Middle East Studies

at the Marine Corps University

MES Monographs • No. 7 November 2015

The Strategic Culture of the

Islamic Republic of Iran

Religion, Expediency, and Soft Power in an

Era of Disruptive Change

Michael Eisenstadt

Expanded and Revised Second Edition
Middle East Studies

Monograph Series

As part of its mission to broaden U.S. Marine Corps access to

information and analysis through publishing, Middle East Studies at

Marine Corps University (MES) has established different

mechanisms to disseminate relevant publications, including a

Monograph Series. The aim of the MES Monograph Series is to

publish original research papers on a wide variety of subjects

pertaining to the Middle East and South and Central Asia. The focus

of the Monograph Series is on timely subjects with strategic

relevance to current and future concerns of the U.S. Professional

Military Education community.

The seventh issue of the MES Monograph Series features an

expanded and revised edition of Monograph Number 1, published in

August 2011. Mr. Michael Eisenstadt has updated his arguments and

analysis based on the major changes that have taken place in the

Islamic Republic of Iran since 2011, specifically the nuclear

agreement and Iran’s expanded military and political roles the region

and beyond. I am thankful to Mr. Eisenstadt for his continued

support of the MES mission through his presentations and writings.

The MES Monograph Series is available in print and electronically

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East” tab as well as on Facebook at middleeaststudies.mcu. For

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We welcome comments from readers on the content of the series as

well as recommendations for future monograph topics.

Amin Tarzi

Director, Middle East Studies

Marine Corps University

DISCLAIMER

The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and do

not reflect the official policy or position of the U.S. Government, the

Department of Defense, the U.S. Marine Corps, or Marine Corps

University.

Cover Photo: CC Image, Mural [4] Tehran, Iran, 1995, courtesy of

Neil Hester, https://www.flickr.com/photos/neilhester/4376035512.

CC license: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.0/
The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran: Religion, Expediency, and Soft

Power in an Era of Disruptive Change

by Michael Eisenstadt

AUTHOR’S PREFACE TO THE EXPANDED AND REVISED SECOND EDITION

This expanded and revised edition of “The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran,” first published

by Marine Corps University in 2011, sharpens, fleshes out, and updates analyses and arguments presented

in the original edition.

In the wake of the nuclear deal between the P5+1/EU and Iran (known formally as the Joint Comprehensive

Plan of Action), and in light of the Islamic Republic’s growing role in the Middle East, the need for such a

publication is greater than ever before. It is my hope that this monograph will fill the need for a primer on

the strategic culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) that will provide insights into the factors shaping

its regional conduct.

Analysts, strategists, and policymakers are told to never “mirror image” when considering the conduct of

another country, but they are never told what “image” to put in its place. This publication constitutes an

attempt to convey the essential elements of the strategic culture of the IRI to assist these respective

communities create an alternative image of “the other.”

It also represents an attempt to inject culture into the debate about strategy and policy. After more than a

decade of combat in Afghanistan and Iraq, the US military understands very well the importance of

factoring culture into tactical and operational planning.

1 But there are few signs of a similar recognition of

the importance of cultural understanding among planners and policymakers at the strategic and national

levels. This monograph attempts to rectify this shortcoming.

That said, as critical as cultural understanding is, the strategic culture approach is not a single factor

explanation for, or the “key” to understanding the IRI’s strategic behavior. The factors shaping Iranian

foreign and defense policy cannot be reduced to a single variable. Personality, politics, and competing

perceptions of the expediency of the regime and/or the national interest all play critical roles—though

strategic culture may influence all of these. For that reason, I believe that the strategic culture approach

provides particularly useful insights into how the IRI’s leadership sees the world, and why they do what

they do.

Although this monograph refers to “the” strategic culture of the IRI, the latter is not necessarily a monolith.

It is possible that various government officials and entities may hold divergent approaches regarding some

of the topics dealt with here, just as there are differences and debates in any country about these matters. But

within “the system,” there seems to be little disagreement over fundamentals; this publication provides a

composite sketch, drawn from numerous sources, of the IRI’s fundamental approach to deterrence, defense,

and the use of force.

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 1
The IRI’s strategic culture marked a distinct break with the strategic culture of Iran under Mohammad Reza

Shah’s rule, which was heavily influenced by Western thought and practice. And while it did not emerge from

the revolution fully formed, it has shown a remarkable degree of continuity—a testament to the degree to

which it is rooted in and reflects the ideology and values of the revolution. Nonetheless, there are also

important elements of continuity in the policies of the Shah’s Iran and the Islamic Republic, particularly the

drive for regional dominance in accordance with geopolitical, as opposed to ideological considerations.

Yet, the IRI’s strategic culture is neither static nor immutable. Since 2011, Iran’s circumstances have been

transformed: the United States now faces an increasingly confident and assertive Iran, imbued with an

unprecedented sense of agency, due in part to its success in expanding its regional influence, and its role in

ensuring the survival of its principal regional ally—Bashar al-Asad’s Syria. In just a few years, Iran has

gone from:

• Fearing strategic encirclement by the United States in the wake of the latter’s invasion of Afghanistan

(2001) and Iraq (2003), to practicing encirclement of the Gulf states and Israel;

• A strategically lonely power, to the leader of the region’s most cohesive bloc, the so-called “axis of

resistance.” However, Syria, formerly an able partner, is now a dependent rump state, while Russia’s

continued support for the Asad regime is uncertain;

• An insurgent state that seeks to subvert the Arab state system, to a state that continues to practice

subversion, but which has also had to learn how to successfully wage counterinsurgency to assist its

Syrian and Iraqi allies against armed opposition groups. These include salafi-jihadist organizations such

as the self-described Islamic State (IS);

• A state whose preferred means of projecting influence was through “soft power” (enabled by “hard

power”) to a state that now pursues a more balanced “soft/hard power” strategy;

• A nuclear rogue state, to a nuclear threshold state whose status as such has been confirmed and

legitimized by the leading members of the international community.

As a result of these dramatic changes, elements of Iran’s strategic culture may now be in flux, even if its

overall approach remains unchanged. Understanding the factors shaping the IRI’s strategic conduct will

remain critical for the United States and its allies, whether or not the nuclear accord recently concluded with

the Islamic Republic is actually implemented, or achieves its intended objectives.

I am delighted that Middle East Studies at Marine Corps University has agreed to publish an expanded and

revised edition of this monograph, which I hope will inspire further research on this topic, provide deeper

insight into the logic guiding Tehran’s strategic behavior, and better prepare analysts, strategists, and

policymakers to deal with the challenges posed by the Islamic Republic.

Finally, it is my heartfelt wish—for the sake of all the peoples of the Middle East—that this monograph will

soon become outdated because Iran is no longer a state that routinely violates the rights of its citizens,

threatens its neighbors, and calls for “Death to America.” But until that day comes, it is my hope that this

monograph will help planners and policymakers in their efforts to navigate the complex and fraught US-Iran

relationship.

Michael Eisenstadt

Washington, DC

October 2015

2 Michael Eisenstadt
INTRODUCTION

The Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) is an unconventional adversary that requires unconventional approaches

to planning, strategy, and policy. These approaches must take into account the country’s sophisticated

culture, the regime’s religious-ideological orientation, the abiding importance of Iranian nationalism, and

Iran’s modern military history. And they must recognize the IRI’s unique approach to statecraft, strategy, and

the use of force.

Doing so is no easy task for Americans, as the United States and Iran are studies in opposites when it comes

to culture, values, and politics: 2

• The United States is a secular republic whose public life is, nonetheless, suffused with religious

language and symbolism, whereas the Islamic Republic is a theocracy whose policies are based on the

essentially secular principles of the “expediency of the regime” and the national interest.

• Americans are often willing to compromise on principles to achieve results, whereas Iranians often

believe that sticking to one’s principles is the way to achieve results.

• Americans value forthrightness, while Iranians are often reticent about revealing motives or

intentions to others.

• The United States is a soft-power dynamo that tends to think in hard-power terms, while Iran

values soft power above all else and as a result, tends to fixate on alleged American soft-warfare threats.

• While American generals and policymakers think largely about achieving physical effects, their

Iranian counterparts are often more concerned about moral and psychological effects.

3

These factors complicate efforts to understand Tehran’s behavior and to formulate effective policies toward

the Islamic Republic.

Iran’s political system, moreover, is unique in that it is characterized by parallel structures that are the locus

of multiple power centers. These consist of both traditional state and revolutionary institutions: the President

and Supreme Leader; the Majles and Guardian Council; the Judiciary and Special Clerical Courts; and the

regular military and the Islamic Revolution Guard Corps (IRGC), with the former often counterbalanced, and

sometimes undermined by the actions of the latter.

4 This organizational complexity and the importance of

informal influence networks5 also often renders the functioning of the regime opaque—even to many of its

own members—making it especially difficult for outsiders to understand what is going on.

Finally, planners and policymakers dealing with the IRI should keep in mind three generalizations that can

be said of a number of countries, but which are especially true for the Islamic Republic:

• Nothing in Iran is as it seems; things are often to the contrary. Certainty regarding intentions, power

relationships, and decision making processes and outputs is often elusive;

• Nothing in Iran is black and white; ambiguity and shades of grey rule. This is both a defining

characteristic of Iranian culture, and a reflection of the fact that ambiguity is often used by the regime

as a stratagem to confound its enemies;

• Iranian politics are characterized by numerous contradictions and paradoxes. Do not seek consistency

where none exists.

With these caveats in mind, this monograph will attempt to identify the salient features of the IRI’s

strategic culture, and their implications for planning, strategy, and policy.

6

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 3
A NATION OF MARTYRS?

Any attempt to understand the national security policies of the IRI must start by clearing up a range of

misconceptions regarding the religious and ideological mainsprings of Iranian behavior, which have

prevented clear-headed thinking about Iran over the past three decades.

Because Shi’ite religious doctrine is central to the official ideology of the Islamic Republic and exalts the

suffering and martyrdom of the faithful, Iran is sometimes portrayed as an irrational, “undeterrable” state

with a high pain threshold, driven by the absolute imperatives of religion, rather than by the pragmatic

concerns of statecraft.

This impression has been reinforced by Iran’s use of costly human-wave attacks during the Iran-Iraq War,

its unnecessary prolongation of the war with Iraq in pursuit of the overthrow of Saddam Hussein (and the

“liberation” of Jerusalem thereafter), and its support for groups that pioneered the tactic of the suicide

bombing—such as the Lebanese Hizballah and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad.

Iranian officials deliberately cultivate and play up this image of Iran as a dangerous foe whose soldiers seek

martyrdom, and whose society is willing and able to pay any price. They do so not only because it reflects

the regime’s idealized self-image and view of Iranian society, but also to energize the regime’s hard-core

support base, to intimidate its enemies, and to strengthen the country’s deterrent posture.

This is, however, an anachronistic view of Iran. Iranian propaganda, enduring memories of human wave

attacks, and Iranian-sponsored suicide bombings have done much to distort thinking about Iran. In the heady,

optimistic, early days of the revolution, the Iranian people were indeed willing to endure hardships, make

great sacrifices, and incur heavy losses in support of the war effort—with Tehran eschewing the

opportunity for a cease-fire in 1982 to pursue the overthrow of the Baathist regime in Baghdad and to

export the revolution beyond.

But as the war with Iran dragged on, popular support for it waned. The population became demoralized and

wearied by years of inconclusive fighting, making it increasingly difficult to attract volunteers for the front.

Many clerics came to the conclusion that the war was unwinnable.

7 As a result, the regime had to abandon

its slogan of “war, war until victory,” and Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini had to agree to “drink from the

poisoned chalice” in accepting the cease-fire with Iraq in July 1988. As it turned out, Iran was not—as

Ayatollah Khomeini was fond of saying—“a nation of martyrs.”

Since then, within the context of a relatively activist foreign policy, Iranian decision-makers have generally

shunned direct confrontation, and have tended to act through surrogates (such as the Lebanese Hizballah)

or by means of stealth (Iranian small boat and mine operations against shipping in the Gulf during the IranIraq War), in order to manage risk. Such behavior is evidence of an ability to engage in rational calculation,

to accurately assess power relationships, and to identify means to circumvent adversary “red lines.”8 Indeed,

this is one of the striking paradoxes of the IRI’s leadership: while it has demonstrated a pronounced tendency

toward paranoia and conspiratorial thinking,

9 it has also frequently shown an ability to engage in fairly

subtle calculation.

Though its Lebanese Hizballah client pioneered the suicide bombing in the early 1980s, it has been years

since Iran’s proxies have employed this tactic. While continuing to cultivate the spirit of resistance, jihad,

and martyrdom, Hizballah by and large abandoned suicide bombings in the late 1980s,

10 opting for more

conventional military tactics, while Iran’s various ‘special groups’ proxies in Iraq, such as Asaib Ahl alHaqq and Kataib Hizballah, have eschewed suicide bombing in favor of explosively formed penetrator

(EFP), mortar, and rocket attacks.

11 Today, it is Sunni jihadist groups such as al-Qaeda and its affiliates, IS,

and until relatively recently, the Jundallah organization in Iran, whose preferred tactic is the suicide

bombing.

Tehran’s cautious behavior during a number of crises since the end of the Iran-Iraq War is the best proof that

Iran has generally sought to avoid direct involvement in costly conflicts and quagmires with its enemies, even

4 Michael Eisenstadt
at the cost of overlooking the revolution’s fundamental ideological tenets. Thus, even though the Iranian

constitution enjoins the IRI to support the world’s oppressed (mostaz’afin) against their oppressors

(mostakbirin), Iran abandoned beleaguered Shi’ite communities to their fates, rather than enter into

potentially risky and costly foreign adventures during the 1991 Shi’ite uprising in Iraq, the 1998 capture of

the city of Mazar-e-Sharif by the Afghan Taliban (which led to the slaughter of thousands of Shi’ite

Hazaras as well as the murder of eight Iranian diplomats and a journalist), the 2006 war between Israel and

the Lebanese Hizballah, and the 2011 crackdown on mainly Shi’ite protestors in Bahrain.

12

Instead, in each of these cases, Iran responded in a token manner or belatedly, often by indirect means or

proxies; it sent members of the Iraqi Badr Corps to participate in the 1991 Shi’ite uprising in Iraq, armed

the Afghan Northern Alliance against the Taliban, rebuilt the Lebanese Hizballah after the 2006 war, and

attempted to recruit a Mexican narco-terrorist to assassinate the Saudi ambassador in Washington, DC in

2011, to avenge Saudi Arabia’s role in quashing unrest in Bahrain.

In each of these cases the Islamic Republic showed that it is not insensitive to risks and costs—although in

several, war parties argued for intervention. Such pragmatism is consistent with the principle of the

“expediency of the regime” (maslahat-e nizam) that was established by the founder of the Islamic

Republic, Ayatollah Khomeini, as the precept ultimately guiding domestic and external policy-making in the

IRI.

13

Khomeini set down this principle in a series of letters to then President Ali Khamenei and the Council of

Guardians in December 1987 and January 1988, respectively, in which he affirmed the Islamic Republic’s

authority to destroy a mosque or suspend the observance of the five pillars of faith (the fundamentals of

Muslim observance) if the interests of the regime so required. 14 The Expediency Council, established in

February 1988, was created to help the Supreme Leader discern the interests of the regime. This axiom has

guided Iranian decision-making ever since.

Indeed, Ayatollah Khomeini referenced the concept of maslahat in explaining his acceptance of the ceasefire ending the Iran-Iraq War—explaining that it was “based only on the interest of the Islamic Republic.”15

In establishing this principle, Khomeini formalized the supremacy of raison d’état over the tenets of Islam

as the precept guiding Iranian decision-making. This dictum guides decision making at the highest levels of

the regime, as well as the actions of the regime’s foot-soldiers.

16

The assumption underpinning this precept is that the regime’s brand of revolutionary Islam will not survive

unless the IRI survives.

17 The preservation of the Islamic Republic is thus the ultimate religious value, and

it becomes permissible to do all sorts of things, including torture and murder, and to violate the tenets of

Islam, in order to preserve the regime. Paradoxically, when it comes to the interests or survival of the regime,

policymaking in the theocratic IRI is based on the secular principle of raison d’état, rather than the dictates

of the regime’s ideology or the tenets of Shi’ite Islam.

Thus, despite the frequent resort to religious allusions and imagery in speeches and interviews, Iranian

officials often employ the language of deterrence theory as spoken and understood in the West. For instance,

shortly after the first test launch of the Shihab-3 missile in July 1998, then Defense Minister Ali Shamkhani

explained that to bolster Iran’s deterrent capability

we have prepared ourselves to absorb the first strike so that it inflicts the least damage on us. We

have, however, prepared a second strike which can decisively avenge the first one while preventing

a third strike against us.

18

The IRI, however, views these concepts through a uniquely Iranian lens which is shaped by a

conspiratorial worldview and harnessed to an anti-status quo policy agenda, posing unique challenges to

deterrence.

Notwithstanding its generally cautious approach in the defense and foreign-policy arenas, the IRI has

occasionally taken potentially self-defeating or risky actions, some entailing a heightened possibility of

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 5
military confrontation, revealing an erratic streak in its behavior.

19 Thus, it:

• Facilitated Hizballah’s bombing of the US Embassy in Beirut (April 1983), and the US Marine and

French paratrooper barracks in Beirut (October 1983);

20

• Facilitated Hizballah’s bombing of the Israeli embassy and a Jewish community center in Buenos

Aires (March 1992 and July 1994, respectively);

21

• Assassinated Iranian Kurdish oppositionists in a Berlin restaurant, leading to a rift with the

European Union (September 1992);

22

• Commissioned the bombing of the US military barracks (Khobar Towers) in Dhahran, Saudi

Arabia by Saudi Hizballah (June 1996);

23

• Seized fifteen British sailors and Marines conducting maritime security operations in the Shatt

al-Arab and held them for over a week (March 2007);

24

• Plotted to assassinate the Saudi ambassador to the US in Washington, DC (March-September

2011);

25

• Acquiesced in, and perhaps encouraged the occupation of the British embassy in Tehran by a mob

(November 2011), despite the international condemnation of Iran’s occupation of the US embassy three

decades prior, and;

26

• Launched a terrorist attack against the Israeli embassy in New Delhi (February 2012), even though

India had consistently resisted US efforts to sanction Iran’s oil sector.

27

Because none of these actions prompted a direct military riposte or serious retribution by any of the

countries involved, the IRI’s leadership may believe that Iran can get away with occasional bouts of

reckless behavior that challenge international norms. This explains, in part, why relations with Iran have

always been so fraught, complicated, and unpredictable.

DEFENSE PLANNING

The IRI’s defense planning is driven by a powerful desire to: 1) enhance its status by transforming Iran into

a regional power capable of projecting influence throughout the Middle East and beyond; 2) avoid a repeat

of the tragic deterrence failure that led Iraq to invade Iran in 1980—a trauma that affects Iran to this day,

and; 3) achieve self-reliance in all areas of national life—a fundamental goal of the Islamic revolution.

To this end, the Islamic Republic seeks to avoid or deter conventional conflict, while advancing its antistatus quo agenda via proxy, and information (i.e., psychological warfare) operations, combining hard and

soft power to shape the regional and global environment in ways conducive to its interests.

28

Status and Influence. The IRI’s leadership believes that the Islamic Republic has a key role to play in

world affairs as the standard bearer of revolutionary Islam and the guardian of oppressed Muslims (and nonMuslims) everywhere. They are convinced that the fate of the ummah (the Islamic community) depends on

Iran’s ability to transform itself into a major power that can defend and advance the interests of that

community. This perception also leads Tehran to support radical Islamic movements throughout the Middle

East, to undermine the interests of its principal adversaries in the region—particularly Israel, Saudi Arabia

(its main rival for leadership of the Islamic World), and the United States, to reshape the international

environment in a way conducive to Iranian interests, and to burnish the regime’s revolutionary Islamic

credentials at home and abroad. This claim to leadership causes Iran to present itself in non-sectarian terms—

6 Michael Eisenstadt
not as the leader of the world’s Shi’ites, but of the world’s Muslims. (In recent years, it has increasingly

emphasized its anti-imperialist and anti-Western credentials as well, in order to garner support from

Muslim and non-Muslim states and movements that seek to overturn the existing world order.)29

This universalistic Islamic impulse has coexisted uneasily with Iranian nationalism, and each has, at

different times, exerted varying degrees of influence over Iranian foreign policy. The Islamic tendency

generally dominated in the 1980s, while Islamic and nationalist orientations have contended with each other

since then. The tension between Islam and nationalism continues to this day, as witnessed by increasingly

frequent references by Iranian officials in recent years to the national interest as a principle guiding Iranian

foreign policy. This enduring tension, however, is a manifestation of the IRI’s inability to decide “whether

it is a nation or a cause,” as Henry Kissinger so astutely put it.

30

Iran’s leadership has always believed that the IRI is the dominant power in the Gulf by dint of geography,

demography, resource endowments, and a specifically Iranian sense of manifest destiny. This translates into

a desire to control the Gulf militarily, to deny its use by others if need be, and to defend its vital interests

and assert its rights in the Gulf against rivals, such as Saudi Arabia and the United States.

It believes, moreover, that the political and economic order that underpinned US power since World War II

is in crisis and that the United States is a power in decline, while Iran is a rising power. Accordingly, it has

attempted to establish alliances with other anti-status quo powers (such as Venezuela and Russia) that seek

to constrain American power, in order to hasten this decline. It likewise believes that Israel and the Gulf states

are doomed to fail.

More recently, senior Iranian officials have depicted Iran as the dominant power in the Middle East, whose

influence extends to four Arab capitals (Beirut, Damascus, Baghdad, and Sanaa), and which is well on the

way to building a modern-day Iranian empire whose influence will be felt throughout the Middle East.

31

These statements, however, were criticized by some Iranians who may have felt that it was impolitic to say

out loud what many Iranians think—or at least would like to believe.

There has long been a significant gap between the self-image and the aspirations of the regime, and the

reality of Iran’s conventional military weakness. Tehran has attempted to close this gap by taking steps to

expand and modernize its conventional forces, though financial constraints, US pressure on potential arms

suppliers, and other priorities limited its ability to do so. As a result, the IRI has focused on developing

niche capabilities that exploit adversary vulnerabilities and Iran’s geographic position (especially its

proximity to the Strait of Hormuz)32 and that provide the biggest “bang for the buck”: proxy forces, naval

anti-access capabilities, and rockets/missiles. And it has created the infrastructure needed to eventually

produce nuclear weapons.

Iran has done relatively well, given its relatively modest investment in conventional forces since the end of

the Iran-Iraq War. And its effective use of proxies following the Arab uprisings has enabled it to greatly

extend its reach and influence in the region. It has, however, reportedly increased its defense budget by 32.5

percent in the 2015-2016 fiscal year, allocating much of it to the purchase of missiles and conventional

arms, perhaps in anticipation of the lifting of sanctions, following implementation of the nuclear deal.

33 Iran

may use the anticipated windfall once sanctions are lifted to make a number of major conventional arms

purchases.

34 Nonetheless, nuclear weapons are ultimately the most cost-effective way for Iran to consolidate

its status as the dominant regional power; while a nuclear weapons program might cost tens of billions of

dollars, rebuilding its conventional military could cost Iran hundreds of billions of dollars.

The IRI’s pursuit of status and influence also manifests itself in frequent demands for reciprocity in its

relations with the outside world—and in particular, with great powers such as the United States. Iran insists

that peaceful interactions with other countries be based on “mutual respect” while it has often declared that,

in response to hostile acts, it will match “threat with threat” and respond proportionally and in kind (see

below).

35

Deterrence and Defense. Iranian defense planning is also motivated by a desire to enhance the IRI’s

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 7
deterrent capability. To this end, Iran has created a force tailored to deter the countries that it believes pose

the greatest threat to it. Its deterrent “red lines” likely include: 1) direct attacks on Iran; 2) measures to close

down its ability to export oil; 3) threats to its territorial integrity; 4) overt attempts at regime change, and;

5) the return of major US ground combat units to Iraq.

