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~OCCASIONALPAPERS. ~~~.- ~~ ) . .

Missile Control in South” Asia and the Role

of Cooperative Monitoring ‘technology ‘”’

~‘COOPERATIVE MONITORING CENTER
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October 1998

Missile Control in South Asia

and the Role of

Cooperative Monitoring Technology

Nazir Kamal

Security Analyst

Islamabad, Pakistan

Pravin Sawhney

South Asia Correspondent

Jane’s International Defense Review

Cooperative Monitoring Center Occasional Paper/4

Sandia National laboratories

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Missile Control in South Asia and

the Role of Cooperative Monitoring Technology

The Cooperative Monitoring Center (CMC) at Sandia National Laboratories assists political and

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Missile Control in South Asia and

the Role of Cooperative Monitoring Technology

Missile Control in South Asia and

the Role of Cooperative Monitoring Technology

Abstract

The succession of nuclear tests by India and Pakistan in May 1998 has changed

the nature of their missile rivalry, which is only one of numerous manifestations of their

relationship as hardened adversaries, deeply sensitive to each other’s existing and

evolving defense capabilities. The political context surrounding this costly rivalry

remains unmediated by arms control measures or by any nascent prospect of detente.

As a parallel development, sensible voices in both countries will continue to talk

of building mutual confidence through openness to avert accidents, misjudgments, and

misinterpretations. To facilitate a future peace process, this paper offers possible

suggestions for stabilization that could be applied to India’s and Pakistan’s missile

situation. Appendices include descriptions of existing missile agreements that have

contributed to better relations for other countries as well as a list of the cooperative

monitoring technologies available to provide information useful in implementing

subcontinent missile regimes.
Missile Control in South Asia and

the Role of Cooperative Monitoring Technology

ABM

BMD

BSRBM

CBM

CCC]

CMC

CTBT

DGMO

DRDO

EU

FMCT

GDP

GPS

IAEA

ICBM

IGMDP

INF

IRBM

kt

MIRV

MTCR

NATO

NDC

NPT

NTM

PTA

RPv

SAR

SLBM

SRBM

SSBN

START

TERCOM

UNSCOM

Acronyms

Anti-Ballistic Missile

Ballistic Missiles Defense

Battlefield Short-Range Ballistic Missile

Confidence Building Measure

Command, Control, Communication, and Intelligence

Cooperative Monitoring Center

Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty

Director General of Military Operations

Defense Research and Development Organization

European Union

Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty

Gross Domestic Product

Global Positioning System

International Atomic Energy Agency

Intercontinental Ballistic Missile

Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme

Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces

Intermediate-Range Ballistic Missile

kiloton

Multiple, Independently Targetable Reentry Vehicle

Missile Technology Control Regime

North Atlantic Treaty Organization

National Development Complex

Nonproliferation Treaty

National Technical Means

Pilotless Target Aircraft

Remotely Piloted Vehicles

Synthetic Aperture Radar

Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missiles

Short-Range Ballistic Missile

Nuclear-Powered, Ballistic Missile Submarine

Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty

Terrain Contour Matching

United Nations Special Commission
Missile Control in South Asia and

the Role of Cooperative Monitoring Technology

Contents

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...........................................................................................................................9

1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................11

1.1 NUCLEARTESTSANDGLOBALAmmGIONAL PERSPECTIVES........................................................ll

1.2 CONFLICTSBETWEENINDIAANDPXISTAN ....................................................................................ll

1.2.1 Amed Convicts ..................................................................................................................l1

1.2.2 Kashmir A#ects Relationship ..............................................................................................l2

1.2.3 PaEstani Perceptions .........................................................................................................l2

1.2.4 Indian Perceptions ..............................................................................................................l2

1.2.5 Regional Pe\.ceptions ..........................................................................................................l3

2. DEVELOPMENT OF STRATEGIC CAPABILITIES ....................................................................13

2.1 RATIONALEFORTESTS ....................................................................................................................l3

2.2 U.S. RESPONSEANDCONCERNS......................................................................................................l4

2.3 FWANCES.........................................................................................................................................l5

2.4 CAPWILITIES ...................................................................................................................................l7

2.4.1 Nuclear Test Yields .............................................................................................................l7

2.4.2 Missile Programs ................................................................................................................I8

2.4.3 Inferences ............................................................................................................................2O

2.4.4 Continuing Missile Tests .....................................................................................................2l

2.5 STRATEGICWEWONIZATION...........................................................................................................22

3. MISSILE CONTROL AND COOPERATIVE MONITORING ......................................................22

3.1 INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................22

3.2 MISSILECONTROLOPTIONS.............................................................................................................24

3.3 MISSILECONTROLPROSPECTSIN SOUTHASIA................................................................................26

3.3.1

3.3.2

3.3.3

3.3.4

3.3.5

3.3.6

3.3.7

3.3.8

Exercising Mutual Restraint ...............................................................................................27

Suggestions for Stabilization ..............................................................................................27

Dedicated Telecommunications ..........................................................................................28

Advance Notl~cation ..........................................................................................................29

Nonweaponization Options .................................................................................................29

Minimal Arsenals ................................................................................................................3O

Clear Communication .........................................................................................................3o

U.S. Interest ........................................................................................................................3l

4. CONCLUSIONS ...................................................................................................................................32

APPENDIX A:

APPENDIX B:

APPENDIX C:

APPENDIX D:

APPENDIX E:

NHSSILE CAPABILITIES OF INDIA AND PAKISTAN ...........................................35

MANAGEMENT OF NUCLEAR DETERRENCE ......................................................39

SENSORS AND THEIR CAPABILITIES ....................................................................43

TYPICAL REQUIREMENTS FOR RESOLUTION (IN METERS) .........................45

EXAMPLES OF COMMERCIAL SATELLITE CHARACTERISTICS ..................47

APPENDIX F: MISSILE CONTROL REGIMES AND COOPERATIVE MONITORING ...............49

APPENDIX G: OTHER EXAMPLES OF COOPERATIVE MONITORING AGREEMENTS .......53

7
Missile Control in South Asia and

the Role of Cooperative Monitoring Technology

APPENDIX H: TEXT OF HOT-LINE IMPROVEMENT AGREEMENT ..........................................55

APPENDIX I: ANNEX TO THE HOT-LINE AGREEMENT OF 1971...............................................57

APPENDIX J: HOT-LINE EXPANSION AGREEMENT OF 1984 .....................................................59

APPENDIX K: MISSILE LAUNCH NOTIFICATION AGREEMENT OF 1988...............................61

APPENDIX L: AGREEMENT ON NUCLEAR RISK REDUCTION CENTERS ..............................63

ABOUT THE AUTHORS ...........................................................................................................................65

Figures

FIGURE 1. INTERCONTINENTAL BALLISTIC MISSILE (ICBM) LAUNCH IN INDIA. ............16

FIGURE 2. GHAURI NHSSILE LAUNCH, APRIL 6,1998. (AP WORLDWIDE PHOTO) ............19

FIGURE 3. INDIA’S PRITHVI MISSILE ...............................................................................................26

FIGURE 4. PAKISTANI HATF SURFACE-TO-SURFACE MISSILE ...............................................32

Table

TABLE 1. SUMMARY OF INDIA’S AND PAKISTAN’S MISSILE INFRASTRUCTURE ..............18

8
Missile Control in South Asia and

the Role of Cooperative Monitoring Technology

Missile Control in South Asia and

the Role of Cooperative Monitoring Technology

Executive Summary

India and Pakistan have been engaged in competitive missile development for

more than a decade. During this period, there has been little discussion between them

about issues of missile control. However, some attention needs to be given to such issues

in light of the recent developments in the subcontinent.

The succession of nuclear tests by India and Pakistan in May 1998 has changed

the nature of their missile rivalry, which is only one of numerous manifestations of their

relationship as hardened adversaries, deeply sensitive to each other’s existing and

evolving defense capabilities. The political context surrounding this costly rivalry

remains unmediated by arms control measures or by any nascent prospect of detente.

In the wake of nuclear tests by India and Pakistan, there is increased risk that at

some stage a weaponization of their missile capabilities could occur, even if this does not

appear imminent or inevitable at the present time. Their strained relations are prone to

escalation of tension and renewed pressures could possibly raise the level of political

confrontation in the near or foreseeable future.

Thus, India and Pakistan are faced with the daunting task of establishing strategic

stability more urgently than they were during the pre-test period when they maintained a

fairly credible and stable nonweaponized equation.

It is encouraging that both sides have shown some appreciation of the task of

managing mutual security and stability by referencing the need for restraint and

rationality. Both countries seem willing to consider the idea of minimal deterrence.

Despite these positive indications, their intensely adversarial relationship shows

little sign of moving towards detente. As a result of unresolved threat-perceptions and

disputes between them, mutual distrust and animosity run deep, both at the official and

public levels. Their apparently irreconcilable differences over the Kashmir dispute remain

the biggest stumbling block to negotiating arms control or other significant securityrelated agreements.

The U.S. has made some encouraging moves toward a constructive engagement

with India and Pakistan, notably by offering the prospect of waiving sanctions against

them in the event that substantial progress is made towards reducing nuclear tensions and

by abandoning its long-standing opposition to the testing and development of missiles.

However, the U.S. rejection of minimum nuclear deterrence in the subcontinent conflicts

sharply with the security perceptions of India and Pakistan.
Missile Control in South Asia and

the Role of Cooperative Monitoring Technology

Bilaterally, they may consider ways to reduce missile-related tensions. However,

given the nature of existing India-Pakistan relations, only modest suggestions for

stabilization measures would seem to hold promise of success in the near term. When the

political atmosphere improves, the two countries might consider cooperative monitoring

to address sensitive issues of verification and compliance. Both sides should therefore

enhance their understanding of cooperative monitoring as it may help to clarify those

areas of missile control that they might regard as desirable and feasible.

Until such time, the following measures are proposed:

. A dedicated hot-line communication system linking the heads of government

of India and Pakistan. In an emergency they can use this communication link

to avert disasters and accidents as well as avoid ambiguous situations that

might lead to a strategic crisis.

. Advance notification of any missile launch, which could be modeled either

along the lines of the 1971 agreement or the more significant notification

agreement of 1988 between the U.S. and former Soviet Union.

. India and Pakistan might seek tacit understandings aimed at keeping their

strategic capabilities to the minimum level considered necessary to maintain

deterrence as well as refraining from weaponizing their delivery systems.

Hopefully, these proposed measures, if accepted, would serve as building blocks

to more significant measures at a later stage when attitudes change or a more propitious

political context emerges.

10
Missile Control in South Asia and

the Role of Cooperative Monitoring Technology

Missile Control in South Asia and

the Role of Cooperative Monitoring Technology

1. Introduction

1.1 Nuclear Tests and Global and Regional Perspectives

India conducted a series of five nuclear tests in May 1998 and declared itself a

nuclear weapon state. Pakistan followed with a total of six tests. At the global level,

these developments were a setback for nonproliferation treaties such as the Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT)l and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT)2, both of which

India and Pakistan did not sign. At the regional level, relations between India and Pakistan, and India and China, have worsened. The implications of deteriorating relations

between India and Pakistan are immediate, far-reaching, and potentially ominous.

The nuclear tests have changed the nature of the existing missile rivalry between

India and Pakistan, which is only one of numerous manifestations of their relationship as

hardened adversaries, deeply sensitive to each other’s existing and evolving defense

capabilities. In order to appreciate the nature of their military competition, it is necessary

to examine the political context in which this costly rivalry has been taking place,

unmediated by arms control measures or by any nascent prospect of detente.

1.2 Conflicts Between India and Pakistan

1.2.1 Armed Conflicts

These two adversaries have engaged in three full-blown armed conflicts. In 1948

and 1965, the two engaged in military contests in Kashmir. In 1971, they went to war

over India’s military intervention in support of an independent Bangladesh (formerly

Pakistan’s eastern wing).

They also fought a limited armed conflict over the disputed territory of Rann of

Kutch, which ended in 1964 through international arbitration. However, a dispute over a

portion of their border along Sir Creek (a shifting seasonal stream that drains into the

Arabian Sea) has continued. Thus, the demarcation of an agreed border between their

territorial waters and exclusive economic zones on the high seas remains unaddressed.

Also, since 1984, India and Pakistan have been engaged in armed conflict over the

Siachen Glacier, which has the unpleasant distinction of being the world’s highest

1The NPT recognizes only five nuclear weapon states: the U. S., Russia, UK, France, and China.

2 The CTBT bans nuclear tests, except sub-critical ones.

11
Missile Control in South Asia and

the Role of Cooperative Monitoring Technology

battlefield, where far more casualties have been caused by the rigors of climate and

terrain than by combat.

1.2.2 Kashmir Affects Relationship

Apart from armed conflicts, the long-standing dispute over Kashmir continues to

cast the darkest shadow on their relations. While India claims Kashmir to be an integral

part of its territory, Pakistan disputes that contention, insisting that the future of that

territory be settled through a United Nations supervised referendum that would offer the

people of Kashmir the choice of joining either of the two countries. Islamabad has

indicated flexibility in the event that negotiations are undertaken to settle the Kashmir

dispute.3

India and Pakistan differ fundamentally over the nature of the armed unrest in

Kashmir, which erupted in the late 1980s and continues unabated. New Delhi has laid

much of the blame for that unrest on Pakistan, accusing it of planning the insurgency and

infiltrating trained and armed fighters. Islamabad denies that allegation and contends that

the insurgency, which seeks to dislodge India, enjoys popular sanction among Kashmir’s

Muslim majority. India’s demand for discussion on Pakistan’s alleged support for the

militancy in Kashmir and the status of Kashmir on the Pakistani side of the Line of

Control has made future talks less likely. Similarly, the visit by a Pakistani cabinet

minister to the headquarters of Lashkar-e-Taiba in the Pakistani town of Muridke in April

1998 and his public approbation of this organization’s activities does not augur well for

progress on the Kashmir issue.4

1.2.3 Pakistani Perceptions

The dominant perception in Pakistan is that India remains unreconciled to the

partition of the subcontinent in 1947 and it is therefore averse to Pakistan’s existence as

an independent state. Many Pakistanis interpret India’s unwillingness to treat Kashmir as

a disputed territory, as well as its military intervention that facilitated Bangladesh’s

independence, as being indicative of an ambition to undermine Pakistan directly or to

establish its hegemony in the subcontinent. Among India’s South Asian neighbors,

Pakistan is the only country that has mounted a military and political challenge to it.

