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U.S. POLICY TOWARD TIBET: ACCESS, RELIGIOUS

FREEDOM, AND HUMAN RIGHTS

HEARING

BEFORE THE

SUBCOMMITTEE ON ASIA AND THE PACIFIC

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS

FIRST SESSION

DECEMBER 6, 2017

Serial No. 115–102

Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs

(

Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/ or

http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/

(II)

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey 

ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida 

DANA ROHRABACHER, California 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

JOE WILSON, South Carolina 

MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas 

TED POE, Texas 

DARRELL E. ISSA, California 

TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania 

MO BROOKS, Alabama 

PAUL COOK, California 

SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania 

RON DESANTIS, Florida 

MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina 

TED S. YOHO, Florida 

ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois 

LEE M. ZELDIN, New York 

DANIEL M. DONOVAN, JR., New York 

F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, JR., 

Wisconsin 

ANN WAGNER, Missouri 

BRIAN J. MAST, Florida 

FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida 

BRIAN K. FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania 

THOMAS A. GARRETT, JR., Virginia 

JOHN R. CURTIS, Utah 

ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey 

GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia 

THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida 

KAREN BASS, California 

WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts 

DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island 

AMI BERA, California 

LOIS FRANKEL, Florida 

TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii 

JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas 

ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois 

BRENDAN F. BOYLE, Pennsylvania 

DINA TITUS, Nevada 

NORMA J. TORRES, California 

BRADLEY SCOTT SCHNEIDER, Illinois 

THOMAS R. SUOZZI, New York 

ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York 

TED LIEU, California

AMY PORTER, Chief of Staff THOMAS SHEEHY, Staff Director

JASON STEINBAUM, Democratic Staff Director 

SUBCOMMITTEE ON ASIA AND THE PACIFIC

TED S. YOHO, Florida, Chairman 

DANA ROHRABACHER, California 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania 

MO BROOKS, Alabama 

SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania 

ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois 

ANN WAGNER, Missouri 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

AMI BERA, California 

DINA TITUS, Nevada 

GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia 

THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida 

TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii 

(III)

C O N T E N T S 

Page

WITNESSES 

Mr. Richard Gere, chair of the Board of Directors, International Campaign 

for Tibet ................................................................................................................ 10

Mr. Tenzin Tethong, director of the Tibetan Service, Radio Free Asia .............. 20

Mr. Carl Gershman, president, National Endowment for Democracy ................ 25

LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING 

The Honorable Ted S. Yoho, a Representative in Congress from the State 

of Florida, and chairman, Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific: Prepared 

statement .............................................................................................................. 3

Mr. Richard Gere: Prepared statement ................................................................. 14

Mr. Tenzin Tethong: Prepared statement ............................................................. 22

Mr. Carl Gershman: Prepared statement .............................................................. 27

APPENDIX 

Hearing notice .......................................................................................................... 46

Hearing minutes ...................................................................................................... 47

The Honorable Eliot L. Engel, a Representative in Congress from the State 

of New York: Prepared statement ...................................................................... 48

The Honorable Gerald E. Connolly, a Representative in Congress from the 

Commonwealth of Virginia: Prepared statement .............................................. 50

Questions for the record submitted by the Honorable Dina Titus, a Representative in Congress from the State of Nevada ...................................................... 52

(1)

U.S. POLICY TOWARD TIBET: ACCESS, 

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM, AND HUMAN RIGHTS 

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 6, 2017

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

SUBCOMMITTEE ON ASIA AND THE PACIFIC,

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS,

Washington, DC. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:40 p.m., in room 

2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Ted Yoho (chairman of 

the subcommittee) presiding. 

Mr. YOHO. The subcommittee will come to order. Members 

present will be permitted to submit written statements to be included in the official hearing record. 

Without objection, the hearing record will remain open for 5 calendar days to allow statements, questions, and extraneous material 

for the record, subject to length limitations in the rules. 

As a friendly reminder, I would like to remind audience members 

that disruption of committee proceedings is against the law and 

will not be tolerated. Although wearing themed shirts while seated 

in the hearing room is permissible, holding up signs during the 

proceedings is not. Any disruptions will result in suspension of the 

proceedings until Capitol Police can restore order. 

With that, I would like to say good afternoon and thank you to 

my colleagues and the panel for joining us here today for this discussion of Tibet. It is a turbulent time in international relations, 

particularly in the Asia-Pacific region where security concerns 

dominate policy discussions daily. In this environment, some important issues are getting far too little attention, especially on the 

international stage, and the status of Tibet is one of these issues. 

It is an important moment to shine a light on the events in Tibet, 

especially with significant legislation on this topic pending before 

this committee. 

Tibet’s exiled spiritual leader, the 14th Dalai Lama, and other 

Tibetan leaders in exile convened a first of its kind conference in 

October, the Five-Fifty Forum. The objective was to establish a 5-

year plan for negotiations with China on Tibet’s future or, if negotiations fail, a plan for 50 more years of resistance. The context of 

these discussions is a period of increased uncertainty about Tibet’s 

future. The Dalai Lama has advocated a compromise, called the 

Middle Way, seeking autonomy within China for the people of 

Tibet rather than independence from China. 

But the Tibetan people and the world are increasingly forced to 

consider what will happen after the Dalai Lama’s leadership. It is 

2

still unknown how the Dalai Lama will choose to determine his 

succession and reincarnation, but China, having kidnapped the 

Panchen Lama as a child in 1995 and put an imposter in his place, 

may attempt to appoint a fraudulent successor. A result that is 

seen as illegitimate or intolerable by the people of Tibet could 

cause a wave of protest and resistance, ushering in new heights of 

oppression. 

Human rights and personal freedoms in Tibet are already in a 

poor and worsening state. According to the State Department’s 

2016 Human Rights Report, the Government of China engages in 

the severe repression of Tibet’s unique religious, cultural, and linguistic heritage by, among other means, strictly curtailing the civil 

rights of the Tibetan population, including the freedoms of speech, 

religion, association, assembly, and movement. The authorities 

have used heavy-handed and violent tactics to maintain control in 

Tibet, especially in response to unrest, including extrajudicial 

killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, extrajudicial detentions, and 

house arrests. And Tibet remains extremely isolated. The flow of 

information in and out of Tibet is tightly restricted. Tibetans are 

prevented from obtaining passports and moving freely, and foreigners, especially journalists and officials, are frequently denied 

access. I hope that today the panel can provide the subcommittee 

with suggestions for policy Congress can pursue to push back 

against these abuses that we see too often coming out of China. 

Fortunately, there are two pieces of legislation pending before 

the subcommittee that aim to do just that, and I look forward to 

the witnesses and their impressions of these bills. Representative 

McGovern’s Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act of 2017 would promote 

access to Tibetan areas by denying U.S. visas to Chinese Government officials who are involved in restricting access to Tibet. And 

Chairman Emeritus Ros-Lehtinen’s H. Con. Resolution 89 provides 

comprehensive reassertion of U.S. policies toward Tibet, underscoring the importance of the Tibetan Policy Act and clarifying the 

sense of Congress on a number of important issues relating to 

Tibet. 

In addition to these measures, I am looking forward to hearing 

suggestions for other actions the subcommittee may take to advance human rights, religious freedom, and access in Tibet. Once 

again, I would like to thank our panel for joining us today and for 

your patience while we had to go down and do our constitutional 

duty of voting. 

And, without objection, the witnesses’ written statements will be 

entered into the hearing record. 

And I now turn to my ranking member and friend for any remarks he may have, Mr. Sherman. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Yoho follows:]

3


27756f-1.eps

U.S. Policy Towards Tibet: Access, Religious Freedom, aud Human Rights 

Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific 

House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

Wednesday, December 6, 2017, 2:00p.m. 

Opening Statement of Chairman Ted Yoho 

Good afternoon and thank you to my colleagues and the panel for joining us today for this discussion of 

Tibet. It is a turbulent time in international relations, particularly in the Asia-Pacitic region, where 

security concerns dominate policy discussions. In this environment, some important issues are getting 

far too little international attention. The status of Tibet is one of these issues. 

It is an important moment to shine a light on events in Tibet, especially with significant legislation on 

this topic pending before the Committee. Tibet's exiled spiritual leader, the 14th Dalai Lama, and other 

Tibetan leaders in exile convened a first-of-its kind conference in October, the Five-Fifty Forum. The 

objective was to establish a five-year plan for negotiations with China on Tibet's future. Or, if 

negotiations fail, a plan for 50 more years of resistance. 

The context of these discussions is a period of increased uncertainty about Tibet's future. The Dalai 

Lama has advocated a compromise approach called the "Middle Way," seeking autonomy within China 

for the people of Tibet, rather than independence from China. But the Tibetan people and the world are 

increasingly forced to consider what will happen after the Dalai Lama's leadership. It is still unknown 

how the Dalai Lama will choose to determine his succession and reincarnation. 

But China, having kidnapped the Panchen Lama as a child in 1995 and put an imposter in his place, may 

attempt to appoint a fraudulent successor. A result that is seen as illegitimate or intolerable by the people 

of Tibet could cause a wave of protest and resistance, ushering in new heights of oppression 

Human rights and personal freedoms in Tibet are already in a poor, and worsening state. According to 

the State Department's 2016 human rights report, the government of China engages in ''the severe 

repression of Tibet's unique religious, cultural, and linguistic heritage by, among other means, strictly 

curtailing the civil rights of the Tibetan population, including the freedoms of speech, religion, 

association, assembly, and movement." 

The authorities have used heavy-handed and violent tactics to maintain control in Tibet, especially in 

response to unrest, including extrajudicial killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, extrajudicial detention, and 

house arrests. And Tibet remains extremely isolated. The tlow of information in and out of Tibet is 

tightly restricted, Tibetans are prevented from obtaining passports and moving freely, and foreigners, 

especially journalists and ofticials, are trequently denied access. 

I hope that today, the panel can provide the Subcommittee with suggestions for policies Congress can 

pursue to push back against these abuses. Fortunately, there are two pieces of legislation pending before 

the Subcommittee that aim to do just that, and !look forward to hearing the witnesses' impressions of 

these bills. 
4


27756f-2.eps

Representative McGovern's Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act of 2017 would promote access to Tibetan 

areas by denying U.S. visas to Chinese government officials who are involved in restricting access to 

Tibet. And Chainnan-emeritus Ros-Lehtinen's H.Con.Res.89 provides a comprehensive reassertion of 

U.S. policy towards Tibet, underscoring the importance of the Tibetan Policy Act and clarifying the 

sense of Congress on a number of important issues relating to Tibet 

In addition to these measures, I'm looking forward to hearing suggestions for other actions the 

Subcommittee might take to advance human rights, religious freedom, and access in Tibet. Once again, T 

thank the panel for joining us today, and now tum to Ranking Member Shennan for his remarks 
5

Mr. SHERMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding these hearings on this important issue of American policy and human rights. 

Ten years ago, in October 2007, Congress awarded His Holiness 

the Dalai Lama the Congressional Gold Medal in recognition of his 

outstanding contributions to peace, nonviolence, human rights, and 

religious understanding. 

Unfortunately, in the decade since, China’s suppression of Tibet 

has continued and intensified. China has not held discussions 

about Tibet’s status with the Dalai Lama’s representatives since 

January 2010. In 2015, China stated that there is no prospect of 

granting much autonomy to Tibet. This is regrettable because, for 

most of history, Tibet was either highly autonomous or completely 

independent. China has declared that it alone would make the decisions on selecting the next Dalai Lama. What an outrageous interference in religion and freedom. China has encouraged the migration of Han Chinese in Tibetan areas. China continues its political 

crackdown on Tibet. 

The State Department’s 2016 Report on Human Rights Practices 

notes that the Chinese Government engaged in severe repression 

of Tibet’s unique religious, cultural, and linguistic heritage. China 

has clamped down on the flow of information into and about Tibet. 

It imposed restrictive regulations on religious practices, censored 

Buddhist literature and information, and demolished Tibetan Buddhist sites, and placed monasteries under its control, and has imprisoned Tibetan prisoners of conscience. 

One way in which Tibet has been illustrated for us is exemplified 

by Mr. Gere here, and that was the fine movie that was made. I 

am concerned that Chinese control and influence over media would 

make creating another movie difficult or impossible. Chinese interests are strongly involved in a large proportion of the movie 

screens in the United States. And, of course, China has this policy 

of only admitting a certain number of movies into China so they 

can punish any studio that they don’t like in ways that North 

Korea could—well beyond anything North Korea tried to do to 

Sony. So to think that we allow China to exercise that kind of control while giving them free access to our markets is something Congress needs to review. 

China has increased its military presence in Tibet and has built 

roads, airfields, and infrastructure that could be used to transport 

and support Chinese military forces repressing people in Tibet. 

This not only impacts the Tibetan population but also affects India. 

We are trying to build a strategic relationship and partnership 

with India, and we have got to commend India for providing refuge 

to over 90,000 Tibetans, including the Dalai Lama himself, who 

have had to flee Chinese repression. 

Congress must act quickly to counter China’s repressive tactics 

and policies toward Tibet. This is important for our own standing 

as leaders in the world’s human rights. There are two bills before 

us this year. I would recommend that everyone on this subcommittee and on the full committee cosponsor both of them, the 

Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act of 2017, and Expressing the Sense 

of Congress with Respect to United States Policy Toward Tibet. 

Looking at the second bill first, H. Con. Res. 89, introduced by 

our chairman along with myself, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, and Ranking 

6

Member Engel, asked the administration to make Tibet an important issue in U.S.-China relations to fully implement the Tibetan 

Policy Act of 2002 and to encourage China to engage in dialogue 

with the Dalai Lama or his representatives leading to a negotiated 

agreement with respect to Tibet. 

The second bill is H.R. 1872, introduced by Congressman McGovern, which would deny Chinese Government officials access to the 

United States if they are responsible for restricting American journalists and American diplomats from traveling to Tibet. 

In 2008, when China’s military crackdown on Tibetans occurred, 

I was pleased that this House voted overwhelmingly for House Resolution 1077, calling upon the Chinese Government to end its 

crackdown in Tibet and to begin substantive dialogue with the people and the leaders of Tibet. It is disheartening to see that, in the 

9 years since, China’s suppression of Tibet has increased. 

And a few months ago, in June, I had the pleasure of talking to 

Mr. Gere about Tibet. I look forward to hearing from him, Mr. 

Gershman, and Mr. Tethong on how Congress can support the Tibetan people at this important time. 

And I yield back. 

Mr. YOHO. Thank you, sir. 

Now we will go to opening statements by members. 

Mr. Chabot? 

Mr. CHABOT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding this important hearing and very timely. 

China’s decades-long oppression of Tibet is a constant example of 

the PRC’s total disregard for religious freedom and human decency. 

Just this past weekend, another Tibetan monk set himself on fire 

to protest China’s ongoing tyranny. China has systematically 

marginalized Tibet for over 50 years now, and I want to commend 

Mr. Gere for being a leader on this issue for such a long time, having met and heard him testify a number of times here. 

