. ./>.. 

BUREAU LAND MANAGEMENT 

.- 

.- 

.> . ~ 

History of Ceqtral Nevada: 

AN OVERVIEW OF THE 

BATTLE MOUNTAIN DISTRICT 

Martha H. Bowers 

Hans Muessig 

CULTURAL RESOURCE SERIES N0.4 

1982 
NEVADA BLPl CULTURAL RESOURCES PUBLICATIONS 

Technical Reports 

No. 1 

No. 2 

No. 3 

No. 4 

No. 5 

No. 6 

No. 7 

Studies at Adarns-tlcGi11 Reservoir: Exercises in Applying Snia11 

Project Data to Archaeological Research. Robert York (Nov. 1977). 

ca. 13 pp. OOP 

Archaeological Survey of Springs, Tonopah Resource Area. Roberta 

L. IkGonagle and Lynda L. Llaski (Feb. 1978). 60 pp. OOP 

Oil and Gas/Geothernal Program Inventories. Nancy Botti , Peggy 

KcGuckian, Robert York and Mark Henderson (June 1979). ca. 111 pp. OOP 

Robert H. Crabtree and David D. Ferraro (Jan. 1980). 74 pp. OOP - 

Artifact Assemblages from the Pahranagat, Lincoln County, Nevada. ! 

Test Excavations at Painted Cave, Pershing County Nevada. Jafies C. 

Bard, Col in I. Busby and Larry S. Kobori (Feb. 19i- pp. OOP 

Emigrant Trails in the Glack Rock Desert. -- 

(Apr. 1983). ,110 pp. 

Peggy PlcGuckian Jones 

An Historic Overview of the BLM Shoshone-Eureka Resource Area, Nevada. 

Patrick Ii. bJelch (1931). 47 pp. d 

Cultural Resources Seri es 

No. 1 

No. 2 

No. 3 

No. 4 

The Pony Express i n Central Nevada : Archaeological and Documentary 

Perspectives. Donald L. Hardesty (1979). 175 pp. 

A Cultural Resources Overview of the Carson & Humboldt Sinks, Nevada. 

James C. Bard, Colin I. Busby and John M. Findlay (1981) 214 pp. 

~ Prehistory, Ethnohistory, and tiistory of Eastern Nevada: A Cultural 

Resources Sumniary of the El ko and Ely Districts. - 

(1981). 387 pp. 

Steven R. James 

History of Central Nevada: An Overview of the Battle Nountain District. 

Martha H. Bowers and Hans F4uessig (1982). 209 pp. 

Copies of all volumes still in print may be obtained from: 

Bureau of Land Management 

P.O. Box 12000 

300 Booth Street 

Reno, Nevada 39520 
History of Ceqtral Nevada: 

AN OVERVIEW OF THE 

BATTLE MOUNTAIN DISTRICT 

Cul iura1 Resource Series 

Plnnograph No. 4 

Published by the Nevada State Office of the 

Bureau of Land ManarJment 

300 Booth Street, P.O. Box 12000 

Reno, Nevada 89520 

May, 1982 
The -- History -- - of Central -- ~ FJevada by Flartha Bowers and Hans Muessig is the 

fourth in the series of "Cultural Resources Plonographs" published by the 

Nevada State Office of the Bureau of Land i1andget:ient and is the result of a 

contract awarded to Dennett, Pluessis and Associates of Iowa City, Iowa, in 

1930. The contract was administered by Roberta L. RcGonagle, GLI4 Battle 

Mountain District archeologist; editinl; for publication of tlhis, and the 

previous volumes in the series, was by the undersigned. 

Like that of the previous monograph in the series (No. 3: Prehistory, - 

Ethnohistory and History - of Eastern Nevada), ~ the geographical scope of the 

present iTGk is confined to a particular BLM administrative unit, in this 

case, the Battle llountain District of the central part of the state, Unlike 

that study, however, chronological covera5e is 1 iiiii ted to historic times, 

the handful of generations between the entry of the first white trappers, 

explorers and settlers into the study area and the historic present. 

keeping with this limitation the authors of this volume arc historians rather 

than archeologists. History has traditionally received less attention than 

prehistory in Government sponsored "cultural resources" work in the Great 

Basin and it was thought that an historical einphasis would not only partially 

redress the balance but was also likely to lead to the development of a 

framework applicable to future studies beyond the boundaries of Battle Mountain 

District. 

In 

The results appear to us to have fulfilled both these expectations, 

The main miphasis, of course, is on the major thenies which inevitably 

dominate any serious history of the state: oininl;, ranching, agriculture and 

transportation. The authors treatment of these theriies is adciirably succinct 

and well-organized and niakes a worthy contribution to the literature of the 

subject. The History of Central IJevada, however, also has many other virtues. 

Particularly uye-ful, fillini-; lony-sf$Fdinq need, are the descriptions and 

discussion of historical archeological reniains--houses 'I ranch, farm and commercial buildings, and niininq and other industrial structures. Another, is 

the attention paid to such neglected topics (neglected, at least, in Nevada 

and in works of this kind) as rural educational arrangements in the early 

days and vernacular architecture. 

a discussion of local building techniques and is especially interesting and 

rewardi ng. 