1.2.4 Indian Perceptions

On the Indian side, Pakistan is widely seen as a country determined to seize any

opportunity to destabilize India internally, including the opportunity to exploit HinduMuslim tensions in India. It is also seen as an overly ambitious country that seeks to

achieve military parity with India as well as a coequal political status, regardless of the

3 “Navawaz asks India to make major goodwill gesture on Kashmir,” The News (Pakistan), August 13,

1998.

4 The Lashkar is a militant religious group fighting against India in Kashmir and it plans to engage in

militant activities in India at large in support of Muslim causes.

12
Missile Control in South Asia and

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unequal size between the two (India is more than six times larger than Pakistan in

population and almost as much in territory).

1.2.5 Regional Perceptions

It is therefore not surprising that many people on both sides of the Indo-Pakistani

divide should exhibit excessive excitement and a renewed sense of bellicosity when there

are military-related achievements in their country. A feature of this excitement is the ease

with which official pronouncements make their impression on the political elite, if not

also on the general public.

Influential groups in both countries espouse military competition and view arms

control as an obstacle to such an enterprise. They are critical of arms control or any

significant confidence-building measures (CBMS) on the grounds that the other cannot be

trusted to abide by the spirit and letter of an accord, or because of an implacable fear that

such concepts would or might compromise national security interests. Deep-seated

distrust of the other side exists, as well as opposition to any scheme that raises sensitive

security questions. In addition, they maintain that unless the overall political relationship

normalizes or until disputes of a fundamental nature are settled, arms control must be

resisted. A posture of defiance is also a form of pressure on the other side to concede

more ground on specific issues. Some factions do not want any restrictions imposed on

the military rivalry, being more comfortable playing a zero-sum game in which any gain

by the adversary is considered unacceptable because it is perceived as a loss to oneself.

Economic ties between India and Pakistan remain stunted. Trade takes place over

a narrow range of goods in contrast to the much larger scale on which indirect and illicit

trade occurs between the informal sectors of their economies. Fear of Indian economic

domination has helped the hardline elements in Pakistan to stall nascent official efforts to

liberalize bilateral trade, which India has advocated. The economic relationship between

India and Pakistan is also marked by a high degree of tension.

2. Development of Strategic Capabilities

The strategic landscape in South Asia has been changing rapidly in the recent

months as a result of nuclear and missile development and testing. This section examines

the strategic capabilities of both countries, including the rationale for the tests, status of

finances, missiles and nuclear capabilities, and the likelihood of strategic weaponization.

2.7 Rationale for Tests

Explaining the rationale for the nuclear tests in May 1998, Indian Prime Minister

Atal Bihari Vajpayee, in his letter to U.S. President Bill Clinton, said that there had been

a deterioration in the nuclear environment in the region. He referred to China, pointing to

its nuclear status and saying that, although there had been some improvement in SinoIndian relations, China was responsible for the 1962 war and their border dispute

13
Missile Control in South Asia and

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remained unresolved.5 Referring obliquely to China and Pakistan, he said that the former

had helped the latter to become a covert nuclear weapons state.c Vajpayee accused

Pakistan of supporting “terrorism and militancy” in several parts of India, including

Kashmir, and blamed it for the three Indo-Pakistan wars.7

Avoiding references to past conflicts and other contentious issues, Pakistani Prime

Minister Nawaz Sharif said that the earlier Indian tests on May 11 and 13 represented a

weaponization of India’s nuclear program and this had “led to the collapse of existing

deterrence and had radically altered the strategic balance in (the) region.”x Likewise, the

Pakistani army chief, Gen. Jahangir Karamat, presented the Pakistani tests as a “bare

minimum response only to re-establish the strategic balance in the region...”9

2.2 U.S. Response and Concerns

The United States, perceiving the beginning of an arms race in nuclear and missile

capabilities in the South Asian subcontinent, sensed an increased risk of a possible

nuclear showdown between India and Pakistan over the Kashmir dispute that had been

the cause of two wars in the past.

Alarmed, the U.S. quickly embarked on an international strategy to: (1) help

reduce tensions over Kashmir by multilateral means, which Pakistan welcomed but which

India rejected, insisting on a bilateral approach; (2) urge nuclear stabilization by asking

both India and Pakistan to desist from making nuclear weapons, deploying ballistic

missiles and conducting fhrther nuclear and missile tests; (3) ask both countries to sign

the CTBT and the NPT unconditionally as nonnuclear weapons states; and (4) urge both

sides to join future talks on a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty (FMCT) at the Conference on

Disarmament in Geneva.

The primary U.S. concern is that recent developments in South Asia pose a threat

to established international arms control and nonproliferation regimes that it has been

nurturing for the past three decades. It has been argued that both India and Pakistan lack

the finances, the infrastructure, and the doctrines to keep their nuclear capabilities under

tight control and to manage their deterrence relationship effectively. The Kashmir issue,

the history of mutual enmity and mistrust, and the three wars fought during the last fifty

years are reasons enough (in the U.S. view) for the possible outbreak of yet another war

and one which could possibly escalate into a nuclear exchange.

5 For the text of Prime Minister Vajpayee’s letter to the U.S. President explaining India’s reasons for

conducting the nuclear tests, see The New York Times, May 13, 1998.

~Ibid.

~ Ibid.

8 “Pakistani’s Words: ‘To Restore the Strategic Balance,’” New York Times, May 29, 1998.

9 “Pakistan’s nuclear tests have corrected the imbalance: Army Chief,” PPI (Pakistan Press International)

News, June 1, 1998.

14
Missile Control in South Asia and

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2.3 Finances

India’s annual defense budget is only part of the total allocation for the development of the country’s military power. Apart from the Ministry of Defense, three other

ministries (dealing with atomic energy, space, and science and technology) would now

contribute towards programs for building nuclear weapons and delivery systems. The

1998-99 budget of the new coalition government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party is

revealing. 10 The defense allocation of Rupees 412 billion (US$9.8 billion) marks an

increase of 14.13 percent over the revised estimate of the previous fiscal year, while the

finance minister has made assurances that more allocations would be made during the

current fiscal year, if needed. Significantly, the allocations are up by 68 percent for the

Atomic Energy Commission, 62 percent for the Space Commission, and 58 percent for

the Science and Technology Ministry over the previous fiscal year.

The four Indian ministries concerned with the development of nuclear weapons

and delivery systems would have closer interaction and interchangeable budgetary

allocations. In addition, there would be closer interaction between the Defense Research

and Development Organization (DRDO) and various universities. The DRDO has

announced the opening of some of its research laboratories to private industry for

partnership in research, production, and marketing of military equipment. 11 The annual

military budget supports war preparedness and maintenance of existing conventional

capabilities by plugging the operational gaps, while the additional costs for building

ballistic missiles may not impose a burden on the Defense Ministry.

Pakistan publishes a brief statement regarding its annual defense budget. India

issues a broader statement on its military expenditures, although figures may vary from

actual use because allocations may be moved to other services in India’s defense budgets.

Having a credible nuclear weapons capability places a greater financial burden on

Pakistan. With a much bigger economy, India spends about 2.5 percent of its Gross

Domestic Product (GDP) on defense, while Pakistan’s military spending varies between 6

to 7 percent of its GDP.12 Pakistan allocates about 25 percent of its federal government

expenditures on defense while the figure for India is around 15 percent. Both sides

continue to run large budget deficits ranging from 5 to 6 percent of their GDP.

Under the federal budget for fiscal year 1998-99, Pakistan has allocated Rupees

145 billion (US$3.2 billion)13 for defense spending, as compared to Rupees 133 billion

10“Defence expenditure to be hiked by 14.13 percent:’ The Indian Express, June 1, 1998.

11“DRDO to open laboratories to private sector,” The Indian Express, June 18, 1998.

12India’s GDP is approximately US$400 billion, while Pakistan’s is approximately US$70 billion. These

estimates have been extrapolated from The Military Balance 1997-98, International Institute for Strategic

Studies, Oxford University Press, London, October 1997.

‘3The conversion has been done at the official exchange rate of Rupees 44 to one U.S. dollar.

15
Missile Control in South Asia and

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(US$3 billion) during the previous fiscal year.” Nominally, this represents an

approximate increase of 8.5 percent over the previous fiscal year, but after adjusting for

inflation, the increase in real terms is less than one percent. Defense continues to

represent about 24 percent of the federal budget, the second highest item in the budget

after debt servicing. Defense allocations can be revised upward during the course of the

fiscal year, as has been witnessed in both India and Pakistan.

Figure 1. Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) Launch in India.

The Agni missiles are India’s entrants in the 2,500-km range of missiles. Future

developments may range up to 5,000 km, with plans for modular design and solid and

liquid fuel. See section 2.4.2 and Appendix A for more information. (Photo courtesy of

Jane’s International Defense Review.)

14See, for example, Dawn, June 13, 1998.

16
Missile Control in South Asia and

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2.4 Capabilities

2.4.1 Nuclear Test Yields

India conducted a series of five nuclear tests. The three tests conducted almost

simultaneously on May 11 had claimed yields of 0.2 kiloton (kt), 12 to 15 kt (a fission

device),i5 and 43 to 45 kt (a thermonuclear device). 16 The two tests on May 13 had

reported yields of 0.3 kt and 0.5 kt. U.S. Department of Defense sources are skeptical of

India’s claim that one of the nuclear devices was a hydrogen bomb.17

Pakistan claimed to have conducted a series of six nuclear tests (five on May 28

and one on May 30). All of the tests were of fission devices. According to one report, of

the five tests on May 28, three were reported with yields in the sub-kiloton range, and the

remaining two with yields of 25 kt and 14 kt.18 Dr. A. Q. Khan, however, puts the biggest

of the five devices in the range of 30-35 kt, while Dr. Samar Mobarik Mand, who led the

test program, claimed that the aggregate yield of the first series of tests was “between 40

to 45 kt.”lq The yield of the test on May 30 was estimated by Dr. Mand at 15 to 18 kt.20

According to U.S. Pentagon sources, three of the five devices on the first day did not

explode, probably because of design and engineering problems .2] But this has been

contested by Pakistani scientists involved in the nuclear weapon tests.22

Both India and Pakistan have the capability to make free-fall nuclear bombs.

India claims to have exploded a thermonuclear bomb, while a leading Pakistani defense

scientist says that “it is technically capable of building a thermonuclear device. However,

it depends on the Pakistan government’s decision to give a go-ahead.”23 In reality, it is of

little significance whether India or Pakistan has a thermonuclear weapon. The casualties

capable of being caused by a fission or a boosted fission bomb would be devastating

enough, especially considering that neither side has a credible civil-defense capability

while they have large and concentrated population centers.

15This could have been a boosted fission device considering tests involving boosted fission devices maybe

carried out within this yield range.

‘GJoint press conference by the chairman of the AEC, Dr. R. Chidarnbaram, and head of the DRDO, Dr.

A.P.J. Abdul Kalam. New Delhi, May 17, 1998.

‘7“Analysis: experts greet India’s H-bomb with suspicion,” The New York Times, May 19, 1998.

‘8“Some technical information,” Dawn, May 28, 1998.

‘9Molly Moore, “’Father of the Islamic Bomb’ Defends Role,” Washington Post, June 1, 1998, and Sohail

Iqbal, “Hydrogen bomb test awaits govt signal,” The News (Rawalpindi), June 1, 1998.

20Ibid.

21MSNBC Pentagon correspondent John King on May 30, 1998.

22See, for example, Molly Moore, “Father of the Islamic Bomb,” op. cit.

23“Pakistan capable of building hydrogen bombj’ The Nation (intemet edition), June 1, 1998.

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2.4.2 Missile Programs

Both India and Pakistan have been pursuing expansion of their missile programs, seeking

missiles with wider ranges and more capabilities. Table 1 summarizes the missile capabilities of both. For more details concerning the individual missile capabilities, refer to

Appendix A.

India’s Missile Program: Under the indigenous Integrated Guided Missile

Development Programme (IGMDP) (begun in 1983), a wide-ranging program was

adopted that envisaged the development of a 2500-km Intermediate-Range Ballistic

Missile (IRBM) called Agni, a 150-km Prithvi battlefield support missile, two quickreaction, surface-to-air Akash and Trishul missiles, and an anti-tank Nag missile.

Modifications were made in the program subsequently for political and operational

reasons. For example, Agni was termed as a “technology demonstrator,” implying that

the political decision to manufacture and integrate this potential IRBM with military

forces would be made at a later date. The Prithvi, it was decided, would be made in three

variants and Akash was proposed to be modified for an anti-missile role.

Table 1. Summary of India’s and Pakistan’s Missile Infrastructure

Ballistic, Cruise, Payload Type Maximum Fuel Status

& Anti-missile (kg) Range

Missiles (km)

INDIA

PRITHVI-1 1000 SRBM 150 liquid in service

PRTIHVI-2 1000 SRBM 250 solid and liquid development

PRITHVI-3 500 SRBM 350 solid and liquid development

AGNI-1 1000 IRBM 2500 solid and liquid ready for production

AGNI-2 1000 IRBM 5000 solid and liquid development

Lakshya (PTA) 300 cruise 500 development

missile

Akash anti- 120 solid development

missile

PAKISTAN

HATF-I 500 BSRBM 80 solid in service

HATF-2 500 SRBM 300 solid development

HATF-3 500 SRBM 600 solid development

GHAURI (HATF-5) 700 IRBM 1500 liquid ready for production

GHAZNI 1000 IRBM 2000 liquid development

SHAHEEN-1 1000 SRBM 700 solid ready for production

SHAHEEN-2 IRBM 2000 solid development

TARMUK SRBM 600 solid development

Data have been collated from various published sources.

All ballistic missiles listed above are nuclear-capable.

