U.S. Department of Justice

Office of Community Oriented Policing Services

www.cops.usdoj.gov

Shifting and Sharing

Responsibility for

Public Safety Problems

by

Michael S. Scott

Herman Goldstein

Problem-Oriented Guides for Police

Response Guide Series

No. 3
www.PopCenter.org

Got a Problem? We’ve got answers!

Log onto the Center for Problem-Oriented Policing website

at www.popcenter.org for a wealth of information to help

you deal more effectively with crime and disorder in your

community, including:

• Web-enhanced versions of all currently available Guides

• Interactive training exercises

• Online access to research and police practices

• Online problem analysis module

Designed for police and those who work with them to

address community problems, www.popcenter.org is a great

resource in problem-oriented policing.

Center for Problem-Oriented Policing
Shifting and Sharing

Responsibility for

Public Safety Problems

Michael S. Scott

Herman Goldstein

This project was supported by cooperative agreement

#2003CKWX0087 by the Office of Community Oriented

Policing Services, U.S. Department of Justice. The opinions

contained herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily

represent the official position of the U.S. Department of Justice.

References to specific companies, products, or services should not

be considered an endorsement of the product by the author(s) or

the U.S. Department of Justice. Rather, the references are

illustrations to supplement discussion of the issues.

www.cops.usdoj.gov

ISBN: 1-932582-55-X

August 2005

Problem-Oriented Guides for Police 

Response Guide Series

No. 3

About the Response Guide Series i

About the Response Guide Series

The response guides are one of three series of the

Problem-Oriented Guides for Police. The other two are the

problem-specific guides and problem-solving tools.

The Problem-Oriented Guides for Police summarize knowledge

about how police can reduce the harm caused by specific

crime and disorder problems. They are guides to

preventing problems and improving overall incident

response, not to investigating offenses or handling specific

incidents. The guides are written for police—of whatever

rank or assignment—who must address the specific

problems the guides cover. The guides will be most useful

to officers who

• understand basic problem-oriented policing

principles and methods,

• can look at problems in depth,

• are willing to consider new ways of doing police

business,

• understand the value and the limits of research

knowledge, and

• are willing to work with other community agencies to

find effective solutions to problems.

The response guides summarize knowledge about whether

police should use certain responses to address various

crime and disorder problems, and about what effects they

might expect. Each guide

• describes the response,

• discusses the various ways police might apply the

response,

• explains how the response is designed to reduce

crime and disorder,
ii Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

• examines the research knowledge about the response,

• addresses potential criticisms and negative

consequences that might flow from use of the

response, and 

• describes how police have applied the response to

specific crime and disorder problems, and with what

effect.

The response guides are intended to be used differently

from the problem-specific guides. Ideally, police should

begin all strategic decision-making by first analyzing the

specific crime and disorder problems they are confronting,

and then using the analysis results to devise particular

responses. But certain responses are so commonly

considered and have such potential to help address a range

of specific crime and disorder problems that it makes sense

for police to learn more about what results they might

expect from them.

Readers are cautioned that the response guides are designed

to supplement problem analysis, not to replace it. Police

should analyze all crime and disorder problems in their

local context before implementing responses. Even if

research knowledge suggests that a particular response has

proved effective elsewhere, that does not mean the response

will be effective everywhere. Local factors matter a lot in

choosing which responses to use.

Research and practice have further demonstrated that, in

most cases, the most effective overall approach to a

problem is one that incorporates several different

responses. So a single response guide is unlikely to provide

you with sufficient information on which to base a 
About the Response Guide Series iii

coherent plan for addressing crime and disorder problems

Some combinations of responses work better than others.

Thus, how effective a particular response is depends partly

on what other responses police use to address the problem.

These guides emphasize effectiveness and fairness as the

main considerations police should take into account in

choosing responses, but recognize that they are not the only

considerations. Police use particular responses for reasons

other than, or in addition to, whether or not they will work,

and whether or not they are deemed fair. Community

attitudes and values, and the personalities of key decisionmakers, sometimes mandate different approaches to

addressing crime and disorder problems. Some communities

and individuals prefer enforcement-oriented responses,

whereas others prefer collaborative, community-oriented, or

harm-reduction approaches. These guides will not necessarily

alter those preferences, but are intended to better inform

them.

For more information about problem-oriented policing, visit

the Center for Problem-Oriented Policing online at

www.popcenter.org. This website offers free online access to:

• the Problem-Specific Guides series,

• the companion Response Guides and Problem-Solving Tools

series,

• instructional information about problem-oriented

policing and related topics,

• an interactive training exercise, and

• online access to important police research and

practices.
iv Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

Acknowledgments

The Problem-Oriented Guides for Police series is very much a

collaborative effort. While each guide has a primary author,

other project team members, COPS Office staff and

anonymous peer reviewers contributed to each guide by

proposing text, recommending research and offering

suggestions on matters of format and style.

The principal project team developing the guide series

comprised Herman Goldstein, professor emeritus, University

of Wisconsin Law School; Ronald V. Clarke, professor of

criminal justice, Rutgers University; John E. Eck, professor of

criminal justice, University of Cincinnati; Michael S. Scott,

clinical assistant professor, University of Wisconsin Law

School; Rana Sampson, police consultant, San Diego; and

Deborah Lamm Weisel, director of police research, North

Carolina State University.

Cynthia Pappas oversaw the project for the COPS Office.

Stephen Lynch edited the guide. Research for the guides was

conducted at the Criminal Justice Library at Rutgers

University under the direction of Phyllis Schultze.

The project team also wishes to acknowledge the members of

the San Diego, National City and Savannah police

departments who provided feedback on the guides' format

and style in the early stages of the project, as well as the line

police officers, police executives and researchers who peer

reviewed each guide.
Acknowledgements v

This guide is a modified version of an article titled

"Shifting and Sharing Police Responsibility to Address

Public Safety Problems" by Michael S. Scott in Handbook of

Crime Prevention and Community Safety, edited by Nick Tilley

and published by Willan Publishing. The authors

appreciate the cooperation of the editor and publisher in

permitting this modification of the original article.
vi Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

Contents

About the Response Guide Series . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .i

Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iv

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Methods for Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems . . . . . . . 6

Educating Victims and Offenders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Making a Straightforward Informal Request . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

Making a Targeted Confrontational Request. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

Engaging Another Existing Service Agency. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

Pressing for the Creation of a New Organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18

Shaming Delinquent Parties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20

Withdrawing Police Services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22

Charging Fees for Police Services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

Pressing for Legislation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

Bringing a Civil Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28

Considerations for Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems . . . 31

Making the Case for Shifting Responsibility . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31

Measuring the Effectiveness of New Responses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32

Determining the Appropriate Degree of Pressure to Shift Responsiblity . . . . . . . . 33

Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34

Endnotes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37

About the Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43

Recommended Readings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46

Other Problem-Oriented Guides for Police . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
Introduction 1

Introduction

The public calls upon the police to respond to an astounding

range of problems and to perform an extraordinary diversity

of tasks, all the while assuming that police have the expertise

and resources to do so. Many of these problems and tasks fall

to the police through the default of others: from gaps in

government services, to the abandonment of responsibility by

private citizens, corporations, and other organizations. This

has always been a concern. In recent years, through a more

methodical approach to policing, police are increasingly

pressing for a more rational distribution of responsibilities

based upon a detailed examination of the differing facets of

police business.

This guide details the ways in which police can persuade or

coerce others to address crime and disorder problems. As

such, it differs from other guides in the Response Guides series;

whereas most Response Guides examine the kinds of responses

that can be used to address common crime and disorder

problems—crackdowns, street closings, publicity campaigns,

video surveillance, and so forth—this guide examines how

police can get others to respond to such problems, regardless

of the form that such responses may take, provided they do

not violate basic standards of propriety and legality.

Public safety problems are commonly addressed through a

combination of responses; seldom is a single type of response

sufficient. Of course, many public safety problems are

adequately addressed by the police in the exercise of their

normal authority and expertise. Increasingly, however, police

and others are discovering that it is not only the police who
2 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

have the authority and expertise to respond to many public

safety problems; consequently, the police have come to

depend heavily upon others to aid them in responding

effectively to crime and disorder. There is growing evidence

that by addressing the conditions that underlie crime and

disorder problems, rather than merely looking to arrest

offenders, police can more effectively prevent and control

such problems.1

There is also growing evidence—much of it found in the

literature on situational crime prevention—that demonstrates

how public safety problems can be prevented, reduced, and

controlled with little or no police involvement, a process by

which police unquestionably benefit.† Indeed, the very process

of producing the Problem-Oriented Guides for Police—particularly

the review of police reports submitted to problem oriented

policing award programs††—reveals that police frequently

conclude that they must somehow get others to respond to

problems that would otherwise be inadequately addressed if

the police were forced to act alone.

Once the problem and a remedial strategy have been

identified, it is important to determine which of the various

stakeholders is in the best position to implement and enforce

the proposed solution. Depending on the situation, the police,

private citizens, industry, or the government may all bear

some responsibility for addressing a problem. In some

instances, it is clear that the police are the best choice. For

example, where a criminal investigation and arrests are

necessary, the police are typically responsible, as most other

individuals and organizations lack the authority and expertise

to perform such tasks. In other instances, however, it is clear

that someone other than the police should be responsible. For

example, where changes in corporate policies or practices are

necessary, it is the corporation, not the police, that has the

authority to effectuate the necessary policy decisions. In still

† See the Center for ProblemOriented Policing online library at

www.popcenter.org/libraryrecommended_readings_2.htm for

further readings on situational crime

prevention.

