1

 We note that most of our analyses are limited to those subjects who were released to

supervision and therefore, we include only those subjects in our descriptive statistics. We

included all subjects in some analyses of arrests primarily to determine the consistency of the

treatment effects. Information on the descriptive statistics for individuals not released to

supervision are available upon request. 

87

CHAPTER 6: DESCRIPTION OF SAMPLE

This chapter profiles the research subject sample, the various DAP treatment subject groups, the

DAP comparison group, and the non-DAP control group, for whom — at the very least — the

Intake1 interview containing extensive background information was completed and who were

included in our analyses of supervised subjects.1 We provide a profile of the subject sample using

the variables included in the outcome analyses. In addition, we provide additional details related

to the outcome measures, including the reason for failing a Community Corrections Center

(CCC) placement, the type of drugs used among individuals who failed their CCC placement, the

type of post-release arrest and the type of drug used after release. 

This description also provides a basic profile of an incarcerated population with a history of drug

use. We provide separate tables of descriptive statistics for men and women because, as

mentioned in Chapter 4, men and women were in separate treatment programs and we

analyzed outcomes for men and women separately. Although we discuss differences between

the various subject groups, we emphasize gender similarities and differences. 

DAP Treatment Groups

This section briefly describes the four types of residential Drug Abuse Treatment Program (DAP)

participants. We provide this descriptive data in categories which are consistent with our

previous report on 6-month outcomes. The four groups include: (1) inmates in residential drug

treatment who completed that treatment (DAP-complete subjects), (2) inmates who dropped out

(DAP-dropout subjects), (3) inmates discharged for disciplinary reasons (DAP-discharge

subjects), and (4) inmates who, for a variety of other reasons, did not complete the program

(DAP-incomplete subjects). This “incomplete” category, in general, comprises inmates who were

transferred to another institution or to a CCC before they could complete the full 9 or 12 months

of treatment, those who had their sentences shortened toward the end of their incarceration and

were released from BOP custody before they were able to complete the treatment program, and

those who spent an extended amount of time on writ or medical furlough and thus were unable to

complete treatment before release.

Of the 1,842 male subjects in this analysis, 948 (51 percent) entered residential treatment. The

other 49 percent were comparison subjects who never entered residential treatment. Of the 948

men who entered treatment, 80 percent completed the treatment program, 4 percent voluntarily

dropped out of the program, 7 percent were removed for disciplinary reasons, and 9 percent
88

constituted the “incomplete” subject category.

Of the 473 female subjects in this analysis, 245 (52 percent) entered residential treatment. The

other 48 percent were comparison subjects who never entered residential treatment. Of the 245

women who entered treatment, 70 percent completed the treatment program, 9 percent

voluntarily dropped out of the program, 8 percent were removed for disciplinary reasons, and 13

percent fell into the incomplete category. The fact that there is a lower percentage of treatment

“completers” for women than for men may be related to policy differences between treatment

sites and differential enforcement of program rules.

Sample Demographics

This section describes the 1,842 male inmates and 473 female subjects who were interviewed as

part of the drug treatment evaluation project and were included in the analysis. The samples were

divided into those inmates who received treatment in the in-prison DAP program and those who

did not receive treatment while incarcerated (i.e., comparison subjects). Further divisions were

made among both the treatment and comparison groups. The comparison sample was divided

into those inmates who were ever housed at a site that offered treatment and who were there long

enough to participate in the program (DAP comparison subjects) and those who did not have the

opportunity to participate in the program (non-DAP control subjects). The treatment group was

divided into the four categories mentioned in the preceding section: those who completed the

treatment program (DAP-complete subjects), those who dropped out (DAP-dropout subjects),

those who were discharged for disciplinary reasons (DAP-discharge subjects), and those who did

not finish the program for other reasons (DAP-incomplete subjects).

Race/Ethnicity

The racial composition of the male sample was 61 percent white, 36 percent African-American,

and 3 percent of other races (see Table 1). There was a higher percentage of African Americans

in the female sample, with 54 percent white, 43 percent African-American, and 3 percent of other

races (see Table 2). For males, the highest percentage of African-Americans (43 percent)

belonged to the non-DAP comparison group; however, for females this trend was reversed, with

the lowest percentage of African-Americans (26 percent) being non-DAP comparison subjects.

Male subjects who completed DAP were the most likely to be white (67 percent) whereas among

females, non-DAP comparison subjects had the highest percentage of whites (70 percent).

