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WOMEN’S ROLE IN COUNTERING TERRORISM

HEARING

BEFORE THE

SUBCOMMITTEE ON TERRORISM, 

NONPROLIFERATION, AND TRADE

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS

SECOND SESSION

FEBRUARY 27, 2018

Serial No. 115–111

Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs

(

Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/ or

http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/

(II)

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey 

ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida 

DANA ROHRABACHER, California 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

JOE WILSON, South Carolina 

MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas 

TED POE, Texas 

DARRELL E. ISSA, California 

TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania 

MO BROOKS, Alabama 

PAUL COOK, California 

SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania 

RON DESANTIS, Florida 

MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina 

TED S. YOHO, Florida 

ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois 

LEE M. ZELDIN, New York 

DANIEL M. DONOVAN, JR., New York 

F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, JR., 

Wisconsin 

ANN WAGNER, Missouri 

BRIAN J. MAST, Florida 

FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida 

BRIAN K. FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania 

THOMAS A. GARRETT, JR., Virginia 

JOHN R. CURTIS, Utah 

ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey 

GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia 

THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida 

KAREN BASS, California 

WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts 

DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island 

AMI BERA, California 

LOIS FRANKEL, Florida 

TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii 

JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas 

ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois 

BRENDAN F. BOYLE, Pennsylvania 

DINA TITUS, Nevada 

NORMA J. TORRES, California 

BRADLEY SCOTT SCHNEIDER, Illinois 

THOMAS R. SUOZZI, New York 

ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York 

TED LIEU, California

AMY PORTER, Chief of Staff THOMAS SHEEHY, Staff Director

JASON STEINBAUM, Democratic Staff Director 

SUBCOMMITTEE ON TERRORISM, NONPROLIFERATION, AND TRADE

TED POE, Texas, Chairman 

JOE WILSON, South Carolina 

DARRELL E. ISSA, California 

PAUL COOK, California 

SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania 

LEE M. ZELDIN, New York 

BRIAN J. MAST, Florida 

THOMAS A. GARRETT, JR., Virginia 

WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts 

LOIS FRANKEL, Florida 

BRENDAN F. BOYLE, Pennsylvania 

DINA TITUS, Nevada 

NORMA J. TORRES, California 

BRADLEY SCOTT SCHNEIDER, Illinois 

(III)

C O N T E N T S 

Page

WITNESSES 

Valerie M. Hudson, Ph.D., professor and George H.W. Bush Chair, The Bush 

School of Government and Public Service, Texas A&M University ................. 6

Mr. Haras Rafiq, chief executive officer, Quilliam International ........................ 11

Ms. Farhat Popal, manager, Women’s Initiative, George W. Bush Institute ..... 27

Ms. Jamille Bigio, senior fellow for women and foreign policy, Council on 

Foreign Relations ................................................................................................. 34

LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING 

Valerie M. Hudson, Ph.D.: Prepared statement .................................................... 8

Mr. Haras Rafiq: Prepared statement ................................................................... 13

Ms. Farhat Popal: Prepared statement .................................................................. 30

Ms. Jamille Bigio: Prepared statement .................................................................. 36

APPENDIX 

Hearing notice .......................................................................................................... 58

Hearing minutes ...................................................................................................... 59

(1)

WOMEN’S ROLE IN COUNTERING TERRORISM 

TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 27, 2018

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

SUBCOMMITTEE ON TERRORISM, NONPROLIFERATION, AND TRADE,

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS,

Washington, DC. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:00 p.m., in room 

2172 Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Ted Poe (chairman of 

the subcommittee) presiding. 

Mr. POE. The subcommittee will come to order. 

Without objection, all members may have 5 days to submit statements and questions, extraneous materials for the record subject to 

the length limitation in the rules. I recognize myself for an opening 

statement. 

The spread of terrorism and extremist ideas has claimed countless lives, destroyed hundreds of communities and spawned radical 

groups around the world. Women in particular have long been the 

victims of these radical ideas. 

Just last week, the terrorist group Boko Haram targeted a girls’ 

school in Nigeria and abducted more than 100 young girls. This incident follows the 2014 abduction of 270 Nigerian school girls of 

which 112 are still missing. 

These acts are far from uncommon among Islamic terrorist organizations. Across the world, jihadist networks subject women and 

young girls to horrendous human rights violations. 

These male-dominated extremist groups frequently deny basic 

rights like access to education or political representation to women 

as a core component of their ideas. 

Terrorist groups like ISIS and Boko Haram are often the worst 

abusers of women, forcing them into marriages and sexual slavery. 

It should be no surprise that the status of women in a society is 

often an important indicator as to how vulnerable it is to violence 

and radicalization. 

Yet, while being one of the primary targets of terrorist groups, 

women are also being radicalized and recruited into these groups. 

Some support the group’s operations, enforce its laws, or marry, 

and bear children of terrorist fighters. Others actually commit 

these acts of terror. 

In recent years as many as 3,000 women have traveled to the 

Middle East to join ISIS with many becoming female suicide bombers. 

Despite the marginalization and brutality of women in extremistheld lands, repressive regimes, persistent conflict, and poor develVerDate 0ct 09 2002 10:18 Mar 27, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00005 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_TNT\022718\28824 SHIRL
2

opment policies sometimes create conditions that make groups like 

ISIS to be seen as an opportunity for women. 

Once radicalized, terrorist organizations will leverage the status 

of women to further their violent goals. For example, Boko Haram 

has exploited cultural perceptions of women in Nigeria as nonviolent and unlikely to be involved in terrorism, to use them as intelligence and recruiting tools. 

In our effort to combat terrorism and extremism abroad, we have 

neglected the important role of women and how they can play a 

part in actually preventing radicalization and facilitating peace 

building in areas long worn by violence. 

Women are well placed in homes, schools, and communities to 

challenge extremist narratives. Research shows that antiterrorism 

messages can be more effectively spread by women because they 

are more directly involved with those most vulnerable to the terrorist recruitment of the world’s youth. 

Given their importance in families and communities, it’s essential that women both at home and abroad are more meaningfully 

enlisted in the fight against terrorism. 

Two years ago, as French police hunted for the mastermind behind the Paris attacks that killed 130, it was a woman who reported the whereabouts to the police. 

Her role as a surrogate mother to family members of the attacker 

allowed her access and trust that men unfamiliar to the family 

would have never gained. 

Her brave action prevented a planned follow-on attack. Examples 

such as this demonstrate the crucial role of women in spotting 

emerging violence and gaining trust within families and communities. 

Unfortunately, we often lack their perspectives because women 

are underrepresented in governments where terrorist groups are 

most active. 

Because of their better ability to build trust, women have proven 

to improve the outcomes of conflict mediation and peace building. 

A study of 40 peace processes in 35 countries over the past 30 

years found that when women were involved, more agreements 

were reached, implemented, and sustained. 

As more and more terrorist groups threaten our country, our allies, and our interests, it is vital that we leverage the talents and 

perspectives of women as part of a bigger approach to ensure security at home and abroad. 

It must be the policy of the United States that as we work in societies damaged by years of war and political unrest we empower 

women to have a larger voice. 

In this fight against terrorism, we need everybody at the table, 

especially women. And I will yield to the gentleman from Massachusetts, the ranking member, Mr. Keating, for his opening statements. 

Mr. KEATING. Thank you, Chairman Poe. I would like to thank 

our panel for joining us on this very important topic. 

Quite frankly, in 2001 no one imagined how much the threat of 

terrorism would, indeed, change. The days of countering terrorism 

through undermining and eliminating self-contained organizations 

is over. 

3

Despite many successes, we often feel like we are playing a 

rigged game of Whac-A-Mole and all the while the organized 

groups like al-Qaeda or Boko Haram continue to survive and evolve 

as ever present and legitimate threats to the United States and our 

allies. 

Our security agencies here in the United States and those of our 

allies have been working tirelessly to adapt to a changing landscape, and as we have come to understand the new terrorist 

threats we face in foreign fighters and lone wolves, and the often 

unpredictable radicalization of vulnerable individuals in our communities, fortunately we have the ability to learn more about these 

new approaches and new actors who are critical to the fight against 

terrorism, and actors who really should have been a part of the 

strategy all along. 

Civil society, the rule of law, and the focus of our hearing this 

afternoon—women—are integral to our success in countering the 

terrorist threats we face today. 

By consistently failing to meaningfully engage women in combating terrorism and extremism, we are failing to not only address 

part of the problem but we are failing to pursue a whole new range 

of solutions. 

Our mission is to be most effective and efficient in keeping Americans and our allies safe from terrorism and to have this exclusion 

continue or not to maximize this important resource is unacceptable. 

Roughly half the world is made up of women. Half the victims 

of terrorism are women. In communities struggling to rebuild and 

achieve security and stability again after a terrorist threat has finally been temporarily kept at bay, roughly half the people in that 

community will be women. 

And yet, when we look at the breakdown of who is empowered 

to have a meaningful role in combating terrorism, women are severely under-represented. At a time when resources are tight, when 

we can’t seem to have a single sustained success story of eliminating a terrorist threat anywhere, and when instead the problem 

might be growing, why are we tying one of our hands behind our 

back? 

When we think about radicalization and terrorism, there are always warning signs. A parent notices her child’s behavior, notices 

whether there has been a recent change in that behavior. 

A teacher notices one of her students has been increasingly withdrawn in class. They change their appearance or their opinions 

have started to become more extreme. 

Often, women are on the front lines of noticing these warnings 

signs associated with radicalization. What resources do they have 

when they are faced with a situation? 

Far too often, women don’t know or trust who they can go to with 

that information or, worse yet, when some of them brought their 

concerns to law enforcement, they are ignored. 

Fortunately, this has been changing, thanks to the incredible 

strength and determination of countless women around the world 

as well as many men who early on understood the importance of 

supporting these women in their mission. 

4

Thanks to them, we finally started to move in the right direction. 

Congress passed the Women, Peace, and Security Act last fall, 

which will require a strategy be in place to promote the participation of women in U.S. foreign policy. 

More research has been done to show the benefits achieved when 

women have a seat at the table and more women than ever before 

have been able to join the ranks of their male counterparts in the 

security sector and in leadership posts where they have a real role 

in fighting terrorism and shaping peaceful resolutions to conflict. 

We still have a very long way to go, however, and the threats we 

face from terrorism are not going to sit patient while we get there. 

The whole of government approach does not mean listening to 

and working with just half the resources we have available to us 

in tackling these threats. 

I, therefore, look forward to hearing our witnesses today. I hope 

that we can discuss lessons learned so far, the gaps that still remain, and including women alongside men in efforts to combat terrorism, and what we can do about it, what we should be doing in 

terms of our foreign assistance, our military assistance, our diplomatic missions, and our intelligence missions. 

What must men start doing differently and what changes do we 

need to start making things happen now so that our counterterrorism strategy is no longer just half of what it could be? 

I yield back. 

Mr. POE. I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts. 

And without objection, the chair will recognize the gentle lady 

from Florida, Ms. Frankel, for an opening statement. 

Ms. FRANKEL. Thank you, Mr. Poe and Mr. Keating, for convening this meeting. 

For too long, women’s diverse roles in countering and supporting 

violent extremism has been overlooked and it just needs more attention. I am glad we are doing that today and I thank you, all of 

you, for being here. 

Ignoring half of the population in the fight against radicalism 

leaves us with a strategic blind spot and when it comes to violent 

extremism women can be victims, preventers, and perpetrators. 

You know, terrorists do not succumb their victims only with bullets and bombs, as we know. Rape, trafficking, and abuse of women 

have become all too common weapons of war. 

Women are often the first targets of terrorist organizations. ISIS 

has abducted and raped thousands of women and girls and even 

used income generated from human trafficking to fill their coffers. 

In Nigeria, Boko Haram has kidnapped hundreds of girls and 

subjected them to countless horrors. Last week, another 110 girls 

went missing from a group that attacked another school. 

The Taliban have attacked girls in Afghanistan, in Pakistan—

like we heard about that wonderful young girl, Malala—simply for 

trying to get an education. 

And, sadly, women are not always the innocent. They also support and engage in terrorism. In sub-Saharan Africa, three out of 

four child suicide bombers are girls and 18 percent of all suicide 

bombers are women, and I am sure there is a lot of complicated 

reasons for that that hopefully some of you will address. 

5

When the former wife of a Boko Haram commander was asked 

why she willingly joined the group, she said they offered her more 

money, power, and protection than what she was getting within 

her own community. 

Recent research has shed light on factors that lead women to be 

recruited into terrorist organizations: False promises of protection, 

escape from an abusive home, and leadership opportunities. 

But we still have a limited understanding of what’s driving these 

women in the wrong direction. And as mentioned by my colleagues, 

women can be and should be on the front lines of countering terrorism, and are uniquely situated to detect early signs of 

radicalization in youth, especially as mothers. 

And whatever—many times their warnings are disregarded and 

we have to figure out ways to empower them and I hope we will 

hear some suggestions on that. 

I have lots of questions but I am going to wait until it’s my turn 

to ask and, again, I thank you all for being here on this very important subject. 

Mr. POE. The gentle lady yields back her time. 

I now will recognize each of the witnesses and I would advise all 

of you that your statements are prepared—your prepared statements are a part of the record and try to keep your statements to 

no more than 5 minutes and then each member of the panel or 

each member of the committee will ask you questions. 

Dr. Valerie Hudson is professor at the George H. W. Bush School 

of Government and also is the chair of the Department of International Affairs at the Bush School of Government at Texas A&M 

University where she directs the program of Women, Peace, and 

Security. She previously taught at Brigham Young, Northwestern, 

and Rutgers Universities. 

Mr. Haras Rafiq is CEO of Quilliam International. He is currently a member of the United Kingdom’s Prime Minister’s Community Engagement Forum Task Force and was formerly a member of the U.K. government’s task force looking at countering extremism in response to the 2005 terrorist bombings in London. 

Ms. Farhat Popal serves as the manager of the Women’s Initiative Fellowship and the Afghan Women’s Project at the George W. 

Bush Institute at SMU, not to be confused with the Texas A&M Institution where your cohort, Dr. Hudson, works. 

Previously, she worked at the State Department’s Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, and as special inspector general for Afghanistan reconstruction. 

And Ms. Jamille Bigio is a senior fellow at the Women and Foreign Policy program at the Council on Foreign Relations. Previously, she has served as director of human rights and gender on 

the White House National Security Council staff. 

Dr. Hudson, we will start with you and you have 5 minutes. 

When that red light comes on, that means you’re supposed to stop. 

Ms. HUDSON. I’ll do my best. 

Mr. POE. If you see it. 

Ms. HUDSON. Thank you so much. 

Mr. POE. In case you were wondering what that meant. 

6

STATEMENT OF VALERIE M. HUDSON, PH.D., PROFESSOR AND 

GEORGE H.W. BUSH CHAIR, THE BUSH SCHOOL OF GOVERNMENT AND PUBLIC SERVICE, TEXAS A&M UNIVERSITY 

Ms. HUDSON. I am grateful to be here today. Thank you so much 

for inviting me. I hope my short remarks on the linkages between 

male-female relations, radicalization, and terrorism may be of use 

to you. 

My research team at the Women’s Stats Project has been examining the relationship between gender and equality, marriage market obstruction, on the one hand, and the security and stability of 

nation states on the other for some time now. 

This research is most recently funded by the Minerva Initiative 

of the U.S. Department of Defense. In our efforts, we have concentrated on women’s personal empowerment, or disempowerment, 

at the household level rather than examining broader indicators 

such as female literacy, female labor force participation, or female 

parliamentary representation. 

Rather, we examine things that are closer to home for women 

such as property and inheritance rights, rights in marriage, rights 

in divorce and custody, level of violence against women in the 

home—in total, 11 such indicators of women’s empowerment or 

disempowerment at the household level. 