The treatment of the latter topic includes 

A major goal of the tnonograph series of which this study is a part is to 

bring together key informtion on Nevada history arid prehistory on a regional 

basis with a view both to providing a context for the results of future research 

and to identifying gaps in the local archeoloqical and historical records. It 

is felt that the authors of the present volume have succeeded admirably on both 

counts. They have also succeeded in writing an interesting and highly readable 

work and it is hoped that its readership will he drawn not only from the professi onal cormuni ty ( governr,ient "cul tural resources" rr;anaqers and professional 

historians and archeologists) but also froi:i the general public, particularly 

present-day residents of the study area with an interest in the way of life 

and considerabl e achi cvemcnt,s of thei r predecessors and in many cases, ancestors 

It wasn't, after all, that long ago. 

Richard C. Hanes, State Archeoloqist 

Fredric F. Petersen, Archeologist 

BLM Mevada State Office 

Reno 

May, 1382 
HISTORY OF CENTRAL NEVADA: 

AN OVERVIEW OF THE BATTLE MOUNTAIN DISTRICT 

BY 

Martha H. Bowers 

and 

Hans Muessig 

Dennett, Muessig & Associates, Ltd. 

Contract No. YA-553-CTO-1024 

Between the 

Bureau of Land Management 

and 

Dennett, Muessig & Asscciates, Ltd. 

Iowa City, Iowa 

1982 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 

Page 

TABLE OF ILLUSTRATIONS . . . * . . . . . . . . iii 

ABSTRACT.. . . . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . . iv 

ORIENTATION ..................... 1 

COLLECTIONS . . . . . e . . , . . . . . . . . . 4 

PAST AND CURRENT INVESTIGATIONS m m o * v 7 

CENTRAL NEVADA: A THEMATIC INTERPRETATION . . . . . 16 

Thesetting. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 

Exploration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 

The Native American Experience . . . . . 21 

Mining: The Context . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 

Mining: The Central Nevada Experience e . . . , 30 

Mining: The Pattern of Development , . . . . . 39 

Mining: The Technology . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 

Landscape and Arrangement of Mining Towns . . 57 

Industry: Non-Mining . . . . . . . , , e . . 59 

Immigrants . . . . . . . . . . , , e . . . . 63 

Commerce . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 

Transportation . . , , . . . . . , . , . . . 71 

Agriculture . . . . . . . . e . . . . . . 77 

Ranchers and Ranches . . . e . . . . . , , . 86 

Town and Valley: Expressions of Community . . . 97 

OCCUPATION AND LAND USE: A SYNTHESIS . . . . , 107 

CULTURAL RESOURCES SURVEY AND MANAGEMENT: OBSERVATIONS 

AND RECOMMENDATIONS . . . . . . . . . , . . . 111 

APPENDIX 

A : CAPSULE HISTORIES OF MINING DISTRICTS AND 

MINERAL OCCURRENCES WITHIN THE BLM-BATTLE 

MOUNTAIN DISTRICT . , . . . . , , . . , . 121 

STATES . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . 143 

B: HISTORIC SITE INVENTORY FOm FROM SELECTED 

C: PROPOSAL FOR REVISION OF BLM HISTORIC SITE 

D: THEIVlATIC APPROACHES TO HISTORICAL/ 

RECORD FORM N6-8111-2 . . . . , , . . e . I . 150 

ARCHITECTURAL RESOURCES , . . . . . . 154 

A NOTE ON HISTORICAL SOURCES . . . . . . . . . , , . 174 

BIBLIOGRAPHY . e . . . . . . . . . . . , , . 179 

ii 
TABLE OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

Page 

Map 1: 

Map 2: 

Map 3: 

Map 4; 

Map 5: 

Map 6: 

Map 7: 

Map 8: 

Map 9: 

The BLM-Battle Mountain District, Nevada . , 3 

Central Nevada Mining Camps, 1862-1869 . , , . 25 

Central Nevada Mining Camps, 1870-1879 . . 26 

Central Nevada Mining Camps, 1880-1899 . , . . 27 

Central Nevada Mining Camps, 1900-1909 , . . 28 

Central Nevada Mining Camps, 1910-1920 . . . 29 

Central Nevada Mining Districts, Camps and 

Towns, 1862-1920 . . . , . . . . , , . 56 

Pony Express and S tage/Freight Stations, and 

Proximity to Present Roads and Highways . . 74 

Mining Districts and Mineral Occurrences, 

BLM-Battle Mountain District, 1862-1940 . . 122 

Graph 1: Aggregate Annual Mining Production, 1865- 

1940: Eureka, Lander and Nye Counties I . . 34 

Figure 1: The Geography of Major Activities in Mining 

Camps.. . . , , I , . , . . . 168 

Figure 2: The Valley Settlement Fattern . . , . 169 

Figure 3: Main Transportation Routes: Location and 

Relocation . . . . , , . . . I . , , . 170 

iii 
ASS TRAC T 

The His toric Cultural Resources Overview for the 

BLM-Battle Mountain District has six major parts, plus four 

appendices. "The Setting" briefly describes the physical 

characteristics of the study area, and relates them to 

aspects of the region's history since the mid-19th century. 

