red Bag 5 states 5 states

State systems n/a 5 states

MIS 2000 4 states 3 states

Migrant Student Network

Service

3 states 3 states

Hard copy 8 states n/a

New generation 7 states n/a

Exhibit reads: Most states transfer records for migrant students to other states by mail

(18 states) and telephone or fax (16 states). These are also the most prevalent methods

for transferring student records to other districts within the same state.

Source: Anderson and Turnbull, unpublished tabulations from Living in Interesting Times:

Early State Implementation of New Federal Education Laws.

It is not clear whether these methods are effective, although when asked an open-ended question about

problems in implementing the MEP since reauthorization, seven state directors of MEP programs cited

the lack of a national records transfer system as a major hindrance to implementation.31 The Office of

Migrant Education has helped state MEP directors develop effective methods of transferring records by

(1) pilot-testing electronic records exchange, (2) providing one-time grants in FY 1995 to all states for

records transfer, and (3) developing information on how different electronic systems can connect.

What Issues Remain to Be Addressed through Changes in Practice or

Statutory Requirements?

Expansion of Summer Projects

Despite the expansion of summer projects and their perceived value to migrant students, the bulk of MEP

funds continue to be spent during the regular term. Summer projects are concentrated, intensive learning

experiences for students. Because these projects are academic programs tailored to students’ needs and

coordinated with the students’ instructional program during the year, they may have a greater effect than

other services that are provided in isolation. To increase the overall effect of the MEP program, it may

make sense to increase the statutory emphasis on summer programs or provide separate funding for these

programs.
Migrant Education Program 170

Records Transfer

It is likely that more efficient methods of transferring information could be developed than mail, phone,

and fax, on which many states now rely. Moreover, in a recent meeting of state coordinators, there

appeared to be a consensus that greater federal leadership is needed in this area because states lack

adequate systems for transferring records. Federal guidance, oversight, and technical assistance to states

in developing systems for records transfer could be expanded.

Additionally, there could be more specific federal requirements for states to follow in developing records

transfer systems, and model systems could be developed. This guidance could ensure uniformity in state

systems and in the information stored in those systems. At present no consensus exists on what

information should be included on a record, and therefore the states do not necessarily collect the

information that other states need.

A third possibility is the creation of a new federally funded migrant records transfer system, to be

developed in consultation with the states. This system should have the capacity to be updated and

adapted as technology advances. The old system was unsuccessful because it was outmoded and no

longer useful to states.

Effective Targeting

Because not all migrant students are as transitory as others, it is clear that targeting provisions could be

strengthened to encourage states to recruit and serve the neediest migrant studentsthose who are the

most mobile and those who have moved most recently. The current targeting provisions address those

who have moved the most recently but not those who are the most mobile. A priority for services could

be established for students who move more than once during a school year.

Standards and Participation in State Assessments

Because states are not required to disaggregate their state assessment data by migrant status until 2001,

most states have not yet done so. Without disaggregated data, states are not able to report performance

levels for migrant students as a group, and do not know whether migrant students are participating in state

assessments or meeting state standards. In addition to disaggregating assessment data by migrant status,

states could be required to report on the participation of migrant students in state assessments and on

barriers to their participation. This reporting requirement would give states and the federal government

more accurate information on the participation of migrant students in state assessments and allow

baselines and targets for migrant student participation to be set. It would also help the federal government

identify barriers that hinder migrant students’ participation in assessments, including language and

mobility, or other factors.
Migrant Education Program 171

 

1

 U.S. General Accounting Office, Elementary School Children: Many Change Schools Frequently, Harming Their

Education (Washington, DC: Author, 1994) 6.

2 U.S. General Accounting Office 6.

3 U.S. General Accounting Office 5.

4

 Allison Henderson, Julie Daft, and Pauline Fong, State Title I Migrant Participation Information: 1996-97

(Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1998) 1-4.

5

 William Strang and Adrienne von Glatz, Meeting the Needs of Migrant Students in Schoolwide Programs:

Summary (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1999) 7.

6

 Henderson et al., State Title I Migrant Participation Information: 1996-97 1-3.

7

 Henderson et al., State Title I Migrant Participation Information: 1996-97 1-2, 1-3.

8

 Henderson et al., State Title I Migrant Participation Information: 1996-97 1-3.

9

 Rolf Blank, Jennifer Manise, Barbara Braithwaite, and Doreen Langesen, State Education Indicators with a Focus

on Title I: 1998 (Washington, DC: Council of Chief State School Officers, 1999) 118-119.

10 U.S. Department of Education, unpublished tabulations from the Follow-up Survey of State Implementation.

11 Strang and von Glatz 16.

12 Strang and von Glatz 16.

13 Strang and von Glatz 16.

14 Amy Siler, Simeon Stolzberg, Adrienne von Glatz, and William Strang, Meeting the Needs of Migrant Students in

Schoolwide Programs: Technical Report of the Congressionally Mandated Study of Migrant Student Participation

in Schoolwide Programs (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1999) 38.

15 Siler et al. 52.

16 Siler et al. 42-43.

17 Allison Henderson, Julie Daft, and Pauline Fong, State Title I Migrant Participation Information: 1995-1996

(Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1998) 2-3.

18 U.S. Department of Education, State Title I Migrant Participation Information: 1996-97 1-48.

19 Alexander Goniprow, Nicholas Fitzgerald, and Gary Hargett, Internal Report to the U.S. Office of Migrant

Education: Findings Based on Preliminary Data Collection Activities of the Migrant Education Program Trading

Partner Study (Washington, DC: George Washington University, Center for Equity & Excellence in Education, Feb.

1999) 2.

20 Office of Migrant Education, Linking Learning, Migrant Education Technology Projects (Washington, DC: U.S.

Department of Education, 1998).

21 Goniprow et al. 6.

22 Goniprow et al. 6-7.

23 Henderson et al., State Title I Migrant Participation Information: 1996-97 1-3.

24 Henderson et al., State Title I Migrant Participation Information: 1996-97 1-20.

25 Henderson et al., State Title I Migrant Participation Information: 1995-96 2-2.

26 Henderson et al., State Title I Migrant Participation Information: 1996-97 1-49.

27 Henderson et al., State Title I Migrant Participation Information: 1996-97 1-20.

28 From Memorandum to State Directors of Migrant Education on Consortium Incentive Grant Awards, 1995-1999

(Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, Aug. 3, 1998).

29 Memorandum on Consortium Incentive Grant Awards, 1995 to 1999.

30 Improving America’s Schools Act 1994, P.L. 103-382 Section 1304 (b)(3).

31 Leslie Anderson and Brenda Turnbull, unpublished tabulations from Living in Interesting Times: Early State

Implementation of New Federal Education Laws.
Conclusions and Future Directions 172

KEY PROVISIONS OF TITLE I, PART D, PROGRAMS FOR CHILDREN

AND YOUTH WHO ARE NEGLECTED, DELINQUENT,

OR AT RISK OF DROPPING OUT

The 1994 ESEA reauthorization made several major changes to the Title I, Part D program to

strengthen the quality of academic instruction supported by this program and to improve coordination

among programs serving neglected or delinquent students. Key provisions in the 1994

reauthorization are as follows:

ß Increase the minimum number of instructional hours that institutions must provide to be eligible

for the program. Adult correctional facilities now must provide 15 hours of instruction per week,

and an institution or community day program for neglected or delinquent (N or D) children must

provide 20 hours per week. Previously, Chapter 1 required institutions to provide only 10 hours

of instruction per week.

ß Emphasize challenging standards for all students. Part D services are designed with the

expectation that children and youth who are neglected, delinquent, or at risk of dropping out of

school will meet the same challenging academic and content standards expected of all children.

ß Allow State N or D institutions for juveniles to operate institutionwide programs, modeled after

Title I schoolwide programs. Institutions may use Title I funds in combination with other federal

and state education funds, and are encouraged to increase coordination and collaboration among

programs serving N or D students.

ß Require state education agencies (SEAs) to reserve funds for transition services for N or D youth

after their release from an institution or program.

ß Create the Subpart 2 program to serve children and youth who are in locally operated correctional

facilities (including institutions for delinquent children) and noninstitutionalized at-risk children

and youth.