Then, using large and multi varied modeling measure techniques, we found that this disempowerment—household 

disempowerment measure is strongly significantly related to multiple measures of political instability, autocracy, lack of freedom, 

corruption, and internal conflict in the state. 

In fact, the overall best predictor of state stability and security 

was not our control variables such as how urbanized the society 

was, how fractionalized the society was, colonial status, and several 

others, but rather women’s disempowerment at the household level 

was the most predictive variable. 

Why would there be such a strong and significant association? 

We argue that the character of male-female relations at the household level is, if you will, the first political order within any human 

society and this order shapes the development of the nation state 

in indelible ways. 

If the household is an autocracy where men rule over those who 

are different from them—women—if men feel they have the right 

to use physical force against those who are different from them—

women—if men feel entitled to greater access to household resources than those who are different from them—women—this is 

the template that will be applied to all who are deemed different 

in the larger society. 

This explains why Elin Bjarnegard and her co-authors have 

found that men holding deeply gender unequal beliefs also hold far 

more hostile attitudes toward minority and foreign nations and are 

significantly more likely to be involved in committing political violence. 

How women are treated by men becomes, if you will, a boot camp 

training men in the arts of violent and exploitative autocracy. 

Does the boot camp hypothesis hold for terrorism as well? Yes, 

it does. Again, using the same techniques, we found every measure 

of terrorism we examined such as the political terrorist scale, terVerDate 0ct 09 2002 10:18 Mar 27, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00010 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_TNT\022718\28824 SHIRL
7

rorism impact score, terrorism fatalities was strongly, significantly 

associated with women’s personal disempowerment at the household level. 

Train men to terrorize women and you train them in terrorism. 

Relatedly, this also helps explain why the overwhelming majority 

of mass shooters in the U.S. have histories of domestic violence. 

We also undertook the second angle of investigation into the 

links to terrorism. We examined nations’ comparative rates of production of foreign fighters going to fight for ISIS. 

Adjusting for total population size, which nations are producing 

more or less of these foreign fighters? Using data from the Soufan 

Group on estimated numbers from each country, again, a strong 

and significant relationship between the national production rate of 

foreign fighters and our measure of women’s personal 

disempowerment at the household level. 

This is the second corroboration of the boot camp hypothesis and 

I’d like to note this particular research was conducted by my graduate Capstone research team at the Bush School of Government 

and Public Service for the Office of Global Women’s Issues at the 

State Department. 

There are also additional ways. By creating structural instabilities—well, you talked about Boko Haram. Well, one of the structural instabilities is bride price—the price that a groom must pay 

to a bride’s father to marry. 

Bride price is subject to extreme inflation and bubbles over time, 

and this means that young men are priced out of the marriage 

market. 

Boko Haram kidnaps these girls so that young men without bride 

prices may marry. In a like manner, polygyny and sex ratio alteration also create chronic instability within the system, goading 

young men into grievance and political terrorism. 

In conclusion then, by providing a training course in terrorism, 

creating structural instability within a society, and disempowering 

the very voices that might be most persuasive arguing against terrorism—women—the character of male-female relations is a strong 

determinant of the horizon for peace and security within the society. 

Thank you very much. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Hudson follows:]

8


28824a-1.eps

Valerie M. Hudson, Ph.D. 

Professor and George H.W. Bush Chair 

Director, Program on Women, Peace, and Security 

Department of International Affairs 

The Bush School of Government and Public Service 

Texas A&M University 

The House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade 

Hearings on "Women's Role in Countering Terrorism" 

27 February 2018 

STATEMENT: 

Honored members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, I am delighted to be 

with you today. I hope my short remarks on the linkages between male/female 

relations, radicalization, and terrorism may be of use to you. 

My research team at The WomanStats Project (b.ltp://womanstats.or.g) has been 

examining the relationship between gender inequality and marriage market obstruction 

on the one hand, and the security and stability of nation-states on the other, for some 

time now. This research is most recently funded by the Minerva Initiative of the US 

Department of Defense. 

In our efforts, we have concentrated on women's personal empowerment or 

disempowerment at the household level, rather than examining broader indicators such 

as female literacy, female laborforce participation, or female representation in 

parliaments. Rather, we examine things closer to home, such as property and 

inheritance rights, rights in marriage, rights in divorce and custody, level of violence 

against women in the home--in total eleven such indicators of women's empowerment 

at the household level. Then, using Iarge-N multivariate modeling techniques, we found 

that this measure is strongly and significantly related to multiple measures of political 

instability, autocracy, lack of freedoms, corruption and internal conflict. In fact, the 

overall best predictor of state stability was not our control variables, such as 

urbanization, ethnic fractionalization, former colonial status, and several others, but 

rather women's empowerment at the household level. [1] 

Why would there be such a strong and significant association? We argue that the 

character of male/female relations at the household level is the first political order 

created within any human society, and that this order shapes the development of the 

nation-state in indelible ways. If the household is an autocracy where men rule over 

those who are different from them-women; if men feel they have the right to use 

physical force against those who are different from them-women; if men feel entitled 

to greater access to household resources than those who are different from themwomen; this is the template that will be applied to all who are deemed different in the 

larger society. This explains why Elin Bjarnegard and her co-authors have found that 

men holding deeply gender unequal beliefs also hold far more hostile attitudes towards 

minorities and foreign nations-and are also more likely to be involved in committing 

political violence. [2, 3] How women are treated by men becomes a boot camp, if you 

will, training men in the arts of violent and exploitative autocracy. 

Does the boot camp hypothesis hold for terrorism, as well? Yes, it does. Again 

using Iarge-N multivariate modeling, we found that every measure of terrorism we 

examined, including the Political Terror Scale, the Terrorism Impact Score, and 
9


28824a-2.eps

Terrorism Fatalities, was strongly and significantly associated with women's personal 

disempowerment at the household level. Train men to terrorize women, and you train 

them in terrorism. Relatedly, this also helps explain why the overwhelming majority of 

mass shooters in the United States have histories of domestic violence. [4] 

We also undertook a second angle of investigation into the links to terrorism, 

and examined nations' comparative rate of production of foreign fighters going to ISIScontrolled territory over the last few years. That is, adjusting for their total population 

size, which nations were producing more (or less) of these foreign fighters? Using data 

from the Soufan Group on estimated numbers of foreign fighters from each country, we 

found a very strong and significant relationship between the national production rate of 

foreign fighters and our measure of women's personal disempowerment at the 

household level. This is a second corroboration of the boot camp hypothesis, and I'd 

like to note that this particular research was conducted by my graduate capstone 

research team at the Bush School of Government and Public Service for the Office of 

Global Women's Issues at the US State Department. 

There is an additional way in which the societal structure of male/female 

relations affects the level of terrorist and rebel activity within the society, and that is 

through providing goads that make the recruitment of young men by terrorist and rebel 

groups very easy. For example, about 75% of the world's population lives in societies in 

which marriage involves a substantial payment, and most of the time that takes the 

form ofbrideprice, where the groom must pay the bride's father. This often involves a 

large sum of money or assets-usually several times the annual income of the family. 

Brideprice is subject to often dramatic inflation, much like real estate bubbles, and such 

inflation prices many young men out of the marriage market altogether. Terrorist and 

rebel groups become aware of the ensuing grievance, and will offer to pay brideprice on 

behalf of young men who would otherwise not be able to marry. In a recent article, 

Hilary Matfess and I explore this phenomenon, and find that many groups use 

brideprice to attract recruits, such as Boko Haram, Lashkar-e-Taiba, ISIS, Hezbollah, and 

many others. Some governments, such as the Saudi government, understand this 

linkage and try to put legal caps on brideprice, as well as pay brideprice for their most 

vulnerable young men. [5] 

Remembering that brideprice is part of that first political order that 

subordinates and "others" women within their own households, we see that in addition 

to being a boot camp for terror, this first political order can also produce goads for 

young men to join terrorist and rebel groups. That is, the marriage market becomes 

chronically obstructed as a result of that subordinative order. Polygyny also serves the 

same type of goading function; for example, recruitment of young men into terrorist and 

rebel groups in West Africa has been linked by researchers to areas of more prevalent 

polygyny, for polygyny also obstructs the marriage market for young men. [6] In similar 

fashion, sex ratio alterations, in which girls are culled from the population through sexselective abortion and female infanticide, can likewise produce outcomes in which tens 

of millions of women go missing, similarly obstructing marriage markets due to the 

scarcity of women. [7] Lest you feel this is an issue only in China and India, there are 

now 19 nations with seriously abnormal birth sex ratios, including countries such as 

Armenia, Albania, and Azerbaijan. [8] When you subordinate women at the household 

level, as brideprice, polygyny, and sex ratio alteration all do, societies become 

structurally unstable, and the link to terror and rebellion become clear. 

In conclusion, by providing a training course in terrorism as well as creating 

structural instability within a society, the character of male/female relations is a strong 
10


28824a-3.eps

determinant of the horizon for peace and security within a society. This means that 

gender equality is thus a hard security issue, and is recognized as such by this Congress 

through its passage of the Women, Peace, and Security Act of 2017. As a former 

Secretary of State put it in 2012, "The subjugation of women is a threat to the common 

security of our world and to the national security of our country." [9] 

Thank you so much for your invitation to address this subcommittee. 

References 

[1] Hudson, Valerie M., Donna Lee Bowen, Perpetua Lynne Nielsen, The First Political 

Order: Sex, Governance, and National Security, forthcoming 

[2] Bjarnegard, Elin, Erik Melander (2017) "Pacific Men: How the Feminist Gap Explains 

Hostility," The Pacific Review, DOl: 10.1080/09512748.2016.1264456 

[3] Bjarnegard, Elin, Karen Brouneus, Erik Melander (2017) "Honor and Political 

Violence: Micro-Level Findings from a Survey in Thailand," journal of Peace Research, 

546(6), 748-761. 

[4] Hudson, Valerie M. and Patrticia Leidl (2018) "Did It Mean Nothing?" Columbia 

University Press Blog, 20 February, http:/!www.cupbl.og.org/201fl/02/20fdid-it· 

mean-nothln!;/ 

[5] Hudson, Valerie M. and Hilary Matfess (2017) "In Plain Sight: The Neglected Linkage 

Between Brideprice, Raiding, and Rebellion," International Security, Vol. 42, No.1 

(Summer 2017), pp. 7-40, doi:10.1162/ISEC_a_00289 

[6] Mokuwa, Esther, Maarten Voors, Erwin Bulte and Paul Richards (2011) "Peasant 

Grievance and Insurgency in Sierra Leone: Judicial Serfdom as a Driver of Conflict." 

African Affairs 110, no. 440 (2011): 339-366. 

[7] Hudson, Valerie and Andrea Den Boer (2004) Bare Branches: The Security 

Implications of Asia 's Surplus Male Population, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. 

[8] Hudson, Valerie M. and Andrea M. Den Boer (2015) "When a Boy's Life is Worth 

More Than His Sister's," Foreign Policy, July 30, 

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[9] Hudson, Valerie M. and Patricia! Leidl (2015) The Hillary Doctrine: How Sex Came to 

Matter in American Foreign Policy, New York: Columbia University Press. 
11

Mr. POE. Thank you, Dr. Hudson. 

Mr. Rafiq, thank you for being here. Thank you for coming across 

the pond, so to speak, to be here to testify at this hearing. We appreciate it very much. 

You may proceed with your testimony. 

STATEMENT OF MR. HARAS RAFIQ, CHIEF EXECUTIVE 

OFFICER, QUILLIAM INTERNATIONAL 

Mr. RAFIQ. Thank you, Chairman Poe, Ranking Member Keating, 

and Member Frankel for inviting me to travel across the pond and 

speak on this very important subject. 

My colleague—my executive director at Quilliam U.S. would have 

been here but he’s in Nigeria right now training male and female 

members of civil society on critical thinking to tackle terrorism. 

Quilliam is an organization that operates in three countries—the 

U.K., U.S., and Canada—and it’s an organization that was set up 

by former extremists to challenge Islamist terrorism and Islamist 

ideology. 

I think it’s very important that we use the correct terminology 

and we use Islamism and differentiate between Islam, because just 

as there’s a difference between the word social and socialism, there 

is a difference between Islam, which is a religion that’s practiced 

by Muslims around the world in many different ways. 

Islamism is a distinct political ideology when merged with certain Salafi Wahhabi theology is one interpretation and is part of 

a civil war that’s going on within Islam right now. 

Chairman Poe, you’re absolutely right that women are ideally 

placed to be primary and secondary intervention providers because 

of their proximity, their prestige, and their passion. 

They are much more effective than any government initiatives 

direct or any governments can be and quite often are more effective 

than men when it comes to providing these interventions for young 

male and female members of their families. 

In order to understand and the best way to actually look at 

projects to prevent terrorism—we need to look at the radicalization 

process and there are four key aspects to it. 

The first one, there has to be a grievance, whether it’s genuine, 

partial, or perceived. The second one, there has to be a charismatic 

recruiter or recruiters that will recruit people who have these 

grievances. 

The third thing is there has to be an identity crisis. People have 

to be told that the only way they’re going to find solutions is if they 

join a particular Islamist gang, and the fourth one is the ideology 

of Islamism itself that actually provides solutions for some of these 

people. 

In the case of women and our ground-breaking research, which 

I co-authored, called ‘‘Caliphates: Women and the Appeal of Islamic 

States,’’ the four main solutions for women were the following—the 

first one, the promise of empowerment; the second one, the promise 

of deliverance; the third one, the promise of participation; and the 

fourth one, the promise of piety. 

Once we understand these processes, we can start looking at 

projects on ways of actually preventing terrorism, and I just want 

to touch very briefly on four projects that we’ve worked on—or that 

12

we’ve run—and you can read more about them in the written testimony. 

The first one is the current project in Nigeria, which is around 

critical thinking, which our—my executive director, Mohammed 

Rahim, is delivering right now. It’s on critical thinking. 

The second one is AMATE, which is the American Muslims 

Against Terrorism and Extremism. We run that with our partners 

in the U.S., Masjid Muhammad and also with Greene Street Communications, and in fact the project is led by an African-American 

Muslim woman, Jamilah Fraser. 

And since its launch on January the 8th of this year, we’ve 

reached 705,000 people out of which 65,000—sorry, 86,000 people 

have been women, and I can go into the demographics a little bit 

more. 

The third one is the rehabilitation of former terrorists within the 

U.K. There have been a number of people that have been released 

here in the U.S. over the last 12 months and we’ve worked with 

some of them, male and female, and there will be some news and 

some announcements that we’ll have where we’ve de-radicalized, 

used models that we’ve used in other countries to de-radicalize individuals here in the U.S. And by the way, there are just under 20 

further people that we—convicted terrorists in the U.S. that we release within the next 12 months. 

The fourth one is FATE, which is Families Against Terrorism 

and Extremism, and that’s one of our flagship programs where 

we’ve operated in 22 countries with 115 organizations. 

Ten thousand providers of services have been the beneficiary of 

training. We’ve up-scaled—we’ve trained people in North Africa 

and in central Europe as well, and again, we’ve helped them build 

messages and really used women and families to actually become 

this bulwark against terrorism. 

There are about 12 recommendations in my testimony but the 

gist, really, of the recommendations are around the following. 

At this moment in time, we are actually playing Whac-A-Mole. 

We are actually focusing on a strategy that is about terrorism prevention, and once we actually contain one global jihadist terrorist 

threat, there is a new one that pops up. 