And thank you for sticking with it over the years. We really appreciate that. 

China has reneged on their commitment to allow Tibet to operate 

as an autonomous region and failed to guarantee its people their 

personal and religious freedoms. Unfortunately, China’s crackdown 

on Tibetans has consistently increased in recent years resulting in 

numerous violent clashes and the death of many innocent people. 

I am deeply concerned that China’s growing global assertiveness 

puts the future of Tibet and the Tibetan people at an even greater 

risk. I believe that Tibet’s struggle for autonomy and religious freedom could be in real jeopardy. That is why my colleagues and I 

must continue to demonstrate to the global community that the 

human rights of the Tibetan people must be respected by China. 

U.S. officials should implore China to do everything we possibly 

can to engage in meaningful and constructive dialogue with the 

Dalai Lama to reach a long-term solution that results in enduring 

peace. So I look forward to the panel and yield back. 

Mr. YOHO. Thank you, sir. 

Next, we will go to Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, chairman emeritus, from 

Florida. 

7

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Thank you so much, Chairman Yoho, and 

thank you to Ranking Member—we have got a private joke going 

here—stop it, Ted—Sherman for this meeting. 

Tibet is an issue that is near and dear to my heart, and I want 

to thank both you and Ranking Member Sherman for allowing me 

to join your subcommittee and hear from our distinguished panelists. It has been a privilege to work closely on these issues with 

both Carl and Richard. I like to name drop, you know, first-name 

basis. 

I want to thank Mr. Gere for taking the time to be with us today 

and to wait so long—but we had votes—and then have to hear from 

us yet again. But you have been a staunch defender and advocate, 

a tireless worker on behalf of the Tibetan people. 

A little over 10 years ago, I authored a bill alongside our departed pal, Tom Lantos—and I want to thank him for his work on 

this—which eventually became law, that recognized His Holiness 

the Dalai Lama with our highest honor, the Congressional Gold 

Medal, showing the world that we stand with the people of Tibet 

in their struggle for freedom. But in the years since, Mr. Chairman, I have been increasingly worried that Tibet has been pushed 

to the periphery of U.S. foreign policy. Beijing’s repressive policies 

in Tibet have only been getting worse with additional travel restrictions against Tibetans and U.S. citizens, restrictive regulations 

on religious affairs, and censorship of Buddhist literature and information. We are also seeing Beijing demolish Tibetan Buddhist 

sites, jailing more Tibetan prisoners of conscience, and declaring 

that it, Beijing, has the decisionmaking power over the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama. 

Sadly, instead of supporting the people of Tibet and standing up 

to Beijing’s policy, U.S. administration after U.S. administration 

has held back being fearful of upsetting the Chinese, and this is 

simply unacceptable. We must stand strong in our commitment to 

the people of Tibet, and that is why, last month, I was proud to 

introduce House Concurrent Resolution 89, alongside Ranking 

Member Engel, Chairman Yoho, Ranking Member Sherman, and 

Steve Chabot, and our bill outlines a path forward on U.S. policy 

on Tibet. And I urge my colleagues to cosponsor this important bipartisan resolution. It details certain priorities, including pressing 

Beijing to enter into a dialogue with the Dalai Lama that leads to 

a negotiated agreement on Tibet, and it publicly calls for the immediate release of political and religious prisoners. It calls for the appointment of a Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues and at the 

State Department who would report directly to the Secretary of 

State. It calls for the revocation of appropriate privileges of any 

Chinese officials responsible for impeding access of U.S. citizens to 

Tibet, an issue that I am also proud to be working on as a cosponsor of my good friend Jim McGovern and his bill, the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act, H.R. 1872. I urge my colleagues to cosponsor this 

important legislation as well. All of the Chinese regime’s actions 

that I mentioned are not only immoral and unjust, but they violate 

the Tibetan people’s most basic human rights, and they are threatening the stability of a crucial area for U.S. interest. Our own U.S. 

national security interests dictate that we oppose China’s increasingly repressive policies on Tibet and that we work toward a negoVerDate 0ct 09 2002 09:24 Mar 14, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00011 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 Z:\WORK\_AP\120617\27756 SHIRL
8

tiated solution and start making the treatment of the people of 

Tibet an important factor in our relations with Beijing. So thank 

you, Chairman Yoho. Thank you, Ranking Member Sherman, for 

taking the time. And I look forward to hearing from our distinguished panelists. 

I yield back. Thank you sir. 

Mr. YOHO. Thank you for your comments. 

And I would like to ask if there is no objection to allowing Mr. 

McGovern, the author of the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act of 2017, 

to say a few words. 

Hearing no objection, Mr. McGovern. 

Mr. MCGOVERN. Whew, thank you. 

I want to thank Chairman Yoho and Ranking Member Sherman 

for convening this hearing, and I want to thank my colleagues up 

here. And I hope the Chinese Government is listening because in 

a Congress where there is lots that divides Democrats and Republicans, this is an issue that brings us together. We are all speaking 

with one voice here today. We are all saying that Tibet is important, that human rights in Tibet is important, and that we believe 

our Government must do more. And I think this is a particularly 

important time because the human rights situation in Tibet is dire 

and deteriorating. And I gotta be honest with you: I am frustrated 

that our Government hasn’t done more over the years. I say that 

not only in reference to the Trump administration; I, quite frankly, 

was frustrated while President Obama was in office that, while 

some symbolic steps were taken, in the end, Tibet’s status remained the same. And so, whether it was Democratic or Republican administrations, we haven’t done nearly enough to raise this 

issue. 

There was no progress—there has been no progress in restarting 

the Tibet and Chinese dialogue or advancing Tibetan autonomy. 

Control over the practice of Buddhism tightened. And the use of 

the Tibetan language has become more restrictive. And too many 

people found the situation so unbearable that they took to the unimaginable decision to self-immolate. As things have worsened in 

recent years, there have been no consequences for Chinese authorities, none. 

All of us love and respect His Holiness the Dalai Lama, and that 

is as it should be. Our relationship with him and our solidarity 

helped keep the Tibet issue in the public eye. But that is not 

enough. The Dalai Lama is 82 years old, and he is getting tired. 

For that reason he recently decided to turn over his international 

engagements to emissaries. I believe the Dalai Lama could play a 

very constructive role in negotiating a better future for the Tibetan 

people, but China clearly doesn’t see it that way. China is waiting 

him out and counting on his eventual departure to remove Tibet 

from the international agenda. 

So we need to move now, and we need some leverage. And that 

is why, earlier this year, along with a bipartisan group of members, 

I introduced H.R. 1872, the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act. As has 

been mentioned, this bill imposes consequences for just one aspect 

of China’s bad behavior: Its restrictions on travel to areas in China 

where ethnic Tibetans live. Chinese diplomats have unrestrictive 

access to anywhere in the United States. U.S. citizens and U.S. 

9

journalists and U.S. diplomats ought to have the same. And the 

current status of things, quite frankly, is unacceptable. If China 

wants its citizens and officials to travel freely in the United States, 

Americans must be able to travel freely in China, including Tibet. 

But allowing travel to Tibet is only one step China needs to take, 

and there are others. Most, especially China, should permit His 

Holiness the Dalai Lama to return to Tibet for a visit if he so desires. He has that right, and he must have that opportunity before 

it is too late. 

On our side, we need to insist that the State Department name 

a Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues. This appointment is a 

statutory requirement. To make progress on Tibet issues, we need 

someone in charge. We in Congress should also insist that the administration make use of the global Magnitsky Act to sanction Chinese officials responsible for torture and extrajudicial killings of Tibetans, like the revered monk Tenzin Delek Rinpoche. It has been 

nearly 21⁄2 years since he died in a Chinese prison, and still there 

is no accountability for his death. I say to all of you as my colleagues: Time may be running out for the Tibetan people. All those 

who say they believe in the rights of the Tibetans must move beyond words to concrete actions. We have been talking the talk for 

years. We now need to walk the walk. If human rights on Tibet 

really matters, then our Government, the United States Government, has to stop being such a cheap date when it comes to this 

issue. We need a bolder policy. We need to be thinking out of the 

box, and we need to indicate to the Chinese Government that we 

are serious on this matter. Let us take advantage of our power, let 

us create some leverage. The first step could be a markup and the 

passage of H.R. 1872 and the other legislation that has been mentioned here. 

But I will close with this: I have always believed that if the 

United States stands for anything, we need to stand out loud and 

foursquare for human rights, and what is happening to the Tibetan 

people and the Tibetan culture is unconscionable. And it is no 

longer enough for us to tell people we revere the Dalai Lama or 

meet him when he comes here, although that is important. Now is 

the time to take the next steps. I want a good relationship with 

China. I admire the Chinese people, but this is a serious human 

rights matter, and it demands more serious attention by our Government. 

And, again, I thank the chairman and the ranking member for 

convening this hearing. I yield back. 

Mr. YOHO. Thank you for your comments, and we will get on 

with the—go ahead. We will go on to the testimony from our esteemed panel. And I feel blessed that we have you three experts 

here today. Not only are you experts in the area, your passion and 

your persistence is so important in getting this message out to 

bring the spotlight on the world’s stage. 

We have with us Mr. Richard Gere—I think everybody knows or 

has seen his movies—chair of the Board of Directors of the International Campaign for Tibet; Mr. Tenzin Tethong, director of Tibetan Service for Radio Free Asia; and Mr. Carl Gershman, president of the National Endowment for Democracy. 

10

And you guys probably have done this more than I have. You 

know there will be a 5-minute timer in front of you. Press your button that says ‘‘talk’’ so the microphone is on, and then you will see 

the lights go from green, yellow, and red, and we will let you talk. 

And, Mr. Gere, if you would start off. Thank you. 

STATEMENT OF MR. RICHARD GERE, CHAIR OF THE BOARD 

OF DIRECTORS, INTERNATIONAL CAMPAIGN FOR TIBET 

Mr. GERE. Well, first of all, I am going to be incredibly blunt 

with you: I am totally knocked out by the words that I am hearing 

from all of you. And I have seen this evolve over decades now, how 

people talk about Tibet and from what part of their being they 

speak. And this is coming from a deep place in all of you. I think 

everyone in this room is feeling this from a deep place, how important this is, maybe not strategically but humanly, and what it 

means to us as Americans to be coming from this place of universal 

responsibility protecting the welfare and human rights of everyone 

on this planet. 

But I really want to thank you, Chairman Yoho, for presiding 

over this. 

Mr. Sherman, thank you very much. 

And, of course, Ileana, we are on a first-name basis. 

And, Eddie, thank you very much for pushing so hard. 

Chairman, as always, thank you for the depth of perception and 

the openness of your emotions in dealing with a subject as difficult 

as this. 

I also see, over to my right, there is a painting up here of Tom 

Lantos, and as you know, he was chairman of this committee. He 

was also the convener of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus. 

He was a great friend of mine, great friend of the Tibetan people, 

and a close and dear friend of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. I think 

he would be so happy right now as he is looking down from there 

to hear these fiery, compassionate, and deeply committed words 

from all of you, and I thank you for that. 

Fifteen years ago, something kind of miraculous happened. At 

the end of 2002, President Bush signed into law the Tibetan Policy 

Act after it received bipartisan support in both the House and the 

Senate. This legislation dictates how U.S. policy toward Tibet 

should be conducted by the administration. Congress and this subcommittee have a very important role to play in monitoring that 

policy and how it is to be conducted. Ten years ago, on October 

17th, 2007, the U.S. Congress bestowed upon His Holiness our 

highest civilian honor here in America with the awarding of the 

Congressional Gold Medal, and clearly, there are people in this 

room who worked really hard on that to make that happen. I want 

to thank all of you again for having done that. 

There were so many wonderful people there that day, the entire 

government, and it was bipartisan at the highest levels of President Bush, and First Lady Laura Bush was there. Mr. Boehner 

was there. Nancy Pelosi, Mitch McConnell. And I actually remember Mitch McConnell giving the most powerful speech that evening 

on human rights and on behalf of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. It 

makes me kind of wish that people would be talking today the way 

they did then on how important human rights are. 

11

As Americans, as people who care, it is kind of the centerpiece 

of the American soul, is that we do care, and we have to continually talk about these things and express them. 

Tibet has been an issue that has earned extraordinary support 

in the U.S. Congress over the decades, including humanitarian aid 

for the Tibetan refugee communities in India and Nepal. The congressional delegation led by Leader Pelosi and Congressman Sensenbrenner, which visited India and Nepal last May, confirmed 

once again the commitment of this institution to Tibet and saw 

firsthand the positive impact that development aid has had in 

these communities, and it is pretty extraordinary, something to be 

very proud of. Since the 1990s, subsequent U.S. administrations 

and Presidents have supported the call of His Holiness the Dalai 

Lama, not for independence but for genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people as guaranteed in the Chinese Constitution, and for 

China to respect the distinct identity of the Tibetan people, including their language, their religion, and their culture, and to stop the 

ongoing persecution of Tibetans. 

The respect for the identity of a people and their religion is 

something that the American people understand very well and 

deeply care about. Before being politicians or actors, we are human 

beings who understand that oppression cannot be tolerated. We understand that all human beings have the right to the pursuit of 

happiness and to avoid suffering. This is what His Holiness the 

Dalai Lama continuously reminds us of: To look at what unites us 

as human beings, as compassionate people sharing our time and 

space on this small and very beautiful planet drifting through an 

endless universe. We are in this together, all of us. 

This is consistent in this message that His Holiness and our Tibetan brothers and sisters send to the Chinese Government and to 

all of us. Despite the historical, cultural, linguistic, and ethnic differences, and despite decades of oppression, the proposal for genuine autonomy presented by the Tibetans shows a path toward 

peaceful coexistence and away from endless conflict. Despite these 

efforts, the Chinese Government ceased formal talks with the representatives of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in 2010, and Tibetans 

inside Tibet continued to live in very, very challenging times indeed. 

Just last week, November 26th, a 63-year-old Tibetan monk 

named Tenga self-immolated in Tibet. He was the 151st Tibetan to 

self-immolate in the land of snow since the first one in 2009. We 

actually have a picture of him right now. 

Do you have that? 

Ladies and gentlemen, this is Tenga, who just sacrificed his life 

for the Tibetan people, his brothers and sisters. But not just that, 

I think it was a message to us and perhaps our failure to engage 

an issue which is literally life and death for the Tibetan people and 

their culture. I don’t know if you can put this on the record. It is 

up there. Okay. Good. Thank you. 

According to our sources, the body of Tenga has not been returned to his family. This seems to be what the Chinese authorities 

are doing now. They either allow prisoners to die, as Tenzin Delek 

Rinpoche, and then some are, in fact, tortured to death, and the 

bodies are not returned to their families. There is a collective punVerDate 0ct 09 2002 09:24 Mar 14, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00015 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 Z:\WORK\_AP\120617\27756 SHIRL
12

ishment to the villages, to the families. This is clearly against 

international law, but it is carried out every day against Tibetans 

by the Chinese Government. 