†† The two most prominent award

programs are the Herman Goldstein

Award for Excellence in ProblemOriented Policing (administered in

the United States) and the Tilley

Award (administered in the United

Kingdom).
Introduction 3

other instances, although the response is clear, there may be

any number of viable actors who are able to accept

responsibility for carrying the response to fruition. For

example, where educating, warning, or advising citizens is

called for, it is very much an open question whether the police

or someone else should be responsible for developing and

delivering the message.

There are few firm rules that dictate who is primarily

responsible for addressing a particular public safety problem.

What rules, for example, dictate who is responsible for

preventing and controlling retail theft? Is it the police? The

shop? The consumer? The insurance carrier? The difficulty

arises because every problem stems from a variety of sources,

each of which can plausibly be said to bear some

responsibility for its remediation. Much depends on who

possesses the skill, knowledge, authority, and resources to

implement changes that will effectively reduce or control the

problem. However, much also depends on who possesses the

political power to avoid accepting responsibility—leaving to

others, including the police, the responsibility for dealing with

the problem. Although important, the full range of factors

that determine legal and moral responsibility for public safety

problems, as well as the processes and sources of authority

under which such determinations are made, are beyond the

scope of this guide.†

This guide focuses on problems that police accept as falling

within their proper mandate and that they feel obliged to

address—even though the acceptance of a measure of

responsibility for dealing with a problem should not

automatically burden the police with the sole responsibility for

it. This guide does not address the problems and duties that

police seek to transfer to others on the ground that they do

not fall within the proper scope of police power and

authority. Many police agencies find themselves performing a

† How responsibility for addressing

public safety problems is apportioned

in society has more far reaching

implications than can be discussed in

this guide. For further exploration of

those issues, see Scott (2005).
variety of duties that have little to do with their core

functions. Some argue that tasks such as providing funeral and

banking escorts, teaching moral values to schoolchildren,

guarding construction sites, transporting probation violators to

jail, investigating intrusion alarms, and the like, should not be

police duties. To some degree, police have been the victims of

their own success in advancing the principles of community

policing because some outreach efforts have resulted in

citizens bringing problems to the police that the police may

not be best suited to address. And although police may

encourage citizens to bring crime and disorder problems to

their attention in the hope that other agencies will collaborate

in addressing them, many problems that are brought forward

result in little or no commitment to cooperation.

Although some individuals will not question the basis upon

which the police ask others to assume responsibility for

addressing a problem, the force of such requests can be

greatly strengthened if police can explain persuasively the

rationale for the request, including:

· how compliance with the request will address the problem;

· the basis for police knowledge about the effectiveness of

the proposed response;

· what measures police have already taken to resolve the

problem;

· the limitations of those measures; and 

· the benefits to all concerned if new practices are adopted

voluntarily.

Police are increasingly seeking to shift and share responsibility

for addressing public safety problems, largely because of

several trends within and without the police profession,

including:

4 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems
Introduction 5

· an increased police emphasis on prevention and

proactivity;

· an increased emphasis on and capability for conducting

detailed analysis of police workloads;

· the recognition that incidents often cluster around

concentrated sources—common places, offenders, victims,

and times—which, if dealt with effectively, can greatly

reduce the magnitude of the problem; and 

· an increased emphasis on efficiency, especially in times of

tightened budgets and heightened fiscal awareness.

Determining and assigning responsibility for addressing

public safety problems will become ever more important as

the general understanding of what causes problems and what

best addresses them improves. Until better arrangements are

made within local communities and in society at large for

determining and assigning such responsibilities, it will

continue to fall to police to analyze public safety problems

and to take the lead in apportioning responsibility for

addressing them.

Problem-oriented policing depends heavily on strong,

mutually trusting partnerships among police and other entities

and constituencies, partnerships in which each party assumes

its fair share of responsibility. The overriding goal of

problem-oriented policing is to adopt responses to

community problems that are more equitable and effective for

the community as a whole than are current responses. Police

should not set out merely to divest themselves of

responsibility for various tasks. It is only after careful

exploration and analysis that police should conclude that

someone else should be doing something different to better

control a particular crime or disorder problem.
6 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

Methods for Shifting and Sharing

Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

The police can apply a variety of methods to get others to

assume greater responsibility for public safety problems.2 The

list of methods in Figure 1 is not intended to be exhaustive or

definitive, but rather illustrative. One way in which the

methods differ is the degree of coercion that police apply to

achieve their objective. The list begins with methods that are

generally less coercive and proceeds to those that are generally

more coercive, although the degree of coercion may depend

upon the specific context and not necessarily on the nature of

the method applied.

In many instances, it may make sense to first employ the

methods that are relatively non-coercive and to move to more

coercive methods only if the former fail to achieve the

desired cooperation. (See "Determining the Appropriate

Degree of Pressure Police Ought to Bring to Bear to Shift

Responsibility," below, for further discussion of this matter.)

In its ultimate form, the police effort to shift responsibility

for public safety problems entails assisting others to develop

the capacity to identify and rectify problems without further

police intervention. A prime example occurs where police

work at the neighborhood level helps residents develop what

sociologists term collective efficacy, "the ability of

neighborhoods to realize the common values of residents and

maintain effective social controls."3 Short of a complete shift

in responsibility, in most instances police look to shift or

share part of the responsibility with respect to a specific

problem or set of problems, bounded in time and space.
Methods for Shifting and Sharing Responsiblity for Public Safety Problems 7

Figure 1. Methods for convincing others to accept

responsibility for community problems

· Educating others regarding their responsibility for the problem

· Making a straightforward informal request of some entity to

assume responsibility for the problem

· Making a targeted confrontational request of some entity to

assume responsibility for the problem

· Engaging another existing organization that has the capacity to

help address the problem

· Pressing for the creation of a new organization to assume

responsibility for the problem

· Shaming the delinquent entity by calling public attention to its

failure to assume responsibility for the problem

· Withdrawing police services relating to certain aspects of the

problem

· Charging fees for police services related to the problem

· Pressing for legislation mandating that entities take measures to

prevent the problem

· Bringing a civil action to compel entities to accept responsibility

for the problem

Explanations and examples of the successful application of

the various methods for shifting and sharing responsibility for

public safety problems follow. For many of the examples, a

more complete and detailed account can be found in the

original source documents, many of which are 

accessible online via the Center for Problem-Oriented

Policing website at www.popcenter.org.
8 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

In many instances, police and others employ a variety of

methods to address a problem, thereby complicating efforts

to understand precisely the effect that each method has had

on the problem. The methods used are not mutually exclusive.

For example, where the police succeed in encouraging another

agency to confront the persons causing a particular problem,

while at the same time they persuade a legislative body to

enact a law imposing special fees for the relevant police

services, a combination of methods has been employed.

Two important notes of caution are in order. First, many of

the example cited below are drawn from reports prepared by

police agencies. Although such reports have been widely

accepted and considered credible, few of these initiatives have

benefited from rigorous and independent evaluation;

consequently, the conclusions drawn should not be considered

the sort of proof that is demanded by social science. The

study of policing would benefit greatly by subjecting police

initiatives to more rigorous assessment. Second, some

methods that police may propose to persuade others to

assume greater responsibility for addressing public safety

problems, such as a newly-crafted ordinance, will undoubtedly

face legal challenges. Police should make full use of legal

counsel where such challenges are likely. At the same time,

however, counsel would be well-advised not to reflexively nix

all initiatives that might face such a challenge. Proper legal

analysis in the problem-oriented context may, on balance,

conclude that the degree of coercion inherent in the new

alternative may be less intrusive and more refined than is

current practice. An ordinance controlling solicitation for

prostitution, for example, may be preferable—in both the

resulting fairness and effectiveness—than continued overuse

of less discriminate arrest and prosecution.
Methods for Shifting and Sharing Responsiblity for Public Safety Problems 9

Educating Victims and Offenders

Police have long been involved in systematically conveying

information to the public on how to prevent crime. They do

this through presentations, brochures, and a variety of other

programs. Some of these efforts are aimed broadly at the

general public; others are targeted at specific constituencies.

Educational messages and programs are directed either at

potential victims, instructing them on how to avoid being

victimized, or at potential offenders, instructing them on how

to avoid offending. Central to all of these efforts, however, is

the fact that those to whom the message is directed are in a

position to take actions that will protect themselves from

either victimization or arrest. Such educational materials and

presentations are generally low-key; one can take the advice or

ignore it. Educational messages to potential offenders adopt a

helpful rather than a warning tone: they are aimed at people

who are inclined to obey the law, but who might offend out

of ignorance or carelessness.

• San Diego, California police analysis found that a high

percentage of sexual assault cases were acquaintance rapes

involving teenagers. By examining and analyzing the

relevant case files, the sexual assault unit identified the

patterns of conduct that led to such assaults and then

constructed a school-based curriculum designed to inform

students on reducing the risk of victimization. The initiative

produced brochures—different ones for males and

females—that sought to inform students, using language

and scenarios familiar to them, about what constitutes

acquaintance rape, about how women can avoid being

victimized by it, and about how men can avoid being

accused of it.4
10 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

• Based upon the analysis of their experience in dealing with

crime and disorder in apartment complexes, some police

agencies have developed remedial manuals for both

landlords and tenants, and sponsor seminars at which such

materials are presented.5 The goal is to encourage both

landlords and tenants to assume more responsibility for

conditions in their housing units by employing specific

prevention measures, such as the enforcement of

occupancy restrictions and prohibitions against illegal

activity, control over entry and public areas, the installation

and operation of security systems, and so forth. In many

instances, persuading property owners and managers to

lease only to responsible tenants, to enforce the rules that

govern proper behavior on the premises, and to design and

maintain properties in ways that discourage problems can

be more effective than criminal law enforcement.