But ISIS and al-Qaeda didn’t breed extremism. Extremism bred 

them. In order to actually become more effective, we have to recognize that there is a global jihadist insurgency and we also need an 

effective counter extremism strategy which actually works with 

women, empowers women, and empowers civil society as a whole 

to take on this challenge and counter the narratives that would 

radicalize our youngsters. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Rafiq follows:]

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QUILLIAM 

Challenging Extremism I Promoting Pluralism I Inspiring Change 

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CONGRESSIONAL TESTIMONY 

The Role of Women in Countering Violent 

Extremism 

Testimony before 

Terrorism, Non-Proliferation, and Trade Subcommittee 

Committee on Foreign Affairs 

United States House of Representatives 

27th February 2018 

Haras Rafiq 

Chief Executive Officer 

Quilliam International 
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I wish to thank Chairman Poe, Ranking Member Keating, and the other Members of 

the Subcommittee for the opportunity to discuss the role of women in Countering Violent 

Extremism. 

My name is Haras Rafiq and I am the Chief Executive Officer of Quilliam International. 

Quilliam is the world's first counter-extremism organisation and aims to challenge extremist 

narratives while advocating pluralistic, democratic alternatives that are consistent with 

universal human rights. Quilliam has a full spectrum and values-based approach to counterextremism which means promoting pluralism and inspiring change. 

To pursue our work more effectively and ensure that we are localising our efforts. We are 

currently operating in the UK, USA and Canada as well as a Global team for projects around 

the world. 

Challenging extremism is the duty of all responsible members of society. Not least because 

cultural insularity and extremism are products of the failures of wider society to foster a 

shared sense of belonging and to advance liberal democratic values. 

Quilliam seeks to challenge what we think, and the way we think. We aim to generate 

creative, informed and inclusive discussions to counter the ideological underpinnings of 

terrorism, while simultaneously providing evidence-based policy recommendations to 

governments and building civil society networks and programmes to lead the change 

towards a more positive future. 

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Background and Rational for Empowering Women in CVE 

Current strategies for tackling violent extremism -have a fundamental blind spot. This blind 

spot is the way in which civil society is underutilised to act as primary and secondary 

intervention providers to prevent the process of radicalisation to violent extremism and 

hence terrorism 

Families and hence women are the best placed to counter violent extremism because they 

meet the 3 P's that we look for: 

Proximity, Prestige and Passion. 

Proximity: families are close to individuals vulnerable to radicalisation and recruitment to 

violent extremism. Having identified vulnerable individuals through target audience analysis, 

families are ideally placed to intervene because of their Proximity to them. 

Prestige: families have credibility as intervention providers that many other stakeholders 

lack and we know that reducing the role of the state in CVE and de-securitising this area is 

important for effective interventions. Because of their Prestige, families are much better 

placed to intervene effectively, as safe guarders, intervention providers, and messengers in 

counter speech. 

Passion: families are uniquely placed to communicate emotionally to protect their loved 

ones from the social harms of violent extremism, and the security threats of terrorism. 

Whereas many stakeholders can only respond to extremism with logic and counters to 

violent extremism, families can respond with Passion, which is both a more effective 

counter to violent extremism, and a credible alternative 

Violent Extremism and the Appeal of Groups such as ISIS and AI-Qaeda 

The most recent Jihadist phenomenon that the world has witnessed has been ISIS and their 

claim to a utopian Islamic State. Although, ISIS has been militarily defeated for now, it would 

be a mistake to believe that the underpinning ideology of Isla mist Jihadism has been 

defeated. It would also be a mistake to just focus on the ISIS brand as extremism in isolation 

as groups such as ISIS, AL Qaeda, Boko Haram, AI Shabab et al did not inspire extremism; 

extremism inspired them. 

To establish terms up front, we make a clear difference between Islam and Islam ism. Islam 

is a religion practiced by 1.5 billion Muslims, whose clear majority are non-violent and 

peaceful, but on the flip side of the coin, have been the victims of extremist brutality, 

barbarism and draconian tactics. We describe Islam ism as a political ideology that seeks to 

impose any interpretation of Islam as State Law usually in the form to oppress, restrict and 

retard growth 

Isla mist extremism and the radicalization to violence relies on the following four factors 

being present 

-' 
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• The first, is a sense of grievance, whether real or perceived, that gives rise to anger 

and despair in some cases but more than that it begins the desire to seek out an 

alternative solution to and individuals' problem 

• The second is an identity crisis that is born from that sense of grievance. So, for 

example, if the sense of grievance was the Bosnia genocide, as it was for many in the 

past, then the identity crisis born from it, is to question whether one really belongs 

in the society that they live in. 

• The third factor is the presence of charismatic extremist recruiters, who provide a 

sense of belonging, where perhaps that sense of grievance, and the identity crisis, 

led to a vacuum in belonging. He or she steps in where family should be stepping in, 

where a father figure should be stepping in, or mother figure, and provides that 

sense of belonging. 

• The fourth, is the ideology. In this case, the Isla mist ideology, that is then peddled as 

the solution to that sense of grievance, the solution to the identity crisis, and the 

ideal that the charismatic recruiter says that he or she are adhering to themselves. 

The above is designed to move the individual through various stages of an identity that 

believes that all who do not belong to their world view are the other, are all the same, are 

all oppressing them, are all collectively guilty (hence no innocents), do not fit into their 

supremacism narrative and that self-defense and violence need to eventually be applied 

against them. 

Women Radicalized to join ISIS from Western Countries 

Our ground-breaking report Caliphettes: Women and the Appeal of Islamic State', examined 

the appeal of the Islamic Sate "caliphate" to women. To do this, we embarked upon a close 

analysis of Islamic State's official propaganda and unofficial proselytisers. In the process, 

four promises- empowerment, deliverance, participation and piety- are identified as the 

organisation's key pull factors. 

• The promise of empowerment conveyed by Islamic State's official and unofficial 

propaganda encourages women to understand joining the organisation to reverse 

the ills that they face in life outside the "caliphate". By joining Islamic State, the line 

goes, women can defiantly take charge of their lives in the same way that men can: 

through living in Islamic State's "caliphate" and supporting its jihad by marrying a 

fighter, women are led to believe that they can emancipate themselves from kufr 

(disbelief). 

• The deliverance promise focuses on the idea that, by joining Islamic State, grievances 

that women suffer in the West are immediately resolved. Women can be freed from 

daily degradations and disbelief and are instead assimilated into a tightknit collective 

sisterhood that will provide them with a network of support and friendship. 

Reflective of this, the ideas of redemption and deliverance tend to be directed to 

females by females. 

1 https :/ /v-1\V\V. quilliamintenwtional. com/ shop/e-pub lications/caliphettes-\vomen -and -the -appeal-of -islamicstate/ 

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• The participation promise incentivizes women to join Islamic State even though their 

role is strictly non-military. It conveys a sense that there is more to the "caliphate's" 

jihad than fighting and that, for women, there is a specific state-building role. A 

constant theme in Islamic State propaganda is that supporting the "caliphate", 

making it grow and flourish, is the job of everyone. For women, this takes the role of 

providing, maintaining and educating its" cubs", the next generation of fighters, as 

well as supporting their soldier spouses. 

• The last promise of Islamic State's women-orientated propaganda is piety, 

something built up the theological imperative to join the group. The alleged pristine 

nature of an "Islamic existence" in the "caliphate" is a means of justifying each stress 

and sacrifice and acts as a means for recruiters to exert peer pressure to push others 

to make hijra (migrating). 

These four solutions alone did not cause female supporters of Islamic State in the West to 

make hijra and join ISIS. However, when combined with the group's copious amounts of 

audio-visual propaganda, they played a crucial role in the rhetorical armoury of the 

"caliphate's" charismatic recruiters. 

The discussion on the radicalisation of women is overly gendered and, all too often, 

predicated on misconceptions. In reality, when it comes to joining violent extremist causes, 

women are susceptible to the very same processes as men: narratives, ideology, grievances, 

and various push and pull factors. Reflecting this, the last part of this report delivers policy 

recommendations on how we must reappraise our attempts to counter the twin processes 

of female radicalisation and recruitment, in line with general counter-radicalisation, but 

using women as specific entry points. 

Programs and Women Involvement 

1. Tafakkur Critical Thinking Program 

To amplify our point, at present our Executive Director for Quilliam North 

America, Dr. Muhammad Fraser-Rahim and our Quilliam team is in Nigeria, West 

Africa where we are incorporating a cutting-edge training called Taffakur. 

Taffakur means to think, reflect and ponder in Arabic, is a critical thinking tool in 

which we are working directly with individuals from conflict zones in Nigeria, 

including Adamawa, Yobe and Barno States and directly with women. 

Workshop Objectives 

By the end of the Workshop, participants will be able to: 

• Understand the genealogy of terrorism in Africa, the goals and objectives of 

extremist groups, and the discourse ofP/CVE; 

• Know Islam's contribution to civilization, it's spread across the 

world, Islamic philosophy, and experientially understand the concept of 

Tkhtilaaf (respect for differences of opinions in Islam) 

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• Think for themselves, via learning about and practicing the Socratic Method 

via Tafakkur, Circles 

• Understand the discourse of service learning, to design tailored P/CVE 

interventions 

2. Ideological Rehabilitation 

In the United States, our team has been working with women and men to help them 

on their exit and journey out of extremism. This one on one engagement requires 

skilled people who understand the issues facing individuals and communities as they 

remain vulnerable to both online and person to person recruitment. We continue to 

build on our work doing this globally and continue to seek to expand throughout the 

world. 

There will be some announcements on the success of this project in the near future 

3. AMATE (American Muslims Against Terrorism and Extremism) 

• Officially launched- January 8, 2018 

• Press release to media 

• Online pickups: 129 outlets, potential audience= 134,167,900 

• Geotargeting to mobile devices 

• Social media outreach (Facebook, lnstagram and Twitter) 

The AMATE Initiative, American Muslims Against Terrorism & Extremism, launched 

officially on January 8'h ofthis year and right away it garnered tremendous interest. 

The effort is anchored by a website complete with resources for those seeking a way 

out of extremism, those who might be on the path to extremism who know that 

they've gotten themselves into trouble and even video testimonials from former 

extremists. The resources are not only targeted to those who have already been 

radicalized or are on the path to radicalization, but it also targets the loved ones of 

those who have chosen that very dark path. We know that, often, families look on 

feeling nearly helpless as they try to bring their loved ones back from the brink. So, 

it was very important that we provided a solution that they could easily utilize as 

well. 

Since the January 8'h launch, the site has reached more than 705,000 individuals 

through the use of a robust mobile device geotargeting campaign. Close to 400,000 

of those are men aged 25-34, nearly 240,000 are men aged 18-24 and close to 

60,000 aged 35-44. But, we know that women are often the guiding lights helping to 

pull young men out of that dark world, so the campaign has also targeted women, 

leading them to those resources that will help them talk to their loved ones about 

the dangerous path that they've chosen. Since the campaign launch, more than 

86,000 women have been reached with 65,000 of those being in the 25-34 age 

group, 15,000 aged 18-24 and over 6,000 aged 35-44. 

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Those numbers are phenomenal, but they could not have been possible without a 

thoughtful investment of financial resources. To continue this great work, it will take 

a further investment in order to continue to meet those who would wreck lives and 

cause havoc in the world where, more and more often we find they hide- on the 

world wide web. 

4. FATE- Families Against Terrorism and Extremism 

Please see case study below 

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Case Study- Project FATE (Families Against Terrorism and Extremism) 

FATE- Families Against Terrorism and Extremism 

Families are often the people most impacted by acts of violent terrorism and recruitment to 

extremist ideas. They are the first hit with loss and pain after a terrorist act and feel deep 

pangs of shame and guilt when a loved one becomes radicalized. 

Yet, families are not just victims of violent extremism; they are vital partners in peace and 

their engagement in constructive responses to terrorism and extremism, of all kinds is critical 

in prevention, and mitigation of the impacts of violence and radicalization on individuals and 

communities. 

Families are educators, guides and helpers. They are protectors and comforters, positioned 

to intervene if a loved one takes a dangerous path. They are trusted confidants, motivators 

and an anchor for the next generation. To effectively play their role in protecting their loved 

ones from radicalization and recovering from acts of terrorism, they need support, 

opportunities to connect with others in similar situations, training and a platform to share 

their stories so that the human impact of terrorism and radicalization is understood. 

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About FATE 

Families Against Terrorism and Extremism (FATE) was established in March 2016 by a 

partnership between Quilliam International and the US State Department division (GEC) to 

create a support network for civil society organisations (CSOs), state agencies, individuals and 

communities to come together to share ideas, experiences and resources around protecting 

and empowering families against terrorism and radicalisation. The US Government initiated 

the project for one year and have now handed the project over to Quilliam International. The 

first FATE Summit, held in Paris in March 2016, brought together over 100 CSO 

representatives and countering violent extremism (CVE) practitioners over two days to 

explore various themes around the role families can play in protecting their communities 

against radicalisation and to identify their support needs. 

Some of the current participants and network members include The Association of British 

Muslims, Women Without Borders, Sons and Daughters of the World, The Breck Foundation 

and Mothers for Life and The Arq Foundation. 

Since the Summit, FATE has facilitated online and offline communication, provided support 

to CSOs and practitioners through creating networking opportunities and resource finding 

and offered guidance and advice to network members in their work. 

With a strong and active network across Europe, FATE was then able to broaden its work in 

the North Africa region. Convening its second Summit in Tunisia in November 2016, where a 

further 120 CSO representatives and countering violent extremism (CVE) practitioners over 

two days to explore various themes around the role families can play in protecting their 

communities against radicalisation and to identify their support needs. This was followed by 

online and face-to-face training around 'Building Family Resilience against Terrorism and 

Radicalisation,' that took place in Morocco and Tunisia, FATE hopes to build a global 

movement that strengthens family's resilience against the radicalization process and provide 

them with the support they need when impacted by acts of violent extremism. 

In March 2016, Quilliam founded the Families Against Terrorism and Extremism (FATE) 

Network in Europe. FATE is a countering violent extremism project that aims to empower civil 

society to generate effective CVE interventions, especially by using with family-oriented 

themes 

FATE's strategy is to: 

1) Develop a network of civil society organisations who have direct contact with families 

2) Collaborate with this network of organisations and families to create engaging, hyperlocal 

counter speech content with family-oriented themes 

3) Engage this network and use hypertargeting with social media tools to deliver counter 

speech to our target audience: individuals vulnerable to radicalisation, extremism and 

terrorism 

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4) Incorporate calls to action within this counter speech to allow us to identify individuals for 

online and offline CVE interventions, then use FATE's triage model to identify the right 

intervention for each individual 

5) Build the capacity oft he FATE network to provide effective CVE interventions through skillsbuilding workshops (spotting the signs of radicalisation, conducting targeted interventions, 

developing counter speech, providing direct intervention online or on the phone, and 

cooperating with authorities). a train-the-trainer model, and the FATE Support Request Form. 

6) Empower families in the FATE network to understand radicalisation, extremism, terrorism 

and how to counter these phenomena so they can play a prevention and intervention role 

through skills-building workshops, online modules, and as eventual beneficiaries of the trainthe-trainer model. 

7) Link vulnerable individuals to organisations within the FATE network so they can deliver 

the right intervention in each case. 

8) Monitor the performance of FATE counter speech and its reception among our target 

audience, with a focus on the success of our calls to actions in providing FATE with individuals 

for further intervention. Evaluate the skills increase among network organisations and 

families trained by FATE. Record the individual intervention journeys of beneficiaries within 

our target audience to ensure high retention rate and track the link between attitudinal shift 

(online) and behavioural change (offline). 