Male and female subjects were predominantly of non-Hispanic origin–92 percent and 91 percent,

respectively. For both men and women, the largest percentage of Hispanic subjects were those

who were discharged from treatment for disciplinary reasons (10 percent and 25 percent

respectively).
89

Age 

Also shown in Tables 1 and 2 are the age breakdowns at the time of release from BOP custody. 

On average, men were slightly older when released (37.36 years) than were women (35.13 years). 

Differences within sample categories were also seen. For example, among both the male and

female treatment subjects, those who were discharged for disciplinary reasons (DAP-discharges)

or had withdrawn (DAP-incomplete subjects) tended to be younger than were the subjects in the

remaining categories. The average age among disciplinary discharges was 34.03 years for men

and 31.34 years for women. Men who dropped out of treatment and women who complete

treatment were among the oldest at the time they were released from prison (38.78 and 36. 19,

respectively).

Education

Male subjects reported having a higher level of education (12.16 years, on average) than did

female subjects (11.57 years, on average), with 32 percent of males having education beyond

the 12th grade or General Education Development (GED), compared to 23 percent of females

(see Tables 1 and 2). Among men, DAP comparison subjects were the most educated (12. 41

years) while the groups reporting the lowest education levels were those receiving disciplinary

discharges (11.67 years) or those who had withdrawn from treatment (11.68 years). There was

more variation in education levels among women, with non-DAP comparison subjects

comprising the highest percentage with more than 12 years of education (38 percent) and subjects

discharged from treatment for disciplinary reasons having the lowest percentage of education

beyond high school (5 percent).

Criminal/Incarceration History

Tables 3 and 4 present two items describing subjects’ criminal and incarceration histories: history

of one or more prior commitments, and age at first commitment. The latter item is based on selfreport data while the first comes from official records.

A prior commitment was defined as having been sentenced to confinement in any type of

criminal justice facility for any period of time in the past. Across all subject categories, men were

much more likely to have been previously committed than were women (69 percent of males, and

40 percent of females). Among men there was very little variation on this item–between 67

percent and 76 percent of all groups had a prior commitment. Among women, however, the

percent with a prior commitment ranged between 32 percent (non-DAP comparisons) to 56

percent (DAP-incomplete subjects). 

Male subjects were about three years younger than women when first committed, 26.65 years and

29.92 years, respectively. Men who received a disciplinary discharge from treatment were the

youngest at first commitment (22.4 years) as were women in this group (26.78 years). Among

men, the subjects who dropped out of treatment were the oldest at first commitment (28.17),
90

while the oldest women at first commitment were non-DAP comparison subjects (32.19).

Employment History

Tables 5 and 6 present self-report data on male and female subject employment histories. 

The first item in the tables contains information on the subjects’ employment status in the month

prior to their current incarceration. Subjects were asked a series of questions designed to

determine the various sources of financial support during this month. Subjects who had worked

at all during the month were coded as “full- or part-time.” Subjects who were unemployed for

legitimate reasons such as retirement or disability were coded as “not in labor force.”

Homemakers also were coded as “not in labor force.” Subjects who were unemployed and

seeking work during this month were coded as “looking for work.” The remaining subjects were

given a code denoting “miscellaneous” for their employment statuses. This last category included

subjects who were unemployed because their income was derived from illegal activities, subjects

who had never worked, and subjects who were unemployed for other reasons.

Male subjects were more likely than were female subjects to have been employed during the

month before their incarcerations, 55 percent and 40 percent, respectively. For men, there was

more variation between groups, with 63 percent of those unable to complete treatment being

employed prior to incarceration, compared to only 36 percent of those who dropped out of

treatment. Among women, non-DAP comparisons were most likely to be employed (44 percent)

and those discharged from the DAP for disciplinary reasons were least likely to have a job prior

to incarceration (35 percent). Women were twice as likely to be legitimately unemployed than

men (8 percent for women versus 4 percent for men). Women also had a greater likelihood of

having a “miscellaneous” employment status than men (43 percent versus 32 percent,

respectively). Nine percent of both men and women reported that they were looking for work.

Subjects were asked, “Did you ever support yourself mainly from illegal activity for at least one

year?” Thirty-nine percent of both male and female subjects answered affirmatively. For both

men and women, those receiving a disciplinary discharge from treatment were the most likely

group to have supported themselves from illegal activity (52 percent of males and 58 percent of

females). The lowest proportion of males supporting themselves in this manner was for DAPdropouts (33 percent), while for females it was non-DAP comparison subjects (23 percent). 

