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Shirin Tahir-Kheli 

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Director, South Asia Program 

Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies 

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PERATIVE MONITORING 

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SAND 98-0505/17 

Unlimited Release 

October 2000 

Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

Shirin Tahir-Kheli 

Director, South Asia Program 

The Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies 

Washington, DC, USA 

Kent L. Biringer 

South Asia Program Manager 

Cooperative Monitoring Center 

Sandia National Laboratories 

Albuquerque, NM, USA 

Cooperative Monitoring Center Occasional Paper 

Sandia National laboratories 

Sandia is a multiprogram laboratory operated 

by Sandia Corporation, a Lockheed Martin 

Company, for the United States Department of 

Energy under contract DE-AC04-94AL85000. 
Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

The Cooperative Monitoring Center (CMC) at Sandia National Laboratories assists political and 

technical experts from around the world to acquire the technology-based tools they need to assess, 

design, analyze, and implement nonproliferation, arms control, and other cooperative security measures. 

As part of its mission, the CMC sponsors research on cooperative security and the role of technology. 

Reports of that work are provided through the Occasional Papers series. Research is conducted by 

Sandia staff as well as visiting scholars. The CMC visiting scholars program is administered by the 

Institute for Public Policy at the University of New Mexico. For additional information on the programs 

of the CMC, visit the CMC home page on the World Wide Web at <http://www.cmc.sandia.gov> or 

write to: 

Cooperative Monitoring Center 

Sandia National Laboratories 

P.O. Box 5800 

Albuquerque, NM 87185-1373 

For specific information on this report contact: 

Kent L. Biringer at the above address. 

This report was prepared by Sandia National Laboratories 

Albuquerque, NM 87185 and Livermore, CA 94550 

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Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

Abstract 

This occasional paper assesses the role of cooperative monitoring technology for enhanced 

border stability, the absence of which has been a leading cause for war in the subcontinent. An 

assessment of the role of confidence building measures (CBMs) in India-Pakistan relations is 

undertaken in order to demonstrate that these have been adopted even during past periods of poor 

relations between the two countries. The authors examine specific parts of the common border 

and offer an analysis of the types of monitoring technology useful in limiting problems. By using 

technical monitoring and inspections, each side can begin to replace suspicion and doubt with 

knowledge and information useful in making informed political, military, and economic 

decisions while at the same time building confidence through common interactions. This paper 

makes the case for future engagement between India and Pakistan as encouraged in the course of 

President Clinton’s visit to India and Pakistan in March 2000. 

5 
Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

Acronyms 

B JP 

CBM 

CENT0 

CMC 

CTBT 

DGMO 

FMCT 

LAC 

LOC 

NATO 

SAARC 

SEAT0 

UAV 

UN 

UNGA 

Bharitya Janata Party 

confidence building measure 

Central Treaty Organization 

Cooperative Monitoring Center 

Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty 

Director General of Military Operations 

Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty 

Line of Actual Control 

Line of Control 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization 

South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation 

Southeast Asia Treaty Organization 

unmanned aerial vehicle 

United Nations 

United National General Assembly 

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Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

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Contents 

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................................................................ 9 

INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................ 11 

BACKGROUND ........................................................................................................................... 11 

BORDER VIOLATIONS AND WAR ........................................................................................ 15 

THE COOPERATIVE MONITORING CONCEPT ................................................................ 15 

COOPERATIVE MONITORING FOR INDWAKISTAN 

BORDER APPLICATIONS ........................................................................................................ 17 

CAN THERE BE CBMS BETWEEN INDIA AND PAKISTAN? .......................................... 29 

WAR PREVENTION: CREATING POLITICAL WILL ....................................................... 32 

ABOUT THE AUTHORS ........................................................................................................... 37 

Figures 

FIGURE 1. BOUNDARY REGIONS ALONG THE INDIA-PAKISTAN BORDER .......... 18 

FIGURE 2. SIACHEN GLACIER REGION COMPOSITE SATELLITE 

IMAGE SHOWING CLAIMS LINES AND AREAS OF DISPUTE. ..................................... 19 

FIGURE 3. INTERNET PHOTO OF REGION SURROUNDING 

AUSTRALIAN MAWSON STATION IN ANTARCTICA. .................................................... 20 

FIGURE 4. EXAMPLE OF OPEN SKIES AIRCRAFT USED FOR 

COOPERATIVE MONITORING AGREEMENTS. ............................................................... 21 

FIGURE 5. EXAMPLE OF GROUND-BASED SENSORS USED TO IMPLEMENT 

COOPERATIVE MONITORING AGREEMENTS. ............................................................... 23 

FIGURE 6. COMPOSITE SATELLITE IMAGE OF KASHMIR 

SHOWING SIACHEN, THE LINE OF CONTROL (LOC), THE WORKING 

BOUNDARY, AND THE INTERNATIONAL BORDER ........................................................ 25 

FIGURE 7. EXAMPLE OF A BUOY THAT COULD BE USED FOR 

COOPERATIVE MONITORING EFFORTS. ......................................................................... 28 

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Preventing Another India- Pakistan War: 

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Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

Executive Summary 

The nuclear tests by India and Pakistan in 1998 changed the strategic context of relations 

between these two countries. It made future war unthinkable and emphasized the need for new 

rules of engagement with greater emphasis on cooperation. These rules govern discussions 

between the United States and India and Pakistan respectively, regarding “benchmarks” that 

include strategic restraint and resumption of a dialogue between India and Pakistan. 

Conflict between India and Pakistan is most often a result of border problems. Given the 

additional nuclear element in any future conflict, the management of border issues becomes 

urgent. This paper offers a path to management of relations through joint monitoring of borders. 

The approach allows for joint application of monitoring technology to serve as a catalyst and to 

accelerate the process of achieving political agreements. Monitoring also provides a means for 

determining compliance with agreements as they are achieved. 

Technology may also offer a measure of comfort where suspicion and doubt run high, as 

is the situation in the subcontinent. Each border region between India and Pakistan is discussed, 

along with an examination of the type of technology that can be usefully applied. The border 

regions include, from north to south, the Siachen Glacier area, the Line of Control and “working 

boundary” in the Kashmir area, the International Border along the main body of the Indo-Pak 

border, the Sir Creek area, and the maritime boundary, which extends into the Arabian Sea. 

In the Siachen Glacier area, joint aerial monitoring missions may be possible for remote 

areas. Declarations and notifications supplemented with periodic inspections of deployment 

locations could reassure 60th countries that troops are not present. Radars mounted near critical 

peaks or passes could also detect ground or aerial activities in the region. The area has been 

proposed as a location for a bilateral scientific research center, similar to the existing research 

centers in Antarctica. 

In the “working boundary’’ and the Line of Control area, the terrain is less rugged and 

more suitable to deployment of ground-based monitoring systems. Building confidence along 

this portion of the boundary could begin with discussions among military commanders. Portions 

of existing fences built by India could be used for conducting joint experiments on instrumented 

border monitoring. 

On the international boundary, increased confidence between India and Pakistan could 

result from the addition of monitoring provisions to the existing military exercise and airspace 

agreements. Initial efforts could consist of advance notifications or invited observations of 

military activities or exercises near the border. This transparency measure could reduce tensions 

and misinterpretation of military intent. The cooperative use of radar-equipped tethered balloons 

to monitor for low-flying aircraft in selected portions of the border regions could enhance 

9 
Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

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existing agreements. 

agreements or promote cooperation on combating issues such as smuggling and drug trafficking. 

Aerial overflights could help to verify compliance with bilateral 

This paper proposes the demilitarization of the Sir Creek area. Such an agreement could 

permit joint monitoring to ensure the absence of military or paramilitary troops or smugglers. A 

cooperative aerial monitoring regime could support such an agreement. Another cooperative 

venture could be in the environmental realm, where joint scientific studies of pollution, water 

quality, water flows, and other measurements important to coastal and estuarine plant and animal 

life could be undertaken. 

The maritime boundary extends 200 miles into the sea, covering the exclusive economic 

zone of the two nations as well as their national security boundary. Cooperative deployment of 

ocean buoys by India and Pakistan could demarcate the area of dispute. This effort could be 

further enhanced through supplying global positioning system receivers to selected commercial 

or fishing vessels. These receivers could provide unambiguous location information that could 

also reduce claims of border violations. 

The paper examines the impact of the Kargil operation in Kashmir in the summer of 1999 

and assesses ways in which the dialogue can be resumed. In analyzing the international response 

to Kargil, the authors look at the promise of the visit of the Indian Prime Minister, Mr. Atal 

Behari Vajpayee, to Lahore in Pakistan in February 1999. There he joined the Pakistani Prime 

Minister Nawaz Sharif in signing a declaration outlining the blueprint for future conduct of 

relations, replacing confrontation with cooperation. Toward that end, the two leaders pledged 

consultations on confidence building measures (CBMs) to include areas of the nuclear program. 