Highlights from Year One 

In Year One, FATE has focused on building a brand and growing trust among organisations 

that are crucial to the successful implementation of its strategy. We have done this by building 

a fully-interactive website hub for our members that houses our counter speech content, 

other resources and information about our events, a blog for members to write on and a 

forum where members can engage with each other, and which will soon be the portal for our 

online workshop modules. We have a delivered a successful media and social media strategy 

that has seen over 1 million views of FATE's counter speech videos, 94 articles and stories 

published, 84,000 engagements through our presence on 5 social media platforms and in 5 

languages. 

FATE has run international summits in Paris and in Tunis, which have brought together civil 

society organisations that work in counter-extremism, or who engage with families, with an 

aim of cross-pollinating them, and incorporating them into the FATE network. At these 

summits, we hosted world-renowned CVE experts to share good practices and to educate our 

network. We ran a series of skills-building workshops at these summits, including topics such 

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as Spotting the Signs of Radicalisation; Developing Effective Counter speech; The Role of 

Families in CVE; as well as collaboratively developing a FATE action plan for the two regions. 

Our offline events have been attended by 

FATE has had active participation in 22 countries, built a consortium of 115 organisations in 

our network (representing 10 of the top 12 foreign terrorist fighter countries), and we have 

been invited back by nine network members in France, Germany, Belgium, Tunisia and 

Morocco to run follow-up skills-building workshops for their beneficiaries in their local areas. 

We have conducted a full target audience analysis for Europe and North Africa which has 

shaped the counter speech we have developed centrally, campaigns that we have generated 

through our network members, the FATE Playbook, which we use to guide members for their 

work and campaigns, and the upcoming FATE online workshop modules. 

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Summary Metrics over first 12 months 

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Recommendations 

To challenge the persistent appeal of Isla mist extremism, it is crucial that the messages its 

proselytisers convey are understood, publicly denounced, and meaningfully contested. 

Based on our analysis of the four key promises of empowerment, deliverance, participation, 

and piety, we put forth the following policy recommendations to address the continued 

appeal of Violent Extremism to women. 

Our recommendations centre, reducing the exposure of individuals to Isla mist propaganda 

and increasing resilience towards it; and furthermore, equipping families with the 

appropriate critical consumption skills to make this propaganda less appealing. Part of this 

strategy must focus on combating gender extremism, which we define as ideologies that 

significantly and negatively impact the human rights of one gender by control, coercion, 

violation, or the systemic promotion of the superiority of one gender over another 

• We propose to build an even stronger network in Europe and North Africa and add a 

North America, Sub Saharan African and Middle Eastern network to spread the message, 

support network, and resources even further and build global movements. 

Create counter speech content and dissemination strategies for network members and 

offer tech solutions to them about website and apps, and creating content for 

campaigns 

• We advocate the advanced training of women in Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) to 

build awareness on tackling lslamist propaganda. This should take the form of 

confidence training workshops for mothers, where CVE and knowledge-building on 

conflict situations are prioritised. Conflicts are regularly manipulated as potential 

grievances to be exploited by groups such as ISIS and AQ, especially if they can be used 

to demonstrate the idea that the West is at war with Islam. 

• Teachers should also be enrolled in training modules to familiarise them with these 

grievances. As manifestations of institutional best practice, sessions should focus on 

debunking extremist claims regarding the importance and duty of marriage, the struggle 

against the West, and the significance of "honour". 

• Relationships should be built between mothers and teachers. As such, workshops 

including both should be provided alongside gender extremism toolkits. All workshops, 

and toolkits and packages arising from them, should be delivered in multiple languages, 

• Young people at risk of radicalisation often use ISIS and AQ propaganda as an authentic 

source of religious information. Arenas where young women can talk about spirituality 

beyond a religious ritualism must be encouraged. These should not be exclusively for 

Muslims, so they can provide spaces for active engagement and interfaith debate, 

enabling women to voice concerns and discuss gendered extremism. 

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• We recommend the utilization of media campaigns that foster female empowerment 

and liberation from gender violence, such as honour-based violence, female genital 

mutilation (FGM). and forced 

• More air-time needs to be given to women who have been affected by gender 

extremism; they must be empowered to let other women know that they are not alone. 

A good example of this is the video "I Can Hold My Breath"2 produced as a result of 

Quilliam' s arts, media, and outreach work. Using creative messaging, and providing a 

media platform for inspirational speakers, not extremists, would prevent radical groups 

from being able to propagandise through the mass media and claiming, as they do, to be 

spokespeople for the majority. 

• At a community level, we advise regular workshops on life and employability skills for 

young women and the provision of scholarships to help women make the most of 

education and workforce opportunities. This will enable those at risk of radicalisation to 

have more, and better, opportunities. It must be encouraged and organised by 

governments. 

• Projects that focus on empowering critical inquiry and thinking must be at the forefront 

of projects abroad. These will enable local communities to build resilience against 

narratives that may look to build on grievances and start the journey towards violent 

extremism 

• There is a lack of consistency when it comes to programmes and projects. If programmes 

and projects are producing results against pre-determined criteria for success, there has 

to be mid and long-term determination at a Political level to ensure that programmes 

are continued 

• The term CVE is redundant as it only focusses on combating an ideology once its 

manifestation becomes violent- often this is too late. We propose splitting the strategy 

into two parts 

o Combating Extremism- this involves empowering men and women collectively 

in helping to build resilience before people are radicalised 

o Terrorism Prevention- This allows for the focusing on people who may show 

empathy, sympathy or support for violent extremist ideas 

• Working with Former Extremists and Voices that address all forms of extremism. 

Quilliam has over a decade of experience globally and is able to engage constructively in 

a meaningful way to combat extremism in all forms. Working with voices that are honest 

and direct, will help make the difference in making sure we are winning the fight. 

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Mr. POE. Thank you very much. 

Ms. Popal. 

STATEMENT OF MS. FARHAT POPAL, MANAGER, WOMEN’S 

INITIATIVE, GEORGE W. BUSH INSTITUTE 

Ms. POPAL. Chairman Poe, Representative Keating, and distinguished members of the subcommittee, it is an honor to appear 

here today. 

My name is Farhat Popal. I work on the Women’s Initiative at 

the non-profit nonpartisan George W. Bush Institute in Dallas, 

Texas. I am also Afghan American, so this issue is of great importance to me. 

At the Bush Institute, we believe women are essential to the development of peaceful, open, and prosperous societies. Our Afghan 

Women’s Project has worked to ensure the expansion of women’s 

rights in Afghanistan and we regularly engage with remarkable 

leaders, from civil society advocates, to peace builders, to first ladies. 

We also support Mrs. Laura Bush in her role as honorary cochair of the U.S.-Afghan Women’s Council. My comments today will 

focus on women’s role in countering violent extremism in Afghanistan. 

I will also discuss how women’s meaningful inclusion in leadership can help build resilient communities. Here are the three 

points I would like to leave with you today. 

First, Afghan women drive education, growth, and self-reliance. 

They are essential to Afghanistan’s stability and we must continue 

to support them. 

Second, Afghan women help build resilient communities and participate in peace building at all levels of society. We must ensure 

their voices are represented in the peace process. 

And third, what happens elsewhere in the world matters here at 

home. It is in our national security and moral interest to support 

sustainable development in Afghanistan. 

Afghan women and girls have made enormous strides in areas 

such as education and employment but continue to be impacted by 

gender-based violence, limited access to justice, and violent extremism. 

In the 2017 survey of the Afghan people by the Asia Foundation, 

92 percent of Afghans say they fear encountering the Taliban and 

94 percent fear encountering ISIS. 

I share this to show both the magnitude of the problem and the 

Afghan people’s rejection of extremism. All Afghans benefit from effective CVE efforts but Afghan women gain the most. 

They also have the most to lose if their hard-won rights are negotiated away. At the family and village level, Afghan women play 

a key role in mediating conflict, building trust and dialogue in the 

community, and counseling family members. 

With over 63 percent of the population under the age of 25, 

mothers also can have a profound influence on their children 

through education. 

Today, thanks to the U.S. and Afghan governments and the 

international community, more than 9.2 million children are enrolled in school of which almost 40 percent are girls, and the perVerDate 0ct 09 2002 10:18 Mar 27, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00031 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_TNT\022718\28824 SHIRL
28

centage of college-age students enrolled in higher education has 

risen from 1 percent in 2001 to almost 10 percent today. 

At the national level, 12 out of 63 members of the High Peace 

Council are women. This visible presence is important. But women 

must also have actual influence and authority. 

In the 2017 initiation of the Afghan-led Kabul Process, only two 

of 47 representatives were women. This marginalizes their presence and their voice. 

Women have been instrumental members of provincial peace 

councils, encouraging local insurgents to participate in talks and 

facilitating a release of hostages. 

As Chairman Poe mentioned, research shows that women’s 

meaningful participation in a peace negotiation makes the resulting agreement 35 percent more likely to last at least 15 years. 

CVE is also about more than security. It’s about creating resilient communities that are built upon strong social connections, 

trust, and dialogue. 

They’re also built on inclusion. Afghan women are a key part of 

these efforts. Last October, the Bush Institute met 14 women leaders from the Middle East, North Africa, and Afghanistan who are 

advancing economic opportunity and, ultimately, peace and prosperity in their countries. 

We met Nadia Behboodi of the American University of Afghanistan who is working to support women-owned businesses through 

training, capital, and access to business and IT support. 

We reconnected with Manizha Wafeq, featured in our book, ‘‘We 

Are Afghan Women: Voices of Hope,’’ who advocates for women’s 

economic rights through the Afghanistan Women Chamber of Commerce and Industry. 

According to the chamber, women entrepreneurs have invested 

more than $66 million in the Afghan economy and created more 

than 47,000. 

Afghan women have a staunch advocate in First Lady Rula 

Ghani. Last fall, Ms. Ghani joined Ms. Bush on Capitol Hill in 

their roles as honorary co-chairs of the U.S.-Afghan Women’s Council, a key public-private partnership that was established in 2002. 

They discussed the importance of advanced training and mentoring and urged us to see Afghan women as the leaders and partners they are, not as victims. 

If I can leave you with one key point, it is this: Women’s meaningful inclusion in all aspects of society—social, political, and economic—is essential for Afghanistan’s stability and prosperity. 

Here is how we can help. First, we must consider local contexts 

in causes of violent extremism to inform effective CVE strategies 

and women’s role in them, and by building local capacity, communities can sustainably lead their own efforts. 

Second, we must continue to support and fund sustainable development in Afghanistan that is aligned with national level policies 

and priorities. 

Stability requires equal access to justice, respect for human 

rights, effective rule of law and good governance, and transparent, 

effective, and accountable institutions. It also necessitates access to 

quality education. 

29

These efforts will help undermine extremist narrative and will 

take both public and private sector engagement. 

Perhaps most importantly, we must continue to invest in women 

and guarantee their meaningful inclusion in peace building. 

The bipartisan Women, Peace, and Security Act of 2017 is an important step in this direction but it must be implemented and funded to make a difference. 

In sum, Afghan women are making a profound impact on a daily 

basis and it is in our interest to support them. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Popal follows:]

30


28824c-1.eps

Statement before the 

House Committee on Foreign Atl'airs 

Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade 

Women's Rofe in Countering Ferrorism 

Farhat Popal 

Manager, Women's Initiative, George W. Bush Institute 

Tuesday, February 27, 2018 

Rayburn House Office Building 

Room2172 
31


28824c-2.eps

Popal: Testimony, House Foreign Affairs Committee, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and 

Trade, February 27. 2018 

Chairman Poe, Representative Keating, and distinguished members of the subcommittee, it is an 

honor to appear here today. 

My name is Farhat Papal. I work on the Women's Initiative at the nonprofit, nonpartisan George 

W. Bush Institute in Dallas, Texas. I am also Afghan-American, born in Kabul, so this issue is 

near to my heart 

At the Bush Institute, we believe women are essential to the development of open, peaceful, and 

prosperous societies. Our initiative, the Afghan Women's Project, has worked to ensure the 

expansion and protection of women's rights in Afghanistan. We engage with remarkable Afghan 

women-educators, businesswomen, researchers, politicians, peacebuilders, and more-and 

support Mrs. Laura Bush in her role as Honorary Co-Chair of the U.S.-Afghan Women's 

CounciL 

My comments today will focus on women's role in countering violent extremism (CVE). I will 

also discuss how women's meaningful inclusion and leadership can build resilient communities. 

Here are the three points I'd like to leave you with 

• Afghan women drive education, growth, and self-reliance. They are essential to 

Afghanistan's stability, and we must continue to invest in them_ 

• Afghan women help build resilient communities, and participate in peacebuilding at all 

levels of society. We must ensure their voices are represented in the peace process_ 

What happens elsewhere in the world matters here at home. It is in our national security 

and moral interest to support peaceful, sustainable development in Afghanistan. 

Afghan women and girls have made enormous strides in areas such as education and 

employment, but continue to be impacted by gender-based violence, limited access to justice, 

and violent extremism_ Afghan girls risk acid attacks, poisoning, and kidnapping to go to schooL 

Afghan women brave sexual harassment and violence to go to work. All Afghans endure 

indiscriminate bombings in their daily lives_ 

In the 2017 annual Survey of the Afghan People by The Asia Foundation, 92 percent of Afghans 

say they fear encountering the Tali ban, and 94 percent fear encountering ISIS. I share this to 

show both the magnitude of the problem and the Afghan people's general lack of support for 

extremist groups. All Afghans benefit from effective CVE efforts and peacebuilding, but Afghan 

women gain the most. They also have the most to lose if their hard-won rights are negotiated 

away. 

At the family and village level, Afghan women play a key role in mediating conflict, building 

trust and dialogue, educating children, and counseling family members not to engage in violence. 

Youth represent one of the most vulnerable groups for recruitment and radicalization. With over 

63 percent of the population under the age of 25, mothers can have a profound int1uence on their 

children through education1 Today, thanks to the U.S. government, international community, 

1 "Young People." United Nations Population Fund- Afglmnislan, accessed Febmary 22,2018. 

bJ1J2:lJJfgJm.ni.?.miul!l[p.L0.I!inili1£LL~227. 
32


28824c-3.eps

Popal: Testimony, House Foreign Affairs Committee, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and 

Trade, February 27. 2018 

and Afghan government efforts, more than 9_2 million children are enrolled in school, of which 

almost 40 percent are girls. We have seen a rise in the percentage of college-age students 

enrolled in higher education, from one percent in 2001 to almost 10 percent today2 

At the national level, 12 out of63 members of the High Peace Council are women 3 The visible 

presence of women in these bodies is important, and the Afghan government must ensure this is 

more than symbolic representation. Women must have actual influence and authority. In the 

2017 initiation of the Afghan-led Kabul Process, only two of 47 representatives were women 4 

This marginalizes women and their voices. 

At the provincial level, women have been instrumental members of provincial peace councilsencouraging local insurgents to participate in talks and facilitating the release of hostages-' 

Women's inclusion is essential to peace_ Research shows women's meaningful participation in a 

peace negotiation makes the resulting agreement 3 5 percent more like! y to last at least fifteen 

years 6 

CVE is also about more than security. It's about creating resilient communities that are built 

upon strong social connections, trust, and inclusion. Afghan women are a key part of these 

efforts, and advancing their socioeconomic conditions, political empowerment, and voice, can 

foster community resilience. Many women civil society advocates are fighting for just that. 

Last October, the Bush Institute hosted 14 women leaders from the Middle East, North Africa, 

and Afghanistan who are working to advance economic opportunity-and ultimately peace and 

prosperity-in their countries. 

We met Nadia Behboodi, Executive Director of the International Center for Afghan Women's 

Economic Development at the American University of Afghanistan, where she is working to 

support women-owned businesses through training, capital, and access to business and 

information technology support. 

