U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

68–019 CC WASHINGTON : 2000

H. CON. RES. 352, H. RES. 500, H. CON. RES.

297, H. CON. RES. 275, AND H. RES. 259

MARKUP

BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED SIXTH CONGRESS

SECOND SESSION

JUNE 15, 2000

Serial No. 106–167

Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations

(

Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.house.gov/international—relations

(II)

COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York, Chairman

WILLIAM F. GOODLING, Pennsylvania

JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa

HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois

DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey

DAN BURTON, Indiana

ELTON GALLEGLY, California

ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida

CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina

DANA ROHRABACHER, California

DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois

EDWARD R. ROYCE, California

PETER T. KING, New York

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio

MARSHALL ‘‘MARK’’ SANFORD, South

Carolina

MATT SALMON, Arizona

AMO HOUGHTON, New York

TOM CAMPBELL, California

JOHN M. MCHUGH, New York

KEVIN BRADY, Texas

RICHARD BURR, North Carolina

PAUL E. GILLMOR, Ohio

GEORGE RADANOVICH, California

JOHN COOKSEY, Louisiana

THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado

SAM GEJDENSON, Connecticut

TOM LANTOS, California

HOWARD L. BERMAN, California

GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York

ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American

Samoa

MATTHEW G. MARTINEZ, California

DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey

ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey

SHERROD BROWN, Ohio

CYNTHIA A. MCKINNEY, Georgia

ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida

PAT DANNER, Missouri

EARL F. HILLIARD, Alabama

BRAD SHERMAN, California

ROBERT WEXLER, Florida

STEVEN R. ROTHMAN, New Jersey

JIM DAVIS, Florida

EARL POMEROY, North Dakota

WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York

BARBARA LEE, California

JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York

JOSEPH M. HOEFFEL, Pennsylvania

RICHARD J. GARON, Chief of Staff

KATHLEEN BERTELSEN MOAZED, Democratic Chief of Staff

HILLEL WEINBERG, Senior Professional Staff Member and Counsel

NICOLLE A. SESTRIC, Staff Associate

(III)

C O N T E N T S

Page

Markup of H. Con. Res. 352, expressing the sense of Congress regarding

manipulation of the mass media and intimidation of the independent press

in the Russian Federation, expressing support for freedom of speech and

the independent media in the Russian Federation, and calling on the President of the United States to express his strong concern for freedom of

speech and the independent media in the Russian Federation ....................... 1

Markup of H. Res. 500, expressing the sense of the House of Representatives

concerning the violence, breakdown of rule of law, and troubled pre-election

period in the Republic of Zimbabwe ................................................................... 8

Markup of H. Con. Res. 297, congratulating the Republic of Hungary on

the millennium of its foundation as a state ....................................................... 14

Markup of H. Con. Res. 275, expressing the sense of Congress with regard

to Iraq’s failure to release prisoners of war from Kuwait and nine other

nations in violation of international agreements .............................................. 15

Markup of H. Res. 259, supporting the goals and ideals of the Olympics .......... 20

APPENDIX

Prepared statements:

The Honorable Benjamin A. Gilman, a Representative in Congress from New

York and Chairman, Committee on International Relations:

Concerning H. Con. Res. 352 ........................................................................... 24

Concerning H. Res. 500 .................................................................................... 27

Bills and amendments:

H. Con. Res. 352 ...................................................................................................... 29

H. Res. 500 ............................................................................................................... 37

Amendment offered by Mr. Royce to H. Res. 500 .......................................... 42

H. Con. Res. 297 ...................................................................................................... 43

H. Con. Res. 275 ...................................................................................................... 46

Amendment offered by Mr. Rohrabacher to H. Con. Res. 275 ...................... 51

H. Res. 259 ............................................................................................................... 52

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H. CON. RES. 352, H. RES. 500, H. CON. RES.

297, H. CON. RES. 275, AND H. RES. 259

THURSDAY, JUNE 15, 2000

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Washington, DC.

The Committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10 a.m. in room 2172,

Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Benjamin A. Gilman (Chairman of the Committee) presiding.

Chairman GILMAN. The Committee will be in order. Ladies and

gentlemen of the Committee, we will meet today in open session

pursuant to notice to mark up several resolutions.

HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION 352, REGARDING PRESS FREEDOM IN

RUSSIA

The first resolution will be House Concurrent Resolution 352, relating to press freedom in Russia. The Chair lays the resolution before the Committee. The clerk will report the title of the resolution.

Ms. BLOOMER. H. Con. Res. 352, concurrent resolution expressing

the sense of the Congress regarding manipulation of the mass

media and intimidation of the independent press and the Russian

Federation, expressing support for freedom of speech and the independent media in the Russian Federation, and calling on the President of the United States to express his strong concern for freedom

of speech and the independent media in he Russian Federation.

[The resolution appears in the appendix.]

Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the preamble and operative language of the resolution will be read in that order for the

amendment. Clerk will read.

Ms. BLOOMER. Whereas almost all of the large printing plants,

publishing houses, and newspaper—— Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the resolution is considered as having been read and is open to amendment at any point.

This resolution is in the original jurisdiction of the Full Committee.

I now recognize myself briefly on the resolution.

House Concurrent Resolution 352, which I have introduced along

with Mr. Lantos and Mr. Smith, makes it is clear that the Congress is greatly concerned by the treatment of the Russian media

by President Vladimir Putin and by his government’s increasingly

apparent lack of respect for freedom of expression in general in

Russia.

After years of extensive privatization of Russian state-owned enterprises, little privatization has been carried in major segments of

the Russian media.

2

Important segments, such as large printing and publishing

houses and nationwide television frequencies and broadcasting facilities, have been only partially privatized if they have been

privatized at all.

That failure to privatize key segments of the media presents a

tempting opportunity for Russian officials to manipulate the staterun media for their own ends, and in the recent parliamentary and

Presidential elections, we saw clear evidence that Russian officials

have succumbed to that temptation.

As this resolution points out, the Russian Government’s immense

influence over the state-run media was used during those elections

to openly support friends of the party in power in the Kremlin and

to attack blatantly and viciously those who opposed that party of

power.

Mr. Putin might very well not be president of Russia today if

such media manipulation had not been used to his advantage.

In addition to that manipulation of the state-run media, this resolution points out that the Russian Government and its officials

and agencies have also sought to intimidate the independent

media.

A new Russian ministry for the press was created last July, and

the minister for the press stated quite openly that his job was to

address the so-called aggression of the Russian press.

Leading Russian editors complained, in an open letter to former

president Boris Yeltsin in August, that government officials were

putting pressure on the media, particularly through unwarranted

raids by tax police.

In fact, as recently as May 11, masked officers of the Russian

Federal security service raided the headquarters of Media Most,

which operates NTV, the largest independent national television

station in Russia.

Then just this week the owner of Media Most, Vladimir

Gusinsky, was arrested on rather vague charges.

In addition, Russian reporters have been beaten and murdered,

and police investigations have tended to fail more often than not

to identify the perpetrators, much less bring them to justice.