Iran has a declaratory policy of deterrence by punishment as well as denial. Thus, it has threatened to respond

to an American and/or Israeli preventive strike on Iran with a “crushing response,”36 by destroying the

Israeli cities of Tel Aviv and Haifa,

37 and by launching missiles strikes against US bases throughout the

region.

38 It has vowed that any attack on Iran would result in the defeat of the enemy’s designs.39 And it has

created a “Passive Defense Organization” to harden and disperse critical infrastructure, to limit the benefits

an adversary might accrue from striking them.

Threat Perceptions. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and many around him believe that Iran has been at war

with its neighbors and the West since the early days of the Islamic Revolution. At various times, the Islamic

Republic has faced perceived and real external threats from Iraq, the United States, Israel, Afghanistan, and

Saudi Arabia. These have come mainly from the west (Iraq and Israel), the south (US naval forces in the

Gulf), and to a lesser extent from the east (the Taliban in Afghanistan). Tehran has in the past also feared

perceived American attempts to encircle it—an apprehension fed by US military campaigns in neighboring

Afghanistan and Iraq—as well as threats of subversion by the United States (in the form of ‘soft warfare’)

and Saudi Arabia (through its support for Sunni opposition groups).

Iranian force dispositions have traditionally reflected these deep-seated threat perceptions, with most of

Iran’s ground forces based near the border with Iraq, most of its air force based near Iraq and the Persian

Gulf region, and its main missile silo fields located in the northwest and western regions of the country. Its

navy is almost exclusively deployed in the Gulf, though Iran aspires to build a blue water navy capable of

mounting a forward defense, projecting Iranian influence, and showing the flag around the world.

40

The IRI still considers the United States—the “Great Satan” and quintessential embodiment of the forces

of “global arrogance”—as its principal enemy and the main threat to its interests and survival.

41 According

to senior Iranian military officials, the nature of the threat posed by the United States has passed through

several phases:

42

• The US initially sought the overthrow of the Islamic Republic by proxy—by supporting the Iraqi

invasion of Iran in 1980;

• When that failed, it invaded Afghanistan and Iraq, to pave the way for the invasion of Iran and the

overthrow of the IRI—though these efforts were thwarted when the US became mired in insurgencies

in both countries;

• Following the failure of these military efforts, the US purportedly attempted to undermine the IRI

by soft warfare, in order to foment a color revolution in Iran—the 2009 “sedition” (i.e. the Green

Movement)—which was ultimately quashed by the regime;

• The US then tried to destroy the “axis of resistance” by fomenting a civil war in Syria, which was

defeated due to the intervention of Hizballah, Iran, and their allies;

• With the failure of its previous “hard” and “soft” warfare efforts, the US then tried to undermine Iran

through cyber warfare and sanctions.

Iran’s “Deterrent Triad.” To deal with the array of threats it faces, the IRI has sought to bolster its defense

and war-fighting capabilities by creating a deterrent triad that rests on its ability to: 1) undertake subversion

and terror on several continents; 2) threaten the flow of oil through the Strait of Hormuz, and; 3) launch longrange strikes, primarily by missiles (though Iran has also endowed some of its proxies and partners, like

Hizballah and Hamas, with rockets that provide similar capabilities against Israel). To this end, Iran has

8 Michael Eisenstadt
devoted the lion’s share of its limited defense dollars in past decades to enhancing its proxy and

unconventional warfare forces, creating a guerilla navy, and expanding its rocket and missile forces, to

enable it to land a “crushing blow” against its enemies if deterrence fails.

43

Proxy and Unconventional Warfare Forces. The IRI has long relied on armed proxies and partners to

project influence abroad. These include groups such as the Lebanese Hizballah and Iraqi Shi’ite militias and

“special groups” such as the Badr organization, Asaib Ahl-al-Haqq, and Kataib Hizballah. More recently it

has added to its roster of proxies many of the numerous Iraqi “Popular Mobilization Units” created after the

fall of Mosul to IS in June 2014, Syria’s so-called “National Defense Forces,” and even recently formed

Afghan and Pakistani Shi’ites militias which have fought in Syria under its aegis. Iran has also supported

Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad in the Palestinian arena. The IRGC’s Qods Force is the entity

responsible for training and employing these forces.

Some of these proxies and partners have been innovators in the field of unconventional warfare: Hizballah

pioneered the use of suicide bombing and of battlefield rockets as strategic bombardment systems against

Israel, Hamas conducted suicide bombing campaigns and pioneered the use of homemade rockets, also

against Israel, while Shi’ite ‘special groups’ in Iraq used Explosively Formed Projectiles (EFPs) and

Improvised Rocket-Assisted Munitions (IRAMs) against US forces there. These groups have greatly

enhanced Tehran’s ability to project influence in the region, and are part and parcel of its deterrent complex;

if Israel or the United States were to attack Iran’s nuclear infrastructure, Iran would likely rely on

Hizballah, and perhaps some of its other proxies to respond.

44

Guerilla Navy. Iran has built a navy capable of waging asymmetric naval guerilla warfare as part of its

anti-access strategy in the Gulf. Regular and IRGC-Navy forces would employ swarm tactics, mines, antiship missiles, small boats, midget and conventional submarines, combat swimmers, and rockets and missiles,

to disrupt shipping in the Gulf and control passage through the Strait of Hormuz.

45 Iran is also building a blue

water navy to enable it to mount a forward defense outside the Gulf, and inflict casualties on enemy naval

forces long before they attempt to pass through the Strait.

46

Strategic Rocket and Missile Forces. Iran has the largest missile force in the Middle East, producing

long-range rockets, short- and medium-range ballistic missiles, and long-range cruise missiles. All of these

are believed to be conventionally armed. Due to their poor accuracy, they would probably be used as weapons

of mass terror against enemy cities. Iran’s medium-range ballistic missiles could also deliver a firstgeneration nuclear weapon.

47

Numerous cities in Iraq and along the shores of the Persian Gulf are well within the range of Iran’s most

capable rocket systems, some with a claimed range of 500km. Iran is also believed to have 800-1,000 shortand medium-range ballistic missiles; some of the latter have a claimed range of more than 2,000km—

sufficient to reach targets throughout the Gulf, Israel, and southeastern Europe. Iran has built a large rocket

and missile force to overwhelm enemy rocket and missile defenses, ensuring a dramatic psychological

impact on the enemy.

The IRI’s efforts to create a massive conventional strategic bombardment capability is a lesson of the IranIraq War, when conventional missile strikes on Tehran during the 1988 War of the Cities led to the

evacuation of a quarter of the city’s residents. This contributed to the demoralization of the Iranian public

and, ultimately, to the decision to bring the war to an end.

48

Iranian rockets are, moreover, central to the “way of war” of Iranian proxies and allies such as Hizballah and

Hamas. The manner in which both Hezbollah and Hamas used rockets in their recent wars with Israel

provides a useful template for understanding the role of conventionally armed missiles in Iran’s warfighting

doctrine. And as terror weapons, rockets and missiles are equally effective; civilians are indifferent to whether

they are being targeted by unguided or guided systems.

However, not all three legs of Iran’s deterrent/warfighting triad are equally useful. Closing the Strait could

have a major impact on the world economy, but would be a last resort for Tehran—it’s “Sampson Option”—

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 9
because nearly all of Iran’s own oil exports go through the strait, and closing it would alienate much of the

international community. At any rate, Iran lacks the ability to keep the strait closed for a significant amount

of time.

49

While terrorist attacks afford a degree of standoff and deniability, Iran’s ability to wage terror has atrophied

in recent years, as demonstrated by the bungled attacks on Israeli diplomatic targets in Europe and Asia in

February 2012.

50 Moreover, during a protracted crisis or war, Iran may need weeks to organize follow-on

terrorist attacks, which may not succeed against an alerted enemy. However, its recent creation of a “foreign

legion” comprised of not just Lebanese, but Syrian, Iraqi, Afghan, and Pakistani Shi’ite militias, may

expand its future options in this area.

For all these reasons, Iran’s missile force will remain the backbone of its strategic deterrent. Missiles afford

a quicker, more flexible response during a rapidly moving crisis, and when launched in large numbers, can

saturate enemy defenses and generate greater cumulative effects in a shorter period of time than can

terrorist attacks.

51 And in the future, Iran may try to develop nontraditional delivery means for conventional

and nonconventional payloads, such as special forces, unmanned aerial vehicles, and boats.

People’s War. Iran fears dismemberment, foreign meddling, and invasion. In the distant past, Iran was

invaded and occupied by Macedonians, Arabs, and Mongols. In the early 19th century it was forced to cede

territory to Russia. During World War II, it was occupied by the UK and USSR. In 1953, the US and Britain

conspired to overthrow Iran’s duly elected Prime Minister, Mohammad Mosaddeq. And it feared invasion

after the failed 1980 US hostage rescue and the 2003 US intervention in Iraq.

In April 1980, the IRI created the Basij, a popular militia auxiliary intended to be a “20 million man army”

(the actual number is believed to be perhaps 4-5 million)52 which is controlled by the IRGC. The primary

mission of the Basij is internal security, and waging a “popular war” against an invader.

53 Iran has tried to

create similar popular militias in Iraq and Syria, in an effort to remake its allies in its own image.

After the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, Iran sought to elevate people’s war to a fourth leg of its deterrent

complex: the Basij and IRGC were trained to conduct guerilla warfare against an invader in accordance

with a new, decentralized defensive concept—the regime’s so-called “mosaic” doctrine.

54

However, once the US became mired in costly counterinsurgency campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan, and

as the threat of invasion faded, the IRI increasingly focused on the perceived threat of a “soft” revolution

fomented by the United States.

55

Cyber. Most recently, the IRI has been developing its cyber capability into what may eventually become a

fourth leg of its deterrent complex. The potential to cause great harm to the critical infrastructure of its

enemies, while maintaining a degree of deniability, likely makes cyber a very appealing option for Iran.

56

Supporting Activities. In addition to strengthening deterrence by building up its military capabilities, Iran

has taken steps to bolster its deterrent image and posture through a variety of non-military supporting

activities:

• Nurturing a culture of resistance, jihad, and martyrdom in order to strengthen its staying power and

intimidate its enemies;

• Building oil and gas pipelines with its neighbors (such as the so-called peace pipeline that will link

Iran and Pakistan, if it is ever finished) and tying neighboring states into its electrical grid (Iran provides

Iraq with 5-10 percent of its electricity). In addition to the economic benefits and political leverage such

arrangements confer (similar to the leverage that the EU’s dependence on Russian gas confers on

Moscow), Tehran apparently hopes that these dependencies will ensure that its neighbors have an

incentive to press the United States to not attack Iran;

57

• Establishing ties with Shi’ite and Muslim communities worldwide, by co-opting Shi’ite clerical

10 Michael Eisenstadt
networks and engaging in religious outreach via Iranian cultural centers, which are often staffed by

intelligence personnel. Iran may hope that these ties will induce these communities to rally to its side if

it is attacked;

• Hardening and dispersing its nuclear facilities and other critical infrastructure to make them less

vulnerable, thereby deterring enemies by denying them lucrative targets;

• Participating in nuclear negotiations with the P5+1/EU as an insurance policy, since they are

presumably safe from attack as long as diplomacy is a viable option.

Ambiguity. Iran has frequently used ambiguity to bolster deterrence. Thus, since 2006, Iranian officials

have repeatedly declared that Iran is a “nuclear power,” using this term in a way that plays on its multiple

meanings.

58 Likewise, the Supreme Leader has issued a “non-denial denial” of nuclear intent, declaring that

“We believe that nuclear weapons must be eliminated. We don’t want to build atomic weapons. But if we

didn’t believe so and intended to possess nuclear weapons, no power could stop us.”59 Iran has used displays

of its missile forces in parades and exercises to play on the perceived connection between missiles and

nuclear weapons, which it has encouraged by decorating the missiles with banners proclaiming “Death to

America” and “Israel should be wiped off the map.”60

Tehran’s policy of nuclear ambiguity also potentially complicates US efforts to establish a regional security

architecture to deter and contain an Iran that is a nuclear threshold state. As demonstrated by the firestorm

that greeted then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s July 2009 statement regarding a US “defense

umbrella” for the region, such declarations could lead friends and allies to believe that Washington has

reconciled itself to Iran’s eventual acquisition of nuclear weapons, thereby advancing Tehran’s goal of being

treated as a latent nuclear weapons state.

61

Preemption. In response to Israeli and US threats of preventive military action against its nuclear program,

Iran has supplemented its policy of deterrence with its own doctrine of preemption. Thus, in comments

published in September 2012, IRGC Aerospace Force commander Brigadier General Amir Ali Hajizadeh

stated that

Starting wars and aggression does not exist in the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran...

However, under conditions when [our enemies] have prepared everything for war, it is possible that

we will engage in preemptive attacks. I do not dismiss this, but now, I do not see the tactical and

operational issues in the region in such a way that they, for example, would want to attack us

tomorrow. [But] If we find out that they are ready and want to attack us, we will not allow our forces

to be surprised...62

Self-Reliance. Since its inception, the IRI has been a “strategically lonely” state, lacking reliable allies or

a superpower patron. This reflects, in part, Iran’s status as a predominantly Shi’ite-Persian state in a region

dominated by Sunni Arabs and Turks, and the legacy of radical policies that have alienated neighbors and

isolated it internationally.

Thus, during the Iran-Iraq War, Tehran faced Baghdad virtually alone. A US-led arms embargo greatly

complicated Iran’s efforts to sustain its war effort, and Iran’s sense of isolation and abandonment was

heightened by the apathetic international response to Iraq’s use of chemical weapons in that war. This

experience has left deep wounds in the Iranian national psyche, and inculcated a profound distrust of

international arms control treaties as well as some international organizations (such as the International

Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)) and some UN bodies (such as the Security Council). And it has bred a

determination in Iran that these bitter experiences not be repeated.

As a result, Iran sought to develop its own military industries and to create a nuclear option in order to

reduce its dependence on foreign arms suppliers, minimize the impact of future embargoes, and create the

foundation for a modern military.

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 11
The pursuit of self-reliance—a central element of the IRI’s revolutionary ethos that extends to all spheres

of national life—reflects a determination to free Iran of the dependence on foreign technology and advisors

that characterized the Shah’s efforts to modernize and transform the country. As a result of more than thirtyfive years of exertions, the IRI has become less dependent on foreign suppliers for advanced arms,

equipment, and technology. And while it remains dependent on foreign suppliers for special materials and

certain technologies, it downplays or denies outright this dependence, and often exaggerates its

achievements in this domain.

63

SOFT POWER

The IRI has traditionally pursued a mixed soft/hard power national security strategy that prioritized soft

power over hard power. This is because its leaders believe in the primacy of the moral, spiritual, and

psychological dimensions of statecraft and strategy, and not because it is a failed hard power “wannabe.”64

Likewise, Iran’s apparent decision to eschew a large, balanced conventional force structure may reflect an

approach to national security that places greater emphasis on guile than on brute force,

65 and on soft power

than on hard power.

66

The IRI’s leaders believe that US “soft warfare” (in effect, the “weaponization” of American soft power) has

the potential to alienate Iran’s youth from the ideology of the revolution, undermine popular support for the

regime, and sap the social cohesion of the IRI. They fear that this loss of commitment, cohesion, and faith

will not only doom the Islamic Republic to failure in this world, but condemn the souls of believers to

perdition in the world to come. Thus, according to hard-line Assembly of Experts member Ayatollah

Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, “If we are defeated in hard warfare, the afterlife reward will be awaiting

us, but defeat in soft warfare means losing worldly and afterlife salvation.” 67

Conversely, US officials tend to be wedded to a hard power approach to strategy and statecraft that underplays the importance of soft power. Thus, in assessing the threat posed by Tehran, US military planners and

policymakers tend to focus on Iran’s hard power assets—particularly its unconventional warfare and naval

anti-access capabilities, its rocket and missile forces, and its nuclear program. This reflects an American

preoccupation with capabilities that can produce physical effects, rooted in a certain conception of military

power.

During the final phases of the US occupation of Iraq, US officials fretted that the Iraqi military would be

unprepared to secure the country’s airspace and waters against Iranian military incursions after US forces

left, while it was Iran’s political influence, its influence over Iraqi militias, and its economic, religious, and

informational activities that posed, and continued to pose, the greater long-term threat to Iraqi sovereignty

and independence. US officials tend to overlook or misunderstand the key role that soft power—and

particularly propaganda and psychological warfare—plays in Iran’s defense and foreign policies.

68

For Iran, soft power encompasses the non-military elements of national power, and includes the following:

Reputation and image management: Tehran presents itself as a dependable partner, a formidable

adversary, as well as a moral force in the world, and it pushes a triumphalist narrative that asserts that it is

a rising power that has God and history on its side. Its recent successes in extending its influence in Syria,

Iraq, and Yemen have enhanced its image and standing in the region among its supporters, while unnerving

its adversaries. Its spin has often been undercut, however, by its own political and economic problems and

by the tendency of Iranian officials to issue vain and provocative boasts, to meddle in their neighbors’

affairs, to over-promise and under-deliver on aid commitments, and to lecture and condescend toward

others (particularly Arabs).

Thus, in a March 2015 speech, Iranian presidential advisor and former Intelligence Minister Ali Younesi

proclaimed that Iran was a new empire with a sphere of influence spanning from China to the Persian Gulf,

adding that “Currently, Iraq is not only part of our civilisational influence, but it is our identity, culture,

12 Michael Eisenstadt
centre and capital...Because Iran and Iraq’s geography and culture are inseparable, either we fight one

another or we become one.” 69 This provoked a backlash in Iraq, from not only Sunnis, but Shi’ites as well,

with Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani’s representative stating in response that “we are proud of our country and

our identity and our independence and sovereignty.”70

IRGC Qods Force commander Qasem Soleimani has likewise alienated many Iraqis with his high-profile

role in the campaign by Iraqi Shi’ite militias against IS following the fall of Mosul, and his efforts to block

political reforms sponsored by Iraqi Prime Minister Haidar al-Abadi that could diminish the clout of some

of Tehran’s closest Iraqi allies, including former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki.

71

Export of revolutionary Islam: During the first decade after the Islamic Revolution, Iran invested

significant efforts in exporting its revolution elsewhere in the Middle East by various means, including coup

attempts (Bahrain in 1981), the creation of militia proxies (the Lebanese Hizballah in 1982), and attempted

assassinations (Kuwait in 1985). It built up the Lebanese Hizballah as a partner and proxy in prosecuting its

struggle against the enemies of the IRI, and spreading its ideology to Shi’ite communities throughout the

region and beyond.

Since then, wherever there have been embattled Shi’ite communities and weak states in the Middle East, Iran

has tried to create militia proxies to expand its influence. And where these militias can be found, one can

also find Iran’s culture of resistance, jihad, and martyrdom being propagated as a first step toward

institutionalizing Iranian influence in those societies, with participation in politics as the next step. Thus,

Hizballah parlayed its military achievements as a resistance organization (and the goodwill engendered by

its social-welfare activities) into political capital, transforming itself into a political party with a blocking vote

in the Lebanese government. Several Iraqi Hizballah clones have tried to do the same, though without the

same degree of success thus far.

The Arab uprisings, the Syrian civil war, and the rise of IS have created new opportunities for Iran to export

its revolutionary ideology and expand its influence. Thus, the IRI has taken first steps toward remaking the

region in its own image by creating popular militias in Iraq (the so-called Popular Mobilization Forces)

72 and

Syria (the National Defense Forces),

73 drawing largely on local Shi’ite communities and Shi’ite foreign

fighters of Afghan and Pakistani origin.

74

By doing so, Iran has broadened and strengthened its regional alliance system—the so-called “axis of

resistance,” and broadened and deepened its array of contacts in these societies. Iran’s creation of a

transnational Shi’ite network consisting of Syrians, Iraqis, Afghans, and Pakistanis, will create future

opportunities for it to project its influence throughout the region and beyond.

75 The IRI’s proxy militias

show how its soft and hard power often go hand-in-hand.

Tehran has also sought to ensure the primacy of its brand of revolutionary Islam in Shi’ite communities

around the world by spending large sums of money to support the activities of clerics trained in Qom and

steeped in the ideology of clerical rule, and by co-opting or displacing clerics trained elsewhere (such as

Najaf).

76 In the words of President Hassan Rouhani, “the West’s mistake is that it thinks that the Islamic

Republic is seeking an opportunity for military dominance in the region, while we are not pursuing it. Our

strength is our thought’s dominance in the entire region.”77 Tehran also seeks to create bonds of religious

solidarity with Shi’ite communities around the world that can serve as external bases of support for its

policies and as allies should it be attacked.

78

Economic leverage: Tehran pursues trade and investment with other countries for profit, and to foster

dependencies which it can exploit. In Iraq, for instance, it has used business deals to bolster local allies, and

it has dumped cheap, subsidized produce and consumer goods on the local market, undercutting Iraq’s

agricultural and manufacturing sectors. Moreover, Iraq’s reliance on Iran for some of its electricity needs is

a dependency which many Iraqis believe that Tehran manipulates for political ends; for instance, in June

2010, Iran reportedly cut electricity supplies to Basra to bolster Sadrist claims that the government was

lagging in the delivery of services.

79

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 13
Propaganda and spin: Iran vies for Arab “hearts and minds” through Arabic-language news broadcasts that

reflect Tehran’s propaganda line. These efforts have generally come up short, however, due to maladroit

implementation, the IRI’s tendency to be its own worst enemy in its dealings with its Arab neighbors, and

actions that often undercut its messaging.

80 Past polling data has generally shown that Arabs (including Iraqi

Shi’ite Arabs) distrust Iran and do not considered its form of governance a viable model. 81 These negative

attitudes explain why Tehran has in the past leaned heavily on soft power, its intelligence services, and

covert action to project influence in the Arab world.

This, however, may be changing, as a result of Iran’s efforts to forge a transnational Shi’ite network to

counter the transnational Sunni networks created by salafi-jihadist groups like IS and al-Qaeda. With the

sectarian polarization of the region, Iran may find more willing allies among embattled Shi’ite

communities in Iraq and elsewhere than in the past, and more enemies among the region’s Sunnis than ever

before. And its involvement in ongoing conflicts in Syria and Iraq has forced Iran to rely more heavily than

ever before on hard power and overt military intervention to prop up its regional allies—though its

willingness to do so has enhance its stature in their eyes.

A responsible global citizen: Iran has also tried to bolster its soft power by presenting itself as a

responsible global citizen by virtue, inter alia, of its status as a signatory to the Chemical Weapons

Convention (CWC), the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC), and the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty

(NPT), as well as Ayatollah Khamenei’s nuclear fatwa, which bans the development, stockpiling, and use

of nuclear weapons.

82 Iran has generally made a show of ostensibly observing its legal obligations at declared

and safeguarded nuclear facilities, such as the power plant at Bushehr, in order to bolster these claims—

though it is also the only country in the world operating a nuclear power plant that has not signed onto the

international Convention on Nuclear Safety.

While professedly embracing its nonproliferation commitments under these agreements, Iran has in the past

displayed an ambivalent attitude toward arms control treaties. Iran’s traumatic experience as a victim of

chemical warfare during the Iran-Iraq War has caused many senior officials to be skeptical of international

law and treaties. Thus, in 1988, then Majles speaker and acting commander-in-chief of the armed forces, Ali

Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani stated in a speech to military officers, that

Chemical and biological weapons are poor man’s atomic bombs and can easily be produced. We

should at least consider them for our defense. Although the use of such weapons is inhuman, the

[Iran-Iraq] war taught us that international laws are only scraps of paper.

83

Despite these misgivings, Iran goes to great lengths to emphasize its participation in and adherence to all of

the aforementioned major arms control treaties—even though it is not clear that it is in compliance with its

obligations under the CWC,

84 and it has a long record of engaging in undeclared nuclear activities in

violation of its IAEA, and possibly NPT obligations.