Domestic difficulties in India in the period immediately following the Lahore meeting 

made quick progress and forward movement difficult. It was only in October 1999 that the 

Indian electorate returned the Vajpayee government to power and that progress on the IndoPakistan front seemed possible. Shortly thereafter, the situation changed in Pakistan with the 

removal of Prime Minister Sharif and the return of the military to power. The relationship’s 

progress ground to a halt once more. 

Despite current difficulties, engagement between India and Pakistan is possible. The 

history of their relations over the past fifty years reflects their ability to surmount problems, 

including war, to re-engage and move forward. Details of agreed CBMs at different times is 

provided. 

Political will is critical to peace between India and Pakistan. While India has thus far 

refused to engage with the military leader of Pakistan, the authors make the case for a reassessment on the part of India. Pakistan’s current need for better relations with its larger 

neighbor will eventually move the dialogue process further. The role of the United States 

remains critical to this endeavor. 

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Preventing Another India - Pakistan War: 

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Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

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Introduction 

Since their respective nuclear tests of 1998, the volatile relationship between India and 

Pakistan is often referred to as the most dangerous potential flash point in today’s international 

system. The nuclear tests finally demonstrated the highest costs of any future conflict between 

two neighbors whose past already reflects three major and two less widespread wars. Any future 

conflict is more than likely to stem from the differences over Kashmir, an area claimed by both 

sides. Furthermore, the likelihood of war increases if one adds the misunderstandings, the 

missed signals, and the involvement of non-state elements to the scenario of confrontation. In 

other words, there is no dearth of reasons why India and Pakistan may go to war. 

This paper examines the possibility of conflict along the border, including the Line of 

Control (LOC) dividing the Pakistani part of Kashmir from Indian Kashmir. We offer an 

alternative approach through which India and Pakistan can begin to manage their border relations 

in a cooperative way, thereby reducing the chances of war. This approach would use jointly 

operated monitoring technology both as a catalyst to accelerate the process of achieving political 

agreements and as a means for monitoring compliance with such agreements when they are 

reached. By utilizing technical monitoring and inspections, each side can begin to replace 

suspicion and doubt with knowledge and information useful in making informed political, 

economic, and military decisions. At the same time, technical monitoring and inspections can 

build confidence through common interaction. 

We want to stress at the outset that we recognize that technology is not a substitute for 

political will. But we also recognize that the pressure for India and Pakistan to manage their 

differences is increasing with time. Thus, the use of technology can assist both countries in what 

we hope will be their serious attempt to replace confrontation with cooperation. This they cannot 

achieve without working out a modus vivendi along their common borders, a task on which this 

paper focuses. 

Background 

The summer of 1999 amply demonstrated the potential of a serious derailing of relations 

between India and Pakistan over Kashmir. During the months of May through June, intense 

fighting took place between Pakistani-supported forces (along with some regulars) and Indian 

forces along the LOC in the Kargil sector of Kashmir. As a forthcoming study notes, the Kargil 

crisis, “though limited to the Kargil Sector, had all the trappings of a major war, i.e., large-scale 

troop deployments, hand-to-hand combat, heavy artillery dueling, use of air power by India and 

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Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

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heavy casualties.”’ Why was the Kargil war a setback? In order to explain the trauma of the 

Kargil conflict, one has to step back to re-examine the milieu in which it occurred. 

In the changed atmosphere after the end of the Cold War, most parts of the world faced a 

new series of challenges and sought new solutions. South Asia was no different. To some 

extent, this hope was, and continues to be, realistic. For example, economic liberalization of the 

subcontinent began in the early 1990s with promise for finally bringing the economies of India, 

Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and other neighbors into an open and free trading area. 

Enhanced economic relations were expected to lead to better political relations. The economic 

growth rates of the three larger members of South Asia improved after 1991. Creative ways of 

dealing with development pushed Bangladesh forward at even faster rates than anticipated. 

South Asia finally appeared poised to enter the new century with hope for a better economic 

future. 

As South Asia focused on economic development, the Indian nuclear test of May 1998, 

followed by Pakistan’s test, came as a major shock to the international security system. The 

world suddenly had two more self-proclaimed nuclear powers. This came at a time when 

nonproliferation was becoming the norm and arms control efforts focused on the reduction of 

existing United States and Russian nuclear arsenals. The international community, generally 

supportive of the effort to limit the nuclear club to the existing five members, considered the 

Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests an open challenge to the arms controlhuclear nonproliferation 

policies put in place with the Nonproliferation Treaty.’ Thus, major powers and others who 

deliberately foreswore nuclear weapons were determined not to allow even a hint of recognition 

for the two new nuclear states and to make sure that the tests did not go unpunished. 

As sanctions were slapped on the two South Asian states after their nuclear tests, the 

United States took the lead in pressing for new codes of conduct by India and Pakistan. The 

“benchmarks” of desired behavior stipulate the following: signature by India and Pakistan of the 

Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) (which will end future testing); moratorium on the 

production of fissile material (which would eventually cap their ability to make nuclear 

weapons); support for multilateral restraint pending the conclusion of the Fissile Material Cut-off 

Treaty (FMCT);3 strengthening of the nuclear technology control regime in line with 

international standards; strategic restraint to prevent a nuclear or missile arms race; and resumption of the India-Pakistan dialogue. 

These guidelines resulted from agreement between the nuclear powers and other states, 

such as Japan, Australia, South Africa, Singapore, Brazil, and Argentina (nations that deliberately decided against a nuclear weapons option). In resolutions passed by the G-8 and by the 

United Nations (UN) Security Council after the nuclear tests, the international community asked 

Major General Mahmud Ali Durrani, Pakistan Army, Retired, India and Pakistan: The Costs of Conflict and the 1 

Benefits of Peace, forthcoming, September 2000. 

* Entered into force on March 5, 1970. 

This proposed treaty that calls for a halt to the production of fissile materials was under discussion at the 

Conference on Disarmament in Geneva. 

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Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

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India and Pakistan to hold the line in their development of a nuclear weapons program. Full 

lifting of sanctions imposed after the tests remains predicated on satisfactory implementation by 

India and Pakistan of the above-mentioned benchmarks. 

Right after the nuclear tests, Indian and Pakistani leaders respectively talked of signing 

the CTBT. Slowly, however, the momentum was lost as the Indian government said that the 

creation of a national consensus on the issue was first required. Pakistan immediately took the 

same route. FMCT negotiations have been slow to start. India has said that it will participate in 

the negotiations and will sign the resulting treaty. India will not accept a moratorium in the 

production of fissile material pending the conclusion of the treaty. Pakistanis have problems 

with the FMCT if the treaty institutionalizes the Indian advantage by international acceptance of 

existing stockpiles of fissile material. 

Discussions with India ‘and Pakistan are more promising on the question of export 

control. Both say that they are careful in exercising control over their respective nuclear 

technology. Technical discussions with the U.S. focus on future legislation in India and Pakistan 

that will hopefully institutionalize the controls and prescribe penalties under law for violations. 

The issue of strategic restraint offers several thorny issues. Questions related to the 

concept of “minimum deterrence” are difficult, with each of the newest nuclear powers resenting 

what they fear is a demand for openness and transparency in their respective nuclear weapons 

programs. The accompanying U.S. call for restraint and no anns race means modification of 

behavior between the subcontinent’s rivals. In the case of India, even if one accepts that China 

looms large in India’s nuclear calculation, the Indian program gets linked to Pakistan and the 

overall relationship between India and Pakistan. 

Talks that started in July 1998 between the U.S. Deputy Secretary of State, Strobe 

Talbott, and his Indian and Pakistani counterparts on the above agenda included the need for the 

resumption of dialogue between India and Pakistan. And for a time, that call seemed to be 

answered. The opening created by the visit of the Indian Prime Minister to Pakistan in February 

1999 offered real hope that the relationship between India and Pakistan was about to change for 

the better. 

India’s Prime Minister Vajpayee went to Lahore, the city that epitomizes Pakistan’s 

independence, to meet with his Pakistani counterpart Prime Minister Sharif and signed a 

declaration on February 21, 1999. The declaration provided a new and ambitious road map 

toward a different and more productive peace between India and Pakistan and a commitment to a 

future based on cooperation. As Vajpayee said: 

There can be no greater legacy that we can leave behind than to do away with 

mistrust, to abjure conflict, to erect an edifice of durable peace, amity, harmony, 

and cooperation? 

Text of speech, Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee, Lahore, February 21, 1999. . 4 

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The Lahore process set a timetable for dialogue and included several milestones, including meetings of the foreign secretaries slated for April 1999. There were strong reports from the 

inner circle that Prime Minister Sharif would accelerate that schedule with an early return visit to 

New Delhi. No one underestimated the difficulties of resolving key issues, such as Kashmir. 