We reconnected with Manizha Wafeq, featured in our book, We are Afghan Women: Voices of 

Hope, who advocates for women's economic rights through the Afghanistan Women Chamber of 

Commerce and Industry. According to the Chamber, women entrepreneurs have invested more 

than $66 million in the Afghan economy, and created more than 4 7,000 j obs 7 When you 

~"Education." US AID -Afghanis taiL last updated February 21. 2018, l11.1Ni/\\\Y\\. usa.Ld.gm/a1Phan1..;tau/c1lacatio1J. 3 Ahmadi. Belquis. "Afghan Women Step Up in LocaL National Taliban Talks;· U.S. Institute of Peace. October 25. 

2017, h!.tps://\Y\YYr _nsip.onv'publications/20 J 7/1 0/aft:h<lll-\1, mlK-'H··stcp-loc<ll-u;Jtional-talibmHal.ls. 4 Barr. Heather. "Women Excluded Again from Afglmnistan's Peace Talks:· Hunmn Rights Watclt June 6, 2017. 

JJlill5i£1IlV'W.fl.QLQill:l~c\Yi:(SiU1/~)(;. 0ii;~~nmcjl:.~~£l!J-9J?4:flli3J.fr-Jf£:hfl!l1'\.1ill_l~C,:HCC-talks_, 5 ""\Vomen's Participation in Peace Processes." Cmmcil on Foreign Relations, last updated January 5, 2018. 

lHJ-.ill' ://v, "' \Y .cfr.ore ;~ mcraclh e/\ vo tllc_.n.s-p~Jrticiru1tion··1n-peace-proc~:sses/3.fghi.1tri stn.n. 0 O'Reilly. Marie. --vvhy \Vomen? Inclusive Security and Peaceful Societies;· Inclusive 
33


28824c-4.eps

Popal: Testimony, House Foreign Affairs Committee, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and 

Trade, February 27_ 2018 

economically empower women, you accelerate economic recovery and advance post-conflict 

economies_~ 

This fall, we will launch a leadership development program focused on women who are 

advancing economic opportunity for all in their countries_ Afghan women will be a key part of 

that etl'ort. 

Afghan women have a staunch advocate in First Lady Rula Ghani. Last fall, Mrs. Ghani joined 

Mrs. Bush on Capitol Hill in their roles as Honorary Co-Chairs of the US.-Afghan Women's 

CounciL They discussed the importance of advanced training and mentoring for Afghan women, 

and urged us to see women as the leaders and partners they are, not as victims. 

Ifl can leave you with one key point it is this women's meaningful inclusion in all aspects of 

society-social, political, and economic-is essential for Afghanistan's stability and prosperity. 

And in the words of Mrs. Bush, "As the people of Afghanistan continue on their own hard path 

to freedom, they must know that we are with them." Here's how we can help. 

First, we must consider local contexts and causes of violent extremism to inform effective CVE 

strategies and women's role in them_ Building local capacity enables communities to sustainably 

lead their own efforts. 

Second, we must continue to support and fund sustainable development in Afghanistan that is 

aligned with national-level policies and priorities_ Stability requires equal access to justice, 

respect for human rights, effective rule of law and good governance, and transparent, effective, 

and accountable institutions. It also necessitates access to quality education, particularly as 

insecurity and poverty threaten to undercut substantial gains in this area_ These efforts will help 

to undermine extremist narratives, and will tal<e both public and private sector engagement 

Perhaps most importantly, we must continue to invest in women and ensure their rights are not 

negotiated away in an ultimate peace agreement We must guarantee their meaningful inclusion 

in peacebuilding, so they can speak for themselves. The bipartisan Women, Peace, and Security 

Act of 2017 is an important step in this direction, but it must be implemented and tunded to 

make a difference_ 

Within their families, in their communities, and as public figures, Afghan women exhibit great 

leadership. They are making a profound impact on a daily basis, and it is in our interest to 

support them. 

Thank you. 

8 "Preventing Conflict, Transfonning Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of the 

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325;- UN Women, 2015. 
34

Mr. POE. Thank you very much. 

Ms. Bigio. 

STATEMENT OF MS. JAMILLE BIGIO, SENIOR FELLOW FOR 

WOMEN AND FOREIGN POLICY, COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS 

Ms. BIGIO. Thank you. 

Chairman Poe, Ranking Member Keating, and distinguished 

members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify 

before you today. 

By convening this hearing, Congress is sending a bipartisan signal that the United States can no longer afford to ignore how women’s participation will improve the effectiveness of counterterrorism 

efforts. 

As you noted, extremist groups use women to their advantage, 

recruiting them on the one hand as facilitators and martyrs and, 

on the other hand, benefiting both strategically and financially 

from their subjugation. 

A counterterrorism policy has not been as effective at understanding how women can improve security efforts. We see extremist groups target women and girls. We see some groups use sexual 

violence to terrorize populations, displace civilians, and generate 

revenue. 

Extremist groups also recruit women to act as informants and 

facilitators. Close to 20 percent of foreign fighters from Europe who 

join the Islamic State are female and women have proven effective 

in all roles assigned to them by extremist groups including as suicide bombers. 

When groups use female suicide bombers they are taking advantage of the relative absence of women in police and military forces 

and makes it easier for women to hide suicide devices, knowing 

that there is a good chance they will not encounter a female security official and therefore will not be searched. 

While extremist groups are strategically using women to their 

advantage, there is an opportunity for counterterrorism policy to 

draw more on the opportunities of how women can contribute. 

Women are already on the front lines of countering violent extremism, as we witness female police officers engaging with local communities to prevent violent extremism; female imams, and other 

religious leaders preaching religious tolerance and women countering efforts to radicalize their husbands, children, and communities. 

On the military side, former U.S. Special Operations Commander 

Admiral William McRaven observed that including women opens 

up possibilities for interactions with local populations that increases the effectiveness of the overall mission. 

Despite these advantages, U.S. Government policy and programs 

pay little attention to the role of women. To strengthen these efforts, the U.S. Government should pursue the following steps. 

First, the forthcoming U.S. national counterterrorism strategy 

and the national strategy for countering violent extremist groups 

should include attention to and investment in women’s roles, both 

in terms of how the U.S. Government can involve women leaders 

as well as steps to de-radicalize and reintegrate female fighters. 

35

Efforts to address women’s roles should not be detached from 

broader security sector policy and initiatives which result in missed 

opportunities where women’s contributions could have improved 

the effectiveness of U.S. operations. 

Second, to maximize the return on defense investments, the U.S. 

Government should increase resources to facilitate women’s involvement in efforts to counterterrorism and violent extremism. 

Investment by the United States in this area have been limited 

to small grants or standalone programs. The Defense Department, 

the State Department, and USAID should invest more in women’s 

roles to counterterrorism and violent extremism. 

This includes through prevention-related funds such as ESF but 

also security funds such as antiterrorism and law enforcement programs. 

Currently, these do too little to support the role of female security officials, for example, and with the proposed cuts to diplomacy 

and development there’s a risk that funding for women’s contributions to security will be decreased, which will in turn decrease the 

effectiveness of U.S. security investments. 

Retired General Allen, former commander of the International 

Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan, observed from his time 

that by empowering women we can make them a force to reduce 

the reality of radicalization, calling it an investment that pays off 

in virtually every occasion where I’ve had the opportunity to see it. 

He advocated increasing funding to help women counterterrorism 

including by making Defense Department money available for 

State Department-run programs in this area. 

Third, the U.S. Government should address the specific needs 

and experiences of women. U.S. efforts to reintegrate returning 

fighters into communities should address the motivations and 

grievances of female fighters, whether in Columbia, Europe, or 

elsewhere. 

Finally, in light of evidence that terrorists and violent extremist 

groups are exploiting the absence of female—of women in security 

sectors, U.S. security cooperation efforts should help countries to 

increase the recruitment, retention, and advancement of women in 

their security sectors. 

Such efforts should target women in uniformed roles and in leadership positions in order to ensure they can shape engagements 

with communities and influence policy decisions. 

U.S. Government training programs should require that all countries participating in U.S.-provided security and justice programs 

should send delegations of at least 30 percent women to ensure 

that women have the opportunity to benefit from our investments. 

Congress and this committee can work to hold the administration 

accountable for ensuring that its efforts to counterterrorism and 

violent extremism invest in an important but overlooked strategy—

the inclusion of women. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Bigio follows:]

36


28824d-1.eps

COUNCILon., 

FOREIGN 

RELATIONS 

Fdm,rt~r:y 27, ':2018 

Women's Contributions to Countering 

Terrorism and Violent Extremism 

PrepareJ statement by 

Jamille Bigio 

,\'entor Fellowfor Jf7onlf!JI dnd Fore1:9,n Policy 

Counnl on /''oreit,m lleluLions 

BefOre the 

House Committee on Foreign Affairs 

SURCO.UMTTTF:F: ONTF:RRORTSM, .'\'0.'\'PROUFF:R.•/TTO.'\~ 'IND TRADE 

Untied Slale.1· Hou.1·e 

2tu!Scssion, /15th 

Hearing on \Vomen's Role in Countering Terrorism 

Chairman Poe, Ranking J\1ember 1-\eating, distinguished members of the committee, thank you fOr the 

opportunity to testii)' before you toJay about v.;omen's roles in countering terrorism 

Extremist groups use women to their advantage-recruiting them on the one hand as facilitators <:~nd martyrs, 

and on the other hand benefitting both strategically and financially fi·om their su~jugation. Yet, 

counterterrorism policy has not been as efli:>ctive at understanding ho\V women can improve security eHOrts. 

By con\'enin,l!,' this hearin,l!,', Con,\.!,'ress sent a bipartisan sig-nal that the UniteJ States can no longer afforJ to 

ignore how \Vomen's pcrrticipation will improve the likelihood that counterterrorism eHOrts are successful. 

Extre1nist groups benefit strategically and financially fi:·om the subjugation of women 

Just last \Yeck, the Nigerian militant group Boko Haram kidnapped 110 girls from their hoarding school in nn 

attack that eerily echoed the 201--1< kidnapping of nearly ,')00 school girls fl·om the northern city ChihoJct The 

Chibok attack spurred a local and global campaign to Bring Rack Our Girls, hut over 100 of those students arc 

still bein~ held hostag;e, su~jectcd to sexual slavery and some have e\Tn been used as suicide bombers. The 

Chibok girls drew the world's attention, but in reality, they represent just a fraction ofthc thousands of 

\Yo men captured by the militant ~roup durin~ its ci~ht-ycar insur~cncy in northern Nigeria. 2 
37


28824d-2.eps

Bolw Ibram is not the only extremist group to target \Vomen and girls. In tact, women's rights and physical 

integrity are often the first targets of fundamentalists- as has been documented not only in Nigeria but also 

with the Taliban in Afghanistan and the selF-proclaimed Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. An analysis ofthirty 

countries across the J\:fiddle East, North Africa and South Asia fOund that women \Vere substantially more 

likely thilll men to be early victims of extremism.~ 

\-~le also knovv that many eAtremist groups benefit both strategically cmd financiall_v ffom the subjugation of 

women. Tn recent years, conflict-related sexual violence has emerged as a core element of the ideology and 

operation of extremist groups, such as the Islamic State in Iraq aml Syria. Both Boko Haram anJ the Islamic 

State, as well as al-Qaeda and al-Shabab, use seAual violence to terrOI-iLe populations into compliance, displace 

civilians fl·om strategic areas, and entrench an ideology of suppressing women's rights to control reproduction 

and pnn·ide labor. 4 

Some violent extremist groups use \H)men and girls as a fOrm of currency in a shaJo\\· economy, generating 

revenue fi·om sex trafficking, seAual slavery, and extortion through ransom. The Islamic State provides 

thousands of male recruits with kidnapped \Vomen and girls as wives and traps many fE-male recruits in dorms 

fOr indoctrination and fOrced marriage. 5 The United Nations estimates that ransom payments extracted by the 

Islamic State from the Yazidi communitv amounted to between S35 million and $---!<5 million in 2014 alone 

And e\ en as the Islamic State loses terri~ory and control of physical resources, the group continues to profit 

ffom the enslavement of an estimated three thousand women and girls, many of whom are bartered and sold 

as commodities.U 

This connection between gender-based violence and e-xtremism has been fOund in the United States as well 

According to the think t;mk Ne\\· America's research, one-third ofindiviJuals associated withjihadist-inspireJ 

violence inside the United States had a record of domestic abuse or other seAual violence.~ 

Extrentist g-roups recruit women to serve in a variety of roles 

Extremists group don't only benefit from subjugating; women; they also recruit them to act as informants, 

facilitators, recruiters, and martyrs. Some join voluntarily while others arc forcibly recruited. Close to twenty 

percent offorei~n fighters from Europe \Yho joined the Islamic State arc femalc. 8 In fact, many extremist 

groups have made a concerted efiOrt to recruit \Vomen to their ranks. Some women are motivated by 

ideological commitment, similar to potential male fighters. 8 Others join in hopes of gaining ffeedoms and 

Institute for Strateg-ic 

CNI'v'.Oc-tober 

"Yazidi 

van Cinhd and E\ a crk, "The Foreign Fighters Phenomenon in the European Lnion. Profiles. Threats & 

Policies," The International Centre for Cmmter-Terrorio;m- The Ilague 7. no. :1. 2016. httpo;:/ /www.icct.nl/\,vcontent/ uploads/ \2016/ 03/I CCT-Report_Foreign-Fighters-Phenomenon-in-the-ElT _l-_\pril-2016_induding-~\mleAesLinhs.prlf 

~Beverley .'vlilton-Edwanls and Sumaya ~\ttia, "Female terrorists and their role injihadi j.,'TOups ... op-erl, Brooking-s Institution, .\Jay 

u. :1017. https:l IYY\\"W .brookings.edu/ opinions/female-terrorists-and-their-role-in-jihadi-groups/. 
38


28824d-3.eps

access to resources. 10 In her recent book, Hilary "J\.'Iatfess observes that .some Nigerian girls choose to marry 

into Boko Haram to recei\'e Quranic education, in a region vvhere only 4 percent of girls finish secondary 

school. 11 The Ishunic State makes filLse promises that \'\.omen ,,,ill be honored as \\ives and mothers, exploiting 

a tear that \\restern societies do not respect Tvfuslim women.l 1 As a counterpoint, a 1'vfercy Corps study fOund 

that the most common reason Jordanian men cited fOr joining the \\ ar in Syria was to protect Sunni \Yo men 

and children- another targeted use of\Yomen in extremist groups' radicali?ation eflOrts.IJ 

And \\omen have proven effective in all roles assigned to them h,y extremist groups, including as .suicide 

bombers. In fact, in Nigeria, they have been so effecti\ e in this role-killing more than 1,200 people in the 

past fOur years-that in the last year, \Vomen have comprised close to two-thirds of the group's suicide 

attackers-many of whom were coerced but some whom volunteered, according to a recent report by the 

Combating Terrorism Center at \\rest Point. 14 

\Vhen groups use female suicide bombers, they are taking strategic adnmtage of the relative absence of 

women in police and military fOrces. Female fighters can hide suicide devices under their clothing kno\\ing 

that there is a good chance they will not encounter a fE-male security otlicial and therefOre ·will not be searched. 

Extremist groups count on this limitation and the likelihood that \Vomen will move without suspicion or 

inspection. 