Andre Babitsky, a Russian reporter working for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty covering the war in Chechnya, was arrested by

the Russian military and then exchanged to unidentified Chechens

for Russian POWs, a blatant violation of his rights as a Russian

citizen.

Another reporter was ordered by police to enter a psychiatric

clinic for an examination after he wrote articles critical of certain

Russian officials.

Beyond these examples of the ongoing intimidation of the press

by Mr. Putin’s government, this resolution points out a disturbing

fact that is very relevant to freedom of expression in general in

Russia.

The Russian Federal security service is now moving to ensure

total surveillance over the Internet in Russia by installing a system

by which all transmissions and e-mails originating within Russia

and sent to parties in Russia can be read by its personnel.

My colleagues in this manner, new structures of surveillance

over all of Russia’s citizens are being created.

3

This resolution makes it clear that the Russian government’s manipulation and intimidation of the media threaten the chances for

democracy and rule of law in Russia and makes it clear that freedom of expression by Russians in general is also under attack by

that government and its agencies.

This measure calls on our President to make it clear to President

Putin that the United States insists on respect for freedom of

speech and of the press in Russia.

Mr. Lantos.

Mr. LANTOS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. We are dealing here

with one of the most serious developments since the end of the

Cold War. I think it is important that we put this outrageous incarceration of the head of the only free media in Russia in some perspective.

Boris Yeltsin was not feeling very comfortable with the free

press, and several years ago, he attempted to intimidate this same

media operation and demanded that its most successful television

program, a program which is made up of brilliantly designed little

puppets with faces of political leaders be taken off the air. The

leadership of the independent media, asked me to go to Moscow

and hold a press conference on this issue, which I did, and the

pressure on the Yeltsin regime, apparently from a variety of

sources, was sufficient that they allowed this political satire to continue. Now, Mr. Putin was inducted as the president of Russia with

pomp and circumstance, which would have made the most status

conscious czar rejoice, and he is giving the impression that he is

the ruler of all the Russias.

When he was asked in Madrid about this outrageous incarceration of the head of the independent media, and by the way, this

incarceration took place in the most notorious prison of the Gulag

system in Poterka Prison, where the most dangerous common

criminals are housed and where the lives of people who are in that

prison are unsafe from their fellow inmates—Putin indicated that

all this came as a surprise to him.

Now, there are two possibilities, Mr. Chairman. Putin either was

lying or he was telling the truth. If he was lying, this is an attempt

by him to shift the blame for this outrageous attack on the free

media away from himself and on to the shoulders of the so-called

independent prosecutor. If, in fact, he was telling the truth, my

conclusion is even more ominous, namely, he is not in control of the

Kremlin and even more sinister forces are playing political games

designed to silence for good the last remaining component of free

media in Russia.

Our resolution outlines the case clearly and I wish to place in the

record today’s editorials from The New York Times, The Washington Post, and The Wall Street Journal on this subject.

Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, it will be made part of the

record.

Mr. LANTOS. The only reservation I have about our resolution,

Mr. Chairman, and I agreed to cosponsor your version of this resolution because I think it is important we act on it and the whole

House act on it——

Chairman GILMAN. We appreciate your cooperation.

4

Mr. LANTOS [continuing]. Is the calling on the administration to

do all kinds of things. Let me state for the record that our Ambassador in Moscow, Jim Collins, has been on this case full-time since

Mr. Gusinsky’s arrest, that our acting Secretary of State, Strobe

Talbott, the Vice President and the President, have done everything in their power to persuade the Russian Government to put

an end to this outrageous spectacle. So our calling on the administration to do things is gratuitous. There is nothing wrong with it,

but I want the record to show that our administration is doing its

utmost to have Mr. Gusinsky released, and at a broader level, to

have respect for free media observed in Russia.

I think it is extremely important in dealing with this most important matter that no hint of partisanship be present in any of

our public pronouncements. Our Republican colleagues and our

Democratic colleagues stand shoulder to shoulder with those of us

who introduced this resolution, irrespective of political partisan

and political affiliation. So I strongly ask my colleagues to vote for

this resolution, but I regret that there are hints of political partisanship which have been included in this resolution which, in

fact, have no place in it.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Lantos.

Mr. Smith.

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, for bringing

this very important resolution before the Committee today. We all

know that freedom of press is vital, an absolutely essential element

in a Democratic society. Those of us who are concerned about democracy, and I believe that is all of us, and human rights around

the world are deeply alarmed about what has been happening in

Russia in recent weeks and months.

Your outstanding work on this issue and that of our colleague

and friend, Tom Lantos, is an indication of how seriously the Committee and the entire Congress takes this issue. The arrest of

Vladimir Gusinsky is an alarming development that not only reflects the Russian Government’s antagonism toward one individual,

but will certainly have a chilling and, more precisely, a freezing effect on the media freedom in Russia. His arrest serves as a warning to anyone exercising their freedom of expression regardless of

their point of view that they may be next.

Mr. Chairman, as you probably know, yesterday 17 influential

business leaders wrote to President Putin to protest the arrest of

Mr. Gusinsky. They wrote, a precedent has been established. One

day all of us, practically the entire business community, could be

listed as political opponents. As a matter of fact, Mr. Chairman, on

May 23, the Helsinki Commission, which I chair, held congressional hearings on the human rights picture under the Putin administration, and that picture is very bleak. The trend line is going

in the opposite direction that it should be. Among the witnesses

was Igor Maleshinko, the first deputy chairman of Media Most. In

his testimony, Mr. Maleshinko called the May 11 raid on Media

Most and NTV, ‘‘vengeance for material already published or aired

an act of intimidation to prevent further investigative reporting by

the media not only in Moscow, but all over the country.’’ Clearly

Mr. Gusinsky had not been sufficiently intimidated by the raid.

5

The move against Mr. Gusinsky is another downward indicator in

Russia’s human rights picture as we see increasing reports of harassment of independent media throughout Russia as well as independent political and ecological groups.

I would make this note that when we journey to Bucharest for

the OSCE, parliamentary assembly in Bucharest, I will be leading

that delegation, I can assure you we will aggressively raise the

issue with the members of the Duma. Hopefully, the speaker of the

Duma will be there, like he was last year, to try to get Mr.

Gusinsky out of prison as quickly as possible, and also to stop the

trend line which, again, is going in the wrong direction.

Great resolution, Mr. Chairman. I hope everybody supports it.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Smith.

Mr. Gejdenson.

Mr. GEJDENSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I just want to join

with my colleagues to say that these kinds of activities in any society would be a frightening development, but to see them happening

in a country for so long that epitomized assault on a free press and

a free citizenry is truly frightening. We know where Mr. Putin

came from, the KGB and the origins of the KGB and the NKBD.

These kinds of actions would be more understandable if they came

from a society still controlled by the old Soviet KGB and not one

supposedly operating under democratic institutions.

The world is watching as Mr. Putin tries to bring order to a

somewhat chaotic economic and political system in Russia. Closing

down and assaulting the press will not get the response that Mr.