When asked if they had ever been unemployed for more than 30 days, a smaller proportion of

men (66 percent) than women (76 percent) reported being unemployed. Among males, non-DAP

comparisons were the most likely to have been unemployed more than 30 days (71 percent) and

subjects who were unable to complete DAP were the least likely (48 percent). For the females,

however, DAP-incomplete subjects were the most likely (84 percent) to have been unemployed,

while DAP comparisons were the least likely (71 percent). 
91

Drug Use and Drug Treatment History 

Tables 7 and 8 present information on pre-incarceration self-report drug use patterns and drug

treatment history for the 1,842 male and 473 female research subjects. These tables also contain

self-report information on spouses’ drug problems. 

Type of Drug(s) Used on a Daily Basis Before Arrest

In our previous report on 6-month outcomes, findings were reported on the type and frequency of

drugs used by subjects during their heaviest use period prior to their most recent incarceration.

Since that report we further assessed how best to summarize drug use history. There is no

research which provides clear guidelines on how to categorize drug use information in studying

treatment outcomes. In addition, the limited literature shows little consistency in which drugs, in

which combinations (at the same time), with which frequency, recency, and with what duration

are used as predictor or control variables. Nonetheless, the different measures ranging from

frequency of use during baseline periods ranging from 6 months to 5 years, type of drug use,

number of years of use, etc., are generally found to be related to post-treatment outcomes (Anglin

et al., 1996; Etheridge et al., 1999; Gerstein et al., 1997; Hser, Anglin, and Fletcher, 1998; 

Martin et al., 1999; Messina, Wish, and Nemes, 1999; Schildhaus et al. 1998). We conducted

correspondence analyses (Blasius, 1994) to help determine what dimensions of drug use are

associated with the recidivism and drug use outcome measures. Analyses were conducted for

seven major drug categories and included the following dimensions of drug use history:

frequency of use, recency of use, drug combinations, and drug dependence. We did not find

clear patterns of association for recidivism. However, we found that recency of drug use,

regardless of the type of drug, seemed to be the dimension most associated with later drug

failure. Therefore, we categorized subjects according to the type of drug used on a daily basis in

the year before arrest. We selected drug categories which differentiated users of hard drugs (e.g.,

any illegal drug except marijuana) from users of soft drugs (e.g., marijuana) and also provided an

indicator of severity – polydrug use of hard drugs. Aside from the categories for no daily drug

use and daily use of alcohol only, the other categories differentiate those who also used alcohol

from those who did not. The other three categories subdivided into alcohol and no alcohol use

were daily use of marijuana only (e.g., soft drug only), daily use of one hard drug, and daily use

of two or more hard drugs.

To assess subjects’ frequency of drug use during the year prior to the incarceration during which

they were interviewed, the following “screening”question was asked for each of a number of

drugs: “Did you use any of these drugs the year before your arrest?” If inmates responded “no”

to the screening question for a particular drug, no further questions were asked about that drug.

When inmates responded “yes” to this question, they were then asked:

“In the year before your arrest, on average how often did you use this drug?”

 4 or 5 times a day
92

 2 or 3 times a day

 daily or almost every day

 5 or 6 times a week

 3 or 4 times a week

 1 or 2 times a week

 1 to 3 times a month

 less than once a month

In order to make the tables more concise, response categories and drug categories were

condensed. As mentioned in the table footnote, “hard drug” was defined as any illegal drug

except marijuana. The “Missing” values are the sums of those subjects for whom we have no

data on the drug used or the frequency with which drugs were used in the year before

incarceration.

As can be seen in Table 7, the response category with the highest proportion across all subject

groups was “no daily use” of any drug in the year before arrest. Thirty-eight percent of male

subjects had no daily drug or alcohol use in the year before their most recent arrest, with the

highest proportion being DAP-dropouts (50 percent) and the lowest proportion being DAPdischarges (27 percent). Men who did use a drug on a daily basis were most likely to drink

alcohol only (18 percent). The only groups for whom this was not the case were DAP-dropouts

and DAP-discharges, who were most likely to use one hard drug without alcohol (16 percent and

17 percent, respectively). All subject types, with the exception of those who dropped out of

treatment, were least likely to use two hard drugs with alcohol (only 4 percent overall). When

subject types and response categories were further aggregated, it can be seen that a higher

percentage of treatment than comparison subjects used one or more hard drugs daily during the

year before arrest (31 percent of treatment subjects as compared to 24 percent of comparisons). In

fact, for all four treatment categories, the percentage of men using one or more hard drugs was

equal to or higher than the percentage using marijuana and/or alcohol. This trend was reversed

for comparison subjects, with a higher proportion reporting daily alcohol and/or marijuana use

(37 percent) than hard drug use. 