As demonstrated in their attacks against \Vomcn and girls, and in their recruitment and usc of women as 

suicide bombers, extremist groups arc strategically using \Yo men to their adYantagc. !\lcanv,:hilc, the United 

States government is still grnppling to undcrstnnd the importance of women's inclusion in security efforts. It 

is time to catch up 

\\'omen arc on the front lines of countering extremist violence, as \YC witness female police otTicers engaging 

'''ith local communities to prevent violent extremism, fCmalc imams and other religious leaders preaching; 

religious tolcrnncc, and \Yo men countering efforts to rndicnlizc their husbands, children, and communities. In 

particular, \Yo men's inclusion in counterterrorism ctlOrts offers three distinct advantages: 

\Vomen are well-positioned to detect early signs of radicalization, because their rights and physical 

integrity are often the first targets offimdamentalists. From harassment in public spaces to barriers sending 

their daughters to school and other challenges as communities become more segregated-women arc 

substantially more likely than men to be early ,·ictims ofextremism. 1-" 

\iVomen's central roles in many ta.milies and communities also af!Ord them a unique \·antage point fi·om \\hich 

to recognize unusual patterns of behavior and signs of impending conflict. In A(ghanistan, fOr example, 
39


28824d-4.eps

women reported that young men \Vere being recruited at weddings. Their concerns vrent unheeded, and the 

young men they had oLsen eJ went on to kill .32 civilians on a bus.H:i In Libya too, women \\arneJ of rising 

radicalism: Analysts observed a flo\\· of"\Vestern female recruits, consistent with a need fOr wives as the 

Islamic State established a headquarters thereY' At the .same time, local women reported increasing 

infi·ingements on their rights, including being harassed fOr driving alone. 1.s And again, these \Vill'ning \Vent 

unheeded, providing the Islamic State additional time to establish itself befOre counterterrorism effOrts 

ramped up. 

'Vomen are well-positioned to mitigate radicalization. Recent research shows that anti-terrorism 

messages arc disscminntcd quite effectively throughout families and communities hy \Yo men, who can 

challenge extremist narratives in homes, schools and social environments. They have particular influence 

among youth populations, and arc strategically placed to serve as a buffer bct\vccn radical influences and those 

\Yho arc next to be targeted 

Despite this, traditional efforts by governments and nongovernmental organizations to combat radicalization 

rarely include women-they t)1Jically focus on reaching; out to political or religions leaders, who arc 

predominantly male. Slowly, countries arc learning. 1\·forocco, for example, recognizing \\'omen's influence in 

their families and communities, educates women to become religious scholars and sends them out to where 

radical Islamists target disenfranchised youth fOr rccruitment. 10 

As secUI·ity officials, \\lomen p•·ovide distinct insights and information that can be mission-c•·itical in 

keeping the peace. Female security oflicials help ensure that female fighters cannot move fi·eely by conducting 

searches in culturally appropriate \Yays. They may have access to populations and sites that men do not, 

allowing them to gather critical intelligence about potential security threat.s.:.m Furthermore, women's 

participation in the military and police has been shmvn to improve ho\\' a local community perceives law 

enfOrcement-which, in turn, improves the ability to provide security.~21 

Former U.S. Special Operations Command Commander Admiral \\Tilliam 1\'TcRaven observed that "including 

women alll)\\ s tailored, culturally sensiti\·e engagement, opening up possibilities f(n· interactions \\·ith local 

populations that would otherwise be closed to all-male teillns. These contributions increase the eflectiveness of 

the overall mission as \Vomen positively shape the wartime environment and, in some instances, prevent conflict 

from occurring in the first place.""2 

d<"livererl nt Tndusivt' Security, Octolwr 1 f'1, 201 !'1, 

CeTWY<I Center for the l)emocratic Control of Arnwd l·'orc<"s '200S, p. :-1 

n \Yillimn H. TVkRF1Yt'n, "\Vomen in Speci,q] Oj_wmtions Foret's: Advm1eing Pt'flCt' 8Jl(] St'cmity throngh Brmder c:ultm,q] 

1"\.nowledgc," iulVomPn on the frontlinn ofpt?ace and semrifi•, (:\DU Press. 'iOH). pg. 127 
40


28824d-5.eps

Despite the evidence ofwmnen's contributions to preventing and tnitigating violent extretnisnt, U.S. 

government policy and programs pay little attention to the role of women. Some critics \\ill suggest that 

expending money and time to advance \\·omen's roles in countering violent extremism would be an 

unnecessary distraction. This is false, misleading, and ultimately dangerous. Engaging vvomen fl·om the outset 

is necessary for long-term success. 'l'he \\'omen, Peace, and Security Act of2017 requires the U.S. 

go\'ernment to increase \\·Oinen's participation in peace illld security eflOrts-and that includes in eflOrts to 

counterterrorism. r, e outlined here a few suggestions based on the gaps I obser\'ed while sen ing on the 

National Security Council staff and at the U.S. departments of state and of defense. 

To strengthen counterterrorism efforts, the U.S. government should pursue the following steps: 

Fi1·st, the f()rthcoming U.S. national strategy f()r countering violent extremist groups should include attention 

to and investment in women's roles. 1\s the evidence shows, \Vomen arc influential in whatever capacity they 

serve-whether ns modernting and peaceful forces in a community or ns extremist fighters. The ne\Y 

countering violent extremism strategy-required hy the 201 s National DefE-nse Authorization Act-should 

outline ho\v the U.S. government will involve \Yomen leaders and \Yomen's groups, as well as identify 

necessary steps to deraclicali/e <mel reintegrate fi:omale fighters. Current State Department and USA TD eff()rts 

to lay out a policy on including women in countering violent extremism should not remain isolated from the 

forthcoming broader strategy. This hns been the challenge to dnte: 1\fost efforts to address these issues have 

remained detached from broader security-sector policy and initiatives, resulting in many missed opportunities 

\Yhere women's contributions could have improved the effectiveness of U.S. operations. Shifting this trend 

requires a nevr ]eye] of commitment by the United States and holds the potential to signiflcantly improve 

effOrts to counter terrorism and violent extremism around the world. 

Second, to maximize the return on defense investments, the U.S. government should increase resources to 

facilitate \\omen's im-olvement in efl(,rts to counter terrorism illld \-iolent extremism. Investment bv the 

United States in this area has been limited to small grants or stand-alone programs. The United St~tes also 

has not le\ eraged its leadership position to encourage other governments to make security-sector 

commitments on this issue. DOD, the State Department, nnd USAID should invest in \Yomen's roles to 

counter terrorism and violent extremism. This includes through pre\'ention-related funds, but also security 

funds, such as antiterrorism and lav\' enforcement programs. \\lith the significant cuts to diplomacy and 

development eflOrts proposed in the current budget process, there is a risk that fumling fOr women's 

contributions to security \\ill be decreased, vvhich will in turn decrease the etli:octiveness of U.S security 

imestments. 

It is also important to make it easier for proponents ofvvomen's in\·ohement in deradicalization efforts to 

access funcling-\vhether in militaries, police, government, or civil societ,y. Retired General John Allen, fOrmer 

commander of the International Security Assist<mce Force in Afghanistan and t(n·mer special presidential 

envoy to the global coalition to counter the self·proclaimed lshunic State, has ad\ ocated increasing funding to 

help \\omen fight radicalization, including by making Defense Department money a\ ailable t(n· State 

Department-run progrmns. As Allen reflected, by "empowering [women], \\·e can make them a f(nTe to 

reduce the reality ofradicali~:ation," calling it an "investment [that] pays ofl"in \"irtually ever,y occasion where 

l'\·e had the opportunity to see it. 

Thil'd, the U.S. government should address the specific needs and experiences of women, whether as victims, 

mitigators, or perpetrators. U.S. efforts to reintegrate returning fighters into communities should address 

their motivations and grievances-whether in Colombia, Europe, or elsewhere. United States support tOr 

political, religious, and security leaders should prioriti7c female leaders, \Vho arc well-placed to challenge 

extremist nnrratives. The United States should encourage governments to classi(y survivors of sexual 

1 ·l John .. \Hen. "Countering- Violent Extrclllisru by Engag-ing- \\'orucn." rmmdtahle e\ ent at the Council on Foreign Relations, 

December 7, £01G. https:/ /\.YWw.cfi·.org/ewnt/colmtering-violent-extremism-engaging-vvomen. 
41


28824d-6.eps

violence by terrori.st or extremi.st group.s as victims ofterrori.sm, aml thereby ensure a greater level of 

support. Extremist groups employ seAual violence as a tool to denigrate the enemy, create stigma, and unra\ el 

protective kinship net\\orks. Counterterrorism effOrts should undermine these effOrts to isolate victims anJ 

weaken communities 

Finally, in li~ht of evidence that terrorist and violent extremist ~roups arc including \Yomen and exploiting; 

their absence in security sectors, U.S. security cooperation efforts should provide technical assistance to 

increase the recruitment, retention, and advancement of\Yomen in security sectors. Such dlOrts should target 

'''omen in uniformed roles and in leadership positions, in order to ensure they can both shape engagement 

\Yith communities and influence policy decisions \Yith their unique perspectives on communities· experiences. 

Etll~ctive measures to promote women· s participation in security roles include quotas, fast-track promotion 

plans, legal prohibitions on discrimination against women, and support for networking and professional 

development. In addition, the U.S. ~overnment should require all countries participating; in U.S.-provided 

security and justice programs-fi·om the TnternationalJ\:Jilitary Education and Training program to courses 

offered at the Department of Defense's regional centers-to send dclcgntions that arc at least ,')0 percent 

female, a threshold that research su~gests affords a critical mass to enable v,:omen's influcnce.~ ' 

Both to strengthen the U.S. military and to lead by example, the United States should take steps to increase 

the proportion of women in the U.S. military and across law enfOrcement by doubling; recruitment, promotion, 

and retention effOrts and maintaining rigorous implementation of antidiscrimination laws. 

Congress and this Committee can work to hold the administration accountable for ensuring that its ctTorts to 

counter terrorism nnd violent extremism invest in an importnnt but overlooked strategy: the inclusion of 

women. Pre\Tnting and countering violent extremism and terrorism in the 21 :.t century requires unleashing 

the potential of 50 percent of the world's population. Tt is not just the right thing to do-it is a strategic 

imperative to advance national security. 

Thank you, 1\fr. Chairman, for this opportunity to testify. 

24 Rosabdh !\loss Kanter . .Jfpn and TVomm ofiht' Corporatwn (.\Je\\ York: Basic Books, 1YY7). pp. 3Sl-3Sl5 
42

Mr. POE. Thank you very much. I will now recognize myself for 

questions. 

I appreciate your very good information about an issue that has 

not gotten much attention at all on the fight against terrorism 

since 9/11 and really before that, and so I want to speak on behalf 

of all—the entire subcommittee that we appreciate your testimony 

and also your written testimony as well. It is fascinating. 

Let me ask this question to all four of you. You have given us 

a lot of information—good information, valuable information. 

I hope that in the fight against terrorism, if we can use that 

word, we refocus on the importance of the role of women in solving 

this problem but also in seeing how intricately entwined women 

are in the whole process of fighting terrorism—women as victims, 

women as enablers, women as problem solvers—all three. 

So be specific in what we can do right now to change this focus 

and include the role of women in those areas I mentioned, primarily in fighting extremism and being enablers of extremism, if 

I can use those two concepts. 

If you can just be specific—I will start with you, Dr. Hudson. 

Ms. HUDSON. Thank you, Chairman Poe. Very nice to address 

that very important question. 

In my line of work at the Bush School, we look at intel quite a 

bit and one of the things that I’ve argued in previous publications 

is that we are not tracking the types of things that we need to 

track. 

We could have been much more aware of what was going on with 

groups such as Boko Haram if we had been tracking things such 

as bride price trajectories. 

One of the most fascinating pieces of research I saw came from 

the West African situation, which has been roiled by civil war, and 

they found that the rebel groups were—had so much more success 

recruiting in areas where the rate of polygamy had risen as a result of economic setbacks, pricing young men out of the market. 

There’s also, I think, early warning to be seen in things such as 

sex ratio alterations. You know, we think of there being a deficit 

of girls in China and India. 

But do you know there’s now 19 nations that have abnormal 

birth sex ratios? And they include nations that definitely need to 

be on our radar screen—Azerbaijan, Armenia, Moldova, Albania, 

and others. 

What I am suggesting is that the means by which women are 

subordinated in these types of societies through bride price, 

through polygamy, through sex ratio alteration has to be part of 

our intelligence gathering—has to be part of our situational awareness and of our understanding of early warning indicators. 

We’ve not seen that to date and that is certainly something that 

I would work on. And I will yield the floor, but I will also say that 

disrupting women’s disempowerment at the household level, focussing on things like property rights, inheritance rights, focussing on 

things such as child custody, divorce, age at marriage, this is where 

the rubber hits the road for the empowerment of women. 

We have found that it’s absolutely possible to disempower women 

and yet have a high female literacy rate, a high female labor force 

participation rate, high female representation in Parliament. 

43

Those things don’t touch the lives of women at the household 

level where their voice will either be heard or ignored. So disrupting that syndrome is also important. 

Mr. POE. Mr. Rafiq. 

Mr. RAFIQ. Thank you, Chairman Poe, for your question. 

I think it’s a very good question and I think that there is a 

broader answer and then a more specific answer. 

The broader answer is that too often governments at the U.S. 

and the U.K.—my home country—we suffer from a lack of political 

consistency and the will to see things through. 

Even over the last 10 years, there have been a number of very, 

very good projects which have established criterias of success and 

the metrics have been achieved and then after a year it has been 

decided that those projects aren’t going to be carried on or supported anymore. 

But to be more specific, you asked for one or two clear things. 

I think, first of all, you know, people talk about this being a problem of Islam and then other people say it’s got nothing to do with 

Islam. 

The reality is it’s somewhere in the middle. It has something to 

do with certain interpretations of Islam. And one of the things that 

we need to do within certainly Western countries a lot more is help 

women become at the forefront of reform. 

Theological reform is absolutely critical to solving this problem 

and it’s reform around gender extremism but also a reform around 

what the role of women can be within Muslim communities. 

But too many people, too many families, too many Muslims that 

live in either the U.K. or the U.S. are living almost parallel lives. 

There is the rule of law and what’s expected and what—of 

women generally and what is allowed—what women are allowed to 

do generally and then there are women within certainly more conservative fundamentalist families and households. I think that reform is absolutely critical. But women need to be at the forefront 

of that. 

The other thing I think that’s very, very important is if we look 

at the deliverance, the piety, the empowerment promises that 

groups like ISIS have, we have to take that away from them and 

we have to encourage Muslim women who are in the U.S. and 

around the world to become—take leadership roles in actually—

taking on more mainstream civil society projects because if we can 

do that, that’ll take away the lure from groups like al-Qaeda and 

ISIS, and I think that this is something that can be done both in 

the offline world and in the online world. 

You know, people talk about the internet radicalizing people. 

Well, nobody goes online to buy a pair of shoes or a handbag and 

somebody ends up becoming a jihadist or a jihadi bride. 

They need to be looking for something and far too—there are far 

too many messages online that are actually recruiting young female people—young women and we need to help young women 

flood the internet with good ideas. 

Mr. POE. Thank you. I am out of time, so if we have time we’ll 

come back to the last two witnesses to answer that question. So 

save your answers that you wrote notes about. 

44

I yield to the gentleman from Massachusetts, the ranking member, Mr. Keating. 

Mr. KEATING. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Ms. Bigio, I was—I recall a period when I think the earliest or 

among the earlier training of women police, I was in Afghanistan. 

General Allen was there at the time, as you mentioned. I got to see 

some of the early training and actually participate a little bit from 

my former law enforcement role before I got to Congress. 

But I am curious, since then are there more women training 

women now? I mean, back then, it was multi-country training but 

it was men getting involved in a lot of that training. 

Are women training women? Have you seen that and how successful has that been? I often envision some of our own U.S. police 

officers going over there, training as well. But can you comment on 

that? 

Ms. BIGIO. Thank you for the important question. And as you 

note, there have been some programs which the U.S. Government 

has invested in training women in security sectors and the police 

and military and working to help increase their representation. 