ß Require SEAs (and school districts, in the case of Subpart 2 programs) to assess the effect of their

programs on participants using multiple and appropriate evaluation measures.
Conclusions and Future Directions 173

11. TITLE I, PART D, PREVENTION AND INTERVENTION

PROGRAMS FOR CHILDREN AND YOUTH WHO ARE

NEGLECTED, DELINQUENT, OR AT RISK

OF DROPPING OUT

Key Findings

ß States are experiencing an increase in flexibility and coordination. The percentage of state

education administrators who reported that the reauthorized legislation gave them considerably or

somewhat more administrative flexibility in implementing the N or D program rose from

40 percent in 1996-97 to 57 percent in 1998.

ß States are building the capacity of N or D programs to implement high standards by supporting

technical assistance and professional development. Over half (58 percent) of state administrators

reported that Part D funds supported technical assistance on content or performance standards in

1996-97.

ß Establishing institutionwide programs is an important strategy to ensure that students’ needs are

being met in a coherent and coordinated manner. Although states are expanding the capacity of

their facilities to implement institutionwide programs, few facilities have implemented them.

More than half of the states provided technical assistance on whole school improvement, yet only

9 percent of N or D facilities are institutionwide programs.

ß States and institutions need to work on collecting appropriate data and using it to inform program

improvement. Institutions are generally unable to collect comprehensive data on students’

educational experiences and their transition to further education or employment.

What Did Reauthorization Seek to Accomplish?

The educationally disadvantaged population eligible to be served by Part D has been growing over the

past decade. In particular, the number of juvenile arrests for violent crimes is increasing; despite declines

in 1995 and 1996, arrests in 1996 were 60 percent above the 1987 level.1 In addition, the average length

of stay in a correctional facility for Title I N or D participants increased from 8 months to over 13 months

during the 1980s,2 further increasing the number eligible to be served by this program. According to the

most recent evaluation of the Subpart 1, State Agency N or D program, conducted in 1991, these youth

are on average three years behind their peers in grade level, and 42 percent have dropped out of school

(compared with a national dropout rate of 9 percent among 14- to 21-year-olds for that year).3 For many

of these youth, education in a correctional facility will be their last experience with formal education.4

The most recent evaluation, conducted before reauthorization, revealed that the program had some shortterm successes but was less successful in bringing about long-term change.5

 That evaluation showed that

few (15 percent) of Chapter 1 N or D participants complete high school or receive their GED while

institutionalized.6 While all youth under the age of 16 returned to school after release, only two-thirds of

16- and 17-year-olds enrolled in school and one-third of the enrolled 16- and 17-year-olds dropped out
Conclusions and Future Directions 174

within 10 months. Furthermore, only one-quarter of 18- or 19-year-old Chapter 1 participants enrolled in

school after release.7 Most participants found jobs after being released, but the jobs were typically lowpaying, and about two-thirds of employed youth had gone through more than one job.8

 In addition to

having inadequate education and employment after release, within 5 months after their release, 16 percent

of program participants had had some trouble with the law, and five months later another 27 percent of

those remaining in the community had problems with the law.9

Poor-quality educational programs may have contributed to participants’ difficulties after leaving

institutions. Education programs often conflicted with other institutional objectives that received greater

priority,10 and the instruction that was provided tended to rely on out-of-date materials and outmoded

instructional strategies that taught isolated, lower-order skills.11 To improve the quality of instruction

received by incarcerated youth, the reauthorized statute increased instructional time for students in state

agency and locally operated programs and emphasized holding students to high academic standards.

Greater coordination among agencies serving neglected or delinquent students was encouraged to

improve the quality and coherence of services provided; coordination could be facilitated through the

implementation of institutionwide programs. In addition, the 1994 statute required that programs provide

transition services to facilitate students’ postrelease education or employment and to reduce recidivism.

How Does the Program Operate?

Title I, Part D, as amended, provides support to states, local agencies, and schools for supplemental

programs that meet the special education needs of children and youth in institutions for neglected,

delinquent, or at-risk children. It comprises two programs:

ß The State Agency Neglected or Delinquent program (Subpart 1) provides federal financial assistance

to states that operate educational programs for children and youth in institutions or community day

programs for N or D children and for youth in adult correctional facilities. The Department allocates

funds to state education agencies (SEAs) through a formula based on the number of children and

youth enrolled in a regular program of instruction at state-operated facilities and community day

programs. SEAs in turn suballocate Subpart 1 funds to state agencies that operate education

programs. Congress appropriated $39 million for this program in FY 1998.

ß The Subpart 2 program provides assistance to school districts to serve (1) children and youth in

locally operated correctional facilities, including institutions for delinquent children, and (2) noninstitutionalized at-risk children and youth. The Department of Education determines how much

Part D, Subpart 2 funding is apportioned for each state when it calculates annual Title I, Part A

allocations. The formula is based on October caseload data on the number of children and youth

living in local institutions for delinquent children and local adult correctional institutions. SEAs

award Subpart 2 funds to school districts with high numbers or percentages of youth residing in

correctional facilities. This program was funded at $49 million in FY 1998.

Overall, a total of 4,059 institutions participated in the Title I State Agency N or D Program in school

year 1996-97.12 Of this total, 376 (9 percent) operated institutionwide programs, in which state and

federal funds are combined to reform the entire educational program in an institution. The State Agency

N or D program served 88,512 children in institutions for neglected children, 98,767 in institutions for

delinquent children, and 24,159 in adult correctional facilities. The Local Agency N or D program served

70,428 students.13
Conclusions and Future Directions 175

How Is the Program Being Implemented?

Although there has been no evaluation of the effectiveness of the Part D, Subpart 2 program, the program

has proven to be difficult to administer and confusing to the states. In addition, there are indications that

the funding mechanism for the program is not operating effectively. Title I, Part A counts of children and

youth living in locally operated correction facilities and institutions for delinquent children generate

money for school districts to fund dropout prevention programs, which serve youth at educational risk.

At-risk youth include school-age youth who are at risk of academic failure, have drug or alcohol abuse

problems, are pregnant or are parents, have previously come into contact with the juvenile justice system,

are at least one year behind the expected grade level for their age, are migrant or immigrant, have limited

English proficiency, are gang members, have previously dropped out of school, or have high absentee

rates at school.

School districts receiving Subpart 2 funds generally must use them to operate (1) programs for

noninstitutionalized, at-risk children and youth and (2) programs for children and youth in locally

operated correctional facilities and institutions for delinquent children that have established formal

agreements with the school district regarding the services to be provided. This situation acts as a

disincentive for local institutions to submit October case load counts to SEAs as part of the Department of

Education’s annual N or D survey because there is no guarantee that these institutions will receive any

services from the funds their children generate. In addition, requiring that districts split their Subpart 2

funds between serving delinquent children in institutionalized settings and at-risk children in districtbased programs tends to spread limited funding thinly and makes it difficult for districts to operate viable

programs of sufficient size, scope, and quality for either group of students.

At the state level, a study of state implementation of ESEA programs surveyed state education

administrators, and found that there has been movement toward meeting the key provisions that relate to

state-level administration in the 1994 statute.14 This progress may be the result of the compatibility of the

Improving America’s Schools Act (IASA) with state reform efforts. When asked how federal legislation

fits with state reform goals, 21 state education administrators said that there was no mismatch between the

new legislation and their states’ policies.15 Several administrators said that IASA goals ran parallel to

their state’s reform movement.16 Although there has been progress in implementing state-level

provisions, there are no recent evaluations that assess the efficacy of services at the facility level. It is

difficult to conduct evaluations of programs serving students in correctional institutions because of the

inadequacy of data collection on these students; few institutions collect data on the educational histories,

needs, experiences, and postrelease outcomes of incarcerated youth.17

The following findings pertain to the Subpart 1 program.