Two following sections discuss past and current resource 

investigations in the Battle Mountain District, and also 

the nature and location of historic research materials. In 

the fourth section, the historical development of the region 

is presented, principal themes being industry (mining and 

non-mining) , transportation, architee ture, agriculture and 

settlement. The fifth section provides a synthesis of land 

use patterns in central Nevada, from the mid-lgth century to 

the present day. The sixth section consists of general 

recommendations for future historic/architec tural resource 

surveys and data management in the Battle Mountain District. 

The appendices include a list of mining districts and mineral 

occurrences, sample historic resource inventory forms from 

other states, a proposed revision of BLM Historic Site Record 

Form N6-8111-2, and, finally, an outline of possible research 

designs and strategies for future study of historic and 

architectural resources in the Battle Mountain District. 

iv 
ORIENTATION 

The Bureau of Land Management's Battle Mountain District 

encompasses major portions of Lander, Eureka and Nye counties 

in the geographical heart of Nevada. The District extends 

over 200 miles from Battle Mountain to Tonopah, and is nearly 

125 miles across at its widest point in Nye county. Three 

major highways cross the District from east to west: 

Interstate 80 through Battle Mountain, U.S. 50 through 

Eureka and Austin, and U.S. 6 through Tonopah. The principal 

north-south highway 4s State 8A, from Battle Mountain through 

Austin to Tonopah. Toiyabe National Forest is located in the 

west-central part of the District, encompassing large portions of the Shoshone, Toiyabe, Toquima and Monitor Ranges. 

A segment of Humboldt National Forest is located on the 

southeastern edge of the Battle Mountain District. The 

District's southern edge is largely defined by the boundaries 

of the Nuclear Test Site south of Tonopah. 

The Battle Mountain District is a land of wide spaces, its small population concentrated in the communities of 

Battle Mountain, Tonopah, Eureka and Austin. Major economic 

activities are mining and the range livestock industry; 

tourism in the area is still limited, but growing. Most of 

the land is under federal jurisdiction, principal exceptions 

being mining patents and ranch holdings. 

In April, 1980 Dennett, Muessig & Associates, Ltd. 

entered into a contract with the Bureau of Land Management 

to prepare a Class I Cultural Resources Existing Data 

Inventory. The report included a Known Cultural Resources 

Site Data Compilation and a Cultural Resource Overview, the 

archaeological components of which were developed by Science 

Applications, Inc. of LaJolla. The present publication has 

been adapted from that larger report, with the history and 

architecture of the Battle Mountain District as the focus. 

The. original report was prepared under the general 

supervision of Dr. Roberta I;. McGonagle, BLM--Battle Mountain 

District Archaeologist. The project historians were Martha H. 

Bowers and Hans Muessig, of Dennett, Muessig & Associates. 

Marie A. Neubauer and Angela Schiller, also of DMA, prepared 

maps and grapriics. 

The investigators owe thanks to many people for their 

assistance in the course of this project, inc1;lding Phillip 

Earl and the staff of the Nevada Historical Society, Reno: 

the staff of Special Collections at the University of Nevada, 

Reno; and Charles Kensler, URS/John A. Blwne, San Francisco. 

Thanks are due also to Patrick Welch,formerly of the BLM-Battle 
2 

Mountain District archaeological staff for his comments on 

portions of this report: to Lowell J. Soike, Chief of the 

Historic Site Survey of the Iowa Division of Historic 

Preservation for his advice and criticism; and to Roberta 

McGonagle for her patience, responsiveness and guidance. 
----_ ----- -- - -- -e- --I I 

I r I 

Map I: The BLM-Battle Mountain District, Nevada 

3 
4 

COLLECTIONS 

The principal repositories for Nevada primary source 

materials (contemporary documents, manuscripts, maps, 

photographs, and published works) are the Nevada Historical 

Society (Reno) , the Nevada S tate Library (Carson City), the 

libraries of the 'Jniversi5y of Nevada (Reno), and the 

Bancrof-t Library (3erkeley) Nevada materials are also 

held by the Huntington Library (San Marino), Yale University 

(New Haven), the Newberry Library (Chicago), the California 

State Library (Sacramento), and the Wells Fargo Bank (San 

Francisco) For the purpose of cultural resource investigation, however, the Nevada repositories contain the bulk of 

the rnos t useful material. Together, the Nevada institutions 

hold a very large quantity of information, but it varies considerably in depth. Mining is the most heavily covered 

topic, while materials on other important sub jec-ts, such as 

agriculture, transportation, social and cultural institutions, 

and architecture, are either very limited or wholly lacking. 