There’s far too little being done right now by the U.S. Government in our—in the U.S. Government security cooperation programs to really help ensure that women have the opportunity serve 

and to contribute whether in uniform or in policy making roles. 

Mr. KEATING. Yes, I do believe that. I believe that it’s one thing 

to train. It’s another thing to show the example——

Ms. BIGIO. Right. 

Mr. KEATING [continuing]. That there are women doing that in 

our country as well. So thank you. 

Another important question I had for all of you, if you will, because it’s one that I find very difficult for us as a barrier. Let me 

use the example of early-age marriage, which I am sure Dr. Hudson has done research in, too, in the school. 

How do we deal with the cultural norms? It’s great that we are 

coming in and we want to do some of these things. We are beginning to get statistics and recognize the problems before they really 

incubate to a greater extent. 

Now, how do we deal with that? I mean, these countries, for instance, with early-age marriages that’s the norm or it’s culturally 

accepted there. 

What kind of barriers are there and how can we overcome some 

of those barriers? 

Ms. HUDSON. That’s terrific. Actually, that’s one of the core 

issues, I think, that breeds unstable societies. I want to make a 

general comment and then make some specific comments and then 

defer to my colleagues. 

I know the CFR has done some terrific work on child marriage. 

I want to make sure that Ms. Bigio also can answer here. 

But the first one is the notion that it’s cultural is very interesting because we’ve seen striking success in regionally-based 

pacts, if you will—mutual understanding—to raise the marriage 

age. 

So in societies where we’ve seen very low age of marriage, by law 

the marriage age is now being raised. Okay. 

45

Now, of course, as you can imagine, there’s a huge disconnect between the new law and what’s actually happening on the ground. 

But the first step was getting the law changed and we’ve seen 

stunning success in that over the past 10 years. 

The second thing that has to do—that you have to do once you 

have the law changed is to change the incentive structure. 

In bride price societies, fathers of the bride can’t marry off their 

sons until they’ve married off their daughters first to get the bride 

price so they can then afford to pay the bride price back to their 

sons’ wives’ family and that pushes the age of marriage down for 

girls vis-a-vis the age of marriage for boys. 

And so we can begin to disrupt these bride price societies and 

we’ve seen some fascinating programs that attempt to offset the incentive to, in a sense, sell off these girls young. 

So I think on a conceptual level, change is possible. We’ve seen 

it in the raising of the age of marriage for girls across continents 

and, second of all, we’ve seen some very innovative programming 

which the U.S. could back that begins to disrupt these types of syndromes. 

Ms. BIGIO. I would note, just an addition on innovative programs 

is—are opportunities to invest more in education so where we see 

incentives for girls to continue their education through secondary 

schools that that helps to raise the age in which they marry. 

Mr. KEATING. Great. 

Just quickly, I just offer you all the opportunity—if you have—

you think there are portals where we can get involved directly in 

an oversight capacity or there are upcoming opportunities to comment on issues that could be important as well as learn more about 

some of the things that are working, if you could feel free to contact 

us in the future as we move forward on this. If we can be helpful 

intervening or at least advocating for these things. 

And I will yield back, Chairman. I have a lot of other questions. 

This is really an important hearing we are having. 

Mr. POE. I thank the gentleman. 

The chair will recognize the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Garrett. 

Mr. GARRETT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I thank the witnesses 

for being here. 

I am going to take this opportunity to pound a drum that the 

members of the committee who are here have heard me pound before and perhaps you haven’t and I hope you will join me and assist 

me. 

While I sit on this side of the chair, which might indicate a party 

affiliation, I was not elected by my constituents to serve along the 

lines or ideas of any particular individual whether they occupy this 

August legislative body or a beautiful white home on 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, and I am a staunch advocate of the McGovern-Dole 

school feeding program which we have seen cuts in over the past 

year—not only cuts but proposed further cuts. 

I would speak to essentially the reduction and radicalization 

amongst males in a populace wherein females are empowered by 

virtue of education. 

46

I would ask you all if that’s not an accurate characteristic, and 

I am going to bounce around the committee with no intended offense. 

Ms. Bigio, am I pronouncing it right? Where you see more educated women do you see a reduction in radicalization amongst the 

male population? And I got—and I apologize because I am running 

on a timer. 

And so what the school feeding program does is creates an alternative to a paradigm where in a world of subsistence farming a 

mother and father might need to choose whether to put their 

daughter in a field to essentially cultivate the food that she might 

eat or where they might allow her to gain an education because the 

food that she needs in order to live is provided in exchange, essentially, for that education. Is that an accurate characterization, Mr. 

Rafiq? 

Mr. RAFIQ. Yes, absolutely. 

Mr. GARRETT. Again, and I apologize for how I do this. But I 

hope that there are people listening not only in this room but 

across this country and this city and across the world. 

And so when you see female educational attainment we also see 

a corresponding rise in economic opportunity within a society for 

both men and women. Is that generally accurate, Ms. Popal? 

Ms. POPAL. Yes, it is. 

Mr. GARRETT. And so when you see that rise in economic empowerment we see a corresponding rise in things like hope and it’s 

perhaps cliche but probably quite real that a young person who has 

hope to aspire toward some dream or goal in the future is less likely to strap a bomb vest to themselves, for example. Is that broadly 

accurate, Ms. Hudson? 

Ms. HUDSON. Absolutely. Grievance comes from despair. 

Mr. GARRETT. And so the problem that I would see with this program is that it’s hard to quantify the terrorists who were never created. In other words, we invest on the front end. 

We don’t know what horrible acts we’ve prevented on the back 

end and then a way that we can do this that empowers not just 

women but people is school feeding programs which encourages the 

education of young women, which elevates almost uniformly entire 

societies and leads to a reduction in radicalization. 

I’ve got 2 minutes remaining. If you all can try to keep to 30 seconds. 

Dr. Hudson, would you—and just bounce down the line—speak 

to what you think might be positive outcomes of school feeding and 

if this might help empower women and reduce radicalization in nations where these sorts of things are a problem. 

Ms. HUDSON. Absolutely. The education of young people, both female and male, offers greater opportunities for economic advancement for them personally and for their families. 

It also offers them larger horizons in terms of greater knowledge 

about their world and their place in it and what they can do for 

good. 

So in all measures, both for girls and for boys, keeping them in 

school and allowing them a basic education through school feeding 

programs is laudatory. 

47

Mr. GARRETT. Thank you. And I think it was—I believe, and I 

might misquote here—General Mattis, who said, ‘‘We can either 

provide foreign aid or we can start buying more bombs and bullets.’’

And having served in the military, I understand that there’s a 

time and a place for everything. But I would rather help people 

than kill them. 

Mr. Rafiq, if you could speak to school feeding and the potential 

to help women and thus help reduce radicalization and reduce terrorism. 

Mr. RAFIQ. I think, certainly, it’s one of the strategies that will 

pay off some dividends. However, I think there is a mistake to 

think that lack of education is the thing that actually drives extremism and terrorism. 

The World Bank did a survey of foreign fighters in ISIS joint territory—held territory and they found that the overwhelming majority of people had a higher education, a higher social standing than 

the national average of the countries that they came from. 

Zawahiri, the current leader of al-Qaeda, is a leading surgeon—

doctor. Bin Laden was an engineer, and there are many, many 

other people. 

Mr. GARRETT. And we certainly saw this, right, and I think the 

bin Laden is an engineer paradigm is a great one. But we saw this 

even during the mujahedeen’s fight against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan. 

Having said that, it was almost a rite of passage and I would 

point out that the countries from which these fighters generally 

come are countries where women aren’t empowered economically 

and oftentimes aren’t educated. So it might be a chicken-and-egg 

scenario. 

I apologize. I am out of time. May I—would the chair indulge me 

for 45 seconds so I can let Ms. Popal and Ms. Bigio have a moment? 

Mr. POE. I will indulge you, but you can get more questions 

asked in 5 minutes than anybody I’ve ever met. So—and fast as 

well. But yes, you may. 

Mr. GARRETT. I just love being able to lead, Judge. 

Ms. Popal, if you could speak to it. 

Ms. POPAL. Yes. I actually would like to share just an example. 

One of the women in our book, ‘‘We Are Afghan Women: Voices 

of Hope,’’ Razia Jan, is the founder of the Zabuli Education Center. 

It’s a private K through 12 girls’ school that provides more than 

500 girls in Afghanistan with free education, uniforms, shoes, 

warm coats, and meals. 

That school has changed men’s attitudes so much so that they’re 

willing to protect it and to send their daughters to college, and this 

is just one concrete example that I wanted to share with you all. 

Mr. GARRETT. Thank you. 

Ms. Bigio—apologize if I get it wrong. 

Ms. BIGIO. Thank you. 

No, it’s critical that you’re focussing on this—on this important 

issue. We certainly see that providing opportunities for women and 

girls including for education is what seeds the ground for them to 

be able to contribute fully to their society. 

48

And when you have space in the education programs where you 

have boys and girls learning together, engaging in dialogue together, it forms an avenue for them to look at solving problems together in their societies as well. 

And so you’re bringing all of your resources in that country together to advance and pursue opportunities that will then help to 

counter radicalization efforts. 

I thank you all. Thanks to the chair and the other members for 

their indulgence. 

Mr. POE. I thank the gentleman from Virginia. 

The chair recognizes the gentle lady from Florida, Ms. Frankel, 

who was the person who had the idea to have this hearing. I will 

recognize the gentle lady from Florida. 

Ms. FRANKEL. Thank you. It takes a woman, right? 

Mr. POE. That’s right. 

Ms. FRANKEL. So thank you, Mr. Poe. Thank you, gentlemen, for 

having this hearing. Thank you, witnesses. 

I am very taken by Dr. Hudson—your testimony that there were 

11 indicators of empowerment at the household level that you say 

are the strongest predictor of terrorism. 

Could you quickly tell me what they are? 

Ms. HUDSON. I brought all of my printouts for you if you ever 

wanted to see them. [Laughter.] 

Ms. FRANKEL. Oh, I would like to see them. 

Ms. HUDSON. Our 11 measures——

Mr. POE. Without objection, they will be made part of the record. 

Ms. HUDSON. Oh, okay. 

Ms. FRANKEL. That would be terrific. Okay. That would be great. 

Ms. HUDSON. May I just preface it by telling you an anecdote, 

which is that about 10 years ago I had a critical conversation with 

an Afghan female member of Parliament and I was gushing naively 

about how empowered she was and, you know, new generation of 

Afghan women. 

And she said, ‘‘Valerie, I could go home today and my husband 

could say, ‘I divorce you’ three times and I would be divorced, and 

I would have nothing from my household. I would not be able to 

take anything with me. I would not have any place to go.’’

She said, ‘‘Even if I don’t get divorced, I may have no say in 

when my daughters and sons marry and who they marry, right. 

How empowered am I really?’’ And I realized that my focus on 

these broader measures was beside the point. 

We really need to look at the straitjacket under which women 

live within their own households, according to marriage and personal status law. 

So we look at things such as patrilocal marriage—does the bride 

have to move to the groom’s household upon marriage—polygymy, 

cousin marriage, bride price, level of domestic violence within the 

home, whether there’s female sanction for femicide in the home 

and whether you can have legal exemption if you rape a woman if 

you offer to marry her. So——

Ms. FRANKEL. Let me just—let me ask you this. How did you 

come up with the 11 indicators or did you first look at factors that 

correlate with terrorism or you knew what the 11 were? 

49

Ms. HUDSON. No. What we had done is based on almost 20 years 

of research. We understood that cage that’s right there at the 

household level and it’s a cage that is created through marriage 

law and personal status law and property rights that disempowers 

the woman specifically within her household. 

So she can’t access the resources. She doesn’t have the say within her household. She can be beaten in her household, and so forth. 

Ms. FRANKEL. So just to get the correlation with the—with the 

terrorism, is this making women less effective in terms of stopping——

Ms. HUDSON. You bet. 

Ms. FRANKEL [continuing]. Their son or maybe even their daughter from becoming—okay. 

Ms. HUDSON. Absolutely right. 

Ms. FRANKEL. What I am curious—I mean, I don’t want to start 

a fight here—is what the other three of you think of this research. 

Mr. RAFIQ. I think the research is absolutely fantastic and I 

agree on the whole. But I think we have to recognize something—

that women from Western countries have left societies where they 

have had—they’ve had full rights or perceived to have full rights 

within the law and they’ve decided to go and join ISIS for even less 

rights. 

They’ve decided to go and join ISIS where they could be beaten 

up. They could—they could have—their husbands could have more 

than one wife and, in many cases, did, and they decide to go there. 

So I think just to look at the grievances on their own I think is 

not enough because——

Ms. FRANKEL. But she—I think she’s talking—are you talking 

about, though, the grievances where the terrorism is actually taking place or——

Ms. HUDSON. When I talk about grievances, I am focussing on 

the grievances that young men experience that make them prey to 

these recruiters. 

So grievances over bride price, grievances over scarcity of women, 

grievances over lack of economic opportunity. 

So I completely agree with Dr. Rafiq that one of the most interesting things is to examine the situation of young women who have 

left countries that supposedly guarantee their rights to join places 

like ISIS that don’t. But actually I don’t think we disagree. 

Ms. FRANKEL. No, I think—because I—okay, because I’m just trying to understand this. I think you’re talking about factors that are 

actually motivating the men to become terrorists——

Ms. HUDSON. Yes. Right. 

Ms. FRANKEL [continuing]. Because the women are being segregated and there’s not enough women to marry. I am just saying, 

there’s not enough women to marry or there’s not enough mothers 

to say, don’t do this kind of thing. 

I would like to hear the other two—what you think. 

Ms. POPAL. So I think in the context of Afghanistan, you have 

a lot of women in rural areas who don’t have the same opportunities that women in urban areas have and generally the level of 

education and the level of literacy is lower. 

But I think it’s important to remember that, you know, sustainable development programs, if done correctly, can really have an 

50

impact on the household level. So it doesn’t necessarily have to 

start in the household and move outward. It can start outward and 

move inward. 

One example is the National Solidarity program. It’s a government development program that created democratically-elected 

community development councils and women have been a part of 

these councils in Afghanistan that essentially fund small-scale development projects. 

And one evaluation showed that the National Solidarity program 

increases girls’ school attendance, their quality of learning. 

It increases child doctor and prenatal visits, the probability that 

a woman would be able to go see a doctor for her illness. 

It even creates sort of a durable increase in the provision of local 

government services specifically for women and it increases men’s 

acceptance of female political participation and their participation 

in local governance. 

So I think that’s important to remember. 

Ms. BIGIO. I agree with—that it’s critical that we look at what 

are the barriers that are preventing women from fully participating 

in society and some of these are legal. 

They’re also cultural and structural barriers that prevent women 

from engaging in contributing in their families, in their communities, in government, in decision making roles in the security sector. 

And as we discussed earlier, it’s critical that those policies and 

programs are shaped by the insights and perspectives that women 

can bring and their engagement with communities. 

So if there are laws or other barriers that are preventing women 

from engaging fully, then the resulting policies and programs will 

not be as effective in making sure—in promoting security in their 

countries. 

So it is critical to look at the legal, structural, and cultural barriers in a country that are preventing women from being full participants and in promoting security. 

Ms. FRANKEL. Thank you. My time is up. But I hope—maybe, 

Mr. Poe, when you—your turn is up, I know—when they get back 

to you—you had asked them to all give their suggestions. 

What we haven’t heard, which I hope they can relay, is what is 

our State Department—what do our Federal agencies need to start 

doing better. That would be of good help to us. 

Mr. POE. The chair recognizes the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. 

Schneider. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. Thank you, and I want to thank the chair and 

the ranking member for having this meeting, my colleague from 

Florida for suggesting this meeting, and especially to the witnesses 

for your testimony today. 