However, political will, that elusive commodity in India-Pakistan relations, seemed to be in place 

at last! 

The two prime ministers committed their respective states to consultations on confidence 

building measures (CBMs) in the nuclear and conventional areas aimed at conflict avoidance. 

Topics included notification of ballistic missile flight tests, reduction of risk in accidental or 

unauthorized use of nuclear weapons, continued unilateral moratorium on nuclear weapons 

testing, safety of navigation measures, and upgrading of military communication measures by the 

two sides. 

The world breathed a sigh of relief. It seemed that the testing of nuclear weapons in 1998 

did not, after all, mean a march toward conflict. The Lahore meeting was accepted as the official 

future policy of the two governments. 

Yet, despite the commitment of the prime ministers, events conspired against smooth 

implementation of the agreement. Initially, domestic problems with no relationship to the Lahore 

process delayed the Indian side from moving forward quickly in the foreign secretaries’ meeting 

in April. The loss of the no-confidence vote put the Vajpayee government in a caretaker status as 

elections were announced for September/October 1999. Under the prevailing conditions, no real 

movement in Indo-Pakistan relations seemed possible and precious momentum was lost. That 

delay turned out to be even more unfortunate. 

While the election process was underway in India, severe fighting during the summer of 

1999 along the LOC near Kargil created real concerns regarding a widespread war between India 

and Pakistan with a distinct possibility of such a war escalating into a nuclear exchange. For a 

while it seemed that the danger was no longer confined to the LOC but likely to spread along the 

entire border. The latest conflict was a reflection of the attempt by Pakistan to change the 

boundaries of its territory through the use of military force. This was the first such attempt by 

either side after the tests and demonstrated their nuclear weapons capability. The reaction to 

Kargil by UN Security Council and the G-8 members and others was greatly adverse. That 

reaction reflected the belief that unilateral action could not alter recognized borders between 

nuclear states. 

Soon after India emerged from elections in the autumn of 1999 with the return of the 

Bharitya Janata Party (BJP) into power, Pakistan convulsed into a military coup. General Pervez 

Musharraf, Chief of Army Staff, ousted the elected Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif. 

Normalization suffered another setback as India refused to have anything to do with the General, 

who was seen in New Delhi as the architect of the Kargil operation and thus viewed as an 

unsympathetic interlocutor. 

The context and content of the Lahore Declaration itself partly explains some of the 

international unhappiness over Pakistan’s role in Kargil. The world found it inconceivable that 

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Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

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Pakistan was sponsoring simultaneously a peace offensive in Lahore as it was furthering a 

military offensive along the LOC. 

Border Violations and War 

International praise for the Lahore Declaration was predicated on the belief that India and 

Pakistan had finally decided to commit themselves to a peaceful resolution of all disputes 

between them, including Kashmir. Lahore implied recognition that conflict was no longer an 

option and that “an environment of peace and security is in the supreme national interest of both 

sides and that the resolution of all outstanding issues, including Jammu and Kashmir, is 

e~sential.”~ In praising the Lahore process, the international community, particularly the United 

States, was cognizant of the history of Indo-Pak wars and the role of the LOC violations in 

sparking a larger conflagration, e.g., in 1948 and in 1965.6 Hence, after the summer of 1999, 

active interest in managing the LOC and finding ways of reducing the likelihood of conflict there 

received greater attention. Beyond the LOC, the entire border between India and Pakistan 

remains susceptible to problems that could easily spill out of control in today’s environment of 

suspicion. 

India accuses Pakistan of supporting infiltration via the LOC in order to stir the 

insurgency inside Indian Kashmir. Pakistan insists that the borders are porous and that the cause 

of the problems in Jammu and Kashmir are the harsh policies of New Delhi creating a real 

human rights problem. Under these conditions, the authors believe that the approach described 

below offers something for both India and Pakistan. Pakistan will get verification of its claim 

that it is not involved in infiltration across the LOC or the international border. India will get 

verification of the Pakistani claim and also be able to limit infiltration. By undertaking joint 

steps to monitor, complications arising from differing interpretations can be minimized. The 

concept of cooperative monitoring is presented below, followed by an assessment of its application along each segment of the border. 

The Cooperative Monitoring Concept 

Our goal in assessing the role of cooperative monitoring technology for enhanced border 

stability is not to provide prescriptive solutions to regional problems but rather to expand the 

options being considered to overcome impediments to progress. Many of these impediments are 

a result of a history of conflict and mistrust. By utilizing technical monitoring and inspections, 

each side can begin to replace suspicion and doubt with knowledge and information useful in 

making informed political, economic, and military decisions while at the same time building 

confidence through common interactions. 

Memorandum of Understanding signed by the Indian Foreign Secretary, K. Ragunath, and the Pakistani Foreign 

The 1971 war resulted from Indian support for the separation of what was East Pakistan. Indian military defeat of 

5 

Secretary, Shamshad Ahmed, Lahore, February 21,1999. 

Pakistan in the east resulted in the formation of independent Bangladesh. 

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Technology in itself is not a solution but rather a tool to be used in addressing the 

regional problems plaguing India and Pakistan. Employing cooperative monitoring technologies 

is done in conjunction with the political will to authorize its use. However, technology use need 

not await complete understanding or agreement among the parties. Technical experiments may 

precede formal agreements by demonstrating the ability to address the fears and concerns faced 

by the parties to the agreement. 

Efforts to build confidence among nations can take many forms. The overall objective is 

to move from conditions of minimal confidence between nations to conditions that achieve 

higher levels of trust and cooperation. Minimal confidence is characterized by distrust, lack of 

communication, public resistance to cooperative efforts, and lack of infrastructure within the 

governments for promoting cooperative agendas. The infrastructure needed consists of political, 

diplomatic, military, and technical components. 

The goals of confidence building are to achieve conditions of mutual trust, open communication and dialogue among parties, public acceptance and support for cooperative efforts, and 

an established infrastructure for addressing issues of concern. Successes along this spectrum of 

confidence building have been numerous over the past decade. These include improved interactions between U.S ./Russia, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)/Warsaw Pact countries, 

and Argentina/Brazil. There are many elements that can contribute to confidence building. They 

vary from cultural exchanges and increased trade to technical exchanges and security agreements. 

This paper focuses on the role that monitoring technology can play in building confidence 

between India and Pakistan on issues related to monitoring of the boundary between the two 

nations. 

Cooperative monitoring is the obtaining and sharing of agreed-upon information among 

the parties to an agreement. It makes use of technologies that are shareable among all of the 

parties to the agreement. .The data collected as part of a cooperative monitoring agreement are 

equally accessible to all of the parties to the agreement. Finally, cooperative monitoring includes 

procedures for addressing anomalies in the monitoring information. In that way, questions or 

issues can be resolved to avoid escalation of concerns that could lead to conflict. 

There are many examples of cooperative monitoring systems, including formal treaty 

verification systems as well as less rigorous confidence building measures (CBMs). The systems 

may consist of inspections or sophisticated sensor and data processing equipment accessed 

remotely. These systems are not limited to arms control or military applications, but also may 

monitor a wide range of other regional concerns including natural resources, commerce and 

trade, the environment, or emergency response issues. 

Cooperative monitoring systems supplement rather than replace other national means of 

data collection, including intelligence means. Ultimately, the entire set of shared and private data 

forms the basis of making national treaty compliance determinations. 

In each case, establishment of a cooperative monitoring regime is a process. There is no 

single monitoring solution. A framework in which to consider the application of cooperative 

monitoring begins with a context for undertaking CBMs. The context has several elements that 

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include the subject of interest, the scope of the agreement, and purposes for which an agreement 

is being considered. 

A desire for improved relations could eventually lead to specific agreements that form the 

basis for establishing monitoring regimes. The agreements, whether formal treaties or less 

formal CBMs, have certain objectives and provisions intended to achieve the goals. Some of 

these provisions have specific measurable or observable parameters. These may include objects, 

activities, processes, or movements. Signatures are the specific characteristics of the item, 

object, or process being observed. They may include optical characteristics, thermal profile, 

chemical composition, acoustic patterns, isotopic composition, or other measurable quantities 

associated with the observation. These signatures allow sensor systems to detect and classify 

differences between the items observed. 

Once the objectives and provisions of an agreement have been determined and the 

monitoring parameters have been defined, it is possible to explore a wide range of monitoring 

system options using different types of technology. Other factors such as cost, manpower, 

redundancy, timeliness, data and hardware security, power requirements, sensor function and 

display, environmental conditions, and vulnerability need to be assessed. In addition, the level of 

access or intrusiveness permitted under the terms of the agreement will affect the types of 

possible monitoring systems. 