Administrative Flexibility and Coordination

States are experiencing an increase in flexibility and coordination. In the 1996-97 school year, only about

40 percent of state education administrators reported that the reauthorized legislation gave them

considerably or somewhat more administrative flexibility in implementing the N or D program.18 This

proportion increased to 57 percent in 1998.19 More administrators also reported that consolidating

administrative funds affects the way they do their job, although less than half of administrators reported

that their N or D program is part of the state’s consolidation of administrative funds. 20
Conclusions and Future Directions 176

In addition, the vast majority of state N or D administrators reported conducting administrative or

operational activities in coordination with other federally funded education programs. These activities

included monitoring local projects, holding local application/planning workshops, providing technical

assistance to districts and schools, and deciding how to allocate program resources to districts and

schools.21 In response to an open-ended question on overall successes since the 1994 reauthorization,

10 administrators cited increased coordination and collaboration across programs and among schools

districts serving N or D students. Program administrators reported working with other programs that now

serve their students, and including sections on communication with local juvenile centers in school

plans.22

Support for Challenging Standards

States are building the capacity of N or D programs to implement high standards for all students, but these

programs need further assistance in implementing them. States are providing professional development

and technical assistance to help facilities implement challenging standards. Approximately 58 percent of

state education administrators reported that Part D funds supported technical assistance on content or

performance standards in 1996-97.23 In addition, more than half of state administrators reported that they

encouraged subgrantees to focus their professional development on content or performance standards,

student assessment, and meeting the needs of special populations in 1996-97.24

States support the provisions of the legislation that emphasize high standards. When asked which

provisions of the legislation were the most helpful in meeting their program’s goals or improving student

achievement, administrators from eight states stated that the provisions relating to high standards had

helped to raise expectations for N or D students.25 However, when asked in what areas they thought their

state had the furthest to go in meeting its own reform goals, seven state N or D administrators cited

developing and implementing assessments and helping all students to meet high standards.26

Institutionwide Programs

Indicator: Institutionwide programs. An increased number of institutions will operate

institutionwide programs that improve curriculum and instruction throughout the institution.

Establishing institutionwide programs is an important strategy to ensure that students’ needs are being

met in a coherent and coordinated manner. Although states are building facilities’ capacity to implement

institutionwide programs, few facilities have yet implemented them. More than half of the states

provided technical assistance on whole school improvement,27 yet only 9 percent of N or D facilities are

institutionwide programs.28

Evaluation and Use of Data

State education administrators appear to be using data to meet various reporting requirements but not to

improve the quality of N or D programs or to identify programs that need extra resources. Administrators

reported that the most common types of data they required local districts, schools, and subgrantees to

collect were performance results from the state assessment, followed by performance results from other

tests, dropout rates, and absentee rates.29 Few state administrators reported that they required local

districts, schools, or subgrantees to collect information on grades, extracurricular activities, or classroom

work and performance.30 Therefore, it appears that states do not have comprehensive information on

students’ academic and vocational progress—key indicators of program success.
Conclusions and Future Directions 177

The most common use of student performance data was to report to the federal government, followed by

reporting to local school districts, schools, and subgrantees and reporting to managers within state

agencies.31 Approximately half of state education administrators who responded (a third of all

administrators) use student performance data to identify schools and districts that need help.32

Approximately a third of administrators who responded (less than a quarter of all administrators),

reported that they used student data to identify program services that need to be extended or reduced or to

assess the progress of underserved ethnic or demographic groups.33

In addition, a recent study assessed the quality and availability of data on the education of incarcerated

youth.34 The study found that although most of the pilot states involved in the study were able to provide

reliable information on students’ educational experiences while in custody, only one state was able to

collect adequate data on students’ postrelease education and employment. These findings were confirmed

by a recent preliminary analysis of 14 state Title I, Part D evaluations.35 States did not collect sufficient

or consistent data on outcomes to support an analysis of program effectiveness. Most states collected data

on academic outcomes, but only 3 out of 14 provided data on transition services, and only 4 out of 14

collected data on postrelease outcomes such as school reenrollment and postrelease employment.36 Many

states indicated that there are significant barriers to the collection of postrelease data, including

confidentiality issues and poor relationships with parole agencies.37

Program Outcomes

Indicator: Progress and Achievement. An increased number of states will show that N or D students

are improving their academic or vocational skills, and educational attainment.

The critical question to be asked in evaluating how the law is being implemented is whether the program

has been effective. Are the new provisions improving the quality of the program, and is there evidence

that this improvement is having a positive effect on students? Although little data are available on overall

program outcomes for N or D students, some states have demonstrated success in particular outcome

areas.
Conclusions and Future Directions 178

Iowa38

In one institution, 97 percent of 97 Title I

students improved at least one grade level

after three months of targeted-assistance

programming. In another institution, 61

percent of the 23 students obtained a GED,

with standardized test scores also showing

improvement. The remaining facilities’

data had methodological flaws that

prevented accurate interpretation.

California39

Students enrolled in the California Youth

Authority’s 14 targeted-assistance

programs showed overall improvements of

between 1.4 months and 4.5 months in

grade equivalency scores for every month

of Title I instruction provided. These data

are based on pre- and posttest scores for

488 reading students, 520 math students,

and 406 language students in 1996-1997.

What Issues Remain to Be Addressed through Changes in Practice or

Statutory Requirements?

Subpart 2 Program

The current allocation mechanism for the Subpart 2 program is confusing because students in institutions

generate funds that are not necessarily used for their benefit. This situation could be improved by

requiring school districts receiving Title I, Part A funds for children and youth in locally operated

correctional facilities and delinquent institutions to reserve these funds to provide services for these

children that are comparable to those received by other Title I students in the district. In addition, Title I,

Part A funds could be increased and states could be required to use Title I, Part A to support dropout

prevention programs and programs for at-risk youth.

This requirement would be identical to the current requirement that districts reserve Title I, Part A funds

for children in institutions for neglected children; it also is similar to the way that districts reserved funds

for delinquent children and youth under Chapter 1. This change would (1) guarantee that Title I funds

generated by children and youth in local correctional facilities and institutions for delinquent children

would support services for children in those facilities and (2) eliminate the confusing aspects of the

current law.

Guidance and Technical Assistance

Findings pertaining to the state agency program suggest that administrators are making progress in

implementing the key, state-level provisions in the 1994 statute, but that there is a need for greater

technical assistance and dissemination of information about these provisions and the ways in which they

are beneficial to N or D facilities. Guidance could illustrate how consolidating administrative funds could

be useful to program administrators, how administrators can replicate the experience of programs that

have increased collaboration and coordination across programs serving N or D students, and how

institutionwide programs benefit N or D students.
Conclusions and Future Directions 179

Evaluation and Use of Data

Another major area for guidance and technical assistance pertains to the use of data for evaluating

students and program performance. The Department needs to develop appropriate guidelines and

guidance for evaluating this population. Only 7 states have performance indicators for the N or D

program, and only 12 more are in the process of developing them.40 Few states collect performance data

other than test results. Program administrators need to be taught how performance indicators can guide

program improvement and how to collect the appropriate data to inform their indicators. The Department

may want to pilot a program that provides incentive grants to states to improve their data collection

systems. Revamping data collection systems is expensive yet crucial to improving states’ ability to

evaluate programs that serve incarcerated students. The states and federal government both have an

interest in improving data collection on these students.

The Department’s guidance for Part D has provided that the state or local educational agency should use

the same state assessment system used for all children, unless the SEA determines that the state

assessments are not available or would not provide accurate information about the progress of children in

institutions for neglected or delinquent children. Under those circumstances, more appropriate or more

accurate assessments may be used, along with any additional indicators to measure the progress of

students participating in these programs.

This guidance does not require states to assess N or D students in any way other than using their state

assessments. As a result, few states collect any other type of performance data on these students. Yet

state assessments may not provide an appropriate indication of progress for programs that serve children

and youth in institutions for delinquent children. Because of high turnover and limited length of stay in

many of these institutions, state and local agencies may not be able to use the same measures that are

applied to youth attending a school in a more traditional setting. It is very difficult to measure progress

over short periods of time.

In addition, incarcerated, delinquent youth in particular are likely to have dropped out or not to have

attended school regularly for many years. For these students, the assessments given to other students

their age may not be appropriate. However, there is a tension between assessing students appropriately

and ensuring that they are exposed to challenging academic content. It is important to expose these

students to challenging content, but it is not realistic to assess them at their grade level when they are

three or more years behind. Students may also demonstrate success in areas other than academic

achievement—for instance, by acquiring a job or making a successful transition to a community-based

program. Programs serving this population need assistance in developing more appropriate and varied

criteria by which the effect of these programs on participants will be evaluated.
Conclusions and Future Directions 180

 

1

 Howard N. Snyder, “Juvenile Arrests 1996,” OJJDP Juvenile Justice Bulletin (1998) 2.