85 For instance, Iran has:

• Engaged in the undeclared and illicit procurement of sensitive nuclear-relevant technologies since

the mid-1980s—activities that continue to this day;

86

• Conducted undeclared experiments related to centrifuge and laser enrichment and the separation of

plutonium, and attempted to build undeclared facilities capable of producing fissile material at Natanz

and Arak (revealed in 2002) and at Fordow (revealed in 2009);

87

• Engaged in weapons-related research-and-development work prior to 2003, and perhaps after, and

refused to clarify concerns regarding possible military dimensions of its nuclear program.

88

Likewise, for more than a decade Iran has denied the IAEA access to personnel, documents, and sites or

facilities needed to resolve questions related to possible military dimensions of its program, and it has

rejected the legality of and ignored a half-dozen Security Council resolutions passed since 2006 that, inter

alia, required it to suspend enrichment- and reprocessing-related activities.

89

14 Michael Eisenstadt
Tehran has also tried to present itself as a credible partner of the international community in the fight against

IS in Syria and Iraq, even though Iran’s policies and those of its allies helped foster the group’s rise and its

continued success. Tehran’s principal regional ally—Syria’s Bashar al-Asad—was complicit in the rise of

IS: he allowed al-Qaeda in Iraq (which later became IS) to use Syria’s territory to stage operations in Iraq

during the US occupation, and since 2011 he allowed IS to consolidate control over parts of eastern Syria

so that he could portray IS as an imminent threat to his regime, while presenting his regime as a partner in

the fight against it. And in Iraq, Shi’ite militias supported by Tehran have engaged in extrajudicial killings

of Sunni Arabs and the wholesale destruction of Sunni communities, thereby reinforcing Islamic State’s

appeal among this sector of the population.

90

Toward a Rebalanced Soft/Hard Power Strategy? While Iran has traditionally emphasized soft power,

it has not ignored its ‘hard power’ assets, as indicated by its proxy warfare capabilities, its guerilla navy, its

robust missile force, and its nuclear program. Iran’s recent military interventions in Syria and Iraq have,

moreover, highlighted the essential importance of hard power in certain situations. Iran has for the first time

committed advisors in large numbers (some of whom have served in combat roles), as well as small

numbers of combat pilots and IRGC ground troops to assist Syria and Iraq in their fight against IS.

91 As a

result, Iran may be rethinking the relative weight of soft and hard power, (and of indirect and direct

approaches to the use of force) in its foreign and defense policies, though casualty figures show that Iran is

still trying to minimize its exposure in Syria and Iraq, and that it continues to lean heavily on its proxies and

allies whenever possible.

92 Indeed, had Iran been willing to commit more of its own forces earlier on,

Syrian forces might not have required Russian intervention to survive.

Looking toward the more distant future, nuclear weapons could provide the IRI with the status and hard

power attributes commensurate to its grandiose ambitions, while serving as the ultimate soft power enabler

for Tehran—demonstrating how the IRI’s soft and hard power are two sides of the same coin.

THE IRI’S “WAY OF WAR”

Tehran’s approach to dealing with its adversaries has been shaped by a number of principles that have long

guided Iranian policy, and that together comprise the IRI’s “way of war.” These include: 1) the use of

indirection (proxies), ambiguity (deniability and standoff), and strategic patience, in order to manage risk;

2) reciprocity, proportionality, and the calibrated use of violence; 3) emphasis on the moral, spiritual, and

psychological dimensions of statecraft and strategy; 4) tactical flexibility, and; 5) efforts to disaggregate

hostile coalitions by driving wedges between adversaries.

Indirection, Ambiguity, and Strategic Patience. Tehran prefers to avoid head-on confrontations and

instead to deal with adversaries by indirect means (such as proxies) or unconventional methods, sometimes

far removed in space and time from prior rounds of conflict. It does so, at least in part, to manage risk and

thereby reduce the potential for escalation. And it seeks to achieve its goals and to prevail over its adversaries

through incremental steps and small victories, rather than rapid progress and decisive victories (America’s

preferred “way of war”).

Thus, during the Iran-Iraq War, Iran countered US convoy operations with covertly sown minefields,

Silkworm missile attacks that skirted US “red lines,” and small-boat attacks against unescorted vessels; it

has often relied on proxies, such as the Lebanese Hizballah, to strike at its enemies in the Middle East,

Europe, South America, and Asia; and it tried to avoid rousing international opposition to its nuclear

program (for many years, successfully) by making slow, incremental progress, and engaging in what some

have called a “slow motion nuclear breakout.”93

Proxy Warfare. The use of street mobs and violent pressure groups as instruments of domestic politics is

an old tradition in Iran, going back at least to the Qajar dynasty.

94 Thus, regime sponsored vigilantes (such

as the thugs of Ansar-e Hizballah) played a key role in repressing domestic unrest in Iran in 1999 and 2009.

This form of domestic politics “by other means” finds its corollary in Iran’s use of militia and terrorist

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 15
surrogates as an instrument of foreign policy. Iran’s proxy operations are thus an external manifestation of

its approach to domestic politics and conflict.

For Tehran, reliance on proxies is not a “weapon of the weak,” but a preferred modus operandi that is

central to its way of war.

95 After all, if one believes that one’s enemies are constantly conspiring and

working through agents and proxies, one is also more likely to act in a conspiratorial fashion and to operate

through agents and proxies. And reliance on proxies is a way for Tehran to manage risk vis-à-vis its

adversaries.

These proxies allow the IRI to shape regional dynamics and project influence far from its borders.

Hizballah in particular plays a critical role in Iran’s deterrence posture, and would play a major role in any

retaliation for a US or Israeli strike against Iran. Reliance on proxies also provides plausible deniability and

complicates retaliation by its enemies—although standoff is more important for Tehran than deniability, as

it is not always careful to cover its tracks.

96

Whenever possible, Tehran will fight to its last Arab proxy, rather than commit its own military to combat.

When Iran has wanted to strike out at its enemies, it has often commissioned or enabled operations by these

proxies, and when it has served Tehran’s purposes, it has helped proxies to conduct their own operations.

Thus:

• In an apparent attempt to eject the United States from the Middle East, the IRI facilitated the

October 23, 1983 Marine barracks bombing by Hizballah’s Islamic Jihad Organization that killed 241

Marines, and led to the withdrawal of US forces from Lebanon.

97

• In response to the targeted killing of Hizballah secretary general Sheikh Abbas Musawi by Israeli

forces on February 16, 1992, Hizballah, with assistance from Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence and

Security, bombed the Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires on May 19, 1992.

98

• In response to an Israeli air strike on a training base in Ayn Dardara, Lebanon on June 2, 1994,

which killed dozens of Hizballah recruits and IRGC trainers, Hizballah (with Iran’s help) bombed a

Jewish community center in Buenos Aires on July 18, 1994, killing 85 and wounding hundreds.

99

• After Congress authorized $18-20 million for covert operations in Iran, IRGC-QF and Lebanese

Hizballah commissioned Saudi Hizballah to bomb a US military housing complex in Dharan, Saudi

Arabia, on June 25, 1996, killing 19 US service members and wounding 372 others.

100

• After Saudi forces helped Bahrain quash protests by largely Shi’ite opposition groups in March

2011, Iran is believed to have launched a series of attacks on Saudi diplomats in Pakistan and Egypt, and

it attempted to recruit a Mexican narco-terrorist to assassinate the Saudi ambassador in Washington,

DC. 101

Iran’s proxy operations are conducted in accordance with a well-worn playbook. Iran will often peel off

extremists from established, mainstream Shi’ite groups it has ties to, in order to create radical proxies. It did

this in Lebanon when it recruited more extreme members of the moderate Amal party to create the

Hizballah movement in the early 1980s, and in Iraq in the past decade when it splintered off members from

the Badr organization, such as Abu Mustafa al-Sheibani and Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, as well as members

of Muqtada al-Sadr’s Mahdi Army militia, such as Qais al-Khazali and Ismail al-Lami (a.k.a. Abu Dira’—

the notorious “Shi’ite Zarqawi”), to form covert special groups.

102

Tehran is also tactically flexible (more on this later), and not exclusively monogamous, and its use of

proxies has been guided largely by opportunistic and pragmatic, rather than ideological considerations. Thus,

it has supported a variety of militias and insurgent groups in Iraq, at times backing nearly every horse in the

race—since one is bound to win. It has supported Shi’ite militias such as the Badr Corps (later renamed the

Badr Organization), the Mahdi Army, Asaib Ahl al-Haqq, and Kataib Hizballah, while also backing the

16 Michael Eisenstadt
government of Iraq—though the former have sometimes fought among themselves, and have often acted to

undermine the authority of the latter.

Iran has supported not just Shi’ites; it has also supported Sunni groups such as the Palestinian Islamic Jihad

and Hamas (though the former is the rare Sunni group that subscribes to the IRI’s ideology). Tehran has

even shown a willingness at times to strike temporary tactical alliances with its strategic enemies, working

with Sunni salafi-jihadist groups such as Ansar al-Islam—in order to gain leverage over its erstwhile

Kurdish allies, and with al-Qaeda in Iraq during the US occupation—in order to keep sectarian violence at

a roil and to bloody US forces there.

103

There are, however, disadvantages to relying on proxies over which it does not always have full control.

Thus, in 2006, Hizballah stumbled into a war with Israel that led to the destruction of Hizballah’s longrange rocket forces—a key element of Iran’s strategic deterrent. And in 2007, Iranian-sponsored Iraqi Shi’ite

militias engaged in internecine violence and acted in ways that undercut the authority of the Iraniansupported central government, contributing to the latter’s 2008 decision to crack down on the Mahdi Army

and Shi’ite special groups.

104 In both of these cases, Tehran’s proxies and allies acted in ways that harmed

Iran’s image and interests.

There are also questions as to how much Tehran can rely on even its closest allies in a crunch. In 2012,

Hizballah leader Hassan Nasrallah indicated that in the event of an Israeli preventive strike, the decision on

whether to retaliate would be Hizballah’s alone to make:

Concerning future events in the region, there is this analysis that what would happen should Israel

target Iran’s nuclear installations. I tell you this: On that day, which I think is unlikely to happen,

the Iranian leadership will not demand anything from Hizballah... But I stress that on that day it is

us who will sit, think and decide what to do... 105

Several months later—almost certainly after receiving a private rebuke from Iran—Nasrallah stated that in

the event of an Israeli strike, “a decision has [already] been taken to respond and the response will be very

great.”106 In such a scenario, Hizballah would likely be torn between its obligation to assist its Iranian

patron and partner in “resistance,” and its desire to avoid actions that could harm its standing with its

Lebanese supporters. Hizballah’s ongoing military involvement in Syria and Yemen will only heighten this

dilemma.

In the end, the obligations flowing from Hizballah’s adherence to the doctrine of clerical rule (or

guardianship of the jurist—velayet-e faqih) require Nasrallah and Hizballah to yield to Supreme Leader

Khamenei’s will, though the latter, undoubtedly aware of Hizballah’s domestic political constraints, and in

accordance with the doctrine of expediency, would likely not demand of Hizballah more than it can afford

(politically) to deliver.

107

Not all of Tehran’s allies identify closely with the IRI. Hamas became an ally of Iran in the 1990s by default,

for lack of a better alternative, and not because of any ideological affinity with the Islamic Republic.

(Likewise, the Shi’ite Houthis in Yemen do not accept the doctrine of clerical rule, even if they are glad to

accept Iranian military assistance.)

Accordingly, when Hamas leader Khalid Mashal was asked during a February 2006 visit to Tehran

University how Hamas would respond if Israel attacked Iran, he responded “Have no fear, we will pray for

you,” adding, with a an uneasy laugh, when an Iranian student retorted that Israel would be destroyed if it

attacked Iran, “if you destroy Israel, you will be doing so over our heads.”108 And with the onset of the

Syrian civil war in 2011, Hamas supported those seeking to overthrow Bashar al-Asad, Tehran’s foremost

Arab ally, leading to a chill in relations that has continued to this day.

Paradoxically, because Tehran makes so much of its support for members of the “axis of resistance”, such

as Hizballah and Hamas, and because it has often basked in the reflected glory of their military achievements,

it is partially dependent on these proxies and partners for its domestic legitimacy and regional standing, and

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 17
cannot be seen as abandoning them in time of need. In particular, its differences with Hamas in recent years

over Syria have been a source of embarrassment. In many ways, Tehran needs these groups—politically

and militarily—as much as they need Iran.

Neither is Tehran always a reliable partner. It has repeatedly abandoned embattled Shi’ite communities to

their fate (as stated previously) and withheld aid from allies and proxies, when its interests dictated that it

do so:

• During the 2006 Lebanon War and the 2008-2009 and 2012 Wars in Gaza, Iran neither intervened

on behalf of its allies nor permitted Iranian volunteers to leave for the front.

109

• Iran reneged on its commitment to send an aid flotilla to Gaza in 2010 (after a Turkish NGO had

previously done so).

110

• After Ali Akbar Velayati, senior advisor to Ali Khamenei, warned Israel in January 2013 that an

attack on Syria would be considered an attack on Iran, the latter did nothing in the face of nearly a dozen

subsequent Israeli attacks in Syria on convoys carrying weapons for Hizballah.

111

• And when Syria reportedly asked Iran to retaliate against Israel in response to an Israeli strike in

February 2013, Iran reportedly refused to do so.

112

• Likewise, Hizballah refused requests from Hamas to join the fight against Israel during the 2008-

2009 Gaza War, and again during the 2014 Gaza War.

113

It is not always easy to be an ally of Iran or Hizballah.

Strategic Patience. In accordance with its preference for avoiding decisive engagements and head-on

confrontations, the IRI has repeatedly demonstrated a preference for “Fabian” strategies of delay, indirection, and attrition.

114

Thus, the Islamic Republic has:

• Drawn out its nuclear negotiations with the EU and then the P5+1 to buy time for its program,

enabling it to make slow, incremental progress in the interim;

115

• Intimidated, demoralized, and worn down the domestic opposition by holding show trials of

opposition leaders, conducting mass arrests, and torturing and maltreating detainees;

• Tried to ensnare Israel in a wearying, demoralizing, open-ended conflict with Lebanese Hizballah

and Palestinian Hamas;

• Been careful to take on the US only by indirect means, relying on surrogates such as the Lebanese

Hizballah and Iraqi ‘special groups.’

Tehran has often taken months to retaliate for perceived acts of aggression, to ensure it takes place at a time

and place of its choosing. Thus, some six months after the US Congress authorized funds for covert

operations to destabilize Iran, Saudi Hizballah carried out the June 1996 Khobar Towers bombing in Saudi

Arabia.

116 Likewise, some six months after Saudi forces helped Bahrain to quash popular unrest in that Gulf

kingdom in March 2011, US law enforcement thwarted a plot to assassinate the Saudi ambassador in

Washington.

This preference for strategies of indirection and attrition is well-suited to a culture that operates on an

extended time horizon,

117 and whose senior political and military leadership is characterized by a great deal

of continuity. (Many senior government officials have filled key positions since the early 1980s, and Iran’s

election cycle does not affect those positions that have the greatest influence on foreign and defense policy—

most notably that of Supreme Leader.) It is an alien way of thinking, however, for impatient Americans

18 Michael Eisenstadt
whose contemporary popular culture emphasizes instant gratification in the form of “fast food,” “instant

messaging,” and “overnight delivery;” whose strategic culture emphasizes “surges,” “decisive operations,”

and “exit strategies;” and whose political culture is shaped by a twenty-four hour news cycle and a four

year electoral cycle (which gives a sitting president only two-and-a-half years to focus on his policy agenda

before her focus turns to reelection).

Iranians can look to Islamic and Iranian history for examples of the benefits of forbearance and strategic

patience: Imam Ali was initially passed over to lead the ummah after the death of the prophet Muhammad,

but eventually was chosen to be the fourth caliph. Following the Arab conquest of Iran, the Persian

influence in the Islamic empire eventually asserted itself with the rise of the Abbasid dynasty more than a

century later. And time and again, Iranians succeeded in effectively co-opting their conquerors (Macedonians,

Arabs, and Mongols) who needed their administrative skills to govern conquered territories; yet Iran

preserved its distinct identity and survived all these trials.

118

Paradoxically, despite this preference for the long game, Iranian behavior is often characterized by slapdash improvisation and the pursuit of short-term gain at the expense of long-term advantage. Thus, while

the leaders of the IRI are sometimes able tacticians, they are often poor strategists. This is best demonstrated

by the tendency of Iranian politicians to overreach and to overplay their hand (see below). It remains to be

seen whether this tendency will complicate efforts to implement the nuclear deal with Iran, which will

require patience and restraint on Iran’s part if it is to reap fully the benefits of the agreement.

Reciprocity, Proportionality, and the Use of Violence. Iran frequently takes a tit-for-tat approach to

relations with other countries, responding in kind to actions by its adversaries, at a level broadly

commensurate to the perceived challenge. This principle guides its response to threats, pressure, and the

use of force. Thus:

• During the Iran-Iraq War, Iran answered attacks on its oil industry with attacks on shipping in the

Gulf, announcing that if it could not export oil, no other country would be permitted to do so.

119 It

responded to air raids on Tehran with rocket and missiles strikes on Iraqi cities, including Baghdad.

And it threatened to respond to Iraqi chemical warfare with chemical attacks of its own.

120

• In response to the dispatch of Israeli warships in 2009 through the Suez Canal to the Persian Gulf

region, Iran sent warships through the Suez Canal to the Eastern Mediterranean.

121

• In response to US demands that Iran not produce nuclear weapons, Iran demanded in 2010 that the

US give up its nuclear arms.

122

• When the UN passed Security Council Resolution 1929 (2010) authorizing member states to

inspect Iranian shipping for cargo proscribed by UN resolutions, Iran insisted that it would do likewise

to ships of countries involved in such searches.

123

• In response to cyberattacks on its nuclear program discovered in 2010, sanctions on its financial and

oil sectors in 2011-2012, and the assassination of Iranian nuclear scientists (in some cases using sticky

bombs) between 2010-2012, Iran undertook a series of cyberattacks on US financial institutions and

Saudi and Qatari oil companies in 2011-2012, and a series of attacks on Israeli diplomats in Georgia,

India, and Thailand in February 2012 (some of which also used sticky bombs).

124

Ayatollah Khamenei gave explicit voice to this longstanding principle in two recent speeches: an October

2011 speech at the Imam Ali Military Academy, in which he announced that Iran would answer “threats

with threats,” and his Nowruz 2012 speech (his major annual address), when he declared that “against an

attack by enemies . . . we will attack them on the same level that they attack us.”125

This insistence on reciprocity is rooted in the Islamic Republic’s identity and worldview: the Shi’ite

commitment to fighting “injustice,” a determination to avoid a repetition of Iran’s past national humiliations

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 19
20 Michael Eisenstadt

at the hands of Great Powers, and the rejection of perceived double standards (except when they benefit

Iran) rooted in a “third-worldist” strand in the regime’s ideology.

126 As Iran’s leadership sees it, to agree to

anything less would be to signal acceptance of second-class status unbefitting a revolutionary regime that

sees itself as the guardian of Muslim honor and the modern embodiment of one of the world’s great empires.

Moreover, this approach builds legitimacy for Tehran’s policies, since the Islamic Republic can say that it

is only claiming what others claim for themselves, and demanding what is demanded of it.

Calculated Violence. The IRI generally uses violence in a calculated manner, often to achieve moralpsychological effects vis-à-vis its enemies.

127 For instance, the IRI took a measured approach toward the

domestic opposition movement that arose in the wake of the contested June 2009 elections, building on

lessons-learned from previous confrontations. It sought to prevail by wearing down and demoralizing the

opposition over time, rather than by resorting to the massive use of force. There were no “Tiananmen Square

moments” in the regime’s efforts to quash the Green movement, nor did it play by “Hama rules.”128

By providing security forces with sticks, batons, chains, and tear gas, and by generally avoiding live fire—

in order to keep fatalities down—the regime precluded the mass public mourning ceremonies that energized

the revolution against the Shah.

129 By ensuring that street clashes were bloody, close-quarter melees, it

frightened off the less stout-hearted among the opponents of the regime.

130

And by mistreating, torturing,

and humiliating detainees, and then releasing them so that they can tell their stories to their families and

friends, it demoralized and intimidated the public.

131

The IRI reserves the special institution of “house arrest”—which entails stigmatization, isolation, and

marginalization—for its most dangerous domestic opponents. It used this technique for Ayatollah

Khomeini’s deposed heir, Ayatollah Hussein Ali Montazeri, and it has kept Green Movement leaders Mir

Hussein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi under house arrest. House arrest is often tantamount to a life sentence

that ends only with the death of the victim. It permits the regime to effectively “disappear” prominent

individuals, while avoiding more drastic measures (such as imprisonment or extrajudicial killings) that could

prompt a popular backlash or engender dissent within the regime’s inner circle.

132

The IRI has nevertheless sometimes acted against its enemies with abandon. Iran executed thousands of

imprisoned oppositionists in 1988 during the final phases of the Iran-Iraq War (estimates range from 5,000-

30,000). It likewise assassinated dozens of Iranian oppositionists living in Europe and elsewhere during the

1980s and early 1990s until the 1992 murder of Iranian Kurdish oppositionists in a Berlin restaurant caused

a rupture in Iran’s relations with Europe, by and large putting an end to this practice.

The Islamic Republic has struggled since the early days of the revolution to ensure its monopoly over the

use of force. In part, this is because it has a history of radical elements taking action to force the hand of the

government, and of the latter rewarding them afterwards if the gambit redounds to its benefit.

133 Thus,

radical “students” occupied the US embassy in Tehran on November 4, 1979 to undermine efforts by the

provisional government to reestablish normal ties with the US. (Khomeini did not know of the planned

takeover beforehand, but provided his blessing after the fact.) Many of the young hostage takers went on to

become prominent politicians and officials in the IRI.

134 The British embassy in Tehran was similarly

occupied and ransacked in November 2011, with no adverse consequences for those involved.

Likewise, the commander of the IRGC Navy unit that detained 15 Royal Navy sailors and marines without

authorization in the Shatt al-Arab in March 2007, was lauded and decorated when the episode ended well

for the IRI, with the humbling of the UK.

135 While such “rogue” actions are infrequent, they have

sometimes had dramatic consequences for Tehran’s domestic politics and foreign relations.

The Moral, Spiritual, and Psychological. The IRI emphasizes the primacy of the moral, spiritual, and

psychological dimensions of war over the physical and technological. According to Supreme Leader

Khamenei’s representative to the IRGC, Hojjat al-Eslam Ali Saidi,

Our war with the dominant system [the US] is an asymmetrical war. What makes [it an even

struggle] is the element of spirituality, motivation, and will. Spirituality is an effective element that
alters the equations of the combat field. Experience has proven that by using the element of

spirituality and will, the most powerful enemy capability can be defeated.

136

Tehran’s approach to diplomacy and strategy thus often emphasizes achieving psychological effects over

physical effects, and for this reason it often sees the informational line of operation as the decisive one in

conflicts with adversaries. Whereas the United States undertakes information activities to support its

military operations (hence the current name for psychological operations—Military Information Support

Operations), Iran frequently undertakes military activities—exercises, shows of force, and proxy

operations—to support its information operations.

137

This approach draws, at least in part, on Islamic religious traditions, and the IRI’s historical experience.

138

Thus, the Quran says, in Surat al-Anfal, verse 60: “Against them make ready your strength to the utmost of

your power, including steeds of war, to strike terror into the hearts of the enemies of God, and your enemies.”

This verse, which appears in the official logo of the IRGC, underscores the importance of the

psychological dimension of warfare. Likewise, Surat al-Anfal, verse 65 declares: “O Prophet! Rouse the

believers, to the fight. If there are twenty amongst you, patient and persevering, they will vanquish two

hundred; if a hundred, they will vanquish a thousand of the unbelievers.” These verses essentially assert

that success in war is a function of faith, and that religious zeal can compensate for lack of numbers.