Table 8 shows that 32 percent of female subjects did not use drugs on a daily basis in the year

before arrest, a figure which is slightly lower than that for males. Again, this response category

comprised the largest proportion of subjects across all groups, although comparison subjects

were more likely than subjects receiving treatment to refrain from daily drug use during this time.

In contrast to men, women overall were most likely to use one hard drug without alcohol (22

percent) and least likely to use marijuana and alcohol together (3 percent). When response

categories are aggregated, the data show that female treatment and comparison subjects were

more than twice as likely to use one or more hard drugs in the year before their incarceration (48

percent) than they were to use marijuana and/or alcohol (only 20 percent). This finding was

especially pronounced for those who were discharged from the DAP for disciplinary reasons and

for inmates withdrawing from treatment–these subjects were three or more times as likely to use 

hard drugs than they were to use alcohol and/or marijuana. Although not shown in these tables,
93

the hard drug used most often by both males and females was heroin, followed by crack and

cocaine. 

Drug Problem of Spouse

Twenty-three percent of male subjects reported that their spouse, at some time, had a drug

problem (see Table 7). There was very little variation across the various subject groups. Female

subjects, however, were more than twice as likely than male subjects to have a spouse with a

drug problem (55 percent). Women also demonstrated more variation in their responses across

groups, with DAP-completers having the highest proportion (63 percent) and DAP comparisons

having the lowest proportion (45 percent). Among the women, treatment subjects were more

likely than comparisons to report that their spouse had a drug problem. 

Drug and Alcohol Treatment History

Tables 7 and 8 also present self-report data on the percent of male and female subjects who had

previously received treatment for drug or alcohol use. Subjects were asked, “Excluding now, did

you ever get any treatment that was primarily for the use of or addiction to drugs/alcohol?” Selfhelp groups such as Alcoholics Anonymous and Narcotics Anonymous were not considered to be

treatment.

The findings are fairly consistent for men and women – 34 percent of men and 39 percent of

women previously received drug treatment, and 6 percent of men and 4 percent of women had

previous alcohol treatment. Regardless of gender, treatment subjects had a greater likelihood of

having had prior treatment for drugs and/or alcohol than did comparison subjects.

Psychiatric Diagnoses/ Past Mental Health Treatment

Tables 9 and 10 contain information relating to the mental health of male and female subjects.

Two sets of variables are displayed in these tables: lifetime psychiatric diagnoses of antisocial

personality and depression, and history of previous mental health treatment. 

With respect to the psychiatric diagnoses of antisocial personality and depression, the majority of

male and female subjects in all groups except DAP-discharges had no psychiatric diagnosis – 54

percent of men and 51 percent of women. Antisocial personality disorder only was more

prevalent among men (30 percent) than women (16 percent), and was highest for men who

received a disciplinary discharge from the DAP (43 percent). There was an equal proportion of

men (8 percent) diagnosed with depression alone and depression combined with antisocial

personality disorder. Women, on the other hand, were more than twice as likely as men to have a

lifetime diagnosis of depression without antisocial personality (19 percent for women versus 8

percent for men) and nearly twice as likely to exhibit depression and antisocial personality

together (14 percent for women versus 8 percent for men). Among women, the female DAP-
2

 These measures are not mutually exclusive. The various indicators are examined

because each is used as a predictor for a different outcome measure. For example, we use drugrelated incidents as a predictor of post-release drug use and we use serious incidents as a

predictor of recidivism.

94

discharge group had the highest likelihood of being diagnosed with antisocial personality

disorder only (44 percent). 

The response to the question, “Did you ever get treatment for your emotions, nerves, or your

mental health...?” are also reported in Tables 9 and 10. Any mental health treatment or

counseling inmates received prior to the current incarceration was included. Overall, half as

many males as females received prior mental health treatment, 20 percent versus 40 percent,

respectively. For men, the proportions across groups were similar. However, there was greater

variation among women. Women who were DAP disciplinary discharges were the most likely to

have had past treatment for mental health problems at 55 percent, and DAP completers were the

least likely at 35 percent. 

Institutional Adjustment

Tables 11 and 12 present information on inmates’ adjustment to prison life as measured by

misconduct, employment in UNICOR ( Federal Prison Industries), and participation in vocational

training. 