BSRBM: Battlefield Short-Range Ballistic Missile

SRBM: Short-Range Ballistic Missile

IRBM: Intermediate-Range Ballistic Missile

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Pakistan’s Missile Program: According to General Mirza Aslam Beg, a former

Pakistani army chief, Pakistan’s missile program was undertaken in early 1987 “on the

explicit information gained that India was on the road to pursue its missile development

program .. ..it was decided to build missiles of short and medium range capabilities, and

also to be equipped with propelled guidance systems.”24 (See Table 1 for information on

the Hatf family and the Ghauri missiles.) Pakistan’s missile program, as disclosed by Dr.

A. Q. Khan and also by Dr. Mand, is being undertaken at two research centers: the Khan

Research Laboratories (for the Ghauri and perhaps also for Ghazni) and the National

Development Complex (NDC). According to Dr. Mand, head of the NDC, his center is

developing solid fuel ballistic missiles. A recent Ghauri missile launch is shown in

Figure 2.

A

1,

Figure 2. Ghauri Missile Launch, April 6, 1998. (AP Worldwide Photo)

Ghauri missile, shown in this photo from Pakistan television, has a range of about

,500 km (900 miles).

24“Ghauri won’t rock the region,” by General Mirza Aslam Beg, Dawn (intemet edition), April 27, 1988.

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2.4.3 inferences

The following deductions could be drawn from the declared missile capabilities of

India and Pakistan:25

1.

2.

3.

4.

5,

Agni Enhancements: India’s Agni is proposed to have variants with increased ranges

up to a maximum of 5000 km with both liquid and solid propellants. A modular

construction would demonstrate its sophistication, easy preparation and combat readiness. Dr. V. K. Saraswat, head of the Prithvi project, stated that India has no plans to

develop intercontinental missiles.2b The Agni variant tests are expected late in 1998.

Missile Mobility: An important feature of Pakistan’s Ghauri, Ghazni, Shaheen, and

Tarrnuk missiles is that all missiles are mobile and hence would retain operational

flexibility and surprise. This would make the task of an adversary’s anti-missile

systems difficult.

Battlefield Performance: India’s Prithvi missile and Pakistan’s Hatf-11 have similar

capabilities for battlefield performance. Both missiles can be manufactured

indigenously. Pakistan also has Hatf- 1 guided rockets, and is believed by some

countries to have acquired a few M-11 missiles from China.

Anti-missile Missiles: India is working on an anti-missile missile (Akash) that is

capable of intercepting up to medium-range missiles in the terminal phase. The efficacy of the system would depend greatly on the quality and timeliness of early

warning and cueing of the system to engage incoming missiles.

Early Warning and Counter-ballistic Missiles Defense: While unmanned aerial

vehicles and early warning aircraft may serve the purpose, the real core of early

warning is likely to remain based on satellite systems. India plans to send dedicated

satellites for the purpose in low earth orbit, but the cost of the satellite in view of its

early decay would be a financial strain. The issue has not received the required

urgency because China does not have a satellite-based early warning capability at

present. The most attractive counter-ballistic missiles defense (BMD) steps in the

short term would be those that could saturate and increase chances of defense

penetration by ballistic missiles. This makes nuclear warheads more attractive. Other

improvements could be an increase in yield-to-weight ratio of warheads, improving

multiple re-entry vehicles, and more accurate survivable delivery systems. Building

long-range cruise missiles is an attractive option both against ship-borne BMD and

ballistic missile defenses in general. As China is moving ahead to counter the

proposed U.S. BMD initiative, India has begun work on anti-missile missile systems

and on improving satellite-based warning systems. Thus, Pakistan would have to

soon consider India’s growing capability.

25See Appendix A for the missile capabilities of India and Pakistan.

2’ Disclosed by the director of Prithvi program, Dr. V.K. Saraswat, The Times of India, April 22, 1998.

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6. Cruise Missile Development: Cruise missiles with ranges up to 500 km and

carrying any type of warhead are understood to be under development in India.

Research and engineering efforts to fabricate turbofans and micro electronics to make

accurate, long-range, strategic cruise missiles is under way. This would be a lengthy

process, but the many advantages of cruise missiles (relatively cheap, very accurate,

and very difficult to detect and shoot down) make them a better weapon system than

ballistic missiles. Apparently, Pakistan has yet to embark on research in this area.

7. Long-range Missiles: India is not likely to plan building either an ICBM or a

submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM) within the next five years. The

Sagarika27 missile does not appear to be an SLBM but an anti-ship cruise missile.

The Indian government appears to believe that such investments in research and

missile doctrine development go beyond its deterrence needs. Unlike the other big

powers, India has built its nuclear deterrence for regional security and, at least thus

far, not for global geostrategic purposes. The most likely route would be to have

multiple nuclear warheads on the extended Agni missile. The technical capability to

make low-weight, high-yield nuclear warheads has been confirmed by Dr. R.

Chidambaram, Chairman of India’s Atomic Energy Commission. “India can produce

a nuclear bomb of 200 kt yield after the hydrogen bomb test in Pokharan,” he

contended.28

8. Nuclear Warheads: Statements by some Pakistani nuclear scientists would suggest

that Pakistan has a lead over India in making nuclear warheads for ballistic missiles.

India is expected to make a decision of making nuclear warheads after the country’s

first Strategic Defense Review assesses threats and determines the need for and

numbers of warheads. No statement has been made by India as to how quickly it can

make nuclear warheads. On the other hand, Dr. A. Q. Khan has said that “Pakistan

could fit its missiles with nuclear warheads within a matter of days.”2s

2.4.4 Continuing Missile Tests

India and Pakistan have indicated that missile testing will not stop because they

have yet to develop adequately their delivery systems for strategic purposes. The Indian

govermnent has declared in the Parliament that the Agni program has entered the next

development phase of extending its range and making it a state-of-the-art strategic

delivery system. As no weapon system can be perfected without an adequate number of

test firings, let alone have the desired level of assurance to enter production, it is implicit

that the Agni will have development tests. Pakistan’s foreign minister Gohar Ayub Khan

27“After Ghauri, it’s over to sea-based Sagarika,” The Indian Express, April 28, 1998.

28“Want real nukes?” The Outlook (intemet edition), May 26, 1998.

29“Pakistan could make nuclear warheads within days:’ BBC News, June 2, 1998.

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has said unequivocally that Pakistan “will continue its missile program.. .“3” as is evident

from the disclosures made by Dr. Mand, head of NDC, about this center’s programs.

2.5 Strategic Weaponization

After the nuclear tests were conducted in May 1998, there was pressure from

some quarters in both India and Pakistan for weaponization of their delivery systems.

However, the general view in the region is that this has not occurred. This is also the

view currently held by the United States .31It is encouraging that both governments have

made statements indicating restraint. However, if weaponization does occur, India is

expected to commence low-order nuclear weaponization. Pakistan can be expected to

respond tit-for-tat, as it did with the nuclear tests. But the Pakistani focus is less likely to

be on building new weapon systems than on enhancing achieved capabilities.

The conversion of capabilities into weapon systems would depend on evolving

perceptions of threat to their national security. Investments on research, development,

and testing would rise. A pronounced tendency by both sides to make vaunted statements

about their capabilities may persist, if only to deter the adversary by forcing it to

contemplate worst-case scenarios.

Nuclear arms visibility would enhance the importance of ballistic and cruise

missiles as delivery systems. A subcontinental nuclear strategy comprised of a declaratory policy, an employment policy, a deployment policy, and a weapon delivery systems

capability would emerge which might bring some stability to the changed situation.

While it is difficult to “guesstimate” the nuclear strategy of either country, a listing of

considerations that would influence its evolution is possible. (See Appendix B for a

discussion of nuclear strategy.) For deterrence and operational considerations, Pakistan

would also endeavor to match India’s delivery systems in terms of range and payload

capability, if not the level of technology.

3. Missile Control and Cooperative Monitoring

3.1 Introduction

Political will is a major prerequisite for agreements on arms control and other

security-related measures. Such agreements can help to reduce tension and even stabilize

a security situation between two or more parties. In many cases, they may also require

cooperative monitoring, particularly between countries that are deeply suspicious of each

other and have a long history of mutual hostility.

3’”“Pakistan to continue missile plans: Gohar Ayub,” The Times of India, April 29, 1998.

31u .s . Secretav of State Made]eine Albright stated, “India and Pakistan are somewhere now between

having a capability and deployment. We don’t want this to move any further.” “U.S. hints at security for

‘no nukes’ pledge,” The Straits Times, Singapore.

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Neither arms control nor substantive confidence-building measures have figured

prominently as concepts that could help to improve mutual security between India and

Pakistan. At best these two adversaries have displayed a nominal interest in such security

approaches, though there has been more interest in arms control in recent years outside of

officialdom, especially among academics. If discussions on arms control issues have

taken place between India and Pakistan, these have been very generalized and often a

product of mutual posturing.

Some CBMS are in place between India and Pakistan; however, these measures

have not contributed much to an easing of tensions in the India-Pakistan relationship.32

As in the past, mutual perceptions of threat remain acute, having registered a sharp

increase recently as a result of nuclear device and missile tests conducted by them and

also because of the accompanying rhetoric of bellicosity and of psychological oneupmanship.

When the dust raised by these major developments settles and the emotions

stoked by those developments begin to subside, both sides will be better able to take a

hard look at the new complications in their security equation and the challenges of

establishing strategic stability. The political context would, however, pose problems in

view of their legacy of conflicts, their unresolved disputes, and sensitivities about

national security.

Yet, the need for military stability is compelling, especially in the wake of recent

nuclear and missile developments. Hopefully sooner than later, the exigencies of mutual

security would engender a more positive attitude towards stabilization measures. There

are some encouraging signs of that.33 When such trends crystallize on both sides,

cooperative monitoring could have an important role to play.

No current arms control, security, or confidence-building agreements in South

Asia require mutually agreed-upon measures for verifying compliance. However, the

concept of cooperative monitoring is now well established at the international level,

through various bilateral, multilateral, and global agreements. The concept has been

employed for a wide range of purposes, such as military disengagement, confidence

32In the early 1990s, India and Pakistan agreed on several confidence-building measures: ( 1) not to attack

each other’s nuclear facilities and to provide annual updates on the location of those facilities; (2) notification and limitation of military exercises, maneuvers, and troop movements in border areas; (3) prevention

of violation of air space by military aircraft and notification of flights along the border; and (4) hotline

between the Directorates of Military Operations to defuse tensions that might arise from border incidents.

The two agreements relating to land and air forces do not have provisions for on-site observation or any

other form of cooperative monitoring.

33For example, the Pakistani army chief Gen. Jehangir Karamat said recently: “The new balance in the

military equation could lead to restraint and rationality by learning from the painful process the U .S. and

former U.S.S.R. (went through) in the Cold War era.” NN1 (News Network Pakistan), May31, 1998, titled,

“More nuke tests depend on Indian weaponization: Karamat.”

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building, arms control, and environmental monitoring. See Appendices F and G for

examples of these agreements.

3.2 Missile Control Options

Ballistic missiles are typically a cause for concern because they possess some

distinct characteristics. They have a short flight time between launch and target. Their

range can extend from the subregional to the global. They are particularly difficult to

defend against and cannot be recalled, nor can their path be changed once they are

launched. They are potential delivery platforms for weapons of mass destruction

(whether nuclear, biological, or chemical.) Another important feature of ballistic missiles

is the difficulty of locating, counting, and assessing them.

A missile control agreement could take various forms. For example, quantity

limits could be agreed upon. Either total missiles could be subject to quantity limits or

sublimits could be placed on specific missile types. Alternatively, the quantity limit

could be placed only on missile warheads. The parties could agree to limits on missile

production, leaving out the existing stockpile, or restrictions could be confined to missile

testing alone. Another approach could be to place curbs on missile characteristics, that is,

on its performance level and physical parameters. Control could also be attempted by

putting limits on missile imports and exports. Other potential provisions of a missile

control agreement could be limits on the deployment of missiles or on their launch

configuration.34

Establishing compliance with provisions of a missile agreement may require

monitoring of the missile life cycle at various stages. Provisions for a missile agreement

could cover a variety of aspects such as research and development, testing,

productiotiprocurement, storagekhipping, deployment, retirement, and elimination.

Agreements that involve declarations or are confined to information exchanges

would fall in the category of limited transparency. For greater transparency, on-site

inspection may prove necessary. On-site inspection could be conducted on a regular

basis and/or at short notice by challenge. In order to address the need for additional

information, technical instruments may be employed ranging from video systems and

ground sensors to aerial over-flights and multi-spectral satellite imagery.

34 one example is the ~~de.a]efli~~~~ of nuclear-a~ed ballistic missiles by removing atomic warheads from

them. The idea is to eliminate the hair-trigger situation by delaying the time it would take to launch a

nuclear-armed missile. De-alerting could be accomplished by other means as well, for example, by

removing the tires of erector launchers and putting blocks on them, or by facing them away from their

targets so that they cannot be tired instantaneously. Other examples of de-alerting ideas include giving two

orders instead of one for a missile launch before it is carried out; throwing open the safety latch on the

launch mechanism of missiles that would require the missile site to be revisited to enable a launch; or

removing the integrated circuit boards from missiles and storing them far away from the launch site. The

monitoring of such measures would be done by on-site inspection and by other technical means such as the

use of ground, airborne, and satellite sensors.

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Cooperative monitoring may prove indispensable, especially in those cases where

the National Technical Means @JTM) of parties may not be sufficient to monitor

compliance. Cooperative monitoring may also prove necessary if the NTM capabilities

of negotiating parties are unequal.

Another important role of cooperative monitoring is that, apart from providing

robust and flexible means of verification, it can also enhance confidence by itself because

of its cooperative nature.

The concept of cooperative monitoring is not, however, aimed at diminishing the

role of NTM. It would remain indispensable as an independent source of information

both for national reassurance and as a strategic backup to oversee compliance. This

would be particularly important between adversaries that have had little or no experience

with cooperative monitoring, or are intensely suspicious of each other’s motivations and

intentions.

Present-day technologies offer a wide range of choices for using the concept of

cooperative monitoring to advance arms control and other security/confidence building

goals. Most of them are available commercially and have been tested for various

applications .35 Past experiences with cooperative monitoring can also be used to address

distinct issues that might arise in specific geographical and political contexts.