Putin is looking for. He will only reignite the tensions that have

existed for all too long in this century between Russia and democratic societies. It will also not bring any progress to Russia, but

only bring the darkness that existed for so long under Stalin. It is

clear we all speak with one voice here, and I urge the Chairman

to move this expeditiously to the floor.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Gejdenson. The Committee

will stand in recess for the vote.

[Recess.]

Mr. BEREUTER [presiding]. The Committee will be in order. The

Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arizona under the 5-minute

rule.

Mr. SALMON. Thank you. First of all, I would like to congratulate

Mr. Lantos for addressing this issue early on. He introduced a resolution himself about a week ago which I was original cosponsor of.

We had a hearing with the Helsinki Commission about 3 weeks ago

in which representatives from Media One were able to come and

address the body to talk about major problems in Russia, and I

must agree, I think that our message needs to be very, very clear.

It should not, in my mind, have political overtones within the

context of our own political system here in this country, but it

should be very, very clear in the denunciation of the atrocities

being perpetuated in Russia right now. I am very, very concerned

about the fact that not long ago, Media One was raided first and

foremost, and they were raided not because, to our understanding,

they have done anything illegally or criminal, but simply because

they spoke in opposition to some of the policies of the Putin government.

6

So I believe that our message needs to be very, very clear from

this Congress. I know that Congressman Lantos has been working

with the administration to address this problem, and I believe that

they have been doing their part to try to address the problems.

When the President was in Russia a few weeks ago, I know he

brought up the issue of press freedom. I know it is a concern to

him. So let’s make our message very, very clear that we in this

country, as partners with Russia, demand that they show more

sympathy to the freedom of the press, and if they truly want to

grow as a democracy, if they truly want to reform themselves, if

they truly want the support of the free world, then we have got to

give more than just lip service to the concept of freedom of the

press, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. BEREUTER. Are there other Members who wish to be heard

on the resolution?

Mr. Lantos, do you know if there are other Members who would

be returning who want to be heard on this?

Mr. LANTOS. I don’t, Mr. Chairman, but if I may take another

couple of minutes, I would like to add a few thoughts.

Mr. BEREUTER. Without objection, the gentleman is recognized.

Mr. LANTOS. Thank you very much.

This resolution is one of the most important ones we will consider in this current session of Congress. Russia is at the crossroads. It can move in the direction of developing into a democratic

and prosperous and peaceful society which will be a friend and ally

of the United States, and our colleagues in western Europe in

building a prosperous and peaceful global community. Or it can return back to its totalitarian, authoritarian, dictatorial directions.

It is my impression that Mr. Putin is potentially educable. If that

is a reasonable assumption, this is a very important pedagogic device. I think it is extremely important to note that the international community of media people has condemned this outrageous arrest of the head of the free media. I think it is important

our European allies speak out as forcefully as we are.

Prime Minister Tony Blair, who has had early and good relations

where Mr. Putin is in a particularly propitious position to exert

whatever influence he has, but I think it is extremely important for

us to realize, since we passed so many resolutions, not many of

them waiting, that this one is an extremely significant one. It is

a historic one. We are telling the Russian government and the Russian people that we understand they are a long ways from a free

and democratic society, but if they wish to move in that direction,

they must do it with a free press.

A free press which is free to criticize the government, whether

in its military actions as in Chechnya, or whether in its domestic

policies as the acceptance of political satire as part of the game of

democratic life. I strongly urge my colleagues to vote for this resolution. I yield back, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. BEREUTER. Thank you, Mr. Lantos. Despite the other duties

that Members have in Committee markups and elsewhere, I do

hope that the public will regard this as a unanimous approval of

the resolution. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.

7

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Thank you very much. Just a couple of

thoughts. First of all, I salute Mr. Lantos on, again, providing leadership on a very important pro-freedom, human rights issue that

will be of great significance to our future and to the future of peace

and for the world, not just for Russia but for the world.

It has brought to mind something that happened to me 10 years

ago. I was just a freshman here in Congress, that there were some

visiting Russians in the city, and some of them had been directed

to my office, and I was going to be spending the weekend here, and

it was on a Friday whether they came to my office. So I suggested

that we all go out and play touch football the next day, and they

all showed up to play touch football the next day, and then I suggested after the football game that we all go to the local pub for

some intellectual discourse and they all went to this—actually, it

was the Irish Times Pub right here on Capitol Hill, and as the discussion became more relevant to the occasion, we decided to find

out about competition, to teach them what competition was all

about.

And we began to have arm wrestling matches with these Russians who were visiting the United States, and it just so happens

that the fellow that I was teamed up against is now the president

of Russia, Mr. Putin. And I don’t know whether I should report

whether he beat me or not, but I think it is important whether you

are arm wrestling or whether you are engaged in this type of activity that those are people that need to feel the pressure, and they

need to understand that we are not just going to sit by and idly

do nothing as they are going in the wrong direction.

We need to put the full force, we need to put some muscle, pardon for the pun, but we need to put some muscle behind our words,

but we need, most of all, to express these thoughts that Mr. Lantos

has been talking about with our whole heart, so that these words

will be heard in Russia and will be heard by Mr. Putin, because

these people are not experienced in democracy. They are not experienced in taking criticism. They do not understand that in a system for it to succeed, they have to be able to accept criticism from

the press and from opponents, and by speaking forcefully today and

giving them this type of direction, I think that we are letting Mr.

Putin understand more about the way the system works, and we

are not expressing hostility toward them.

We are expressing that we want Russia to succeed. We want

Russia to be prosperous and free and at peace and democratic, and

they are not going to get that way if they end up censoring the

press. And just like I think we talked to them a little bit about

American football and Indian wrestling that day, I think that

maybe today, we can try to express a lesson——

Mr. LANTOS. Will the gentleman yield?

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Yes, sir, I certainly will.

Mr. LANTOS. Knowing of my friend’s extraordinary diplomatic

skills, I am sure he allowed Mr. Putin to win. Therefore, you better

call him now to sort of urge him to act in the correct way.

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Thank you very much. Mr. Chairman, would

you like me to move forward with this.

8

Mr. BEREUTER. Let me see for the record if there are any other

Members seeking recognition. There is a Member seeking recognition. The gentleman from California, Mr. Sherman.

Mr. SHERMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I just want to commend Mr. Lantos for his excellent work on this resolution. I think

we should praise the courage of Vladimir Gusinsky because here is

a man who had his offices invaded and then the next week the

puppets were back on television and then they were back on television the week after with the Putin puppeteer face. This is a man

who has shown a dedication to his country, toward democracy in

his country, toward the free expression of thought in his country

that should be a model for media tycoons in the United States and

elsewhere. This man has put his country above profitability or even

his own freedom.

The other point I think we can make is that American companies

should be reluctant to invest in a country that does not follow the

rule of law and does not protect press freedom, does not have real

democracy. No one in Russia can be safe to criticize that regime.

No one in Russia can believe that they have a free press when the

most powerful of all of the critics, the one most likely to be able

to defend himself is now in a Russian prison, and in fact I am told

one of the worst of the Russian prisons. So I commend Mr. Lantos

for bringing this resolution to the Committee.