Most important of the Nevada repositories is the Nevada 

Historical Society. Here qay be found a good collection of 

maps (including Sanborn Fire Insurance Company maps of major 

towns, maps of mining districts, and railroad and government 

surveys) and a very fine selection, on microfilm, of local 

newspapers, ranging from Virginia City to Betty O'Neal and 

Round Mountain. The Society's manuscript collection (for 

which there is a published catalog) is large, and features 

such items as business records, oral histories and reminiscences, contemporary documents such as tax receipts and 

brand records, and the personal and business papers of 

important bTevadans. In addition to a good selection of published secondary works on Nevada history, the Society holds 

an extensive photograph zollection. The hundreds of images 

(grouped roughly by subject, and as yet not thoroughly catalogued) include both historic and recent views. They constitute an important visual record of the state's communities , landscape, mining history and agricultural life, 

The University of Nevada, Reno, libraries form another 

valuable source of infcrmation. The large serials holdings 

of the mining library iixlude many articles (usually quite 

technical) on Nevada mining; most usefhl of these are reports 

and publications of the University's own School of Mines. 
5 

The Fleischmann library contaim reports of the University's 

Agricultural Extension Service, and also many federal publications on ranching and other agricultural activities. The 

main library holds theses and dissertations on various 

aspects of Nevada history, and a full range of published 

works. Most valuable is the Special Collections Department. 

The catalog here is very good, and includes maps, photographs, manuscripts, a special listing of Nevada materials 

located throughout the University's library system, and also 

a catalog of Nevada materials held at other institutions. 

The range of materials, however, does not equalthat of the 

Historical Society. Maps generally cover wide areas of the 

West, and thus do not contain the local information most 

useful in cultural resources work. The photograph collection 

is smaller than the Society's, and emphasises the Comstock: 

thus there are few images from the Battle Mountain District. 

The Nevada State Library, Carson City, is the repository for published state documents. Historically, Nevada 

state government saw little need to publish extensive reports 

on the activities of its officials, departments and agencies, 

so the resulting coverage is somewhat uneven. Farticularly 

useful, however, are reports of state agencies appended to 

the biennial reports of the state legislature. These agency 

reports are also bound together by department or agency. 

Of greatest potential use are reports from the Superintendent 

of Public Instruction, Secretary of State, Labor Commissioner, 

the State Engineer, Bank Examiner and Surveyor General. The 

Library has an extremely limited map collection, and no 

photograph collection. The Library's Nevada Room, however, 

is worth noting. This room holds a broad collection of published secondary works on state history, including city 

directories, magazines, books and pamphlets. Much of this 

material is available at other institutions, but in the 

Nevada Room it is housed in open (rather than closed) stacks, 

which from the researcher's point of view are excellent for 

browsing. 

The Nevada State Archive (Carson City) also contains 

state government publications. However, the Archive is not 

really set up as a public research institution, being, 

instead, a reference facility for the state legislature. At 

the State Land Office (Carson City) are the original maps and 

notes from the 19th century township surveys of Nevada. 

As noted above, the collections of Nevada institutions 

constitute by far the most useful sources of information for 

cultural resource investigation, particularly for the Battle 

Mountain District. At the University of California's 
Bancroft Library, the most useful items are the Mining and 

Scientific Press (which feature, among other things, articles 

on technological developments and reports on mining activity 

throughout the West) and reports of major mining companies - 

(many of which are an microfilm and thus available through 

inteElibrary loan). 

lections, while extensive, place emphasis on California, the 

The Bancroft's map and photograph cG1- 

West at large, and, in Nevada, on the Comstock. The Wells, 

Fargo Bank's History Room is of very limited usefulness with 

regard to the Battle Mountain District. The company's business records are not open to the public, and its collections 

are heavily biased in favor of California. 
7 

PAST AND CURRENT INVESTIGATIONS 

Historical investigations within (or including) the 

Battle Mountain District have to date taken two forms. The 

first, represented by Welch (1979) and Goodwin (1966) is the 

historical narrative, organized more or less thematically. 

Goodwin's work is developed around the Hwnboldt River and its 

sub-basins, and only the sections on the Battle Mountain, 

Reese River, and Pine Valley sub-basins are pertinent to the 

Battle Mountain District. Goodwin's emphasis is on trails, 

railroads and mining. He provides an enormous amount of 

detail, but it is not always well organized nor always pertinent to an understanding of past or existing cultural 

resources. Welch covers more territory, geographically 

speaking, and his narrative is more readable than Goodwin's. 

Whereas Goodwin's practical intent is not entirely clear, 

Welch has at least attempted to place known cultural 

resources within some historic context. Welch's observations 

on the nature of available documentation, and the resulting 

bias in his (and other writers') work toward mining and the 

19th century, are well taken. The principal shortcoming of 

these studies is that they simply assemble data. There is 

no attempt to evaluate the data nor interpret them in terms 

of understanding the potential significance of a given cultural resource or group of resources. 

The second form of historical investigation to have 

included areas of the Battle Mountain District is exclusively 

site-oriented. The BLM's own, on-going inventory consists in 

large part of recording resources as found in the course of 

regular field work. Many of these resources have not been 

researched, but have simply been described and mapped. 

Others have not been visited at all. Exceptions are sites 

included in the Bureau's Recreation Inventory System, which 

have been researched, although to a very limited extent.. 