2

 Linda A. LeBlanc, Judy C. Pfannenstiel, and Michael D. Tashjian, Unlocking Learning: Chapter 1 in Correctional

Facilities, Final Report: National Study of the Chapter 1 Neglected or Delinquent Program (Washington, DC: U.S.

Department of Education, 1991) ix.

3 LeBlanc et al. 2-11.

4 LeBlanc et al. ix.

5 LeBlanc et al. Ch 4.

6 LeBlanc et al. 3-6.

7 LeBlanc et al. 4-7.

8 LeBlanc et al. 4-8.

9 LeBlanc et al. 4-12.

10 LeBlanc et al. 3-5.

11 LeBlanc et al. 3-12.

12 U.S. Department of Education, unpublished tabulations from the 1996-97 Title I Performance Report.

13 U.S. Department of Education, 1996-97 Title I Performance Report.

14 Leslie Anderson and Brenda Turnbull, Living in Interesting Times: Early State Implementation of New Federal

Education Laws (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1998).

15 Anderson and Turnbull, Living in Interesting Times.

16 Anderson and Turnbull, Living in Interesting Times.

17 Kelly Dedel, Feasibility Study to Improve the Quality and Availability of Educational Data on Incarcerated Youth

(Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, 1998).

18 Anderson and Turnbull 20.

19 U.S. Department of Education, unpublished tabulations from the Follow-up Survey of State Implementation.

20 Anderson and Turnbull 30; U.S. Department of Education, Follow-up State Survey.

21 U.S. Department of Education, Follow-up State Survey.

22 Anderson and Turnbull, Living in Interesting Times 2.

23 Anderson and Turnbull; U.S. Department of Education Follow-Up State Survey.

24 U.S. Department of Education, Follow-Up State Survey.

25 Anderson and Turnbull, Living in Interesting Times 2.

26 Anderson and Turnbull, Living in Interesting Times 3.

27 Anderson and Turnbull, Living in Interesting Times 65.

28 U.S. Department of Education, Title I State Performance Report.

29 U.S. Department of Education, Follow-up State Survey.

30 U.S. Department of Education, Follow-up State Survey.

31 U.S. Department of Education, Follow-up State Survey.

32 U.S. Department of Education, Follow-up State Survey.

33 U.S. Department of Education, Follow-up State Survey.

34 Dedel, Feasibility Study.

35 Kelly Dedel, unpublished preliminary findings of Synthesis of Title I, Part D Evaluations (Washington, DC: U.S.

Department of Education, 1999).

36 Dedel, Synthesis of Part D Evaluations.

37 Dedel, Synthesis of Part D Evaluations 6.

38 Dedel, Synthesis of Part D Evaluations 2.

39 Dedel, Synthesis of Part D Evaluations 2.

40 U.S. Department of Education, Follow-up State Survey.
Conclusions and Future Directions 181

12. CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS FOR TITLE I

TITLE I—HELPING DISADVANTAGED CHILDREN MEET HIGH STANDARDS

“SEC. 1001. DECLARATION OF POLICY AND STATEMENT OF PURPOSE.

“(a)(1) The Congress declares it to be the policy of the United States that a high-quality education for all

individuals and a fair and equal opportunity to obtain that education are a societal good, are a moral

imperative, and improve the life of every individual, because the quality of our lives ultimately depends

on the quality of the lives of others.”

Since reauthorization, the National Assessment of Title I has evaluated the implementation

and impact of Title I and finds promising results as well as continuing challenges in carrying

out reform. The recent achievement gains of students whom Title I is intended to benefit

provide a clear indication that Title I, and the larger educational system it supports, is moving

in the right direction.

An examination of trends in the performance of students in the nation’s highest-poverty public

schools, as well as progress of the lowest achieving students shows positive gains in reading and

math performance since the reauthorization of Title I. These trends are further substantiated by

the progress reported by some states and districts with three-year trends in achievement.

ß Since 1992, the national reading trend results have improved for 9-year-olds in the highest-poverty

public schools (those with 75 percent or more low-income children), increasing by 8 points (close to

one grade level). This improvement regained ground lost in the late 1980s. The lowest achieving

public school 4th-graders showed fairly substantial improvements in reading between 1994 and 1998

on the main NAEP. The substantial gains, 9 points among the bottom 10 percent and 5 points among

the bottom 25 percent, suggest that it was the performance of the lowest achievers that raised the

national average of 4th-graders.

ß Since 1992 and continuing through reauthorization, trend results on national math assessments have

improved for 9-year olds, especially among students in the highest poverty public schools whose

scores rose by 9 points (close to one grade level). Public school 4th-grade students in the lowest

percentiles of performancethose most typically targeted for Title I services—also showed

substantial improvements in math scores on the main NAEP test. Scores of students in the lowest

25 percent improved by 8 points between 1990 and 1996.

Three-year trends reported by states and districts also show progress in the percentage of students

in the highest-poverty schools meeting state and local standards for proficiency in math and

reading.

ß The achievement of elementary school students in the highest-poverty schools improved in 5 of 6

states reporting three-year trends in reading and in 4 of 5 states reporting trends in mathematics.

Students in Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina, and Texas made progress in both subjects.
Conclusions and Future Directions 182

ß The National Assessment selected 13 of the largest urban school systems, districts that represent a

geographic cross-section of the nation’s regions and that had at least three years of consistent data on

student outcomes. The most severe educational deficits are found in the highest-poverty schools in

urban communities. Ten of 13 large urban districts that report three-year trends showed increases in

the percentage of elementary students in the highest poverty schools who met district or state

proficiency standards in either reading or math. Six districts, including Houston, Miami-Dade

County, New York, Philadelphia, San Antonio and San Francisco made progress in both subjects. No

district showed significant achievement losses.

Title I schools are benefiting from improved resource targeting, improved alignment of

curriculum with standards, and a more cohesive school program through greater use of the

schoolwide option and clarification of parent roles through Title I compacts.

Changes in the allocation formula and procedures, enacted in the 1994 amendments, have

improved targeting of funds to the highest-poverty schools. Almost all (95 percent) of the highestpoverty schools in the nation received Title I funds in 1997-98, up from 79 percent in 1993-94. These

additional funds have gone primarily to add the highest-poverty schools to the program, rather than to

increase Title I per pupil expenditures. Also, school districts use 90 to 93 percent of their Title I funds for

instruction and instructional supportmost often in reading and math.

The emphasis on linking federally supported Title I services to state and local reform efforts is

influencing practice in high-poverty schools. Principals in high-performing, high-poverty schools

report using standards to guide curriculum and instruction, and using standards to assess student progress.

Additionally, teachers in districts implementing standards-based reforms are more likely than their

colleagues in other districts to be familiar with content and performance standards and assessments, and

their curriculum is more likely to reflect the standards.

There is also evidence of progress for students in high-poverty schools where staff members focus

on challenging standards and strategies that help students achieve them. Preliminary findings from

a study of instructional practices in 71 high-poverty elementary schools show:

ß Students were likely to make better progress in reading if their teacher gave them more total exposure

to reading in the content areas and opportunities to talk in small groups about what they had read,

ß Teachers who used a curriculum that reflected National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM)

standards had students with higher gains in mathematics; and

ß Students who started the year as low achievers could be helped to gain more skill in problem solving

in mathematics when their teachers deliberately emphasized understanding and problem solving with

them.

Schoolwide approaches help support educational programs focused on learning.

ß Flexibility available to high-poverty schools (those with 50 percent or more low-income children)

offers the potential to help integrate Title I resources with school-level reforms. Recent findings

show that schools implementing schoolwide programs are more likely than those using targeted

approaches for providing Title I servicesto use a strategic plan and models of service delivery that

can integrate Title I into the larger educational program.
Conclusions and Future Directions 183

Despite progress since the 1994 reauthorization, continuing challenges remain to be

addressed.