Advances in sensor technologies and the extensive hands-on experience gained

with cooperative monitoring can help in designing systems that minimize intrusiveness

and reduce financial cost. For example, on-site inspection can be a very tense and

exacting exercise, besides being expensive. Minimal intrusiveness could be achieved by

relying more on integrated systems of on-site sensors that are linked to remote monitoring

stations. Many technologies are relatively simple innovations that can be employed

flexibly and in many cases inexpensively.

Any arrangement for cooperative monitoring between highly suspicious

adversaries, as between India and Pakistan, would have to be crafted carefully, since

flaws could easily lead to misunderstanding or abuse and thereby to a loss of confidence

and a worsening of mutual distrust.

35See Appendix C for information on sensors with potential for monitoring arms control and other

security-related agreements, though they may also have other applications. For technical information on

monitoring technologies and their costs, see the Fact Sheets prepared by the Cooperative Monitoring

Center, Sandia National Laboratories, Albuquerque, New Mexico. See also Appendix F in Michael

Vannoni et al., Confidence Building on the Korean Peninsula, SAND97-0583, op. cit.

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Figure 3. India’s Prithvi Missile

The Prithvi family of short-range ballistic missiles has a range from 150 km for the

Prithvi-1 to 350 km for the Prithvi-3, still under development. (Photo courtesy of Jane’s

International Defense Review.)

3.3 Missile Control Prospects in South Asia

In South Asia, a complete reversal of missile proliferation seems out of the

question. India would be opposed to it, as it has been since the outset of the missile issue,

while Pakistan’s past proposal for a zero-missile regime appears to have lost its

importance in the light of recent events, including the development of medium-range

missiles.

At any rate, the cooperative monitoring regime that would be required for a zeromissile agreement, as illustrated in missile-related agreements between the U.S. and the

former Soviet Union, would be far too intrusive for both sides to accept, especially given

their present state of bilateral relations.

In view of their strained relationship (which is prone to escalation of tension),

ambitious schemes for missile control would have to give way to limited measures that

could contribute to stability while taking account of the deterrence relationship they wish

to establish and their sensitivities about national security.

In terms of the missile life cycle, the areas where negotiation of cooperative

monitoring agreements could be directed with some prospect of success are missile tests

and deployment, together with tacit understandings and other measures to strengthen

strategic stability.

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3.3.1 Exercising Mutual Restraint

In the immediate aftermath of the nuclear tests, nationalistic utterances by some

Indian and Pakistani ofllcials, as well as defense scientists and politicians, raised perceptions that a hair-trigger situation might emerge in the subcontinent. However, the top

leadership on both sides have expressed an encouraging commitment to restraint and

rationality.

Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee has indicated that his country’s

nuclear doctrine would be qualitatively different from that of other nuclear powers, and

that “we do not need to, or intend to, replicate the kind of command and control structures

which they required. Our approach is to have a credible deterrent which should prevent

the use of these weapons.”3b

Likewise, at a press conference shortly after Pakistan conducted its first series of

tests, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif offered to resume a dialogue with India on various

issues, including peace and security. In that context, he referred to “urgent steps for

mutual restraint and equitable measures for nuclear stabilization.”37 Sharif later repeated

his reference to nuclear stabilization measures.

Immediately after the nuclear tests carried out by Pakistan, its army chief General

Jahangir Karamat said that a new military equation had arisen that could lead to “restraint

and rationality” if both sides would heed the lessons of the Cold War between the U.S.

and former Soviet Union. Gen. Karamat also suggested that deterrence depended less on

the precise numbers of nuclear devices and their yields than on the demonstrated

capability to deter the other side.38

While these statements create confidence that India and Pakistan would exercise

mutual restraint, their overall relationship remains far from normal. As long as their

relations remain bogged down by sharp differences over disputes and their intermittent

bilateral talks fail to make substantive progress, it will limit the scope for negotiating

agreements to establish strategic stability.

3.3.2 Suggestions for Stabilization

Nevertheless, the situation arising from the recent nuclear testing and the

accelerated development of missile delivery systems underscores the urgency for

introducing some measures for stabilizing their strategic equation. Progress made in this

direction would also help to contain the additional tensions that nuclear and missile

developments have introduced into their bilateral relationship.

36Kenneth Cooper, “India has a credible deterrent: Vajpayee,” The News (Pakistan), June 18, 1998.

37Reuters, “Pakistani’s Words: To Restore the Strategic Balance,” New York Times, May 29, 1998.

38“Pakistan’s nuclear tests have corrected the imbalance: Army Chief;’ PPI (Pakistan Press International),

June 1, 1998.

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If deterrence is to work meaningfully and if a certain degree of mutual assurance

is to be achieved, it is essential to avoid a hair-trigger situation and, at the very least,

engage in unilateral and bilateral efforts to address the risks of miscalculation, accidents,

and misunderstandings.

Given the political difficulties discussed earlier, ambitious measures, especially

those that may require intrusive cooperative monitoring, are almost certain to prove nonstarters. Thus, suggestions for stabilization would have to be modest.

Yet, even modest measures can impart some stability and, perhaps in time, serve

as a valuable building block for a more cooperative system for managing deterrence and

strategic stability.

3.3.3 Dedicated Telecommunications

There is a compelling need for a dedicated telecommunications system that can

provide a prompt, reliable, and direct link between the prime ministers of India and

Pakistan in an emergency. There has been a telecommunication link between the Indian

and Pakistan heads of government since the late 1980s, but it has not been a dedicated,

satellite-based link, nor has it been in place on a continuous basis. Moreover, while in

existence, it has reportedly been used intermittently at best.3g

The proposed dedicated system could be modeled along the lines of the 1971

agreement between the United States and former Soviet Union, which upgraded the hot

line between them that was originally established in 1963 following the Cuban missile

crisis.40

The 1962 missile crisis underscored the urgency of having communication links

so that in an emergency or in a fast-changing situation, the heads of government could

avert a nuclear exchange that might be caused by a surprise attack or by miscalculation,

accidents, and unauthorized actions.

The advances in satellite communications technology offered the prospect of a far

more reliable system than the wire telegraphic circuit and the backup radio telegraphic

circuit established under the 1963 agreement. These circuits had a single terminal in the

U.S. and the former Soviet Union.

39 Southern Asia Policy Bi-ieJ Henry Stimson Center, Washington, DC, June 18, 1998. The hotline was

first established by Prime Ministers Benazir Bhutto and Rajiv Gandhi in 1989. It was then reestablished in

1990 after changes of government on both sides. Its most recent reinstatement was in 1997. There is also

an existing agreement between India and Pakistan dating back to 1990. However, that agreement

establishes a communications link between the Directors General of Military Operations (DGMOS) of India

and Pakistan and focuses on reducing border tensions, especially along the Line of Control (LoC) in

Kashmir. This hotline, which was meant to be used on a routine basis, has scarcely been used, even in

moments of crisis.

40See Appendices H, I, and J for texts of the 1971 hot-line improvement agreement, the annex to that

agreement, and the hotline expansion agreement of 1984, respectively.

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The upgraded system that has been operational since 1978 is based on two

satellite communications circuits with multiple terminals in each country, while the

original wire telegraphic circuit has been retained as a backup. Each side provides one

circuit through its own satellite network.

3.3.4 Advance Notification

Another stabilization measure that India and Pakistan might consider is an

agreement for the advance notification of missile tests and launches. Again, an example

in the area of missile launches could serve as a model.

In May 1988, the Soviet Union accepted a U.S. proposal, offered as a confidencebuilding measure, for an agreement for the advance notification of launches of ICBMS

and SLBMS. This agreement provides for the notification, no less than 24 hours in

advance, of the planned date, launch area, and area of impact for any launch, and for its

transmittal through the Nuclear Risk Reduction Centers that they had already established

on a bilateral basis under a 1985 agreement.41

The objective of the missile launch notification agreement, besides serving as a

CBM, was to reduce the risk of nuclear war, especially as a consequence of

misinterpretation, miscalculation, or accident.42

The precursor to the 1988 agreement was a more modest accord, signed in 1971,

that required each side to provide advance notification of any planned missile launch if

such a launch extended beyond its territory and in the direction of the other side.

The act of notifying the other side would in itself constitute a useful confidencebuilding measure.

3.3.5 Nonweaponization Options

When India and Pakistan became nuclear-capable more than a decade ago, they

maintained these capabilities in a nonweaponized form. Keeping the delivery systems

physically removed from their nuclear devices can help to prevent a hair-trigger situation.

In light of the May 1998 nuclear tests, a commitment to nonweaponization could

provide much-needed stability during peace time, as political tensions may continue to

flare up periodically. It would greatly reduce the risk of accidents as well as lighten the

burden on their command and control systems. It would also help to rationalize the role

of deterrence in the event of a conventional conflict, especially since conventional

deterrence is an important objective of Pakistan’s nuclear policy. For example, the act of

4’ See Appendix K for the text of the Missile Launch Notification Agreement of 1988, and Appendix L for

the text of the agreement on Nuclear Risk Reduction Centers.

42A decade later, the U.S. and former Soviet Union went further under the START I treaty that required

both sides to provide technical details regarding their missile launch characteristics.

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deploying nuclear weapons during the course of a conflict by one side would signal to the

other side that the conflict has reached, or is about to reach, a deadly stage, thereby giving

the belligerents some time to terminate it, besides spurring outside powers to raise the

level of their involvement to defuse the crisis.

There could be political reluctance to enter into an agreement on this and, as far as

the near future is concerned, they may also lack the NTM capability to effectively verify

such an agreement. But a tacit understanding on nonweaponization may be possible,

especially as they have in the past exercised mutual restraint in maintaining a relationship

of nonweaponized deterrence-a posture that enjoyed support from a majority of people

on both sides.

Ensuring compliance with any tacit understanding, however, may prove difficult,

as their NTM capabilities may require additional monitoring and inspection capability as

a backup. While India is moving ahead in improving its satellite imagery, and has begun

work to develop dedicated military satellites on a priority basis, Pakistan lags far behind,

though Dr. A. Q. Khan maintains that Pakistan is capable of moving rapidly toward

developing sophisticated satellites.43

In any case, until such time as both countries acquire adequate satellite

reconnaissance capability, they would have to depend on their NTM, as they did in the

past, unless they are prepared to accept assistance from a third country, possibly the U. S.,

on an informal and discreet basis.

3.3.6 Minimal Arsenals

India and Pakistan should also keep their arsenals to the minimum level

considered necessary for deterrence. A tacit understanding on this should also be

possible, as both sides have made encouraging statements about avoiding the path

pursued by other nuclear weapon states. There also seems to be a growing body of

opinion in favor of this among nongovernmental people, including some senior retired

military officers.

3.3.7 Clear Communication

Despite conceptual divergence in their declared deterrence postures, India and

Pakistan should be consistent in their declaratory policy and such declarations should be

formulated carefully. This is important both to reduce the chances of fundamental

misunderstandings and to communicate that policy clearly and credibly. It is essential

that the enunciation and reiteration of declaratory policy should be confined strictly to top

leadership.

43See, for example, M. A. Niazi, “Ghauri dilemmas;’ The Nation (Pakistan), April 17, 1998

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3.3.8 U.S. Interest

The declared U.S. interest in a constructive engagement with India and Pakistan

on nonproliferation issues is an encouraging development. Within two months of the

Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests, the U.S. intensified efforts to come to some understanding with both India and Pakistan. At the same time, the U.S. administration

obtained authority from Congress to waive the economic sanctions imposed on India and

Pakistan for a period of up to 12 months. This is reportedly to be followed by a

graduated waiver based on Presidential certification in the event that India and Pakistan

were making progress in reducing nuclear tension.~

Another significant development was the announcement by U.S. Assistant

Secretary of State Karl Inderfhrth that the U.S. was “no longer asking India or Pakistan

not to test missiles or build more existing types of ballistic missiles or new ballistic

missiles; all it now urges is no deployment of ballistic missiles.”45 He explained that

these long-standing demands were abandoned because they were unrealistic.

The U.S. seeks the unconditional acceptance of the CTBT by India and Pakistan,

while remaining opposed to accepting them as nuclear weapon states and rejecting the

idea of “minimum nuclear deterrence” between India and Pakistan.

However, the U.S. position conflicts sharply with the security perceptions of India

and Pakistan, rendering substantial progress toward regional nuclear stabilization

difficult. While India and Pakistan can be expected to discuss, at some stage, ways to

reduce nuclear tensions, such a process would be easier to facilitate if the U.S. were to

involve itself in it, though this would entail acceptance of the idea of nuclear deterrence

in the region.

U “U.S. seeks more flexibility in sanctions on India, Pakistan:’ The Indian Express, July 14, 1998.

45“U.S. no longer asking India to end testing or building missiles:’ The Indian Express, July 16, 1998.

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Figure 4. Pakistani Hatf Surface-to-Sutiace Missile

The Hatf family of Pakistani short-range missiles have ranges from 80 to 600 km, with

solid fuel for battlefield or short-range applications. (Photo courtesy of Jane’s

International Defense Review.)

4. Conclusions

In the wake of nuclear tests by India and Pakistan, there is increased risk that at

some stage a weaponization of their missile capabilities could occur, even if this does not

appear imminent or inevitable at the present time. Their strained relations are prone to

escalation of tension and may witness renewed pressures to raise the level of political

confrontation in the near or foreseeable future. Thus, India and Pakistan are faced with

the task of establishing strategic stability more urgently than they were during the pre-test

period when they maintained a fairly credible and stable nonweaponized equation.

It is encouraging that both India and Pakistan have shown some appreciation of

the enormity of the task of managing mutual security and stability by making references

to the need for restraint and rationality. Both countries might be prepared to consider the

idea of minimal deterrence.

Despite these positive indications, the intensely adversarial relationship between

India and Pakistan shows little sign of moving towards d~tente. As a result of unresolved

threat perceptions and disputes between them, mutual distrust and animosity run deep,

both at the official and public levels. Their apparently irreconcilable differences over the

Kashmir dispute remain the biggest stumbling block to negotiating arms control or other

significant security-related agreements. Thus, in light of such a political context, only

modest suggestions for missile and strategic stabilization measures would seem to hold

promise of success in the near term.