Chairman GILMAN [presiding]. Are there any other Members

seeking recognition? If not, I recognize the gentleman from California, Mr. Rohrabacher, for a motion.

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Yes, Mr. Chairman. I move that the Chairman be requested to seek consideration of the pending resolution

on the suspension calendar.

Chairman GILMAN. The question is on the motion by the gentleman from California, Mr. Rohrabacher. All those in favor of the

motion signify by saying ‘‘aye.’’ All those opposed signify by saying

‘‘no.’’ The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to. Further proceedings on this measure are postponed.

H. RES. 500, RELATING TO THE SITUATION IN ZIMBABWE

We will now move to consideration of H. Res. 500, relating to the

situation in Zimbabwe. The Chair lays the resolution before the

Committee. The clerk will report the title of the resolution.

Ms. BLOOMER. H. Res. 500, resolution expressing the sense of the

House of Representatives concerning the violence, breakdown of

rule of law, and troubled preelection period in the Republic of

Zimbabwe.

[The resolution appears in the appendix.]

Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the clerk will read the preamble and operative language of the resolution in that order for

amendment. The clerk will read.

Ms. BLOOMER. Whereas people around the world supported the

Republic——

Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the resolution is considered as having been read and is open to amendment at any point.

Anyone seeking recognition? Mr. Royce.

Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me begin by applauding you on moving quickly with this resolution because critical elecVerDate 11-MAY-2000 17:14 Jan 04, 2001 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00012 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 68019.TXT HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
9

tions are going to be held in Zimbabwe on the 24th and 25th. You

and Mr. Hastings, working with the Africa Subcommittee staff,

have put together an important resolution I am a cosponsor of, and

my hope is that this could be on the House floor next week.

The Africa Subcommittee held a hearing on Zimbabwe on Tuesday and in that hearing we heard from Zimbabwe’s leading opposition figure over the phone and I am more convinced than ever that

we need to send a strong message to the government in Zimbabwe

that the United States and the international community will be

making a hard-nosed assessment of the legitimacy of those elections.

Unfortunately, it is quite clear that these elections leave much

to be desired because we have seen the spectacle of ruling party

supporters attacking schools, having taken their cue from the Justice Minister who accused the teachers of the country of polluting

the minds of the young people. The Zimbabwe Teachers Association

says that at least 200 schools have now been attacked, disrupted,

and the teachers intimidated. Teachers, they report, have been

stripped naked in front of their students and forced to chant proMugabe slogans. Teachers have been beaten unconscious in front

of their students. This is instigated by a government which professes a concern for education. It is no coincidence that teachers

served as the poll workers in the previous election 4 months ago

in which the government lost that referendum by a 55–45 margin

on expanding President Mugabe’s powers. So there could be no mistake that a message is being sent now to the teachers who are the

potential poll workers in the upcoming elections.

The political intimidation has been deadly over the last few

weeks. At least 31 persons, mostly Black Movement for Democratic

Change supporters have been killed. Hundreds others have been

beaten, raped, or forced to flee their homes. There are often knocks

in the dead of night on the door and requests by the secret police

to see if you are carrying the papers of the party in power or if you

are instead associated with the opposition.

Sadly, the rule of law and democracy has long been compromised

in post-independence of Zimbabwe. It has been a de facto one-party

state where political opponents have been intimidated and physically abused. The United States and the international community

have swept these troubling realities under the rug for years while

indulging the Mugabe government with aid. U.S. bilateral aid

alone has totaled three-quarters of a billion dollars.

This resolution notes that donor-supported land reform efforts

have been ineffective due to government corruption. In fact, the

land that has been transferred has been transferred to cabinet

members and other political associates of President Mugabe. It has

not gone to Zimbabwean farmers.

So the results are in. After President Mugabe has played the donors like a fiddle for years, Zimbabwe is staring into the abyss. It

is time we learn from the past. The democratic activists in

Zimbabwe have shown tremendous courage in the face of terrifying

and cowardly government attacks while practicing nonviolence on

their part.

I know for a fact that this resolution has bolstered their morale.

This is an important statement, Mr. Chairman, and the Congress

10

should be looking to do more. It should be looking to do more, yet

if the government of Zimbabwe continues on its present course, and

many of us will be watching the human rights and rule-of-law situation during and after these elections, and if things don’t improve,

I will be moving to end aid to Zimbabwe. I know many of my colleagues feel likewise. We all hope for the best, but it is important

that the Mugabe government understand that things are different

today. There is little tolerance for this rule at any cost and I thank

you, Mr. Chairman, for sponsoring this important resolution.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Royce.

Judge Hastings.

Mr. HASTINGS. Thank you so very much, Mr. Chairman. I thank

the Chairman of the Africa Subcommittee, Mr. Royce, as well for

expediting this matter. I would like to express my strong support

for H.Res. 500, concerning the recent situation in Zimbabwe. Mr.

Chairman, this resolution is offered to condemn the ongoing spiral

of political violence in Zimbabwe eloquently spoken to by the Africa

Subcommittee chair, my good friend Mr. Royce. It urges President

Mugabe and the ruling party to enforce the rule of law and support

international efforts to assist land reform.

Further, it condemns violence directed against farm workers and

recommends that a bipartisan delegation travel to Zimbabwe under

the auspices of the International Republican Institute and the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs for the purpose

of monitoring elections scheduled for June 24 and 25 of this year.

It is quite unequivocal that the time for gentle prodding and subtle messages to the government of Zimbabwe has passed. President

Mugabe is evidently not listening. He evidently is not responding.

Thus, the time for quiet diplomacy and behind the scenes negotiations should come to an end.

The United States must voice our loud dissent over the existing

conditions in this southern Africa nation. We must heed the call of

all the world’s citizens seeking peaceful, political, and social justice,

whether it is Zimbabwe or Bosnia or Kosovo. It is very risky for

us to associate ourselves with leaders who no longer have the support of their people and regimes with undemocratic values. And we

must not wait too long to answer the cries for liberty in Zimbabwe,

for there has already been enough bloodshed and loss of lives in

that tiny nation.

Mr. Chairman, we must act swiftly to avoid further disaster. I

continue to believe that with Sierra Leone in a state of anarchy,

the Democratic Republic of the Congo in a battlefield, Ethiopia and

Eritrea back in war and other parts of the African continent ongoing cataclysmic upheavals, we certainly cannot allow Zimbabwe to

collapse as well. There is still time but only if President Mugabe

returns to his senses.

I implore our colleagues to join you, Mr. Chairman, and all of us

in sending a strong message to President Mugabe and his ruling

body to end the violence now, conduct free, fair, and transparent

elections as scheduled, and uphold the rule of law. We also must

support the vast majority of people in Zimbabwe who are committed to peace and economic prosperity and let them know that

their aspirations for peace and democracy are not lost. Thank you

very much, Mr. Chairman.

11

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Judge Hastings.

Mr. Payne.