Another "field oriented" investigation is that being carried 

out by URS/John A. Blume & Associates (San Francisco) for the 

Department of Energy. Although this investigation (on-going 

since 1965) is for the purpose of determining effects of 

ground motion (from underground nuclear testing) on structures of all types and ages, it has resulted in three documents of limited distribution that among other things record 

physical characteristics of many his toric resources, 

While the historic site recording projects of BLM and 

URS/Blume tend to emphasize site description over library 

research, other pro ects err in the opposite regard. Mordy 

good, though brief, data, but lacks, or gives only very 

cursory attention to, information on the sites as they 

and McCaughey's (19 2 8) inventory of historic sites contains 
8 

presently exist. Texas Tech's Nevada Historic Engineering 

Site study (1979-80) has also not benefited from field investigation, except in a very few cases, mostly in and around 

Virginia City. Given the continuing attrition of Nevada's 

cultural resources, the lack of proper descriptive data is 

a serious shortcoming. It is, however, understandable, since 

these resources are scattered throughout am enormous land 

area, in difficult terrain and often accessible only by foot, 

horseback, or four-wheel-drive vehicle. 

The formal recognition of historic resources is limited 

for the most part to the National Register of Historic 

Places and the Nevada Historical Markers Program. 

Register properties within the Battle Mountain District 

number only eight (four are in process), a number which does 

no justice to the area's historical resources. The State 

Marker Program selects sites using criteria largely based 

upon those for the National Register. These sites are given 

interpretive markers and in some cases, fences to inhibit 

(if not prevent) vandalism. The list of marked sites is 

periodically updated, and the State Historic Preservation 

Office publishes guidebooks on the sites for interested 

Nevada residents and tourists. 

National 

While the historical investigations described here have 

their merits, they do not, individually or collectively, 

function adequately as tools for comprehensive and informed 

historic cultural resources identification. Such an identification program should combine, in equal measure, systematic 

field investigation, physical inspection and description by 

qualified professionals, photographic recording, historical 

research *(both site-specific and contextual) and rigorous 

evaluation of each resource or group of resources in terms 

of integrity, historical association, and architectural form. 

One or another of these elements is found in each of the 

projects described here. However, only the BLM's Cultural 

Resource Evaluation System (CRES) makes any attempt to 

evaluate resources according to formal criteria or guidelines, 

and application of this system (which emphasizes levels of 

protection to be given various sites) has been seriously 

hampered by lack of adequate data from which to make informed 

judgments. To its credit, BLM has not assigned CRES ratings 

arbitrarily, but the very large number of resources rated SO 

(insufficient data) does not form a particularly useful data 

base for management. 

Besides methodological shortcomings, these various 

historical investigations also lack, for the most part, 

coherent research design. This lack in URS/Blume's work is 

understandable, since Blume's recording projects are 
9 

fundamentally ground-motion, rather than cultural resource, 

studies. Welch's overview of the BLM Shoshone and Eureka 

planning districts is the best historical treatment of the 

area to date, but as Welch himself recognizes, it is only 

an introduction. Goodwin overwhelms the reader with historical trivia, and his work is largely useless as a planning 

document. Mordy and McCaughey offer simply a descriptive 

list (much like Stanley Paher's Nevada Ghost Towns and Mining 

Camps (1970)) of places, useful as a reference but again not 

grounded in serious historical analysis. While it has collected some worthwhile information, Texas Tech's historic 

engineering site survey lacks an overall framework for identification and selection of sites, and did not include an 

adequate program of field investigation. 

None of the past or current historical investigations in 

the Battle Mountain District has addressed the fundamental 

problem of how to distinguish historic resources from historical remains. The various researchers and investigators 

have produced lists of towns, camps, mines, roads, ranches 

and other sites, with a number of such remains recurring 

repeatedly; but the reasons for including any given site 

are not clearly stated, or not discussed at all. A site 

does not achieve historic significance simply by having 

existed at some time in the past. 

cant resource must demonstrate qualities of integrity, proper 

degree of association with persons. events or developments of 

documented, and rigorously analyzed, importance, and/or must 

contribute substantially and clearly to an understanding of 

past lifeways and material culture. To date, a framework for 

applying these criteria has not been established for the 

Battle Mountain District. 

An historically signifiTreatment of the Battle Mountain District's cultural 

resources as architecture has been almost totally neglected. 

Given the fact that few structures within the District 

demonstrate the architectonic forms and attributes considered 

important within the academic community of architectural 

historians, this is understandable. Vernacular, or folk 

architecture tends to fall "between the cracks" of traditional 

architectural history and traditional historical writing, but 

this is a shortcoming of those disciplines, rather than of 

vernacular architecture. Of all the historical investigations 

known to have included the Battle Mountain Gistrict, only 

URS/Blume's have addressed cultural resources from the 

architectural viewpoint. 

preliminary typology for vernacular architecture within its 

study area, although the firm has not gone beyond basic 

description of various architectonic forms and use of 

materials. While only a beginning, this work deserves 

URS/Blume has even developed a 
10 

further consideration as a possible basis for developing an 

understanding of the Battle Mountain District's historic 

architectural resources. 
11 

CULTURAL RESOURCE RESEARCH AND INVESTIGATION PROJECT S'ciMMARY 

1. 

2. 

3- 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

a. 

9. 

10 * 

Project Title: Nevada. Historic Engineering Sits 

Inv en-t ory 

Principnl Investigator(s) : Dr. Joseph E. Minor (director, 

History of Engineering Frogram, Texas Tech University, 

Lubbock). Also Donald Abbe, et. al. staff researchers. 