The IRI’s historical experience supports this approach. In the Shah’s Iran, clandestinely distributed tape

recordings of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s sermons contributed to the success of the Islamic Revolution

and the rise of Khomeini as its leader, while skillful propaganda spurred mass defections from the Shah’s

armed forces and discouraged many still loyal to the old order. And during Hizballah’s protracted guerrilla

war against Israel in southern Lebanon (1982–2000), psychological operations played a central role in

undermining Israeli domestic support for the occupation of southern Lebanon, contributing to its withdrawal

in May 2000.

This mindset informs the regime’s approach to both the domestic opposition and its external enemies.

Newsweek correspondent Maziar Bahari offered unique insight into this belief system in an article about his

detention by Iranian authorities in the wake of the June 2009 presidential election:

I once interviewed a former Islamic guerrilla who had become a government minister. The problem

with the shah’s secret police, he said, was that they thought they could break a prisoner’s will through

physical pressure, but that often just hardened the victim’s resolve. ‘What our brothers after the

revolution have masterminded is how to break a man’s soul without using much violence against his

body.’139

The amount of effort Tehran invests in information activities and its all-consuming preoccupation with

alleged US efforts to foment a “soft revolution” through propaganda and psychological warfare (a reflection

of the culture’s conspiratorial worldview)140 provide the most compelling proof of the importance the IRI

attaches to the psychological dimension of statecraft and strategy. Indeed, IRGC commander-in-chief

Mohammad Jafari stated on several occasions that the 2009 “sedition” against the Islamic Republic (i.e., the

popular protests spearheaded by the Green Movement following that year’s presidential elections) “was

much more dangerous than the (eight-year) imposed war” with Iraq.

141 Likewise, the subordination of statecontrolled radio and television to the IRI’s intelligence and security services, demonstrates the importance

assigned by the regime to information activities that could undermine the moral and spiritual well-being of

the population.

142

The reason for this preoccupation is not difficult to discern. Iran enjoys significant geographic depth, and

the country’s heavily populated central plateau is surrounded by a ring of rugged mountain ranges, which

are a powerful deterrent to invasion. By contrast, each and every citizen is susceptible to subversive

messages that enter the country through the internet, radio, and satellite television, and that have the

potential to undermine support for the regime’s revolutionary ideology.

This vulnerability is compounded by the fact that so many Iranians are attracted to Western popular

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 21
culture.

143 As Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei said in a 2003 address on state television, “Iran’s enemies” do

not need “artillery, guns, and so forth” as much as they need “to spread cultural values that lead to moral

corruption.” He continued:

They have said this many times. I recently read in the news that a senior official in an important

American political center said: ‘Instead of bombs, send them miniskirts.’ He is right. If they arouse

sexual desires in any given country, if they spread unrestrained mixing of men and women, if they

lead youth to behavior to which they are naturally inclined by instincts, there will no longer be any

need for artillery and guns against that nation.

144

Accordingly, Iran has tried to create strategic depth in the informational domain by jamming foreign radio

and TV broadcasts into Iran, banning social media, creating firewalls that make it difficult for average

Iranians to access the world wide web, and working to create a stand-alone “national internet” to insulate

its population from subversive foreign influences. These efforts have made it harder for Iranians to connect

with the outside world, but have not cut them off from it.

145

And to guard itself against subversive foreign cultural influences and enemy psychological warfare, the IRI

has repeatedly tried to “Islamicize” the universities and the security forces and military, and to nurture a

culture of resistance, jihad, and martyrdom in Iranian society, to foster their own kind of Islamic “societal

resilience.”

Resistance, Jihad, and Martyrdom. The IRI’s efforts to cultivate a culture of resistance, jihad, and

martyrdom built on the moral and spiritual values of the Islamic Revolution, are not only central to its

efforts to insulate the Islamic Revolution against subversive foreign cultural influences, but are central to

Iran’s efforts to project influence and confront its enemies.

The concept of moqavamat (resistance) was adopted as a slogan by the Palestinian national movement in the

1960s, fashioned into a quasi-religious doctrine of armed struggle by the Palestinian Hamas and the Lebanese

Hizballah in the 1980s, and subsequently appropriated by Iran and Syria. While the doctrine of resistance

has foreign origins, it resonates with those who embrace the Shi’ite martyrdom narrative of Imam Hussein,

who chose resistance and martyrdom at Karbala, over surrender to the forces of the unjust 7th century Caliph

Yazid.

The “resistance doctrine” exhorts its adherents to stand fast in the face of enemy threats, to push boundaries,

and eschew compromise on matters of principle in the belief that in a zero-sum struggle, compromise is a

sign of weakness that will be exploited by the enemies of Islam.

146 It posits that victory is achieved by

imposing costs and by demoralizing the enemy—through relentless psychological warfare, through

terrorizing and bleeding its people and military, and by denying it battlefield victories.

147 The doctrine’s

claimed past successes in Lebanon and Gaza have emboldened Tehran to pursue a more assertive regional

policy, and to undertake a policy of “nuclear resistance”—escalating tensions with many of its neighbors,

the United States, and much of the international community.

148

The IRI’s efforts to promote a culture of resistance, jihad, and martyrdom also aims to create a society that

is energized and strengthened by conflict.

149 Just as the death of protestors during the 1978-79 Islamic

Revolution led to ever larger demonstrations—contributing to the success of the revolution—the IRI strives

to create a society whose readiness to sacrifice is strengthened by conflict and martyrdom.

150 These efforts,

however, have fallen short of this goal; Iran remains a society traumatized by the Iran-Iraq War, repeated

bloody purges, and recurrent cycles of repression. The jihadi martyrdom culture is embraced mainly by

hard-core Hizballahis and Basijis, who make up only a small, albeit influential, part of Iranian society.

151

The operational imperatives that flow from the “resistance doctrine”—to stand fast, push boundaries, and

eschew compromise—coexist uneasily, at best, with the pragmatism and flexibility embodied in the

principle of the “expediency of the regime.” This tension between the pragmatic needs of governance and

statecraft, and the absolute imperatives of the regime’s political and religious doctrines, has been a defining

feature of Iranian decision making since the IRI’s inception.

152

22 Michael Eisenstadt
Since the late-1980s, the approach embodied by the principle of expediency has prevailed, though perceived

successes of the resistance doctrine in Lebanon (2000), Gaza (2005), Iraq (2003-present), and Syria (2011-

present), and in nuclear negotiations with the P5+1/EU, could strengthen advocates of this approach in the

foreign policy arena.

Complicating this picture further is the upsurge of mahdist (messianic) devotion in Iran, dating to the late

1990s, when conservative clerics quietly promoted the cult of the Mahdi in response to the emergence of the

reform movement. Then President Mahmud Ahmadinejad politicized the cult of the Mahdi in order to

advance his own political agenda, though he eventually abandoned his apocalyptic rhetoric when it became

clear that it was hurting him politically. It is difficult to judge the depth and breadth of support for the mahdist

current in Iranian society and its broader political implications, although, as best can be determined, violent

apocalyptic sects are a miniscule, fringe phenomenon in today’s Iran. Ever since Ahmadinejad’s first term

as president, political mahdism has remained a marginal phenomenon that has not influenced Iranian

policy.

153

In sum, the prominence of the resistance narrative raises the possibility that under certain circumstances,

Iranian decision makers might follow a path that could inadvertently lead to a conflict with the United States,

or that they might even welcome a limited conflict in order to rekindle the spirit of the Islamic revolution or

achieve some other policy objective. Indeed, the resistance doctrine has already propelled Hizballah and

Hamas into four destructive wars with Israel. The future trajectory of Iranian policy and the ultimate

implications of Iran’s emergence as a “nuclear power” will therefore likely depend on the relative strength

of the contending orientations of expediency and resistance among key decision makers, and perhaps, to

some extent, the degree to which they are influenced by messianic undercurrents that may be present in

Iranian society.

Tactical Flexibility. Tehran will sometimes stand fast in the face of pressure or threats, while at other times

it will back off when firmly challenged, seeking other pressure points or vulnerabilities to exploit. And it has

a decidedly mixed record of following through on its own threats; it will deescalate when its interests require

it to do so, often renewing the challenge at another time or place, under more favorable circumstances. Thus:

• Iran reneged on a 2010 decision to send a naval aid flotilla to Gaza (in an attempt to emulate a prior

Turkish flotilla), when Israel reportedly warned the United Nations that it would act against it;

154

• Iran backed off from threats to close the Strait of Hormuz in January 2012 following the imposition

of new US and EU sanctions, when warned by the US that this would cross a red line;

155

• After warning the United States in January 2012 that it should not return an aircraft carrier to the

Persian Gulf, Iran backed down when Washington did so three weeks later.

156 However, it subsequently

tried to shoot down an American UAV in the Persian Gulf in November of that year and again in March

2013;

157

• After senior advisor to the Supreme Leader Ali Akbar Velayati warned Israel in January 2013 that

an attack on Syria would be treated as an attack on Iran, the latter did nothing when Israeli aircraft

subsequently bombed convoys in Syria with arms for Hizballah;

158

• An Iranian transport aircraft and naval convoy attempting to deliver arms to Houthi forces in Yemen

in April 2015 turned back after Saudi aircraft bombed the runways of Sanaa Airport, and a US carrier

strike group intercepted the convoy. Iran then sent a “humanitarian” convoy with media aboard to score

propaganda points.

159

Iran has followed a similar pattern with regard to its nuclear and missile programs.

• After Iran’s covert enrichment plant at Natanz was discovered in 2002, it attempted to build a

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 23
smaller, less conspicuous one in a mountain at Fordow, whose existence was revealed in 2009.

• In response to the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, Iran apparently halted its “structured” weaponization

program, likely to avoid giving the United States a justification for invading Iran, though it is believed

to have continued with relatively inconspicuous weapons R&D work.

160

• While implementing a voluntary enrichment freeze at Natanz from 2003-2005 in response to

pressure from the EU3, Iran worked to resolve technical problems with its enrichment program, while

continuing work on its conversion facility at Esfahan.

161

• When Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warned in his September 2012 speech to the UN

General Assembly that the accumulation by Iran of more than 250kg of 20 percent enriched uranium

would cross an Israeli red line, the latter ceased such activities.

162

• And in response to criticism of its missile program—particularly alleged plans to build an

intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM)—Iran announced that it would not build missiles with a range

of more than 2,000km, in an apparent attempt to allay European and American concerns.

163 Yet Iran

continued work on its Satellite Launch Vehicle program, which could provide the technological

foundation for an ICBM program in the future.

164

Thus, while it has sometimes seemed like Iran was charging forward with its missile and nuclear programs—

testing amid great fanfare the 2,000km+ range Sejjil solid fuel missile in 2008 and 2009 (there have been

no tests since), announcing the planned construction of ten underground enrichment facilities in August

2010 (work apparently never went beyond site surveys for five of these sites), and more than doubling

installed IR-1 centrifuges between late 2011 and late 2013, perhaps as a means of exerting counter-pressure

on the P5+1 (adding 10,000 during this period for a total of more than 18,000 IR-1s)—it has also at times

quietly stepped back to avoid crises, while continuing progress in other areas, or by other means. 165

The tactical flexibility that characterizes much of Iranian policy is facilitated by the fact that Iranian officials

often do not appear to be bound by past claims, threats, or commitments, or feel a need to reconcile

inconsistencies. Statements are often issued in response to the needs of the moment (to impress an

audience, create an effect, or save face) and are frequently forgotten as soon as they are uttered, if it is

convenient to do so.

166 This may be rooted in an oft-noted tendency of Iranians to engage in dissimulation

in routine daily interactions with family, friends, and professional colleagues, perhaps to smooth social

relations in an agonistic society, or as a defense mechanism vis-à-vis autocratic governments and hostile

foreign powers.

167

This cavalier approach to language makes it difficult to know how seriously to take Iranian public

pronouncements (or, for that matter, how to distinguish between ideological posturing and the articulation

of deeply-held beliefs). Thus, in September 2012, at the height of concerns about a possible Israeli

preventive strike against Iran’s nuclear program, commander of IRGC aerospace forces Brig Gen Hajizadeh

stated that if either Israel or the United States starts a war with Iran,

it will be joined by the other one. We see the US and the Zionist regime standing fully on the side

of each other and we cannot imagine the Zionist regime initiating a war without the US backup.

Due to the same reason, if a war breaks out, we will definitely wage battle on both sides and will

definitely be engaged with the US bases. In case such conditions arise, a series of incidents will

take place which will not be controllable and manageable and such a war might turn into a third

world war. That means, certain countries may enter the war for or against Iran.

168

Yet, during this period, Iran was careful to use lethal force only against Israel in retaliation for unattributed

24 Michael Eisenstadt
attacks (such as the assassination of Iranian nuclear scientists). This raises the question whether threats to

take on both the United States and Israel were more a bluff to bolster deterrence or to drive a wedge between

Israel and the United States, rather than a preview of how the IRI would respond in such a scenario. At any

rate, the IRI’s track record makes it difficult to know when to take Iranian threats and warnings seriously,

though experience would seem to indicate that the more they threaten publicly, the less likely they are to act—

and vice versa.

Propensity to Overreach. The IRI has repeatedly demonstrated a tendency to be too clever by half or to

overreach and to overplay its hand in its diplomacy, business dealings, and military activities. For instance,

Tehran’s:

• Unnecessary prolongation of the negotiations with the United States over the freeing of the embassy

hostages contributed to the deep distrust that characterizes relations between the two countries to this

day;

• Tendency to drag out negotiations “to the 61st

minute” in the pursuit of minor advantage, has often

resulted in far less favorable outcomes for Iran than if it had taken a more flexible approach from the

outset, and cost it many business opportunities;

• Decision to continue the Iran-Iraq War after 1982, when it could have had a cease-fire with Iraq,

unnecessarily prolonged the war, leading to six more years of fighting that exacted a very high price in

blood and treasure from Iran;

• Temporary occupation in December 2009 of a disputed oil well on the border with Iraq,

embarrassed its allies in the Iraqi government and unnecessarily antagonized Iraqis of all persuasions;

• Intervention in Syria since 2011 has helped polarize the Middle East along sectarian lines, and

contributed to an unprecedented jihadist mobilization on behalf of Syria. While this enabled Iran to rally

to its side the 20 percent of the Middle East that is Shi’ite, it also convinced the 75 percent that is Sunni

that Iran is a grave threat to their identity and interests, and brought together previously irreconcilable

states—Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Qatar—in a Sunni axis against it;

• Pro-Houthi propaganda convinced the Saudis that Iranian support for the Houthis was a threat to their

identity and their vital interests, causing Riyadh to organize an Arab coalition in March 2015 to

intervene in the war in Yemen.

Among the reasons that Iranian officials often find it difficult to close a deal or end a dispute is a zero sum

approach to conflicts which precludes compromise, and the fear that in a political system characterized by

extreme factionalism, rivals will claim that they could have done better. Thus, the decision to end the IranIraq War in 1988 and to temporarily suspend the enrichment of uranium in 2003 remain contentious issues

in Iranian politics. Protestations by friendly Foreign Ministry officials to the contrary, there is often little sense

of the utility of achieving mutually beneficial (“win-win”) compromises or of striking deals. The emphasis

is on getting all one can, and of avoiding concessions.

Experience from past nuclear negotiations between the EU3 (France, Germany and the United Kingdom) and

Iran (2003-2005) shows that whereas Western diplomats often used constructive ambiguity to bridge gaps,

Iranian diplomats exploited ambiguity to achieve unilateral advantage, taking a strictly legalistic approach

regarding matters not clearly proscribed. Thus, when the Iranian side did not want to be specific about a

certain point, it was a sure sign that the point needs to be clarified, to prevent Iran from later taking

advantage of gaps or ambiguities. Moreover, Tehran would often cheat small to test limits, with the nature

of the EU3 response shaping the nature of subsequent violations; Iran would then adapt its response in

accordance with its assessment of what the EU3 had discovered, and how they had reacted.

169

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 25
A good example of the often self-defeating tendency by Tehran to overplay its hand has been manifest in the

negotiations between Russia and Iran regarding the sale of the S-300 surface-to-air missile, which have been

ongoing for a decade and a half. According to a Russian military officer involved in past negotiations, in 1999

Iran approached Russia to buy the S-300.

Russia agreed and asked for about $800 million, but Iran’s military leaders were not happy with

this figure and for several more years they tried to cut it down. Naturally, this did not suit Moscow.

The haggling lasted until 2007, when finally Iran backtracked and agreed to accept Russia’s

original offer, a contract worth $800 million. The deal was made, but by that time it was too late.

170

The deal was cancelled before it could be implemented, due to public revelation of a covert Iranian nuclear

facility at Fordow in September 2009, and the passing in June 2010 of a UN ban on weapons transfers to

Iran (UNSCR 1929), which Russia agreed to extend to the S-300. When negotiations over the S-300 were

renewed in 2015, this dynamic apparently repeated itself—despite Iran’s presumed keen interest in

acquiring the S-300 or a suitable replacement—creating complications in the negotiations. According to a

source close to the Russian Ministry of Defense,

They say the Iranians are trying to squeeze juice out of us ... [They are] trying to get technology

access, technology transfer, a good price, good terms of delivery, and they are pressing us by

pointing out that we already cheated on them twice. They are also trying to leverage us by saying

we need them as a market for civilian technologies such as the Sukhoi Superjet-100 and Tupolev

Tu-204 passenger planes, so they are trying to get as much out of us as they can.

171

The propensity to overreach could conceivably be very problematic during a crisis. Thus far, Iran has often

been spared the military consequences of its tendency to overreach due to the forbearance of its enemies. US

military restraint has been a major form of escalation control in the US-Iran relationship. But US restraint

may have contributed to Tehran’s decision in March 2011 to plot an attack on the Saudi ambassador in the

United States, in the belief that it could do so with relative impunity. Should Iran again attempt to hit

foreign interests on American soil or succeed in striking at US interests overseas, the United States might

finally feel compelled to respond militarily, raising the possibility of war by miscalculation.

172

The United States has tried to address this potential for miscalculation—especially in the Persian Gulf, where

warships from both countries frequently operate in proximity to each other—by proposing confidence- and

security-building measures (CSBMs) that could reduce the potential for unintended conflict. Iran has

repeatedly rejected these. Thus, when then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Adm. Michael Mullen broached the

idea of a hotline between US and Iranian military commanders in the Gulf in September 2011, his

suggestion was roundly rebuffed by the head of the IRGC Navy.

173 For Tehran, uncertainty enhances its

leverage and strengthens its case for the departure of US forces from the Gulf, while CSBMs would only

confirm an unpalatable status quo, whereby US warships patrol right off its coast. Accordingly, the

potential for miscalculation remains.

Disaggregating Enemy Coalitions. The IRI has long tried to drive wedges in hostile coalitions. During

the Iran-Iraq War, Iran conducted terror attacks against a number of Gulf Arab states and France and against

neutral shipping in the Gulf, in order to compel these countries and the international community to cease their

support for the Iraqi war effort. During nuclear negotiations with the EU3, Iran tried to play off the

European countries against one another, and in more recent nuclear negotiations, it has frequently attempted

to separate the United States from Europe, and Russia and China from the rest of the P5+1 by dangling

before them the prospect of lucrative oil and gas contracts. And as previously mentioned, in response to

attacks on its nuclear scientists (between 2010-2012) that were widely attributed to Israel, Tehran stated that

it would hold both Israel and the US responsible for these actions, perhaps causing the US to pressure Israel

to halt them.

174

26 Michael Eisenstadt
NARRATIVES OF VICTORY: ALI, HASSAN, AND HUSSEIN

The IRI looks to Islamic history for exemplars and inspiration, and the first three Shi’ite Imams, Ali,

Hassan, and Hussein, through their life-example, provide the three templates for victory embraced by the

Islamic Republic.

175

Ali (cousin and son-in-law of the prophet Muhammad, early convert to Islam, and renowned fighter who

participated in nearly all the early battles of Islam) represents the heroic warrior who prevails by defeating

his enemies in combat and imposing his will on them—the Alavi model. 176 This concept of victory is

similar to the dominant conception of military victory held in the West.

Hassan (grandson of the prophet and Ali’s oldest son) signed a treaty with the Caliph Muawiya in 661 C.E.

following the death of Ali, in which he ceded his claim to the caliphate in the interest of avoiding a violent

succession struggle and the shedding of blood among Muslims. Hassan’s pragmatism is the basis of the

doctrine of “heroic flexibility” which Supreme Leader Khamenei adduced as a justification for Iran’s nuclear

negotiations with the P5+1.

177

Finally, Hussein (Hassan’s younger brother) embodies the virtue of victory through resistance and

martyrdom—the Ashura’i model. Hussein and his family and followers were massacred by the forces of the

Caliph Yazid near Karbala on Ashura (the 10th day of Muharram) in 680 C.E. for insisting that the caliphate

pass on to the prophet’s family. Through martyrdom, Hussein achieved a moral victory by fighting and dying

for what is just. 178

In certain circumstances, a military defeat may advance the objectives of the ummah more effectively than

a victory. Thus, the martyrdom of Hussein at Karbala has inspired generations of Shi’ites. This line of

thinking was reflected by former Army Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Ali Shahbazi, who once stated that

it is possible that the United States or some country instigated by it might start a military

conflict...but it will not be able to end it... because only Muslims believe that ‘whether we kill or

are killed, we are victorious.’ Others do not think this way.

179

In reality, while the IRI’s leadership renders lip service to the ideal of martyrdom, its behavior demonstrates

that it is very much focused on worldly success—on diplomatic and military victories. Thus, while

martyrdom may be a highly lauded personal choice, the IRI’s leadership will accommodate itself to

unpalatable realities (if only temporarily) to avoid collective martyrdom. After all, the survival of the Islamic

Republic is the regime’s supreme value, and when martyrs are required for the cause, they can be recruited

from among the IRI’s Arab, Afghan, or Pakistani proxies and allies. Since the end of the Iran-Iraq War,

losing men in combat is something that Tehran has tried to avoid at all cost. But it has become increasingly

unavoidable, as the wars in Syria and Iraq yield a growing crop of martyrs, mainly from among the ranks of

Iran’s regional allies and proxy forces, but also from among the ranks of the IRGC.

180

IMPLICATIONS FOR A “NUCLEAR” IRAN?

The foregoing discussion of the IRI’s strategic culture can provide insights into Iran’s past nuclear

activities and suggest possible future trajectories for its nuclear program.

The Islamic Republic’s nuclear program is not a crash effort; it has been ongoing for nearly thirty years

now, and the nuclear deal between Iran and P5+1/EU—if fully implemented—will place significant

constraints on its nuclear activities for the next 10-15 years. The slow progress of its nuclear program was

partly a product of human resource constraints and technological bottlenecks, as well as a desire to obscure

its clandestine activities and avoid rousing its enemies to action.

As a result, Tehran’s preferred way forward has been slow, incremental progress. If Iran eventually does get

the bomb, it will likely be the result of a clandestine slow motion breakout, rather than a rapid dash in plain

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 27
sight—though a crisis or war could force Iran down the latter path.

Tehran will likely adhere to the key provisions of the nuclear deal for at least as long as is necessary to

obtain sanctions relief and to attract sufficient foreign investment to make the reimposition of sanctions

politically and economically unpalatable for the P5+1/EU—and perhaps for much longer if the benefits of

compliance meet or exceed Iran’s expectations. At the same time, Tehran will seek to limit the effectiveness

of the IAEA’s monitoring to preserve the option of engaging in low-signature weapons R&D work and other

proscribed activities, without incurring excessive risk of compromise.

Iran may be willing to live with a latent or ‘recessed’ deterrent for many years, perhaps even after major

constraints on its program are lifted.

181 In the long run, however, it will be sorely tempted to get the bomb,

whether by creating an indigenous clandestine parallel program or by acquiring fissile material from abroad.

Iran’s nuclear proliferation calculus will depend on several factors: factional alignments in Tehran; the

regional threat environment; the degree to which its leadership believes that an attempted clandestine breakout (or “sneakout”) would be detected (which will depend on the effectiveness of IAEA and foreign

intelligence monitoring, and Tehran’s ability to obstruct both), and; the perceived risks and costs of getting

caught.