• Concerned about the problem of underage drinking, police

in Plano, Texas developed an informational presentation for

the owners and managers of stores licensed to sell alcoholic

beverages outlining the measures that could be taken to

help store clerks comply with laws prohibiting the sale of

alcohol to minors. Although stern warnings and

enforcement were essential components of the initiative,

police found that some clerks were confused about the law

and about how to detect fraudulent attempts to purchase

alcohol. Consequently, the informational programs were

more than a way of issuing a polite warning; they in fact

helped people who were inclined to obey the law to do so.6

• Police in Lancashire, England and in Portland, Oregon have

conducted and supported programs designed to educate

hotel and motel owners on how to recognize common

crimes—ranging from burglary to prostitution to drug

manufacturing—and how to prevent them from occurring

in their establishments.7
Methods for Shifting and Sharing Responsiblity for Public Safety Problems 11

• To address the problem of children being hit by cars, police

in Hamilton-Wentworth, Ontario spearheaded an initiative

to develop educational materials and programs designed to

teach children how to cross streets safely. The materials and

programs were based upon a careful understanding of how

young children best learn and apply new rules and skills

and was informed by advice from traffic engineers,

educators, childcare professionals, parents, and public

health officials.8

• Police in Blackpool, England, in partnership with local

government, health, and transportation authorities, liquor

licensees, community groups, and the media, developed an

educational campaign to inform visitors on how to behave

in and around licensed establishments in order to avoid

becoming either an offender or a victim.9

Making a Straightforward Informal Request

The use of straightforward requests is a natural first step that

police take when seeking to have specific individuals or

organizations take responsibility for addressing a crime or

disorder problem. Naturally, a positive response to the initial

request obviates the need for any increased pressure.

Here, the police are not simply broadcasting prepared advice

on prevention to a large audience. Rather, they are focused

upon asking citizens to resolve an immediate problem by

taking a specific remedial action. Although the fact that the

police are making the request may imply that consequences

will follow if the request is ignored, it is often the case that

police are merely informing a citizen of something of which

she was not aware, and the citizen gratefully and graciously

complies with the request.
12 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

• Police in Chula Vista, California concluded that new housing

developments were vulnerable to burglary simply because

many of the homes were not designed to safeguard against

it. Based upon their analysis of the problem, police

developed a series of recommendations on how new homes

could be designed and built to deter burglary and made a

complete presentation of their findings to executives of the

largest housing development companies in the target area.

Ultimately, the developers entered into a memorandum of

understanding whereby they agreed to install recommended

locks and windows in all new houses and to assist the police

with other burglary prevention measures. Although the

developers did not accept all of the recommendations, the

police achieved some improvement without resorting to

confrontation or coercion. Early indicators suggest that the

new measures are contributing to significantly improved

burglary rates in the target area.10

• After an exhaustive analysis of the problem of appliance

thefts from houses under construction, police in CharlotteMecklenburg, North Carolina concluded that the best

method of preventing such thefts was for builders to delay

the installation of appliances until after a house had been

purchased and properly secured by its new owner. Police

presented their analysis to area builders, several of which

voluntarily agreed to adopt the proposed policy. As a

consequence, appliance thefts in the target area were

reduced significantly.11

Making a Targeted Confrontational Request

One of the clearest results of recent changes in policing is the

increased tendency of police agencies to confront aggressively

those adjudged responsible for a large volume of incidents

that fall to the police to handle. Police typically resort to this

more confrontational mode when straightforward requests are

ignored.
Methods for Shifting and Sharing Responsiblity for Public Safety Problems 13

Typically, police document both how a problem is caused and

how it is aggravated by the actions or inactions of others. The

resulting documentation is then presented to the offending

party, together with a request that preventive measures be

taken. The hope is that when confronted with such

documentation the party will feel obliged to assume

responsibility for taking the requisite preventive measures.

However, depending on the specific situation, the confrontation

may be bolstered by either a subtle implication or a more overt

threat that failure to comply will result in more coercive

measures. The potential for more coercive measures argues for

a high standard of accuracy by police in documenting

conditions.

Community policing efforts, which place a great deal of

emphasis on cultivating relationships with citizens affected by

problems, also contribute to an increase in confrontational

requests. Whether confronting a drug house, a troublesome bar,

or disorderliness in a park, police may feel empowered to be

more confrontational by virtue of the support they receive

from aggrieved citizens.

• Police in Peel, Ontario identified establishments with a high

incidence of serving persons subsequently arrested for

drunken driving and forwarded the information to the local

liquor licensing board. Armed with these data, licensing

officials confronted the owners of the problem

establishments, advised them to take preventive measures, and

offered detailed advice and training for management and staff

on how to meet their legal obligations. These confrontational

requests were made prior to the initiation of any formal

investigation in order to allow the proprietors to comply

voluntarily with the law.12

• Police in St. Louis, Missouri informed a finance company that

a property it had financed was being used for illegal drug

trafficking. This suggested to the company that their
14 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

investment was at risk, perhaps of being seized by the

government. Realizing that an outright foreclosure and

eviction of the property's elderly resident might bring

adverse publicity, the company instead opted to pay the

offending resident to relinquish the property and move out.

The finance company then took possession of the property,

thereby eliminating the drug trafficking problem.13 In this

case, police did not need to ask the finance company to take

remedial measures; merely bringing the matter to its

attention suggested the proper course of action.

• Police in Miami, Florida persuaded wholesale fruit and

vegetable merchants to improve their method for disposing

of discarded produce, to clean up and improve the

appearance of the commercial area in which they operated,

and to improve the traffic flow and parking of commercial

vehicles, all as part of an effort to reduce crime and

disorder in a large outdoor produce market. These

improvements helped to reduce the population of transient

criminals in the area and to alleviate traffic congestion.14

Engaging Another Existing Service Agency

Much police business consists of handling problems and

cases that fall through holes in the social safety net or that

constitute an overflow stemming from the limited resources

of other agencies: mentally-ill persons who are not adequately

cared for in the community; drug addicts who do not receive

adequate treatment services; parks, playgrounds, and housing

developments that are not adequately maintained; cars and

homes that are abandoned; and so forth. In such cases, police

sometimes attempt to shift the responsibility for crime

prevention to another government agency or

nongovernmental organization that provides relevant services

in the community.
Methods for Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems 15

In-depth inquiry of the type called for in problem-oriented

policing often identifies a default or a gap in services that, if

corrected, would reduce or eliminate a problem. Although a

particular situation or circumstance may initially be

characterized as a crime or law enforcement problem,

penetrating inquiry often redefines the problem and more

clearly identifies the conditions that contribute to it. Thus, a

problem initially reported as disorderly, threatening teenagers

may upon further analysis turn out to be a case of strained

relationships between senior citizens and teenagers that is

brought on by the policies of a neighborhood school.

Engaging school authorities in exploring preventive strategies

may well result in their taking responsibility for the problem.

Brokering preventive strategies to another agency can create

tension if the agency perceives the police initiative as an effort

to set the agency's agenda or to off-load work onto it. This is

particularly true during periods of government retrenchment

when budgets may be limited. Other agencies might not be

precisely positioned to provide the type or level of service

recommended by police and may need additional resources to

meet these new service demands.

Often, public health and safety departments and

nongovernmental organizations that serve the disaffected and

disenfranchised must weigh the initiatives recommended by

the police against other priorities. Therefore, the

documentation of the case by the police and the links they are

able to establish between their findings and their

recommendations can be critically important.

It is equally important for police to establish an atmosphere

of trust and mutual understanding between themselves and

agencies with overlapping interests; applying more coercive

measures to shift responsibility is warranted only when trust

and mutual understanding have broken down. The whole
16 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

movement toward greater institutional partnerships has been

tremendously important in this regard. Whether such

partnerships are mandated by legislation, as is the case in the

United Kingdom, or are either wholly voluntary or compelled

by executive decree, as is more common in the United States,

police requests that other agencies change their policies and

practices are better received if the members of those agencies

understand and trust the police. Indeed, some individuals and

organizations may see such police requests as helpful rather

than coercive. In some cases, police documentation of a

problem has been used by local authorities and governmental

organizations to justify programs they have long advocated. In

other cases, private groups have used police documentation to

justify expansions in their programs and supporting budgets.

• A police constable in Lancashire, England succeeded in

resolving a longstanding problem in which a scrap yard was

used to sell stolen vehicles and generally was a source of

nuisance to the community. The constable did so not by

enforcing the criminal law, as had been tried before, but

rather by referring the matter to the local environmental

protection agency. That agency found, upon inspection, that

the scrap yard was inadequately protected against the

emission of hazardous pollutants. Rather than complying

with new environmental protection requirements, the scrap

yard operator opted instead to close the business.15

• Relying on careful data analysis, police in Blackpool,

England persuaded outside agencies that the most prolific

drug-addicted criminal offenders ought to receive intensive

drug treatment and other social services immediately upon

release from incarceration. This ran counter to conventional

practices, wherein many newly released offenders were

forced to wait long periods for drug treatment, by which

time most had resumed using drugs and committing crime.

Police engaged probation officials, prosecutors, social
Methods for Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems 17

workers, and drug treatment providers to ensure that

qualifying offenders who were willing to accept such

services received them in a timely and reliable fashion. A

12-month evaluation indicated that the initiative yielded a 30

percent reduction in reported crime in the target area, no

evidence of geographical displacement, and evidence that

most offenders participating in the program had committed

fewer offenses while receiving treatment than they had in a

comparable period before treatment.16

• Police in Fremont, California succeeded in persuading the

local domestic violence victim assistance program to accept

direct referrals from police officers. Police demonstrated

through analysis that there was a critical need to give high

priority services to repeat victims of domestic violence.