Mr. PAYNE. Thank you very much. Let me commend the Chairman Royce for introducing this legislation and Judge Hastings. I

join in support of the recommendation. I think that on our recent

trip led by Amo Houghton and Speaker Gephardt—Leader Gephardt, excuse me, we had a good opportunity to meet with Mr.

Mugabe and members of the opposition forces. We were of course

primarily concerned about the problem of HIV virus and AIDS and

for the first time Mr. Mugabe did acquiesce to the fact that it has

been known that there is a problem with AIDS and for the first

time has publicly said that he was willing to lend all of the government resources that were available to fight this.

But as we met with that and had a success as relates to the

dreaded disease there, we certainly were confronted with the fact

that there had been unfair tactics as relates to the upcoming elections.

The resolution here certainly expresses our concern for the violence and a breakdown of law in the preelection period in

Zimbabwe and it calls for the citizens of Zimbabwe to—we support

the peaceful demonstrations that have been going on by the opposition. We urge the government to uphold the rule of law and support international efforts to support land reform. It encourages all

parties and local media in society to work together for a free and

fair election and encourages monitors to visit there in the upcoming

elections.

There are still two problems, though, going into the election. One

is about the autonomy of the Electoral Supervisory Commission,

the ESC and, second, the accreditation of observers and polling

agents. I think that these issues must be dealt with and overcome.

I do think that with the adventurism by President Mugabe into the

Congo, that local support has eroded because people felt there were

problems at home, the unemployment rate, the inflation, and I do

believe that in order to make a dramatic statement President

Mugabe has used the question of land reform, which has been a

several decade problem, but making this the No. 1 issue to attempt

to gain support for those who are shut out and knocked down. But

I do urge that President Mugabe allow free and fair elections. I do

think there are some underlying problems that we ought to assist

the country of Zimbabwe in once the elections are over, and hopefully they are fair and free so that we can add our assistance to

trying to help them sort out the problems of real land reform, the

same problems that we have seen in South Africa with the distribution of land, the same problem we have seen in Namibia, the

same problem that was in Zambia. But I think once the elections

are over, fair and free, hopefully the people’s voice will be heard

and hopefully we will be able to sit down with the government of

Zimbabwe, with the British, with those who are part of the Lancaster House agreement of 20 years ago, which has never really

been fully implemented, and perhaps we can resolve the land problem once and for all and move toward a better day for the people

of Zimbabwe who certainly deserve it.

Thank you very much.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Payne.

12

Mr. Royce, for an amendment.

Mr. ROYCE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have really just a technical amendment. The resolution currently reads, Whereas no date

has been set for parliamentary elections, those dates have been set

for June 24 and 25. We should make note of that and this technical

amendment does so.

Chairman GILMAN. The clerk will report the amendment.

Ms. BLOOMER. Amendment offered by Mr. Royce: In the final

Whereas clause on page two strike the words ‘‘no date has’’ and insert ‘‘June 24 and June 25 have’’.

[The amendment appears in the appendix.]

Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the amendment is agreed

to.

I will now speak briefly to the resolution.

There was a time when President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe

spoke passionately and persuasively for justice, liberty and majority rule, but destiny led this Jesuit trade schoolteacher to become

the leader of a liberation movement. But at some point during the

past 20 years that vision of a peaceful democratic Zimbabwe has

become twisted and the President seems to believe that it is his

birth right to rule and that he will live forever.

Earlier this year, the people of Zimbabwe sadly rejected the constitutional referendum that would have given the President even

greater powers. Commercial farmers, both black and white, as well

as the commercial farmer, who comprise 26 percent of Zimbabwe’s

labor force, fought the referendum and won.

Surprised that anyone should dare question his authority, the

ruling party, at the direction of the President, launched a brutal

and cynical campaign to cower its political opponents into submission. These activities have not gone unnoticed among Zimbabwe’s

neighbors and democratic nations around the world. Zimbabwe’s

law requires that parliamentary elections be held within the next

few months. The intimidation in state sponsored violence that we

have observed these past few months are designed to keep all

power in the hands of the ruling party, which currently holds 147

of the—150 seats of the parliament. These tactics are not just misjudged. They are also destined to fail.

Every time a farm worker is beaten for asserting his right to free

speech, ZANU loses support. Every time a Zimbabwe soldier dies

in the Congo, a war that means nothing to his family, ZANU loses

its support. President Mugabe has made the greatest mistake any

politician can make. He has underestimated the people he covers.

H. Res. 500 expresses the House’s profound dismay at the practices of Zimbabwe’s current leadership. It is our sincere wish that

the people of Zimbabwe who deserve the political freedom, as many

have fought for, will remain steadfast in a peaceful pursuit of

democratic reform.

I commend the Subcommittee on African Affairs, ably led by Mr.

Royce and Mr. Payne for their excellent hearing on this topic yesterday, and I would also like to thank Judge Hastings for his original cosponsorship of this resolution and many other Members who

have offered their sponsorship since the resolution was introduced,

and I ask that my full statement be made part of the record.

13

[The prepared statement of Chairman Gilman appears in the appendix.]

Chairman GILMAN. Are there any other Members seeking recognition?

Mr. Sherman.

Mr. SHERMAN. I want to associate myself with the preceding

speakers. I think this is an important resolution and the recent

comments indicate why. I want to add a plea to the embassy of the

United States in Zimbabwe that it will take extraordinary efforts

to protect Americans and American businesses in Zimbabwe during

this period of unrest because it is those business activities and

tourism that will help Zimbabwe in the years to come rebuild its

economy.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you. Mr. Lantos, is that on a motion

on your bill?

Mr. LANTOS. No.

Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Lantos.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, for the sake of saving time, I want

to associate myself with the comments of my good friends Congressman Hastings and Congressman Payne and to recognize their

enormous contributions to issues on behalf of human rights and democracy globally.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Lantos.

Mr. Bereuter.

Mr. BEREUTER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I was just going to

make a comment or two as I offered in a motion. I would like to

commend the Chairman and Mr. Hastings for this initiative. The

Chairman has just given a very strong statement of our concerns

or actually our outrage over what has happened and, as Mr.

Hastings says, the time for subtle message has passed. I have a

hard time referring to Mr. Mugabe as president. It is an honorable

title. I don’t think he deserves it.

When the gentleman from New Jersey went to speak along with

others about the scourge of HIV/AIDS, it must have been difficult

for them to meet with the gentleman despite the importance of that

issue. I think what Mugabe has done has been outrageous. He has

encouraged violence. His actions have been despicable. He ought to

be regarded as an international pariah.

And I would hope that when this bill is managed on the floor

that the manager, the Chairman or whoever he might designate,

would request a record vote on it so that we might have unanimous

expression of the House of Representatives about the conduct that

has been going on in Zimbabwe, and I yield back the balance of my

time.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Bereuter.

Mr. Payne.

Mr. PAYNE. I might just add that the embassy that was referred

to by Mr. Sherman, the embassy has really been engaged in this.