For Iran, an interval of 10-15 years until it can resume its nuclear march (assuming the agreement lasts that

long) is not an exceedingly long wait in the context of a thirty year old program, and a 6,000 year old

civilization. Iran will also move forward with its missile program, which is not effectively constrained by

the deal, as demonstrated by its test of a new missile, the Emad, in October 2015.

That said, assessing Tehran’s decision calculus is always a fraught undertaking. Iran has often acted in ways

that appeared contrary to its interests, and has sometimes assumed what appeared to be unreasonable risks;

its logic is not always easy for outsiders, or even many Iranians, to understand.

If Iran acquires the bomb, it might be content to continue its policy of nuclear ambiguity and keep its

nascent nuclear arsenal a secret until a crisis, war, or pride eventually cause it to unveil its capabilities. If it

were to declare or test its nuclear capability in peacetime, Iran would probably do so (at least initially) to

achieve political-psychological objectives: to enhance the regime’s soft power and the IRI’s leverage in the

ongoing strategic competition with its Arab enemies, the United States, and Israel.

182

Close to home, Iran is likely to use the aura of power created by its nuclear capabilities to persuade the Gulf

states that their relationship with the United States puts them in jeopardy, that the United States cannot be

relied on to protect them, and that they should deny access, basing, and overflight rights to the US military,

and make their peace with Tehran—on the latter’s terms. In so doing, Tehran would achieve its long soughtafter goal of eliminating US influence in the Gulf, thereby gaining a free hand to deal with its neighbors as

it sees fit. If they fail to do so, Iran may ramp up support for proxies to engage in subversion and terror in

the Gulf states.

Iran’s nuclear hedging and its pursuit of regional dominance could cause one or more of the region’s Sunni

states to hedge as well, eventually leading to a nuclear arms race in the region. Indeed, there are early signs

that the process may have already started.

183 The ultimate implications of this development will depend on

whether any succeed in eventually getting “the bomb,” and the degree to which salafi-jihadist movements

such as IS remain a threat to the stability and survival of these states.

Further abroad, as part of its campaign against Israel, Iran has built up the military capabilities of Hizballah

in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza. In the wake of the 2014 Gaza war, Supreme Leader Khamenei announced

that Iran would arm the West Bank too—though with Israel and Jordan controlling access to this territory,

it lacks the ability to translate this aspiration into reality at this time.

184 Meanwhile, Iran will continue to work

with Hizballah to establish a base of operation in the Syrian Golan for proxy operations against Israel.

185

Tehran’s goal is to enmesh Israel in a series of protracted, bloody, inconclusive, and demoralizing conflicts

28 Michael Eisenstadt
with Iranian proxies along its borders, with the implied threat of nuclear annihilation (“Israel should be

wiped off the map...”) casting a pall over the future of the Jewish state.

186 The hope is that this will lead to

mass emigration by those who have other options, and terminal decline.

187 This does not preclude the

possibility that some Iranian officials might see nuclear terrorism as a viable option against Israel, though

the threat posed by Israel’s arsenal of 100-200 nuclear weapons will undoubtedly weigh heavily on more

prudent Iranian decision makers.

188

In the next decade or two, Iran may eventually deploy ICBMs, first with conventional, then perhaps with

nuclear, warheads. Iran will be able to hold the United States and Western Europe at risk, in much the same

way that US and Western European forces can now hold Iran’s vital assets at risk.

Given the proliferation of sectarian and religious struggles in the region, Tehran’s involvement in a number

of these conflicts, and Iran’s tendency to overreach and engage in reckless behavior, one does not have to

believe Iran’s leadership is “irrational” to be concerned that a nuclear exchange could result from a

miscalculation or inadvertent escalation as a result of a conventional conflict in the Gulf or the Levant. The

problem is not so much irrationality (at least as popularly understood), but the degree to which leaders may

be oblivious to or tolerant of risk; motivated by emotions, ambitions, or delusions; or inclined to misread their

own or adversary capabilities. History is replete with examples of apparently rational but insular, blinkered,

or otherwise driven leaders who made tragic mistakes that led to the death of millions.

189

Several other factors add extra layers of complexity to the picture: Short missile flight times and the

absence of crisis hotlines between Tehran and its adversaries might cause regional states to adopt nuclear

postures that include launch-on-warning or pre-delegation of launch authority to military commanders. Such

steps could increase the risks of accidental or unauthorized use of nuclear weapons.

190

The creation by Iran of a composite force of conventional and nuclear-armed missiles would add a

profoundly destabilizing element to the mix; in a crisis or war, Israel, for instance, might not be able to

discern whether missiles launched at it by Iran are conventional or nuclear, confronting it with the dilemma

of absorbing what might turn out to be a devastating nuclear first strike, or launching a pre-emptive nuclear

counter-strike in response to what might turn out to be a conventional attack.

191 Under such circumstances,

Israel’s nuclear forces would likely be kept on hair-trigger alert. Reckless and incendiary rhetoric by

Iranian military officials—including ritual calls for the destruction of Israel—will incline Israeli decision

makers to see Iranian actions in the most negative possible light.

192

Tehran has shown no interest in confidence- and security-building measures that could reduce the potential

for misunderstandings or miscalculation, because it believes that uncertainty enhances its leverage, while

stability helps consolidate an unfavorable status quo. Hopefully, this aspect of its policy will change in the

future, and Tehran will eventually agree to implement confidence building measures with all countries in the

region, to reduce the potential for miscalculation.

A variety of factors, then, are likely to complicate efforts to prevent an Iranian nuclear breakout, and to

create a stable deterrent balance with a nuclear Iran. As demonstrated in the past decade and a half, the

Middle East is a “black swan” prone region: Consider the events of 9/11, the complications flowing from

the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, and the events of the Arab uprisings of 2011 and since.

193

So what does all this say about the public debate about Iranian “rationality” and nuclear deterrence? Clearly,

there is little evidence that Iran is led by a “messianic apocalyptic cult”194 for whom mutual assured

destruction is “not a constraint” but “an inducement.”195 The IRI’s conduct over the past three decades

simply does not support this interpretation. But neither should much credence be given to facile claims that

because deterrence worked during the Cold War, there is no reason it should not work with Iran.

196

Such claims are based on a superficial and selective reading of the IRI’s strategic conduct. For, while Iran’s

leadership has shown that it is “rational” and generally risk averse, it is also occasionally prone to reckless

behavior and to overreach—tendencies which its far-reaching ambitions tend to amplify. A country’s

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 29
leaders do not have to be irrational to take irresponsible risks, with potentially catastrophic consequences.

And this pattern of conduct could greatly complicate efforts to create a stable deterrent balance with a

nuclear Iran.

197

CONCLUSIONS

The IRI’s strategic culture has had a profound impact on its approach to statecraft, strategy, and war. The

result is an unconventional adversary that requires unconventional approaches to strategy and policy. This

is most clearly manifest in the structure of the IRI’s armed forces, which are organized to conduct terror,

subversion, and proxy operations, naval guerilla warfare, and strategic bombardment campaigns. This nontraditional force structure has served the IRI well, deterring attacks on its homeland and on its nuclear

program, and enabling Iran to exploit opportunities to expand its influence in the region since the onset of

the Arab uprisings in 2011.

But the IRI also has major vulnerabilities: lacking integrated air defenses, Iran’s critical infrastructure is

vulnerable to airstrikes; its terror apparatus is not as capable as it once was, and can no longer be relied on

to strike at targets on several continents at will; its navy can deliver sharp blows, but would not survive

sustained combat with a modern, diversified air-sea battle team; and its missile force may have trouble

penetrating, in large numbers, defenses in Israel or the Gulf.

To preserve this comparative advantage, the US should work to prevent Iran from acquiring weapons that

could round out its force structure and fill key capabilities gaps, mitigate critical vulnerabilities, and

neutralize US advantages. Indeed, there are already indications that Iran is increasing its defense budget to

ramp up procurement of missiles and conventional arms.

198 Thus, the United States should continue

diplomatic efforts to prevent Iran from obtaining game-changing weapons such as the Russian S-300 SAM.

199

And it should continue to encourage its allies to acquire capabilities that can exploit Iranian vulnerabilities

and counter Iranian strengths (such as long-range strike fighters and missile defenses, respectively).

200

Countering Tehran’s Deterrence/Warfighting Triad. To deter or defeat Tehran, the United States needs

to counter each element of Iran’s deterrent and warfighting triad so that the Islamic Republic will have

little confidence in its ability to harm US interests, achieve its own objectives, or terminate a conflict on

favorable terms. While the United States has made much progress in countering Iran’s capabilities in all

three areas, important gaps remain:

Terror, Subversion, and Proxy Warfare. The United States and Israel have succeeded in recent years in

disrupting a number of Qods Force and Hezbollah activities and operations, due to significant

improvements in counterterror capabilities, enhanced international counterterror cooperation since 9/11, and

the atrophying of IRGC and Hezbollah capabilities in this area since the 1990s.

201

On the other hand, the IRI has been successful at filling power vacuums created by the Arab uprisings and

the rise of IS, by heavy reliance on proxy forces, limited use of Qods Force advisors, the judicious

commitment of IRGC combat personnel, and the use of its diplomatic, informational, and economic levers.

These interventions have transformed the geopolitics of the region, confounding claims that the IRI’s regional

influence is self-limiting.

202

Iran’s activities in this domain are best countered by a “whole-of-government” approach that likewise relies

on proxies, limited force, and diplomatic, informational, and economic tools to roll back Iranian influence.

203

In this area, the United States is lagging.

Naval Guerilla Warfare. The United States has been playing catch-up in recent years in its efforts to

counter Tehran’s anti-access capabilities. While it is much better positioned today than it was a few years

ago, it still has a way to go to counter the threat from naval mines, midget submarines armed with advanced

torpedoes, small-boat swarms, suicide UAVs, highly capable anti-ship cruise missiles, and anti-ship

30 Michael Eisenstadt
ballistic missiles.

204

Strategic Bombardment/Missile Warfare. The United States and its Israeli and Gulf allies have been

investing significant resources in missile defense in recent decades (and, in the case of Israel, rocket defense

as well). America and its Gulf partners, however, still face major challenges: insufficient numbers of

interceptors to deal with Iranian saturation tactics, gaps in the coverage of currently deployed missile

defenses, and the lack of an integrated missile defense architecture in the Gulf.

205

Iran, moreover, has become increasingly reliant on cyber operations to push back against the United States

and its allies, while Washington has been extremely cautious in responding to Iranian cyberattacks. It

apparently lacks both the ability to protect its critical infrastructure against sophisticated attacks, as well as

a strategy for dealing with them.

206 Yet, US cyber capabilities could contribute to nonproliferation if

paranoia about foreign cyber spying leads Tehran to conclude that an attempted nuclear “sneakout” would

quickly be detected.

Tailored Approaches and Capabilities. The foregoing assessment about the IRI’s strategic culture also

yields a number of conclusions pertaining to deterrence, soft warfare, and information activities, which

might require major changes in how the US government thinks about, and is organized to accomplish each

of these tasks vis-à-vis Iran.

Deterrence. Deterrence should be tailored to the IRI’s value system and must take into account the 35 year

history of the Islamic Republic and the United States; intuitive or cookie-cutter approaches that do not

incorporate these factors are liable to fail.

207 To this end, the United States needs to, first of all, understand

the IRI’s red lines, so that it does not inadvertently cross them, thereby leading to an unintended conflict.

Conversely, because Tehran is occasionally prone to take risks and to overreach, the US must be absolutely

clear about its own red lines; here, ambiguity is not constructive. Washington must also push back against

efforts by Tehran to test or circumvent US red lines. Failure to do so will only invite additional challenges.

Yet, the US should be flexible in how it communicates threats. It should communicate these directly when

necessary, and employ subtle, implied threats that play on Iranian paranoia when direct, overt threats might

cause the IRI to dig in its heels to save face, or when overt threats are deemed inappropriate (for instance,

during high profile diplomatic negotiations).

The US also needs to repair its credibility gap vis-à-vis Iran: for more than thirty years Washington has

taught Tehran that it can wage proxy warfare against it without risking a military response or paying an

unacceptable cost. (The sole exception that proves the rule is the series of naval engagements in the Persian

Gulf during the US-led tanker escort operations toward the end of the Iran-Iraq War.)

To alter this dynamic, Washington must demonstrate through words and actions that it is increasingly

tolerant of risk in its dealings with Tehran, and push back against Iranian policies that harm its interests.

Otherwise, Tehran may continue pushing boundaries, increasing the risk of an unintended confrontation

with the United States.

The US should further work to deny Tehran the ability to hold US interests and assets at risk by continuing

to encourage alternative oil export routes that bypass the Strait of Hormuz,

208 and by reducing the exposure

of forward deployed forces in the Gulf (such as Carrier Strike Groups) to highly capable Iranian anti-access

systems during times of tension. For instance, this might entail the adoption of “outside-in” approaches to

securing the Strait of Hormuz.

209

And while missile defense and mine countermeasure exercises are necessary elements of an effective

deterrence posture toward Iran, they are not sufficient; it is also necessary to conduct exercises that

simulate long-range strike operations and the projection of power deep into the adversary’s territory.

In interactions with Iran, the US should, therefore, emphasize both deterrence by denial and deterrence by

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 31
punishment. US officials have tended, in recent years, to emphasize deterrence by denial in public

statements directed at Iran, asserting that the US has sufficient capabilities to thwart Iranian objectives. But

this permits Tehran to calibrate and manage risk, which may lower the threshold for action, and make

miscalculation more likely.

210

The US should also emphasize that it will hold vital Iranian assets at risk, and that it will not necessarily

retaliate symmetrically in the event of a conflict. This will make the US a more unpredictable adversary,

thereby raising the potential costs of miscalculation, and bolstering deterrence.

Last, but not least, US information activities should assure allies by highlighting America’s ability to counter

Iranian capabilities, while strengthening deterrence by underscoring the latter’s vulnerability to retaliation

(especially its oil industry, which is concentrated along its long and vulnerable coastline).

Soft Warfare. Because the IRI’s leadership came to power through revolution, survival remains its foremost

concern, and counterrevolution its greatest fear. It believes that US soft warfare—efforts to inculcate foreign

ideas, values, and ideologies in order to undermine the Islamic Republic—is a greater threat to the regime’s

survival than a foreign military strike or invasion.

This is a fear that the United States should play on to pressure Tehran, and to bolster deterrence. To do so,

the United States needs to revive its ability to wage political warfare—the use of all instruments of national

power short of war—to advance its national interest. These might include inform and influence activities,

sabotage and subversion campaigns, economic warfare, and covert action to destabilize the Islamic

Republic.

211 The threat of soft/political warfare has the potential to be one of the most effective instruments

in the US toolkit, vis-à-vis Iran.

This, however, is easier said than done. America’s capabilities in this domain have atrophied since the Cold

War. Skills have to be relearned and capabilities reestablished. And it is much easier to do harm than good

through crude or maladroit influence activities, or amateurish or bungled covert operations.

Moreover, most of America’s soft power resides in the private sector—its popular and consumer culture,

Hollywood, its information technology sector, and its higher education system—and cannot be effectively

mobilized by the US government to serve as an instrument of US foreign policy. Yet to the degree that the

United States seeks to promote its values and advance its interests by expanding contacts between peoples,

fostering the free exchange of ideas and information, and opening markets to American cultural and

commercial products, it helps facilitate the flow of information and ideas to Iran.

212

To this end, the United States should more actively encourage the private sector to build bridges with

Iranian civil society. In many cases, private organizations already have missions that would serve US

purposes: news outlets want to get information out; universities want to encourage contact, scholarly

exchange, and debate; entertainment companies want to provide types of music and images that the Iranian

people want but the regime hates. On this count, the US government is already encouraging the private

sector to find ways to help Iranians circumvent limits on their ability to get news and to communicate with

each other, but it needs to do more.

213

Undoubtedly there will be objections to meddling in Iran’s internal affairs, and to any actions resembling the

Anglo-American coup in 1953 that removed Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq. While such concerns

are understandable, keeping such an option in reserve, to be used in extremis, in the event of a major crisis

between the two countries, could enhance US leverage and bolster deterrence.

Information Activities. The use of words, actions, and evocative images as part of a sustained campaign

to influence opinion and shape the psychological environment in Iran is the greatest untapped source of US

leverage over the Islamic Republic.

214 Information activities are often the IRI’s decisive line of operations,

and it will frequently undertake diplomatic and military activities to achieve an informational or

psychological effect. The US, however, considers such activities of secondary importance at best. It has

therefore not reaped the benefits that aggressive information campaigns might yield.

32 Michael Eisenstadt
Iran engages in incessant propaganda and spin to burnish its reputation at home and abroad, and to discredit

the United States. Accordingly, the United States needs to work incessantly to counter the IRI’s spin,

challenge its narrative, discredit its “resistance” doctrine through the defeat of its proxies, and highlight the

price that the Iranian people have paid for Iran’s support for radical movements and the Asad regime in

Syria. Finally, the US should exploit Tehran’s tendency to overreach to make the regime look foolish and

incompetent in the eyes of its people, and the peoples of the region.

Countering Iran’s Long Game. Finally, Iran’s strategies of indirection, delay, and attrition are

predicated, at least in part, on the assumption that time works in its favor. Iran’s own experience demonstrates

the risks of inconclusive protracted struggles. Iran was compelled to end the Iran-Iraq War without

anything to show for its massive investment of blood and treasure. As the war ground on, and Tehran proved

unable to achieve a military decision, Iran’s isolation, Arab financial and military support for Iraq, and the

latter’s ability to acquire large quantities of arms on the international market, tilted the military balance in

Iraq’s favor.

Iran once again faces substantial challenges that could derail its long game: popular discontent with the

status quo, major economic challenges, and the uncertain long-term prospects of its bloodied Hizballah

proxy and its now enfeebled Syrian client. The nuclear deal, which will lift the most onerous sanctions on

Iran, will in the near-term provide it with a much needed financial boost and breather, though it is unclear

whether in the mid-to-long term the deal will live up to the expectations of both sides, or remain in force

for more than a few years. The most that can be said for now is that the deal has potentially redefined the

nature and terms of Iran’s relationship with the international community, while likely deferring resolution

of the most important issues pertaining to its nuclear program and status—perhaps indefinitely. As for Iran,

the only thing that can be said with some degree of confidence is that its long game and the ceaseless

pursuit of advantage will continue.

A Final Word. The nuclear deal between Iran and the P5+1/EU has raised hopes for an eventual

rapprochement with the Islamic Republic. That will depend, to some extent, on how the deal performs. If

both Iran and the United States eventually conclude that their interests were served by the agreement and

that the other side largely adhered to its commitments, the accord may be a harbinger of further limited

cooperation, albeit within an overall policy context still defined by competition and conflict.

However, ominous signs abound. Tehran has declared that it will not be bound by the arms sales and

missile testing restrictions contained in the UN resolution (UNSCR 2231) that backstops the nuclear deal.

It has announced that IAEA inspectors will not be permitted to visit military sites, potentially creating

sanctuaries where proscribed activities can occur. And there is good reason to believe that the deal may not

yield Iran the economic benefits it had hoped for.

215

Supreme Leader Khamenei has likewise banned further negotiations with the United States (though this

might not preclude tacit cooperation if it is in Iran’s interest to do so), and he continues to spout antiAmerican invective.

216 For this reason, truly meaningful change in Iran-US relations will likely have to

await his passing from the scene. Even so, anti-Americanism will remain deeply rooted in the IRI’s

political culture, and will be difficult to expunge from the system. And as always, the IRI’s bifurcated

governmental structure, consisting of traditional state institutions and of parallel revolutionary organs

(especially the IRGC) that attempt to keep them in check, will greatly complicate efforts to improve

relations.

217

For these reasons, despite the potential for discrete cooperation, Iran-US relations will likely remain tense

and fraught in the coming years, while the factors shaping Tehran’s strategic behavior will remain largely

unchanged. With the IRI remaining a difficult policy challenge and its nuclear potential set to grow in the

coming years (whether or not the nuclear agreement remains in force), understanding the logic guiding and

the factors driving Iran’s strategic conduct will be more important than ever before.

----------

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 33
Notes:

1 Barak A. Salmoni and Paula Holmes-Eber, Operational Culture for the Warfighter: Principles and Applications (Quantico, VA: Marine Corps

University Press, 2008).

2 For a fascinating sketch of how Iranians and Americans tend to differ in temperament and outlook, see Dr. Nassir Ghaemi, “The Psychology of

Iranian-American Relations,” Psychology Today, February 2, 2009, http://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/mood-swings/200902/the-psychology

-iranian-american-relations.

3 Dima Adamsky, Soviet, Russian, and Israeli Assessments of Iran’s Nuclear Strategic Culture, Long Term Strategy Group, September 2009, 48.

4 Patrick Clawson and Michael Rubin, Eternal Iran: Continuity and Chaos (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005), 93-95, 115-116, 127-128, 161-

162, and passim.

5 Abbas William Samii, “The Iranian Nuclear Issue and Informal Networks,” Naval War College Review, Vol. 59, No. 1 (Winter 2006), 64-90,

https://www.usnwc.edu/getattachment/e9046128-0224-4587-ad8f-1c4ce204b2cd/Iranian-Nuclear-Issue-and-Informal-Networks-The--.aspx.

6 Strategic culture consists of “shared beliefs, assumptions, and modes of behavior, derived from common experience and accepted narratives that

shape collective identity and relationships to other groups, and which determine appropriate ends and means for achieving security objectives.”

Jeannie L. Johnson and Jeffrey A. Larsen, Comparative Strategic Cultures Syllabus, prepared by SAIC for Defense Threat Reduction Agency

Advanced Systems and Concepts Office, 20 November 2006, at: http://www.fas.org/irp/agency/dod/dtra/syllabus.pdf. For a useful overview of the

origins and evolution of this concept, see Jeffrey S. Lantis and Darryl Howlett, “Strategic Culture” in John Baylis, James J. Wirtz, Colin S. Gray,

and Eliot Cohen (Eds.), Strategy in the Contemporary World (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2007), 82-100. For previous works on Iranian

strategic culture, see: Jennifer Knepper, “Nuclear Weapons and Iranian Strategic Culture,” Comparative Strategy, Vol. 27, No. 5, 2008, 451-468;

Willis Stanley, “Iranian Strategic Culture and its Persian Origins,” in Jeannie L. Johnson, Kerry M. Kartchner, and Jeffrey A. Larsen, Strategic

Culture and Weapons of Mass Destruction (Palgrave Macmillan: 2009), 137-156; Kamran Taremi, “Iranian Strategic Culture: The Impact of

Ayatollah Khomeini’s Interpretation of Shiite Islam,” Contemporary Security Policy, Vol. 35, No. 1, 2014, 3-25, and; J. Matthew McInnis, Iran’s

Strategic Thinking: Origins and Evolution, American Enterprise Institute, May 12, 2015, https://www.aei.org/publication/irans-strategic-thinking

-origins-and-evolution/.

7 Shaul Bakhash, The Reign of the Ayatollahs: Iran and the Islamic Revolution (New York: Basic Books, 1990), 273.

8 Gregory F. Giles, “Deterring a Nuclear-Armed Iran from Adventurism and Nuclear Use,” in Tailored Deterrence: Influencing States and Groups

of Concern, eds. Barry Schneider and Patrick Ellis (Maxwell Air Force Base, AL: U.S. Air Force Counterproliferation Center, May 2011), 1-36

9 Ervand Abrahamian, “The Paranoid Style in Iranian Politics,” in Khomeinism: Essays on the Islamic Republic (Los Angeles: University of

California Press, 1992), 111-131; Ahmed Ashraf, “Conspiracy Theories,” Encyclopedia Iranica, December 15, 1992, http://iranica.com/articles

/conspiracy-theories.

10A possible exception to this trend was the bombing by a Hizballah operative of an Israeli-operated tour bus in Burgas, Bulgaria in July 2012.