This has been eye opening. I think we are talking about a very 

important issue. 

I am going to start with Ms. Bigio. You sparked a thought and 

it actually may relate to what Ms. Frankel was saying on policy 

making. 

You used the sense of we want to have at least 30 percent of the 

people on the ground as women. I think as we go into these programs, whether it is in uniform or not in uniform, should the proVerDate 0ct 09 2002 10:18 Mar 27, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00054 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_TNT\022718\28824 SHIRL
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grams—I am going to frame this—feel free to push back on it—is 

it better that we are doing separate programs for women? 

Parallel programs for women that we might be doing at the same 

time for men, integrated programs where it is for both women and 

men and putting that foot forward—does that make any sense? 

Ms. BIGIO. It does, and I thank you for that great question. 

So there is incredible value in integrated programming and ensuring that men and women are together, learning and setting a 

norm that it is through the participation of men and women together in society serving side by side in the military, in the police, 

in legislatures, in government that together, combining their insights and perspectives, they will put forward the strongest and 

most effective policies and programs and strategies. 

So it is critical that we invest and continue to pursue programs 

like that, which is why the 30 percent quota is making sure that 

there are women represented there. 

Now, there is an importance of targeted programming to provide 

women with professional development, networking, mentoring, to 

help them fast track their careers in sectors where they have been 

under represented. 

So when you’re looking at programs to help increase representation of women in the police and military, for example, it’s important to have training programs where they are working side by side 

with the male colleagues with whom they will serve, and it’s also 

important to create networking and professional development opportunities for them so that they can discuss and address the barriers that they are sharing and experiencing in their careers. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. All right. And this maybe is for the entire 

panel—I would imagine then in many of these communities having 

integrated programs is going to face resistance—that people will 

push back. 

How can we work with our resources with communities in which 

we are engaged to address that push back and create a resiliency 

to overcome those who are against us? 

Ms. BIGIO. So yes, wherever these programs are offered they 

should be done in a culturally appropriate way. 

So first off, when people come to participate in training programs 

here in the U.S. Government, in regional center—in the Defense 

Department’s regional security studies programs, for example, or in 

other programs here, that’s an opportunity where men and women 

are training together and are learning together. 

So in the programs that we offer that’s a critical space to ensure 

that we set aside slots and make sure that women have the opportunity to participate where right now they do not. 

In countries where there are different cultural practices, there 

it’s taking the lead from our partners in the governments to understand what’s the structure and set-up that will both—that will best 

fit with the overall goal recognizing men and women are serving 

together then in those sectors in Afghanistan and Iraq. 

Men and women are serving together in the police, and so we do 

want to ensure that there are training programs and other areas 

where they are practicing that. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. Anyone else want to add to that? 

Well, thank you. With that—Mr. Rafiq? 

52

Mr. RAFIQ. No, I was just going to say that I think sometimes 

we have to be pragmatic and recognize that in some countries, for 

example, let’s pick Saudi Arabia. 

If we were wanting to run programs in Saudi Arabia, it’s just not 

going to be possible to be able to currently have programs where 

men and women are actually being trained together, and sometimes we have to take low-hanging fruit and eventually work to a 

situation where we can get and empower those countries to be in 

situations where they can have men and women working together 

and training together. 

Mr. SCHNEIDER. Thank you. 

With that, I yield back. 

Mr. POE. I thank the gentleman. 

I am going to ask the last two witnesses the question that I 

asked the first two witnesses, and I am sure you remember the 

question. 

The question was, what can we do right now about this issue? 

Ms. Popal? And I want to thank you—I want to thank all of you. 

But I am fascinated with your background and you have tremendous insight into this very specific issue, as all four of you do. 

But go ahead. 

Ms. POPAL. Thank you. 

I wanted to talk about two——

Mr. POE. Microphone on? 

Ms. POPAL. Oh. I wanted to talk about two issues, just briefly. 

The first one is just reiterating the—reiterating the importance 

of education and really building critical thinking skills in women 

to be able to challenge some of these extremist narratives and 

allow them the confidence and the voice to be able to speak up and 

do that. 

There have been studies out there that have interviewed women 

and, unfortunately, there is not a lot of robust data on the role of 

women and countering violent extremism in Afghanistan. 

But what does exist really points to the fact that women do get 

listened to within the household but a lot of times they don’t have 

the confidence, or they don’t have the knowledge, or they don’t 

have the education or the literacy to be able to push back in a way 

that make sense. So that would be one thing. 

The other point I wanted to talk about is just the importance of 

advancing economic opportunity. We, at the Bush Institute, are 

working on promoting a women’s leadership program that focuses 

on women who are advancing economic opportunity for everyone, 

not just for other women, in their communities and their countries. 

And this is a multi-country program. It spans the Middle East, 

North Africa, and Afghanistan, and it’s an effort to really show the 

value that women bring to societies as a whole. 

So, again, education and economic opportunity are two ways that 

we can work toward sustainable development in Afghanistan and 

that in and of itself will help counter violent extremism. 

Mr. POE. Ms. Bigio, if you could be brief, I would appreciate it. 

Ms. BIGIO. Thank you. 

Right now, the White House has the pen in developing a new national counterterrorism strategy and a new national strategy on 

countering violent extremist groups. 

53

These should include attention to women as enablers and mitigators of terrorism and it should include a specific objective and focus 

on these issues. 

Second is investment. As the budget is set, women are on the 

front lines already doing this work and the U.S. Government has 

done little to support them. 

This means ensuring that there are more economic support funds 

available as well as ensuring that the U.S. Government’s security 

funds, whether antiterrorism or our funds to support police and 

military, that these pots are also used to support women in the security sector and ensure that they have an opportunity to serve 

more. 

To Mr. Keating’s earlier question of the importance of increasing 

security cooperation efforts to support more female representation 

in police and military, there are women in the U.S. that—in police 

that could be training more of their counterparts. 

This is a decision in terms of contractors. We should ensure domestically we are leading by example. We are supporting the opportunities for women to serve in the military and police here and 

that they then have the opportunity to serve—to help train and 

support their counterparts around the world. 

Mr. POE. Thank you. I yield to the ranking member, Mr. Keating, 

from Massachusetts. 

Mr. KEATING. This is a quick round so I will only ask one question. 

We’ve learned, you know, this afternoon how much research—

decades of research has been done and how, with our 11 indicators 

or more—we have more information. 

As we get that information, what is our State Department—what 

is the U.S. Government as well as NGOs doing? 

When you’re looking at where maybe the next wave of extremism 

is going to come—countries like Bangladesh, the Philippines, 

Southeast Asia—we know what’s happening there. 

It would make great sense to me if we know these indicators and 

can get information on this. How well are we doing getting—trying 

to get ahead of the curve a little bit there? 

Ms. HUDSON. I am so glad you asked that question because that’s 

the question I’ve been asking myself. I received a 4-year $1.3 million grant from the Defense Department to do this research and I am having an awful hard time finding anyone in the Defense Department who would like to actually 

read this research or listen to this research. 

So I am searching for partners within the Defense Department 

who can take what we’ve done on the Defense Department’s dime 

and begin to integrate it into intelligence and early warning indicators and also looking at practices, because nations know that they 

are destabilized by these practices. 

For example, the Saudi Government has placed a stiff cap on 

bride prices and wedding costs in order to prevent these types of 

inflationary bubbles that occur within their society. 

So I think there’s a lot more to be done. Now, I know in the State 

Department we do have the Office of Global Women’s Issues. 

But my understanding is that their voice has been muted. We do 

not have a global ambassador for women’s issues, which is a seriVerDate 0ct 09 2002 10:18 Mar 27, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00057 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_TNT\022718\28824 SHIRL
54

ous lack on our part if we are going to take these issues, you know, 

as importantly as they should be. 

So I think there’s a lot we need to do. But there’s—as you say, 

we already know a lot. What’s missing is the action channels to 

transfer these knowledge—this knowledge into programs and priorities and funding. 

Mr. POE. Thank you. 

The chair recognizes the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Garrett. 

Mr. GARRETT. So I want to start out by suggesting that in the 

year 2018—and I understand that it’s not tantamount to purchase, 

but that any country that institutes any practice that is called 

bride pricing might be someone who we should consider the nature 

of our business interaction with regardless of their culture, customs, or tradition. 

I mean, it’s a head scratcher. I could talk about Saudi Arabia 

and lots of other countries for a long time and that’s not what we 

are here for. 

Mr. Rafiq, I kind of gave you short shrift earlier and I want to 

give you an opportunity to circle back around. I think my assertion 

is, however, that in any culture where there’s some degree of education and some degree of hope, which is usually provided in conjunction with education, radicalization is less prevalent. I am just 

going to give you the floor for the balance of my time. 

Mr. RAFIQ. Thank you. 

I think that if we look at the term radicalization and radicalism, 

I think radicalism has often been the preserve of the middle class 

and the educated class. 

Whether that’s far left radicalization or whether that’s far right 

or whether, in this case, Islam is radicalization. 

And the problem that we have—look, I am totally in favor of fixing grievances. I am totally in favor of people becoming more educated because I think that can help civil society as a whole and can 

be a—help to build more resilient communities against a whole 

range of problems. 

But if we just focus on the grievance culture—if we just focus on 

the grievances—if we just focus on just the education side of it, 

well, the four of us here probably have our own personal grievances 

at this very moment in time. 

We can sleep tonight in our own beds. We’ll probably have problems and my problem to me will be bigger than somebody else’s 

problem and then tomorrow my problem might be something else, 

et cetera. 

I think that if we just focus on the grievances, we are going to 

be playing Whac-A-Mole. We should, as a civil society, educate people more because it will help. 

We should focus on grievances as a civil society but if we don’t 

focus on the ideology—we don’t focus on Islamism, and the—and 

reverse engineer the intellectual, the ideological, social, emotional, 

spiritual aspects of Islamism and Salafi jihadism, we won’t fix this 

problem long term, and that’s all I was saying. 

Mr. GARRETT. So—no, and I think we found some commonality 

and I will tell you that it strikes me as interesting that we are—

you know, I think we are asking Saudi Arabia to revise textbooks 

55

that they send literally across the globe while it’s not negotiating 

trillion-dollar arms deals, right. 

And I have no problem with—now, I like the Saudis so long as 

they behave in a manner consistent behind closed doors as they do 

publicly and that’s what makes me shake my head. 

And I understand that there are cultural differences and I respect them, and I think that we should respect individuals’ rights 

to live as they choose. 

But in the society where individuals don’t get to make that 

choice, I think that the United States foreign policy should be dictated by who we choose to do business with. 

It’s more efficient than trying to figure out who you need to kill 

before they kill you. 

So thank you, Mr. Chairman, again, for your indulgence and 

thanks to the members of the panel. 

Mr. POE. I thank the gentleman. 

The chair recognizes the gentle lady from Florida. 

Ms. FRANKEL. Thank you, Mr. Poe. 

I think one of the—among other disappointments of this administration has been the cutting off of health funds to women all over 

the world, cutting off the funds of the—cutting off the U.S. Population Fund, which I know does work with trafficking and child 

marriage prevention. 

I just—I would be interested in hearing—I should say, on the 

basis of what I think is a false premise that these organizations 

and NGOs and so forth are performing abortions, which they’re 

not. 

But I would like to hear your opinion on that and in terms of 

how cutting off so much—so many millions of dollars toward women’s health and preventing some of these practices affects terrorism. 

Ms. HUDSON. Well, we know that demographic factors absolutely 

play into terrorism. Researchers have shown that youth bulges especially are associated with internal instability and conflict within 

nation states. 

I have lived long enough to know that women do not wish to 

have more children than they can take care of. It is when women 

do not have choice over how many children they have that you get 

youth bulges. 

So I think any policy which reduces women’s access to means by 

which they can control how many children they have is at odds 

with our desire to see the world be a more peaceful place. 

That having been said, I agree with you that while certainly it’s 

a defensible position to say that U.S. funds should not go toward 

organizations that perform abortions, I can see that. 

I think the distinction you made with organizations——

Ms. FRANKEL. Incidentally, that’s not my position but that is the 

position of the United States Government. 

Ms. HUDSON. Exactly right. 

Ms. FRANKEL. Yes. 

Ms. HUDSON. I can see that what you’re saying is that there are 

many organizations that do not perform abortion but nevertheless 

tell women that abortion is an option and send them off to, you 

know, to sources where that may be had. 

56

I think that we, you know, probably do have an interest in seeing 

those organizations succeed. So I agree with you that it is odd that 

we have cut off money to organizations that don’t perform abortions but yet apprise women of means by which to control their fertility. 

Ms. BIGIO. Having access to health care is also one of the barriers that prevent women from being able to engage fully in society. 

So when they do not have access to the services that they need 

to ensure their wellbeing and the wellbeing of their families, then 

this is a barrier, again, to a society being able to draw on its full 

population to promote prosperity and stability. 

So yes, investment in health care, for example, for women and 

children is part of the full equation to ensure that women and children have the health and opportunity to contribute. 

Mr. POE. The gentle lady yields back her time? She does. 

Thank you very much, all of you, for being here today. We appreciate it immensely. 

This has been one of the better informative hearings that we’ve 

had in a long time and I thank you for your time and the information. 

All of the members of the subcommittee, even those that were 

not here, may have questions of you and they will produce those 

in writing and then we would like a written response on a timely 

basis, if you will. 

I thank you very much. This subcommittee hearing is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 3:55 p.m., the committee was adjourned.] 

(57)

A P P E N D I X 

MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

58

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28824n.eps

SUBCOMMITTEE HEARING NOTICE 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENT A TTVES 

WASHINGTON, DC 20515-6128 

Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade 

Ted Poe (R-TX), Chairman 

TO: MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

You are respectfully requested to attend an OPEN hearing of the Committee on Foreign 

Affairs, to be held by the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade in Room 2172 

of the Rayburn House Office Building (and available live on the Committee website at 

http! I'!':W.lYJ~QJ~igJk\ffillss. h !2!l..S_~J?&'C) • 

DATii:: 

TIME: 

SUBJECT: 

WITNESSES: 

Tuesday, February 27, 2018 

2•00 p.m. 

Women's Role in Countering Terrorism 

Valerie M. Hudson, Ph.D. 

Professor and George H.W. Bush Chair 

The Bush School of Government and Public Service 

Texas A&M University 

Mr. Haras Rafiq 

Chief Executive Officer 

Quilliam International 

Ms. Farhat Popal 

Manager 

Women's Initiative 

George W. Bush Institute 

Ms. Jamille Bigio 

Senior Fellow for Women and Foreign Policy 

Council on Foreign Relations 

By Direction of the Chairman 
59

Æ


28824m.eps

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

MINUTES OF SUBCOMMITTEE ON _____ T_er_r_or_ls_m-'-, ll_'_m_,_lp_ro_lifi:__e_,_,tl_o'_'·-"-""_TF_a_,le_' ____ HEARING 

Stm-ting Time 2:30pm Emling Time 3:55pm 

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Open Session 0 Executive ~sed) Session D 

Televisetl 0 

TITLE OF HEARING: 

"Women's Role iu Couuteriug IeJ'/'OI'ism" 

SUBCOMMITTEE MEMBERS PRESENT: 

Electronically RecordWJtaped) 171 

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Rep. Poe, !(eating, Zelrlin, Fmnke!, Gm•t•elt, Scllnellfer 

NON-~UBCOMMITTEE MEMBERS PRESENT: (Mark with an * ilthey cwe not members offir/1 committee.) 

HEARING WITNESSES: Same as meeting notice attacherl? Yes r:::J No 0 (~f "no", pleas£ list below and include tif!r!, age,1cy, department, m· organization.) 

STATEMENTS FOR THE RECORD: (List any statements submitted/or the record.) 

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