I receive several calls a week from the U.S. Ambassador to

Zimbabwe. They are moving around the country. They are really on

top of the issue and has shown a tremendous concern by like I said,

by several calls, and I am sure Mr. Hastings and Mr. Royce and

14

others of us have received calls from our embassy. So they are really seemingly on target in this instance.

Thank you.

Chairman GILMAN. Ms. Lee.

Ms. LEE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and let me just say that I

also want to associate myself with the remarks of Judge Hastings

and especially Congressman Payne with regard to particularly the

issues around land reform, and I think we must remember that

during the liberation struggle and the independence struggle the

issue was land reform then. Here we are now many, many years,

what is it, 20 years later in a new election and the same issue prevails. The issue is land reform.

It is important, I believe, for the United States once these elections take place, and I fully support this resolution. I think it is

going to be very important for us to not just be bystanders as we

move forward in this process because I don’t want to see us 20

years from now still dealing with these issues, especially as they

relate to land reform, because I think that that has got to be addressed very quickly. If not, we will be in the same place 20 years

from now.

Thank you.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Ms. Lee. If there are no other

Members seeking recognition, the gentleman from Nebraska, Mr.

Bereuter, is recognized to offer a motion.

Mr. BEREUTER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I move that the

Chairman be requested to seek consideration of the pending resolution on the suspension calendar.

Chairman GILMAN. The question is now on the motion of the gentleman from Nebraska. All those in favor of the motion signify by

saying aye. All those opposed signify by saying no. The ayes have

it. The motion is agreed to. Further proceedings on this measure

are postponed.

Mr. Lantos.

H. CON. RES. 297, CONGRATULATING THE REPUBLIC OF HUNGARY ON

THE MILLENNIUM

We will now consider H. Con Res. 297, relating to the millennium of the founding of Hungary as a state. The Chair lays the resolution before the Committee. The clerk will report the title of the

resolution.

Ms. BLOOMER. H. Con. Res. 297, a resolution congratulating the

Republic of Hungary on the millennium of its foundation as a state.

[The resolution appears in the appendix.]

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman.

Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Lantos.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I move to postpone consideration of

H. Con. Res. 297 until June 28, 2000 so as to give us sufficient

time to make it a more balanced and more realistic resolution.

Chairman GILMAN. The gentleman is recognized for any further

time he may seek with regard to his motion.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, the two authors of the resolution

proceeded with the best of intentions, but there is a subtext in the

resolution given the current political situation of Hungary which

compels me to ask for a postponement. The resolution, as it can be

15

read and will be read in Hungary, has singularly negative connotations which I think will need to be corrected. The far right in Hungary is making considerable headway. They will use this resolution

for their own nefarious purposes, and I believe it is imperative that

we revise and make the resolution more—— Mr. BEREUTER. Will the gentleman yield.

Mr. LANTOS. I will be happy to yield.

Mr. BEREUTER. I thank the gentleman for yielding. I want to

support the gentleman’s motion. I believe there is no one in the

Congress past or present who understands more about Hungary

than the gentleman from California. I respect his opinion on Hungary from my knowledge of how this resolution would be received

with the particular provision in it. I believe the gentleman is entirely right. I bow to his judgment and I know that the gentleman

will work to try to advance a resolution that would be appropriate

and avoid that problem.

I certainly support you, Mr. Lantos, in your request. Thank you,

Mr. Chairman.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Bereuter. Without objection,

the motion of the gentleman from California is now agreed to.

H. CON. RES. 275, REGARDING KUWAITI POWS

We will now consider H. Con. Res. 275, relating to Kuwaiti prisoners of war. The Chair lays the resolution before the Committee.

The clerk will report the title of the resolution.

Ms. BLOOMER. H. Con. Res. 275, concurrent resolution expressing

the sense of the Congress with regard to Iraq’s failure to release

prisoners of war from Kuwait and nine other nations in violation

of international agreements.

[The resolution appears in the appendix.]

Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the preamble and operative language of the resolution will be read in that order for

amendment. The clerk will read.

Ms. BLOOMER. Whereas in 1990 and 1991, thousands of Kuwaitis

were randomly——

Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the resolution is considered as having been read and is open to amendment at any point.

The resolution is in the original jurisdiction of the Full Committee,

and I now recognize the gentleman from Florida, Mr. Wexler.

Mr. WEXLER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to thank you,

Mr. Chairman and Congressman Gejdenson, for bringing House

Concurrent Resolution 275 to the Full Committee for a vote. I also

want to thank Congressman Rohrabacher and Congressman Royce

for joining me in introducing this important resolution to highlight

the unfortunate plight of 605 Kuwaiti POWs who remain detained

in Iraqi prisons. I know they share my view that there is no cause

more compelling than the return of missing citizens and soldiers.

In January I traveled to Kuwait, where I met with Kuwaiti officials and representatives from the National Committee for Missing

and POW Affairs and learned about the horrors that took place a

decade ago when Saddam Hussein’s Iraq brutally occupied Kuwait

for several months in 1990 and 1991. During the occupation thousands of Kuwaitis were literally swept off the streets and detained

in Iraqi prisons. Some were released after the end of the Gulf War.

16

There remain, however, 605 Kuwaiti POWs in Iraq whose status

and well-being are unknown to their families and the international

community.

Over the last decade the United States and the international

community have made every effort to assist the Kuwaiti government to secure the release of the missing POWs. After the Gulf

War the United Nations Security Council passed two resolutions

calling upon Iraq to arrange for immediate access to and release

of all prisoners of war under the auspices of the International Committee of the Red Cross. Iraq has failed to fulfill its obligations to

release the prisoners. They have hindered and blocked efforts of

the tripartite commission to locate and secure the release and return of the remaining prisoners of war.

Iraq has also violated article 126 of the Third Geneva Convention

to which they are a signatory by denying the Red Cross access to

Iraqi prisons. Although Iraq has thwarted the efforts of the Red

Cross and the tripartite commission, there is strong evidence that

the POWs may still be alive in Iraq. Iraqi documents left behind

in Kuwait chronicle in detail the arrest, imprisonment and transfer

of a significant number of Kuwaitis, including those who are still

missing. Eyewitness reports from Iraq indicate that many missing

soldiers were seen alive in Iraqi prisons.

This resolution will add in securing the release and return of the

remaining Kuwaiti prisoners of war. The resolution condemns Iraq

for its refusal to comply with international human rights agreements to which it is a party. It also urges Iraq to disclose the

names and whereabouts of those prisoners who are still alive and

allow humanitarian organizations to visit with the living prisoners.

Mr. Chairman, the entire nation of Kuwait continues to suffer 10

years after the end of the Gulf War. The uncertainty surrounding

the whereabouts of the missing Kuwaitis has had a devastating

psychological effect on the people of Kuwait. No Kuwaiti family is

unaffected by the tragedy. For 10 years Kuwaitis have banded together, united and determined to secure and return those who were

taken without warning and without reason.

I believe this resolution will help keep this powerful humanitarian issue at the forefront of international consciousness so that

individuals and governments throughout the world cannot ignore

it.