Previously, victims themselves had had to seek out such

services. An assessment of the intervention indicated a

demonstrable reduction in repeat calls for police services to

victims of domestic violence. In this instance, although the

police assumed a greater responsibility for dealing with

chronic domestic violence victims and offenders, their

closer working relationship with other service providers

enabled them to concentrate limited police and social

service resources on the most problematic individuals.17

• Police in Charlotte, North Carolina initiated discussions with

the Mexican consulate and local banks to persuade recent

Mexican immigrants to use secure financial services for

bank and checking accounts, wire transfers, and so forth, in

order to reduce the amount of cash carried by—and stolen

from—immigrants. The police recognized that a lack of

trust and understanding of U.S. financial institutions

discouraged recent immigrants from adopting safer and less

expensive financial practices and further recognized that the

consulate and banks were better positioned to convey this

message to immigrants than were the police.18
18 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

Pressing for the Creation of a New Organization

Police are not always in a position to implement measures that

will best address a specific problem, and there may not be any

other appropriate entity to do so. Police may then find

themselves advocating the creation of a new organization

with the mandate and resources to address the problem.

With the increase in efforts to organize neighborhoods,

especially in large urban areas, it is frequently not necessary

for police to be the primary catalyst of such efforts; instead,

police often assume a supportive role. There are also

situations in which a community organization grows

organically out of concern for a given problem, with the

police enlisted in support of the objective. However, as

organizations come into existence and are sustained, police

find that they are gradually transferring responsibility for

specific prevention strategies to the new organizations.

• In an effort to reduce the large demand upon police

resources created by divorced parents seeking assistance

with the enforcement of child custody orders, police in

Fresno, California helped establish and promote the use of

the privately owned and operated Child Custody Program.

The Child Custody Program assists parents with child

custody exchanges by providing a safe facility where parents

can exchange children without the need for interaction. The

Child Custody Program also mediates disputes between

parents about custody orders. Police worked with the courts

to develop a process that allowed parents to file their own

court reports alleging breaches of custody orders. The new

program and procedures reduced the volume of calls for

police service for this problem by about half. Thus, the

police interest in preventing domestic disputes and violence

related to child custody was met in a more efficient

manner.19
Methods of Shifiting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems 19

• Police in Glendale, California organized an effort to create

a new center for day laborers as a means of eliminating the

disorder, drunkenness, fighting, loitering, noise, litter, and

traffic congestion attendant to an unregulated day labor

market. Police secured commitments from private charitable

organizations to operate the center and its programs, which

included social services, language improvement classes, and

legal and labor negotiation services. The local

transportation authority provided the land and a local

building supply company donated the materials to construct

the new facility and the staff to help operate it. An advisory

board comprising representatives of the various

stakeholders was created to oversee the center. Police then

persuaded local authorities to pass an ordinance that

required all day laborers to secure employment through the

center. The net result was a dramatic reduction in all aspects

of the problem, a marked improvement in the

employability, wages, and working conditions of laborers,

and a substantial reduction in demands on police and other

emergency services.20

• Police in Racine, Wisconsin concluded that one solution to

cleaning up drug-infested neighborhoods was to purchase

problem properties and either convert them for use as

community police stations or refurbish and sell them to

responsible occupants. In order to accomplish this, police

convinced local business leaders to create a private not-forprofit organization that could buy and sell real estate for

the purposes espoused by the police and city government.

This new arrangement led to the purchase and

rehabilitation of a significant number of residential

properties and inspired other private redevelopment in

troubled neighborhoods. The initiative yielded dramatic

reductions in violent and property crime, a concomitant

reduction in calls for police services, and a substantial

improvement in the housing stock in the target areas.21
20 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

• Police in Fontana, California worked with over 20 local

charities, churches, and businesses to form a new network

of services for homeless individuals, many of whom were

creating extraordinary problems for police by their criminal

and disorderly behavior. The so-called Transient

Enrichment Network consolidated services for the

homeless, providing a central facility where each individual's

special needs—whether mental or physical health, job

placement, housing, food and shelter, or substance abuse—

could be diagnosed and addressed. This new network

inspired police officers to deal more directly with homeless

individuals, confident that doing so would lead to

improvements in the individual's behavior and

circumstances. Early results were overwhelmingly positive:

over 500 individuals benefited from the program in its first

two years of operation. Moreover, crimes and calls for

police service attributed to homeless individuals declined

substantially.22

Shaming Delinquent Parties

Public shaming is often an intermediate step between the type

of private confrontation described earlier and resort to legal

action. The stakes in resorting to public shaming are high for

both the police and those against whom it is directed. The

police must obviously be on solid ground. Public reputation is

of great value to individuals, businesses, and agencies; hence,

having police publicly discredit them can have significant

long-term consequences. This method of shifting

responsibility can be perceived as the most coercive.

Consequently, police typically resort to it only after more

private methods of persuasion have failed. The police goal is

to call to public attention the nature of the problem, the

factors that cause or contribute to the problem, the

reasonableness of police requests, the refusal or failure to

respond to less coercive measures, and the arguments for

holding others accountable for their contributions to the

problem.
Methods of Shifiting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems 21

• Police in Lancashire, England sent letters to the registered

owners of vehicles spotted cruising around areas in which

street prostitution was a problem.23 Although the tone of

the letters was purely educational, the unspoken effect—and

no doubt intention—of the letters was to expose "curb

crawlers" to possible shame by creating a risk that others

might read the letters. Similarly, police in many jurisdictions

collaborate with local media outlets to publicize the arrests

of persons caught soliciting prostitutes.24

• In an effort to reduce alcohol-related problems in Green

Bay, Wisconsin, police officers persuaded local media outlets

to expose both the irresponsible practices of certain tavern

owners and the reluctant enforcement of alcohol licensing

sanctions by certain public officials. This effort, in

combination with other actions, resulted in the closing of

several problem taverns through stricter enforcement of

liquor licensing provisions and a concomitant reduction in

calls for police services, all of which inspired new economic

development in and a nearly complete transformation of the

target area.25 

• Police in a number of jurisdictions have developed ranking

or rating systems by which they communicate to the general

public the relative security of different vehicles, alarm

systems, houses, apartment complexes, and parking

facilities.26 Operated by British police, the Secured by Design

program is a prime example of how publicity for meeting

safety and security standards can become institutionalized.

This sort of publicity both rewards the manufacturers and

operators of responsibly designed and managed products

and properties with favorable ratings and penalizes those

with unfavorable ratings.

• Seeking to persuade a reluctant owner to improve the

management and design of a video arcade in the hope of

reducing the problems associated with its disorderly
22 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

clientele, police in Delta, British Columbia recruited a local

university's environmental criminology students to conduct

a detailed study comparing the problematic arcade with

others in the area. The findings, which clearly demonstrated

the inadequacies of the arcade's design and management,

were presented to local government officials and reported

in the media. As a result of the adverse publicity and

persuasive findings, the arcade owner agreed to the

requested changes and the city council enacted a new bylaw

requiring minimum safety and security provisions for all

arcades in the jurisdiction. Attendant calls for police service

declined substantially. Perhaps the ultimate measure of

success was achieved when the arcade owner began

advertising that his arcade was safe and secure because it

adhered to the highest industry standards.27

Withdrawing Police Services

Police occasionally seek to force the adoption of preventive

strategies by refusing to respond, investigate, arrest, or take

other official action where an individual or organization has

refused to implement measures that are designed to reduce

the likelihood of victimization. If a complete service

withdrawal is not feasible, police may respond with fewer

resources, which can be done by lowering the priority given to

certain types of incidents, by putting more of the reporting

burden on the complainant, or by reducing the level of

follow-up service after the taking of an initial report.

Typically, the withdrawal or modification of police services

occurs in the context of a business operation, where there is

overwhelming evidence that a problem would be eliminated if

certain measures were put in place, measures which the

business owner or operator will not implement based upon a

belief that doing so would reduce sales.
Methods of Shifiting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems 23

The decision to withdraw services should only be made after

a consideration of the disparate impact withdrawal might have

on those who cannot afford even the most elementary

remedial measures. For example, where imposing such a cost

forced an already marginal business to close its doors, an

additional consequence might be to deprive a depressed

neighborhood of a vital business or service.

Complete withdrawal of police service is rare, most likely

because police are reluctant to be seen as refusing to perform

what others perceive as “their job.” Police may also worry that

the failure to respond to a simple request for assistance may

result in their failing to attend to a more serious infraction

than the one that was originally reported.

Most service withdrawals arise out of commercial transactions

that are arguably civil rather than criminal matters. A few

typical examples follow.

• Some police agencies refuse to respond to reports of

motorists who drive away from self-service gas stations

without paying where a station has experienced a high

volume of drive-offs but has refused to install a prepayment system. Alternatively, police may merely refuse to

send an officer to take the report of such an incident,

instead requiring station staff to file a form with police.

• Police may refuse to investigate a case in which a diner

leaves a restaurant without paying, particularly if the

restaurant has a poor system for monitoring customers and

collecting payments.
24 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

• Police may advise shops that have checks returned for lack

of sufficient funds that they will not investigate the

incident, especially if the store does not require proper

identification or does not maintain a registry of those from

whom checks will not be accepted. Alternatively, police may

require merchants who expect the police to process bad

check cases to obtain a fingerprint on the back of the

cashed check.

Other than commercial transactions, the most common

incident that police refuse to provide service for is intrusion

alarms that have not been verified as suspicious. (See the

example and reference under "Pressing for Legislation," on

page 26).