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The proposed measures include:

. A dedicated hot-line communication system linking the heads of government

of India and Pakistan. In an emergency, they can use this link to avert

disasters and accidents as well as avoid ambiguous situations that might lead

to a strategic crisis. The very act of establishing such a link would contribute

to an easing of tension and mutual apprehensions, at least to some extent.

● Advance notification of any missile launch, which could be modeled either

along the lines of the 1971 agreement or the more significant notification

agreement of 1988 between the U.S. and former Soviet Union.

● Tacit understandings between India and Pakistan aimed at keeping their

strategic capabilities to the minimum level considered necessary to maintain

deterrence as well as refraining from weaponizing their delivery systems.

Hopefully, these proposed measures, if accepted, would become the foundation

for more significant measures at a later stage when attitudes change or a more propitious

political context emerges.

Another suggestion, as an interim measure, is for India and Pakistan to consider

making use of a third party’s satellite reconnaissance data as a supplement to their own

evolving NTM for monitoring the tacit understandings proposed earlier. For political and

technological reasons, that third party could be the U. S., assuming that it might be agreeable to the idea. Data obtained from other sources, such as commercial satellite services,

could be used as a further backup. Any such international arrangement could be strictly

informal and managed discreetly so that it does not impinge on the national sensitivities

of India and Pakistan.

Finally, both sides should seek to improve the political context of their

relationship so that new areas for more substantive agreements could emerge. In such a

situation, cooperative monitoring would have a significant role in addressing issues of

verification and compliance, thereby facilitating a more advanced regime of missile

control.

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APPENDIX A: Missile Capabilities oflndia and Pakistan

This appendix provides more detailed information about India’s and Pakistan’s

missile capabilities.

A-1 India’s Missile Program

A. The Agni46 missile: Agni, which has been flight tested to a maximum range of

1450 km, is planned to be fielded at its advertised range of 2500 km with a 1000-kg

warhead. This missile is ready for production. The government has approved the

next phase of Agni envisaging the development of a longer-range system.47

According to DRDO chief Dr. A. P. J. Abdul Kalam, the extended-range Agni will

have both a solid fuel variant and a liquid fuel configuration. Most important, the

new variants of Agni will follow “modular construction.’48 The DRDO has

announced that different models of the missile would be developed, enhancing the

capability up to 5000 km.49 At least six to eight development flights would be

required for that purpose.

B. The Prithvi: This missile will be produced in three variants. The first is a battlefield

support version, which the Indian army has accepted, with a range of 150 km and a

warhead weight of 1000 kg. The missile is undergoing trickle production. The

second Prithvi version for the Indian Air Force is a medium-range missile with a

warhead weight of 500 kg and a range of 250 km. Five successful technical tests of

this missile were carried out by April 1997, and it is likely to enter service in 1999.

The DRDO has decided to increase the payload of this version from 500 to 1000 kg.

The third variant (a trade-off between the range and warhead weight of the mediumrange missile) will have a range of 300 km for a 500-kg warhead and is planned in

both a land and naval version. According to Indian defense minister George

Femandes, the air force version has been successfully flight-tested, while the naval

version may need a confirmatory test.’0

4cAgni has had three successful test flights (excluding an aborted attempt). The first one was on May 22,

1989, and the last one on February 19, 1994. Officially, until recently, the Agni was a “technology

demonstrator” that had demonstrated re-entry phase, accuracy of the guidance system, viability of a solidliquid propulsion system, and the carbon-carbon composite heat shield, achieving a maximum range of

1450 km.

47“Government approves next phase of Agni,” Indian Express, June 4, 1998.

48“Agni variant to help bridge missile gap:’ The Hindu, May 18, 1998.

49 The Times of India, April 21, 1998.

‘0 “Government approves next phase of Agni,” Indian Express, June 3, 1998.

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c. Other Missiles: The Akash51 and Trishu15~ missiles are in various stages of

development and user trials. The surface-to-air Akash missile for the land forces with

a range of 25 km is undergoing development trials. According to DRDO sources, the

Akash thrusting range will be increased to 60 km, and eventually to 120 km. The aim

is to modify the Akash to engage missiles as well as aircraft. According to Dr.

Kalam, airborne early-warning aircraft to cue the weapon to its expanded role will be

acquired. A test bed, based on either a Russian 11-76 or a Boeing 737, is expected to

fly in 1999. Extensive testing has already been done with the Avro aircraft (which

lacks endurance) as the test bed. Three Akash prototypes are ready. Dr. Kalam is

confident that a modified Akash can intercept small missiles traveling at speeds

below Mach 3.53 In this context, talks with Russia for purchase of eight squadrons of

S-300V systems assume significance. The S-300V system uses three phased-array

radars with the ability to detect and identify 200 targets at ranges of 250 km. The

Trishul is a quick-reaction, (six seconds from detection of target to launch of missile)

surface-to-air missile with a 9-km range. After 37 flight trials, the Trishul is ready for

user trials by the army. It can engage targets ranging from aircraft flying at up to

500m/s (high level) to 300rn/s (low level) as well as hovering helicopters and

Remotely Piloted Vehicles (RPVS).

D. Pilotless Target Aircraft (PTA), Lakshya: The indigenous PTA, which was first

flown experimentally in 1983, is being converted for combat missions in addition to

reconnaissance and use as a target drone. According to Dr. Kalam, India is

developing a system that can fly longer, deliver a payload, and come back. The PTA

can be converted, without much alteration, to a cruise missile with a range of 500 km

and a 300-kg payload. Efforts continue for an inertial navigation system augmented

by either a Terrain Contour Matching (TERCOM) or Global Positioning System

(GPS) with an active radar seeker, and an imaging infrared or digital matching

correlation terminal guidance system for the PTA.

51The fire control radar for Akash is a multi-target, multi-function, phased-array radar system called

“Rajendra,” which has a range of 60 km, a range resolution of 30 m, and can track 20 targets and engage

four targets simultaneously.

52The army version is based on a tracked vehicle and houses all the equipment including the radars,

command guidance system, and missiles. The air force version is identical to the army version and differs

only in the supporting ground-based platfon-ns. The naval version is a slight variant: it has a sea-skimming

capability and serves as a ship-launched, anti-sea-skimmer-missile missile. The naval launcher and the

surveillance radar are ready and the fire control system is under final evaluation. All versions after user

trials are expected to enter service in the second half of 1999.

53“Anti-missile role planned for Akash,” by Pravin Sawhney, Jane’s International Defense Review,

January 1997.

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A-2 Pakistan’s Missile Program

A. Hatf Missile Development: Giving his version of the development of Pakistan’s

missile program up to 1991, when he relinquished office as army chief, Gen. Mirza

Aslam Beg narrates: “Efforts to improve Hatf-I (range 80 km, warhead weight 500

kg) continued and Hatf-11, with a range of 250 km and a payload of 500 kg, was

produced in 1989. This was a free-flight rocket, with an inertial guidance

system... .Hatf-111 was a major breakthrough, which had a 600-km range and a

payload of 500 kg, and a proper terminal guidance system, with an accuracy of 0.1

percent, as the circular error probability, at 600 km. The main features of this missile

were that it was a two-stage rocket with a warhead separation, a terminal guidance

system, and five different varieties of warheads. The most difficult part of the missile

was its guidance system, which was developed with the help of Pakistani engineers

and scientists working in Pakistan and abroad.”s4 After a hiatus, Pakistan’s efforts led

to an official announcement on July 3, 1997,55 that it had tested an 800-km-range

missile which was called Hatf-111. It was not explained whether this was the same

missile which Gen. Beg had said was ready in 1991.

B. Ghauri Development: Pakistan test-fired its first long-range ballistic missile called

Ghauri or Hatf-V5Gon April 6, 1998. The 1500-km-range, liquid-fueled missile was

developed by the Khan Research Laboratories in Islamabad. According to Pakistan’s

leading defense scientist, Dr. A. Q. Khan, “Ghauri is much more sophisticated,

accurate, and reliable than India’s Agni .. ...the mass production of the long-range

Ghauri missile has begun at Kahuta laboratories.”57 These missiles are expected to be

armed with nuclear warheads for deterrence purposes, as indicated by Dr. Khan, who

said: “After little adjustment, they (nuclear devices) can be turned into warheads for

mounting on aircraft or missiles.”58 On another occasion, he stated “Pakistan could fit

its missiles with nuclear warheads within a matter of days.”59 He also disclosed that

Pakistan “is working on the Ghazni medium-range missile, which will have a range of

2000 km.’”o This was also claimed by Pakistan’s foreign minister, Gohar Ayub

Khan, who said, “The range of the Ghauri missile, capable of traveling 1500 km,

could be further extended.” Probably the Ghazni will be a variant of Ghauri.

C. Shaheen (Eagle)-I and -H missiles. According to a leading Pakistani nuclear

scientist, Dr. Mobarik Mand, this 700-km-range solid fuel ballistic missile, which is

54Ibid.

55“Pak tests medium range missile,” The Hindu, February 10, 1998.

‘c “Pakistan test fires 1500 km range missile:’ The Hindu, April 6, 1998.

57“Mass-scale production of Ghauri begins,” Faraz Hashmi, Dawn, June 1, 1998.

58“Pak devices can be turned into warheads;’ The Hindu, May 30, 1998.

59“Pakistan could make nuclear warheads within daysj” Dr. A. Q. Khan quoted in the BBC news (intemet

edition), May 31, 1998.

‘o “Pak working on 2000 km range missile: The Hindu, April 16, 1998.

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capable of carrying a nuclear warhead, “is already under production. (Its) control and

guidance system has been ground tested and (the missile) can travel 700 km in seven

minutes (and it) can hit the target with a precision of 250 m.”bl Another missile with

a range of 2000 km, called Shaheen-11, says Dr. Mand, is “also under production.”

Shaheen-I “can be tested at an hour’s notice, while Shaheen-11 would be ready for

flight test within a year.”G2

D. Tarmuk: There appears to be yet another missile, called Tarmuk. According to one

report, this nuclear-capable missile, which has a range of 250 miles, is being prepared

for test firing.G3

“ “Shaheen missile awaits go-ahead for test-fire,” by Khalid Qayum, The Nation (internet edition), June 1,

1998.

b=Ibid.

‘3 “Pakistan ready to test-fire Ghauri, Tarmuk: CIA,” The Times of India, June 1, 1998.

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APPENDIX B: Management of Nuclear Deterrence

B-1. Nuclear Strategy

Nuclear strategy and doctrine take time to evolve. The U.S. and the Soviet Union

took years to evolve their doctrines after they had acquired nuclear weapons. Thereafter,

the process of refining the doctrines commenced with the changing nature of threats.

After four decades of nuclear war planning, it was finally declared by the U.S. and the

Soviet Union in 1989 that a nuclear war cannot be won, hence, should not be fought. A

significant change came in 1997, under the U.S. Presidential Decision Directive No. 60

(PDD-60), when the U.S. reportedly concluded that it needed nuclear weapons for

deterrence purposes only, though its policy of “first use” of nuclear weapons remains in

place.w

Three important components of a nuclear strategy are a declaratory policy, an

employment policy, and a deployment policy.

B-2 Declaratory Policy

“The military value of nuclear weapons is forever linked to their political value,”

says a study by a U.S. think tank.e5 The usefulness of nuclear weapons is generally to

deter an adversary from aggressive designs, though in principle it can also be used for

offensive objectives, such as a decapitating pre-emptive strike, as mooted by U.S. and

former Soviet strategists during the Cold War. It is therefore essential that statements

about one’s own capabilities and intentions be communicated clearly to the adversary, so

that misunderstandings or miscalculations that could have potentially grave consequences

are avoided. This is the first vital element of psychological interaction between

adversaries and must be well thought through to avoid contradictions.

In theory, statements that exaggerate capabilities are intended to intimidate the

adversary, especially if it lacks the means of verification by strategic surveillance. The

danger is that too much hype can become counter-productive: the adversary may not take

the claims seriously, which could lead to errors of judgment and accidents. Thus, a

nation’s declarato~ policy is not only the first but also perhaps the most important aspect

of its nuclear strategy.

On May 27, 1998, Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee stated in

Parliament that:

M Spurgeon M. Keeny, Jr., “One Step Forward,” Arms Control Today (Journal of the American Arms

Control Association), November 1997.

65“Can the nuclear world be changed?” School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) papers No. 13,

page 65, Westview Press, 1986.

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“We do not intend to use these (nuclear) weapons for aggression or for

mounting threats against any country. These are weapons of self-defense, to ensure

that India is not subjected to nuclear threats or coercion. We do not intend to

engage in an arms race.” An examination of this policy statement suggests that:

a) nuclear weapons will not be a part of war-fighting, b) a “no first use” strategy of

nuclear weapons would be adopted, c) only a minimum number of nuclear weapons

is likely to be produced, and d) putting nuclear forces on a high alert status is not

implicit.

In a news conference on May 29, 1998, Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s

said that:

“These (nuclear) weapons are to deter aggression, be it nuclear or

conventional. ....(India’s nuclear testing) has led to the collapse of existing

deterrence and radically altered the strategic balance in our region.”~b A similar

statement was also made by Gen. Jahangir Karamat, the army chief, following the

Pakistani nuclear tests.G7 These statements suggest that: a) nuclear weapons could

be a part of war-fighting, b) a “no first use” nuclear strategy is not acceptable, c) a

minimum number of nuclear weapons may be kept in a ready state for use, and

d) an alert status for nuclear weapons with a good command and control system is

implicit.

B-3 Employment Policy

Employment policy deals with the operational military aspects that would be kept

highly classified. It would provide the strategic rationale for the nuclear force structure,

the targeting norms, and actual use of nuclear weapons in a conflict. Considering that the

declaratory policies of India and Pakistan are dissimilar, the employment policies would

have different force structuring and targeting norms. For example, the manpower

resources and training required for a possible “first use” nuclear policy would be higher.

The gradation of targets such as military concentrations, communication centers,

industrial infrastructure, and economic assets would have to be done carefully in order to

first hit the conventional standing forces rather than the war-making facilities. The 1988

agreement on “no attack on nuclear facilities” signed between India and Pakistan could

therefore become redundant. In the event of an early nuclear attack by Pakistan on

India’s conventional forces, it is likely to evoke a tit-for-tat response from India, which

might lead to an uncontrolled escalation.