As we meet today, hundreds of Tibetans are imprisoned for expressing their opinions or beliefs. Tibetan monasteries across Tibet 

are under strict police surveillance with police stations actually 

built inside the monasteries or sometimes just besides them. Religious regulations give the Chinese Communist Party, not Tibetan 

Buddhists, the authority to identify and appoint reincarnated Tibetan lamas, including the Dalai Lama. Tibetan nomads are being 

removed from their land and relocated in socialist villages. A number of urban centers in Tibet now have a majority of ethnic Han 

Chinese settlers, and the use of a Tibetan language is intensely 

discouraged. These are the policies that threaten the very survival 

of Tibetan identity. 

Now, just a few weeks ago, as you know, the 19th Congress of 

the Communist Party reaffirmed and expanded the power and role 

of President Xi Jinping. As China’s profile obviously grows on the 

world’s stage, its accountability as to international law and norms 

must also grow. The United States leadership in this area has always been essential to that accountability, and I call on this committee and our Government to make sure that accountability is robust. 

During President Trump’s recent visit to China, the White House 

stated that the issue of human rights was raised with Chinese authorities. We don’t have the details on that, unfortunately, what 

was said. While this is good, President Trump and Secretary 

Tillerson did not publicly highlight the lack of respect of human 

rights in Tibet or the need for China to restart the dialogue process 

with the Dalai Lama. Now, this is out of line completely with the 

provisions of the Tibetan Policy Act. 

It is now critical that the U.S. Congress takes concrete initiatives 

to make sure that the Tibet Policy Act, which is law, is fully implemented and that China is consistently reminded that the U.S. 

stands with the Tibetan people in full support of their peaceful aspirations. 

Earlier this year, Congressman McGovern and Senator Rubio introduced legislation in the House and the Senate to put pressure 

on China to allow U.S. diplomats, journalists, and NGOs to have 

free access to Tibet based on the principle of reciprocity. U.S. citizens face severe restrictions in their access to Tibet, while Chinese 

citizens, diplomats, NGOs, journalists, and media have free access 

to the United States. By the way, I have not been allowed in mainland China since 1993. 

Reciprocity is an important principle in diplomatic relations that 

should be implemented, not only when it comes to trade but also 

to freedom of movement and freedom of information. To give you 

a few examples of the lack of reciprocity with China, the State Department reports that the officials of the Government of the United 

States submitted 39 requests for diplomatic access to the Tibetan 

Autonomous Region, TAR, between May 2011 and July 2015. Only 

4 were granted of the 39. And when such requests are granted, diplomatic personnel are closely supervised and given few opportunities to meet with local residents not approved by the authorities. 

13

And those that were on the codel to Tibet know how monitored 

they were in this process. It was extremely difficult, impossible, to 

meet anyone without supervision. 

In September 2016, an article in the Washington Post reported 

that: ‘‘The Tibetan Autonomous Region is harder to visit as a journalist than North Korea.’’

Furthermore, foreign correspondents——

Mr. YOHO. Mr. Gere, sorry. Can I get you to hold your recommendations so we can get to the other witnesses? And I hate to 

ask you that because you waited for us for 45 minutes. 

Mr. GERE. Absolutely. No, please. 

Mr. YOHO. But I will give you time during my questioning to finish that up. 

Mr. GERE. No, that is fine. That is perfectly fine. This is your 

show. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Gere follows:]

14


27756a-1.eps

House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia 

Hearing on "U.S. Policy towards Tibet: Access, Religious Freedom, and Human 

Rights." 

December 6, 2017 

Testimony by Mr. Richard Gere 

Chairman, International Campaign for Tibet 

Chairman Yoho, Ranking Member Sherman, Chairman Emeritus Ros-Lehtinen, 

Let me first of all thank you for inviting me to testify before the Asia Subcommittee 

on the topic of "US Policy towards Tibet." This is a timely initiative as the situation 

inside Tibet continues to be critical and needs the full support of the US Congress. 

As I look on the wall of this Committee, I can see the portrait of the late 

Congressman and Chairman of this Committee, Tom Lantos, a dear friend of the 

Tibetan people and of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, who was the first Member of 

Congress to invite His Holiness to speak on Capitol Hill more than 30 years ago. 

Chairman Yoho, by convening this hearing you are honoring the legacy of a hero of 

our time, a kind and fearless man. 

15 years ago, at the end of 2002, President Bush signed into law the Tibetan Policy 

Act, after it received bipartisan support in both the House and the Senate. This 

legislation dictates how US policy towards Tibet should be conducted by the 

Administration. Congress and this Sub-Committee have a very important role to 

play in monitoring that. 

10 years ago, on October 17, 2007, the US Congress bestowed upon His Holiness the 

Highest Civilian Honor with the awarding of the Congressional Gold Medal; I can see 

in this room some of the people who worked so hard to make this happen- thank 

you! On that special day in the Capitol Rotunda, you were also joined by President 

Bush and First Lady Laura Bush. 

Tibet is an issue that has garnered extraordinary support in the US Congress over 

the decades, including humanitarian aid for the Tibetan refugee communities in 

India and Nepal. The Congressional delegation led by Leader Pelosi and 

Congressman Sensenbrenner, which visited India and Nepal last May, confirmed 

once again the commitment of this institution to Tibet and saw first-hand the 

positive impact that development aid had for these communities. 

Since the nineties, subsequent US Administrations and Presidents have supported 

the call of His Holiness the Dalai Lama for genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people 

and have called on China to respect the distinct identity of the Tibetan people; 
15


27756a-2.eps

including their language, their religion and their culture, and to stop the persecution 

of Tibetans. 

The respect for the identity of a people, of their religion, is something the American 

people understand very well. Before being politicians, you are human beings who 

understand that oppression cannot be tolerated; you understand that all human 

beings have the right to the pursuit of happiness. This is what His Holiness the Dalai 

Lama continuously reminds us; to look at what unites us as human beings, not what 

divides us. 

This is the message that His Holiness and the Tibetans continue to send to the 

Chinese government. Despite the historical, cultural, linguistic and ethnic 

differences, and despite decades of oppression, the proposal for genuine autonomy 

presented by the Tibetans shows a path towards coexistence, and away from 

conflict 

Despite these efforts, the Chinese government ceased formal talks with the 

representatives of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in 2010, and Tibetans inside Tibet 

live in very challenging times. 

Just last week, on November 26, a 63-year-old Tibetan monk named Tenga selfimmolated in Tibet. He was the 151st Tibetan to self-immolate in the Land of Snows 

since 2009. This is his picture. Even sending a picture like this abroad can, and has, 

cost Tibetan men and women their freedom and resulted in lengthy prison 

sentences. 

According to our sources, the body of Tenga has not yet been returned to his family 

members, who have been put under police surveillance. 

As we meet today, hundreds of Tibetans are imprisoned for expressing their 

opinions or beliefs; Buddhist monasteries across Tibet are under strict police 

surveillance, with police stations built inside or besides them; religious regulations 

give the Chinese Communist Party- not Tibetan Buddhists -the authority to identify 

and appoint reincarnated Tibetan Lamas, including the Dalai Lama; Tibetan nomads 

are being removed from their land and relocated in "socialist villages"; a number of 

urban centers in Tibet now have a majority ethnic Chinese population; and the use 

of the Tibetan language is discouraged. This threatens the Tibetan language to 

being reduced to a colloquial use only. 

These are the policies that threaten the very survival of Tibetan identity. 

just few weeks ago, the Nineteenth Congress of the Communist Party reaffirmed 

President Xi's role. As China's role grows on the world stage, its accountability on 

conforming to international law and norms must also grow, and the United States 

has an essential role to play in making that happen. 
16


27756a-3.eps

During President Trump's recent visit to China, the White House stated that the 

issue of human rights was raised with Chinese authorities. While this is good, 

President Trump and Secretary Tillerson did not publicly highlight the lack of 

respect of human rights in Tibet or the need for China to restart the dialogue 

process with the Dalai Lama; this is out of line with the provisions of the Tibetan 

Policy Actl. 

It is now critical that the US Congress takes concrete initiatives to make sure that 

the Tibetan Policy Act is fully implemented and that China understands that the US 

stands with the Tibetan people. 

Earlier this year Congressman McGovern and Senator Rubio introduced legislation 

in the House and in the Senate to put pressure on China to allow US diplomats, 

journalists, and NGOs to have free access to Tibet based on the principle of 

reciprocity. US citizens face severe restrictions in their access to Tibet, while 

Chinese citizens, diplomats, NGOs journalists and media have free access to the 

United States. 

Reciprocity is an important principle in diplomatic relations that should be 

implemented not only when it comes to trade, but also to freedom of movement and 

freedom of information. 

Just to give you few examples of the lack of reciprocity with China, the State 

Department reports that "officials of the Government of the United States submitted 

39 requests for diplomatic access to the Tibet Autonomous Region between May 

2011 and July 2015, but only four were granted; and when such requests are 

granted, diplomatic personnel are closely supervised and given few opportunities to 

meet local residents not approved by authorities." 

A September 2016 article in the Washington Post reported that "The Tibet 

Autonomous Region ... is harder to visit as a journalist than North Korea." 

Furthermore the Foreign Correspondents Club of China reports that: 

1 According to the Tibetan Polciy Act of2002 

SEC. 613. TIBET NEGOTIATIONS. 

(a) POLICY-

(1) IN GENERAL- The President and the Secretary should encourage the Government of the People's 

Republic of China to enter into a dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his representatives leading to a 

negotiated agreement on Tibet. 

SEC. 617. RELEASE OF PRISONERS AND ACCESS TO PRISONS. 

TI1e President and the Secretary, in meetings with representatives of the Government of the People's 

Republic of China. should-

(1) request the immediate and unconditional release of all those held prisoner for expressing their 

political or religious views in Tibet; 

(2) seek access for international humanitarian organizations to prisoners in Tibet to ensure that 

prisoners are not being mistreated and are receiving necessary medical care; and 

(3) seek the immediate medical parole of Tibetan prisoners known to be in serious ill health. 
17


27756a-4.eps

A) 2008 rules prevent foreign reporters from visiting the Tibet Autonomous Region 

without prior permission from the Government of such Region; 

(B) such permission has only rarely been granted; and 

(C) although the 2008 rules allow journalists to travel freely in other parts of China, 

Tibetan areas outside such Region remain "effectively off-limits to foreign 

reporters". 

The Department of State reports that in addition to having to obtain permission to 

enter the Tibet Autonomous Region, foreign tourists-

(A) must be accompanied at all times by a government-designated tour guide; 

(B) are rarely granted permission to enter the region by road; 

(C) are largely barred from visiting around the March anniversary of a 1959 Tibetan 

uprising; and 

(D) are banned from visiting the area where La rung Gar, the world's largest center 

for the study of Tibetan Buddhism, and the site of a large-scale campaign to expel 

students and demolish living quarters, is located. 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to make the following recommendations, which I hope 

you can endorse today with the consent of the Committee: 

Recommendations 

• Given the deteriorating situation in Tibet and the Chinese unwillingness to 

address the genuine grievances of the Tibetan people, the Congress should 

send a strong message by passing the bipartisan Bill, H.R.1872 -Reciprocal 

Access to Tibet Act of 2017 to promote access for American citizens, 

diplomats and journalists in Tibet similar to that enjoyed by Chinese citizens, 

diplomats and journalists in the United States; 

• It should pass the bipartisan resolution H.Con.Res.89 - Expressing the sense 

of Congress with respect to United States policy toward Tibet and that the 

treatment of the Tibetan people should be an important factor in the conduct 

of United States relations with the People's Republic of China. 

• Ask the Administration to elevate the issue of Tibet to an important factor in 

bilateral relations with the People's Republic of China; 
18


27756a-5.eps

• Ask the Administration to use economic and political leverage to pressure 

China to respect Tibet's distinct religion and culture and to resume 

negotiations with envoys of the Dalai Lama on solving the Tibet problem; 

• Urge the Administration to work with the European Union and other 

countries to formulate a multilateral approach to the Tibet issue. 

• Urge the early designation ofthe US Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues in 

the State Department; 

• Ask American diplomats, including representatives of multilateral 

organizations, to seek access to Tibetan areas based on the spirit of principle 

of reciprocity by which Chinese diplomats and journalists enjoy unrestricted 

access in the United States. 

• Ask for a report from the State Department on how many requests for 

diplomatic access to Tibet has been made to the Chinese authorities in 2017; 

• Ask Secretary Rex Tillers on to meet the Dalai Lama to get a first-hand 

information on the situation of the Tibetan people; 

• Ask the Administration to raise Tibet in appropriate international fora, 

including U.N. bodies; 

• Ask the Administration to continue humanitarian assistance to Tibetan 

refugees to preserve and promote their distinct identity and culture; 

• Ask the Administration to vigorously pursue the United States' long-stated 

goal of establishing a consulate in Lhasa. 

• Organize a Congressional/staff delegation to Tibet to assess the situation; 

• Organize a Congressional/staff delegation to Dharamsala to assess the 

situation of the Tibetan community in exile; 

• Recommend a US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) 

delegation to China and Tibet to assess the state of religious freedom of the 

Tibetan people; 

• Ask the Congressional Research Service (CRS) to do a report on the status of 

religious freedom in Tibet; 

• Urge China to release Tibetan political prisoners, including the 11th Panchen 

Lama, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima; 
19


27756a-6.eps

• Urge the new Chinese leadership to re-evaluate the 'stability maintenance' 

approach applied in Tibet and the dominance of the security apparatus. 

Thank you. 
20

Mr. YOHO. And the show must go on. 

Thank you for all that, though, because I want to hear the rest 

of that, and you have got some great recommendations I think everybody should hear. 

Mr. Tethong. 

STATEMENT OF MR. TENZIN TETHONG, DIRECTOR OF THE 

TIBETAN SERVICE, RADIO FREE ASIA 

Mr. TETHONG. First of all, I would like to begin by thanking 

Chairman Yoho and Ranking Member Sherman for this opportunity to testify at this hearing. In consideration of time limits, I 

will go over only some of the main points in my written statement, 

which has already been submitted. 

As director or of the Tibetan Service at Radio Free Asia, I would 

like to focus my comments on the challenges we face as a news organization of getting news from the region and fulfilling our mandated mission of bringing this news to the Tibetan people. It is extremely difficult for any of our journalists to have normal access to 

Tibet. Nevertheless, many of them maintain various levels of contact with networks of trusted sources inside Tibet who can provide 

tips, leads, images, video, and confirmation of events. 

During President Xi Jinping’s tenure, China has grown more 

strident in enforcing a comprehensive censorship and propaganda 

operation in Tibet and increased attacks on Tibetan culture by demolishing holy sites and demonizing the spiritual leader of the Tibetan people, His Holiness the Dalai Lama. 

Last week, as Richard has already mentioned, RFA reported the 

151st self-immolation protest since 2009. It was carried out by a 

63-year-old monk from Kardze who called out for freedom in Tibet 

before he set himself aflame. These self-immolation protests have 

explicitly called for greater freedom for the Tibetan people and the 

swift return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to Tibet. 