Charging Fees for Police Services

Some police agencies seek to recover the cost of providing a

particular service from the individuals who benefit from the

service. The rationale for cost recovery is that those who

make excessive claims are consuming more than their fair

share of public resources, or at least more than their tax

payments reasonably entitle them to. In some jurisdictions,

legislation authorizes police to recover the actual cost of

police investigations from defendants. In 2003, for example,

police in Oakland, California successfully recovered $35,000

in investigative costs from the owners of a problematic

motel.28 Elsewhere, police and emergency rescue agencies

charge thrill-seekers for the costs of rescue if their adventures

go awry. Increasingly, police are extending the cost recovery

principle to owners whose properties generate an inordinate

volume of calls, such as taverns and apartment complexes.
Methods for Shifting and Sharing Responsiblity for Public Safety Problems 25

Such fees are not intended as penalties; therefore, recovery is

typically limited to the actual cost to the police agency.

Nonetheless, the fees provide an economic incentive to

individuals and businesses to keep the cost of police services

under control by keeping problem behaviors under control.†

• Among the most common problems with which police deal

are security alarm systems installed in homes and businesses,

which account for an extraordinarily large percentage of

police business in many areas. In fact, well over 90 percent of

all such alarms are false, whether the result of system

malfunction, triggering by animals, or operator error. In this

situation, the business person or private citizen has taken

responsibility for a prevention strategy, but ends up imposing

a major portion of the cost associated with that strategy on

police. In response, police in many jurisdictions have

arranged for the enactment of a fee schedule that escalates

based upon the number of false alarms that are handled,

thereby pressuring the user to take actions to prevent the

alarm from registering falsely. In other areas, an annual fee is

assessed in anticipation of whatever services the police may

be called upon to render in connection with an alarm,

including simply maintaining their readiness.

• Police in Halton, Ontario successfully addressed chronic

problems involving alcohol-related crime and disorder—

including several full-scale riots—at a large dance club, in part

by shifting some of the cost for police service back to the

club's owners. After strict law enforcement and efforts to

close the club had proven impractical and ineffective, police

successfully lobbied for a change in the liquor licensing law so

that licenses stipulated that the cost of any excessive

consumption of police resources resulting from efforts to

ensure safety and security in the neighborhood of a licensed

establishment would be charged to the license holder.29

† Fees differ from fines in that fees

merely recoup the government's

costs while fines may exceed the

government's costs, imposing

punitive costs. Either fees or fines

can be effective incentives to

encourage those required to pay

them to change their policies and

practices so that police are less likely

to be needed.
26 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

Pressing for Legislation

In addition to having recourse to the many laws that directly

proscribe illegal and harmful conduct, police have long been

aided by a variety of municipal ordinances and administrative

regulations that are designed to manage and control the

conditions that foster and engender offending and harm.

These reflect a legislative judgment that certain businesses,

organizations, and individuals are responsible for ensuring

that the activities in which they are engaged are carried out in

a safe and orderly fashion; a prime example is the extensive

regulation of the sale of alcoholic beverages. Police now

commonly establish conditions for issuing permits for public

events such as parades, festivals, demonstrations, and street

parties—conditions that require event organizers to provide

for the public's safety and to prevent disorder and crime. The

primary responsibility for such measures rests with the license

or permit holder. The police role is secondary: to reinforce

the responsibility of the license or permit holder through

regulatory enforcement. By virtue of the special knowledge

they have acquired by analyzing crime and disorder problems,

police are often in a position to propose specific new laws

and regulations that assign responsibility for controlling

criminogenic conditions to certain individuals, businesses, or

groups, and that impose penalties upon those who fail to do

so.†

The adoption of such measures is typically preceded first by

informal public discussions and later by formal public

hearings. The police may be among the proponents;

occasionally, they are the initiators. And in the typical scenario,

the individuals upon whom the new regulatory burden will fall

oppose the proposal. The evidence in support of such a

proposal is sometimes more anecdotal than statistical and

efforts may be made to introduce data that are imprecise or

unverifiable. One exception to this pattern is the heated 

† Legislative enactments of this sort

are to be distinguished from those

which merely give police more

authority to arrest offenders,

provisions which while potentially

useful, reinforce the notion that

police bear primary responsibility for

controlling problems.
27

debate over whether to require convenience stores to keep

two or more staff on duty at specified hours of the day; this

debate has drawn heavily on studies that measure the value of

the strategy, and has been especially contentious because of

the conflicting results of those studies.

• To reduce residential burglaries, some cities have

implemented building codes that mandate design and

construction features that prevent burglary. Some codes,

such as the one implemented in Overland Park, Kansas, in

2003, go well beyond simply requiring locks on doors and

windows and regulate features such as lighting, natural

surveillance, and door and window strength.30

• As part of an initiative to reduce assaults with glass objects

on the streets of Liverpool, England, police in Merseyside

persuaded the Liverpool City Council to enact a regulation

making the proprietors of licensed establishments

responsible for preventing bottles and drinking glasses from

being removed from their premises. Police then persuaded

the Home Office to approve new legislation authorizing

police to confiscate glass containers carried on the streets in

the city center of Liverpool. These legislative actions helped

to reduce dramatically the number of glass-related injuries

in the target area.31

• Police in Salt Lake City, Utah persuaded the city council to

enact an ordinance requiring companies that sell home and

business intrusion alarm systems to respond and investigate

any alarm activation prior to summoning the police. Known

as "verified response," this policy nearly eliminated police

responses to false intrusion alarms. Evidence to date

suggests that this policy has had no adverse effect on the

underlying problem that intrusion alarms are intended to

address—burglary—and has yielded substantial savings in

police resources that are then available for more productive 

Methods for Shifting and Sharing Responsiblity for Public Safety Problems
28 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

activities.32 Interestingly, the verified response policy

supplanted a more commonly-used means of shifting

responsibility for false alarms: charging customers fees to

offset the cost of police response. The fee system reduced

the volume of false alarms, but not to the same degree as

verified response.

• Police in Fresno, California assumed a primary role in

reviewing applications for business licenses and permits and

in recommending general and specific conditions under

which such licenses and permits could issue. The conditions

were tailored to the public safety problems posed by the

particular business. Fresno police concluded that their new

and more active role in the licensing process had resulted in

significant reductions in calls for police services to a number

of businesses.33

Bringing a Civil Action

There are several avenues by which police and others can

bring legal actions to force individuals and organizations to

implement measures to prevent crime and disorder.34 This

strategy is normally reserved for the most egregious

conditions and is employed only as a last resort, because, with

some exceptions, the process is difficult and the costs are

high. Among the numerous forms of civil actions police may

either initiate or support are nuisance abatement orders (in the

United States), anti-social behavior orders (in the United

Kingdom), civil injunctions and restraining orders, civil asset

forfeitures, civil fines, enforcement of codified regulations,

and evictions.

Studies relating to the problem of drugs inevitably focus

attention on drug houses. The search for an alternative to

simply acquiring evidence and making arrests has led police to

dust off largely unused abatement proceedings and to obtain 
Methods for Shifting and Sharing Responsiblity for Public Safety Problems 29

new specifically tailored legislation that enables them, through

a court proceeding and upon the presentation of adequate

evidence, to seize properties associated with a high incidence

of crime. Their authorization to do so, punctuated by some

successful efforts, is intended to force landlords to take

greater responsibility for controlling the activities that take

place on their properties. It is the threat of an abatement

action that often renders targeted confrontational requests

effective.

In one of the more novel uses of civil actions, the Safe

Streets program, based in Oakland, California, trains local

citizens to acquire the evidence needed to petition in small

claims court for the abatement of a drug house, without any

need for a lawyer; any receipts from sale of the premises are

distributed among the petitioners. Police involvement in this

process is limited to cooperating with community members

seeking police documentation of criminal activity occurring in

or near the subject premises.

An emerging, although unsettled, development in the United

States is for police to support civil lawsuits against gun

manufacturers and distributors as a means of controlling gunrelated violence. Regardless of what one thinks of the merits

of such suits, their success would provide an extraordinary

example of how police and local government could compel a

large industry to assume a significantly greater responsibility

for the harm associated with its products.

• Police in Oakland, California filed a civil suit against the

parent corporation of an international motel franchise for

failing to control drug dealing, prostitution, and assorted

crime and disorder on its property.35 The suit followed

repeated attempts by police to educate the property

manager and corporate executives about the problems at the

motel, requests for improvement, and warnings of
30 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

possible legal consequences. In this case, police steadily

increased the pressure on the corporation in a careful and

measured manner. Indeed, the special unit of the Oakland

Police Department that brought the civil action had

developed a formal process for documenting such problems

and for bringing increasing levels of pressure to bear upon

property managers and owners.

• Royal Canadian Mounted Police in Burnaby, British

Columbia collaborated with tax, fire, building, health,

immigration, and licensing officials to inspect and file code

violation charges against the owner of three blocks of flats

that were being used for large-scale illegal immigrant drug

trafficking. The owner resisted efforts to improve the

management of the properties, which were later closed by

the government and emptied of tenants. This led to the

geographic displacement of the drug market to a nearby

public transport station—where police persuaded the

managers to make design improvements to deter drug

dealing—and the displacement of the base of operations to

other nearby blocks of flats—where police helped property

managers form an information sharing network to prevent

problem tenants from securing leases. An assessment by

police concluded that drug trafficking, related crime, and

citizen complaints all declined substantially.36
Considerations for Shifting and Sharing Responsiblity for Public Safety Problems 31

Considerations for Shifting and Sharing

Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

Making the Case for Shifting Responsibility

The process leading up to police efforts to shift or share

responsibility typically involves:

• documenting the magnitude of a specific problem;

• identifying the conditions that contribute to the problem;

and 

• establishing a link between those conditions and the

individual, business, or organization deemed responsible for

them.

Thus, gathering detailed information, including statistical data,

is an integral part of the process before it moves forward.