There are feedback loops within the framework as well. Understanding monitoring 

options and limitations may result in a need to modify the original agreement to establish 

provisions that can be monitored. 

The balance of this paper addresses cooperative border monitoring concepts to advance 

India-Pakistan relations. In this context, the term “border” applies to the established international 

border as well as the Line of Control in Kashmir and the further disputed regions of Siachen, Sir 

Creek, and maritime boundaries. 

Cooperative Monitoring for IndidPakistan Border Applications 

Tensions along the India-Pakistan boundary represent the greatest potential for escalation 

to armed conflict and the risk of all-out war. Tools to assist in monitoring border concerns may 

play a significant role in resolving uncertainties, providing warning, and managing border issues 

to avoid the outbreak of war. While conflict in Kashmir poses the greatest threat, incidents 

anywhere along the border could erupt into war. The sections that follow describe six distinct 

boundary regions that differ both physically and politically. These are the Siachen Glacier, the 

Line of Control (LOC) in Kashmir, the “working boundary,” the recognized international border, 

Sir Creek, and the maritime boundary. Figure 1 highlights these boundary regions on a map of 

South Asia. For each region, specific monitoring options are suggested that could enable or 

sustain boundary agreements between India and Pakistan and lessen the chance of war. 

17 
Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

Figure 1. Boundary regions along the India-Pakistan border. 

Siachen 

At the northern extreme, India and Pakistan face off along the Saltoro mountain range in 

an area named for its most prominent feature, the Siachen Glacier. Since 1984, the two nations 

have battled over a 2500-square-km triangle of contested territory. The dispute arose over 

differing interpretations of a provision of the 1949 cease-fire, as well as the subsequent 1972 

Simla agreement, that left a portion of the cease-fire line in Kashmir undefined. The boundary 

was specifically delineated only to map coordinate NJ9842. The cease-fire agreement had only 

defined the line to a certain specified point and from there “thence north to the glaciers.” This 
Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stabi/ity Along the Border 

left a distance of about 65 km to the north undemarcated? The area remained undemarcated until 

1984, when Indian troops occupied the watershed line along the Saltoro range northwesterly from 

NJ9842. Pakistan laid claim to a line from NJ9842 northeasterly to the Karakoram Pass on the 

Chinese border. For the past 16 years, armed conflict has ensued along this “line of actual 

contact.” Figure 2 shows a composite satellite image of the Siachen region that highlights the 

area of dispute. The area is among the highest in the world and is characterized by mountain 

altitudes of over 7,500 meters and by troop deployments at altitudes up to 6,700 meters. Nearby 

is K2, the second highest mountain in the world at over 8,500 meters. 

Figure 2. Siachen Glacier region composite satellite image 

showing claims lines and areas of dispute. 

A political settlement of the Siachen dispute would include increasingly comprehensive 

provisions for de-escalation, disengagement, and demilitarization.8 In addition to national means 

of verification, compliance determination would be enhanced through efforts at bilateral cooperation in monitoring. Because of the large area, difficult terrain, and harsh climate, Siachen 

presents unique monitoring challenges. Monitoring efforts must detect and identify the presence 

or absence of troops and military equipment deployed in and around the Siachen area. Initial 

“Siachen: A solution being sought for the third time,” The Hindustan Times, November 6, 1998. 

See Freezing the Fighting: Military Disengagement on the Siachen Glacier, Samina Ahmed and Van Sahni, 

7 

Cooperative Monitoring Center Occasional Paper, Sandia National Laboratories, SAND98-0505/1, March 1998. 

19 
Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

determinations are possible through declarations and notifications supplemented with periodic 

inspections of deployment locations. As confidence is developed, the addition of ground-based 

monitoring technologies could provide a continuous assessment of relevant activities. Deployment of radars mounted near critical peaks or passes would also detect ground or aerial activities 

in the region.' Video monitoring could supplement other sensors by characterizing activities. 

Examples of operating web-based camera systems exist in similarly harsh environments. 

Figure 3 shows an Internet camera image from an Australian base in the Antarctic." 

Figure 3. Internet photo of region surrounding Australian Ma wson Station in Antarctica. 

To provide broad area coverage of the remote Siachen region not possible with ground 

sensors, aerial remote sensing technologies would be required. Joint aerial monitoring missions 

could be used to demonstrate compliance with an agreement. This concept utilizes sensors on 

aircraft to periodically assess troop locations, equipment inventories, and status of operational or 

abandoned facilities. In this case, aircraft capable of high-altitude flight would be required to 

permit observation at these extreme elevations. It is even possible that high-performance 

unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) could be employed for this application to minimize concerns 

of piloted overflights. A variety of sensors including optical and video cameras, infrared line 

This idea has been proposed by Lawrence Livermore National Laboratoty. 

lo See the Australia Antarctic web site at: http://www.antdiv.gov.au/stations/live.html ' 

20 
Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

scanners, and radars could be used to provide the necessary assessments. Precedents for such 

cooperative remote sensing exist in the multilateral Open Skies treaty (signed but never entered 

into force) and bilateral agreements such as the 1991 HungaryRomania open-skies agreement. 

(See Figure 4.) Severe weather conditions could limit short-notice aerial inspections, but such 

conditions would also hamper movements of ground forces. 

Figure 4. Example of Open Skies aircraft used for cooperative moniforing agreements. 

An initial step in implementing monitoring provisions in Siachen is to conduct cooperative experiments to demonstrate the potential of these sensor technologies to operate and detect 

activities along strategic paths of movement and at fixed locations such as posts or pickets. Field 

experiments with ground-based sensors as well as trial flights of aerial monitoring systems could 

establish confidence in the technology. The process of working together to define and operate 

these systems could also build confidence between the parties. 

As the countries move toward demilitarization of Siachen, concern may remain over the 

lack of national presence in the area. This concern can be addressed by replacing the current 

military presence with a scientific one. The concept for a Siachen Science Center suggests that 

the region be set aside for high-altitude scientific research in ways similar to that done in the 

Antarctic Treaty." Cooperative efforts to conduct astronomy, glaciology, atmospheric science, 

human physiology, and many other fields of study could provide a joint Indiflakistan human 

presence in the area but for scientific, rather than military, purposes. 

Kent L. Biringer, Siachen Science Center: A Concept for Cooperation at the Top of the World, SAND98-0505/2, 

Cooperative Monitoring Center Occasional Paper, Sandia National Laboratories, March 1998. Also available at: 

http:llwww.cmc.sandia.gov/issues/papersl 

I1 

21 
Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

Line of Control 

The Line of Control (LOC) extends south of Siachen through the former principality of 

Kashmir. This line was established in January 1949 as a cease-fire line at the conclusion of the 

first India-Pakistan war. The cease-fire line was formalized with the signing of the Karachi 

Agreement in July 1949. Following the third India-Pakistan war in 1971, the cease-fire line 

(with some modifications) became the Line of Control. The Simla Agreement of July 1972 

specified the line of control resulting from the December 1971 cease-fire and called for the line 

to be respected by both sides without prejudice to the position of either side. The line is characterized by different terrain from valleys and rivers in the southern regions to high mountains in 

the north. The length of the LOC is 740 km.12 

While the LOC has been the subject of numerous agreements between India and Pakistan, 

efforts to cooperatively monitor the line do not exist. An agreement to implement cooperative 

monitoring could contribute to building confidence and reducing tensions along the LOC. 

Because this region, specifically the Kargil sector, represents one of the recent flashpoints in 

India-Pakistan relations, there is an urgency to implement confidence building measures along 

the LOC. Detecting and characterizing illegal cross-border movements are vital to regional 

stability. These crossings may be politically, militarily, or economically motivated but, in each 

case, threaten the fragile relationships of the region. 

Border tension could be reduced through military-to-military interactions in the form of 

enhanced communication, exchange visits to deployment locations, reduced threat posture, and 

efforts to implement provisions of the Lahore De~1aration.l~ To begin, periodic joint meetings of 

military officials at predetermined locations along the LOC could be held. These meetings could 

later be expanded into inspections of selected military deployments along the LOC to demonstrate compliance with cease-fire or other agreements. Similar provisions exist in the 1993 and 

1996 CBM agreements between India and China on Peace and Tranquility and on Military CBMs 

along their Line of Actual Control (LAC). 

After establishing an effective dialogue and inspection regime, ground-based sensors 

could be deployed to supplement efforts by ground forces to monitor for unauthorized movements or actions along portions of the LOC. Use of specific sensors could vary along the LOC 

based on terrain, perceived threat, costs, and extent of sensor coverage. (See Figure 5 for an 

example of ground-based sensors.) The LOC is a very porous boundary because of the variable 

terrain and wooded conditions in some portions. Instrumented fences could be deployed over 

relatively level terrain that represented primary routes of infiltration. Ground-based radars could 

provide broad area coverage over more rugged regions. Seismic and magnetic monitoring could 

provide detection and some characterization along known roads, paths, or other routes of 

passage. Selective use of other ground-based technologies, such as fiber-optic cables and 

infrared break-beams, could be employed to detect movement across selected zones of interest. 