But each time such a protest takes place, authorities intensify efforts to clamp down on the sharing of information, and entire regions and prefectures can be plunged into communication darkness 

in the wake of such protests. Weibo and WeChat, the dominant social media platforms in China, are heavily monitored and restricted. This was especially evident in the lead-up to the recent 

19th Party Congress. Authorities ramped up efforts to police 

WeChat and warned Tibetan monastery heads about the severe 

consequences the entire establishments would face if monks and 

nuns shared or discussed content deemed sensitive. 

Chinese authorities also bring the heavy hand of law enforcement down on any Tibetan caught sharing information of events 

with foreign outlets. Authorities harass families of reporters and 

stringers working for Radio Free Asia, and they have even targeted 

Tibetans in the United States. A Tibetan American in New York, 

a regular listener to RFA who sends our programs out over social 

media, was somehow identified by Chinese security authorities. 

The authorities tracked down his family in Tibet, interrogating and 

threatening them with retribution. 

While the Chinese journalists travel and work freely in the 

United States, no RFA Tibetan reporter can obtain a journalist visa 

to enter Tibet. Even when applying for visas to visit family, RFA 

21

reporters are subject to extensive questioning by Chinese Embassy 

officials while parallel inquiries are made of family members back 

home by local authorities. 

Such a process can go on indefinitely and more often than not 

result in a denial. Two months ago, one of our reporters was granted permission to visit his ailing brother after weeks of pleading for 

a visa and was finally able to visit and spend the last few days 

with his brother before he passed away. 

Another reporter who had not met his family members for 10 

years had to rendezvous in Hong Kong because he was repeatedly 

denied a visa to visit home. Yet another who wanted to visit relatives in China on a 72-hour nonvisa requirement transit privilege 

accorded to all U.S. passport holders was denied entry because he 

was identified as a Tibetan. 

Beijing has recently redirected increased resources to build up its 

Tibetan language media operations on radio, online, and TV, which 

offers audiences almost solely entertainment programming punctuated by propaganda-driven news serving the CCP’s narrative. All 

the while, they continue to try and deny access to RFA’s programming on radio and online by jamming shortwave signals and blocking access to the Tibetan Web site. 

The erosion of religious and—pardon me, I have just one more 

paragraph—the erosion of religious rights and freedoms in Tibet 

may be best illustrated by the demolition and crackdown on 

Larung Gar this year. Larung Gar is one of the most prominent 

and vibrant Tibetan Buddhist learning centers with monks and 

nuns from all over the country. We were able to cover these developments because many of his residents sent us photos, reports, and 

videos. While, similarly, last year, local activists in eastern Tibet 

informed us of mining activities in the region that was causing extensive environmental damage. When the mining was finally halted, the local Tibetans informed us that it was outside attention, especially the steady reporting of RFA which forced Chinese authorities to put an end to the mining. 

Trust is a two-way street for RFA reporter sources and audiences. We recently learned of a monk was among those expelled 

from Larung Gar. He told us that he was devastated when he was 

expelled, but he had no regrets in reaching out to us. Such feedback reaffirms the importance of our mission. As one Tibetan listener inside China recently said: ‘‘RFA broadcasts clearly about the 

conditions inside Tibet and where His Holiness the Dalai Lama is 

going to visit and what he is doing. Because they broadcast such 

true information, I strongly trust it.’’ RFA strives to keep earning 

that trust and keep connecting the Tibetan people with the truth. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Tethong follows:]

22


27756b-1.eps

Testimony ofTenzin Tethong 

Director of the Tibetan Service, Radio Free Asia 

Asia and the Pacific Subcommittee, House Foreign Affairs Committee 

December 6, 2017 

"U.S. Policy Toward Tibet: Access Religious Freedom, and Human Rights" 

First, l would like to thank Representatives Ted Yoho and Brad Shennan for this opportunity to 

testify today at this hearing on "U.S. Policy Toward Tibet: Access Religious Freedom, and 

Human Rights." As Director of the Tibetan Service at Radio Free Asia, l would like to focus my 

comments on the challenges we face as a news organization of getting news from the region and 

fulfilling our congressionally mandated mission of bringing this news to the Tibetan people. It's 

extremely difficult for any of our journalists to have normal access to Tibet, which ranks among 

the world's worst media environments after North Korea. Nevertheless, many of them maintain 

various levels of contact with vast networks of trusted sources inside who can provide tips, leads, 

images, video, and confinnation of events. 

Radio Free Asia's Tibetan Service has had to double its efforts to meet the increasing challenges 

of bringing the Tibetan people reliable, timely news and information. During President Xi 

Jinping's tenure, China has grown even more strident in enforcing a comprehensive censorship 

and propaganda operation in Tibet. These tactics are designed to keep the Tibetans in the dark as 

Beijing has stepped up its suppression of Tibetan identity and religious freedom, continued to 

seize land and mineral wealth from Tibetan-populated areas in China, and increased its attacks 

on Tibetan cultural heritage by demolishing holy sites and demonizing the Tibetan people's 

spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama. 

On any given day, people in Tibet may wake up without access to the Internet and unable to 

make a phone call because authorities have shut down all communications. Tibetans can find 

themselves stopped and searched randomly at roadside security checkpoints, their phones and 

electronic devices confiscated to be probed for sensitive images, like those of the Dalai Lama. 

Nuns and monks from nearby monasteries may be rounded up by police to be detained or warned 

about the use of social media. And entire families may be taken into custody under suspicion that 

one individual, or a close relative, has communicated with foreign media or NGOs. 

Beijing has always kept a tight lid on Tibet, mostly to conceal the extent of its abuses stemming 

from its policies in the region. In 2008 an uprising in Lhasa spread throughout all Tibetan 

regions within China, culminating in the last protests leading up to the Beijing Olympics. In 

recent years, there has been a new form of protest by way of self-immolations against Beijing's 

rule. Last week, RF A reported the 151 st self-immolation protest since the current wave began in 

2009. It was carried out by a 63-year-old monk from Kardze who called out for freedom in Tibet 

before he set himself aflame These self-immolation protests have explicitly called for greater 

freedom for the Tibetan people and the swift return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet. They represent 

the deep frustrations and yearnings of the Tibetan people. But each time such a protest takes 

place, authorities intensify efforts to clamp down on the sharing of information. Entire 

prefectures and regions can be plunged into communications darkness in the wake of such 

protests as messaging apps like WeChat are shut down, along with the Internet and phone lines. 

1 
23


27756b-2.eps

Virtually all expressions of Tibetan identity- including the practice of religion and the teaching 

of the Tibetan language-- online and on social media are filtered, monitored or outright 

censored. Those who are considered to have violated what's deemed necessary by authorities to 

preserve stability often suffer severe consequences such as jailing and torture. Facebook and 

You Tube are blocked, and Chinese telecoms that control Chinese Internet access have been 

ordered by the state to ban the use of VPNs- removing nearly any possibility for Tibetans to 

access sensitive content on outside social media and web sites. China's vast system of Internet 

filters and blocks, known collectively as "The Great Firewall," is tightly enforced in the Tibetan 

regions- where all online access and the Internet can be shut down at any given moment. 

Chinese state-sponsored hackers target the Tibetan diaspora and organizations outside China, 

using mal ware attacks to shut down overseas servers and IT infrastructure. 

Weibo and WeChat, the dominant social media platfonns in China, are heavily monitored and 

restricted. Tibetans who use WeChat to keep in touch with family and friends, but also to discuss 

sensitive topics in created groups, risk harassment and jail. RF A recently reported how Chinese 

authorities have begun to infiltrate these groups to monitor and crack down on individuals. This 

was especially evident in the lead-up to the recent 191

h Party Congress. Authorities ramped up 

efforts to police WeChat and warn Tibetan monastery heads about the severe consequences their 

entire establishments would face if monks and nuns shared or discussed content deemed 

sensitive. These measures follow on authorities tearing down satellite dishes on Tibetan homes in 

Qinghai and Sichuan to prevent access to RFA and VOA radio transmissions. 

Chinese authorities have also severely limited access to foreign media sending correspondents to 

the Tibetan regions, despite assurances in 2015 that this could happen. The few correspondents 

who obtain permission are allowed to visit only under the condition of being under the constant 

supervision of state security handlers- making the region, in one Washington Post reporter's 

estimation, as cut off to foreign outlets as North Korea. 

Chinese authorities also bring the heavy hand of law enforcement down on any Tibetan caught 

sharing information of events inside the Tibetan regions with foreign outlets. And their farreaching efforts to stop the free flow of information extend well beyond the borders of China. 

Authorities harass Tibet-based families of reporters and stringers working for Radio Free Asia in 

Washington, D.C., as well as in Nepal and India. Chinese authorities even target Tibetans using 

WeChat and WhatsApp in the United States. A Tibetan-American in New York, a regular 

listener to RFA whore-sends our programs out over social media, was somehow identified by 

Chinese security authorities. Authorities tracked down his family in Tibet, interrogating and 

threatening them with retribution. 

While Chinese journalists travel and work freely in the United States, no RFA Tibetan reporter 

can obtain a journalist's visa to enter Tibet. Even when applying for visas to visit family, RF A 

Tibetan reporters are subjected to extensive questioning by Chinese embassy officials, while 

parallel inquiries are made of family members back home by local authorities. Such a process 

can go on indefinitely, and, more often than not, results in a denial. Two months ago, one of our 

reporters was granted permission to visit his ailing brother after weeks of pleading for a visa, and 

was finally able to visit and spend the last few days with his brother before he passed away. 

Another reporter, who had not met his family members for 10 years, had to rendezvous in Hong 

2 
24


27756b-3.eps

Kong because he was repeatedly denied a visa to visit home. Yet another, who wanted to visit 

with relatives in China on a 72-hour, non-visa-requirement transit privilege accorded to all U.S. 

passport holders, was denied entry in August because he was identified as a Tibetan. 

Beijing has recently directed increased resources to build up its state-sponsored Tibetan language 

media operations on radio, online, and TV, which offers audiences almost solely entertainment 

programming punctuated with propaganda-driven news updates serving the CCP's narrative. All 

the while, they continue to try to deny access to RFA's programming on radio and online by 

jamming shortwave signals and blocking access to RF A's Tibetan news website. 

Despite these efforts, or maybe because of them, Radio Free Asia has earned the trust of many 

Tibetans inside China, who are essential to the effectiveness of RFA's journalism. These 

networks of cultivated inside sources enable the Tibetan Service to break news about events that 

would otherwise be ignored by or censored by China's state controlled media. RFA was the first 

to report on the accelerated destruction of Larung Gar, and broke the news about the vast 

majority of recent self-immolations. The Tibetan Service has also provided exclusive coverage 

on China's exploitation of mineral wealth and mining operations in the region, which have 

prompted large-scale protests. Tn reporting these developments in Tibet through the years, we 

have become a reliable conduit for citizen-journalists in Tibet who are keen to inform the rest of 

the world of what is happening in their country. 

The erosion of religious rights and freedoms in Tibet may be best illustrated by the accelerated 

demolition and crackdown on Larung Gar this year. Larung Gar is one of the most prominent 

and vibrant Tibetan Buddhist learning centers with monks and nuns from all over the country. 

We reported the forced expulsions and the extensive demolition of living quarters by the 

authorities, and how any monk or nun not officially certified as local was immediately expelled. 

We were able to cover these developments at Larung Gar because many of its residents sent us 

reports, photos, and video. Similarly, the year before, local activists in eastern Tibet informed us 

of mining activities in their region that was causing extensive environmental damage. When the 

mining was finally halted, the local Tibetans informed us that it was outside attention, especially 

the steady reporting by RFA, which had forced Chinese authorities to acknowledge the 

environmental damage and put an end to the mining. 

Trust is a two-way street for RFA with both our sources and audiences. We recently learned that a 

monk who was among our sources at Larung Gar was expelled from the center under suspicion of 

helping us. He told us that though he was devastated, he had no regrets. People are prepared and 

willing to take such great risks to inform RF A, so we can in turn inform the Tibetan people. Such 

feedback reaffirms the importance of our mission. As one Tibetan listener inside China recently 

said, "RF A broadcasts clearly about the conditions inside Tibet and where His Holiness the Dalai 

Lama is going to visit and what he is doing. Because they broadcast such true information, I 

strongly trust it." RFA strives to keep earning that trust and keep connecting the Tibetan people 

with the truth. 

3 
25

Mr. YOHO. Mr. Tethong, thank you, and I appreciate you talking 

about the RFA, how important that is. 

Mr. Gershman. 

STATEMENT OF MR. CARL GERSHMAN, PRESIDENT, NATIONAL 

ENDOWMENT FOR DEMOCRACY 

Mr. GERSHMAN. Thank you, Chairman Yoho and Ranking Member Sherman, for the invitation to testify before the subcommittee 

on this important matter. It is great to be here today amongst so 

many friends. 

I want to begin by noting an article that appeared last week in 

the Washington Post, by David Ignatius, that was provocatively entitled ‘‘China’s Plan to Rule the World.’’ The article referenced several reports commissioned by the Pentagon and the Air Force, one 

of which describes China’s economic and military buildup as perhaps the most ambitious grand strategy undertaken by a single nation in modern times. The article describes several dimensions of 

this strategy, in particular the $1 trillion One Belt, One Road trade 

and infrastructure plan that dwarfs by some seven times the Marshall Plan in post-war Europe and that has the strategic intent of 

constructing a Chinese-led order in Eurasia. 

The United States and many other countries have tended to take 

a benign view of China’s policies because Xi Jinping tries to 

present himself to the world as a global citizen, and he does not 

indulge in the brazen behavior of Russia’s Vladimir Putin. 

In addition, the illusion still persists that the integration of 

China into the global economy and political order will moderate its 

behavior and encourage its internal liberalization. In fact, the 

threat posed by China to the world order has increased with its 

growing economic power, and repression is worse today than at any 

time since the death of Mao Zedong four decades ago. 

Nowhere is this repression more cruel than in Tibet, where the 

Chinese Government is pursuing a policy that the Dalai Lama has 

called cultural genocide. In addition to the systematic effort to destroy the Tibetan religion, language, culture, and distinct national 

identity, China has flooded Tibet with Han Chinese settlers, placed 

monasteries under direct government control, arrested and tortured writers, and forcibly resettled more than 2 million nomads in 

urban areas, destroying their traditional way of life and disrupting 

the fragile ecosystem of the Tibetan Plateau. 

The death and likely murder in prison in July 2015 of Tenzin 

Delek Rinpoche, the beloved community leader and spiritual teacher, is emblematic of this oppression, which has led to the self-immolation and desperate protest of more than 150 Tibetans. The 

continued Tibetan resistance to Chinese oppression exposes the 

falseness of China’s claim to the legitimacy of its rule in Tibet, 

which rests on the assertion stated in a white paper issued by the 

Chinese Government in 2015 that, ‘‘Tibet has been an integral part 

of China since antiquity.’’ China insists that it won’t resume negotiations over Tibet’s status that it broke off in 2010 until the Dalai 

Lama agrees to this assertion, something he cannot do since it is 

contradicted by the historical literature and overlooks the fact that 

Communist China invaded Tibet and illegally annexed it in 1959. 