11 Martin Kramer, “Sacrifice and ‘Self-Martyrdom’ in Shi‘ite Lebanon,” in Martin Kramer (ed.), Arab Awakening and Islamic Revival (New

Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1996), 231-243, http://www.martinkramer.org/sandbox/reader/archives/sacrifice-and-self-martyrdom-in

-shiite-lebanon/. Regarding Iran’s Shi’ite allies in Iraq, see Michael Eisenstadt, Michael Knights, and Ahmed Ali, Iranian Influence in Iraq:

Countering Tehran’s Whole-of-Government Approach, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Policy Focus No. 111, April 2011,

http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/pubPDFs/PolicyFocus111.pdf.

12 Likewise, Iran has supported Christian Armenia in its struggle against Shi’ite-majority Azerbaijan. And since the demise of the Soviet Union, Iran

has acted with restraint in the Caucasus and Central Asia, eschewing efforts to export the revolution to the Soviet Union’s former Muslim republics,

instead working with Russia to ensure stability in the region. In both cases, geopolitics has trumped ideology.

34 Michael Eisenstadt
13 Asghar Schirazi, The Constitution of Iran: Politics and the State in the Islamic Republic (New York: I.B. Taurus, 1997), 233-246.

14 David Menashri, Revolution at a Crossroads: Iran’s Domestic Politics and Regional Ambitions, (Washington, DC: The Washington Institute for

Near East Policy, 1997), 8.

15 Robert Pear, “Khomeini Accepts ‘Poison’ of Ending the War with Iraq; U.N. Sending Mission,” New York Times, July 21, 1988,

http://www.nytimes.com/1988/07/21/us/khomeini-accepts-poison-of-ending-the-war-with-iraq-un-sending-mission.html.

16 When jailed Iranian activist Abdollah Momeni asked his interrogators why they used brutal methods such as torture to extract confessions, they

responded that “according to the founder of the Islamic Republic the preservation of the regime is the foremost obligation.” Letter of Prominent

Prisoner of Conscience, Abdollah Momeni, to Ayatollah Khamanei, International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, September 9, 2010,

http://www.iranhumanrights.org/2010/09/letter-momeni-khamanei.

17 While maslahat was an established principle in Sunni jurisprudence, Khomeini’s innovation was to apply it in the political domain to deal with

the challenges of modern governance and to ensure the survival of the Islamic Republic. Thus, Khomeini ruled that in the event of an apparent

conflict between government and sharia, the needs of the former take precedence, as the survival of the Islamic Republic is the only way to ensure

the implementation of sharia and the survival of its brand of revolutionary Islam. Mehdi Khalaji, personal correspondence, September 27, 2015.

18 “Defence Minister Comments on Production of Shahab-3 Missile,” Vision of the Islamic Republic of Iran Network 2, Tehran, July 30, 1998,

translated in BBC Monitoring Summary of World Broadcasts, August 3, 1998.

19 Shahram Chubin, “Iran’s ‘Risk-Taking’in Perspective,” IFRI Security Studies Center, Proliferation Papers, No. 21, Winter 2008, https://www.ifri

.org/en/publications/enotes/proliferation-papers/irans-risk-taking-perspective.

20 Matthew Levitt, Hezbollah: The Global Footprint of Lebanon’s Party of God (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2013) 22-48. See

also D. Peterson et al v. The Islamic Republic of Iran, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Information and Security, United States

District Court, District of Columbia, Docket No. CA 01-2684, March 17, 2003.

21 Levitt, Hezbollah, 75-116; Nicholas Blanford, Warriors of God: Inside Hezbollah’s Thirty-Year Struggle Against Israel (New York: Random

House, 2011), 97, 98, 115; Daniel Byman, A High Price: The Triumphs and Failures of Israeli Counterterrorism (Oxford: Oxford University Press,

2011), 222-224.

22 Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, Murder at Mykonos: Anatomy of a Political Assassination, March 2007, http://www.iranhrdc.org

/english/publications/reports/3150-murder-at-mykonos-anatomy-of-a-political-assassination.html.

23 Levitt, Hezbollah, 181-207; Louis J. Freeh, “Khobar Towers,” Wall Street Journal, June 23, 2006 http://www.wsj.com/articles

/SB115102702568788331; USA v. Ahmed al-Mughassil et al, Indictment, US District Court, Eastern District of VA, Alexandria, VA, No. 01-228-

A, June 2001.

24 David Crist, Gulf of Conflict: A History of U.S.-Iranian Confrontation at Sea, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Policy Focus No.

95, June 2009, 25-26, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/pubPDFs/PolicyFocus95.pdf.

25 United States of America v. Manssor Arbabsiar and Gholam Shakuri, Indictment, Southern District of New York, October 11, 2011,

http://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/opa/legacy/2011/10/11/us-v-arbabsiar-shakuri-complaint.pdf.

26 “Attack on UK embassy in Iran ‘had support of the state’, BBC News, December 3, 2011, http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-16010547.

27 Neeraj Chauhan, “Cops Name Iran Military Arm for Attack on Israeli Diplomat,” Times of India, July 30, 2012, http://m.timesofindia.com

/city/delhi/Cops-name-Iran-military-arm-for-attack-on-Israeli-diplomat/articleshow/15263013.cms.

28 Iran has long referred to the Iran-Iraq War as the “imposed war” because Iraq invaded Iran. But it may also see it as the “imposed war” because

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 35
major conventional war is not the IRI’s preferred “way of war.”

29 Mehdi Khalaji, “A Deal Among Enemies,” Caravan, October 16, 2015, http://www.hoover.org/research/deal-among-enemies.

30 David Ignatius, “Talk Boldly With Iran,” Washington Post, June 23, 2006, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/06/22

/AR2006062201469.html.

31 “Sanaa is the fourth Arab capital to join the Iranian revolution,” Middle East Monitor Memo, September 27, 2014,

https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/news/middle-east/14389-sanaa-is-the-fourth-arab-capital-to-join-the-iranian-revolution; Ali Younesi,“Advisor

To Iranian President Rohani: Iran Is An Empire, Iraq Is Our Capital,” MEMRI Dispatch 5991, March 9, 2015, http://www.memri.org/report

/en/print8471.htm.

32 Michael Connell, “Iran’s Military Doctrine,” in Robin Wright (ed.), The Iran Primer, (Washington, DC, United States Institute of Peace: 2010),

http://iranprimer.usip.org/resource/irans-military-doctrine.

33 Abbas Qaidari, “More planes, more missiles, more warships: Iran increases its military budget by a third,” Al-Monitor, July 13, 2015,

http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/07/khamenei-orders-increase-military.html.

34 It remains to be seen, however, whether the actual amount of sanctions relief and foreign investment will meet expectations. Patrick Clawson, “Will

the Obama Administration Implement the Stringent Sanctions Authorized Under the Iran Agreement?” The Washington Institute for Near East

Policy, PolicyWatch 2476, August 21, 2015, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/will-the-obama-administration-implement

-the-stringent-sanctions-authorized.

35 “Khamenei: Iran Will Strike Back if Attacked,” CBS News, March 20, 2012, http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-202_162-57400874/khamenei-iran

-will-strike-back-if-attacked; Speech by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei at the Imam Ali Military Academy, October 11, 2011,

http://english.khamenei.ir/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1558&Itemid=4.

36 “Deputy Top Commander: Crushing Response Waiting for US Military Threats Against Iran,” Fars News Agency, July 3, 2015, http://english

.farsnews.com/newstext.aspx?nn=13940412000454.

37 Marcus George and Zahra Hosseinian, “Iran Will Destroy Israeli Cities if Attacked: Khamenei,” Reuters, March 21, 2013, http://www.reuters.com

/article/2013/03/21/us-iran-khamenei-idUSBRE92K0LA20130321;“Iranian Top Commander: Zionists’Attack against Iran Ends in Razing Israel,”

Fars News Agency, July 10, 2015, http://english.farsnews.com/newstext.aspx?nn=13940419000998.

38 “Commander: IRGC Will Destroy 35 US Bases in Region if Attacked,” Fars News Agency, July 4, 2012, http://english2.farsnews.com

/newstext.php?nn=9103084990.

39 “We Welcome No War, Nor do We Initiate Any War, But if Any War Happens, the One Who Will Emerge Loser Will be the Aggressive and

Criminal U.S.,” Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, twitter feed of July 25, 2015, https://twitter.com/khamenei_ir; “IRGC Official: US Boastful Remarks

about Military Option against Iran Source of Mockery,” Fars News Agency, August 12, 2015, http://english.farsnews.co/newstext

.aspx?nn=13940521001042.

40 Michael Eisenstadt and Alon Paz, “Iran’s Evolving Maritime Presence,” The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, PolicyWatch 2224, March

13, 2014, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/irans-evolving-maritime-presence.

41 Even those Iranian officials working to achieve a modus vivendi with Washington tend to see the United States as an implacable enemy and

therefore aim to more effectively manage the relationship, rather than transform it. Thus, in May 2013, while running for President, Hassan Rouhani

told a group of Iranian expatriates that “Today, we cannot say that we want to eliminate the tension between us and the United States... We should

be aware that we can have interactions even with the enemy in such a manner that the grade of its enmity would be decreased, and secondly, its

enmity would not be effective.” Steven Ditto, “Who is Hassan Rouhani?” The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, PolicyWatch 2147,

36 Michael Eisenstadt
September 24, 2013, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/who-is-hassan-rouhani.

42 This is a composite sketch based on Iranian media reports. See, for instance, the comments in April 2013 by the political deputy to the Supreme

Leader’s representative to the IRGC, Brig Gen Second Class Yadollah Javani, in Will Fulton, Iran News Round Up, April 16, 2013,

http://www.irantracker.org/iran-news-round-april-16-2013; President Hassan Rouhani’s comments in a speech to IRGC commanders in September

2013 quoted in Will Fulton and Amir Toumaj, Iran News Round Up, September 16, 2013, http://www.irantracker.org/iran-news-round-september

-16-2013; and IRGC Navy Commander RADM Ali Fadavi’s comments from a September 2013 speech in Will Fulton and Amir Toumaj, Iran News

Round Up, September 18, 2013, http://www.irantracker.org/iran-news-round-september-18-2013.

43 Connell, “Iran’s Military Doctrine”.

44 Thus, Iranian Chief of the Armed Forces General Staff Maj. Gen. Hassan Firouzabadi stated in June 2014 that “The Islamic Revolution has been

exported to various cultures and countries.... [The United States] thought one day that war with the Islamic Republic of Iran could take place like

(sic) Iraq and Afghanistan. However, they know today that a war with [Iran] will engulf the globe; therefore, they must destroy our power from

within.” Mehrdad Moarefian, Iran News Round Up, June 10, 2014, http://www.criticalthreats.org/iran-news-round-June-10-2014.

45 Fariborz Haghshenass, “Iran’s Doctrine of Asymmetric Naval Warfare,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, PolicyWatch 1179,

December 21, 2006, at: http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/templateC05.php?CID=2548; Fariborz Haghshenass, Iran’s Asymmetric Naval

Warfare, Policy Focus No. 87, September 2008, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/pubPDFs/PolicyFocus87.pdf; Michael Eisenstadt, Iranian

Military Power: Capabilities and Intentions (Washington, DC: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1996), 48-62.

46 Eisenstadt and Paz, “Iran’s Evolving Maritime Presence”.

47 Michael Eisenstadt, “Missiles and the Nuclear Negotiations with Iran,” The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, PolicyWatch 2450, July

6, 2015, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/missiles-and-the-nuclear-negotiations-with-iran.

48 Warren Richey, “Iranians Await Iraqi Attacks in Campgrounds and Luxury Hotels,” Christian Science Monitor, April 15, 1988, 11.

49 Caitlin Talmadge, “Closing Time: Assessing the Iranian Threat to the Strait of Hormuz,” International Security, Vol. 33, No. 1 (Summer 2008),

82-117, http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/files/IS3301_pp082-117_Talmadge.pdf; William D. O’Neil and Caitlin Talmadge, “Correspondence:

Costs and Difficulties of Closing the Strait of Hormuz,” International Security, Vol. 33, No. 3 (Winter 2008/09), 190-198, http://dspace.mit.edu

/openaccess-disseminate/1721.1/57443.

50 Matthew Levitt, Hizballah and the Qods Force in Iran’s Shadow War with the West, Policy Focus 123 (Washington, D.C.: Washington Institute,

January 2013), http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/uploads/Documents/pubs/PolicyFocus123.pdf.

51 Eisenstadt, “Missiles and the Nuclear Negotiations with Iran”.

52 Gareth Smyth, “New book on basij helps explain how Iran’s hardline faction keeps country captive,” Guardian, September 8, 2015,

http://www.theguardian.com/world/iran-blog/2015/sep/08/basij-militia-and-social-control-in-iran-book-interview.

53 Ali Alfoneh, “The Basij Resistance Force,” in Robin Wright (Ed.), The Iran Primer, (Washington DC, United States Institute for Peace: 2010),

http://iranprimer.usip.org/resource/basij-resistance-force; Ali Alfoneh, “The Basij Resistance Force: A Weak Link in the Iranian Regime?”

Washington Institute for Near East Policy, PolicyWatch 1627, February 5, 2010, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/templateC05.php?CID=3171;

Ali Alfoneh, What do Structural Changes in the Revolutionary Guards Mean? American Enterprise Institute, Middle Eastern Outlook No. 7,

September 2008, at: http://www.aei.org/docLib/20080923_23487MEO07_g.pdf.

54 Alfoneh, What Do Structural Changes in the Revolutionary Guards Mean?

55 Thus, IRGC Navy commander Rear Admiral Ali Fadavi stated in February 2014 that as a result of its “awareness of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s

deterrence capability... (the U.S.) announced that it will not enter a ground war within the next twenty years and (that) future American wars will

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 37
take shape in the cyber and naval dimensions.” Amir Toumaj, Iran News Round Up, February 10, 2014, http://www.criticalthreats.org/iran-news

-roundup/iran-news-round-February-10-2014.

56 Mark Clayton, “Cyber-War: In Deed and Desire, Iran Emerging as a Major Power,” Christian Science Monitor, March 16, 2014,

http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Passcode/2014/0316/Cyber-war-In-deed-and-desire-Iran-emerging-as-a-major-power; Stuart McClure,

Operation Cleaver (Cylance, December 2014), http://www.cylance.com/assets/Cleaver/Cylance_Operation_Cleaver_Report.pdf; Nart Villeneuve,

Ned Moran, Thoufique Haq, and Mike Scott, Operation Saffron Rose 2013 (FireEye, May 13, 2014), https://www.fireeye.com/blog/threat

-research/2014/05/operation-saffron-rose.html.

57 For more on this component of Iran’s deterrence posture, see: Gholam Reza Jalali, chairman of the IRI’s Passive Defense Organization and

former IRGC commander quoted in Y. Mansharof and A. Savyon, “Iran in Preparations, Deployment to Withstand Possible Attack by West,”

MEMRI Inquiry and Analysis Series Report No. 451, July 3, 2008, http://www.memri.org/report/en/0/0/0/0/0/0/2743.htm.

58 Yaakov Lappin, “Ahmadinejad: Iran now Nuclear Power,” YnetNews.com, 20 December 2006, http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L

-3342489,00.html.

59 Thomas Erdbrink, “Ayatollah Says Iran Will Control Nuclear Aims,” February 16, 2013, New York Times, http://www.nytimes.com/2013/02/17

/world/middleeast/supreme-leader-says-iran-not-seeking-nuclear-arms.html?_r=0.

60 Mary Jordan and Karl Vick, “World Leaders Condemn Iranian’s Call to Wipe Israel ‘Off the Map’,” Washington Post, October 28, 2005,

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/10/27/AR2005102702221.html. Iran’s acknowledgement that a feasibility study that

the IAEA had obtained from a foreign intelligence service in 2005 (and which had apparently originated in Iran) appeared to be that of a nuclear

warhead, while denying that it had come from Iran, may likewise have been calculated to further this policy of ambiguity about Iranian intentions.

Yossi Melman, “Behind the scenes of UN nuclear inspection of Iran,” Haaretz, October 22, 2010, http://www.haaretz.com/weekend/week-s¬end

/behind-the-scenes-of-un-nuclear-inspection-of-iran-1.320599.

61 Mark Landler and David E. Sanger, “Clinton Speaks of Shielding Mideast From Iran,” New York Times, July 22, 2009, http://www.nytimes.com

/2009/07/23/world/asia/23diplo.html.

62 Ali Alfoneh, Iran News Round Up, September 24, 2012, http://www.irantracker.org/roundup/iran-news-round-september-24-2012.

63 Recent examples include claims that Iran had produced its own “stealth fighter” (which proved to be a wooden mockup) and that it planned to

build nuclear submarines and aircraft carriers. “Defense Official: Qahir-313 Home Made Fighter Jet to Protect Persian Gulf,” Fars News Agency,

April 16, 2013, http://english.farsnews.com/newstext.php?nn=9107161450; “Iran Plans to Build Nuclear-Fueled Submarines,” Fars News Agency,

June 12, 2012, http://english.farsnews.com/newstext.php?nn=9103081864; “Commander: Iran Plans to Build Aircraft Carriers,” Fars News Agency,

September 28, 2011, http://english.farsnews.com/newstext.php?nn=9007040435.

64 Taremi, “Iranian Strategic Culture,” 15-18.

65

Adamsky, Soviet, Russian, and Israeli Assessments of Iran’s Nuclear Strategic Culture, 47-48.

66 Iranian sources generally use “soft power” in a double sense, depending on context, to refer to that element of national power that relies on nonmilitary instruments, or that influences by the power of attraction—as opposed to coercion or inducements. The latter conforms to the definition

proposed by Joseph Nye. For a brief overview of the latter approach, see: Joseph Nye, “Think Again: Soft Power,” ForeignPolicy.com, February

23, 2006, at: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2006/02/22/think_again_soft_power.

67 Will Fulton, Iran News Round Up, AEI, February 21, 2013, http://www.irantracker.org/iran-news-round-february-21-2013.

68 “U.S. Official Says Iran Relying On ‘Soft Power’ To Influence Iraq,” RFE/RL Report, January 26, 2011, http://www.rferl.org/content/us

_official_iran_soft_power_influence_iraq/2287522.html.

38 Michael Eisenstadt
69 Hamdi Malik and Maysam Behravesh, “Is Iran Creating its Own State Within Iraq?” Tehran Bureau, The Guardian, May 18, 2015, http://www

.theguardian.com/world/2015/may/18/irans-state-within-state-in-iraq-shia.

70 Ibid.

71 “A Lion in Winter: The Intriguing Eclipse of a Military Hero,” Economist, September 5, 2015, http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east

-and-africa/21663234-intriguing-eclipse-military-hero-lion-winter.

72 Matthew Levitt and Phillip Smyth, Kataib al-Imam Ali, “Portrait of an Iraqi Shiite Militant Group Fighting ISIS,” The Washington Institute for

Near East Policy, PolicyWatch 2352, January 5, 2015, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/kataib-al-imam-ali-portrait-of-an

-iraqi-shiite-militant-group-fighting-isis.

73 Thus, following the fall of Mosul to IS in June 2014, senior IRGC officer Brig Gen Massoud Jazayeri stated that “Iran has told Iraqi officials it

is ready to provide them with... the same winning strategy used in Syria to put the terrorists on the defensive ... This same strategy is now taking

shape in Iraq - mobilizing masses of all ethnic groups.” Mehrdad Balali, “Iran general says ready to help Iraq against militants,” Reuters, June 29,

2014, http://in.reuters.com/article/2014/06/29/uk-iraq-security-iran-idINKBN0F407R20140629.

74 Syria’s National Defense Force, however, which includes Christians and pro-regime Sunnis, is more diverse in composition than these other

largely Shi’ite militias. Ali Alfoneh,“Shiite Combat Casualties Show the Depth of Iran’s Involvement in Syria,” The Washington Institute for Near

East Policy, PolicyWatch 2458, August 3, 2015, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/shiite-combat-casualties-show-the-depth

-of-irans-involvement-in-syria; Phillip Smyth, “Iran’s Afghan Shiite Fighters in Syria,” PolicyWatch 2262, The Washington Institute for Near East

Policy, June 3, 2014, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/irans-afghan-shiite-fighters-in-syria.

75 Phillip Smyth, The Shiite Jihad in Syria and its Regional Effects, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Policy Focus No. 138, 2015,

http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/the-shiite-jihad-in-syria-and-its-regional-effects.

76 Mehdi Khalaji, “The Iranian Clergy’s Silence,” Current Trends in Islamist Ideology, vol. 10, posted online on July 12, 2010,

http://www.currenttrends.org/research/detail/the-iranian-clergys-silence; Mehdi Khalaji, The Last Marja: Sistani and the End of Traditional

Religious Authority in Shiism, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Policy Focus No. 59, September 2006, pp. 6-11, 25-31,

http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/pubPDFs/PolicyFocus59final.pdf.

77 Hassan Rouhani speech to senior IRGC officers quoted in Will Fulton and Amir Toumaj, Iran News Round Up, September 16, 2013,

http://www.irantracker.org/iran-news-round-september-16-2013.

78 Michael Slackman, “Iraqi Ties to Iran Create New Risks for Washington,” New York Times, June 8, 2006, http://www.nytimes.com/2006/06/08

/world/middleeast/08iran.html?fta=y.

79 Eisenstadt, Knights, and Ali, Iranian Influence in Iraq, 12-13.

80 This discussion on soft power is based largely on: Michael Eisenstadt, “The Limits of Iran’s Soft Power” in Robin Wright (Ed.) The Iran Primer

Blog, United States Institute for Peace, March 22, 2011, http://iranprimer.usip.org/blog/all/Michael%20Eisenstadt. See also Eisenstadt, Knights, and

Ali, Iranian Influence in Iraq.

81 Except for a period after the 2006 Lebanon War when Hizballah and Iran were very popular on the Arab street. James Zoghby, “The Arab and

Iranian Disconnect,” The World Post, November 29, 2014, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/james-zogby/the-arab-and-iranian-disconnect_b_6240264

.html; Eisenstadt, Knights, and Ali, Iran’s Influence in Iraq: Countering Tehran’s Whole-of-Government Approach, 15-17.

82 For more on the nuclear fatwa and its limitations (since it can always be supplanted by a contrary fatwa if circumstances change, or overridden

if the “expediency of the regime” so requires) see: Michael Eisenstadt and Mehdi Khalaji, “Forget the Fatwa,” The National Interest, March 14, 2013,

http://nationalinterest.org/commentary/forget-the-fatwa-8220; Michael Eisenstadt and Mehdi Khalaji, Nuclear Fatwa: Religion and Politics in Iran’s

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 39
Proliferation Strategy, Policy Focus No. 115, September 2011, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/nuclear-fatwa-religion

-and-politics-in-irans-proliferation-strategy.

83 Islamic Republic News Agency, October 19, 1988.

84 U.S. Department of State, Condition (10)(C) Report: Compliance with the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production,

Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction, April 15, 2015, http://www.state.gov/t/avc/rls/rpt/2015/243245.htm.

85 David Albright, “Iran’s Noncompliance with Its International Atomic Energy Agency Obligations,” testimony, House Subcommittee on the

Middle East and North Africa, Committee on Foreign Affairs, March 24, 2015, http://foreignaffairs.house.gov/hearing/subcommittee-hearing-iran

-s-noncompliance-its-international-atomic-energy-agency-obligations; Paul K. Kerr, Iran’s Nuclear Program: Tehran’s Compliance with

International Obligations, Report R40094 (Congressional Research Service, April 28, 2014), http://fas.org/sgp/crs/nuke/R40094.pdf.