Because the police are using gradually increasing degrees of

government power, such studies must be carried out

meticulously to assure accuracy and fairness, and, when

resulting in a proposal, to present the strongest possible case.†

Much of the body of knowledge that police rely upon to

argue for shifting and sharing responsibility for addressing

problems is based upon insights they have acquired through

years of experience and, less commonly, upon rigorous

research. The value of police expertise is sometimes

underestimated by those who rely only upon the highest

standards of social science and policy analysis to inform

policy decisions; conversely, such expertise is sometimes

overestimated by those who believe that "street smarts"

outweigh research-based knowledge. Much police knowledge

about the prevention and control of crime and disorder is 

† For guidance on conducting good

problem analysis, see Crime Analysis

for Problem Solvers in 60 Small Steps and

Problem-Solving Tips: A Guide to

Reducing Crime and Disorder Through

Problem-Solving Partnerships, both listed

in the Recommended Readings at the

back of this guide.
32 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

largely untested. That does not totally diminish its value, and

there remains a critical need to capture, test, and refine police

expertise, thereby contributing to a more formal body of

knowledge to support police practices.

Measuring the Effectiveness of New Responses

Quantifying claims of effectiveness can be tricky, because

police often apply several different responses to a problem,

some involving direct action (police enforcement, police

presence) and others involving indirect action (persuasion and

coercion of the type described earlier). Determining the

effect of each response in isolation can be methodologically

challenging. For more detailed guidance on measuring

effectiveness, see the companion guide in the Problem-Solving

Tools series, Assessing Responses to Problems: An Introductory Guide

for Police Problem-Solvers.

Some people may feel uncomfortable about the police dealing

with citizens in so heavy-handed a manner. Such concerns are

certainly justifiable where requests and threats are made

without supporting facts. Thus, a high standard of care in

gathering and examining the facts can be an effective

protection against abuse. In addition, in-depth inquiry into a

specific problem may isolate its cause and may even identify

specific measures that have the potential to effectively prevent

it. Collecting hard data about a specific problem can play a

central role in convincing others of the seriousness of the

situation and can also serve as evidence where the preventive

strategy involves legal action. Police should realize that efforts

to shift responsibility can become an adversarial process in

which they had best be prepared to document thoroughly

both the conditions being exposed and the evidence that the

person named is indeed responsible for them. And they

should be confident that the measures they are proposing are

likely to be effective. This is particularly true where the 
33

† See Buerger (1998) for an

interesting discussion of the new

political landscape that police will

find themselves in as they press for

indirect action to control crime and

disorder.

proposed shift in responsibility has the potential for a major

economic impact, because in such cases police can anticipate

that their activities will be challenged in the courts, where

judges will weigh the adequacy of the evidence offered in

support of the proposed regulation.

Determining the Appropriate Degree of Pressure to

Shift Responsibility

Much of the art of policing consists of determining and

applying the degree of pressure or coercion that is

appropriate to a particular situation. Police officials who seek

to shift or share responsibility for public safety problems

should consider, among other factors:

• the justification for the pressure in the first instance,

including the cost to the police and to the community of

maintaining the status quo;

• the reasonableness of police requests, including the

standards of proof police must carry to establish such

reasonableness;

• the probability that a new set of responses to the problem

will have long-term preventive value;

• the likelihood that key constituents will endorse or accept

the new proposals, which is influenced by the complexity

of the issue at hand; and 

• the nature, degree, and consequences of resisting police

attempts to share or shift responsibility, including the

potential risks and costs to the police organization and its

officials for pressing controversial proposals.† 

No single factor will dictate which method or degree of

coercion should be employed. Rather, the decision should be

based upon a comprehensive analysis of the breadth and 

Considerations for Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems
34 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

seriousness of the problem, the likely effectiveness of the

proposed solution, and the probability both of cooperation

from the various stakeholders and of support from the

general public.

Conclusion

As police come to better understand the conditions, practices,

and behaviors that give rise to specific public safety problems

and can determine with greater certainty the responses that

are most effective in preventing and controlling them, they

will be in a better position to shift and share the responsibility

for dealing with such problems. Doing so will strengthen the

police as an institution by increasing their capacity to perform

the functions that are legitimately within their mandate and

expertise and will also reduce the need for police to attempt

to solve problems that are beyond the limits of their

experience and resources. Most importantly perhaps, it will

move society toward a style of policing that is more effective,

efficient, and equitable.
Endnotes 35

Endnotes

1 National Research Council (2004); Weisburd and Eck

(2004); Sherman et al. (1997); Tonry and Farrington (1995);

Goldstein (1990); Eck and Spelman (1987). 2 Goldstein (1996). 3 Sampson, Raudenbush, and Earls (1997), p. 918. 4 San Diego Police Department (2001). 5 Bureau of Justice Assistance (2000). 6 Plano Police Department (2003). 7 Lancashire Constabulary (2000); Campbell Resources, Inc.

(n.d.). 8 Hamilton-Wentworth Police Department (1994). 9 See Lancashire Constabulary (n.d.), at

www.lancashire.police.uk/nightsafe.html. 10 Chula Vista Police Department (2001). 11 Clarke and Goldstein (2003a). 12 Peel Regional Police (1996). 13 Hope (1994). 14 Miami Police Department (2002). 15 Lancashire Constabulary (1999). 16 Lancashire Constabulary (2003). 17 Fremont Police Department (1997). 18 Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department (2002). 19 Fresno Police Department (1999). 20 Glendale Police Department (1997). 21 Racine Police Department (1999). 22 Fontana Police Department (1998). 23 Lancashire Constabulary (2003). 24 Buffalo Police Department (2001). 25 Green Bay Police Department (1999). 26 Clarke and Goldstein (2003b). 27 Delta Police Department (1997). 28 Oakland Police Department (2003).
36 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

29 Halton Regional Police Service (2003). 30 City of Overland Park (2003). 31 Merseyside Police (2001). 32 Salt Lake City Police Department (2001). 33 Fresno Police Department (1997). 34 Mazerolle and Roehl (1998). 35 Oakland Police Department (2003). 36 Royal Canadian Mounted Police (2002).
37

References

Buerger, M. (1998). "The Politics of Third-Party Policing." In

L.G. Mazerolle and J. Roehl (eds.), Civil Remedies and Crime

Prevention: Crime Prevention Studies, Volume 9. Monsey, N.Y.:

Criminal Justice Press.

Bureau of Justice Assistance (2000). Keeping Illegal Activity Out

of Rental Property: A Police Guide for Establishing Landlord

Training Programs. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of

Justice, Bureau of Justice Assistance.

Campbell Resources Inc. (n.d.) Clandestine Drug Labs: What

Every Hotel and Motel Operator Should Know. Portland, Oregon:

City of Portland and Campbell Resources Inc.

Charlotte-Mecklenburg (North Carolina) Police Department

(2000). "Hispanic Robbery Initiative: Reducing Robbery

Victimization and Increasing Trust of Police and Financial

Institutions in a Hispanic Community." Submission for the

Herman Goldstein Award for Excellence in ProblemOriented Policing.

Chula Vista (California) Police Department (2001).

"Designing Out Crime: The Chula Vista Residential

Burglary Reduction Project." Submission for the Herman

Goldstein Award for Excellence in Problem-Oriented

Policing.

City of Overland Park (2003). Ordinance No. BC-2459,

Section R328 (Physical Security). Overland Park Municipal

Code. Overland Park, Kansas.

Clarke, R.V., and H. Goldstein (2003a). Reducing Thefts at

Construction Sites: Lessons From a Problem-Oriented Project.

Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of

Community Oriented Policing Services. Accessible at

http://www.cops.usdoj.gov/mime/open.pdf?Item=804

References
38 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

(2003b). Theft from Cars in Center City Parking Facilities-A

Case Study. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice,

Office of Community Oriented Policing Services. Accessible

at http://www.cops.usdoj.gov/mime/open.pdf?Item=768

Delta (British Columbia) Police Department (1997). "The Elite

Arcade: Taming a Crime Generator." Submission for the

Herman Goldstein Award for Excellence in ProblemOriented Policing.

Eck, J., and W. Spelman (1987). Problem-Solving: Problem-Oriented

Policing in Newport News. Washington, D.C.: Police Executive

Research Forum.

Fontana (California) Police Department (1998). "Ten-4: The

Transient Enrichment Network. A Community Collaboration

to Reduce Homelessness." Submission for the Herman

Goldstein Award for Excellence in Problem-Oriented

Policing.

Fremont (California) Police Department (1997). "Domestic

Violence Revictimization Prevention. Improving Police

Response to Repeat Calls of Domestic Violence." Submission

for the Herman Goldstein Award for Excellence in ProblemOriented Policing.

Fresno (California) Police Department (1999). "A Multiagency

Approach to a Community Problem: Stemming Calls-forService Related to Child Custody." Submission for the

Herman Goldstein Award for Excellence in ProblemOriented Policing.

(1997). "Local Ordinances and Conditional Use Permits:

The Empowerment of Law Enforcement." Submission for

the Herman Goldstein Award for Excellence in ProblemOriented Policing.
39

Glendale (California) Police Department (1997). "Day

Laborer Project: a Community's Response to the Problems

of Casual Laborers." Submission for the Herman Goldstein

Award for Excellence in Problem-Oriented Policing.

Goldstein, H. (1990). Problem-Oriented Policing. Philadelphia,

Pennsylvania: Temple University Press.

(1996). "Establishing Ownership of Inquiries and

Responses to Problems in the Context of ProblemOriented Policing." Unpublished draft on file with author.

Halton (Ontario) Regional Police Service (2003). "Let's

Dance: a Community's Collaborative Response to the

Problems Created by an All Ages Nightclub." Submission

for the Herman Goldstein Award for Excellence in

Problem-Oriented Policing.