Large performance gaps for students in the highest-poverty schools. While the performance of

students in high-poverty schools is improving, they remain much further behind their peers in meeting

basic standards of performance in both reading and math. In 1998, the percentage of 4th-grade students in

the highest-poverty public schools who met or exceeded the NAEP Basic level in reading was about half

the national rate, and progress in reading overall is only back to 1988 and 1990 levels. For math, the

percentage of students in the highest-poverty schools scoring at or above the Basic level was two-thirds

that of the national average.

Yet some states are showing that students in their highest-poverty schools can perform at national

levelsindicating that it is possible to bring these students to high levels of achievement. In nine states,

the percentage of fourth-grade students in the highest-poverty public schools achieving at or above the

Basic level exceeded the national average—showing that higher performance is attainable.

The neediest schools receive limited assistance. Schools enrolling the highest concentrations of poor

children are most likely to be identified as in need of improvement, and the capacity of states and districts

to provide them with assistance is often limited. In 1998, only 8 states reported that school support teams

have been able to serve the majority of schools identified as in need of improvement. In 24 states, Title I

directors reported more schools in need of school support teams than Title I could assist. Approximately

one-third of high-poverty schools identified for improvement had not received any additional professional

development or assistance as a result of being identified.

Inadequate teacher preparation. A significant number of Title I schoolsparticularly those with high

concentrations of low-income childrencontinue to employ non-certified paraprofessionals as

instructional aides. Aides comprise half of the instructional staff funded by Title I. Only 10 percent

of instructional aides in the highest-poverty schools possess college degrees, but aides are often

found providing instruction.

Along with the evidence that high-achieving high-poverty schools focus attention on challenging

standards for all students, comes the reality that many teachers are not prepared to teach to challenging

standards. In a 1998 survey, only about one-third of teachers in schools with 60 percent or more poor

children believe they are well equipped to use standards in the classroom. This is particularly noteworthy

given evidence that teachers’ reported preparedness in both subject matter and instructional strategies had

a positive relationship with student gains.

Inadequate implementation of parent involvement provisions. Although the percentage of schools

with parent compacts rose from 20 percent in 1994 to about 75 percent in 1998, there remain 25 percent

of schools with no parent agreements. A substantial majority of schools find compacts helpful in

promoting parent involvement, especially higher-poverty schools, but principals continue to identify lack

of parent involvement as one of their major reform barriers.

Weak Title I accountability and parallel accountability in some states. Full implementation of the

accountability requirements under Title I is not required until final assessments are in place in the

2000-01 school year. During the transitional period, states are making progress in developing definitions

of adequate yearly progress and identifying schools and districts in need of improvement. States further

along in developing performance standards tend to have more rigorous and clearly defined accountability

systems.
Conclusions and Future Directions 184

Options for Future Directions

Stay the Course: Maintain an Emphasis on Challenging Standards for All Students

Gains by students in the nation’s highest-poverty schools, coupled with evidence that aligning instruction

with challenging standards can substantially increase student achievement, point to the need to stay the

course of focusing instruction on challenging standards for all students. Though there has clearly been

progress in implementing standards at all levels, full implementation in classrooms across the country has

yet to be accomplished. States, districts, and schools need to continue to implement standards that

challenge all students to achieve at high levels, and to align curriculum, teaching, and assessments with

those standards. Reauthorization should address the continuing challenges that limit Title I’s capacity to

be a stimulus and support for better results for our nation’s at-risk students.

Targeted High-Performance “Catch-Up Grants” to Strengthen the Highest-Poverty Schools

The continuing weak performance of the highest-poverty schools, those with poverty in excess of

75 percent, remains as one of America’s most pressing educational problems. Although all Title I

schools need additional resources and assistance, the highest-poverty schools are the neediest not only in

terms of their populations served, but also in terms of the progress they must make to improve their

current performance. In these schools, seven out of every ten children are currently achieving below even

the basic level of reading.

Reauthorization should focus on the extraordinary needs of the highest-poverty schools to improve

teaching and learning for our most at-risk students, while holding these schools accountable for

continuous improvement in student results. If these grants were to target an additional $1.3 billion, or

about 15 percent of current Title I funds, they would be sufficient when combined with current Title I

funds and a 25 percent local match to enable the highest-poverty schools to:

ß Support a schoolwide model program of their choosing that is backed by evaluation evidence of

effectiveness. Schools could carry out intensive programs aimed at improving early reading as in the

Reading Excellence Act program, run a program to start their middle school students thinking about

college and planning for their futures as in GEAR UP, or a combination of such approaches.

ß Within three years, achieve a ratio of modern multimedia computers to students of 5:1, a long-term

national target and a goal that is especially important in high-poverty communities where children

lack the home access to computers available in higher income areas.

ß Provide a high-quality after-school instructional program for 50 percent of all students, up from the

current 12 percent.

ß Reduce class size in the early grades to 21 students per teacher, midway from current levels to the

long-term national goal of 18 students.

In turn,

ß Recipient schools would commit to continued progress in improving student outcomes as

defined through annual outcome and service improvement targets. These would be described

in a peer-reviewed schoolwide plan. Schools would annually report progress against outcome and

service performance objectives with the plan and reports.
Conclusions and Future Directions 185

ß States and districts would need to commit to assisting their highest poverty schools. States and

districts would work with their schools to identify resources from all sources that could be combined

for meaningful, concerted school reform. Districts would review their schools’ planning and

implementation and offer peer reviewers to work with the schools on a sustained basis. They would

also share performance data, research on effective approaches, and information across schools

engaged in reform.

ß The highest-poverty schools would also be the highest priority for assistance from all federally

supported technical assistance providers. Comprehensive regional assistance centers and other

technical assistance providers would place these schools at the head of the line for support,

concentrating their efforts where they could do the most good.

These monies would raise the average amount of Title I funds that the highest-poverty schools receive

annually by 50 percent to an estimated $336,000 for each school. These new monies could go out under

the current formulas to states and districts for their schools with poverty rates of 75 percent or higher. If

states lack schools in the highest poverty category, they would receive a minimum grant to be spent on

their most impoverished schools.

The resources to support the Targeted High-Performance School Grants could come from increases in

Title I funding and an off-the-top set-aside for these schools in related federal programs such as 21st

Century Learning Communities, Reading Excellence Act, Technology Literacy Challenge Fund, GEAR

UP and Class Size Reduction. A set-aside of one-third of the FY 2000 monies from these five programs

for the highest-poverty schools would provide about $990 million under the administrations’ FY 2000

budget request. The remainder to bring the total to $1.3 billion could come from channeling the

$320 million proposed increase in Title I funding to these new grants.

Targeting additional funds to schools with high concentrations of low-income students has advantages

over targeting them on low-performance. First, high-performing, high-poverty schools should not be

penalized for their progress. Nor should low-performing schools be rewarded for a lack of effort. Highperforming schools need support, recognition, and encouragement to sustain their gains. In addition,

targeting funds on the basis of poverty is consistent with the process for allocating funds currently and

would not require a different mechanism.

Strengthen Instruction

Progress in using Title I to support improved instructional practices at the school-level remains

limited by the continued use of paraprofessionals who provide instruction—particularly in the

highest-poverty Title I schools. Paraprofessionals in high-poverty schools tend to have less formal

education than those in low-poverty schools, and they are often assigned to teach—sometimes without a

teacher present. While many paraprofessionals have invested large amounts of time and effort working in

Title I schools, and are an important part of the school community, it is imperative that priorities for their

services be based solely on the needs of students. Phasing out their use in instruction and promoting

their use as parent liaisons or in administrative functions should be a priority.

Reauthorization should also support the establishment of career ladder programs for

paraprofessionals, so that those desiring to become credentialed would be supported in doing so.

These programs could include what some districts are doing already, based on recent survey data.
Conclusions and Future Directions 186

Reauthorization should include resources for the development of ongoing consumer guides on

effective practices. Schools are moving toward adopting curriculum and whole school reform models to

frame their improvement efforts. However, little independent research has been conducted to evaluate the

efficacy of comprehensive school reform models and better understand the conditions under which they

can succeed. The federal government should make such research and evaluation of comprehensive model

programs a priority through systematic study and annual reporting in a consumer guide. To ensure the

integrity and independence of model program appraisals, a quasi-governmental agency might be

established to oversee the integrity of the evaluation process and reporting of results. This information

would enable schools to become better educated consumers in selecting and implementing models most

likely to fit their circumstances and contribute to improved results.