Besides creating complications, dissimilar nuclear declaratory policies could also

prove to be detrimental to a nuclear stabilization regime. There would be more tension

and uncertainty.

be“Pakistani’s Words: ‘To Restore the Strategic Balance,’” New York Times, May 29, 1998.

67“Pakistan’s nuclear tests have corrected the imbakmce~’ PPZ (Pakistan Press International) News, June 1,

1998.

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While the strategic rationale (which includes short- and long-term objectives for

the use of nuclear weapons) would change and evolve over time, it is important that

tension-reducing steps be taken in the interim. The factors that would provoke a country

to have a proactive nuclear policy need to be examined, for example: a) by plugging

operational gaps in conventional forces, and b) by confidence-building measures to avert

nuclear accidents.

B-4 Deployment Policy

The next aspect of nuclear strategy relates to the stationing of nuclear weapons

the operational context.bs This would depend on each side’s capabilities in terms ofl

● weapon characteristics,

. the range and accuracy of delivery systems,

in

. the need for hard counter-force targets (military assets) or soft counter-value targets

(like large population centers),

. the adversary’s surveillance infrastructure,

● limiting collateral damage,

● retaining the credibility of one’s own declaratory policy, and

. taking account of dissimilarities in declarato~ policies.

B-5 Command and Control

Pakistan appears to be clear about the command and control of its nuclear

weapons. Following the first series of nuclear tests, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said:

“We have instituted effective command and control structures.”c9 According to Dr. A. Q.

Khan, nuclear weapons are “a very sensitive matter and the system (for their control)

cannot be given into the individual hands.. the Prime Minister along with the Chiefs of

Armed Forces will be one to take a final decision.”7° Likewise, Dr. Samar Mand has

called for the immediate establishment of a command, control, communication, and

intelligence (CCCI) system for the prompt decisions and responses in a crisis.71

Whatever the precise procedure Pakistan adopts, it will be the elected prime

minister’s final responsibility to decide on its employment in a conflict, just as it was

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif who mulled over the decision to conduct nuclear tests

before finally giving his go-ahead.

68For details of this aspect, see, for example, Brig. V. K. Nair, Nuclear India, Lancers International, New

Delhi.

69Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s news conference on May 29, 1998.

70“Pakistan capable of building hydrogen bomb:’ The Nation (intemet edition), June 1, 1998.

7’ “Dr. Samar for setting up command and control structure,” Dawn, June 3, 1998.

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The final authority in India to use nuclear weapons would rest with the elected

government headed by the prime minister. According to Dr. Kalam, India has “a

command and control system in a different form. Now we have to consolidate and

establish it.”72 It seems clear that the command for using nuclear weapons would remain

with the prime minister and his cabinet, while the nuclear targeting policy would be the

responsibility of the military: the Chiefs of Staff Committee comprising the three services

chiefs in consultation with the Prime Minister.

72“N-weaponisation is now complete: Kalam,” The Times of India, May 18, 1998.

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APPENDIX C: Sensors and Their Capabilities

Sensor Category

Infrared Break

Beams

Weight Sensors

Fence Sensors

Microwave

Sensors

Unattended

Ground Sensors

Video Cameras

Description of Capabilities

When an intruder crosses the invisible infrared break beam (which can

extend across a distance of 100 meters), it generates an alarm.

Typically, this type of sensor has been used to protect buildings

against intrusion. The infrared break beam can be employed

conveniently in fixed positions or used in a portable mode. Arrays of

break beams can help identify the nature of intrusion beyond merely

detecting it.

Detecting the passage of vehicles on roads or other well-defined

locations, such as entrance or exit points, can be achieved through

weight sensors, which can be configured to detect different classes of

vehicles according to their approximate weight.

Examples are taut-wire fences and fiber optic cables. Taut-wire

fences will issue an alarm if any pressure is detected or if they are cut.

These barbed-wire fence sensors are quite robust in adverse weather

conditions. Since taut-wire fences are relatively expensive, they are

generally used very selectively, mainly around facilities or in areas

that require intensive monitoring. Placing pressure on a buried fiber

optic cable will generate an alarm.

Microwave sensors create a field of energy and any intrusion into its

zone of detection will generate an alarm. The detection zone can

vary, depending on the type of sensors used. Their range can extend

from 20 meters to 500 meters, with the width of the energy cone

varying from 1 to 12 meters. They have been used over an extensive

period for a variety of security applications. A wide range of such

systems have also been tested for outdoor and indoor applications.

Unattended ground sensors include a wide variety of devices linked to

a receiving station by radio frequency. The receiving station can be

either mobile units in the field or a permanent monitoring station. The

sensors’ state of health can also be monitored to confirm that they are

functioning properly. Unattended ground sensors include seismic

detectors, magnetic detectors, passive infrared detectors, infrared

break-beam detectors, and break-wire detectors.

Video cameras can determine the cause of alarm signals emitted by

sensors and they can also document events on a continuous basis or by

time-lapse series that can be adapted to meet specific requirements.

The video images can be transmitted to a remote review station in a

digitized form for continuous, real-time monitoring.

Continued on the next page...

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Sensor Category Description of Capabilities

Aerial Sensors The cooperative monitoring technology for aerial inspection can

consist of one or more sensors, depending on the nature of the

agreement. Thus, the Open Skies Treaty of 1992, which allows

detection of large-scale military movement, has a package of sensors

of defined performance levels. The sensors consist of optical and

video cameras with 30-cm resolution, an infrared line scanner with 50-

m resolution, and a synthetic aperture radar with 3-m resolution. See

Appendix D for details about sensor resolutions generally required for

performing different arms control functions.

Satellite Sensors See Appendix E for examples of commercial satellite characteristics.

Infrared Line This passive thermal infrared sensor is useful for night-time

Scanner reconnaissance of heat-releasing objects. The data are recorded on a

high-resolution video recorder. This sensor is part of the suite of

sensors for the Open Skies Treaty and has been field-tested

extensively in the context of that treaty.

Synthetic By transmitting electromagnetic energy to the target ground area, SAR

Aperture Radar is able to obtain high-resolution, two-dimensional images at many

(SAR) points along the aircraft’s flight path. 3-D data can also be generated.

Unlike optical and video cameras, SAR can produce images regardless

of weather conditions or the time of day. Side-looking SARS covering

a limited swathe of territory can further restrict the target ground area

so as to conform to the requirements of an agreement, as in the Open

Skies Treaty.

Tags and Seals Tags serve as unique identifiers of treaty-controlled objects. Unique

seals are designed to detect tampering with such objects.

Data Protection Commercially available sensor technologies can have built-in

safeguards to ensure that sensitive information is protected, and that

there is no data substitution at the source or when it is received.

Authentication techniques confirm that the data from a specific sensor

source has not been altered from the time of its transmission to its

arrival at a specific destination. A variety of innovative devices can

be used to determine whether a particular sensor has been interfered

with or whether any sealed item, large or small, has been tampered

with. The system design for an integrated sensor network can provide

assurance against tampering.

Source: Based on Fact Sheets from the Cooperative Monitoring Center, Sandia National

Laboratories, Albuquerque, U.S.A. For more information, see the CMC web site at

www.cmc.sandia. gov.

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APPENDIX D: Typical Requirements for Resolution (In Meters)

Target’ Detectionb General IDC Precise lDd Descriptione Technical

Analysis f

Bridges 6 4.5 1.5 1 0.3

Supply Dumps 1.5-3 0.6 0.3 0.03 0.03

Troop Units (in bivouac 6 2 1.2 0.3 0.15

or on road)

Aifleld Facilities 6 4.5 3 0.3 0.15

Rockets and ArtilleW 1 0.6 0.15 0.05 0.045

Aircraft 4.5 1.5 1 0.15 0.045

Surface Ships 7.5-15 4.5 0.6 0.3 0.045

Vehicles 1.5 0.6 0.3 0.06 0.045

Ports and Harbors 30 15 6 3 0.3

Coasts and Landing 15-30 4.5 3 1.5 0.15

Beaches

Roads 6-9 6 1.8 0.6 0.4

Urban Areas 60 30 3 -3 0.75

Terrain --- 90 4.5 1.5 0.75

a) Chart indicates minimum resolution in meters at which target can be detected, identified, described, or

analyzed. No source specifies which definition of resolution (pixel-size or white dot) is used, but the

chart is internally consistent.

b) Detection: Location of a class of units, object, or activity of military interest.

c) General Identification: Determination of general target type.

d) Precise Identification: Discrimination within target type of known types.

e) Description: Size/dimension, configuration/layout, components, construction, equipment count, etc.

f) Technical Analysis: Detailed analysis of specific equipment.

Sources: Senate Committee on Commerce, Science and Transportation, NASA Authorization for Fiscal

Year 1978, pp. 1642-1643, and Reconnaissance Hand Book (McDonnell-Douglas Corporation, 1982),

p. 125.

Source: Michael Vannoni et al., Confidence Building on the Korean Peninsula, Appendix F, op. cit.

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APPENDIX E: Examples of Commercial Satellite Characteristics

Commercial satellites are especially suitable for visually monitoring large areas.

Comparing satellite images over time can help detect changes of significant size, such as

the construction of roads and missile facilities. The images can range from the optical to

other bands on the electromagnetic spectrum.

Significant improvements are under way in the resolution of commercial satellite

imagery. An increased network of satellites and their ability to direct the optical systems

will shorten the time it will take commercial satellites to revisit previously imaged sites.

The cost of satellite images has declined as the commercial satellite business becomes

increasingly competitive. The technology has also become more versatile. Future

systems will offer 2-m or less resolution, making it possible to distinguish missile

launchers from other vehicles. The Indian commercial IRS-series satellites offer the most

advanced resolution (about 5 m) in current commercial satellite imagery. (Historical 2-m

data is available from Russia.) 73

The resolution of an imaging sensor (whether cameras, infrared scanners or

SARS) should serve the stated purpose of an agreement. Thus, depending on the scope of

arms control measures or agreements, or CBMS, the resolution of sensors to be employed

can vary considerably. The table below lists existing and planned commercial satellite

platforms.

Satellite Country Resolution Sensitivity Revisit Status

Time

EARLYBIRD Us. 3m/15m Black & white/ Not yet

Multispectral operational

LANDSAT Us. 30m Color (7 bands) 16 days Existing

SPOT France 1Om/20m Color (3 bands) or 26 days Existing

black and white

KVR- 1000 Russia 2m Black and white N/A Historical

ERS- 1 EEC 8m/30m Synthetic aperture radar 35 days Existing

IRS-lC/lD India 5m/20m Black and white/ 24 days Existing

multi spectral

JERS-I Japan 25m 7 bands and radar 44 days Existing

RADARSAT Canada 1O-100m Synthetic aperture radar 24 days Existing

Source: Technology Display Center at the CMC, Sandia National Laboratories, Albuquerque, New

Mexico, U.S.A.

73Commercial satellite imagery will soon become available at an inexpensive price. A consortium of U.S.

companies (Aerial Images, Microsoft, Kodak, and Digital Equipment) and a Russian government agency

(Sovin@rmsputnik) banded together this year to put satellite imagery covering virtually the entire planet on

the Internet. When the project of mapping is completed next year, using Russian and other satellites with

2-m resolution cameras, it will result in the world’s largest digital atlas. Downloading an image is expected

to cost a mere US$8.50, while obtaining a poster-size print from Kodak will cost US$20 to US$30 each.

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APPENDIX F: Missile Control Regimes and Cooperative

Monitoring

F-1 Anti-Ballistic Missile Agreement of 1972

The earliest example of missile control and monitoring regimes is the AntiBallistic Missile Agreement (ABM) of 1972 between the United States and the former

Soviet Union. This agreement confined the areas where interceptor missiles could be

deployed to two sites. Each missile launcher was also restricted to a single interceptor

missile, with each site limited to a maximum of 100 launchers and interceptors. The

ABM treaty also put restrictions on the development of new anti-missile systems that

could be used for strategic defense. For that purpose, it included constraints on the

orientation and physical location of early warning radars so that they could not be used in

an anti-missile role. For monitoring this complex agreement, the parties rely wholly on

their NTM, though the treaty provides for a Standing Consultative Commission to sort

out issues of noncompliance. Some allegations of infringement remained unresolved

until after the end of the Cold War. The purpose of this treaty was to prevent the

acquisition of a strategic shield that might embolden either side to adopt a more offensive

nuclear posture or to contemplate a decapitating first strike.

F-2 Advance Notification

Another type of missile treaty is the agreement between the United States and

former Soviet Union in 1988 entailing the notification of launches of intercontinental

ballistic missiles (ICBMS) and SLBMS. Its stated purpose is to reduce the risk of nuclear

war that might occur as a result of misinterpretation, miscalculation, or accident. The

agreement provides for advance notification of the planned date, launch area, and area of

impact of any ICBM or SLBM test. This treaty is an improvement on an earlier

agreement in 1971 that called for prior notification of any planned missile launches that

extended beyond national territory and in the direction of the other party.

F-3 Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START /)

A more significant treaty in force is the 1991 START agreement, which took a

decade to conclude. This treaty imposes limits on delive~ vehicles (mostly missiles),

warheads, and payloads. It stipulates the reduction of strategic weapons by about onethird of the pre-existing level and sets a period of seven years for completing the

destruction process, starting from the time of the treaty’s ratification in 1994.

START I incorporates one of the most far-reaching monitoring regimes in arms

control history, featuring a variety of on-site inspections, continuous monitoring of ICBM

assembly plants, special inspections, and other cooperative measures, including the

exchange of telemetry data from missile tests and launches as well as data exchange to

assist verification by NTM. Disclosures to establish the baseline for inspection required

detailed data exchanges and extensive notifications.

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F-4 START II

Even more significant is the follow-up treaty to START I. Concluded in 1993,

START II has yet to come into force because of a delay in ratification by the Russian

parliament. Under this treaty, the two sides are to draw down their strategic arsenals

(including ballistic missile delivery systems) by a further one-third by the year 2003.