26

I believe that it is not sufficient just to protest against the massive violations of human rights that are taking place in Tibet. It 

is also necessary to state clearly that Tibet was not a part of China 

before the invasion occurred, that China violated international law 

by invading Tibet, and that it continues to violate international law 

by denying the Tibetan people their right to self-determination. 

Most of all, I think we need to take a realistic look at China’s 

global strategy. In doing so, we need to heed the words of Liu 

Xiaobo, the Chinese dissident who was not allowed to attend the 

ceremony in Oslo when he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 

2010 and who died in prison last July. More than a decade ago, Liu 

warned that if China continued to rise as a dictatorship, the result 

will not only be another catastrophe for the Chinese people but 

likely also a disaster for the spread of liberal democracy in the 

world. We need to remember Liu Xiaobo, study his writings about 

the relationship between international security and political freedom, and shape a policy toward China that recognizes the dangers 

we face and is consistent with the values we cherish. 

We also need to remember that the struggle for Tibetan rights 

cannot be separated from the fight for human rights and freedom 

in China. 

In 2008, following the outbreak of violence in Lhasa, Liu and 28 

other Chinese dissidents appealed to Chinese leaders to engage in 

direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama and expressed their hope that 

the Chinese and Tibetan people will do away with the misunderstandings between them, develop their interactions with each 

other, and achieve unity. That is the path to a more democratic 

China and to a more peaceful world. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Gershman follows:]

27


27756c-1.eps

Chinese Expansionism and the Future of Tibet 

Testimony by Carl Gershman, President ofthe National Endowment for Democracy 

At the Hearing of the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific of the Committee on Foreign Affairs 

On "U.S. Policy Towards Tibet: Access, Religious Freedom, and Human Rights" 

December 6, 2017 

Thank you, Chairman Yoho and Ranking Member Sherman, for the invitation to testify before 

the Subcommittee on this important matter. I want to begin by noting an article that appeared last 

week in The Washington Post by David Ignatius that was provocatively entitled "China's Plan to Rule the 

World." The article referenced several reports commissioned by the Pentagon and the Air Force, one of 

which describes China's economic and military buildup as "perhaps the most ambitious grand strategy 

undertaken by a single nation-state in modern times." The article described several dimensions of the 

strategy, in particular the $1 trillion "One Belt, One Road" trade and infrastructure plan that dwarfs by 

some seven times the Marshall Plan in postwar Europe, and that has "the strategic intent of 

constructing a Chinese-led regional order in Eurasia.'' 

While the article alluded to China's military buildup in Asia, which has alarmed Japan, India, and 

other countries in the region, it actually understated the scope of China's growing power projection by 

overlooking its far-reaching efforts in the fields media, education, and political values and ideas. This is 

sometimes called soft-power, but a study of rising authoritarian influence, that was released just hours 

ago by the National Endowment for Democracy, says that it is more properly called "sharp power" since 

its goal is to pierce and penetrate targeted populations by manipulating and distorting the information 

that reaches them. China spends an estimated $10-15 billion on such sharp-power efforts. 

The United States and many other countries have tended to take a benign view of China's 

policies because Xi Jinping tries to present himself to the world as a global citizen, and he does not 

indulge in the brazen behavior of Russia's Vladimir Putin. In addition, the illusion still persists that the 

integration of China into the global economy and political order will moderate its behavior and 

encourage its internal liberalization. In fact, the threat posed by China to the world order has increased 

with its growing economic power, and repression is worse today than at any time since the death of 

Mao Zedong four decades ago. 

Nowhere is this repression more cruel than in Tibet, where the Chinese government is pursuing 

a policy that the Dalai Lama has called "cultural genocide." In addition to the systematic effort to 

destroy the Tibetan religion, language, culture, and distinct national identity, China has flooded Tibet 

with Han Chinese settlers, placed monasteries under direct government control, arrested and tortured 

writers, and forcibly resettled more than two million nomads in urban areas, destroying their traditional 

way of life and disrupting the fragile ecosystem of the Tibet Plateau. The death and likely murder in 

prison in July 2015 ofTenzin Delek Rinpoche, the beloved community leader and spiritual teacher, is 

emblematic of this oppression, which has led to the self-immolation- in desperate protest- of more 

than 150 Tibetans. 

The continued Tibetan resistance to Chinese oppression exposes the falseness of China's claim 

to the legitimacy of its rule in Tibet, which rests on the assertion, stated in a White Paper issued by the 
28


27756c-2.eps

Chinese government in 2015, that "Tibet has been an integral part of China since antiquity." China 

insists that it won't resume the negotiations over Tibet's status that it broke off in 2010 until the Dalai 

Lama agrees to this assertion, something he cannot do since it is contradicted by the historical literature 

and overlooks the fact that Communist China invaded Tibet and illegally annexed it in 1959. 

I believe that it is not sufficient just to protest against the massive violations of human rights 

that are taking place in Tibet. It is also necessary to state clearly that Tibet was not a part of China 

before the invasion occurred, that China violated international law by invading Tibet, and that it 

continues to violate international law by denying the Tibetan people their right to self-determination. 

Most of all, I think we need to take a realistic look at China's global strategy. In doing so, we 

should heed the words of Liu Xiaobo, the Chinese dissident who was not allowed to attend the 

ceremony in Oslo when he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2010, and who died in prison last July. 

More than a decade ago, Liu warned that if China continued to rise as a dictatorship, "the results will not 

only be another catastrophe for the Chinese people but likely also a disaster for the spread of liberal 

democracy in the world." 

We need to remember Liu Xiaobo, study his writings about the relationship between 

international security and political freedom, and shape a policy toward China that recognizes the 

dangers we face and is consistent with the values we cherish. 

We also need to remember that the struggle for Tibetan rights cannot be separated from the 

fight for human rights and freedom in China. In 2008, following the outbreak of violence in Lhasa, Liu 

and 28 other Chinese dissidents appealed to China's leaders to engage in direct dialogue with the Dalai 

Lama, and expressed their "hope that the Chinese and Tibetan people will do away with the 

misunderstandings between them, develop their interactions with each other, and achieve unity. 11 That 

is the path to a more democratic China and a more peaceful world. 
29

Mr. YOHO. Thank you. I appreciate it. 

I have just been informed that they are going to call votes between 4 and 4:15, and so if we can adhere to the 5 minutes. What 

I want to read out here is Freedom House’s latest freedom index 

ranked Tibet second least free place on the planet, slightly better 

than Syria but less free than North Korea. I don’t know how that 

can happen. Yet the situation in Syria and North Korea get far 

more media coverage, thanks to the crisis and the threats of terrorism and nuclear war. Tibetan leaders lament that their nonviolent movement is ignored while violent movements and violent 

regimes succeed. Tibetans are nationalists, but they are not seeking ethnic purity in Tibet like the militant Buddhist nationalists in 

Burma, nor are the Tibetans seeking their own state like the Kurds 

in Iraq. Instead, the Tibetan leadership is pursuing a middle way 

approach that seeks limited autonomy within China. They just 

want to be left alone. 

And as I said, Mr. Gere, I am going to stop there and let you finish up your talk and your recommendations. 

Mr. GERE. Yes. We have recommendations. Sorry. Look, we think 

that the Policy Act—the passing of bipartisan bill H.R. 1872, the 

Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act of 2017, is important. It is a win. 

It is international norms, the rule of law, which is something that 

is very hard to find inside of Tibet and also China. But there are 

norms. 

If they want to be the super power that they claim to be and the 

world leader they claim to be, these norms are to be followed, and 

that is part of what the Tibet Policy Act is aiming towards, but this 

is very specific in terms of that reciprocal access to Tibet. 

The Senate version of that, H. Con. Resolution 89, the same. 

These things need to be passed, and they can be passed, and I 

think it is important. 

I think another important part of the Tibet Policy Act was to encourage the negotiations between the Dalai Lama’s representatives 

and the Chinese Government. We have not done that recently, and 

this needs to be the forefront of what our policy is with China. It 

is not unreasonable, and it is actually good for China. To resolve 

these Tibetan issues is good for everyone, especially the Chinese. 

It is funny, every time there is a new President of the People’s 

Republic of China, I somehow get a message to them and say: The 

first thing that you can do is become Time’s Man of the Year by 

coming to a conclusion with this Tibetan problem. A picture of Xi 

Jinping with the Dalai Lama shaking hands and coming to a conclusion costs the Chinese nothing. The Tibetan point of view is one 

of nonviolence and inclusion. 

I think another point, and I have been making this for years, is 

that the administration can’t do this alone. The U.S. can’t do it 

alone. We have to work with our European counterparts, and not 

just in Europe but in other countries as well, in a multilateral approach. And I think, unfortunately, we don’t have a State Department that is fully manned at this point, but this is the kind of 

thing the State Department should be spending time and energy 

with, counterparts in our allied countries around the world. 

30

The Chinese are very good at making separate deals with every 

country. If we were a unified world in confronting these problems 

in China, we really could get somewhere. 

The U.S. Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues is extremely important. We have yet to have one. This has never happened. Greg 

Craig was the very first one—when was it, what was the year, 

1991? Nineteen ninety-seven was the first time, and we have had—

we have been fully employed in that job since then. We have gone 

a year now without having a Special Coordinator for Tibetan 

Issues, which is part of the Tibet Policy Act. I think it is reasonable 

to expect Congress to demand that that position be filled with a 

quality high-level person, as it has always been. 

I think the access issue is very important. I think His Holiness 

meeting with either the President of the United States or Secretary 

Rex Tillerson I think is also important. I think a man-to-man meeting and understanding of the issues, of understanding where the 

Tibetan people are coming from, not how they are characterized by 

the Communist Party, but to hear it from the Tibetans themselves, 

no better representative than His Holiness the Dalai Lama. 

I think we have to continue our humanitarian assistance to the 

Tibetan communities. It is not that much money, frankly. And the 

millions of dollars is doing extraordinary things. We have to continue that. We can’t allow that to be taken away. 

Another thing we have talked about for some time is establishing 

a consulate in Lhasa. Completely doable, and, again, part of the 

modern world. If people are traveling—the Chinese are traveling 

here; Americans want to and should be traveling to Tibet—and we 

should have a consulate. And I think, beyond that, we should say 

to the Chinese: If you want a consulate in Atlanta, I think you can 

give us one in Lhasa. 

Mr. YOHO. That is right. I am going to have to cut you off and 

go on to Mr. Sherman, but what I would like you to do is go ahead 

and submit those so we can put them in the record and we can review those because I think they are very valid points. 

Mr. GERE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. YOHO. I really appreciate it. 

We will go to the ranking member, Mr. Brad Sherman, of California. 

Mr. SHERMAN. We have got to get the truth out. I want to talk 

a little bit about the Voice of America in getting truthful information to the people of Tibet. We also need to get the truth out to the 

American people, and as I commented in my opening statement, 

China has a system of restricting the number of movies that it will 

accept from the United States so they can—they have got each studio in their quotas. They can then intimidate American studios not 

to cover Tibet. They can even intimidate American studios not to 

feature actors that are concerned with Tibet. 

Mr. Gere, I would like to see you in more movies. What is China 

doing and how do they use this quota system not only to affect you 

but to terrorize everyone else in the entertainment business in the 

United States into not being the second Richard Gere and the third 

Richard Gere on this issue? 

Mr. GERE. Well, I think it is a little more complicated than you 

are presenting it. There definitely is a quota, and the quota is conVerDate 0ct 09 2002 09:24 Mar 14, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00034 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 Z:\WORK\_AP\120617\27756 SHIRL
31

trolled by the Communist Party for sure, but it is in partnership 

with the exhibitors in China. 

Now, if there is a quota, obviously, the exhibitors are going to 

want movies that are going to make the most money. So they end 

up being, you know, CGI blockbuster movies. 

Mr. SHERMAN. If there was a movie that everyone in the world 

was talking about and it was made by a studio that they had on 

their blacklist, they might still let it in? 

Mr. GERE. No, highly unlikely. That is not true——

Mr. SHERMAN. Even then, they might not let it in? 

Mr. GERE.—if it is blacklisted. 

But the power is this, is that they can say the villain is no longer 

going to be Chinese, and Richard Gere is not going to play the 

hero. They can say that. 

Mr. SHERMAN. So you are saying the Chinese would be fine as 

long as you played the villain? 

Mr. GERE. They might. They might. 

Mr. SHERMAN. Right. 

Mr. GERE. They might. But clearly this is control of the——

Mr. SHERMAN. Not only their ability to control one movie, but 

they can turn to a studio that has 10 blockbusters and say: Well, 

maybe we will let one of them in, or maybe we will let eight of 

them in. There are some other good movies for some other studios 

just down the street. Maybe we will let one of them in, and maybe 

we will let seven in. Do we like your studio? Will we give one studio seven movies because they don’t have Richard Gere in any of 

their films? 

Mr. GERE. Look, I am sure that is part of it, but I think, again, 

it is more complex than that. I think the more sinister part of 

this—and it is not only in movies; it is in everything with the Chinese—people self-edit before the Chinese even have to say anything; they are so terrified of the Chinese. 

Mr. SHERMAN. Right. 

Mr. GERE. And a lot of this in terms of the movies is the Chinese 

don’t have to say, ‘‘Don’t have Richard Gere,’’ whoever; the studios 

themselves will self-edit that way. 

Now, personally, to me, it doesn’t matter. I don’t make those 

kinds of movies anyhow. I make very small, dramatic films. So it 

has had no impact on my career, zero. But it is a complicated situation. The root of it is the fear of the Communist Party ruling out 

your product getting into China. 

Mr. SHERMAN. But there might be a Hollywood actor, big name, 

that does make a career in those big budget movies, and if that 

person was sitting next to you today, I am not sure that it would 

be lost on the studio that they have to maintain a good relationship 

with China. 

I want to move on to the issue of the Voice of America and Radio 

Free Asia. The Chinese are jamming many of these signals. That 

proves to me that they are of some importance. How important are 

they to the Tibetan people, and what additional steps can we take, 

Mr. Tethong? 

Mr. TETHONG. The Voice of America and Radio Free Asia broadcasts are a lifeline to the Tibetan people. If it were not for these 

broadcasts, the Tibetan people would be completely starved of any 

32

real and correct information of what is happening in their own 

backyard, as well as in the rest of the world. 

We have been relatively successful in getting information out of 

Tibet, as I stated earlier, but there is a lot more we can do. We 

need to find more people who are able to communicate inside Tibet 

and to bring the information out. So that requires, I think, more 

resources, to say the least. 

Mr. SHERMAN. I want to get one more question in. China seems 

to be demolishing religious sites and restricting religious practice 

in Tibet. What can—I will ask both Mr. Gere and Mr. Gershman—

what can the United States do to push China to promote the rebuilding of destroyed Tibetan Buddhist monasteries and holy sites? 