Disciplinary Infractions Before Release 

Information was gathered from SENTRY regarding the number of serious acts – 100 and 200

level incidents – and drug-related incidents of misconduct committed in the 6 month period prior

to release. The 100 level infractions included prohibited acts such as killing, assault, possession,

use or introduction of a weapon or drugs, setting a fire, rioting, hostage taking, or escape from a

higher security level facility. The 200 level infractions included behaviors such as fighting, theft,

destruction of property, making sexual proposals, possession of intoxicants, threatening bodily

harm, or escape from a lower security level facility. Drug-related incidents included use,

possession or introduction of drugs, drug items, or intoxicants into an institution, refusal to take a

drug or alcohol test, or misuse of authorized medication. For inmates released to a CCC, only

serious incidents occurring within 6 months before transfer to the CCC were examined.2 Two

categories of disciplinary infractions are reported in Tables 11 and 12: 100 and 200 level

incidents, and drug-related incidents. 

Thirteen percent of male subjects and ten percent of female subjects committed a 100 or 200

level prohibited act within 6 months of release, and ten percent of males and seven percent of

females were involved in a drug-related incident. Looking across the various subject categories 

among men and women, subjects who were discharged from DAP for disciplinary reasons were
95

most likely to have committed either type of disciplinary infraction. This was particularly true for

males, where 31 percent of DAP-discharges were found guilty of a 100 or 200 level incident and

24 percent were found guilty of a drug charge. We note that BOP policy provides for disciplinary

transfer as a possible sanction for drug related incidents and such action automatically results in a

disciplinary discharge from DAP. Since sanctions are not decided by drug treatment staff, it is

not surprising that those with a disciplinary discharge have a higher infraction rate. Men who

dropped out of treatment were the least likely to have been involved in misconduct of either type.

This was true as well for females committing drug offenses; however, non-DAP comparison

subjects were the least likely among women to have been involved in a 100 or 200 level incident. 

Work Assignment/Training Received During Incarceration 

Data was also gathered from SENTRY on the percent of time inmates worked in UNICOR

(Federal Prison Industries) during their incarceration and whether they participated in vocational

training (VT) while incarcerated. Tables 11 and 12 show that men worked in UNICOR only

slightly longer than women – 10.26 and 9.04 percent, respectively, of their total length of

incarceration. For both males and females, DAP comparison subjects worked in prison industries

the longest (13.14 percent of the time for males and 11.95 percent for females) and those who did

not complete treatment worked the shortest amount of time (3.8 percent for males and 2.63

percent for females). 

Men also had a somewhat greater likelihood of receiving vocational training while in prison than

did women, 33 percent versus 28 percent. For men, DAP-completers were most likely to

participate (39 percent) and non-DAP comparisons were least likely (21 percent). Although a

large proportion of females who completed treatment were involved in vocational training (37

percent), the group with the highest percentage involved in vocational training was the DAPincomplete group (52 percent). Women who dropped out of treatment had the lowest proportion

(14 percent) participating in vocational training.

Year Off Sentence Provision 

As mentioned in Chapter 5, the 1994 Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act

(VCCLEA) provided the Bureau an incentive for inmate participation by allowing up to a one

year sentence reduction for inmates without a history of violence who successfully completed a

residential Drug Abuse Treatment Program. Tables 13 and 14 depict the percentage of male and

female inmates who were housed at a treatment site at a time after the passage of VCCLEA. It is

quite apparent that a much lower percentage of men were at a treatment site after passage of

VCCLEA than women – 15 percent of men and 36 percent of women. This discrepancy is a

result of the fact that most of the female treatment sites were not initially included in the project

and were therefore selected at a later point in time (see discussion on history of TRIAD subject

selection in Chapter 5). Among men, treatment subjects were less likely to have the year off
3

 This represents the sum of the first four reasons listed as reasons for failing CCC

placement.

96

provision available (12 percent) than were DAP comparisons (37 percent). This finding held true

for females as well, with 72 percent of DAP comparisons and only 27 percent of treatment

subjects having the sentencing reduction available. 

CCC Placements

This section presents information on release from prison through a Community Corrections

Center (CCC) placement. The dates of placement were obtained from SENTRY but other

elements were obtained from a questionnaire completed by CCC staff upon each subject’s

release from that facility.

The CCC survey contained questions regarding the subject’s CCC completion status, employment during placement, participation in any educational programs, participation in transitional

services or other drug treatment, the number of urinalysis tests administered, the number of

positive urinalysis tests, and — for positive tests — the dates of the tests and the types of drugs

for which the tests were positive.