The Hindu, July 28, 1999. Other values are given in other references, e.g., 790 km in the “About India” web site 

at www.aboutindia.codneighbors/neighbor.htm. 

l3 Shirin Tahir-Kheli, “The Role of Technology in India-Pakistan Agreements,” Balusa VZZ-Zndia and Pakistan: 

Opportunities in Economic Growth, Technology and Security, Foreign Policy Research Institute, Philadelphia, 

June 3,1999. 

12 

22 
Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

Sensor activations could alert both sides of possible violations of the integrity of the LOC. A 

joint monitoring center could collect all sensor inputs and disseminate information. 

Figure 5. Example of ground-based sensors used to implement 

coopera five monitoring agreements. 

In the 1970s, Israel and Egypt, along with the United States, used sensor systems to 

monitor terms of the Sinai accords. These systems helped maintain a cease-fm agreement and 

enabled the eventual withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Sinai. Two mountain passes, 

considered critical for launching a military attack across the Sinai, were instrumented with 

sensors and watch stations. This system ensured a separation of forces and permitted the peace 

process to ev01ve.l~ 

Because of its extent, the LOC could also be monitored using aerial remote sensing. 

Jointly manned aircraft, with a stipulated suite of cameras and sensors, could be deployed to 

periodically oveffly agreed portions of the L0C.l5 Such a capability could ensure that there is no 

military buildup, unannounced exercise, or other threatening military action along or near the 

LOC. Again, the process of defining and implementing such a cooperative monitoring regime is 

in itself part of the confidence building process. 

Michael G. Vannoni, Sensors in the Sinai: A Precedent for Regional Cooperative Monitoring, SAND96-2574, 

Sandia National Laboratories. reprinted June 1998. Also available at: http://www.cmc.sandia.gov/issnes/papers/ 

vannoni2hndex. html 

l5 John H. Hawes and Teresita C. Scbaffer, “Risk Reduction in South Asia: A Role for Cooperative Aerial 

Observation?” Stimson Center Report No. 31, Aerial Observation and Confidence Building, Michael Krepon and 

Michael Newbill, editors, August 1999. 

14 

23 
Preventing Another India- Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

Working Boundary 

While considered by India to be part of the international border, a “working boundary” 

between Pakistani Punjab and Indian Kashmir is not considered by Pakistan to be an international border because of the dispute over Kashmir.16 

Cooperative monitoring options along the working boundary are similar to those along 

the LOC. However, the terrain is less rugged and more suitable to deployment of ground-based 

monitoring systems. India has been unilaterally fencing much of this boundary. Pakistan has 

objected to this action. Building confidenke along this portion of the boundary could begin with 

discussions among military commander^.'^ Portions of existing fences could be used for 

conducting joint experiments on instrumented border monitoring. 

Figure 6 shows a composite commercial satellite image of the India-Pakistan boundary in 

Kashmir. The use of satellite and aerial imagery can be a tool to facilitate cooperation and 

resolution of territorial disputes. For example, such imagery helped define areas of separation 

and boundaries as part of the Dayton Accords, which resolved the conflict in Bosnia and 

Herzegovina. Such tools could be useful for South Asian negotiators in defining inspections, 

overflights, or ground-based instrumentation deployments in Siachen, along the LOC, or along 

the working boundary. 

International Border 

Most of the 2900-km boundary between India and Pakistan is an internationally 

recognized border.” The border is formed between the Indian States of Punjab, Rajasthan, and 

Gujarat with the Pakistani provinces of Punjab and Sind. The terrain varies from coastal salt 

marshes, through deserts, to the agricultural districts of the Punjab. While there is little official 

cross-border traffic, there is a great deal of smuggling and unofficial commerce. This area has 

also seen past conflict and near conflict accompanying large military deployments and military 

exercises. To minimize these threats, the Agreement between India and Pakistan on the Advance 

Notice of Military Exercises, Maneuvers and Troop Movements was concluded between the two 

sides in 1991. It applied along the international border as well as the LOC. In that same year, 

another agreement, Prevention of Air Space Violations and for Permitting Over-Flights and 

Landings by Military Aircraft, was also concluded. 

~ ~~ ~ 

l6 See the Pakistan government web site at: www.pak.gov.pWmediane-of-control.htm. 

’’ A four-day meeting between border commanders was held in Lahore to discuss exchange of fire along the working 

boundary. See expressindia.com, November 23, 1999. 

World Fact Book 1999, Central Intelligence Agency, www.odci.gov/cia/publications/factbooklin.htm. The total 

distance of 2912 km includes disputed areas such as Sir Creek, LOC in Kashmir, and Siachen. 

18 

24 
Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

Figure 6. Composite satellite image of Kashmir showing Siachen, the Line of Control 

(LOC), the working boundaty, and the international border. 

25 
Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

Increased confidence between India and Pakistan could result from the addition of 

monitoring provisions to the existing military exercise and airspace agreements. Initial efforts 

could consist of invited observations of military activities or exercises near the border. This 

transparency measure could reduce tensions and misinterpretation of military intent. Notifications and monitoring of these activities could prevent the countries coming to the brink of war, as 

was the case during the Brasstacks military exercise of 1986 and 1987. In addition to notifications or monitoring of military activities along the border, agreements on further restrictions of 

movements or deployments may be possible. Such agreements could be expanded to include 

broader demilitarized or arms limitation zones along the borders to further increase warning 

times and reduce likelihood of conflict. The two sides could also work together to provide better 

border demarcation particularly in the more remote and less populated desert regions. 

The cooperative use of radar-equipped tethered balloons to monitor for low-flying aircraft 

in selected portions of the border regions could enhance the existing agreement on Prevention of 

Air Space Violations. This technology can also assess ground movements in the border regions. 

Tethering a balloon controls the altitude and position of the instrumentation. Joint staffing of the 

balloon deployment and data collection could establish a precedent for cooperative monitoring 

and data sharing. Technologies of this type are deployed along the U.S./Mexican border and 

other international borders, including that between Kuwait and Iraq. These systems do have 

some operational limitations, especially in severe weather conditions. A more extensive border 

monitoring regime could include cooperative aerial overflights along the established border to 

verify compliance with bilateral agreements or to work together to combat issues such as 

smuggling and drug trafficking. 

Other regional precedents exist for border cooperation. India and China concluded two 

border agreements in 1993 and 1996. While many of the provisions (including notifications, 

exercise limits, and aircraft restrictions) are similar to those already in place in India-Pakistan 

agreements, others offer additional prospects for building confidence. Chief among them may be 

exchanging maps, conducting flag-officer level meetings at designated border locations, assisting 

in the sharing of information on diseases, and providing disaster assistance. Similar CBMs could 

be employed along other sections of the boundary. 

Border cooperation could also support economic development and trade. There currently 

is a large “unofficial” trade between India and Pakistan. There is a huge potential for legitimate 

trade if tensions and restrictions were lifted. Efforts to technically cooperate in monitoring and 

facilitating trade could pay tremendous dividends. These efforts might include border development zones, modern customs and border crossing stations designed to streamline paperwork and 

vehicle inspections, and cooperative efforts to build an infrastructure of roads and communication to move goods and services between the trading partners. In this case, technology and 

monitoring systems are used not only to prevent actions, but also to facilitate legitimate 

activities, such as authorized cross-border trade. Since there is a minimum of existing crossborder infrastructure, there are opportunities to work together to design border crossings and 

related infrastructures (Le., roads, pipelines, power, communications, etc.) to take advantage of 

the latest technologies. For example, improved customs records and communication could 

enable quicker border inspections and more cost-effective movements of goods. Other examples 

26 
Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

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include use of electronic shipping records, instrumented border crossings, real-time shipment 

tracking, and tags and seals for improved cargo security. 

Environmental cooperation along the border offers another means for establishing the 

infrastructure for border cooperation. Cooperation on water resources involves joint 

measurements of river flow rates or surface or ground water quality. Joint efforts could help to 

better coordinate information related to flood management or watershed terrain mapping. 

Deployment of a network of air quality monitors along the border could help in better managing 

industrial development and responding to public health threats. Such air quality measurements 

could even include measurements of atmospheric radionuclides as an initial step in cooperation 

on nuclear topics. 