Mr. GERSHMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. As I suggested in my 

remarks, I think it is important to raise the ante in the way we 

deal with China on this issue. It is important that we raise these 

issues, that we protest these issues, but I think we also need more 

leverage in the relationship. 

And I believe we will get more leverage in the relationship if we 

raise what is the fundamental issue, which is that China’s rule, its 

occupation, its control of Tibet is illegitimate. 

Tibet was an independent entity, if not an independent country, 

when China invaded in 1949 and 1950 and when it annexed Tibet 

in 1959. This is the issue China itself has raised in saying that it 

won’t talk to the Dalai Lama until he says China was part of—

Tibet was part of China since antiquity. 

Mr. SHERMAN. Which is just false. 

Mr. GERSHMAN. Of course. But I think it is very, very important. 

And it can start with the Congress, if it is not going to start with 

the administration, to raise this point repeatedly to put this issue 

on the agenda. And once you have done that, in my view, you will 

get China’s attention on the kind of issues you are raising. 

I just want to say one other point about information, which you 

have raised so well. The National Endowment for Democracy just 

today, a few hours ago, issued a report on what was called sharp 

power, which is China’s information plan, information system, to 

control, distort, manipulate, the information that reaches the 

publics in the West and Russia as well. But it is part of the rising 

authoritarian influence in the world. 

It also is very important in our universities with these Confucius 

Institutes. There are over 100 in our society. They control academic 

freedom. They control how China is taught in the universities. And 

they also exist in countries all over the world—because the report 

focuses just on four countries—it could focus on many more—Poland, Slovakia, Argentina, and Peru. But it is all over the world 

today where they are expanding their influence in the field of information. We don’t call it soft power. We call it sharp power because 

the goal is to perforate, to penetrate the way a syringe does, democratic societies. 

Mr. YOHO. Thank you. I appreciate you. And you have brought 

that out very well. And we are going to come back to that. 

And we will next go to Mr. Scott Perry. 

Mr. PERRY. Thanks, Mr. Chairman. 

Thanks, gentlemen, for your attendance today. I will tell you that 

I remain very frustrated with the pace of things in Tibet. And 

33

while I listened to the dialogue here today, Mr. Gere, I couldn’t 

agree with you more. The consulate in Lhasa, it should be like the 

minimum standard, right? It shouldn’t even be a question for us. 

The Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, I agree completely. 

But I got to tell you: Communists are Communists. And they 

have been Communists as long as—that is what they are, and they 

do what they do. Tibet is a horrifically strangled area of the world, 

and it has been ever since I have been. In my memory, that is all 

Tibet has been, which is an example of the oppression of communism. And as we sit here today, their culture is slowly but 

steadily being strangled away from them as they participate in it 

literally, right? When you talk about the movies, that they self-correct, that is their own participation and their own demise. And so, 

while we talk about the things that we are today, it seems to me 

that there needs to be a new view of this, new actions taken. The 

actions we have taken, asking for a special coordinator and asking 

for more dialogue, that is not getting the job done, is the point. It 

is not doing—the Chinese are playing long ball. They look at things 

in terms of hundreds of years. We can’t get past dinner tonight. 

So my question to you is: I wonder—and maybe because you are 

all obviously very involved in Tibet and what Tibet would do, and 

so maybe these questions are ill-founded for you, but I just wonder 

what your perception would be if the United States—what would 

China do if the United States recognized the Tibetan Government 

in exile? Anybody? 

Mr. GERSHMAN. We would get their attention. 

Mr. GERE. Yeah. Yeah. Basically, that is it. You would get their 

attention. 

Look, the Chinese—and it has been funny. We have been, for 

many decades, you know, we have been talking about this and with 

really smart Representatives and Senators, people in government, 

State Department, and everyone knows how the Chinese function. 

It is nibbling. They nibble at the edges of the world. 

Mr. PERRY. Consistently. 

Mr. GERE. Consistently. And we back off. And every time we 

back off a step, they take that step in every area, whether it is 

land, whether it is law, whether it is morals, ethics, whatever it 

may be. If we back off, they take it. And we have to say no. We 

have to recognize it for what it is, say it for what it is, call it for 

what it is, and just tell the truth straightforward. 

Now, obviously, it is difficult financially for us; economically it 

could be. But this is why I say we have to do it with the rest of 

the world. The EU has to be a partner in this with us. And we 

have to put the energy and time it takes to create that partnership. 

Then we have real teeth dealing with the Chinese. 

Mr. PERRY. I would agree with you. And I think that that this 

needs to be—if we believe in freedom, and autonomous rule, and 

especially for the people of Tibet, who don’t get any credit for trying to be——

Mr. GERE. For nonviolence. 

Mr. PERRY. For their nonviolence, right? Who would be a better 

partner with the United States of America than the people of Tibet 

and the government? 

34

Mr. GERE. Also for China. Who would be a partner for them than 

the real Tibetans? Not the ones they pretend to——

Mr. PERRY. Well, they have a different view of things. They are 

not interested in a good partner. They are interested in control of 

everything around them, including Tibet. But——

Mr. GERE. Including their own people. 

Mr. PERRY. Absolutely. Which they intend to make Tibet, of 

course. 

So I would imagine it could—it could just be unilateral action by 

this President. And while I imagine many people find fault with 

the President, he could tell the President of China that we are not 

going to have any more substantive discussions until you drop your 

demand that the Dalai Lama recognize that Tibet is a Chinese territory, right? He could start with that. 

Mr. GERE. Great. Great. 

Mr. GERSHMAN. Absolutely. 

Mr. PERRY. Unilaterally. It doesn’t take an act of Congress. And 

he might actually get some good press for 5 minutes in a day, 

right? He might actually get some good press for that. But it seems 

to me that this Congress—and we should put a package together 

that includes a minimum of these things that we support, even if 

it is just in a resolution, a consulate and these demands regarding 

the Chinese Government in regard to Tibet, and move that swiftly 

through the House and the Senate, and demand action, and demand a signature and then action on it. 

Mr. GERE. God bless you. That is terrific. Thank you. 

Mr. GERSHMAN. And it was China—I just want to note. It is 

China that is raising the issue of history. 

Mr. PERRY. Well, of course, it is. Like Mr. Gere said, when we—

when good people are silent, that is when tyranny continues on its 

march. And we are busy people around the world trying to do good 

things and trying to do good things in our own country. But we 

have to recognize the small things that we can do that can make 

a huge difference. And, to me, that is a very small ask to say to 

China: You are not going to revise history. We won’t accept it. And 

there are going to be consequences to your actions. 

Mr. Chairman, I appreciate your indulgence, and I yield. 

Mr. YOHO. No, I appreciate you bringing that up, very important. 

Now we will next go to Mr. Gerry Connolly. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

And thank you all for being here today. 

For the record, working for the Tom Lantos Commission Defending Freedoms Project, I sort of have adopted the case of Lobsang 

Tsering, who is now serving 10 years in Chinese prison under the 

trumped-up charge of inciting self-immolation. And there is some 

reason to believe he may have been—you know, his testimony may 

have been coerced. But what this is really all about is the expression of dissent. And certainly I call upon the Chinese Government 

to release Lobsang Tsering and everyone else who is a prisoner of 

conscience with respect to the subject, Tibet. 

I would also say that, probably unlike most of my colleagues 

here, I went to Tibet in 1986. I led the first joint Senate and House 

staffdel to Tibet. We were the first allowed in, that I know of, by 

the Chinese Government. And it was a remarkable experience beVerDate 0ct 09 2002 09:24 Mar 14, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00038 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 Z:\WORK\_AP\120617\27756 SHIRL
35

cause what we saw was the evidence—this was 31 years ago now—

of the Chinese plan to repopulate the Tibetan homeland with the 

Han, non-Tibetans. And there are a lot of Chinese. So not that 

hard to do if you can get Chinese willing to live there. We saw the 

destruction, both from the cultural revolution ravages and current 

suppression of monasteries, of places—sacred shrines and so forth, 

really important to Tibetan Buddhism. 

We saw, certainly, and heard some low-key testimony of people 

who had themselves been brutalized, incarcerated, and persecuted. 

We saw the propaganda efforts of the Chinese Government in 

terms of the narrative about what Tibet was and had always been. 

This is 31 years ago. In Beijing, they insisted we meet with the 

Panchen Lama—that particular Panchen Lama is now dead. And 

I felt like I was meeting Quisling, you know, the Norwegian leader 

who basically did the bidding of the Nazi occupiers in Norway during World War II. I thought, I can’t believe I am hearing this alternative view of the universe and Tibetan culture and religion from 

somebody with your title and your prestige. And I think—frankly, 

I don’t think Tibetans listened to him. But it was a remarkable 

thing, nonetheless, in terms of how the Chinese staged this. So everything I am hearing 31 years later is still true. 

Mr. Gere, you talked about nibbling away. But they are also systematic and very patient. They just don’t give up. And I guess I 

would just ask any and all of you: So here we are, 31 years later 

for me. Has it gotten better? Has it gotten worse? How successful 

do you think the Chinese Government is in consolidating that set 

of policies to their end, which is basically to make Tibet Chinese, 

culturally, ethnically, politically? 

Mr. TETHONG. As far as we know, even though the Chinese have 

been very successful on a superficial level, we know—we believe 

that the Tibetans have not given in, so to speak. In fact, the Tibetan spirit is still very strong. And I think that is what drives 

people to send information out——

Mr. CONNOLLY. If I can interrupt you, so what has happened demographically? What percentage of Tibet today, population wise, is 

ethnic Han? 

Mr. TETHONG. It is difficult to get exact demographics because——

Mr. CONNOLLY. Of course. 

Mr. TETHONG [continuing]. The figures are controlled. But there 

may be anywhere from 1 million to 6 million Chinese on the Tibetan Plateau, which before 1959, may have been less than 

100,000. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. That is right. 

Mr. TETHONG. But most of these Chinese will come with special 

privileges. They have this ability to set up house right away without the house registration. They are given other incentives, 

through business and government, which are denied to many Tibetans right in that local area, including Tibetans from other parts of 

Tibet who are not allowed to move around. So, with all that incentive, there are increasing numbers of Chinese in the urban areas. 

But we also know that most Chinese would prefer not to be in 

Tibet because the high altitude is not the best place to be. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Right. 

36

Mr. TETHONG. So that is another reality that is also unfolding at 

the same time. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. But, still, a lot of people move there. 

If I am allowed one final observation: Mr. Gershman, so like the 

Presidents of the last two decades, Mr. Trump has met with the 

Dalai Lama, right? And the United States, both in the form of the 

Secretary of State and the President, when they have an opportunity with President Xi or other senior Chinese officials, we 

brought up Tibet, and human rights in Tibet, and the situation in 

Tibet consistently? Have I got that right? 

Mr. GERE. No, not at all. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Am I wrong? 

Mr. GERE. You are wrong. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Well, Lord almighty. Help clarify, Mr. Gere. 

Mr. GERE. No, His Holiness has not met with either Trump or 

Tillerson. And there is a question as to whether or not that will 

happen. I think it should happen. Of course, it should happen. It 

has happened since the first George Bush and in—I think it was 

1991, I think, when the first meeting was. Every President since 

then has spent serious time with His Holiness and his representatives. But it has not happened thus far. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Well, final point——

Mr. GERE. And we don’t know——

Mr. CONNOLLY. I know. Thank you, Mr. Gere. 

I wanted Mr. Gershman just to talk about the political points. So 

are we using our diplomatic spigots to press home this case whenever we have that opportunity with senior Chinese officials? 

Mr. GERSHMAN. I don’t think so. I don’t—the issue may occasionally get raised in a symbolic way when meetings take place. But 

what really I was calling for, in my brief testimony, was a comprehensive, integrated policy that recognizes the full scope of the 

challenge that is not just, you know, focusing on Tibet because it 

goes so much beyond that in China’s global policy today. And its 

influence and power are expanding. You just have to look at the 

alarm in a country like India or in Japan to understand how the 

countries in the neighborhood are viewing this. 

And I think we need to be in touch with our allies on this. And 

we need to shape a coordinated policy which does—should put the 

issue on the table and raise the issue of human rights, but as I 

said in my testimony, I think we have to go beyond that. And we 

have to look at the fundamental, underlying issue, which is that 

the Tibet people are being denied their right to self-determination. 

The Dalai Lama has not—what the Dalai Lama wants with the 

Middle Way policy is genuine autonomy. He is not talking about 

independence. He is talking about genuine autonomy. And I think 

we have to get behind that and support it vigorously and also then 

to raise the issue of the status of Tibet. 

Mr. YOHO. I thank you for your time. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Chairman, thank you for your courtesy. 

Mr. YOHO. Yes, sir. 

We will next go to the lady from Florida, Chairman Emeritus——

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Thank you very much. I am no lady; I am 

a Member of Congress. 

37

And to follow up on Mr. Connolly’s remarks, I wanted to ask, Mr. 

Connolly, when you led that staffdel, was that when you were a 

member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee? Because I 

have heard that rumor once or twice. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. So I am going to break this news to you and confirm it: I was a senior staff member on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee——

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. I had no idea. I have never heard that. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Yeah. Yeah. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Thank you so much. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. You are more than welcome. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Well, Mr. Gere, you had—that is a private 

joke we have going. 

You had recommended in your testimony that the United States 

‘‘urge the new Chinese leadership to reevaluate the stability maintenance approach applied in Tibet and the dominance of the security apparatus.’’

I would like to ask you for your thoughts on whether this stability maintenance approach is having the positive impact on stability that it claims. 

Mr. GERE. Well, stability maintenance is the hard fist. That is 

basically what it is. There are no carrots associated with this at all. 

It is just blind and complete repression. There is no incentive for 

the Tibetans. It is an approach that is doomed to failure. And the 

only way that it could succeed is if they actually kill all the Tibetans. And they have created such a pressure cooker situation that, 

of course, there is a point where people feel that they have nothing 

to lose. And then you see these self-immolations. 

Now, there is very little violence against Chinese. It hasn’t exploded that way. This is not a terrorist community. And the limited 

ability for Tibetans to express their pain and their suffering is releasing now in the self-immolations. I mean, it is one of the saddest 

things one could ever imagine. Monks and nuns and laypeople who, 

out of despair and love and compassion for their own people, their 

own culture, this is the only cry that they can make that can possibly be heard. The tools of expression are not given to them. They 

have been taken away in the extreme. So this is a policy that is 

doomed to failure on all levels unless it is complete genocide. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Horrific. 

And we have heard report after report today, Mr. Chairman, 

about the invasive, the restrictive, the brutal nature of the Chinese 

security apparatus as it attempts to erase the culture and the identity of the Tibetan people, demolishing Buddhist sites, attacking 

the language of Tibet. 

Do you think that this approach is undermining the very stability that it is attempting to institute? 

Mr. GERE. Well, look, we have been positing—and I think rationally, not just emotionally—the solution to the problem is the Dalai 

Lama. The solution is someone who is deeply respected and honored by the Tibetan people, who is an honest broker. If they sat 

down with him and said: Well, what is really meaningful to you? 