Tables 15 and 16 demonstrate that of the 2,315 subjects in this analysis (1,842 men and 473

women), 73 percent of the men and 77 percent of the women received CCC placements.

Regardless of gender, over 80 percent of subjects who completed DAP treatment were

released through a CCC. Subjects, both men and women, discharged from treatment for

disciplinary reasons were least likely to go to a CCC (57 percent of men and 65 percent of

women).

Men had a greater likelihood of failing to complete their halfway house placement than did

women – 21 percent of men compared with 15 percent of women. Men receiving a

disciplinary discharge from DAP (37 percent) and women who dropped out of tr eatment (33

percent) demonstrated the greatest likelihood of failing. The most common reason for failing a

CCC placement for both men and women was drug or alcohol use or possession (59 percent of

the men who failed did so for these reasons, as did 68 percent of the women). 3

 When

collapsing subject categories into treatment and comparison only, men had an almost equal

proportion of tr eatment as comparison subjects failing their placement for drug or alcohol

reasons (about 58 percent); women, however, had a larger proportion of comparison subjects

(73 percent) than treatment subjects (62 percent) failing to complete their CCC placement for

these reasons. 

It should be noted that in Tables 15 and 16, one reason for CCC failure is listed as “Accountability,” and subjects who failed for this reason usually were cited as having unexcused

absences from the CCC. Another category, “Violation of CCC rules, ” comprises subjects who

were cited for committing any of a variety of transgressions. These transgressions include
97

gambling, acting disruptively, refusing to obey an order, failing to find a job, engaging in

sexual acts, being in an unauthorized area, driving without permission, and leaving work

without authorization. The “Other” category encompasses the following reasons for failur e:

possession of a weapon in the treatment program, commission of new crime, arrest, violation

of the transitional services program rules, and commission of one or more other objectionable

acts.

Tables 17 and 18 show that 98 percent of the subjects who went to a CCC, both males and

females, were tested for drug or alcohol use during their placement, with very little variation

across subject groups. Fourteen percent of the men who were tested and nine percent of the

women who were tested had a positive test during their stays at a CCC. Both men and women

who were discharged from DAP for disciplinary reasons were the most likely to test positive,

33 percent and 13 percent respectively. The tables also list the drugs for which subjects tested

positive. The most common drug used by subjects while housed in a CCC was cocaine (37

percent of men and 48 percent of women), followed by alcohol (26 percent of men and 18

percent of women testing positive.) Other drugs with a high percentage of positive urinalysis

tests were marijuana for men (21 percent) and benzodiazepines and opiates for women (9

percent each). 

Although not presented here, information regarding the subjects’ placements into home

confinement was collected from SENTRY as well. Thirty-one percent of the men and 42

percent of the women received periods of home confinement as part of their CCC placement.

The average length of time in home confinement for both men and women was nine weeks.

Post-Release Supervision

U.S. Probation officers were asked in telephone interviews to enumerate the contacts they had

with supervised subjects. Personal contacts were made between the Probation officer and the

releasee at the U.S. Probation office, at the releasee’s home or place of work, or by telephone.

Collateral contacts were made between the Probation officer and others involved with the

releasee, such as family members and employers. Tables 19 and 20 show the average number

of personal and collateral contacts during the first 6 months after release. Both rates are fairly

consistent for men and women across subject categories, with collateral contacts showing more

variation between groups. Among men, subjects completing tr eatment had the highest rate of

personal contacts while DAP comparison subjects and DAP-discharges had the highest rate of

collateral contact. For the women, non-DAP comparisons had the greatest amount of contact

of either type with Probation officers.

These tables also show the average monthly rate of urinalysis testing performed on subjects by

Probation officers during the first 6 months of supervision. The average number of drug tests

was approximately 2 1⁄2 tests per month across all subject types and across gender.
98

Post-Release Treatment Services and Cohabitation Status

Tables 21 and 22 present information on the 2,315 supervised subjects’ participation in postrelease drug and alcohol treatment, participation in self-help groups, and cohabitation status. This

information was obtained from interviews with U.S. Probation officers.

Drug and Alcohol Treatment and Self-Help Participation

Upon examination of these tables, we see that female subjects were more likely to receive drug

and/or alcohol treatment in the first 6 months after release from prison than were male subjects

(52 percent of women and 44 percent of men). Among both men and women who received postrelease treatment, individual treatment was most prevalent. Twenty-five percent of the men and

31 percent of the women received individual treatment only. In general, treatment subjects were

more likely than comparison subjects to receive individual treatment. 