Sponsoring Institution: Heritage Conservation & 

Recreation Service, through the Nevada Division of 

Historic Preservation; and Texas Tech 

Dates of Field Work: 1979 

General Location of Field Work: State of Nevada 

Purpose of Field Work: To develop a computerized inventory of significant historic engineering sites in the 

state of Nevada. 

Field Procedures and Techniques: 

-mailing of questionnaire to knowledgeable persons in 

-preliminary research to identify potential sites 

-selection of a limited number of sites for field 

-storage of basic information in machine-retrievable form 

Nevada 

investigation 

Project Results: 

-computer printout inventory of over 1000 historic 

-preparation of several National Register nominations for 

-individual site files of documentary and field information 

engineering sites in Nevada 

submission to the Nevada SHPO 

Evaluation of Project: Because the inventory was developed 

principally through secondary library researih (Paher 

(1970) for example), the survey lacks both conprehensive- 

- 

ness and field data. Survey is biased toward the larger 

towns and mining districts, and includes nany "obiitzrated" 

sites at the expense of yet-unidentified sites that may be 

far more intact, and thus of more use in developing an 

understanding of the varieties 0: technology ts be found 

in Nevada ' s historical past. 

Records ( i. 2. , reports, notes, and collections ) : Field 

notes, photographs, research materials are available in 

the History of Engineering Program, Texas Tech University, 

Lubbock. 
12 

CULTURAL RESOURCE RESEARCH AND INVESTIGATION PROJECT SUMMARY 

1. 

2. 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

8. 

9. 

LO I 

Project Title: Recreation Inventory System (Sightseeing) 

Principal Investigator(s) : BLM staff 

Sponsoring Institution: BLM, Battle Mountain District 

Dates of Field Work: On-going 

General Location of Field Work: Throughout Battle 

Mountain Dis tric t 

Purpose of Field Work: To identify, describe, and 

evaluate (for sightseeing potential) cultural resources 

that appear to have historical significance or interest. 

Field Procedures and Techniques : 

-background historical research 

-site investigation, description, photographs 

Project Results: A series of short descriptive reports 

on several hundred sites of potential public interest, 

ranging from mining camps to ranches, roads, ruins, and 

stagecoach stations. Presumably these reports can be 

used in developing plans for historic site interpretation, sightseeing, etc. The Tonopah Planning Unit's 

summary is separate from that of the Shoshone-Eureka 

unit . 

Evaluation of Project: Does not pretend to be a comprehensive summary of the district's cultural resources, 

but does contain some good descriptive information, 

Photographs are simply color snapshots, and do not serve 

as a proper photographic record of the buildings and 

structures, but do serve as information sources for the 

immediate future. 

Records (i-e., reports, notes, and collections): Field 

notes and photos for Shoshone-Eureka areas are on file 

at the Battle Mountain District office, as is a copy of 

the Tonopah URA report. Field notes and photos for the 

Tonopah URA are at Tonopah. 
13 

CULTURAL RESOURCE RBEARCH AND INVESTIGATION PROJECT SUMMARY 

1. 

2. 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

8. 

9. 

10. 

Project Title: Nevada Historical Sites 

Principal Investigator(s): Brooke D. Mordy and Donald 

McCaughey, Western Studies Center, Desert Research 

Institute 

Sponsoring Institution: State of Nevada, Department of 

Conservation & Natural Resources 

Dates of Field Work: 1967-68 

General Location of Field Work: State of Nevada 

Purpose of Field Work: To provide a basic, beginning 

inventory of Nevada's historic resources; to incorporate 

Preservation plan (Volume 11). 

Field Procedures and Techniques: 

-1i terat ur e search 

-photographic recording 

- 

a portion of this work into the state's Historic 

ated ii 

Project Results: 

-an inventory of apgroximately 1000 sites, lo all 

parts of the state- (including Lander, Nye and Eureka 

Counties) ; published as Nevada Historic Sites in 1968 

by the University of Nevada, Reno. 

Evaluation of Project: Emphasis is on the towns and 

townsites featured in nearly every other local historical 

work on Nevada. Brief historical accounts, lacking useful information about past or existing condition of 

physical remains. No architectural discussion. The work 

serves as a handy reference, but does not in any way 

function as a proper inventory or planning tool. 

Records (i.e., reports, notes, and collections): 

-photographs and research notes on file at Desert 

Research Institute 
14 

CULTURAL RESOURCE RESEARCY AND INVESTIGATION PROJECT SUMMAliY 

1. 

2" 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

8. 

9. 

10, 

Project Title: Survey of Historic Sites: Southern 

Nevada and Death Valley (JAB-99-121) (1980, draft) 

Principal Investigator( s) : Charles Kensler, URS/John A. 

Blme & Associates, Engineers, San Francisco 

Sponsoring Institution: DOE-Nevada (Las Vegas) 

Dates of Field Work: 1977 (principally) 

General Location of Field Work: Central-southern Nevada, 

west into Death Valley 

Purpose of Field Work: To compile an inventory of 19th 

and early 20th century buildings and structures that 

appeared to have some cultural-value, to record these 

and to evaluate the effect of ground motion from underground nuclear testing upon them. 