Hamilton-Wentworth (Ontario) Police Department (1994).

"Kidestrian. Child Pedestrian Safety." Submission for the

Herman Goldstein Award for Excellence in ProblemOriented Policing.

Hope, T. (1994). "Problem-Oriented Policing and DrugMarket Locations: Three Case Studies." In R.V. Clarke (ed.),

Crime Prevention Studies, Vol. 2. Monsey, N.Y.: Criminal Justice

Press.

Lancashire Constabulary (2003). "The Tower Project.

Blackpool Community Safety Project." Submission for the

Herman Goldstein Award for Excellence in ProblemOriented Policing.

(2003). "Operation Curb: Multi-Agency Problem

Solving Approach to Street Prostitution in Preston."

Submission for the Tilley Award Program for Excellence in

Problem-Oriented Policing.

References
40 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

(2000). "Operation Adelphi: A Problem-Oriented

Approach to Hotel Burglary Reduction." Submission for

the Tilley Award Program for Excellence in ProblemOriented Policing.

(1999). "The Nook Scrap Yard: a POP's Initiative."

Submission for the Tilley Award Program for Excellence in

Problem-Oriented Policing.

(n.d.). "Nightsafe: Reducing Alcohol Related Violence

and Disorder."

http://www.lancashire.police.uk/nightsafe.html

Mazerolle, L.G., and J. Roehl (1998). Civil Remedies and Crime

Prevention: Crime Prevention Studies, Vol. 9. Monsey, N.Y.:

Criminal Justice Press.

Merseyside Police (2001). "Operation Crystal Clear."

Submission for the Tilley Award Program for Excellence in

Problem-Oriented Policing.

Miami (Florida) Police Department (2002). "Allapatah

Produce Market Power Play: Revitalizing a Produce Market

through Cooperation." Submission for the Herman

Goldstein Award for Excellence in Problem-Oriented

Policing.

Oakland (California) Police Department (2003). "The

Oakland Airport Motel Program. Eliminating Criminal and

Nuisance Behavior at a Motel." Submission for the Herman

Goldstein Award for Excellence in Problem-Oriented

Policing.

Peel (Ontario) Regional Police (1996). "The Last Drink

Program: Targeting Licensed Premises to Reduce Impaired

Driving." Submission for the Herman Goldstein Award for

Excellence in Problem-Oriented Policing.
41

Plano (Texas) Police Department (2003). "Underage Drinking:

More Than a Minor Issue." Submission for the Herman

Goldstein Award for Excellence in Problem-Oriented

Policing.

Racine (Wisconsin) Police Department (1999). "The Power of

Partnerships: Revitalizing Neighborhoods through

Community Policing Houses." Submission for the Herman

Goldstein Award for Excellence in Problem-Oriented

Policing.

Royal Canadian Mounted Police (2002). "Project Metrotown:

Reducing Drug Trafficking and Related Crime through

Multiagency Cooperation and Community Partnerships."

Submission for the Herman Goldstein Award for

Excellence in Problem-Oriented Policing.

Salt Lake City (Utah) Police Department (2001). "The False

Alarm Solution: Verified Response." Submission for the

Herman Goldstein Award for Excellence in ProblemOriented Policing.

Sampson, R., S. Raudenbush and F. Earls (1997).

"Neighborhoods and Violent Crime: a Multilevel Study of

Collective Efficacy." Science 277: 918-924.

San Diego (California) Police Department (2001). "Sexual

Assault: Educating a Community About Non-Stranger

Sexual Assault." Submission for the Herman Goldstein

Award for Excellence in Problem-Oriented Policing.

http://www.popcenter.org/Problems/PDFs/men_web%20

rev.pdf

http://www.popcenter.org/Problems/PDFs/women_bookl

et.pdf

References
42 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

Scott, M. (2005). "Shifting and Sharing Police Responsibility

to Address Public Safety Problems." In N. Tilley (ed.),

Handbook of Crime Prevention and Community Safety. Devon,

U.K.: Willan Publishing.

Sherman, L., D. Gottfredson, D. MacKenzie, J. Eck, P. Reuter

and S. Bushway (1997). Preventing Crime: What Works, What

Doesn't, What's Promising. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department

of Justice, Office of Justice Programs.

Tonry, M., and D. Farrington. (1995). "Strategic Approaches

to Crime Prevention." Crime and Justice: A Review of Research

19: 1-20.

Weisburd, D., and J. Eck (2004). "What Can Police Do to

Reduce Crime, Disorder, and Fear?" The Annals of the

American Academy of Political and Social Science 593: 42-65.
About the Authors 43

About the Authors

Michael S. Scott

Michael S. Scott is the director of the Center for ProblemOriented Policing, Inc. and clinical assistant professor at the

University of Wisconsin-Madison Law School. He was

formerly chief of police in Lauderhill, Florida; served in

various civilian administrative positions in the St. Louis

Metropolitan, Ft. Pierce, Florida, and New York City police

departments; and was a police officer in the Madison,

Wisconsin, Police Department. Scott developed training

programs in problem-oriented policing at the Police Executive

Research Forum (PERF). He was the 1996 recipient of the

Gary P. Hayes Award for innovation and leadership in

policing. He is a judge for the Herman Goldstein Award for

Excellence in Problem-Oriented Policing. Scott holds a law

degree from Harvard Law School and a bachelor's degree

from the University of Wisconsin-Madison.

Herman Goldstein

Herman Goldstein is Professor Emeritus at the University of

Wisconsin-Madison Law School and the original architect of

the problem-oriented approach to policing. His first

experiences in working with the police were in Philadelphia as

a graduate student in governmental administration at the

University of Pennsylvania and subsequently as an assistant to

the city manager of Portland, Maine. He spent two years

observing the on-the-street operations of the police in

Wisconsin and Michigan as a researcher with the American

Bar Foundation's Survey of the Administration of Criminal

Justice, and then participated in the analysis phase of that

landmark project. From 1960 to 1964, he was executive

assistant to the superintendent of the Chicago Police

Department, O.W. Wilson, the widely recognized architect of
44 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

the professional model of policing. Goldstein has published

widely on problem-oriented policing, the police function, police

discretion, the political accountability of the police, and the

control of police misconduct. He was co-author of the

American Bar Association Standards Relating to the Urban Police

Function. His 1977 book, Policing a Free Society, is among the most

frequently cited works on the police. He first described the

problem-oriented approach to policing in a 1979 article, which

he expanded upon in his 1990 book, Problem-Oriented Policing.

46 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

Recommended Readings

• A Police Guide to Surveying Citizens and Their

Environments, Bureau of Justice Assistance, 1993. This

guide offers a practical introduction for police practitioners

to two types of surveys that police find useful: surveying

public opinion and surveying the physical environment. It

provides guidance on whether and how to conduct costeffective surveys.

• Assessing Responses to Problems: An

Introductory Guide for Police Problem-Solvers, by

John E. Eck (U.S. Department of Justice, Office of

Community Oriented Policing Services, 2001). This guide is

a companion to the Problem-Oriented Guides for Police series. It

provides basic guidance to measuring and assessing

problem-oriented policing efforts.

• Conducting Community Surveys, by Deborah Weisel

(Bureau of Justice Statistics and Office of Community

Oriented Policing Services, 1999). This guide, along with

accompanying computer software, provides practical, basic

pointers for police in conducting community surveys. The

document is also available at www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs.

• Crime Analysis for Problem Solvers In 60 Small

Steps, by Ronald V. Clarke and John E. Eck (U.S.

Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented

Policing Services, 2005). This easy-to-use 60-step manual

prepares crime analysts to become key members of a

problem-solving team. The volume is packed with vital and

sophisticated information, making it one of the most

significant publications addressed to the policing field in

several decades.
47

• Crime Prevention Studies, edited by Ronald V. Clarke

(Criminal Justice Press, 1993, et seq.). This is a series of

volumes of applied and theoretical research on reducing 

opportunities for crime. Many chapters are evaluations of

initiatives to reduce specific crime and disorder problems.

• Excellence in Problem-Oriented Policing:The 1999

Herman Goldstein Award Winners. This document

produced by the National Institute of Justice in

collaboration with the Office of Community Oriented

Policing Services and the Police Executive Research Forum

provides detailed reports of the best submissions to the

annual award program that recognizes exemplary problemoriented responses to various community problems. A

similar publication is available for the award winners from

subsequent years. The documents are also available at

www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij.

• Not Rocket Science? Problem-Solving and Crime

Reduction, by Tim Read and Nick Tilley (Home Office

Crime Reduction Research Series, 2000). Identifies and

describes the factors that make problem-solving effective or

ineffective as it is being practiced in police forces in

England and Wales.

• Opportunity Makes the Thief: Practical Theory for

Crime Prevention, by Marcus Felson and Ronald V.

Clarke (Home Office Police Research Series, Paper No. 98,

1998). Explains how crime theories such as routine activity

theory, rational choice theory and crime pattern theory have

practical implications for the police in their efforts to

prevent crime.

Recommended Readings
48 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

• Problem Analysis in Policing, by Rachel Boba (Police

Foundation, 2003). Introduces and defines problem analysis

and provides guidance on how problem analysis can be

integrated and institutionalized into modern policing

practices.

• Problem-Oriented Policing, by Herman Goldstein

(McGraw-Hill, 1990, and Temple University Press, 1990).

Explains the principles and methods of problem-oriented

policing, provides examples of it in practice, and discusses

how a police agency can implement the concept.

• Problem-Oriented Policing and Crime Prevention,

by Anthony A. Braga (Criminal Justice Press, 2003).