Women (23 percent) were also more likely than men (18 percent) to participate in self-help

groups such as Alcoholics Anonymous, Narcotics Anonymous, and the like. Participation in

these groups can be voluntary or is required by the Probation officer. Men who completed

treatment and women who withdrew from the DAP were most likely to have participated in these

groups, at 20 percent and 44 percent, respectively. 

Cohabitation Status for Supervised Subjects

Twenty-two percent of the male subjects who were supervised lived with a spouse, 17 percent

with a common-law spouse, and 61 percent with neither. Those subjects who fell into the

“neither” category were either living alone or with one or more of the following: children, parents or guardians, relatives, friends (non-relatives), or unspecified others. Males who were unable

to complete drug treatment were most likely to live with a spouse or common-law spouse (a total

of 52 percent), and males discharged from the DAP were least likely to do so (29 percent). 

Thirteen percent of the female subjects who were supervised lived with a spouse, 11 percent with

a common-law spouse, and 76 percent with neither. In general, female comparison subjects were

more likely to live with a spouse or common-law spouse than were treatment subjects. 

Post-Release Offenses

Post-release arrests were examined for subjects released to supervision. Arrests for these

individuals were categorized into arrests for a new offense and revocation for a violation of one

or more conditions of supervision. We also provide information on the type of new offense. The

“Other” category included offenses such as arson, kidnaping, gambling, prostitution, liquor

violations, obstructing justice, disturbing the peace, child neglect or cruelty, treason, extortion, or

firearms violations.
99

 Of 1,842 male subjects released to supervision, 34 percent were arrested for a new offense

during the first 3 years after their release, 21 percent were revoked from supervision, and 45

percent had neither a new arrest nor a revocation (see Table 23). Subjects least likely to be rearrested were treatment completers, at 50 percent. DAP-dropouts showed the greatest likelihood

of committing a new offense (53 percent), and subjects unable to complete the DAP were most

likely to be revoked (26 percent). The most common new crimes committed by men were trafficrelated, drug-related, and violent offenses in nearly equal proportions (12 to13 percent).

Of the 473 female subjects released to supervision, 17 percent were arrested for a new offense,

another 17 percent had their supervision revoked, and 66 percent were not arrested (see Table

24). The majority of female subjects in all groups except DAP-discharge were not arrested

during the post-release follow-up period. Female subjects receiving a disciplinary discharge

from treatment were most likely to commit a new offense (40 percent), while those subjects

unable to complete treatment were most likely to have their supervision revoked (31 percent).

Twelve percent of females committing a new crime were charged with offenses falling into the

“Other” category, ten percent with drug-related offenses, and nine percent with traffic

offenses. Women were less than half as likely as men to commit a violent crime (5 percent and

12 percent respectively).

Post-Release Drug Use

Tables 25 and 26 present information on drug use for subjects during the 3-year period of postrelease supervision. The percentages in the “Drug Use” sections of the tables include subjects

who had a positive urinalysis, refused a urinalysis test or missed such a test, admitted using either

illicit drugs or alcohol to their Probation officers, or had a positive alcohol breathalyser reading.

The male and female subjects differed in their overall likelihood of using drugs while on

supervision, with men of all subject categories being more likely to use drugs than women (54

percent and 42 percent, respectively). Among men, the DAP-discharge group was most likely to

have used illicit drugs or alcohol – 67 percent – and those completing the DAP were least likely

– 49 percent. Among women, those who were unable to complete treatment showed the greatest

likelihood of using drugs during supervision (55 percent), whereas DAP-dropouts demonstrated

the lowest likelihood of doing so (33 percent). Female comparison subjects and DAP-completers

had approximately equal proportions who used drugs during the follow-up period, at around 40

percent. 

Across gender and subject type, the most common method of detection was the urinalysis test. 

Men were slightly more likely to miss a test or to stall, and slightly less likely to admit drug use

than were women. For both sexes, the drug detected in a positive urinalysis test most often was

cocaine (44 percent for men and 55 percent for women), followed by marijuana (29 percent for

men and 19 percent for women). A higher percentage of women than men in all subject groups

used cocaine, with 55 percent of women overall testing positive as compared to 44 percent of

men. Males showed a greater likelihood of testing positive for marijuana, at 29 percent overall

compared to 19 percent of females. Approximately the same percentage of men and women
4

 The coding of post-release employment excluded time an individual was not supervised

or was incarcerated. Thus, we excluded the following categories: time after the completion of

supervision if the supervision was terminated before the end of three years, time the individual

was incarcerated for a new offense or for a detainer, and time an individual absconded.