Sir Creek 

The Sir Creek issue involves defining the international boundary along Sir Creek, a 100- 

km-long estuary in the saline wetlands of the Rann of Kutch between the states of Gujurat in 

India and Sind in Paki~tan.’~ The dispute stems from maps drawn in 1914 and 1927 that trace 

different boundaries along Sir Creek. The earlier map depicts the boundary on the east bank of 

the creek. The later map depicts the boundary along the midpoint of the creek. The official 

Indian government position interprets these maps as defining the boundary along the midpoint of 

the creek, with the boundary shifting as the creek meanders. Pakistani officials interpret the 

boundary as being along the east bank of the creek, and fixed geographically.’’ In addition to the 

historical dispute, accumulated sediment has created new land that did not exist at the time of the 

earlier maps, requiring an extension of the boundary to the new shoreline. How this line should 

be extended is also in dispute. The direction of the line will affect the determination of Indian 

and Pakistani Exclusive Economic Zones along the continental shelf and beyond. 

Sir Creek is the subject of its own working group in the bilateral dialogue between India 

and Pakistan. Because of its finite length and disputed nature, Sir Creek offers the potential for 

its own specific monitoring regime. As in the case of Siachen, one possibility is a demilitarization of the Sir Creek area. Such an agreement could permit joint monitoring to ensure the 

absence of military or paramilitary troops or smugglers. A cooperative aerial monitoring regime 

could support such an agreement, build confidence, and help to avoid conflicts such’as the 

downing of a Pakistani naval aircraft in August 1999. That incident stemmed from unilateral 

aerial observation near disputed territory. The regime could permit periodic aerial overflights 

along the disputed boundary with jointly manned aircraft. 

l9 A. G. Noorani, “CBMs for the Siachen Glacier, Sir Creek, and Wular Barrage,” Crisis Prevention, Confidence 

Building, and Reconciliation in South Asia, edited by Michael Krepon and Amit Sevak, Henry L. Stimson Center 

Book, 1995. 

Gaurav Rajen, Cooperative Environmental Monitoring in the Coastal Regions of India and Pakistan, SAND98- 

Also 

20 

050511 1, Cooperative Monitoring Center Occasional Paper, Sandia National Laboratories, June 1999. 

available at: http://~.cmc.sandia.gov/issues/papers/coopenv/index.html 

27 
Preventhg Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stabi/iry Along the Border 

Another cooperative venture could be in the environmental realm where joint scientific 

studies of pollution, water quality, water flows, and other measurements important to coastal and 

estuarine plant and animal life could be undertaken.*’ This could shift the focus to cooperation 

while the political process continues to address Sir Creek as an area of territorial dispute. 

Coastal cooperative environmental programs have been conducted successfully in other regions. 

One example is the effort between Israel and Jordan to cooperate in establishing the Red Sea 

Marine Peace Park.*’ 

Maritime Boundary 

Not to be overlooked is the boundary between nations that extends beyond land into the 

sea. Because of disputes over the coastal land boundary along Sir Creek, there is an accompanying dispute over the maritime boundary that extends 200 miles into the sea, covering the 

exclusive economic zone of the two nations as well as their national security boundary. The 

undemarcated and disputed nature of this maritime boundary has already caused international 

incidents; fishermen from both sides have been detained for claimed violation of maritime 

boundaries. Continuing this boundary dispute could lead to increased naval conflict. Conflict in 

the region also limits the potential of both sides to attract the capital investment to develop the 

natural resources potential of the region, including offshore oil or gas deposits. 

Several maritime CBMs could contribute to improved relations. While the exact 

maritime boundary may remain in dispute, efforts to demarcate the extent of the region of dispute 

could reduce the number of incidents of vessels 

mistakenly entering disputed territory. Cooperative 

deployment of ocean buoys by India and Pakistan could 

demarcate the area of dispute (see Figure 7). At a 

minimum, this could alert the commercial and military 

vessels of both sides to qeas to be avoided, This effort 

could be further enhanced through supplying global 

positioning system receivers to selected commercial or 

fishing vessels. These receivers could provide unambiguous location information that could also reduce 

claims of border violations. 

Figure 7. Example of a buoy that could be used for 

cooperative monitoring efforts. 

Ibid. 

Aqaha Region Authority, 1997, “The Red Sea Marine Peace Park ~ Aqaba, A Summary,” Proceedings, Middle 

Easi Seas Regional Straiegy Workshop for the International Coral Reef Initiative, Aqaba, Jordan, September 21-25, 

published by the US. National Ocean Service, US. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, Silver 

Spring, MD, USA. 

22 

28 
Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

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Cooperative efforts at search and rescue or disaster response in coastal regions offer 

additional opportunities for technical collaboration. Joint communications to share information 

on emergencies and periodic exercises to test the ability to work together could serve as 

confidence building measures. Developing a maritime risk reduction center could also be 

considered. While these represent only the beginning of potential areas of maritime cooperation, 

they are achievable and may be politically acceptable. They provide the basis for expansion to 

even broader areas of cooperation in the future.23 

Can There Be CBMs Between India and Pakistan? 

Skeptics view CBMs between India and Pakistan as impossible to achieve. This view is 

based on the belief that relations are currently so bad between the two countries that there is little 

likelihood of agreement on new measures such as those proposed here or even implementation of 

existing ones. In other words, this view subscribes to the notion that CBM activity has to await 

the resolution of differences between India and Pakistan. However, the actual record shows 

otherwise. A look at the history of relations over fifty years shows that India and Pakistan have 

in fact moved forward on CBMs even as state-to-state relations remained poor. In order to 

demonstrate this fact, the following section highlights past agreements, on confidence building 

measures between India and Pakistan. 

The Early Period, 1947-54: This was a time for the resolution of many urgent issues 

resulting from partition of the subcontinent. Partition in 1947 was accompanied by a great loss 

of life as nearly six million people moved across borders. Despite the difficult circumstances, 

India and Pakistan were able to settle a number of issues dealing with the division of assets, 

exchange of evacuee property, establishment of lines of communication, movement of people, 

visa schemes, and the establishment of air, sea and rail links. Throughout this period, the two 

countries had a great deal of official interaction. On May 4, 1948, the Inter-Dominion Accord 

entered into force. The waters of the Indus River-the lifeline of West Pakistan-were divided 

and a mechanism was set up for compensation to India by Pakistan €or the share of water 

released. While the matter was not considered resolved, a working solution was found while the 

search for a more permanent solution continued. 

The Second Phase, 1955-1964: Although this was the period where the foreign policies of 

India and Pakistan respectively took a marked turn away from each other, they maintained 

contacts with each other. India became a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement and 

Pakistan joined U.S.-sponsored pacts, Le., the Baghdad Pact (later renamed the Central Treaty 

Organization, or CENTO) and the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). Politics in 

South Asia appeared polarized and the rhetoric sharpened as India accused Pakistan of bringing 

the “Cold War” to the subcontinent. However, both sides kept their lines of communication open 

and many residual issues of partition continued to be resolved. Included in these was the division 

of the waters of the Indus, adjudicated eventually with the help of the World Bank. The 

For additional maritime cooperation steps, refer to Maritime Cooperation Between India and Pakistan: Building 

Confidence at Sea, Dr. Ayesha Siddiqa-Agha, Occasional Paper 18, SANDDOC 98-0505/18, Sandia National 

Laboratories, to be published. 

23 

29 
Preventing Another India- Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

agreement awarded the three eastern tributaries of the Indus to India and the western three were 

awarded to Pakistan. A program for the joint development and operation of the Indus Basin river 

system was initiated. Careful arrangements were made to build canals and storage dams to divert 

waters from the western rivers and to replace the supply lost to Pakistan from the eastern rivers. 

It was remarkable that India and Pakistan worked with the World Bank and its appointed 

engineers to fashion an agreement that did not rely on the principle of historical usage of the 

waters of the Indus basin. Instead they found an equitable way to resolve the issue permanently. 

Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru of India and President Ayub Khan of Pakistan signed the Zndus 

Waters Treaty in Karachi, Pakistan, on September 19, 1960. This treaty has served as the 

ultimate CBM, surviving many downturns in the relationship between India and Pakistan. 

The 1965-1971 Period: The 1965 war between India and Pakistan was a direct 

consequence of Pakistani infiltration across the LOC. India reacted to this action with a massive 

crossing of the international border near Lahore. The war lasted less than three weeks but 

suspicions of each other lasted much longer. Yet, a number of CBMs were put in place within a 

relatively short time after the war. The first “hot line” between India and Pakistan was 

established in the aftermath of the 1965 war. It put the respective Director General of Military 

Operations (DGMO) of India and Pakistan directly in touch for the first time, with the aim of 

preventing a 1965-type situation. That line continues, despite the laments of both sides that it is 

highly underused. 