The reality is it is something they can freely give away. It is the 

free expression of their culture, their religion, their concern for 

each other as a community of like feelings and emotions and vision 

38

of possibility of the future. There is nothing negative in the Tibetan 

soul that would hurt the Chinese experiment. 

It is a fool’s errand that the Chinese are on here that ultimately 

hurts them as well. This is a huge problem for them, Tibet. You 

think they want to have this hearing in the U.S. Congress and the 

kind of outrage that is expressing itself around the world of the 

treatment of Tibetans? It is no good for anyone. So it is a radical 

rethinking of this. 

But I also want to come back to what Carl was saying. Tibet is 

not an isolated situation. To deal with the Tibetan situation, you 

have got to see all of Asia. And you have to see the 100-year, the 

200-year plan of China and how they will take over Siberia. They 

will take over the Turkestan areas. They will take over Southern 

Europe. There is no question about this. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. The long-haul game that Mr. Perry——

Mr. GERE. They are moving in that direction. And they are moving at a quicker pace than even they realized they could. 

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Thank you so much. 

Mr. Chairman, thanks for letting me be a part of this subcommittee today. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. YOHO. I always enjoy having your input and your wisdom. 

And I appreciate it. 

I want to go back to something. You know, and I think, Mr. 

Gershman, you have all brought it up. And that is the aggression 

of China. And I think you are spot on. And we have said this before, that they are going to fail. China will fail at this because they 

fear freedom and liberties. But that is a universal belief all people 

have. They want to be free. They want to be self-determining. They 

want to be self-governing. And we are so fortunate in this country 

to have a system that allows that. And we need to sometimes take 

a pause and look at that and really embrace the freedoms we have 

in this country because it doesn’t take you long to go to another 

country to see what is happening, the encroachment on freedoms. 

I mean, the guy in North Korea that was trying to get out, they 

shoot people trying to get out of their country, and we have got 

people wanting to come into our country. It is backwards. And 

China will continue to fail until they embrace their people and empower them. Yeah, they are doing great right now. But it is not 

long term. 

With the 19th Communist Party Congress that was in China 

where Xi Jinping consolidated his power—and this is almost a rhetorical question—how do you believe Xi Jinping’s elevation will affect Tibet, for the better or for the worse? 

Mr. GERE. There is nothing to indicate that he is a good guy, 

okay? 

Mr. YOHO. Mr. Tethong? 

Mr. TETHONG. From what we have seen in the last 5 years of his 

tenure, first, things have gotten worse in Tibetan areas and restrictions have increased. And the deliberate attempt to diminish Tibetan culture and identity is very apparent. So I think it is difficult 

to see anything promising in the near future. 

Mr. YOHO. You are right. And the same thing is going on in Taiwan and in Hong Kong. And they are influencing—I mean, even 

39

South Korea. The effect China has on Australia now is mind boggling. 

Mr. Gershman, do you have anything you want to add to that? 

Mr. GERSHMAN. Well, you are absolutely right, Mr. Chairman. I 

think what we are seeing today around Asia, including Australia, 

yes, is alarm at what they see as a retreating West and an expanding China, an expanding influence of China. 

I just want to mention one thing in response to Congresswoman 

Ros-Lehtinen’s point about the failure of the Chinese policy. I 

quoted in my testimony the 29 Chinese dissidents who were calling 

for dialogue with the Dalai Lama, one of whom, the lead one, was 

Liu Xiaobo. And they said that a country that wishes to avoid partition of its territory must first avoid divisions among its nationalities. And they call for eliminating animosity that brings about—to 

bring about national reconciliation. 

The more they oppress the Tibetan people, the greater the likelihood is that there will be less willingness to try to reach some kind 

of a compromise, more readiness to resist. And that is what we are 

seeing today. It is a desperate form of resistance today. But, you 

know, as you suggest, Mr. Chairman, authoritarian rule is never 

secure. And I think that we have to have patience. 

The Chinese have patience. We have to not only have patience 

and embrace freedom. We have to recognize that we do have rivals. 

Those rivals have plans. And we have to develop strategies to try 

to deal with the threats that we face in a realistic and comprehensive way, building alliances, as Richard says, because I think there 

are a lot of countries that are looking to us now to support in leadership on this and are very, very concerned with the international 

environment today. 

Mr. YOHO. Thank you for your comments. 

Mr. Scott Perry, you got a second round of questions? 

Mr. Sherman wanted to hold off for a minute. 

Mr. PERRY. Well, then I will indulge him. 

The struggle over the next Dalai Lama. Just like Hong Kong, we 

fully expect the Chinese to influence that to the maximum that 

they can, and I wonder two things. What will the Tibetan people 

do when they see the overt interference and a puppet—is there 

such thing as a puppet Dalai Lama, so to speak? But I mean, as 

horrific and—just as horrific as that sounds, I am sure that the 

Chinese Government doesn’t care. What would the people of Tibet 

do? And what should the United States be doing in advance of that 

expectation to ensure that the Chinese either decide that is not in 

their best interest or to dissuade them as much as possible? 

Mr. TETHONG. Well, I think if the Chinese recognize a so-called 

puppet Dalai Lama, it is very likely that no Tibetan would really 

recognize him as the Dalai Lama. The last Panchen Lama which 

the Chinese recognized, he may be a decent young man, but he is 

finding very little open acceptance in Tibet itself. And his appearances, both among Tibetans and in China, is also very limited. I 

think the Chinese Government realizes that. So I don’t think it will 

be a successful effort if they do that. 

As far as what we can do from there, I think making it very clear 

that it is absolutely ridiculous for a Communist Party institution 

to recognize Tibetan Buddhist institution. I think just pointing out 

40

how ridiculous that I think is the first step in trying to prevent the 

Chinese from doing that. 

Mr. PERRY. But without the kind of the specter of the immediacy 

of the issue, so to speak, is anybody going to listen to that message? I hate to say it that way. But I just don’t know that anybody 

is going to hear that without the urgency as opposed to after the 

current Dalai Lama passes. 

Mr. GERE. I think absolutely the U.S. Government should say it 

is up to the Tibetan people to make this decision. It was a laughable moment that—you know, His Holiness is an 82-year-old man. 

He was asked, who is going to be the next Dalai Lama? And he 

said, ‘‘Well, the institution is up to the Tibetan people if they want 

a Dalai Lama. But, beyond that, if they want the Dalai Lama, I 

guarantee you I will not be born in a Chinese-controlled area,’’ at 

which point the Communist Party said, ‘‘It isn’t up to the Dalai 

Lama to decide where he will be born next, it is up to the Communist Party,’’ of course misunderstanding completely the logic 

process of transference of consciousness. 

The U.S. Government going on record as saying that it is not up 

to the Communist Party, it is up to the religious authorities of the 

Tibetan community to make that decision, and go beyond that and 

say, of the free Tibetan community, religious community, to make 

those decisions. 

Mr. PERRY. And that would be something that we could include——

Mr. GERE. Absolutely. 

Mr. PERRY [continuing]. As Congress in——

Mr. GERE. And most important. 

Mr. PERRY. Yeah. 

Mr. GERE. Absolutely. That is terrific. 

Mr. PERRY. Yeah. That would, to me, be simple, right? That 

would be simple. 

Mr. GERE. Yes. Straightforward. 

Mr. PERRY. Should the United States limit the travel of Chinese 

diplomats or at least raise the specter of limiting the travel of Chinese diplomats until we see any movement at all? I mean, I don’t 

see any positive direction in this relationship between China and 

Tibet in my lifetime. I don’t see any. So, to me, we need some 

game-changers here. So would that be something at least to discuss 

that would, at a minimum, slow down, for instance, the Chinese’s—

China’s slow and methodical strangulation of Tibet? Would it at 

least have them take pause, even to just bring it up? 

Mr. GERSHMAN. Well, the legislation raises the issue of reciprocation. And if journalists and U.S. officials and others are not permitted to travel to Tibet, then there should be a response to that 

from this country. In other words, we need a single standard. We 

need equality in this relationship. So I think the legislation that 

Congressman McGovern has drafted, as I have seen it, addresses 

this point well. 

Mr. PERRY. Yeah. It would seem that most Americans and most 

people around the globe would agree that equal reciprocity is realistic and not beyond the realm of fairness, right? So——

41

Mr. GERSHMAN. Absolutely. And I think—on your previous point, 

I just want to say that it is a fundamental issue of religious freedom. And, you know, it behooves the United States. 

Mr. PERRY. If not this country, who is going to stand up for that? 

Mr. GERSHMAN. Everyone—I mean, in this country, we must 

stand up for religious freedom. And we have to get other countries 

to stand up for this fundamental right because what the Chinese 

are now doing, when the chief official of the Communist Party says 

that the Dalai Lama is betraying his own faith by saying that he 

might not reincarnate if—you know, you won’t reincarnate if you 

cannot—if you cannot continue the work. If they are being prevented from continuing the work, it is not for the Chinese Communist Party to make that decision. They are preventing the Dalai 

Lama, and presumably his successor, from continuing the work of 

the Dalai Lama. It is up to the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people 

to make that decision, not the Chinese Government. And I think 

we should stand up very vigorously for the principle of religious 

freedom. 

Mr. PERRY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your indulgence. I 

yield. 

Mr. YOHO. No. I appreciate it. 

Now, we will go to Mr. Sherman. 

Mr. SHERMAN. The idea that the Chinese Communist Party 

would make a theological determination offers some comic relief to 

what is otherwise a very serious hearing. 

Mr. GERSHMAN. I once called that shameless impudence. 

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Gere, who is the appropriate body to identify 

the next Dalai Lama and to determine the existing Dalai Lama. 

The existing Dalai Lama has told us where he will not be reborn, 

but we don’t know whether he will be reborn and in which, a young 

man or—I don’t know the theology, whether it be a young man or 

young woman. 

Mr. GERE. It could be a woman. Could be a woman. Could be—

have a Western body. I mean, it is whatever——

Mr. SHERMAN. What is the group of people that will officially 

identify for Tibetan Buddhists who is the next Dalai Lama? 

Mr. GERE. I can only give that to you generally. I can’t give you 

the exact people. But certainly the religious community around His 

Holiness, the heads of the four schools of Tibetan Buddhism, certainly the heads of the Gelugpa school of Tibetan Buddhism would 

be intimately involved with this process. 

Mr. SHERMAN. The Catholic Church has identified for the world: 

These are the cardinals; this is where they will meet——

Mr. GERE. It is not——

Mr. SHERMAN [continuing]. And you are saying this is more a 

kind of——

Mr. GERE. It is not as organized as that. 

Mr. SHERMAN [continuing]. A kind of consensus of——

Mr. GERE. Well, it is quite possible, and this happened before, 

that this Dalai Lama will give indications of who he will be next 

time. And that will be part of the process. 

Mr. SHERMAN. Will he identify those individuals that have the 

capacity to determine——

Mr. GERE. I would assume that is the case, yes. 

42

Mr. SHERMAN. Okay. I mean, the Catholic Church makes my job 

easier as a non-Catholic who has to deal with religions by—this 

Pope will no doubt identify that these are the cardinals. And you 

can see how it will be easier for the United States to know who 

is the head of Tibetan Buddhism if the existing head of Tibetan 

Buddhism will tell us——

Mr. GERE. You know, these are really good questions. And, to be 

honest, there are things in the works now that would clarify that 

exact issue, that there would be a recognized body that would 

present to the rest of the world. The Tibetans will know. They have 

always known. 

Mr. SHERMAN. And the heads of the major schools of Tibetan 

Buddhism, are they subject to Chinese pressure? 

Mr. GERE. Not outside. But certainly inside, yeah. 

Mr. SHERMAN. Well, I mean, I wonder, do they reside in——

Mr. GERE. No. The heads, as we know them now, are in India 

or Nepal. 

Mr. SHERMAN. Okay. 

Mr. GERE. Yeah. 

Mr. SHERMAN. So, Mr. Gershman, and others. You can see how 

China just looks at this big piece of the map of the world and says, 

‘‘We want to control that,’’ but this is an area of the world that has 

been sparsely populated because it is very difficult to create food 

there in significant quantities. Are there particular parts of Tibet 

where China says, ‘‘Ah ha, that is where the gold mine is’’? When 

they see economic development, where do they see it? What are 

they looking for? 

Mr. GERSHMAN. I assume it is in the area of minerals. And they 

really are destroying the ecology of the area. And the monk I mentioned in my testimony, Tenzin Delek Rinpoche, one of the things 

he tried to do before he was arrested 13 years before his death in 

2015 was to protect the environment because they really are destroying it and, of course, uprooting the nomads. And I think this 

is one really, really critical issue that we have to raise. 

Obviously, there are very significant water resources in the 

Himalayas which are also—the Chinese would want to use for the 

development of energy purposes. So there are a lot of economic interests that they would have, but the fundamental interest is geopolitical. And it has led to what is now——

Mr. SHERMAN. And they are building islands in the South China 

Sea not because that is——

Mr. GERSHMAN. But, also, at the same time that they were doing 

that, there was almost, before the Party Congress, during the summer and into September, there was almost a military conflict. 

There was a military standoff with India over the Doklam Plateau 

which also involves Sikkim and Bhutan. And all of these areas are 

scared. And China backed off. I don’t think they wanted a conflict 

before the Party Congress. But they are going to come back to 

those issues too. So they really have a very, very large geopolitical 

interest in maintaining that territory. And, you know, as I suggested, they invaded that territory. They occupy it illegally. And I 

think that has to be said. 

Mr. SHERMAN. I will ask one more question, and anyone else. Is 

there any concern in Beijing that their access to the U.S. market 

43

for all their exports could in any way be affected by their persecution of the people of Tibet? 

Mr. GERE. I mean, there is no reason for them to fear it. We have 

rolled over. 

Mr. SHERMAN. Right. 

Mr. GERE. The U.S. has rolled over. And, unfortunately——

Mr. SHERMAN. I think that answers it. And the question for us 

is, what do we do to change the answer to that through our policy? 

I will yield back. 

Mr. GERE. Well, I think what we discussed before, and Mr. 

Perry, I think, very cleanly described the way forward. There were 

half a dozen clear, simple, rational things that we can do and make 

part of our law. And if it is immediately making it the sense of the 

Congress, so be it. Move it into the territory of absolute law as the 

Tibet Policy Act is. 

Mr. YOHO. Well, they have called votes, and we have to go. But 

I want to tell you how much we really appreciate this. And what 

we look for—I don’t like to have meetings to have meetings. We 

like to have legislation come out of this. And we will round up the 

members that were here, bring some ideas together, and you 

should see some positive movement. 

I was at a conference a couple of years ago, and we had a lot of 

the generals, retired generals, active generals, of the United States. 

And they were saying that we are going through a tectonic shift in 

world powers that we have not seen since pre-World War II. And 

now we see the rise of China with the 19th Congress and Xi 

Jinping came out and said that the era of China has come, that it 

is time for them to take the world stage. You know, I find that very 

threatening. And, as you have said, we have fed this monster because we demand cheap things. And it is time to change the narrative and just say: The game is over, and we are going to invest 

in like-minded allies. Like-minded allies believe in liberties and 

freedoms, those things that we talked about, the things that we 

hold dearly in this country. And I think you are seeing the world 

divide along these lines. What we know is a government that expects the people to serve a party I don’t think will be long-lasting, 

as you brought up, whereas you have a government that serves the 

people is the way to go. And I think the good guys will win on this. 