Field Procedures and Techniques: 

-extensive interviews with local persons, groups, agencies 

knowledgeable about the area 

-background secondary-source examination, using such works 

as Angel's and Elliott's histories of Nevada, and Paher's 

book on ghost towns 

-field inspection,, utilizing helicopters, airplanes and 

four-wheel-drive vehicles; recording of structures 

including measurements, detailed description of materials 

and methods of construction; extensive photographic 

coverage 

Project Results: 

-limited-distribution (for official use only) report, 

still in draft form, that presents the building 

descriptions, brief historical data, and an introduction 

that attempts to develop a typology for some of the 

area's vernacular architectural remains. 

Evaluation of Project: This is by far the best historic 

site investigation to have been conducted in the Battle 

Mountain District. Sites are carefully described in a 

professional manner, and often are placed in historical 

context. The introduction includes a brief, but highly 

pertinent, discussion of materials and methods of 

construction. 

Records (i. e. , reports, notes, and collections) : Field 

notes, photographs, intervizw transcripts on file at 

URS/Blume, San Francisco. 
15 

CULTURAL RESOURCE RESEARCH AND INVESTIGATION PROJECT SUMMARY 

1. 

2. 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

8. 

9. 

10. 

Project Title: Inventory of Structures: Southern 

Nevada; Inventory of Structures; Central Nevada 

Principal Investigator(s) : Various staff of URS/John A. 

Blue and Associates, Engineers (San Francisco) 

Sponsoring Institution: DOE-Nevada (Las Vegas) 

Dates of Field Work: 1964-69 

General Location of Field Work: South and Central 

Nevada 

Purpose of Field Work: To locate, document and observe 

structures and facilities surrounding the Nevada Test 

Site and the Nuclear Rocket Development Station, for the 

purposes of evaluating the possible effect of ground 

motion resulting from nuclear or rocket testing. 

Field Procedures and Techniques: Interviews with 

representatives of public agencies, private organizations, 

and individuals; on-site inspection for description and - 

photographing of resource. 

Project Results: Two reports , JAB-99-43A and JAB-qq-kbA, 

which have limited distribution, and which include, among 

other things not germane to a cultural resources overview, brief physical descriptions of buildings and structures , estimated construction dates, and locational 

information given in terms of latitude and longitude. 

Evaluation of Project: It is not clear from the information made available to this researcher just how sites had 

been selected for study. The chief value of these first 

two reports (see summary of URS/Blume's "Survey of 

Historic Sites: Southern Nevada and Death Valley") is 

that they provide some useful ir,formation about building 

types and materials found in the neas of their concern. 

Lack of photos in the reports is a problem. 

Records (i .e. , reports, notes, and collections) : Field 

records, photographs, and other materials are on file 

(but not, we believe, available to the public) at URS/ 

Blume, San Francisco. 
16 

CENTRAL NEVADA : A THEMATIC INTERPRETATION 

The Setting 

Central Nevada lies in the western portion of the Great 

Basin, a region of block-faulted mountain ranges oriented 

primarily in a north-south direction. Lower spurs branch 

between the major ranges, forming enclosed basins and long, 

broad valleys, most 5000 feet or more above sea level. 

Considered a true desert, the region receives little rainfall 

{often less than 10 inches per year) due to the barrier 

against Pacific s tormfronts f omed by the Sierra Nevada along 

the western edge of the state. The climate is thus quite 

dry, with bright, hot summers and often harsh winters. 

Soils of central Nevada vary according to such factors as 

parent rock, degree and direction of slope, drainage characteristics and amount of rainfall. Most common are welldrained gravelly soils, coarse to medium in texture, that 

form on the lower reaches of alluvial fans and on portions 

of thevalley floor. Where the land is flat, soils are silty 

deposits from prehistoric lakes, often strongly saline-alkali 

affected and barren of plant life. 

Dominant forms of natural vegetation are shadscale and 

sagebrush at lower levels, with pinyon and juniper occurring 

at 5000 to 8000 feet, often with an understory of sagebrush. 

Hardy grasses, such as bunchgrass, often grow with, and sometimes dominate, sagebrush. Along watercourses, scattered 

stands of willow or cottonwood may also be present. 

The physical characteris tics of the central Nevada 

landscape greatly influenced the nature of the activities 

that constitute the Battle Mountain District's history since 

the mid-19th century. An arid land covered mostly by sagebrush permitted little agriculture in the crop-raising sense, 

but was sufficient for grazing. Lack of adequate moisture. 

and rich grasses inhibited development of a dairy industry: 

the ranges were suitable only for hardy beef cattle and 

sheep. 

As in other places and other times in American history, 

settleme+it patterns in central Nevada were largely determined 

by the location of fresh water. Ranches were established at 

springs, and in the foothills where streams flowed down from 

the mountains. Mining camps and towns, however, were located 

where ore was found, within the mountain ranges. Many suffered from lack of sufficient water to meet hwnan and industrial needs. In those circumstances, camps were either 

short-lived, or acquired water through construction of pipe- lines and aqueducts, 
17 

Geologic activity, particularly during the late Tertiary 

period, has had a profound impact upon central Nevada history. 