Provides a thorough review of significant policing research

about problem places, high-activity offenders, and repeat

victims, with a focus on the applicability of those findings

to problem-oriented policing. Explains how police

departments can facilitate problem-oriented policing by

improving crime analysis, measuring performance, and

securing productive partnerships.

• Problem-Oriented Policing: Reflections on the

First 20 Years, by Michael S. Scott (U.S. Department of

Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services,

2000). Describes how the most critical elements of

Herman Goldstein's problem-oriented policing model have

developed in practice over its 20-year history, and proposes

future directions for problem-oriented policing. The report

is also available at www.cops.usdoj.gov.

• Problem-Solving: Problem-Oriented Policing in

Newport News, by John E. Eck and William Spelman

(Police Executive Research Forum, 1987). Explains the

rationale behind problem-oriented policing and the

problem-solving process, and provides examples of

effective problem-solving in one agency.
49

• Problem-Solving Tips: A Guide to Reducing Crime

and Disorder Through Problem-Solving

Partnerships by Karin Schmerler, Matt Perkins, Scott

Phillips, Tammy Rinehart and Meg Townsend. (U.S.

Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented

Policing Services, 1998) (also available at

www.cops.usdoj.gov). Provides a brief introduction to

problem-solving, basic information on the SARA model

and detailed suggestions about the problem-solving process.

• Situational Crime Prevention: Successful Case

Studies, Second Edition, edited by Ronald V. Clarke

(Harrow and Heston, 1997). Explains the principles and

methods of situational crime prevention, and presents over

20 case studies of effective crime prevention initiatives.

• Tackling Crime and Other Public-Safety Problems:

Case Studies in Problem-Solving, by Rana Sampson

and Michael S. Scott (U.S. Department of Justice, Office of

Community Oriented Policing Services, 2000) (also available

at www.cops.usdoj.gov). Presents case studies of effective

police problem-solving on 18 types of crime and disorder

problems.

• Using Analysis for Problem-Solving: A Guidebook

for Law Enforcement, by Timothy S. Bynum (U.S.

Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented

Policing Services, 2001). Provides an introduction for

police to analyzing problems within the context of

problem-oriented policing.

• Using Research: A Primer for Law Enforcement

Managers, Second Edition, by John E. Eck and Nancy G.

LaVigne (Police Executive Research Forum, 1994). Explains

many of the basics of research as it applies to police

management and problem-solving.

Recommended Readings
50 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

Other Problem-Oriented Guides for Police

Problem-Specific Guides series:

1. Assaults in and Around Bars. Michael S. Scott. 2001.

ISBN: 1-932582-00-2

2. Street Prostitution. Michael S. Scott. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-01-0

3. Speeding in Residential Areas. Michael S. Scott. 2001.

ISBN: 1-932582-02-9

4. Drug Dealing in Privately Owned Apartment Complexes.

Rana Sampson. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-03-7

5. False Burglar Alarms. Rana Sampson. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-04-5

6. Disorderly Youth in Public Places. Michael S. Scott. 2001.

ISBN: 1-932582-05-3

7. Loud Car Stereos. Michael S. Scott. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-06-1

8. Robbery at Automated Teller Machines. Michael S. Scott. 2001.

ISBN: 1-932582-07-X

9. Graffiti. Deborah Lamm Weisel. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-08-8

10. Thefts Of and From Cars in Parking Facilities. Ronald V.

Clarke. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-09-6

11. Shoplifting. Ronald V. Clarke. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-10-X

12. Bullying in Schools. Rana Sampson. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-11-8

13. Panhandling. Michael S. Scott. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-12-6

14. Rave Parties. Michael S. Scott. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-13-4

15. Burglary of Retail Establishments. Ronald V. Clarke. 2002.

ISBN: 1-932582-14-2

16. Clandestine Drug Labs. Michael S. Scott. 2002.

ISBN: 1-932582-15-0

17. Acquaintance Rape of College Students. Rana Sampson. 2002.

ISBN: 1-932582-16-9

18. Burglary of Single-Family Houses. Deborah Lamm Weisel.

2002. ISBN: 1-932582-17-7

19. Misuse and Abuse of 911. Rana Sampson. 2002.

ISBN: 1-932582-18-5

20. Financial Crimes Against the Elderly.

Kelly Dedel Johnson. 2003. ISBN: 1-932582-22-3

21. Check and Card Fraud. Graeme R. Newman. 2003.

ISBN: 1-932582-27-4
51

22. Stalking. The National Center for Victims of Crime. 2004.

ISBN: 1-932582-30-4

23. Gun Violence Among Serious Young Offenders. Anthony A.

Braga. 2004. ISBN: 1-932582-31-2

24. Prescription Fraud. Julie Wartell and Nancy G. La Vigne. 2004.

ISBN: 1-932582-33-9

25. Identity Theft. Graeme R. Newman. 2004.

ISBN: 1-932582-35-3

26. Crimes Against Tourists. Ronald W. Glensor and Kenneth J.

Peak. 2004. ISBN: 1-932582-36-3

27. Underage Drinking. Kelly Dedel Johnson. 2004.

ISBN: 1-93258239-8

28. Street Racing. Kenneth J. Peak and Ronald W. Glensor. 2004.

ISBN: 1-932582-42-8

29. Cruising. Kenneth J. Peak and Ronald W. Glensor. 2004.

ISBN: 1-932582-43-6

30. Disorder at Budget Motels. Karin Schmerler. 2005.

ISBN: 1-932582-41-X

31. Drug Dealing in Open-Air Markets. Alex Harocopos and Mike

Hough. 2005. ISBN: 1-932582-45-2

32. Bomb Threats in Schools. Graeme R. Newman. 2005.

ISBN: 1-932582-46-0

33. Illicit Sexual Activity in Public Places. Kelly Dedel Johnson.

2005. ISBN: 1-932582-47-9

34. Robbery of Taxi Drivers. Martha J. Smith. 2005.

ISBN: 1-932582-50-9

35. School Vandalism and Break-Ins. Kelly Dedel Johnson. 2005.

ISBN: 1-932582-51-7

Response Guides Series:

• The Benefits and Consequences of Police Crackdowns.

Michael S. Scott. 2003. ISBN: 1-932582-24-X

• Closing Streets and Alleys to Reduce Crime: Should You Go

Down This Road? Ronald V. Clarke. 2004. ISBN: 1-932582-41-X

• Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety

Problems. Michael S. Scott and Herman Goldstein. 2005.

ISBN: 1-932582-55-X

Other Problem-Oriented Guides for Police
52 Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems

Problem-Solving Tools series:

• Assessing Responses to Problems: An Introductory Guide for

Police Problem-Solvers. John E. Eck. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-19-3

• Researching a Problem. Ronald V. Clarke and Phyllis A. Schultz.

2005. ISBN: 1-932582-48-7

• Using Offender Interviews to Inform Police Problem Solving.

Scott H. Decker. 2005. ISBN: 1932582-49-5

• Analyzing Repeat Victimization. Deborah Lamm Weisel. 2005.

ISBN: 1-932582-54-1

Upcoming Problem-Oriented Guides for Police 

Problem-Specific Guides

Domestic Violence

Mentally Ill Persons

Student Party Disturbances on College Campuses

Drunk Driving

Bank Robbery

Witness Intimidation

Drive-by Shootings

Runaway Juveniles

Human Trafficking in Women

Disorderly Day Laborers in Public Places

Internet Child Pornography

Crowd Control at Stadiums and Other Entertainment Venues

Traffic Congestion Around Schools

Problem-Solving Tools

Forming and Sustaining Problem-Solving Partnerships with Businesses

Risky Facilities

Response Guides

Crime Prevention Publicity Campaigns

Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design

Video Surveillance of Public Places
53

Other Related COPS Office Publications

• Using Analysis for Problem-Solving: A Guidebook for Law

Enforcement. Timothy S. Bynum.

• Problem-Oriented Policing: Reflections on the First 20 Years.

Michael S. Scott. 2001.

• Tackling Crime and Other Public-Safety Problems: Case

Studies in Problem-Solving. Rana Sampson and Michael S. Scott.

2000.

• Community Policing, Community Justice, and Restorative

Justice: Exploring the Links for the Delivery of a Balanced

Approach to Public Safety. Caroline G. Nicholl. 1999.

• Toolbox for Implementing Restorative Justice and Advancing

Community Policing. Caroline G. Nicholl. 2000.

• Problem-Solving Tips: A Guide to Reducing Crime and

Disorder Through Problem-Solving Partnerships. Karin

Schmerler, Matt Perkins, Scott Phillips, Tammy Rinehart and

Meg Townsend. 1998.

• Bringing Victims into Community Policing. The National

Center for Victims of Crime and the Police Foundation. 2002.

• Call Management and Community Policing. Tom McEwen,

Deborah Spence, Russell Wolff, Julie Wartell and Barbara

Webster. 2003.

• Crime Analysis in America. Timothy C. O’Shea and Keith

Nicholls. 2003.

• Problem Analysis in Policing. Rachel Boba. 2003.

• Reducing Theft at Construction Sites: Lessons From a

Problem-Oriented Project. Ronald V. Clarke and Herman

Goldstein. 2003.

For more information about the Problem-Oriented Guides for Police series

and other COPS Office publications, please call the COPS Office

Response Center at 800.421.6770 or visit COPS Online at

www.cops.usdoj.gov.

Other Problem-Oriented Guides for Police

www.cops.usdoj.gov

FOR MORE INFORMATION:

U.S. Department of Justice

Office of Community Oriented Policing Services

1100 Vermont Avenue, NW

Washington, D.C. 20530

To obtain details on COPS programs, call the

COPS Office Response Center at 800.421.6770

Visit COPS Online at the address listed below.

ISBN: 1-932582-55-X Created Date: August 4, 2005