100

tested positive for more than one drug, 9 percent of the men and 8 percent of the women. 

Post-Release Employment

Post-release employment data obtained from Probation officers are reported in Tables 27 and 28. 

Thirty-six percent of the male subjects who were being supervised were employed full-time for

the entire supervision period, and another 45 percent were employed full-time for a portion of

that time period.4 Seven percent of males were employed part-time, either for the entire time

period or for at least some portion of that time. The 3 percent of male subjects who fell into the

“ineligible” category were either involved in a school program, retired or disabled. The 9 percent

of men who were unemployed fell into one or more of the following categories: looking for but

not finding work, not looking for work, not working because involved in drug treatment,

temporarily unemployed for medical reasons, or absconded from supervision (with the Probation

officer unable to verify employment). 

Women were less likely than men to work full-time for the entire period (21 percent), although a

higher proportion worked full-time (53 percent) or part-time (12 percent) during this period. A

similar percentage of female subjects (5 percent) were “ineligible”: we note that in addition to the

reasons stated above for men, this category also included women who were not working due to

domestic or child care responsibilities. Nine percent of women were unemployed during the

entire supervision period, a percentage equal to that of men. The tables also show that for both

sexes, subjects who completed treatment were the most likely group to be employed either full or

part-time. Both men and women who were discharged from the DAP for disciplinary reasons

were least likely to be employed, 17 percent and 15 percent, respectively.

These tables also present information on subjects’ employment rate. This measure was calculated

by dividing the number of hours subjects worked each week by the number of hours “available”

to work, defined as 40 hours multiplied by the number of weeks each subject was “on the

streets”. Once again, men had a higher employment rate (.68) when compared with women (.59). 

DAP-completers of both sexes had the highest employment rate – .72 for men and .65 for women

– when compared to all other subject types, while DAP-discharges had the lowest employment

rate – .56 for men and .45 for women. 

Summary

The description of our research sample provided above indicated both similarities and differences

across gender and subject type. Although treatment subjects were, in general, more likely than
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comparison subjects to use hard drugs in the year prior to their incarceration and to have received

prior drug and/or alcohol treatment, they had higher post-release employment rates and a smaller

percentage were arrested while under supervision. Among the treatment groups, subjects

discharged from drug treatment for disciplinary reasons stood apart from the other groups on a

number of items. These subjects tended to be less educated and younger at age of first

commitment and when released from prison. They were more likely to have supported

themselves through illegal means and to have used hard drugs on a daily basis in the year before

incarceration. In addition, the DAP-discharge group had the highest proportion of subjects

diagnosed with antisocial personality disorder. During incarceration they had the greatest

tendency to commit serious acts of misconduct, and upon release they had the lowest

employment rate and the highest proportion who used drugs. Among the two non-treatment

subject groups – DAP comparison and non-DAP control groups – there were, in general, few

substantial differences. 

The greatest similarities between men and women were on items pertaining to level of

supervision after release. There was little or no variation across gender on the following items:

the percent receiving CCC placements, the percent tested for drug use while residing in a CCC,

the length of time spent in home confinement, the average number of post-release contacts with

Probation officers – personal and collateral– , the rate of urinalysis testing while under

supervision, and the method used to detect drug use. 

On a variety of other measures, particularly background characteristics, gender differences were

apparent. When compared with females, the profile of incarcerated males in our sample who had

a history of drug use was as follows: they were more educated, more likely to have a previous

commitment, younger at age of first commitment, older when released from custody, and they

had a higher incidence of antisocial personality disorder without depression. Men were also more

likely to have been employed prior to incarceration and less likely to have been unemployed for

more than one month at some point during this time. While in prison they participated in

vocational training more often and worked in Federal Prison Industries a greater amount of time

than did women. However, men had a greater likelihood of becoming involved in misconduct in

the 6 months before release, failing to complete their CCC placements, and having positive

urinalysis tests while at the halfway house. 

The female subjects in our sample reported more daily use of hard drugs in the year prior to

arrest, had a greater incidence of depression and past treatment for mental health problems, and

were more likely to have had a spouse who also had a drug problem. Upon release to the

community, women were more likely to successfully complete their CCC placement and were

more likely to be placed on home confinement. Women, although they were less likely to use

drugs after release, showed a greater tendency toward cocaine and opiate use during the

supervision period. Women were also more likely than men to participate in self-help groups and

to receive drug and/or alcohol treatment during supervision.