Strengthen Parent Involvement

The general direction of Title I parent involvement policies and compacts on supporting learning is

consistent with research. Options that would strengthen implementation include:

ß Having schools report annually on measurable indicators of the effectiveness of parent involvement,

as reflected in their own policies and compacts.

ß Consolidating or coordinating parent involvement provisions across all elementary and secondary

programs that have them to form one uniform parent provision. Such programs include Title I; Even

Start Family Literacy; Education of Migratory Children; Parental Information and Resource Centers;

Impact Aid; Education for Homeless Children and Youth; Magnet Schools; 21st Century Community

Learning Centers; Indian Education; Technology for Education; and Safe and Drug-Free Schools and

Communities.

ß Strengthening parent involvement activities in the early elementary grades in the areas of supporting

reading and family literacy and in the middle and high school grades to encourage students to take

challenging courses.

Focus on Accountability

The use of school profiles designed to report school results and progress has been shown to be a

powerful tool for accountability and school improvement. However, profiles often do not effectively

reach parents and community members. They tend to be difficult to read, even for the well-educated

parent. They are also limited in their scope of information, with few school report cards presenting

information on teacher quality or student rates of progress. Also schools are limited by a lack of

comparable statewide or national information on what they are able to accomplish. The federal

government should facilitate state and local school district efforts to provide coherent, comparative

information on school progress to their communities.

The reauthorization should also ensure that accountability provisions identify schools in need of

improvement based on the best measures available to states and districts—regardless of whether

their final assessment systems are in place. Schools already identified for improvement, should remain

so; time should not be lost as a result of reauthorization in identifying and reaching schools with the

greatest needs.
Conclusions and Future Directions 187

Reauthorization should address eliminating dual accountability systems. For Title I to be an

effective lever for improvement, it needs to be aligned and supportive of the systems states are creating.

Finally, Congress and those responsible for implementing and supporting Title I programs should

recognize that state and local systems of standards, assessments and accountability are in flux and

are likely to keep changing over time. Even established systems such as those in Kentucky and Kansas,

which were forerunners in the development of aligned systems of standards and assessments, have revised

their efforts to reflect the priorities of their state legislatures and boards. The law should recognize this

and offer states and districts the flexibility to continue to implement measures of school accountability

under these conditions.

Summary

This National Assessment of Title I has examined the program in the context of the burgeoning standardsbased reform movement in states and school districts. Though there has clearly been progress in

implementing standards at all levels, full implementation in classrooms across the country has yet to be

accomplished. The new directions proposed for reauthorization are designed to help speed up standards

implementation, to help all children achieve at high levels. Reauthorization should address the continuing

challenges that undercut Title I’s capacity to be a stimulus and support for better results for our nation’s

at-risk students.
Conclusions and Future Directions 188
Appendix A 189

APPENDIX A

TITLE I EVALUATION STRATEGY

The Changing Character of Title I

Title I now provides more than $8 billion per year to fund systemwide supports and additional

resources for schools to improve learning for students at risk of academic failure, particularly in

schools with large concentrations of low-income children.

The 1994 reauthorization of Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act brought

about significant changes in key elements of this program, which focuses on providing at-risk

students in low-income communities with the opportunity to achieve to challenging state

standards.

Implications for Evaluation

The 1994 reauthorization mandated the National Assessment of Title I and an Independent

Review Panel of experts and state, local, and parent representatives to advise on the conduct of

the assessment. The National Assessment benefited from the open discussion and exchange of

ideas generated by the independent review panel.

Because the legislation intended that the Title I program not operate in isolation from the system

it is meant to support, progress cannot be evaluated in isolation from state and local reform efforts

and results. The National Assessment relied on national measures of academic progress overall,

as well as state and local assessments. Also, the expansion of schoolwide programs blurred the

distinction between program participants and other children.

Control group evaluations are not feasible, nor would they be legal in Title I because they would

deny services to certain students. There are no schools similar to Title I schools that are operating

outside the state system of standards. Also, with improved targeting there are virtually no schools

in the highest-poverty categories that are not receiving Title I funds.

Title I is succeeding only to the extent that the system in which Title I is investing $8 billion is

succeeding. Specifically, Title I is succeeding only if its target population of the most

educationally disadvantaged students in Title I schools have better outcomes.

The Evaluation Approach

In the absence of a single, large-scale control-group study, the National Assessment looked at

multiple information sources to provide different perspectives on Title I outcomes for lowachieving students. The National Assessment used the various sources to determine if they all

appeared to be showing consistent trends in recent student performance. In addition, the

National Assessment looked at implementation to assess the extent to which implementation was

changing in the intended directions required by the legislation.
Appendix A 190

A criterion of progress of low-achieving students also overcomes bias should Title I schools not

target their lowest-performing students, but “cream” their better students to raise test scores.

The indicators used by the National Assessment for Title I are also consistent with the indicators

submitted under the Government Performance and Results Act legislation. These indicators have

been previously submitted to the Congress.

The methods of the assessment were extensively discussed with the Independent Review Panel

that Congress mandated to advise the Department.

Student Outcomes

The National Assessment of Title I drew from multiple sources to track the performance of

students whom Title I is intended to benefit. The National Assessment of Educational Progress

(NAEP) was used because it is the only national source of information that allows for break-outs

by school poverty and by low achievement. State assessment trends were used because Title I

legislation uses school progress on state assessments as its indicator of success. Large urban

district trends were used because of their high concentrations of poverty.

ß Student outcomes on the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) in the

highest-poverty schools (76 percent or more poverty) long-term trends, and for the

most recent main NAEP assessment. All low achievers in these schools should be eligible

for assistance and Title I should be accountable for their improvement. Title I succeeds in

these schools only to the extent that scores of low achievers improving.

Results: Using the scale scores on the long-term trend assessment in reading and math, the

NAEP results indicated positive improvements in student performance since

reauthorization. However, while the performance of students in the highest-poverty

schools is improving, they remain much further behind their peers in meeting basic

standards of performance in reading and math on the main NAEP assessments.

ß Trends in student achievement of the very lowest performing students in the nation.

Approximately 86 percent of the lowest achievers (that is, those below the 10th percentile) are

in Title I schools. Because Title I is intended to serve the lowest achievers and most are in

Title I schools, progress in the outcomes of lowest achievers is a valid proxy measure for

Title I outcomes.

Results. NAEP scores for the lowest achievers in both reading and math improved during

the 1990s.

ß Trends in student outcomes in highest-poverty schools on a state’s own assessment. The

Title I legislation holds schools accountable for improving student performance against state

performance criteria. Because most state assessments are changing, only six states could

report three-year trends for the percentage of students meeting expected levels of

performance in the highest-poverty schools. Again, in these schools, Title I is working only

if all low achievers on average are improving.

Results. Scores improved in 5 of 6 states for reading and 4 of 5 states with data for math.
Appendix A 191

ß Trends in student outcomes in the highest-poverty schools (75 percent or more poverty)

in major urban centers. Large cities are places of high concentration of poverty and a

major priority group for Title I. Virtually all of the highest poverty schools participate in

Title I, and raising the scores of the lowest achievers in these schools is one measure of Title I

success.

Results. Among the highest-poverty schools in the largest cities, 10 of 13 districts had

improvements in either math or reading, and 6 districts had improvements in both.

ß One-year longitudinal gains. The Longitudinal Evaluation of School Change and

Performance, a study of 71 high-poverty schools, links trends in student performance to

classroom practices.

Results. Although not nationally representative, because of funding limitations, the

study shows that students progress in high-poverty schools that focus their

instruction on challenging standards.