86 Daniel Salisbury and Ian J. Stewart, Valves for Arak Proliferation Case Study Series, Project Alpha Centre for Science and Security Studies

(London: King’s College, August 22, 2014), https://www.acsss.info/proliferation/item/342-valves-for-arak; Ian J. Stewart and Nick Gillard,

Sabotage? Iranian Exhibition Gives Insights into Illicit Procurement Methods and Challenges, Project Alpha Centre for Science and Security

Studies (London: King’s College, September 8, 2014), https://www.acsss.info/proliferation/item/347-sabotage-iranian-exhibition-gives-insights

-into-illicit-procurement-methods-and-challenges.

87 Albright, “Iran’s Noncompliance with Its International Atomic Energy Agency Obligations”.

88 IAEA Board of Governors, Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement and Relevant Provisions of Security Council Resolutions in the

Islamic Republic of Iran, November 8, 2011, https://www.iaea.org/sites/default/files/gov2011-65.pdf; Joby Warrick, “Iran May Have Continued

Weapons Research after 2003, IAEA Chief Says,” Washington Post, April 8, 2013, https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/iran

-may-have-continued-weapons-research-iaea-chief-says/2013/04/08/0021a9e0-a066-11e2-82bc-511538ae90a4_story.html.

89 Albright, “Iran’s Noncompliance with Its International Atomic Energy Agency Obligations”.

90 After Liberation Came Destruction: Iraqi Militias and the Aftermath of Amerli, Human Rights Watch, March 18, 2015, https://www.hrw.org

/report/2015/03/18/after-liberation-came-destruction/iraqi-militias-and-aftermath-amerli; Ruinous Aftermath: Militias Abuses Following Iraq’s

Recapture rit, Human Rights Watch, September 20, 2015, https://www.hrw.org/report/2015/09/20/ruinous-aftermath/militias-abuses-following

-iraqs-recapture-tikrit.

91 Yalda Hakim, “Syria footage sheds light on Iran’s involvement,” BBC News Middle East, October 30, 2013, http://www.bbc.com/news/world

-middle-east-24748143?SThisFB.

92 Alfoneh,“Shiite Combat Casualties Show the Depth of Iran’s Involvement in Syria”; Ali Alfoneh, “Maximal Exposure, Minimal Presence: Iran’s

Military Engagement in Iraq,” The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, PolicyWatch 2477, August 25, 2015, http://www.washingtoninstitute

.org/policy-analysis/view/maximal-exposure-minimal-presence-irans-military-engagement-in-iraq.

93 David Albright, Paul Brannan, and Andrea Stricker, Has Iran initiated a slow motion breakout to a nuclear weapon? ISIS Report, July 12, 2010,

http://isis-online.org/isis-reports/detail/has-iran-initiated-a-slow-motion-breakout-to-a-nuclear-weapon/8.

94 Michael Rubin, Into the Shadows: Radical Vigilantes in Khatami’s Iran (Washington, DC: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2001).

95 Thus, according to one mid-ranking scholar, HojjatolIslam Mohammad Bagher Zadeh, “Our success has been due primarily to asymmetric

warfare. The enemy has weapons of mass destruction, but we will win due to our asymmetric warfare. We have God, they have biological weapons.

We have the evening prayer, they have chemical weapons. This has been shown by the 33-day war [i.e., the 2006 Lebanon War], and the 8-year war

[i.e., the Iran-Iraq War]. Our approach is fighting asymmetric wars, it is not because of nuclear weapons, but because of ideology, morality, and

spirituality in our school of thought.” Quoted in Steven Ditto, Nuclear Weapons in Iranian Religious Discourse, March 24, 2013, p. 15,

40 Michael Eisenstadt
https://selfscholar.files.wordpress.com/2013/03/irandiscourse5.pdf.

96 Thus, naval mines laid by Iran during the latter phases of its war with Iraq bore Iranian markings, while weapons that Iran sent to Iraqi special

groups to be used against American soldiers there, still bore their manufacturer’s data plates, which indicated the place and date of manufacture in

Iran. It seems that in each case, Tehran did not care whether the US knew the origins of these weapons, and may have even relished the

opportunity to stick their thumb in America’s eyes.

97 Levitt, Hezbollah, 22-48. See also D. Peterson et al v. The Islamic Republic of Iran, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Information

and Security, United States District Court, District of Columbia, Docket No. CA 01-2684, March 17, 2003.

98 Levitt, Hezbollah, 75-116; Blanford, Warriors of God, 97, 98, 115; Byman, A High Price, 222-224.

99 Levitt, Hezbollah, 75-116; Blanford, Warriors of God, 115; Byman, A High Price, 222-224.

100 Levitt, Hezbollah, 181-207; Kenneth Pollack, The Persian Puzzle: The Conflict Between Iran and America (New York: Random House, 2004),

273-275, 282; Louis J. Freeh, “Khobar Towers,” Wall Street Journal, June 23, 2006, http://www.wsj.com/articles/SB115102702568788331; USA

v. Ahmed al-Mughassil et al, Indictment, US District Court, Eastern District of VA, Alexandria, VA, No. 01-228-A, June 2001.

101 Oliver Tree, “Egypt Foiled Second Iranian Plot to Kill Saudi Ambassador: Reports,” International Business Times, May 1, 2012,

http://www.ibtimes.com/egypt-foiled-second-iranian-plot-kill-saudi-ambassador-reports-694029; David Ignatius, “Intelligence Links Iran to Saudi

Diplomat’s Murder,” Washington Post, October 13, 2011, http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/post-partisan/post/intelligence-links-iran-to-saudi

-diplomats-murder/2011/10/13/gIQAFzCPiL_blog.html.

102 Shimon Shapira, “The Origins of Hizballah,” Jerusalem Quarterly, no. 46 (Spring 1988), 115–130; Azadeh Moaveni, “Hard-Liners in Iran Worry

about U.S. Influence in Iraq,” Los Angeles Times, April 11, 2003, http://articles.latimes.com/2003/apr/11/news/war-splits11; Ned Parker, Raheem

Salman, and Saad Fakhrildeen, “Dread Descends on Iraqi Holy City,” Los Angeles Times, April 20, 2008, http://articles.latimes.com/2008/apr/20

/world/fg-najaf20. Lami was a notorious Sadr City special group leader who split from the Mahdi Army and was believed responsible for the

torture and death of thousands of civilians in 2006–2007; see Jon Swain, “Is This Iraq’s Most Prolific Mass Killer?” Times (London), January 21,

2007, http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/article1294957.ece?token=null&offset=0&page=1.

103 Bruce Riedel, “The Mysterious Relationship between al-Qaida and Iran,” CTC Sentinel, July 3, 2010, https://www.ctc.usma.edu/posts/the

-mysterious-relationship-between-al-qaida-and-iran; Daniel L. Byman, “Unlikely Alliance: Iran’s Secretive Relationship with Al-Qaeda,” IHS

Defense. Risk and Security Consulting, July 2012, http://www.brookings.edu/research/articles/2012/07/iran-al-qaeda-byman.

104 Eisenstadt, Knights, and Ali, Iranian Influence in Iraq.

105 Ali Alfoneh, Ahmad Majidyar, and Michael Rubin (eds.), Iran News Round-Up, February 8, 2012, http://www.irantracker.org/roundup/iran

-news-round-february-8-2012.

106 Laila Bassam, “Iran could strike U.S. bases if Israel attacks: Hizballah,” Reuters, September 4, 2012, http://www.reuters.com

/article/2012/09/04/us-lebanon-hezbollah-israel-idUSBRE8820KU20120904.

107 Michael Eisenstadt and Michael Knights, Beyond Worst-Case Analysis: Iran’s Likely Responses to an Israeli Preventive Strike, Washington

Institute Policy Note No. 11, June 2012, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/beyond-worst-case-analysis-irans-likely-responses

-to-an-israeli-preventive.

108 Bill Samii, “Iran: Intifada Conference in Tehran has Multiple Objectives,” RFE/RL, April 14, 2006, http://www.rferl.org/content

/article/1067669.html.

109 Bill Samii, “Middle East: Iranian ‘Volunteers’to Help Hizballah,” RFE/RL, July 31, 2006, http://www.rferl.org/content/article/1070228.html; Jim

Sciutto, “Inside Iran: Finding ‘Volunteers’ to Fight Israel,” ABC News, August 4, 2006, http://abcnews.go.com/WNT/story?id=2275230; Michael

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 41
Slackman, “Iran Gives Hamas Enthusiastic Support, but Discreetly, Just in Case,” New York Times, January 13, 2009, http://www.nytimes.com/2009

/01/13/world/middleeast/13iran.html?_r=0.

110 Mehdi Jedinia, “Tehran Finds Neat Way Out on Gaza Shipment,” Mianeh, July 13, 2010, http://mianeh.net/article/tehran-finds-neat-way-out-gaza

-shipment.

111 “Attack on Syria, Strike on Iran and Allies: Velayati,” Press TV, January 26, 2013, http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2013/01/26/285606/attacking-syria

-is-attacking-iran-velayati/.

112 “Iran Refused Assad’s Request to Hit Back at Israel,” Times of Israel, February 4, 2013, http://www.timesofisrael.com/iran-reportedly-refuses

-assad-request-to-hit-back-at-israel/.

113 Anshel Pfeffer, “Hezbollah ‘Refused Hamas Request to Bomb Israel in Gaza War’,” Haaretz, November 10, 2010, http://www.haaretz.com/print

-edition/news/hezbollah-refused-hamas-request-to-bomb-israel-in-gaza-war-1.323862; “Hamas appeals directly to Hezbollah leader to help fight

Israel, Nasrallah unlikely to yield to pressure to send fighters,” An-Nahar, July 30, 2014, http://en.annahar.com/article/156003-hamas-appeals

-directly-to-hezbollah-leadah-leader-to-help-fight-israel-nasrallah.

114 In a Fabian strategy, frontal attacks and decisive battle is avoided and victory is attained by wearing down the enemy through attrition,

indirection, and demoralization. The name is derived from the Roman politician and general Fabius Maximus, who practiced such an approach

against the Carthaginian general Hannibal in Italy during the Second Punic War (218-202 BCE). For more on Fabius Maximus, see B. H. Liddell

Hart, Strategy (New York: Signet, 1974), 13-14, 26-27, 29-30, 59.

115 “Chief Iranian Nuclear Affairs Negotiator Hosein Musavian: The Negotiations with Europe Bought Us Time to Complete the Esfahan UCF

Project and the Work on the Centrifuges in Natanz,” MEMRI Special Dispatch No. 957, August 12, 2005, http://www.memritv.org/report/en

/1439.htm.

116 Pollack, The Persian Puzzle, 273-275, 282.

117 Gerhard Bowering, “The Concept of Time in Islam,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 141, No. 1, 1997; Gerhard

Bowering, “Ideas of Time in Persian Sufism,” Journal of Persian Studies, vol. 30, 1992, pp. 77-89; Zakariya Wright, “Living in Time: Muslims

and the Modern Time-Crunch,” Islam America, February 10, 2008, http://www.islamamerica.org/ArticleLibrary

/LivinginTimeMuslimsandtheModernTimeCrunch.aspx.

118 Ehsan Yarshater, “The Persian Presence in the Islamic World,” in Richard G. Hovannisian and Georges Sabagh, The Persian Presence in the

Islamic World (Cambridge University Press:1998), 4-125; Richard Frye, The Golden Age of Persia (London, Phoenix Press: 1975), 150-174; Bernard

Lewis, “Iran in History,” lecture at Sackler Institute of Advanced Studies, Tel Aviv University, January 18, 1999, 1-12.

119 Ruhollah K. Ramazani, Revolutionary Iran: Challenge and Response in the Middle East (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988),

13-18.

120 Michael Eisenstadt, What Iran’s Chemical Past Tells Us About its Nuclear Future, Research Note No. 14, The Washington Institute, April 2014,

2, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/uploads/Documents/pubs/ResearchNote17_Eisenstadt2.pdf.

121 “Israeli Warships Cross Suez Canal Again,” Haaretz, July 14, 2009, http://www.haaretz.com/news/israeli-warships-cross-suez-canal-again1

.279983; Isabel Kershner, “Israel Silent as Iranian Ships Transit Suez Canal,” New York Times, February 22, 2011, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/02

/23/world/middleeast/23suez.html; “Iran to Send Fleet of Warships to Red Sea, Mediterranean Sea,” Fars News Agency, January 23, 2011,

http://english.farsnews.com/newstext.php?nn=8911031140.

122 Thomas Erdbrink, “At Iran Nuclear Summit, Ahmadinejad Calls for U.S. to Disarm First,” Washington Post, April 17, 2010, http://www

.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/04/17/AR2010041702111.html?hpid=topnews.

42 Michael Eisenstadt
123 “Defense Minister: Inspection of Iranian Cargo Ships Imperils Regional Security,” Fars News Agency, June 30, 2010, http://english.farsnews.com

/newstext.php?nn=8904091475.

124 Michael Eisenstadt, Not by Sanctions Alone: Using Military and Other Means to Bolster Nuclear Diplomacy with Iran (Washington Institute,

2013), 19-30, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/uploads/Documents/pubs/StrategicReport13_Eisenstadt2.pdf.

125 Speech by Ali Khamenei, Imam Ali Military Academy, October 11, 2011, http://english.khamenei.ir/index.php?option=com

_content&task=view&id=1558&Itemid=4; Speech by Ali Khamenei, Imam Reza’s Shrine, March 20, 2012, http://english

.khamenei.ir//index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1620&Itemid=4.

126 A good example of Iran’s embrace of double standards when it serves its own interests is the nuclear deal with the P5+1/EU (the Joint

Comprehensive Plan of Action or JCPOA) which—in addition to establishing a number of precedents unfavorable to Tehran which it accepted only

reluctantly—established a number of precedents favorable to it in order to gain its buy-in.

127 Adamsky, Soviet, Russian, and Israeli Assessments of Iran’s Nuclear Strategic Culture, 48.

128 Thomas L. Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1989), 76-105.

129 The regime likely also feared that a frontal clash with the reform movement might have led elements in the security forces to disobey orders or

join the opposition, causing the security forces to fracture. Michael Eisenstadt, “The Security Forces of the Islamic Republic and the Fate of the

Opposition,” The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, PolicyWatch 1538, June 19, 2009, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/tem-plateC05

.php?CID=3076.

130 Michael Eisenstadt, Iran’s Islamic Revolution: Lessons for the Arab Spring of 2011, National Defense University, Strategic Forum No. 267, April

2011, http://www.ndu.edu/inss/docUploaded/SF%20267_Eisenstadt.pdf.

131 Ali Ahmadi Motlagh, “Political Prisoners and the Security Apparatus in Post-Election Iran,” Muftah, August 2, 2010, http://muftah.org/?p=215.

132 A Brief History of “House Arrests” and Detentions in “Safe Houses”: What Will Be the Fate of Disappeared Leaders? International Campaign

for Human Rights in Iran, March 6, 2011, http://www.iranhumanrights.org/2011/03/history-of-house-arrests/.

133 Shahram Chubin, “Command and Control in a Nuclear Armed Iran,” IFRI Security Studies Center, Proliferation Papers, No. 45, JanuaryFebruary 2013, http://www.ifri.org/en/publications/enotes/proliferation-papers/command-and-control-nuclear-armed-iran.

134 Mark Bowden, Guests of the Ayatollah—The Iran Hostage Crisis: The First Battle in America’s War with Militant Islam (New York, Grove

Press: 2006), 8-15.

135 Crist, Gulf of Conflict, 25-26.

136 Amir Toumaj and John Lesnewich, Iran News Round Up, AEI Critical Threats Project, January 27, 2014, http://www.criticalthreats.org/iran-news

-roundup/iran-news-round-january-27-2014.

137 In this regard, Tehran’s approach is similar to that of jihadist groups such as Hizballah, Hamas, al-Qaeda, and the Taliban. See Thomas Elkjer

Nissen, The Taliban’s Information Warfare: A Comparative Analysis of NATO Information Operations (Info Ops) and Taliban Information

Activities, Royal Danish Defence College Brief (January 2008), 7.

138 This is not a uniquely Islamic way of thinking about war. In the Jewish Bible, when David challenged the heavily-armed and -armored warrior

Goliath with only his sling and a stick, the Philistine giant scorns him, saying: “Am I a dog that you come against me with sticks?” To which David

responded: “You come against me with sword and spear and javelin; but I come against you in the name of the Lord of Hosts, the God of the armies

of Israel, whom you have taunted. This day the Lord will deliver you into my hands.” (Samuel I, 17:45-47) There are many other accounts in the

Bible that reflect this worldview. Likewise, William Shakespeare in Henry V (Act 4, Scene 8) has the king order his troops after their lopsided vicThe Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 43
tory at Agincourt to forswear credit for their success, and to thank God for their victory by singing Psalm 115: “Not unto us, O Lord, not to us, but

to Your name give glory.”

139 Maziar Bahari, “118 Days, 12 Hours, 54 Minutes,” Newsweek, November 30, 2009, http://www.newsweek.com/2009/11/21/118-days-12-hours

-54-minutes.html.

140 Abrahamian, “The Paranoid Style in Iranian Politics,” 111-131

141 “IRGC Chief Warns of Cultural Threats,” Press TV, June 9, 2010, http://www.presstv.ir/detail/129769.html. See also the statements by Jafari in

Will Fulton, Iran News Round Up, AEI Iran Tracker, February 28, 2013, http://www.irantracker.org/iran-news-round-february-28-2013.

142 “Iranian State TV Acts as an Arm of the Intelligence Apparatus,” International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, August 11, 2010,

http://www.iranhumanrights.org/2010/08/iranian-state-tv-acts-as-an-arm-of-the-intelligence-apparatus/.

143 Anonymous, “Iran’s War Against Western Culture: Never Ending, Always Losing,” PBS Tehran Bureau, December 11, 2011,

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/tehranbureau/2011/12/media-the-regimes-war-against-western-culture-never-ending-always

-losing.html#ixzz3QXrlC61C.

144 Karim Sadjadpour, Reading Khamenei: The World View of Iran’s Most Powerful Leader (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International

Peace, 2008), 17.

145 Mahmood Enayat, Satellite Jamming in Iran: A War Over Airwaves, A Small Media Report, November 2012, http://smallmedia.org.uk/sites

/default/files/Satellite%20Jamming.pdf; Ana Cardenes, The Internet in Iran, a daily struggle against censorship, IANS/EFE, October 2, 2014;

Liking Facebook in Tehran: Social Networking in Iran, Iran Media Program, Annenberg School for Communications, University of Pennsylvania,

2014, http://www.iranmediaresearch.org/en/research/download/1609; Simurgh Aryan, Homa Aryan, and J. Alex Halderman, Internet Censorship in

Iran: A First Look, Proceedings of the 3rd USENIX Workshop on Free and Open Communications on the Internet, August 2013; Cormac Callanan

et al, Leaping Over the Firewall: A Review of Censorship Circumvention Tools, Freedom House, 2010, https://freedomhouse.org/sites/default/files

/inline_images/Censorship.pdf. See also, Michael Pizzi, “Iran government minister: Media bans may seem ‘laughable’ in 5 years,” Aljazeera

America, December 19, 2013, http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2013/12/19/iranian-ministermediabansmayseemlaughablein5years.html.

146 Khamenei has repeatedly argued against compromise with the US, claiming this would be seen as weakness that would only invite additional

pressure and demands. Sadjadpour, Reading Khamenei, 16.

147 Ehud Yaari, “The Muqawama Doctrine,” Jerusalem Report, November 13, 2006.

148 See, for instance, the infographic on the Supreme Leaders’ website regarding the achievements of Iran’s policy of nuclear resistance,

http://english.khamenei.ir//index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1637.

149 The idea that conflict may serve social and political functions also has a long tradition in Western social science. Georg Simmel, Conflict and

the Web of Group-Affiliations (New York, Free Press: 1955); Lewis Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict (New York, Free Press: 1956).

150 For more on the catalytic effect of the 40-day Muslim mourning period on the escalating cycle of violence during the revolution, see: Gary Sick,

All Fall Down: America’s Tragic Encounter with Iran (New York: Random House, 1985), 34-35.

151 The IRI has at times been concerned that the loss of revolutionary zeal has undermined the reliability of the IRGC, ever since Revolutionary Guard

units refused to quash riots in the town of Qazvin in 1994. These concerns were reinforced by reports that IRGC personnel voted in 1997 for

reformist presidential candidate Mohammad Khatami in even greater proportions than did the general population (73 versus 69 percent). This

voting pattern indicates that the IRGC rank and file reflected the divisions within Iranian society. This should not have come as a surprise; for the

past two decades, the IRGC has increasingly come to rely on conscripts to meet its manpower needs, raising doubts about its reliability should it be

needed to quell unrest. Even during the Iran-Iraq War, the IRGC Navy consisted of a mix of dedicated revolutionaries, conscripts, and impressed

44 Michael Eisenstadt
deserters, and as a result, it often avoided taking risks while operating against US naval forces in the Persian Gulf. Crist, Gulf of Conflict, 15.

152Contending approaches to warfighting likewise exist in the armed forces of the IRI, where the debate concerns the relative value of religious zeal

and technical competence. The regular military has tended to embrace a more traditional approach to war, with a relatively balanced emphasis on

hardware, technology, and the human element. Its force structure, which resembles those of most Western armies, reflects this fact. By contrast, the

IRGC has elevated the moral and spiritual dimension above all others in the belief that faith, ideological commitment, and religious zeal are the keys

to victory. Thus, the IRGC originally consisted of poorly trained, irregular mass infantry forces that specialized in human wave attacks, though it

eventually established quasi-conventional infantry, armor, and artillery formations, as well as naval and air arms during the Iran-Iraq War. The

IRGC’s approach came to dominate Iranian thinking during the Iran-Iraq War, though its thinking has evolved since then to reflect a more balanced

appreciation of the relative importance of moral and technological factors. Nonetheless, the IRGC does not always get the newest and most capable

systems in the IRI’s inventory—perhaps due to residual skepticism on its part regarding the importance of technology. Steven Ward, “Historical

Perspectives on Iran’s Way of War,” Presentation to the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, June 18, 2009; Fariborz Haghshenass, “Iran’s Air

Force: Struggling to Maintain Readiness,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, PolicyWatch 1066, December 22, 2005,

http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/templateC05.php?CID=2422; Fariborz Haghshenass, Iran’s Asymmetric Naval Warfare.

153 Abbas Amanat, Apocalyptic Islam and Iranian Shiism (London: I. B. Tauris, 2009), 41-70, 221-251; Mehdi Khalaji, Apocalyptic Politics: On the

Rationality of Iranian Policy, Policy Focus No. 79 (Washington, D.C.: Washington Institute, January 2008), 3-6, 14-18; Ali Alfoneh, “Ahmadinejad

versus the Clergy,” American Enterprise Institute, Middle East Outlook, no. 5 (August 2008), 1-4.

154 Jedinia, “Tehran Finds Neat Way Out on Gaza Shipment”.

155 Kevin Hechtkopf, “Panetta: Iran Cannot Develop Nukes, Block Strait,” Face the Nation, CBS News, January 8, 2012, http://www.cbsnews.com

/8301-3460_162-57354645/panetta-iran-cannot-develop-nukes-block-strait /; Elisabeth Bumiller, Eric Schmitt and Thom Shanker, “U.S. Sends Top

Iranian Leader a Warning on Strait Threat,” New York Times, January 12, 2012, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/13/world/middleeast/us-warns-top

-iran-leader-not-to-shut-strait-of-hormuz.html?_r=0.

156 “Iran Warns US Against Sending Back Aircraft Carrier to the Persian Gulf,” Fars News Agency, January 3, 2012, http://english2.farsnews.com

/newstext.php?nn=9007270208; Robin Pomeroy and Hashem Kalantari, “Iran Backs Off Warnings About U.S. Ships,” Reuters, January 21, 2012,

http://uk.reuters.com/article/2012/01/21/uk-iran-usa-idUKTRE80K0DG20120121.

157 Thom Shanker, “Iran Chases U.S. Drone over Persian Gulf,” New York Times, March 14, 2013, http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/15/world

/middleeast/iran-pursues-us-drone-over-persian-gulf.html.

158 “Attack on Syria, Strike on Iran and Allies: Velayati,” Press TV, January 26, 2013, http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2013/01/26/285606/attacking

-syria-is-attacking-iran-velayati/.