Mr. GERSHMAN. I want to thank you, Mr. Chairman. Your voice 

and the voice of your colleagues is extremely important on this 

issue and on the issue of freedom fundamentally. And I want to 

thank you. 

Mr. YOHO. Well, I appreciate you all. Have a good time. 

Mr. GERE. Listen, from my side, I think this is one of the best 

testimonies and interactions with all of you in Congress that I have 

ever seen. And I want to thank you from the bottom of my heart, 

and I think everyone else here who cares about Tibet. Thank you 

so much. 

Mr. SHERMAN. I want to point out. She doesn’t want me to mention her. But there is, of course, a Special Coordinator for Tibet. 

My wife served in that office for several years. She continues to 

work at the State Department in human rights. So I want to give 

her a shout out. 

[Whereupon, at 4:17 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.] 

(45)

A P P E N D I X 

MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

46

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27756n.eps

SUBCOMMITTEE HEARING NOTICE 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

WASHINGTON, DC 20515-6128 

Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacitlc 

Ted Yoho (R-FL), Chairman 

November 29, 2017 

TO: MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

You arc respectfully requested to attend an OPEN hearing of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, to 

be held by the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific in Room 2172 of the Rayburn House Office 

Building (and available live on the Committee website at http://www.ForcignAffairs.housc.gov): 

I) ATE: 

TIME: 

SUBJECT: 

WITNESSES: 

Wednesday, December 6, 2017 

2:00p.m. 

U.S. Policy Towards Tibet: Access, Religious Freedom, and Human Rights 

Mr. Richard Gcrc 

Chair of the Board of Directors 

International Campaign for Tibet 

Mr. Tenzin Tcthong 

Director of the Tibetan Service 

Radio Free Asia 

Mr. Carl Gershman 

President 

National Endowment for Democracy 

By Direction of the Chairman 

The Committee on Foreign Affairs seeks to make Us Jacilitie.~ accessible to person~ with disabilities. If you are in need of special 

accommodations, please call 202/225-5021 at least Jour business days in advance of the event, whenever practicable. Questions with regard to 

spec/a/ accommodalions in general (including availability of Committee materials ill alternative formats and assistive listening devices) may be 

directed to the Committee. 
47

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27756m.eps

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

MINUTES OF SUBCOMMilTEE ON ________ A_si_a_an_d_t!_w_P_ac_:_ific.'c _______ HEARJNG 

Day Wednesday Date December 6, 2017 Room 2172 

Starting Time 2:37 Ending Time 4:1S 

Recesses bd (__to_) (__to __ ) (__to_) (__to_) (__to __ ) (__to __ ) 

Presiding Mcmber(s) 

Rep. Yolw 

Check all of the following that apply: 

Open Session G'J Executive ~sed) Session D Televised D 

TITLE OF HEARING: 

Electronically Record!J!!...(taped) D 

Stenographic Record U 

U.S. Policy Toward Tibet: Access, Religious Freedom, and Human Rights 

SUBCOMMITTEE MEMBERS PRESENT: 

Rep. Ted Yoho, Rep. Scott Perry, Rep. Steve Chabot 

Rep. Brad Sherman, Rep. TuM Gabbard, Rep. Dina Titus, Rep. Gerald Connolly 

NON-SUBCOMMITTEE MEMBERS PRESENT: (Mark with an *if they are not members offull committee.) 

Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen 

Rep. Jim McGovern* 

HEARING WITNESSES: Same as meeting notice attached? Yes [Z] No 0 

(If "no", please list below and include title, agency, department, or organization.) 

STATEMENTS FOR THE RECORD: (List any statements submitted for the record.) 

Rep. Eliot Engel- SFR 

Rep. Gerald Connolly - SFR 

Rep. Dina Titus- QFR 

TIME SCHEDULED TO RECONVENE ___ _ 

or 

TIME ADJOURNED __ 4_:_JS __ 

Su 
48


27756d-1.eps

FINAL 

Statement for the Record 

Ranking Member Eliot L. Engel 

AP Subcommittee Hearing: "U.S. Policy Toward Tibet: Access, Religious Freedom, and 

Human Rights" 

December 6, 2017 

Thank you, Chairman Y oho and Ranking Member Sherman. I am grateful to the both of you for 

calling this hearing and bringing Congress' attention to tbc people of Tibet. Let me thank the 

witnesses for their time, expe1tise and advocacy on this issue. It has been some time since the 

Foreign Affairs Committee has taken up this topic in a dedicated hearing, so I appreciate tbe 

opportunity to hear from you today. I'd also like to recognize the Lantos Human Rights 

Conm1ission led by my good friends Rep. McGovern of Massachusetts and Mr. Hultgren of 

Illinois for their great work on tbis issue-including a Commission hearing earlier tbis year. 

I've had the privilege to meet Ilis Holiness, the Dalai Llan1a, several times including on a recent 

congressional delegation trip with Leader Pelosi to Dharamshala last year. His Holiness is truly a 

remarkable man. A gentle spirit, driven for within by an incredible strength and courage and 

when you meet him, no matter your faith or background, you cannot help but feel the bond of 

common humanity. There is no single person who has done more to advance the Tibetan cause 

amund the world than the Dalai Llama. As the spiritual and cultural leader oftbe Tibetan people, 

his Holiness has done it through promoting peace, respect, tolerance and non-violence. He is 

rightly revered and respected by people of all faiths-and you cannot help but be drawn into his 

cause and the cause of the Tibetan people. Indeed, many in Congress have supported the plight 

of Tibet. 

We passed the Tibetan Policy Act of2002 which makes it a matter of U.S. Policy to support the 

aspirations of the Tibetan people to safeguard their distinct identity. We provide support for 

Tibetan refugees, promote scholarships for Tibetan students, promote activities to expand 

economic opportunity and environmental conservation, and Congress establisl).ed a senior 

coordinator for Tibetan issues at tbe State Department. Sadly, this is one of many, many senior 

positions in the State Department that is still vacant tbanks to Secretary Tillerson and our 

President, Donald Truq1p. 

In recent years, we have urged the Government of China to resume talks with tbe Tibetan envoys 

as an essential step in reducing tensions and adm·essing the grievances ofthe Tibetan people. The 

Chinese continue to have outrageous preconditions for tbe resumption of these dialogues, and 

they have been stalled since 2010. At every turn, China's authorities have decided to pursue 

policies tbat are counterproductive not only to human rights of Tibetans, but to China's interests 

as well. By actively seeking to stamp out the Tibetan culture, language and identifY through 

systematic oppression, control and marginalization of the people of Tibet, Chinese authorities 

raise tensions and increase the risk of unrest. 

As the current Dalai Llama advances in age, although he is in good health, he has raised the issue 

of his succession. Outrageously, the Chinese government has seen fit to stipulate its terms on this 

issue as well, attempting to dictate where and how tbc cmTent Dalai Llama may reincarnate-a 

notion that contravenes the most basic and universally recognized right of religious freedom. 
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FINAL 

Beijing has no role to play here: this decision on succession belongs solely to the current Dalai 

Llama, Tibetm1 Buddhist leaders, and the Tibetan people. But in doing so, China is setting the 

stage for conflict m1d controversy. 

Tins issue-which I hope our witnesses can speak to today-should be among our top priorities 

in terms of the U.S. engagement with China on Tibet, but so tar it hasn't received the focus it 

deserves. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am grateful to the subcommittee for addressing the issue of the 

Tibetan people. I an1 grateful to our panelists, and I yield back. 

### 

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Statement for the Record 

Rep. Gerald Connolly 

AP Subcommittee Hearing: "U.S. Policy Toward Tibet: Access, Religious Freedom, and Hmnan 

Rights" 

December 6, 2017 

Promoting substantive dialogue between the Dalai Lama and Chinese government has been 

longstanding bipartisan U.S. policy for decades. According to the State Depmtment's 2016 Report on 

Tibet Negotiations, "resumption of dialogue m1d steps to redress Tibetan grievances m·e critical to 

reducing the continuing high tensions between Tibetan and Chinese authorities." Despite this 

consistent policy of successive U.S. administrations, the Trump Administration has not yet reaffirmed 

this approach. Moreover, President Trump has declined to raise Tibet as an issue in his meetings with 

Chinese President Xi Jinping, proposed the elimination of funding for Tibet in his FY 2018 budget, 

and failed to nominate a Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues at the State Department. 

Tenuous international support for Tibet coupled with China's growing oppression of Tibetans and 

questions about the Dalai Lama's succession have fueled unce1tainty about the future of the Tibetan 

resistance movement. China has recently strengthened its persecution of Tibetans through expulsions 

and demolitions of religious sites, the marginalization of Tibetan culture m1d language, and further 

restrictions on Tibetans' travel. The 82-year-old Dalai Lama has visited locations where his 

reincarnation may occur, could designate a successor before his death, or could decline to be 

reincarnated, ending the institution of the Dalai LaJna. 

At this crossroads of Tibet's future, the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan govermnent-in-exile convened a 

first-of-its-kind conference, in Dharamsala, India, this past October. The Five-Fifty Forum sought to 

create a five-year plan for negotiations with China or chart another 50 yem·s of resistance to Chinese 

control if dialogue falters. During his remarks to the conference of Tibet supporters, the Dalai Lama 

expressed concern regarding President Trump's "America first" policy and the use of militm·y force 

rather than diplomacy to solve international problems. The Tibetan leader also praised the United 

States for its historic support of Tibet and hwnan rights, particularly in Congress, and shared hope ilia! 

it would continue. 

Notwithstanding the Trump Administration's reluctance to engage on Tibet, the U.S. Congress has 

long provided and continues to uphold a strong affinity for Tibet and the Dalai L3llla. The Tibetan 

Policy Act (TPA) of2002 (P.L. 1 07-228) directs the executive branch to encourage the PRC 

government to dialogue with the Dalai Lama, call for the release of Tibetan political aud religious 

prisoners, reinforce development objectives in Tibet, and support the aspirations of the Tibetan people 

to safeguard their distinct identity. In the 115"' Congress, I have been proud to cosponsor tile 

Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act (H.R. 1872) and H. Con. Res. 89, which botll reaffirm U.S. policy 

toward Tibet. In June, I joined a letter to President Trump urging him to appoint the position of Special 

Coordinator for Tibetan Issues at the State Department as soon as possible. 

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Through the Tom Lantos' Commission's Defending Freedoms Project, I am an advocate for Lobsang 

Tsering, a former Tibetan Buddhist monk. In 2012, Chinese police detained Tsering and accused him 

of inciting the self-immolation of eight Tibetans, even though five of the self:i1l1111olations never 

occmTed. It is clear to the world that such self-immolations are a last-ditch effort of desperate Tibetans 

living in an oppressive country with no other recourse for protest. Chinese authorities likely coerced a 

confession of"inciting" murder from Tscring, the implication being that the self-inunolations were not 

protests but homicides. Tsering was convicted and sentenced to ten years in prison after a show trial 

where he was unrepresented by a lawyer. 

Human Rights Watch correctly noted that "these prosecutions are utterly without credibility. The 

Chinese government seems to think it can stop self-immolation by punishing anyone who talks about 

it." Tsering's conviction marks the first sentence imposed against an individual for allegedly "coercing" 

Tibetans to self:inunolate. I call on the Chinese government to release Tsering, to end the practice of 

imprisoning innocent Tibetans as a form of collective punishment for protests, and to stop prosecuting 

Tibetans for honestly discussing their plight with others, whether inside or outside of China. 

Supporting Tibet in its peaceful guest for freedom for Tibetans within the confines of the Chinese 

constitution has been longstanding U.S. policy and remains in our national interest. The Tmmp 

Administration would do well to recognize Tibet's important role by encouraging dialogue between 

the Dalai Lama and the Chinese government, as the TP A requires. I look forward to hearing from our 

witnesses on how Congress can sustain and build upon its support for Tibet as we enter the next phase 

of the Tibetan resistance movement. 

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Questions for the Record 

Rep. Dina Titus 

AP Subcommittee Hearing: "U.S. Policy Towards Tibet: Access, Religious Freedom, and Human 

Rights" 

December 6, 2017 

1. Here in the House 1 serve as Co-Chair of the Travel and Tourism Caucus. 1 know the 

importance of travel and tourism to diplomacy, building relationships with other countries, 

creating greater understanding of different cultures, and the economic development of a 

region. Tibetans have an increasingly ditlicult time traveling freely due to denials of 

passports by the Chinese government and lengthy application processes. 

Mr. Gere, can you discuss how increased travel opportunities, both for Tibetans and access to 

Tibet for people other than the Chinese, could benefit the people of Tibet? 

The Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act focuses on American travel to Tibetan areas, but are 

there also actions the U.S. can take to increase access to travel for Tibetans? 

Mr. Gere: As you arc well-aware. the role of travel and tourism can bring tremendous benefit to 

a community but also as you kno\\. if travel and tourism arc not developed in line with the 

freewill and traditions of the local community, culture and cnviromncnt can su±Icr a great risk of 

degradation. The person-to-person exchange is also an invaluable tool for positive growth 

and development as long as the local community is included and allowed to participate in that 

exchange. I would highly recommend a report that we at the ICT (Intemational Campaign for 

Tibet) published in 2015 entitled ''A Policy Alienating Tibetans: the Denial of Passports to 

Tibetans as Chzna Intensifies Control" which will provide greater detail but in short. the 

discriminatory denial of passports for Tibetans by the Chinese Govemment is in contravention of 

China"s own laws and intemational lmv. This is in direct contrast to an increasing number of 

Chinese citizens being granted passports who enjoy freedom of travel within their country and 

throughout the world. 

The difficulty for a Tibetan person trying to obtain a passport must be seen in the context of 

tighter restrictions on movement in Tibetan areas. As a result. there arc serious implications tor 

the survival of Tibetan Bnddhist teachings as well as the enjoyment of equal rights by Tibe!.'UlS in 

thcPRC 

The transfer of Bnddhist philosophical knowledge by qualified masters to the disciples is an 

integral part of the Tibetan religious practice and culture. In Tibet today, there are not many 

qualified teachers and so monks and nuns must travel to other monasteries in Tibet or outside of 

Tibet to receive teachings. A majority of traditional Tibetan Buddhist masters reside outside of 

Tibet, having ±1cd the Chinese takeover of Tibet The Tibetan people also view the Dalai Lan1a as 

the most qualified of their teachers, often wanting to receive teachings from him however, the 

denial of passports deprive them of this increasingly rare and precious opportmrity. 

Last, Tibetans, like Chinese. seek the best educational opportunities. Many Tibetan parents take 

great risk to smuggle their children to India, where they are assured a holistic education they can't 
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[NOTE: A response was not received by Mr. Carl Gershman prior to printing.]

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