Title I Implementation

Although the implementation of key provisions focused on standards-based reform under

Title I is uneven across the states, districts, and schools, it is moving overall in the directions

the legislation intended. The fact that fairly dramatic programmatic changes have occurred is

further evidence of a causal relationship between the types of system changes intended by Title I

and student outcomes. There are no procedures to evaluate how many of these changes would

have occurred in the absence of Title I, but we do know that impediments to reform, such as

parallel assessment systems, are being eliminated. Highlights of implementation changes include:

ß Almost all (95 percent) of the highest-poverty schools (75 percent or more poverty) received

Title I funds in 1997-98, up from 79 percent in 1993-94.

ß States are making progress in implementing state content and student performance standards,

and principals in Title I schools are reporting more use of content standards to guide

curriculum and instruction in their schools.

ß Instruction focused on challenging standards was associated with student gains in

achievement in high-poverty schools.

ß Schools are making progress in integrating Title I services with their regular academic

program, and the percentage of Title I schools offering extended learning time has increased

from 9 percent to 41 percent since 1994.

Continuing Challenges to Improve Student Outcomes and Implementation

The National Assessment of Title I also identified major challenges that continue to confront

Title I.

ß The National Assessment highlights that large gaps in student achievement remain

between high-poverty and low-poverty schools. The National Assessment explicitly

identifies continuing academic challenges. For example, in 1998, the percentages of
Appendix A 192

4

th-graders in the highest-poverty public schools who met or exceeded the NAEP Basic level

in reading was only about half the national rate, and progress in reading is only back to 1988

and 1990 levels.

ß The National Assessment also highlights important continuing weaknesses in

implementation. Many Title I teachers feel ill-equipped to implement standards and are

receiving inadequate professional development. Teacher’s aides with inadequate credentials

continue to provide instruction, often without a teacher present. Technical assistance cannot

reach all the schools that have been identified for improvement. Accountability in Title I

remains extremely weak.
Appendix B 193

APPENDIX B

Descriptions of Key Program Evaluations and Other Studies (Ongoing and Completed)

That Informed the National Assessment of Title I

Study or Survey

Sponsor/Data

Collector Data Providers Data Collected and Collection Dates

Reporting

Date(s)

Baseline State Implementation Study

(Living in Interesting Times, 1998)

Planning and

Evaluation Service

(PES)

Contractor: Policy

Studies Associates,

Inc.

All states, federal program

directors, and state research

or evaluation specialists in

state education agencies

Initial information on implementation of new provisions of stateadministered ESEA and Goals 2000 programs. Key issues include

standards development, assessment systems, technical assistance,

and state supports for school improvement. Focus is on how

legislative framework and federal resources are incorporated into

the context of state school improvement efforts.

Collection Date: 1996

1998

Follow-Up State Implementation Study

Ongoing

PES

Contractor:

Policy Studies

Associates, Inc.

All states, federal program

directors, and state research

or evaluation specialists in

state education agencies

Follow-up information on implementation of new provisions of

ESEA programs and Goals 2000. Focus is on how legislative

framework and federal resources are incorporated into the context

of state school improvement efforts. Key issues include standards

development, assessment and accountability systems, technical

assistance, and state support for school improvement.

Collection Date: 1998

Fall 1999

Baseline Local Implementation Study

(Reports on Reform from the Field, 1997)

PES

Contractor: Urban

Institute, Inc.

District administrators of

Federal ESEA and Goals

2000 programs

(nationally representative

sample)

Baseline information on districts’ efforts to support the

implementation of ESEA programs, particularly Title I, and Goals

2000 within the context of state and local reforms.

Collection Date: 1996

1997

Local Implementation Study

Ongoing

PES

Contractors: Policy

Studies Associates,

Inc. and Urban

Institute, Inc.

Nationally representative

sample of district

administrators

Follow-up information on districts’ efforts to support the

implementation of ESEA programs, particularly Title I, and Goals

2000 within the context of state and local reforms. Focuses on

program governance, supports for effective instruction, and

family/community partnerships.

Collection Date: 1998

Summer 1999
Appendix B 194

Descriptions of Key Program Evaluations and Other Studies (Ongoing and Completed)

That Informed the National Assessment of Title I

Study or Survey

Sponsor/Data

Collector Data Providers Data Collected and Collection Dates

Reporting

Date(s)

Public School Surveys on Education

Reform

(Status of Education Reform in Public

Elementary and Secondary Schools, 1998)

(Status of Education Reform in Public

Elementary and Secondary Schools:

Teachers’ Perspectives, 1999)

PES, Office of

Educational

Research and

Improvement

(OERI) and

National Center for

Education

Statistics (NCES)

Contractor:

Westat, Inc.

Public school principals and

teachers

(nationally representative

sample)

Baseline information on principals’ and teachers’ perceptions of

standards-based reform, and the extent to which reform activities

were being implemented in their schools during the 1995-96

school year. Focused on awareness and implementation of

standards and assessment systems. Also collected information

regarding parent involvement, sources of technical assistance, and

uses of technology in the classroom. Teacher surveys also

collected information on professional development.

Collection Date: 1995-1996

1998 and

January 1999

Follow-Up Public School Survey on

Education Reform

(School-Level Implementation of StandardsBased Reform: Findings from the Followup Public School Survey on Education

Reform, 1999)

PES

Contractor:

Westat, Inc.

Public school principals

(nationally representative

sample)

Follow-up to 1995-96 survey, addressing principals’ familiarity

and implementation of standards-based reform and Title I

provisions supporting reform, changes in Title I service delivery

since reauthorization, parent involvement, technology use, and

sources of technical assistance. Data also collected regarding

accountability and school improvement status.

Collection Date: 1997-98

June 1999

Longitudinal Evaluation of School Change

and Performance

(Longitudinal Evaluation of School Change

and Performance in Title I Schools: Interim

Report, 1999)

PES

Contractor:

Westat, Inc.

71 elementary schools in

18 moderate- to high-poverty

school districts in 7 states

Information on the impact of implementation of Title I’s

reauthorization on teaching and learning, focusing on the

curriculum and instruction enacted in classrooms, on student

performance as measured by a nationally uniform instrument, and

on changes over time.

Collection Dates: Spring 1997, 1998, 1999

Summer 1999;

Spring 2000
Appendix B 195

Descriptions of Key Program Evaluations and Other Studies (Ongoing and Completed)

That Informed the National Assessment of Title I

Study or Survey

Sponsor/Data

Collector Data Providers Data Collected and Collection Dates

Reporting

Date(s)

National Longitudinal Survey of Schools

Ongoing

PES

Contractor:

Westat, Inc.

School principals and

teachers in representative

sample of Title I schools and

sub-samples of Title I

schools serving migrant,

LEP, and Native American

students

(nationally representative

sample)

Information on how schools are implementing standards-driven

improvements, with a particular focus on implementation of the

new Title I provisions supporting such improvements. Also

examines how schools use their outcome data to change classroom

practice and how they measure progress continuously.

Collection Dates: 1998, 1999, 2000

1999, 2000 and

2001

Reanalysis of National Assessment of

Educational Progress (NAEP) National and

State-Level Results

Ongoing

NCES, PES

Contractor:

Educational

Testing Service

NAEP national and statelevel results (for

participating states) in

reading and math

Comparison of performance on NAEP for students enrolled in

high- and low-poverty schools.

Collection Dates: Analysis conducted in 1998 for data collected

from 1986 to the present. Ongoing analyses of subsequent NAEP

assessments.

Spring 1999

State Education Indicators with a Focus on

Title I

1999

PES All state educational

agencies, NCES

Student performance data and other key state indicators

Collection Dates: 1997-98

February 1999

Student Achievement and Accountability

Systems in Urban Districts

Ongoing

PES 13 large urban districts Student performance data

Collection Dates: 1998

Summer 1999
Appendix B 196

Descriptions of Key Program Evaluations and Other Studies (Ongoing and Completed)

That Informed the National Assessment of Title I

Study or Survey

Sponsor/Data

Collector Data Providers Data Collected and Collection Dates

Reporting

Date(s)

Analysis of State Plans for Developing

Standards and Assessments

Ongoing

Office of

Elementary and

Secondary

Education, PES

Contractors:

Allen Schenck

(RMC Research)

and Dale Carlson

All state education

agencies

State plans and other documentation

Collection Dates: 1997-98, ongoing

Summer 1999

Study of Education Resources and Federal

Funding

(Study of Education Resources and Federal

Funding: Preliminary Report, 1999)

PES

Contractor:

American

Institutes for

Research

All state education

agencies (50); national

sample of school districts

(180), schools (720),

teachers, and aides

Uses of federal resources from six major federal programs: Titles

I, II, III, IV, and VI of ESEA and Goals 2000. Targeting of these

funds among school districts and, for Title I, among schools.