Mr. Chairman, I also welcome the amendment by Congressman

Rohrabacher, pertaining to American Navy Lieutenant Commander

Michael Speicher whose F–18 fighter jet was shot down over Iraq

on January 16, 1991 and his fate remains uncertain.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you. Mr. Rohrabacher.

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. There

are 605 Kuwaiti MIAs, many of whom are civilians and they have

been held for over 10 years now. To put this in proportion for the

people of the United States, this would be the equivalent if an

enemy of the United States was holding 200,000 Americans for a

period of 10 years. Think of what the suffering among our people

and the emotional upheaval in our country would be if 200,000

Americans were being held by an enemy of the United States.

17

The fact that Saddam Hussein still holds these people and refuses to give an accounting, now obviously some of them are dead,

but many of them are likely to be alive and many of those who are

alive or dead are civilians and not military personnel. So we must

send a message to Saddam Hussein that we take this issue very

seriously. This is a humanitarian issue. It is a human rights issue.

It is an issue from which all Americans agree is an outrage against

humanity as we hear the call go up for an end of the sanctions

against Iraq. You know we have the oil sanctions against Iraq now.

We permit them to sell enough oil to pay for their food and their

medicine. Saddam Hussein instead decides to use his discretion to

use those resources to buy more weapons and to buy more instruments of repression of his own people.

But as these people keep knocking on our door, saying end these

sanctions against Iraq, let us remind them of the 605 Kuwaiti

MIAs who Saddam Hussein refuses to even give us an accounting

for, and I would say until he does there should be no movement

toward opening up any type of relationship with Saddam Hussein

or Iraq.

I have an amendment at the desk, Mr. Chairman, which I will

offer in a moment dealing with Lieutenant Commander Michael

Speicher, and I will just say like the 605 Kuwaiti MIAs this is a

man, an American citizen who is yet to be accounted for, and this

is a serious issue.

And one last thought before we go on, and that is, it is important

that we maintain a friendly relationship with the people of Kuwait

and the government of Kuwait. The fact is that our destinies are

tied. If for some reason Saddam Hussein were to come back into

that country and would commit another act of aggression, the prestige of the United States of America, our ability to deter aggression

around the world would be severely undermined.

With that in mind, I think this resolution of Mr. Wexler’s is vital,

but I think it is also vital for the Kuwaitis to understand that they

have to act as if they are friends of the United States as well, and

when they are handling their economic affairs in terms of their decisions in OPEC, they should act as a friend of the United States.

We must act as their friend because it is in our interest to do so.

They should act as our friend because it is in their interest to do

so.

And with that I strongly support and commend Mr. Wexler for

his amendment and this great stand, and it is a stand for values,

for decency, for the things that we should be standing for in the

United States, and it is in our interest as well. So congratulations,

Mr. Wexler, and I strongly support your amendment. I do have an

amendment at the end of the general debate to add to this.

Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Gejdenson.

Mr. GEJDENSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I think none of us

can be shocked by the savagery of Saddam Hussein, a savagery

that continues to inflict terrible pain on his own people, diverting

resources away from feeding his children and providing medical

care. He takes those resources to build lavish palaces and to pursue more of his military needs, trying to increase his access to

weaponry.

18

This savagery continues against the people of Kuwait with the

holding of the Kuwaiti hostages for so long after the Kuwaitis, who

complied with the U.N. Resolutions, released all the Iraqi prisoners

they held.

This savagery cannot be allowed to continue and we cannot sit

by quietly. I commend my colleague from Florida, Mr. Wexler, for

his fine effort here and also the gentleman from California for the

addition of the American pilot and also for his reference to the supply of petroleum that affects the common security of the United

States.

Americans have taken courageous action, appropriately, to protect the Kuwaitis. They have taken every effort to continue to contain Saddam Hussein, taking the lead in that role, and this Congress cannot sit by as this one more savage act by Saddam Hussein

continues to inflict pain on the Kuwaiti people.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Gejdenson.

Mr. Lantos.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I want to commend my friend from

Florida for his very carefully crafted and very important resolution,

and I want to commend my friend from California Mr. Rohrabacher

for his amendment.

I think it is extremely important that we do not allow Saddam

Hussein to blame the Western powers for whatever deprivations

are unfolding with respect to the Iraqi people. It is fully within

Saddam Hussein’s power and it is only within his power to see to

it that the sanctions are lifted and the Iraqi people rejoin the community of nations. He has persistently refused and sabotaged and

undermined the attempts of the United Nations to get to the bottom of his attempt to build weapons of mass destruction, nuclear,

biological, chemical and the missile technology for their delivery.

We must stand firm until Saddam Hussein changes his policy or

until he is replaced. We deeply regret whatever problems the people of Iraq have as a result of his actions but the blame must be

placed squarely on the shoulders of his outrageous dictatorial regime.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Lantos.

Mr. Rohrabacher, for his amendment.

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. As original cosponsor I am in strong support of Mr. Wexler’s resolution as I just

said, but my amendment calls for the government of the United

States——

Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Rohrabacher, let us call up the amendment.

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Yes, sir.

Chairman GILMAN. The clerk will read the amendment. And the

clerk will distribute the amendment.

Ms. BLOOMER. Amendment offered by Mr. Rohrabacher, ‘‘After

the last whereas clause, add the following, whereas significant

questions remain——’’

[The amendment appears in the appendix.]

Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the amendment is considered as having been read. Mr. Rohrabacher, on his amendment.

19

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Thank you very much. My amendment calls

for the governments of the United States, Kuwait and international

community to make every effort possible to resolve the case of

Lieutenant Commander Michael Speicher, a U.S. Navy fighter pilot

who was shot down over Iraq on January 16, 1991. The Navy declared him killed in action, body not recovered the day after the

shootdown. However, the military did not conduct any search and

rescue for him during the war.

Importantly, since the end of Desert Storm significant evidence

has been discovered that raises serious questions about the fate of

this heroic American. Saddam has a history of secretly holding on

to prisoners for years. Iraq, for example, recently released Iranian

prisoners of war who Saddam had denied holding until the time of

their release. Earlier this month following a CBS 60 Minutes

expose ́ on this case, a Navy spokesman told the Washington Post

that Lieutenant Commander Speicher’s status, ‘‘remains very much

an open issue. Clearly, we dropped the ball.’’ As in the case of the Kuwaiti missing prisoners, Iraq has not answered any U.S. inquiries about the pilot. Last week bipartisan legislation by the U.S. Senate has called for full disclosure of all U.S.

defense and intelligence reports regarding Lieutenant Commander

Speicher.

Michael Speicher, a patriotic young American who volunteered to

serve his country, has not been well served by his country. During

visits to Kuwait in 1998 and again in 1999, I asked intelligence officials at the American embassy about Lieutenant Commander

Speicher. They told me that there is a legitimate reason for concern

about whether he survived his crash and was taken prisoner. These

officials told me that they welcome congressional support for the

United States Government’s efforts to determine Lieutenant Commander Speicher’s fate.