The 1971 war between India and Pakistan led to the formation of Bangladesh and ended 

with 90,000 Pakistani prisoners of war in India. Yet, in July 1972, the two prime ministers met 

in Simla to review the situation and to turn the page in relations beyond the conflict. They 

agreed to a framework for the relationship and an official and formal end to the conflict, with 

India releasing 90,000 Pakistani prisoners of war. Some adjustments in territory were made as 

the status quo ante was restored along the international border and the two armies stayed on 

where they were in place along the LOC. 

The 1972-1986 Period: Two events in the region influenced the next considered move by 

India and Pakistan toward CBMs. The first was the revolution in Iran and the second, the Soviet 

invasion of Afghanistan. Occurring in 1979, these events made another spurt in the relationship 

necessary despite the fact that initial Indian and Pakistani reactions to the Soviet invasion were 

different, with Pakistan becoming the front-line state in challenging the Soviet occupation of 

Afghanistan. 

Worrying about the creation of a two-front crisis situation for Pakistan, the United States 

(which headed the anti-Soviet coalition in Afghanistan) encouraged India and Pakistan toward 

CBMs. Some of these were implemented: for example, a Joint Commission was set up, headed 

by the respective foreign ministers. A variety of subcommissions dealt with trade, tourism, 

travel, etc., and met before the biannual meeting of the foreign ministers. In addition to the 

dialogue provided for in these mechanisms, Indian and Pakistani officials met at the margins of 

the annual meetings of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) each autumn. Furthermore, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), which was launched at 

Dhaka in December 1985, also offered another venue for consultations at the highest level while 

setting up a modest agenda for cooperation. 

30 
Preventing Another India- Pakistan War: 

Enhancing Stability Along the Border 

The 1987-1994 Period: Darkening clouds over South Asia in July 1986 and January 1987 

came as a result of large-scale Indian military exercises (“Brass Tacks”) and the Pakistani 

response to them?4 Tensions resulting from the confrontation seemed to force some new 

thinking about ways in which relations could be better managed. Formal and impromptu talks 

between the leaders of the two countries25 finally resulted in a number of new CBMs between 

India and Pakistan. These were important and covered a number of areas. For example, the 

Agreement on the Prohibition of Attack against Nuclear Installations and Facilities was signed 

on December 31, 1988, in Islamabad by the two foreign secretaries and witnessed by the two 

prime ministers, Rajiv Gandhi and Benazir Bhutto, respectively. Earlier fears of impending 

attack on the facilities resulting in an all-out war fed the need for the agreement. 

On April 6, 1991, India and Pakistan agreed on Advance Notification on Military 

Exercises, Maneuvers, and Troop Movement. That deal was the result of the near-war conditions 

that large-scale military exercises created in 1986 and 1987. 

A concurrent deal was signed as the Agreement on Prevention of Airspace Violations. 

Another agreement dealt with Permitting Over-Flights and Landing Military Aircraft. Given the 

shared border and the potential for inadvertent violations, the agreement sought a buffer against 

violations of airspace and resulting escalation of tensions. 

Control over the production and use of chemical weapons was another area in which the 

nations chose to move ahead, recognizing that the issue did not contain the political baggage of 

the nuclear issue. The use of chemical weapons in the Iran-Iraq war was fresh in the minds of 

regional leaders. After extensive discussions, India and Pakistan signed a brief but comprehensive joint declaration on the Complete Prohibition of Chemical Weapons on August 19, 1992. 

In a joint declaration, India and Pakistan pledged to become original state parties to the 

then-proposed Chemical Weapons Convention - which they did when the treaty went into effect 

on April 29, 1997. Both explicitly acknowledged the role of CBMs in promoting friendly 

bilateral relations based on mutual trust and goodwill. They declared that they would forego the 

development, production, acquisition, stockpiling, and use of chemical weapons. 

All of the above measures were adopted even as India and Pakistan continued to disagree 

on Kashmir. After 1989, the rising insurgency inside Indian Kashmir increased tensions but 

other areas of CBMs (cited above) moved forward. 

The Recent Years, 1995-1999: Even as violence (which India blamed on Pakistani 

support for the insurgents) inside Kashmir threatened the India-Pakistan relationship, both 

countries tried to find common ground and move forward in new directions. For example, they 

The size of the Indian exercises and their location (below the traditional route of attack in the Panjab) worried the 

Pakistanis, who launched their own “Saf Shikan” exercises on the Pakistani side of the Rajasthan border directly 

across from the area where the Indian exercises were under way. A war-like situation was created between the two 

countries as a result of the massing of troops and equipment. Political leaders managed to lower tensions after a few 

anxious weeks. 

Formal, such as the bilateral meetings at UNGA or SAARC Summits; informal, as in the sudden decision of 

24 

25 

President Zia to travel to India for a cricket match. 

31 
Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

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cooperated in stemming the trafficking of illicit drugs and worked together to combat a largescale infestation of locusts in the Rajasthan/Sind/Southern Panjab areas in 1996 and 1997. 

In the spirit of a common search for areas of potential agreement, the energy area was 

particularly singled out. The sale of excess electricity from Pakistan to India was discussed as a 

possibility. A joint natural gas pipeline through Pakistan to the western areas of India was 

identified as another area of possible collaboration. Discussions focused on sourcing, financing, 

and security of supply. Apart from the relevant government officials, some experts with links to 

the government and involving some of the crucial constituencies held intensive discussions in 

Rajasthan in 1997 to examine the possibilities of constructing a secure supply regime?6 

Furthermore, the foreign secretaries of India and Pakistan met in Islamabad in June 1997 

and focused on a comprehensive agenda for improving relations. They agreed to the cessation of 

hostile propaganda against each other (which had been escalating as a result of events in 

Kashmir). They also agreed to set up a mechanism to address the following issues in an 

integrated manner: Peace and Security, including CBMs; Jammu and Kashmir (a major 

development, as India had refused previously to enter into any such discussions with Pakistan); 

Siachen; Wullar Barrage Project/Tulbul Navigation Project; and Promotion of Friendly Ties in 

Various Fields. Subsequent follow-up meetings were held in New Delhi in November 1998. 

This framework still exists, although it is currently suspended. The Lahore summit of February 

1999 was expected to give a push to the entire process. Instead, the Kargil operation derailed 

normalization. 

War Prevent ion: Creating Political Wi I I 

As discussed in this paper, cooperative monitoring can contribute to moving India and 

Pakistan beyond some of the current issues of distrust and impediments to progress in their 

relationship. Options exist for collaborative projects to monitor activities and issues along all the 

boundary regions of the two states. Some of these options build on established political will and 

an existing framework of agreements that include both security and environmental topics. 

Costs have not been explicitly defined in this paper. Costs to implement the monitoring 

and inspection provisions outlined here vary widely. Some efforts, such as periodic meetings or 

inspections, can be conducted for very little cost, incurring mainly incremental costs if inspectors 

or meeting participants are already government or military personnel. Other systems such as 

extensive border monitoring deployments over long distances could require tens of millions of 

dollars to implement fully. However, in nearly all cases, the costs of these efforts to reduce 

tension are small compared to the high costs of conflict. For the Siachen conflict alone, recent 

estimates suggest that India spends $350,000 to $500,000 a day on its Siachen deployment^.^^ In 

addition to the high financial costs, there are tremendous costs in the human suffering, both 

military and civilian, resulting from this ongoing conflict. 

26 Toufiq A. Siddiqi and Shirin Tahir-Kheli, “Cooperation in South Asia Through Collaboration in Energy and 

Environment,” Report, United Nations Development Programme, 1997. 

27 “India and Pakistan: Frozen in Fury on the Roof of the World,” New York Times, May 23,1999. 

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The main question we address in this section is: do the leaders of India and Pakistan have 

the desire and the ability to make and implement agreements? The answer is a qualified “yes.” 

We will discuss the point below with explanations of why India and Pakistan are likely to reengage despite the stern rhetoric and the missed opportunities. We take as our starting point that 

even at the end of the Kargil operation, on July 14, 1999, Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee 

reaffirmed the Lahore process, committing to bilateral resolution of conflicts. He noted that 

India and Pakistan have to continue to deal with each other because “you cannot change 

geography.”28 Following his re-election in October, Vajpayee repeated that pledge. While the 

military coup in Pakistan made India less willing to talk, General Pervez Musharraf in his first 

detailed address after assuming power, vowed that Pakistan wanted good relations with India and 

desired peaceful borders with its larger neighbor.29 

During the fighting in Kargil throughout the summer of 1999, the international community recognized the Indian government as the party wronged by Pakistani actions. The political 

leadership of Prime Minister Vajpayee was lauded for resisting pressure from its own military 

establishment to cross the international border to “teach Pakistan a lesson,” an action that could 

broaden the conflict into an all-out war. When Prime Minister Sharif of Pakistan came to 

Washington and met with President Bill Clinton on July 4, 1999, he heard about Indian restraint 

and the recklessness of Pakistani action in Kargil. There was no room for compromise and 

Pakistan was told firmly to restore the status quo ante. 