Federal role in providing support for professional development,

technology, and standards and assessments.

Collection Dates: 1997-98

June 1999;

Fall 1999

Evaluation of Title I Services to Private

School Students

(Title I Services for Private School Students

Under the Reauthorization of ESEA: A

Snapshot of Federal Assistance in Transition,

1998)

PES

Contractor:

Policy Studies

Associates, Inc.

Nationally representative

sample of Title I district

administrators, private

school representatives

Trends in private school students’ participation in Title I;

consultation between Title I administrators, private school

representatives and parents; procedures used by districts to count

the number of low-income students in private schools; services

available; resource allocations; student assessment and program

evaluation.

Collection Dates: 1997

1998

Third National Evaluation of the Even

Start Family Literacy Program

Ongoing

PES

Contractor:

Abt Associates

Inc.

Universe of Even Start local

projects (project directors

and staff)

Program characteristics: service delivery and intensity.

Participant characteristics: demographic information on families,

parents, and children.

Participation outcomes: participation rates, literacy outcomes for

parents and children.

Collection Dates: Program years 1997-98 through 2000-01

2000, 2002
Appendix B 197

Descriptions of Key Program Evaluations and Other Studies (Ongoing and Completed)

That Informed the National Assessment of Title I

Study or Survey

Sponsor/Data

Collector Data Providers Data Collected and Collection Dates

Reporting

Date(s)

Even Start Information System (Second

National Evaluation of the Even Start

Family Literacy Program)

PES

Contractor:

Fu Associates Ltd.

Universe of Even Start local

projects (project directors

and staff)

Program characteristics: service delivery, and intensity.

Participant characteristics: demographic information on families,

parents, and children.

Participation outcomes: participation rates, literacy outcomes for

parents and children.

Collection dates: Program years 1993-94 through 1996-97

1994, 1997, 1998

Congressionally-Mandated Study of

Migrant Student Participation in Title I

Schoolwide Programs

1999

PES

Contractor:

Westat, Inc.

Nationally representative

school principals, school

staff, from a sample of

schoolwide projects that

have migrant students

Characteristics of migrant students and schools, planning and

needs assessment, instructional and support services provided,

migrant parent involvement, and funding.

Collection date: 1997

January 1999

Support for Data Gathering and Analysis

for the Migrant Education Program

Ongoing

PES

Contractor:

Westat, Inc.

All state coordinators Characteristics of migrant students and schools, participation

information, services provided, number of schoolwide, summer,

and extended time projects.

Collection date: 1996-97 and 1997-98

March 1998,

November 1998
Appendix B 198
Acknowledgments

199

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Promising Results, Continuing Challenges: The Final Report of the National Assessment of Title I was

prepared with the ongoing support of the Independent Review Panel for the National Assessment of Title I

and Federal Programs, led by its chair, Christopher T. Cross, President of the Council for Basic Education,

and vice-chair, Joyce Benjamin, Associate Commissioner of the Oregon Department of Education.

The report was developed under the direction of Marshall S. Smith, Under Secretary, Alan L. Ginsburg,

Director of the Planning and Evaluation Service (PES); and Valena W. Plisko, Director of the PES

Elementary and Secondary Education Division, Joanne Bogart, of the PES Elementary and Secondary

Division, served as Project Director for the National Assessment of Title I.

Staff from PES and others who were instrumental in preparing the Final Report of the National Assessment

of Title I are as follows:

Rolf Blank, Council of Chief State School Officers

Robin Bouckris

Barbara Coates

Kathryn Doherty

Bruce Haslam, Policy Studies Associates

Daphne Hardcastle

Scott Joftus, The McKenzie Group

Jennifer Manise, Council of Chief State School Officers

Ann Milne, American Institutes for Research

Tracy Rimdzius

Mary Rollefson

Beth Sinclair, Westat

Stephanie Stullich

Joanne Wiggins

We would also like to acknowledge the following individuals who contributed information to the report.

Leslie Anderson, Policy Studies Associates

Denise Borders, The McKenzie Group

Peggy Carr, U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics (NCES)

Janet Carroll, U.S. Department of Education, Office of Elementary and Secondary Education (OESE)

Jay Chambers, American Institutes for Research

Kelly Dedel, National Council on Crime and Delinquency

Arnold Goldstein, U.S. Department of Education, NCES

Babette Gutmann, Westat

Jane Hannaway, The Urban Institute

Camilla Heid, Westat

Gwyneth Hogley, U.S. Department of Education, PES

Hilda Jackson, The Education Trust

Laura Jerry, Educational Testing Service

Joseph Johnson, University of Texas at Austin, Charles A. Dana Center

Catherine Jovicich, U.S. Department of Education, OESE

Linda LeBlanc, Westat

Joanne Lieberman, American Institutes for Research

John Mazzeo, Educational Testing Service

Shannon McKay, The Urban Institute

Kia McLean, The McKenzie Group

Lois Peak, U.S. Department of Education, PES

Judy C. Pfannenstiel-Research & Training Associates, Inc.
Acknowledgments

200

Elizabeth Reisner, Policy Studies Associates

Collette Roney, U.S. Department of Education, PES

Michael Rubenstein, Policy Studies Associates

Mary Ragland, University of Texas at Austin, Charles A. Dana Center

Alex Ratnofsky, Westat

Grace Ross, U.S. Department of Education, OESE

Allen Schenck, RMC Research

Elois Scott, U.S. Department of Education, OESE

Fumiyo Tao, Abt Associates

Mike Tashjian, Research Triangle Institute

Susan Thompson-Hoffman, U.S. Department of Education, PES

Brenda Turnbull, Policy Studies Associates

James Van Campen, American Institutes for Research

Ann Webber, Westat

In addition, we extend our special thanks to representatives from the state education agencies and local

districts, who provided three-year achievement data. States include Connecticut, Kentucky, Maine,

Maryland, North Carolina, and Texas. Local districts include Baltimore City, Boston, Chicago, Detroit,

Houston, Jefferson County (Louisville), Kansas City, KS, Memphis, Miami-Dade, New York City,

Philadelphia, San Antonio, and San Francisco.

We also thank Azalea Saunders (PES), Leila Fiester, Janie Funkhouser, Joel Hardi, Ben Lagueruela, and

Kim Thomas of Policy Studies Associates and Priscilla Taylor and Rose Wilde for their assistance with the

production of the volume.

Finally, we appreciate the comments provided by the following individuals:

Virginia Berg, U.S. Department of Education, OESE

Thomas Corwin, U.S. Department of Education, Budget Service

Michelle Doyle, U.S. Department of Education, Office of Non-Public Education

Bruce Gaarder, U.S. Department of Education, OESE

Margaret Goertz, University of Pennsylvania, Consortium for Policy Research in Education

Judith Johnson, U.S. Department of Education, OESE

Lonna Jones, U.S. Department of Education, Budget Service

William Kincaid, U.S. Department of Education, OESE

Mary Jean LeTendre, U.S. Department of Education, OESE

William Lobosco, Consultant to the U.S. Department of Education

Steve Mancini, U.S. Department of Education, OESE

Greg March, U.S. Department of Education, Office of Special Education and Rehabilitative Services

Patricia McKee, U.S. Department of Education, OESE

Margaret McNeely, U.S. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement

 (OERI)

Wendy Jo New, Consultant to the U.S. Department of Education

Ann O’Leary, U.S Department of Education, Office of the Deputy Secretary

Oliver Moles, U.S. Department of Education, OERI

Kay Rigling, U.S. Department of Education, Office of the General Counsel

Bayla White, Consultant to the U.S. Department of Education

Miriam Whitney, U.S. Department of Education, Office of the General Counsel

Jeff Wilde, U.S. Department of Education, OESE

Susan Wilhelm, U.S. Department of Education, OESE