Together, START I and START II would reduce the strategic arsenal by two-thirds of the

level existing in 1993. A distinguishing feature of START II, apart from seeking a

deeper reduction of the strategic arsenal, is the complete removal of the most destabilizing type of nuclear weapon systems, namely, the MIRVS (Multiple, Independently

Targetable Reentry Vehicles) on deployed land-based missiles.

F-5 Monitoring Iraq

A missile monitoring and control regime is enforced in Iraq. UN Security

Council resolutions that ended the Gulf War prohibited Iraq from possessing ballistic

missiles with ranges greater than 150 km.

The UN performs on-site inspections of the destruction of prohibited missiles and

monitors the testing of missile motors with video cameras, supported by a simple

measuring device on the motor platform. The visual data is transmitted to the United

Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM) headquarters in Baghdad, where it is accessed

on a computer screen by a permanent monitoring staff. Data is also sent to the UN

headquarters in New York.

F-6 MTCR

The Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) was established in 1987 at U.S.

initiative in the wake of missile warfare between Iraq and Iran. This multilateral regime

prohibits the export of ballistic missiles, space launch vehicles, cruise missiles, and other

remotely piloted vehicles capable of carrying weapons of mass destruction (defined as

having payloads of more than 500 kg and ranges exceeding 300 km). The MTCR also

bans the transfer of technology components for such missiles.

Originally MTCR was confined to nuclear weapon delivery systems, but this was

enlarged to include chemical and biological weapons in 1992, in the aftermath of the Gulf

War. The membership of MTCR has grown to 29 countries, with almost all belonging to

the developed world, including Argentina and Brazil, which were previously adversaries

engaged in missile development efforts.

MTCR is neither a treaty nor an international agreement. It is a voluntary

arrangement under which the parties engage in cooperative efforts at tightening national

laws and implementation machinery with regard to missile and related technology

exports. This is done through plenary and inter-sessional meetings of the participating

countries.

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F-7 INF Treaty

The most significant arms control agreement that focuses exclusively on missiles is the

Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty between the United States and the

former Soviet Union. In force since 1988, this treaty has eliminated an entire class of

missiles—those within the ranges of 500-5500 km. A key provision was the destruction

of all such missiles, together with their launchers and support facilities, within a threeyear period. Through June 1991, a total of 2,692 missiles had been destroyed.

The INF contains a comprehensive regime for verification that includes

noninterference with each other’s NTM, comprehensive on-site inspection (including

permanent presence at the entrance of missile production and final assembly facilities),

and cooperative display measures, such as the routine opening of the shelter roofs of all

strategic mobile launchers to enable the other side to confirm by satellite the absence of

INF-prohibited missiles.74 The latter practice has now ended.

The parties to the agreement also have the right to carry out a maximum of 10

short-notice inspections of each other’s former operating bases and support facilities

related to INF-prohibited missiles. A total of more than 160 sites were involved,

including more than 35 U.S. sites.

Continuous on-site inspection of portals of designated facilities will end by May

2001. If a facility has ceased activities that require monitoring, the monitoring could be

terminated a year after such cessation. Thus, monitoring by Russia of the single U.S.

facility in Utah has already ended.

The implementation of the INF treaty posed little problem and proceeded

according to schedule. The process of implementation of the agreement began with

inspections to confirm the baselines declared by both sides of their prohibited missile

inventory, facilities, and sites.

It should be noted that the preliminary negotiations for an INF treaty had made

little progress during the first half of the 1980s. At that time, Cold War tensions were at a

height following the Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan. But by the time the

treaty was concluded, the tension had begun to abate. The reforms under glasnost and

perestroika launched by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev had started to change the

character of the Soviet communist system, besides introducing a measure of d6tente into

the U.S.-U.S.S.R. relationship.

F-8 Reducing Risk of Accidental Conflict

The Cold War, however, did not prevent agreements between the U.S. and former

Soviet Union aimed at reducing the risk of accidental conflict that involved the sharing of

74See Clause 3 of Article XII of the INF treaty.

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specific information. As mentioned earlier, they signed an agreement in 1971 for the

notification of missile launches that was upgraded in 1988.

F-9 Hot-line Agreement of 1963

Yet another agreement requiring some measure of cooperation was the Hotline

Agreement of 1963, which came in the wake of the Cuban missile crisis. Its purpose was

to provide direct communication between the American and Soviet leadership so they

could avert a nuclear war that might be caused by accidents, ambiguous activities, or by

unauthorized actions. This agreement was upgraded in 1971 (see Appendices H and I)

and the new system became fully operational in 1978. The agreement was expanded in

1984 (see Appendix J).

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APPENDIX G: Other Examples of Cooperative Monitoring

Agreements

Cooperative monitoring is now well established at the international level, through various

bilateral, multilateral, and global agreements. The concept has been employed for a wide

range of purposes, such as military disengagement, confidence building, arms control,

and environmental monitoring. Some of these diverse agreements are:

. the Sinai disengagement agreement between Egypt and Israel in 1974;

. the Golan Heights disengagement agreement between Israel and Syria in

1974;

. the Egypt-Israel Peace Agreement of 1979 that established force-limitation

zones;

. the Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty of 1988 between the

United States and former Soviet Union that eliminated an entire class of

ballistic missiles between the ranges of 500 km and 5500 km;

● the aerial inspection agreement between Hunga~ and Romania in 1991 that

facilitated a settlement of their long-standing dispute over ethnic minorities;

● the multilateral Open Skies treaty of 1992 between the countries belonging to

the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and former Warsaw Pact (which is still

awaiting ratification);

. the ABACC agreement between Brazil and Argentina for mutual inspection of

nuclear facilities that paved the way for the International Atomic Energy

Agency’s (IAEA’s) role;

. the treaty on Conventional Forces in Europe of 1990 that put limits on various

weapon categories and their deployment zones; and

● the two treaties on strategic arms reduction between the United States and

Russia (START I and START II).

Examples of environmental cooperative monitoring include the bilateral

experiment between the United States and Mexico for checking and alleviating pollution

levels along their border, and the more ambitious Black Sea Environment Program

established by NATO, UN, IAEA, World Bank, and European Union (EU) in 1993.

Experimental efforts are under way aimed at exploring the prospects of opening

up new areas for transparency as a confidence-building measure. Many countries, for

example, are engaged in preliminary steps to introduce more openness of nuclear material

storage. In this context, attention is focused on remote monitoring to lessen intrusiveness

and reduce reliance on on-site inspection. Bilateral experiments are in place between the

United States and countries such as Argentina, Sweden, and Australia.

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A more significant experiment between the United States and Russia covered

nuclear material storage facilities. In this experiment, highly enriched uranium is being

mutually monitored at sites in each country. This exercise is part of a major effort to test

the technology and assess the effectiveness of remote monitoring systems for future

application.

The U.S. and Australia also carried out a recent experimental project. Using

various sensors and remote monitoring, they tracked the shipment and monitored the

security of sensitive material shipped from the Australian port of Adelaide all the way to

Rotterdam, the Netherlands, across the Pacific and Atlantic oceans.

There are also tentative moves towards using cooperative monitoring technology

to enhance mutual trust and confidence in Latin America, where the concept of Open

Skies is beginning to take hold. These nascent developments are taking place against a

background of sweeping changes in the international environment of that hemisphere

together with significant domestic political changes witnessed in recent years, especially

in the countries of Chile, Argentina, and Brazil.

Depending on the nature of an agreement and its political context, cooperative

monitoring technologies offer numerous options, ranging from regular and short-notice

physical inspection of sites to purely technical monitoring by means of on-site sensors or

by remote sensing utilizing satellites or aircraft of various capabilities.

There can be considerable variation in the scope and scale of cooperative

monitoring. For example, the agreement between Hungary and Romania for aerial

inspection by unarmed aircraft involves the use of optical cameras of a specified

resolution in contrast to the wider suite of sensors agreed to in the multilateral Open Skies

Treaty.’s

Similarly, the Sinai disengagement accord of 1974 involved more intensive

monitoring than the system that was agreed to for monitoring the force-limitation zones

established under the subsequent peace agreement of 1979. Despite the complexity and

novelty of the monitoring system developed for Sinai II, the technology was simple and

robust. With the help of political will on both sides, it worked smoothly and thereby

contributed significantly to the conclusion of the peace agreement as well as the

subsequent termination of the Sinai II monitoring system.

In some situations, technology may play a minimal role, as in the Golan Heights

where the disengagement zone is monitored by UN personnel without the use of sensors.

Despite the absence of a peace agreement between Israel and Syria and the high level of

mutual hostility that has existed since the accord was signed, the agreement has worked

well because the system provides enough early warning to both sides.

75While both these agreements permit extensive geographical coverage, in other contexts this can be

restricted to specific flight paths and altitude slots. Since aerial inspection is a joint undertaking, there

would be assurance against any deviation from agreed parameters.

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APPENDIX H: Text of Hot-Line Improvement Agreement

AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST

REPUBLICS ON MEASURES TO IMPROVE THE U.S.A.-U.S.S.R. DIRECT COMMUNICATIONS LINK

Signed at Washington September 30, 1971

Entered into force September 30, 1971

The United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, hereinafter referred to as the Parties,

Noting the positive experience gained in the process of operating the existing Direct Communications Link between the

United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which was established for use in time of emergency

pursuant to the Memorandum of Understanding Regarding the Establishment of a Direct Communications Link, signed on

June 20, 1963,

Having examined, in a spirit of mutual understanding, matters relating to the improvement and modernization of the Direct

Communications Link,

Having agreed as follows:

Article 1

1. For the purpose of increasing the reliability of the Direct Communications Link, there shall be established and put into

operation the following:

(a) two additional circuits between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics each using a

satellite communications system, with each Party selecting a satellite communications system of its own choice,

(b) a system of terminals (more than one) in the territory of each Party for the Direct Communications Link, with the

locations and number of terminals in the United States of America to be determined by the United States side, and the

locations and number of terminals in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to

be determined by the Soviet side.

2. Matters relating to the implementation of the aforementioned improvements of the Direct Communications Link are set

forth in the Annex which is attached hereto and forms an integral part hereof.

Article 2

Each Party confiis its intention to take all possible measures to assure the continuous and reliable operation of the

communications circuits and the system of terminals of the Direct Communications Link for which it is responsible in

accordance with this Agreement and the Annex hereto, as well as to cormmmicate to the head of its Government any

messages received via the Direct Communications Link from the head of Government of the other Party.

Article 3

The Memorandum of Understanding Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

Regarding the Establishment of a Direct Communications Link, signed on June 20, 1963, with the Annex thereto, shall

remain in force, except to the extent that its provisions are modified by this Agreement and Annex hereto.

Article 4

The undertakings of the Parties hereunder shall be carried out in accordance with their respective Constitutional processes.

Article 5

This Agreement, including the Annex hereto, shall enter into force upon signature.

DONE at Washington on September 30, 1971, in two copies, each in the English and Russian languages, both texts being

equally authentic.

FOR THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

WILLIAM P. ROGERS

FOR THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS:

A. GROMYKO

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APPENDIX 1: Annex to the Hot-Line Agreement of 1971

ANNEX TO THE AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE UNION OF SOVIET

SOCIALIST REPUBLICS ON MEASURES TO IMPROVE THE U.S.A.-U.S.S.R. DIRECT COMMUNICATIONS LINK

Improvements to the U.S.A.-U.S.S.R. Direct Communications Link shall be implemented in accordance with the provisions

set forth in this Annex.

I. CIRCUITS

(a) Each of the original circuits established pursuant to paragraph 1 of the Annex to the Memorandum of Understanding,

dated June 20, 1963, shall continue to be maintained and operated as part of the Direct Communications Link until such

time, after the satellite communications circuits provided for herein

become operational, as the agencies designated pursuant to paragraph 111 (hereinafter referred to as the “designated

agencies”) mutually agree that such original circuit is no longer necessary. The provisions of paragraph 7 of the Annex to

the Memorandum of Understanding, dated June 20, 1963, shall continue to govern the allocation of the costs of maintaining

and operating such original circuits.

(b) Two additional circuits shall be established using two satellite communications systems. Taking into account paragraph

I (e) below, the United States side shall provide one circuit via the Intelsat system and the Soviet side shall provide one

circuit via the Molniya H system. The two circuits shall be duplex telephone band-width circuits conforming to CCITT

standards, equipped for secondary telegraphic multiplexing. Transmission and reception of messages over the Direct

Communications Link shall be effected in accordance with applicable recommendations of international communications

regulations, as well as with mutually agreed instructions.

(c) When the reliability of both additional circuits has been established to the mutual satisfaction of the designated agencies,

they shall be used as the primary circuits of the Direct Communications Link for transmission and reception of teleprinter

messages between the United States and the Soviet Union.

(d) Each satellite communications circuit shall utilize an earth station in the territory of the United States, a communications

satellite transponder, and an earth station in the territory of the Soviet Union. Each Party shall be responsible for linking the

earth stations in its territo~ to its own terminals of the Direct Communications Link.

(e) For the circuits specified in paragraph I (b):

-- The Soviet side will provide and operate at least one earth station in its territory for the satellite communications circuit in

the Intelsat system, and will also arrange for the use of suitable earth station facilities in its territory for the satellite

communications circuit in the Molniya II system. The United States side, through a governmental agency or other United

States legal entity, will make appropriate arrangements with IntelSat with regard to access for the Soviet

Intelsat earth station to the Intelsat space segment, as well as for the use of the applicable portion of the Intelsat space

segment.

-- The United States side will provide and operate at least one earth station in its territory for the satellite communications

circuit in the Molniya II systetnj and will also arrange for the use of suitable earth station facilities in its territory for the

satellite communications circuit in the Intelsat system.

(f) Each earth station shall conform to the performance specifications and operating procedures at the corresponding

satellite communications system and the ratio of antenna gain to the equivalent noise temperature should be no less than 31

decibels. Any deviation from these specifications and procedures which may be required in any unusual situation shall be

worked out and mutually agreed upon by the designated agencies of both Pmties after consultation.

(g) The operational commissioning dates for the satellite communications circuits based on the Intelsat and Molniya H

systems shall be as agreed upon by the designated agencies of the Parties through consultations.