In the year following Kargil, there were some encouraging trends towards possible reengagement. The first of these is the view within India that it must engage with Pakistan and that 

non-engagement with Pakistan is not sound foreign policy. Proponents of this opinion are 

increasingly vocal. Even after the October Coup in Pakistan that brought the Chief of Army 

Staff, General Pervez Musharraf, to power in October 1999, some opinion makers in India made 

the case for re-engagement. Basing their views on the continuing importance of the military in 

Pakistan, proponents argue that India cannot continue its stand of rejecting third-party involvement (meaning the U.S.) in Kashmir if it continues to reject bilateral dialogue as well. These 

critics view messages that are carried from India to Pakistan and vice versa via the U.S. (as 

occurred in the course of the Clinton visit to the subcontinent in March 2000) as acknowledging 

the role of an outside power. Hence, in this view, it is far better for India to engage directly with 

Pakistan. 

Jaideep Sareen, “Pak Will Have to Initiate Dialogue Says Vajpayee,” The Hindustun Times, July 15, 1999. 

29 Text of General Musharraf s speech, Dawn, October 18, 1999. 

33 
Preventing Another India- Pakistan War: 

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The Vajpayee government has sought a greater role for India and pursues a permanent 

seat in the UN Security Council as the crowning recognition of India’s position by the 

international community. At the’same time, the Prime Minister himself is the key player in the 

equation with Pakistan. Indian rejection of a dialogue with Pakistan detracts from the image of a 

responsible India going the extra mile for peace. Hence, India will continue to come under 

pressure from the international community, especially the United States and the G-8, to re-open 

discussions with Pakistan. 

The Indian government has said that it will not enter into a dialogue with Pakistan until 

there are indications of a changed posture by Pakistan in Kashmir. Indian Minister for External 

Affairs, Mr. Jaswant Singh, has said that the “proper environment” will need to be created before 

talks can resume. The criteria include the following: “an end to anti-Indian propaganda by 

Pakistan; the abjuring of violence; demonstrated end of encouragement to cross-border terrorism; 

cessation of the cry of ‘Jihad’ against India.”30 

Pakistan denies its support for the insurgency in Kashmir, pointing instead to the human 

rights situation in Kashmir. The government of Pakistan calls for meaningful discussions with 

India on Kashmir. Most Pakistanis see the end of Pakistani support to Kashmiri insurgents as the 

end point of discussions, not a starting position. Yet, the military leadership now running 

Pakistan recognizes the difficulty of maintaining their focus on the economic revival of their 

country in the face of the impasse with India. General Musharraf’s statements on his willingness 

and desire to resume a dialogue with India reflect Pakistan’s domestic need for peace. 

Another potential hope for progress comes in the form of the role of the U.S. President 

Clinton raised the issue of improved Indo-Pak relations during his visit to India and Pakistan in 

March 2000. Addressing the need for India to get beyond its disappointment with dialogue, 

Clinton said in his address to the Indian parliament: 

I [also] believe that India has a special opportunity, as a democracy, to show its 

neighbors that democracy is about dialogue. It does not have to be about 

friendship, but it is about building working relationships among people who 

differ ... one of the wisest things anyone ever said to me is that you don’t make 

peace with your friends.. . 

Engagement with adversaries is not the same thing as endorsement. It does not 

require setting aside legitimate grievances. Indeed, I strongly believe that what 

has happened since your Prime Minister made his courageous journey to Lahore 

only reinforces the need for dialogue.. . 

Let me also make clear, as I have repeatedly, I have not come to South Asia to 

mediate the dispute over Kashmir. Only India and Pakistan can work out the 

problems between them. And I will say the same thing to General Mussharaf. 

But if outsiders cannot resolve this problem, I hope that you will create the 

opportunity to do it yourselves, calling on the support of others who can help 

30 Interview, BBC World Television, Asia Today program, January 19,2000. 

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Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

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where possible, as American diplomacy did in urging the Pakistanis to go back 

behind the line of control in the Kargil crisis. 

In the meantime, I will continue to stress that this should be a time for restraint, 

for respect for the line of control, for renewed lines of comm~nication.~' 

In Islamabad, the U.S. President pressed for a dialogue but also noted that it was in 

I understand your concerns about Kashmir. I share your convictions that human 

rights of all its people must be respected. But a stark truth must also be faced. 

There is no military solution to Kashmir. International sympathy, support, and 

intervention cannot be won by provoking a bigger, bloodier conflict. On the 

contrary, sympathy and support will be lost. And no matter how great the 

grievance, it is wrong to support attacks against civilians across the line of 

Pakistan's interest to reduce tensions with India, stating: 

Despite delays, both countries have little choice but to engage with each other. Our 

approach uses joint operation of monitoring technology both as a catalyst to accelerate the 

process of achieving political agreements and as a means for monitoring compliance with such 

agreements when they are reached. Technology is obviously not a substitute for political will. 

We also recognize that either country can choose to undertake these types of monitoring 

arrangements unilaterally. However, unilateral action cannot begin to resolve the border 

problems between India and Pakistan. 

Instead, joint steps can be taken initially by the two countries to start the process of crisis 

prevention in the subcontinent. For example, India and Pakistan can: 

Declare a cease-fire in all disputed regions. 

Meet and agree on the experimental deployment of monitoring technology along a segment of 

their border. 

Create joint oversight of the monitoring technology. 

Share more civilian and military information along the border. 

The ideas presented in this paper seek to enhance border stability and cooperation and 

ultimately lead to peace between India and Pakistan. It is hoped that by thinking about the many 

possibilities for cooperation, some will bypass the political, military, and financial constraints 

that could limit implementation and that prevent India and Pakistan from moving ahead with 

Remarks by the President to the Indian Joint Session of Parliament, New Delhi, India, March 22, 2000, Official 

Text, The White House, Washington, D.C. 

32 Remarks by the President in Greeting to the People of Pakistan, Islamabad, Pakistan, March 25, 2000, Official 

Text, The White House, Washington, D.C. 

31 

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Preventing Another India - Pakistan War: 

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improved relations. As history shows, past difficulties in relations have not kept India and 

Pakistan from agreement on some issues of mutual concern. The border conflict in Kargd 

demonstrates the importance of moving forward toward better management of border problems. 

Technology can be an important tool in such an undertaking. 

and Pakistan with an alternate path for, as President Clinton said in New Delhi: 

It is hoped that steps such as those proposed above could provide the leadership of India 

In the end, for the sake of the innocents who always suffer the most, someone 

must end the contest of inflicting and absorbing pain.33 

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About the Authors 

Shirin Tahir-Kheli is the Director of the South Asia Program at The Johns Hopkins University, 

Foreign Policy Institute, School of Advanced International Studies, in Washington, D.C. She 

serves as a Senior Fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute, Philadelphia, PA. She was 

formerly the United States’ Ambassador to the United Nations for Special Political Affairs 

(1990-1993) and served at the National Security Council (1984-1990). Tahir-Kheli was a 

member of the Presidential Commission on the Public Service under President George Bush and 

served as a member of the Board of Trustees of the Aga Khan University in Pakistan (1996- 

1999) and is a member of the Advisory Board of Princeton University’s Institute for the 

Transregional Study of Contemporary Middle East, North Africa, and Central Asia. She received 

her Ph.D. in International Relations at the University of Pennsylvania in 1972. Tahir-Kheli has 

taught numerous courses in comparative politics and international relations at The John Hopkins 

University, the U.S. Army War College, and Temple University. She is the author of numerous 

publications, including India, Pakistan, and the United States: Breaking with the Past (Council 

on Foreign Relations Press, 1997) and The United States and Pakistan: The Evolution of an 

Influence Relationship (New York: Praeger, 1982.) 

Kent Biringer is a Distinguished Member of the Technical Staff at Sandia National Laboratories 

in Albuquerque, New Mexico, and serves as Deputy Program Manager and as South Asia Project 

Manager at the Cooperative Monitoring Center (CMC). The CMC works with US. and foreign 

participants to explore ways that technology can facilitate regional confidence building in such 

areas as arms control, nonproliferation, and environmental security. Kent has worked at Sandia 

for 24 years in solar and fossil energy research, systems analysis, arms control, nonproliferation, 

and cooperative monitoring. His educational training is in mechanical engineering with 

bachelor’s and master’s degrees from Rice University. Before coming to Sandia, he worked for 

Atlantic Richfield Oil Company. 

37 
Preventing Another India-Pakistan War: 

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Distribution 

596 MS 1373 CMC Library, 5341 

1 MS 9018 Central Tech Files, 8940-2 

2 MS 0899 Technical Library, 9619 

1 MS 0612 Review & Approval Desk, 9612 

38