Recently in Jordan, an Iraqi defector told a U.S. official that he

had driven an American prisoner from the desert to Baghdad during the war and this same fellow identified Speicher’s photo out of

a photo lineup as the prisoner he had encountered.

My amendment calls for the United States, the Kuwaiti government, and the international community to do everything possible to

seek information that will resolve the fate of Lieutenant Commander Speicher. It also calls on Iraq to immediately return this

American hero or his remains to the International Red Cross for

return to the United States.

My office has already spoken to the Kuwaiti embassy in regard

to this issue. They are supportive of this amendment. This reflects

their gratitude toward all Americans who served in the Gulf War

and liberated their country from Saddam’s brutal occupation forces.

It coincides and parallels directly with Mr. Wexler’s fine amendment about Kuwaiti MIAs, and I would urge my colleagues to support this amendment.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Rohrabacher. Is a Member

seeking recognition on the Rohrabacher amendment? If not, without objection, the amendment is agreed to.

I ask that my full statement be made part of the record. During

the Gulf War thousands of Kuwaitis were randomly arrested during the Iraqi occupation. The government in Kuwait compiled eviVerDate 11-MAY-2000 17:14 Jan 04, 2001 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00023 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 68019.TXT HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
20

dence documenting the evidence of 605 prisoners of war. It submitted its file to the International Committee of the Red Cross,

which passed its files on to Iraq and the United Nations.

I want to commend the gentleman from Florida, Mr. Wexler, for

his concern in this matter, and for his sponsorship for this important humanitarian issue.

Are any other Members seeking recognition? If not, the gentleman from Nebraska Mr. Bereuter is recognized to offer a motion.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Chairman be requested to seek consideration of the pending resolution as amended

on the suspension calendar.

Chairman GILMAN. The question is on the motion of the gentleman from Nebraska. All those in favor of the motion signify by

saying ‘‘aye.’’ All those opposed signify by saying ‘‘no.’’ The ayes

have it. The motion is agreed to. Further proceedings on this measure are postponed.

H. RES. 259, SUPPORTING THE GOALS AND IDEALS OF THE OLYMPICS

We will now proceed to H. Res. 259.

I would like to remind our colleagues that we will be going into

a Full Committee hearing. We will reconvene at the close of this

meeting into a hearing on the State Department’s overseas presence to hear Under Secretary Bonnie Cohen, and we thank her for

her patience while we went through the markup.

We will now consider H. Res. 259, supporting the goals and

ideals of the Olympics. The Chair lays the resolution before the

Committee. The clerk will report the title of the resolution.

Ms. BLOOMER. H. Res. 259, resolution supporting the goals and

ideals of the Olympics.

[The resolution appears in the appendix.]

Chairman GILMAN. The resolution is within the jurisdiction of

the Full Committee. Without objection, the clerk will read the preamble and operative language of the resolution, in that order, for

amendment. The clerk will read.

Ms. BLOOMER. Whereas for over 100 years——

Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the resolution is considered as having been read and is now open for amendment at any

point.

Mr. Lantos.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I obviously support this resolution,

but I would like to make a point that relates to the location of future Olympic games. A few years ago the Chinese Communist government put on a full court press with enormous resources to obtain the privilege of holding the Olympics this year in Beijing.

You may recall at that time I introduced a resolution and conducted a campaign which resulted in congressional action disapproving of Beijing as the location of the 2000 Olympics because

of the outrageous human rights violations that the Chinese Communist regime engaged in at the time and continues to engage in.

Partly as a result of congressional action, partly as a result of action by other democratic nations, by a very narrow margin Sydney,

Australia, got the opportunity of hosting the Olympic games this

year, and I certainly welcome this outcome, as did all people who

21

consider human rights an important element in awarding the

venue of Olympic games.

I would merely like to urge my colleagues as we consider locations of future Olympics, both summer and winter, that the human

rights policies of the government seeking to host Olympic games be

considered before we indicate by whatever means, resolution or

speeches, that we favor or oppose these locations.

It is not a matter of indifference as to where Olympic games are

held. Hosting the Olympic games bestows on a country a tremendous degree of international prestige and international attention.

Hundreds of millions of people watch these on television. These become the leading news event during the whole period of the Olympics, and I would merely urge my colleagues in the future to be

vigilant in seeing to it that totalitarian countries which suppress

human rights not be given the privilege of hosting Olympic events.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Lantos.

Mr. Bereuter.

Mr. BEREUTER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. As we consider this

resolution today, I think we should also consider that the 2004

Olympics will be held in Athens, which is the 100th anniversary

of the modern Olympic games, and I would hope that our valued

Greek-American constituents can attempt to have some impact on

the government of Greece with respect to the terrorist organizations that have been plaguing foreigners and civilian citizens of

that country.

I am not sure how many people are aware of the fact that not

too many years ago we had a rocket attack against the U.S. embassy in Athens. It was only because of the ineptness of the terrorist group that we didn’t have severe damage and loss of life

there, and this terrorist organization seems to go on with its

killings and its intimidation almost unchecked.

There are people in the Greek government that are extraordinarily concerned and attempting to do something about this, and

they deserve the support of Greek citizens. They deserve encouragement from the U.S. Government and from all governments so

that we don’t have another tragedy like that that befell the British

brigadier in the last several days.

I would hope that those friends of Greece, be they Greek-American or of any other ethnic background, will give every encouragement to the government of Greece to come down hard and effectively and successfully on this terrorist organization which has

killed Americans and other foreign nationals as well as many

Greek citizens.

I cannot imagine how we can conduct a 2004 Olympics in Athens

unless this scourge is stopped. We can’t have a repeat of Munich,

where you had strong security and, in fact, you still had the tragedy that befell the Israeli delegation participation at that point.

Mr. Chairman, I think it is time for us to say a few words about

the upcoming 2004 Olympics before it is too late for the Greek government to make effective changes in dealing with the terrorist organization that is by nature a Marxist organization in that country.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Bereuter.

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Mr. Lantos.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I merely wish to identify myself and

associate myself with the comments of my friend from Nebraska.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Lantos. Next week on June

23rd, the international community will be marking the anniversary

of the founding of the modern Olympic games. The Olympics are

aimed at bringing together the world’s athletes to participate in

friendly, though hard fought competition regardless of politics, ideology or other matters extraneous to the sport. Our own Olympic

champion, the gentleman from Kansas Jim Ryun, has introduced

this resolution seeking the Congress and the American people’s recognition of the goals and ideals of the modern Olympic movement.

I believe that all of the Members of our Committee agree that these

goals and ideals are indeed laudable and worthy of our recognition

and support. Accordingly, I ask our Committee to unanimously

agree to seek scheduling of this resolution on the suspension calendar.

Mr. Bereuter.

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Chairman be requested to seek consideration of the pending resolution on the suspension calendar.

Chairman GILMAN. Without objection, the motion is agreed to.

We will now proceed with our—reconvene into our hearing. We will

break for just a few minutes, to allow the witnesses to take their

seats.

[Whereupon, at 11:40 a.m., the Committee proceeded to other

business.]

(23)

A P P E N D I X

JUNE 15, 2000

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