(h) The United States side shall bear the costs ofl (1) providing and operating the Molniya II earth station in its territory; (2)

the use of the Intelsat earth station in its territory; and (3) the transmission of messages via the Intelsat system. The Soviet

side shall bear the costs ofi (1) providing and operating the Intelsat earth station in its terntow; (2) the use of the Molniya

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11earth station in its territo~; and (3) the transmission of messages via the Molniya II system. Payment of the costs of the

satellite communications circuits shall be effected without any tmnsfer of payments between the Parties.

(i) Each Party shall be responsible for providing to the other Party notification of any proposed modification or replacement

of the communications satellite system containing the circuit provided by it that might require accommodation by earth

stations using that system or otherwise affect the maintenance or operation of the Direct Communications Link. Such

notification should be given sufficiently in advance to enable the designated agencies to consult and to make, before the

modification or replacement is effected, such preparation as may be agreed upon for accommodation by the affected earth

stations.

II. TERMINALS

(a) Each Party shall establish a system of terminals in its territory for the exchange of messages with the other Party, and

shall determine the locations and number of terminals in such a system. Terminals of the Direct Communications Link shall

be designated “U.S.A.” and “U.S. S.R.”

(b) Each Party shall take necessary measures to provide for rapidly switching circuits among terminal points in such a

manner that only one terminal location is connected to the circuits at any one time.

(c) Each Party shall use teleprinter equipment from its own sources to equip the additional terminals for the transmission

and reception of messages from the United States to the Soviet Union in the English language and from the Soviet Union to

the United States in the Russian language.

(d) The terminals of the Direct Communications Link shall be provided with encoding equipment. One-time tape encoding

equipment shall be used for transmissions via the Direct Communications Link. A mutually agreed quantity of encoding

equipment of a modern and reliable type selected by the United States side, with spares, test equipment, technical literature

and operating supplies, shall be fiunished by the United States side to the Soviet side against

payment of the cost thereof by the Soviet side; additional spares for the encoding equipment supplied will be furnished as

necessary.

(e) Keying tapes shall be supplied in accordance with the provisions set forth in paragraph 4 of the Annex to the

Memorandum of Understrmding, dated June 20, 1963. Each Party shall be responsible for reproducing and distributing

additional keying tapes for its system of terminals and for implementing procedures which ensure that the required

synchronization of encoding equipment can be effected from any one terminal at any time.

III. OTHER MATTERS

Each Party shall designate the agencies responsible for arrangements regarding the establishment of the additional circuits

and the systems of terminals provided for in this Agreement and Annex, for their operation and for their continuity and

reliability. These agencies shall, on the basis of direct contacts:

(a) arrange for the exchange of required performance specifications and operating procedures for the earth stations of the

communications systems using Intelsat and Molniya II satellites;

(b) arrange for testing, acceptance and commissioning of the satellite circuits and for operation of these circuits after

commissioning; and,

(c) decide matters and develop instructions relating to the operation of the secondary teleprinter multiplex system used on

the satellite circuits.

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APPENDIX J: Hot-Line Expansion Agreement of 1984

AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST

REPUBLICS TO EXPAND THE U.S.-U.S.S.R. DIRECT COMMUNICATIONS LINK

Signed at Washington July 17, 1984

Entered into force July 17, 1984

The Department of State, referring to the Memorandum of Understanding between the United States of America and the

Union of Soviet Socialist Republics regarding the Establishment of a Direct Communications Link, signed June 20, 1963;

to the Agreement on Measures to Improve the Direct Communications L* signed September 30, 1971; and to the

exchange of views between the two parties in Moscow and Washington during which it was deemed desirable to arrange for

facsimile communication in addition to the current teletype Direct Communications Link, proposes that for this purpose the

parties shall:

1. Establish and maintain three transmission links employing INTELSAT and STATSIONAR satellites and cable

technology with secure orderwire circuit for operational monitoring. In this regard:

(a) Each party shall provide communications circuits capable of simultaneously transmitting and receiving 4800 bits per

second.

(b) Operation of facsimile communication shall begin with the test operation over the INTELSAT satellite channel as

soon as development, procurement and delivery of the necessary equipment by the sides are completed.

(c) Facsimile communication via STATSIONAR shall be established after transition of the Direct Communications Link

teletype circuit from MOLNIYA to STATSIONAR using mutually a~eeable transition procedures and after successful tests

of facsimile communication via INTELSAT and cable.

2. Employ agreed-upon information security devices to assure secure transmission of facsimile materials. In this regard:

(a) The information security devices shall consist of microprocessors that will combine the digital facsimile output with

buffered random data read from standard 5 inch floppy disks. The American side shall provide a specification describing

the key data format and necessq keying material resident on a floppy disk for both parties until such time as the Soviet

side develops this capability. Beyond that time, each party shall provide necessaxy keying material to the other.

(b) The American side shall provide to the Soviet side the floppy disk drives integral to the operation of the

microprocessor.

(c) The necessuy security devices as well as spare parts for the said equipment shall be provided by the American side to

the Soviet side in return for payment of costs thereof by the Soviet side.

3. Establish and maintain at each operating end of the Direct Communications Link facsimile terminals of the same make

and model. In this regard:

(a) Each party shall be responsible for the acquisition, installation, operation and maintenance of its own facsimile

machines, the related information security devices, and local transmission circuits appropriate to the implementation of this

understanding, except as otherwise specified.

(b) A Group HI facsimile unit which meets CCITT Recommendations T.4 and T.30 and operates at 4800 bits per second

shall be used for this purpose.

(c) The necessary facsimile equipment as well as spare parts for the said equipment shall be provided to the Soviet side

by the American side in return for payment of costs thereof by the Soviet side.

4. Establish and maintain secure orderwire communications necessary for coordination of facsimile operation. In this

regard:

(a) The orderwire terminals used with the information security devices described in Paragraph 2(a) shall incorporate

standard U.S.S.R. Cyrillic and United States Latin keyboards and cathode ray tube displays to permit telegraphic exchange

of information between operators. The specific layout of the Cyrillic keyboard shall be as specified by the Soviet side.

(b) To coordinate the work of the facsimile equipment operators, an orderwire shall be cotilgured so as to permit, prior

to the transmission and reception of facsimile messages, the exchange of all information pertinent to the coordination of

such messages.

(c) Orderwire messages concerning facsimile transmissions shall be encoded using the same information security devices

specified in Paragraph 2(a).

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(d) The orderwire shall use the same modem and communications link as used for facsimile transmission.

(e) A printer shall be included to provide a record copy of all information exchanged on the orderwire.

(f) The necessary orderwire equipment as well as spare parts for the said equipment shall be provided by the American

side to the Soviet side, in return for payment of costs thereof by the Soviet side.

5. Ensure the exchange of information necessary for the operation and maintenance of the facsimile system.

6. Take all possible measures to assure the continuous, secure and reliable operation of the facsimile equipment,

information security devices and communications links including orderwire, for which each party is responsible in

accordance with this agreement.

The Department of State also proposes that the parties, in consideration of the continuing advances in information and

communications technology, conduct reviews as necessary regarding questions concerning improvement of the Direct

Communications Link and its technical maintenance.

It is also proposed to note that the Memorandum of Understanding between the United States of America and the Union of

Soviet Socialist Republics regarding the Establishment of a Direct Communications Link, signed on June 20, 1963, with the

Annex thereto; the Agreement between the United States of America and the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics on

Measures to Improve the Direct Communications Link, with the Annex thereto, signed on

September 30, 197 1; those Understandings, with Attached Annexes, reached between the United States and Union of Soviet

Republics, Shall constitute an agreement, effective on the date of the Embassy’s reply.

Kemeth W. Dean

Department of State,

Washington, July 17, 1984

1 Note: Soviet Charge d’ affaires Isakov initialed the Soviet diplomatic note and the notes were exchanged on July 17,

1984.

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APPENDIX K: Missile Launch Notification Agreement of 1988

AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST

REPUBLICS ON NOTIFICATIONS OF LAUNCHES OF INTERCONTINENTAL BALLISTIC MISSILES AND

SUBMARINE-LAUNCHED BALLISTIC MISSILES

Signed at Moscow May31, 1988

Entered into Force May 31, 1988

The United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, hereinafter referred to as the Parties,

Affiiing their desire to reduce and ultimately eliminate the risk of outbreak of nuclear war, in particular, as a result of

misinterpretation, miscalculation, or accident,

Believing that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought,

Believing that agreement on measures for reducing the risk of outbreak of nuclear war serves the interests of strengthening

international peace and security,

Reaffirming their obligations under the Agreement on Measures to Reduce the Risk of Outbreak of Nuclear War between

the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics of September 30, 1971, the Agreement between

the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the

Prevention of Incidents on and over the High Seas of May 25, 1972, and the Agreement between the United States of

America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Establishment of Nuclear Risk Reduction Centers of September

15, 1987,

Have ageed as follows:

Article I

Each Party shall provide the other Party notification, through the Nuclear Risk Reduction Centers of the United States of

America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, no less than twenty-four hours in advance, of the planned date, launch

area, and area of impact for any launch of a strategic ballistic missile: an intercontinental ballistic missile (hereinafter

“ICBM”) or a submarine-launched ballistic missile (hereinafter “SLBM”).

Article II

A notification of a planned launch of an ICBM or an SLBM shall be valid for four days counting from the launch date

indicated in such a notification. In case of postponement of the launch date within the indicated four days, or cancellation of

the launch, no notification thereof shall be required.

Article III

1. For launches of ICBMS or SLBMS from land, the notification shall indicate the area from which the launch is planned to

take place.

2. For launches of SLBMS from submarines, the notification shall indicate the general area from which the missile will be

launched. Such notification shall indicate either the quadrant within the ocean (that is, the ninety-degree sector

encompassing approximately one-fourth of the area of the ocean) or the body of water (for example, sea or bay) from which

the launch is planned to take place.

3. For all launches of ICBMS or SLBMS, the notification shall indicate the geographic coordinates of the planned impact

area or areas of the reentry vehicles.

Such an area shall be specified either by indicating the geographic coordinates of the boundary points of the area, or by

indicating the geographic coordinates of the center of a circle with a radius specified in kilometers or nautical miles. The

size of the impact area shall be determined by the notifying Party at its discretion.

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Article IV

The Parties undertake to hold consultations, as mutually agreed, to consider questions relating to implementation of the

provisions of this Agreement, as well as to discuss possible amendments thereto aimed at furthering the implementation of

the objectives of this Agreement. Amendments shall enter into force in accordance with procedures to be agreed upon.

Article V

This Agreement shall not affect the obligations of either Party under other agreements,

Article VI

This Agreement shall enter into force on the date of its signature.

The duration of this Agreement shall not be limited.

This Agreement may be terminated by either Party upon 12 months written notice to the other Party.

DONE at Moscow on May 31, 1988, in two copies, each in the English and Russian languages, both texts being equally

authentic.

FOR THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

George P. Shukz

FOR THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS:

Eduard A. Shevardnadze

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APPENDIX L: Agreement on Nuclear Risk Reduction Centers

AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST

REPUBLICS ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF NUCLEAR RISK REDUCTION CENTERS

Signed at Washington September 15, 1987

Entered into force September 15, 1987

The United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, hereinafter referred to as the Parties,

Affiiing their desire to reduce and ultimately eliminate the risk of outbreak of nuclear war, in particular, as a result of

misinterpretation, miscalculation, or accident,

Believing that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought,

Believing that agreement on measures for reducing the risk of outbreak of nuclear war serves the interests of

strengthening intematioml peace and security,

Reaffming their obligations under the Agreement on Measures to Reduce the Risk of Outbreak of Nuclear War

between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics of September 30, 1971, and the

Agreement between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Union of Soviet

Socialist Republics on the Prevention of Incidents on and over the High Seas of May 25, 1972,

Have agreed as follows:

Article 1

Each Party shall establish in its capital, a national. Nuclear Risk Reduction Center that shall operate on behalf of and

under the control of its respective Government.

Article 2

The Parties shall use the Nuclear Risk Reduction Centers to transmit notifications identified in Protocol I which

constitutes an integral part of this Agreement.

In the future, the list of notifications transmitted through the Centers maybe altered by agreement between the Parties,

as relevant new agreements are reached.

Article 3

The Parties shall establish a special facsimile communications link between their national Nuclear Risk Reduction

Centers in accordance with Protocol II which constitutes an integral part of this Agreement.

Article 4

The Parties shall staff their national Nuclear Risk Reduction Centers as they deem appropriate, so as to ensure their

normal functioning.

Article 5

The Parties shall hold regular meetings between representatives of the Nuclear Risk Reduction Centers at least once

each year to consider matters related to the fimctioning of such Centers.

Article 6

This Agreement shall not affect the obligations of either Party under other agreements.

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Article 7

This Agreement shall enter into force on the date of its signature.

The duration of this Agreement shall not be limited.

This Agreement may be terminated by either Party upon 12 months written notice to the other Party.

DONE at Washington on September 15, 1987, in two copies, each in the English and Russian languages, both texts

being equally authentic.

FOR THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

George P. Shultz

FOR THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS:

Eduard A. Shevardnadze

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About the Authors

Nazir Kamal is a freelance security analyst who previously worked as a Senior Fellow

at the Institute of Strategic Studies in Islamabad. He has also worked in other capacities

in the past, including Director in the Office of the Advisor to the Prime Minister on

Foreign Affairs, and Consultant to the United Nations Department for Disarmament

Affairs. He obtained his Ph.D. degree from the Australian National University in

Canberra and his Master’s degree from the University of Sussex in England, both in the

field of International Relations.

Pravin Sawhney is the South Asia Correspondent for Jane’s International lle~ense

Review, published by Jane’s Information Group, Ltd., Coulsdon, Surrey, CR5 2NX, UK.

He is a former major of the Indian Army (artillery) and has worked with major newspapers in New Delhi as a journalist since 1989. He was the defense editor of The Asian

Age based in New Delhi.

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Distribution

300 MS 1373 CMC Library, 5341

1 MS 9018 Central Tech Files, 8940-2

2 MS 0899 Technical Library, 4916

1 MS 0619 Review & Approval Desk, 15102 for DOE/OSTI

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