159 Kay Armin Serjoie, “Iran Challenges U.S. and Saudi Arabia by Sending Aid Ship to Rebels in Yemen,” Time, May 18, 2015, http://time.com

/3882293/iran-saudi-aid-ship/.

160 Office of the Director of National Intelligence, Iran: Nuclear Intentions and Capabilities, November 2007, http://graphics8.nytimes.com

/packages/pdf/international/20071203_release.pdf; Joby Warrick, “Iran May Have Continued Weapons Research after 2003, IAEA Chief Says,”

Washington Post, April 8, 2013, https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/iran-may-have-continued-weapons-research-iaea-chief

-says/2013/04/08/0021a9e0-a066-11e2-82bc-511538ae90a4_story.html.

161 In the words of Rouhani, “While we were talking with the Europeans in Tehran... by creating a calm environment, we were able to complete the

work [on the conversion facility] in Esfahan.” Hassan Rouhani, “Beyond the Challenges Facing Iran and the IAEA Concerning the Nuclear Dossier”,

Rahbord, September 30, 2005, as quoted in Great Expectations: Iran’s New President and the Nuclear Talks, Crisis Group Middle East

Briefing No. 36, August 13, 2013, 11-12, http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/Iran%20Gulf/Iran/b036

-great-expectations-irans-new-president-and-the-nuclear-talks.pdf.

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 45
162 Instead, it avoided the Israeli red line by converting its stocks of 20-percent-enriched uranium into oxide form or fuel plates for a research

reactor—forms that would have required reconversion (a time-consuming process) prior to further enrichment.

163 In a December 2012 news conference, IRGC Aerospace Force commander Brig Gen Amir Ali Hajizadeh stated that “We don’t need missiles with

over 2,000km but we have the technology to build them,” adding that “Israel is our longest-range target.” “Commander Names Israel as Iran’s

Long-Range Target,” Fars News Agency, December 10, 2012, http://english2.farsnews.com/newstext.php?nn=9107125969. Likewise, in a

December 2013 speech, IRGC commander Maj Gen Mohammad Ali Jafari stated that “We are still now increasing the range of our missiles, but

currently the Supreme Leader has commanded that we limit the range of our missiles to 2,000km.” Will Fulton and Amir Toumaj, Iran News Round

Up, December 11, 2013, http://www.irantracker.org/iran-news-round-december-11-2013.

164 Uzi Rubin, “Showcase of Missile Proliferation: Iran’s Missile and Space Program,” Arms Control Today, Vol. 42, No. 1, January/February 2012,

https://www.armscontrol.org/act/2012_01-02/Showcase_of_Missile_Proliferation_Irans_Missile_and_Space_Program.

165 International Atomic Energy Agency, Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement and Relevant Provisions of Security Council Resolutions

in the Islamic Republic of Iran, February 20, 2014, https://www.iaea.org/sites/default/files/gov2014-10.pdf.

166 Christopher De Bellaigue, “Talk Like an Iranian,” The Atlantic, September 2012, http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2012/09/talk

-like-an-iranian/309056/. It is not clear how this lack of concern with consistency affects how Iranian officials view statements by foreign leaders.

In light of the tendency of U.S. officials to issue stern warnings that are not followed up on (e.g., that a North Korean nuclear weapon would be

“unacceptable”), it is hard to avoid the conclusion that this is something of an American habit as well.

167 William S. Haas, “Persian Psychology,” Iran (New York: Columbia University Press, 1946), 116–36; William O. Beeman, “What Is (Iranian)

National Character? A Sociolinguistic Approach,” Iranian Studies (Winter 1976): 22–48, and; Graham Fuller, The Center of the Universe: The

Geopolitics of Iran (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991), 8–33.

168 IRGC Commander: War on Iran Triggers World War III, Fars News Agency, September 23, 2012, http://english2.farsnews.com

/newstext.php?nn=9106241874.

169 Patrick Clawson, “How Iran Might Test a Nuclear Accord—Lessons from the Past: Report about a Washington Institute for Near East Policy

Colloquium,” June 25, 2015.

170 “Haggling Irked Russians,” Tehran Times International, October 29, 2010, http://iran-times.com/haggling-irked-russians/.

171 Matthew Bodner, “Underwhelming Business Results at MAKS Air Show, Defense News, August 29, 2015, http://www.defensenews.com/story

/defense/policy-budget/warfare/2015/08/29/underwhelming-business-results-maks-air-show/71323130/.

172 There is a precedent for this: the 2006 Israel-Hizballah war. Between November 2005 and July 2006, Hizballah attempted to kidnap Israeli

soldiers on at least five separate occasions, and in each case, Israel’s responded in a rather desultory manner; when Hizballah finally succeeded in

kidnapping two Israeli soldiers, Israel declared war and hit Lebanon with a punishing air campaign. Afterward, Hizballah chief Hassan Nasrallah

admitted that had he known that the kidnapping would lead to war, he would not have ordered it. Zeev Schiff, “Kidnap of Soldiers in July Was

Hizballah’s Fifth Attempt,” Haaretz, September 19, 2006, http://www.haaretz.com/news/kidnap-of-soldiers-in-july-was-hezbollah-s-fifth-attempt

-1.197595.

173 Jay Solomon and Julian E. Barnes, “U.S. Weighs a Direct Line to Iran,” Wall Street Journal, September 19, 2011, http://online.wsj.com/article

/SB10001424053111903374004576578990787792046.html; Address by Admiral Mullen to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,

September 21, 2011, http://carnegieendowment.org/2011/09/20/admiral-mike-mullen/57gg; “Iran Rejects U.S. Hotline Request,” Fars News Agency,

November 11, 2012, http://english.farsnews.com/newstext.php?nn=9107118530.

174 Dan Raviv, “U.S. pushing Israel to stop assassinating Iranian nuclear scientists,” CBS News, March 1, 2014, http://www.cbsnews.com/news/us

-pushing-israel-to-stop-assassinating-iranian-nuclear-scientists/.

46 Michael Eisenstadt
175 For more on Iranian narratives of victory see: Adamsky, Soviet, Russian, and Israeli Assessments of Iran’s Nuclear Strategic Culture, 18; Taremi,

“Iranian Strategic Culture,” 18.

176 Ali’s martial prowess is of particular importance due to his pre-eminent status in Shi’ite Islam (second only to Muhammad) and the great

importance that Islam attaches to the power of personal example. Thus, Islamic law is based, in part, on the hadith (the sayings and actions of the

prophet Muhammad) while Shi’ites are enjoined to choose a senior cleric to be their marja (sources of emulation) in matters of faith.

177 Reza HaghighatNejad, What Does Khamenei Mean by “Heroic Flexibility?” September 18, 2013, http://en.iranwire.com/features/2687/;

Arash Karami, “Ayatollah Khamenei’s ‘Heroic Flexibilty’,” Al-Monitor, September 19, 2013, http://iranpulse.al-monitor.com/index.php/2013/09/2854

/khameneis-heroic-flexibilty/.

178 While the IRI makes much of the virtues of martyrdom as embodied by the slaughter of Hussein and his party at the Battle of Karbala, it

recognizes that victory cannot be achieved solely by the death of the faithful; as a result, the regime also emphasizes the heroic warrior qualities of

Ali, who participated in nearly every battle waged by the Muslim army during his lifetime as a standard-bearer, champion in one-on-one contests,

and bodyguard for the Prophet Muhammad.

179 “The Armed Might of Iran: Able to Manifest Itself in a Threatening Manner,” Ettela’at, September 24, 1995, 3, translated from Persian by Guive

Rosen. See also Steven Ward, “Iran’s Challenging Victory Narrative,” Historically Speaking, Vol. 10, No. 3, June 2009, 41-42.

180 Alfoneh,“Shiite Combat Casualties Show the Depth of Iran’s Involvement in Syria”; Alfoneh, “Maximal Exposure, Minimal Presence: Iran’s

Military Engagement in Iraq”.

181 A country with a recessed deterrent has all the basic elements required to build a bomb (fissile material, a weapons design, and the ability to

produce a device) in a number of weeks or months once a decision is taken. For the origins of the concept of a “recessed deterrent,” see: Air

Commodore Jasjit Singh, “Prospects for Nuclear Proliferation,” in S. Sur (Ed.), Nuclear Deterrence: Problems and Perspectives in the1990s (New

York: United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, 1993), 66.

182 In this way, Iran’s nuclear program may resemble India’s nuclear program, which served primarily political-psychological purposes during its early

years. George Perkovich, “What Makes the Indian Bomb Tick?” in Nuclear India in the Twenty-first Century, ed. D. R. Sar Desai and Raju G. C.

Thomas (New York: Palgrave, 2002), 25–60.

183 Bennett Ramberg, “Nuclear Power to the People: The Middle East’s New Gold Rush,” Foreign Affairs, May 25, 2015, https://www

.foreignaffairs.com/articles/middle-east/2015-05-25/nuclear-power-people.

184 Arash Karami, “Ayatollah Khamenei calls for armed struggle in West Bank,” Al-Monitor, July 24, 2014, http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse

/originals/2014/07/khamenei-calls-palestinian-referendum-armed-resistance.html##ixzz3Pu4SUXiH.

185 Nicholas Blanford, “Iran, Hezbollah gain foothold in Golan Heights,” The Daily Star, March 12, 2015, http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Lebanon

-News/2015/Mar-12/290472-iran-hezbollah-gain-foothold-in-golan.ashx.

186 Lt. Col. (Ret.) Michael Segall, “Iran Accelerates Arming of Hizbullah and Hamas for Possible Clash with Israel,” Jerusalem Center for Public

Affairs, December 22, 2014, http://jcpa.org/article/iran-arming-hizbullah-hamas/.

187 “Iranian Website: Iranian Nuclear Bomb Spells Death to Israel,” MEMRI Special Dispatch No. 2820, February 23, 2010, http://www.memri.org

/report/en/0/0/0/0/0/807/3989.htm.

188 Michael Eisenstadt, Glass Houses: Iran’s Nuclear Vulnerabilities, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, July 1, 2014, http://www

.washingtoninstitute.org/uploads/Documents/pubs/Glass_Houses_final.pdf.

189 Without debating the concept of “rationality,” it is clear that in matters of war and peace, decision makers are often influenced by a myriad of

factors that distort judgment, frequently with tragic results. Thus, in her classic study of folly—the pursuit by leaders or governments of policies

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 47
contrary to their own interests—the historian Barbara W. Tuchman states that reason has been “more often than not overpowered by non-rational

human frailties—ambition, anxiety, status-seeking, face-saving, illusions, self-delusions, fixed prejudices. Although the structure of human thought

is based on logical procedures from premise to conclusion, it is not proof against the frailties and the passions.” Barbara W. Tuchman, The March

of Folly: From Troy to Vietnam (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984), 380. For a more recent study by a behavioral economist who argues that human

decisionmaking is more often guided by emotion than logic, and is irrational in systematic and predictable ways, see: Dan Ariely, Predictably

Irrational: The Hidden Forces that Shape our Decisions (New York: HarperCollins, 2008).

190 Colin H. Kahl, Raj Pattani, and Jacob Stokes, If All Else Fails: The Challenges of Containing a Nuclear Iran (Washington DC: Center for a New

American Security, 2013), 20–21, 50, 52, http://www.cnas.org/files/documents/publications/CNAS_IfAllElseFails.pdf.

191 Erik Olson, “Iran’s Path-Dependent Military Doctrine,” unpublished manuscript, September 2015, 26.

192 Michael Eisenstadt, “Speaking about the Unthinkable: The Nuclear Debate Iran Needs to Have,” The Washington Institute, PolicyWatch 2279,

July 1, 2014, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/speaking-about-the-unthinkable-the-nuclear-debate-iran-needs-to-have.

193 “Black Swans” are low-probability, high-impact events. Nassim Nicholas Taleb, The Black Swan: The Impact of the Highly Improbable (New

York: Random House, 2010).

194 Jeffrey Goldberg, “Netanyahu Confronts Obama, and a ‘Messianic Apocalyptic Cult’”, The Atlantic, March 3, 2015, http://www.theatlantic.com

/international/archive/2015/03/netanyahu-vs-a-messianic-apocalyptic-cult/386650/.

195 Bernard Lewis, “August 22: Does Iran Have Something in Store?” Wall Street Journal, August 8, 2006, http://www.wsj.com/articles

/SB115500154638829470.

196 See, for instance, Fareed Zakaria, “Deterring Iran is the Best Option,” Washington Post, March 14, 2012, https://www.washingtonpost.com

/opinions/deterring-iran-is-the-best-option/2012/03/14/gIQA0Y9mCS_story.html; Zbigniew Brzezinski interview on Aljazeera (English), “U.S. and

Iran: Best of Enemies,” Empire, March 31, 2010, http://english.aljazeera.net/programmes/empire/2010/03/201033113196514403.html. For the

limitations of Cold War models of deterrence as applied to Iran, see Patrick Clawson and Michael Eisenstadt, eds., Deterring the Ayatollahs:

Complications in Applying Cold War Strategy to Iran, Policy Focus no. 72 (Washington, DC: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, July 2007),

http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/pubPDFs/PolicyFocus72FinalWeb.pdf.

197 Chubin, “Iran’s ‘Risk-Taking’ in Perspective”.

198 Qaidari, “More planes, more missiles, more warships: Iran increases its military budget by a third”.

199 Michael Eisenstadt and Brenda Shaffer, “Russian S-300 Missiles to Iran: Groundhog Day or Game-Changer?” The Washington Institute for Near

East Policy, PolicyWatch 2482, September 4, 2015, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/russian-s-300-missiles-to-iran

-groundhog-day-or-game-changer.

200 Olson, “Iran’s Path-Dependent Military Doctrine,” 26.

201 Levitt, Hizballah and the Qods Force in Iran’s Shadow War with the West.

202 Vali Nasr, “Why Contain Iran When its Own Aims will Do Just That?” Bloomberg Views, October 31, 2011, http://www.bloombergview.com

/articles/2011-10-31/why-contain-iran-when-its-own-aims-will-do-just-that-vali-nasr.

203 Eisenstadt, Knights, and Ali, Iranian Influence in Iraq.

48 Michael Eisenstadt
204 Adam Entous and Julian E. Barnes, “U.S. Bulks Up Iran Defenses,” Wall Street Journal, February 25–26, 2012, A1, A8, http://online.wsj.com

/article/SB10001424052970204778604577243640137724400.html.

205 Awad Mustafa, “Little Progress Made on Integrated GCC Missile Shield,” Defense News, August 30, 2015, http://www.defensenews.com/story

/defense/policy-budget/warfare/2015/08/30/lilttle-progress-made—integrated-gcc-missile-shield/32390269/.

206 Ellen Nakashima, “U.S. Response to Bank Cyberattacks Reflects Diplomatic Caution, Vexes Bank Industry,” Washington Post, April 27, 2013,

http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/us-response-to-bank-cyberattacks-reflects-diplomatic-caution-vexes-bank

-industry/2013/04/27/4a71efe2-aea2-11e2-98ef-d1072ed3cc27_story.html; Director of National Intelligence James Clapper, “Worldwide Threat

Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community” (statement to the US Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, March 12, 2013), 1–3,

http://www.intelligence.senate.gov/130312/clapper.pdf; National Academy of Sciences, “Terrorism and the Electric Power Delivery System,”

November 2012, http://sites.nationalacademies.org/xpedio/groups/depssite/documents/webpage/deps_073368.pdf.

207 Jeffrey S. Lantis, “Strategic Culture and Tailored Deterrence: Bridging the Gap Between Theory and Practice,” Contemporary Security Policy,

Vol. 30, No. 3 (December 2009), 467-485, http://www.contemporarysecuritypolicy.org/assets/CSP-30-3-Lantis.pdf.

208 Javier Blas, “Pipelines bypassing Hormuz open,” Financial Times, July 15, 2012, http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/4203f88c-ce83-11e1-9fa7

-00144feabdc0.html#axzz3mLROP3jY.

209 CDR Ryan T. Tewell, “Assessing the U.S. Aircraft Carrier Gap in the Gulf,” The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, PolicyWatch 2497,

October 5, 2015, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/assessing-the-u.s.-aircraft-carrier-gap-in-the-gulf; Mark Gunzinger with

Chris Dougherty, Outside-In: Operating from Range to Defeat Iran’s Anti-Access and Area-Denial Threats (Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic

and Budgetary Assessments, 2011), http://www.csbaonline.org/wp-content/ uploads/2012/01/CSBA_outsideIn_ebook.pdf. See also, Michael

Eisenstadt, “Getting Carrier Out of the Gulf Good for U.S. Iran Policy,” Defense News, March 10, 2013, http://archive.defensenews.com

/article/20130310/DEFFEAT05/303100007/Getting-Carrier-Out-Gulf-Good-U-S-Iran-Policy.

210 For instance, in explaining the deployment of additional forces to the region in 2012, a senior Defense Department official explained that “The

message to Iran is, ‘Don’t even think about it.’ Don’t even think about closing the strait. We’ll clear the mines. Don’t even think about sending your

fast boats out to harass our vessels or commercial shipping. We’ll put them on the bottom of the Gulf.” But such an approach permits Iran to decide

what kind of losses it is willing to incur in order to achieve an objective, and in doing so, it may effectively lower the threshold for action. Thom

Shanker, Eric Schmitt, and David E. Sanger, “U.S. Adds Forces in Persian Gulf, a Signal to Iran,” New York Times, July 3, 2012,

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/03/world/middleeast/us-adds-forces-in-persian-gulf-a-signal-to-iran.html?pagewanted=all.

211 Political Warfare Executive (UK), The Meaning, Techniques and Methods of Political Warfare, 1942, declassified manual, file ref. FO 898/101,

http://www.psywar.org/psywar/reproductions/MeanTechMethod.pdf; George Kennan, “The Inauguration of Organized Political Warfare,” April 30,

1948, declassified memo, http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/114320; Max Boot and Michael Doran, “Department of Dirty Tricks:

Why the United States Needs to Sabotage, Undermine, and Expose Its Enemies in the Middle East,” ForeignPolicy.com, June 28, 2013,

http://foreignpolicy.com/2013/06/28/department-of-dirty-tricks/.

212 Tehran’s efforts to restrict the flow of information to its people have hindered, but failed to halt, online communications. See, for instance, David

Holmes, “State of Censorship: How Iran Censors the Internet (and How Its Citizens Get around It),” Pando Daily, November 12, 2013,

http://pando.com/2013/11/12/state-of-censorship-how-iran-censors-the-internet-and-how-its-citizens-get-around-it/. Indeed, some ministers see the

regime fighting a losing battle. Michael Pizzi, “Iran Government Minister: Media Bans May Seem ‘Laughable’ in 5 Years,” Aljazeera America,

December 19, 2013, http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2013/12/19/iranian-ministermediabansmayseemlaughablein5years.html.

213 Dion Nissenbaum and Jeffrey Sparshott, “U.S. Eases Tech Exports to Help Iranian Dissenters,” Wall Street Journal, May 30, 2013,

http://www.wsj.com/articles/SB10001424127887324412604578515553175176068; Joby Warrick, “Obama Administration to Help Iranians Beat

Government Censors,” Washington Post, May 30, 2013, http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/obama-administration-to-help

-iranians-beat-government-censors/2013/05/30/94db07b4-c96c-11e2-9245-773c0123c027_story.html.

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 49
214 Michael Eisenstadt, The Missing Lever: Information Activities Against Iran, Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Policy Note No. 1, March

2010, at: http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/pub-PDFs/PolicyNote01.pdf.

215 Patrick Clawson, “Iran’s Post-Deal Economic Stagnation Challenges Rouhani,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, PolicyWatch 2500,

October 8, 2015, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/irans-post-deal-economic-stagnation-challenges-rouhani.

216 Bozorgmehr Sharafedin, “Iran’s Supreme Leader Bans Negotiations with the United States,” Reuters, October 7, 2015, http://www.reuters.com

/article/2015/10/07/us-iran-us-talks-idUSKCN0S10P220151007.

217 Dr. Ebtesam al-Ketbi/Iranian Studies Unit, The Doctrinal Foundations of Iran’s Geopolitical Project, Emirates Policy Center, Policy Paper No.

2, 2015, 27-31.

50 Michael Eisenstadt
The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran 51
52 Michael Eisenstadt
Michael Eisenstadt is the Kahn Fellow and Director of the Military and Security

Studies Program at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy. A specialist in Persian

Gulf and Arab-Israeli security affairs, he has published widely on the armed forces of the

Middle East and on irregular and conventional warfare and nuclear weapons proliferation

in the region.

Prior to joining the Institute in 1989, Mr. Eisenstadt worked as a military analyst with the US

government. Mr. Eisenstadt served for twenty-six years as an officer in the US Army

Reserve before retiring in 2010. His military experience included active-duty service in Iraq,

Turkey, Israel, the West Bank, and Jordan, at US Central Command headquarters in Tampa

and at the Pentagon.

He has also served in a civilian capacity on the Multinational Force-Iraq/US Embassy

Baghdad Joint Campaign Plan Assessment Team (2009) and as a consultant or advisor to

the congressionally mandated Iraq Study Group (2006), the Multinational Corps-Iraq

Information Operations Task Force (2005-2006), and the State Department's Future of Iraq

defense policy working group (2002-2003). In 1992, he took a leave of absence from the

Institute to work on the US Air Force Gulf War Air Power Survey.

Mr. Eisenstadt earned an MA in Arab Studies from Georgetown University and has traveled

widely in the Middle East.

About the Author

The author would like to thank Dr. Amin Tarzi and Adam Seitz of the Middle East Studies

program at Marine Corps University for their support and encouragement, and their deft

editorial hand. He would also like to thank Dr. Patrick Clawson, Dr. David Crist, Dr. Mehrdad

Haghayeghi, Ambassador John Limbert, and Olivier Decottignies for their extraordinarily

insightful and useful comments on earlier drafts of this monograph, and Ian Duff, Benjamin

Filreis, Omar Mukhlis, and Guive Rosen for their research assistance.

Acknowledgements
Middle East Studies

at the Marine Corps University

In this expanded and revised edition of “The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran,” originally

published in 2011, Michael Eisenstadt focuses on Iran’s unique approach to statecraft, strategy, and the use

of force, and distills the core elements of its strategic culture:

• Policy in the theocratic Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) is, paradoxically, based on the secular

concept of raison d’état, rather than on religious or ideological imperatives—though this largely

pragmatic approach coexists uneasily with the regime’s rigid doctrine of “resistance”;

• Iran generally seeks to avoid or deter conventional conflict, while advancing its anti-status quo

agenda via proxy and information (i.e., psychological warfare) operations, combining “soft” and “hard”

power to advance its national security objectives;

• The IRI has traditionally taken a holistic approach to the employment of “soft” and “hard” power,

prioritizing the former over the latter. This may be changing, however, as a result of its recent military

interventions in Syria and Iraq;

• To deal with the array of threats it faces, the IRI has created a deterrent and warfighting triad

consisting of proxy/unconventional warfare forces, a guerilla navy, and robust rocket and missile forces.

• The IRI’s “way of war” emphasizes indirection, ambiguity, and strategic patience; the moral,

spiritual, and psychological dimensions of statecraft and strategy; reciprocity, proportionality, and the

calibrated use of violence; tactical flexibility; and the creation of wedges in hostile coalitions.

Regarding Tehran’s long-term nuclear plans, the study concludes that Iran is likely to eventually continue

its pursuit of nuclear weapons, whether or not the recently concluded nuclear deal remains in force.

And while the IRI’s leadership has shown that it is “rational” and generally risk averse, it is also

occasionally prone to reckless behavior and to overreach—tendencies which its far-reaching ambitions tend

to amplify. This could greatly complicate efforts to create a stable deterrent balance with a nuclear Iran.

The Strategic Culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Religion, Expediency, and Soft Power in an Era of Disruptive Change

Michael Eisenstadt

MES Monographs • No. 7 November 2015