The upthrust of the fault-block ranges, in chains running 

north-south, was accompanied by mineralization that left rich 

deposits of gold--and above all, silver. As a result, much 

of the history of Nevada is centered around the history of 

mining--the extraction and processing of ores. 

California in the 1840's and 1850's, however, where gold was 

often found in easily-worked placer deposits or readily processed with stamp mills, Nevada's silver required high 

degrees of capital investment and sophisticated technology. 

The basic fact--that silver was particularly difficult to 

extract and requiEd extensive processing--meant that Nevada 

mining history would be characterized by technological innovation, such as amalgamation and smelting; by high proportions 

of foreign-born miners from such areas as Wales, Ireland and 

Cornwall that had long histories of mining activity; and by 

almost "factorylike industrial relations 'I between corporate 

owners and the miners (Paul 1963:57). 

Unlike 

Like water, wood was also a scarce resource in central 

Nevada, limited largely to the pinyon and juniper of the 

mountain ranges. Charcoal kilns, still to be found in the 

District, represent one of wood's most important economic 

roles in the area's history--as a source of charcoal to fuel 

the ore smelters. The scarcity of wood played a role in 

encouraging the development of a few rather large smelters, 

rather than many small ones, thus contributing further to the 

corporate character of Nevada's mining his tory. Limited 

supplies of wood for building resulted in another phenomenon: 

as people left one dying mining town for one with better 

prospects, they of ten dismantled their houses and store 

buildings, and reconstructed them at the new site. 

The character of the land has thus constituted the principal factor in the way central Nevada has developed since 

the first explorers followed the Hwnboldt across the country 

to California. This theme will move like a thread through 

the larger thematic treatment that follows. Although the 

impact of this severe climate has been to some extent mitigated by transportation and technological developments, the 

land is still desert country, and its history and the lifeways of its inhabitan-k , past and present, must be understood 

within the environmental context, 
18 

Exploration 

"I started about the 22nd of August 1826, from the Great 

Salt Lake . . . for the purpose of exploring the country S.W. 

which was unknown to me . . ." (Goetzmann 1966:130) 

The written record of Anglo-American exploration in 

central Nevada begins with this letter from J'edediah Smith 

to William Clark, then superintendent of Indian Affairs in 

St. Louis. Smith, a trapper and partner in the Rocky 

Mountain Fur Company, reached California late in 1826, after 

a journey which took him south from Salt Lake to the 

Colorado, then along the river to the Mojave valley, where he 

entered California. Smith's return passage, in the spring 

and summer of 1827, included travel in a northeasterly direction from near Walker Lake, on a route roughly corresponding 

to today's US 6 across the southern portion of the central 

Nevada region (Goetzmann 1966:133-4). 

through central Nevada in the 19th century, and though it was 

first recorded, it was the last to be developed. More pro- mising was the Humboldt valley, explored by Smith's Canadian 

rival Peter Skene Ogden in 1828-29, and retraced in 1833 by Joseph Walker (Goetzmann 1966 : 136, 151) , The Humboldt was, 

of the two routes, by far the most direct and hospitable path 

to California. Its utility as an emigrant route to the 

Pacific was demonstrated by the Bidwell-Bartelson party in 

1841, followed by J. B. Chiles going east in 1843 and the 

Stevens-Murphy party in1844. Seven years later, George 

Chorpenning opened the first California-Salt Lake mail route 

through the Hwnboldt valley (Hafen 1926:63-66, Welch 1979:8). 

While the first two routes across central Nevada were 

first recorded by trappers and traders seeking new sources of 

beaver and other furs, the third was located by another breed 

of explorer. From about 1840, exploration in the far west 

was "characterised by its clear relationship to national 

political and economic aspirations" (Goetzmann 1966:232). The 

federal government directed these quests, and the soldiers, 

scientists and engineers who conducted them had very specific 

questions to ask of the land. In the 1840's basic problems 

included establishing relations with Indian tribes, locating military and supply routes, and reconnoitering potential 

battlegrounds as preliminaries to a war with Mexico. Once 

that war was concluded, the government expanded its scope of 

inquiry to include, in the 1850's and 1860's, geological and 

Smith's route was one cf three major east-west roads 
19 

topographical investigations and identification of possible 

routes for a transcontinental railroad. 

The first government expedition, led by John C. Fremont, 

was a military reconnaissance which in 1845 moved into the 

study area in a southwesterly direction to Diamond Valley, 

and then south along the Toiyabe range through Big Smoky 

Valley (Goetzmann 1966:250-252; Elliott 1973:44-45). A 

later expedition was led by Lt. E. G. Beckwith of the 3rd 

Artillery, who continued John Gunnison's railroad survey 

along the 38th parallel across the Great Basin to California 

in 1854 (Welch 1979:5-6; Goetzmann 1966:288). That same 

year, John Reese, ascou-t for Col. E. Steptoe, reconnoitered 

the central Nevada valley which later bore his name. 

In 1859, Capt. James Simpson led an expedition through 

the region that resulted in establishment of a third route 

through central Nevada. Accompanied by Howard Egan, who had 

explored the area previously (Welch 1979:6), Simpson located 

a route from Camp Floyd, Utah, to Genoa, Nevada. Although 

this route proved unsuitable for a railroad, an expedition 

participant, Geologist Henry Engelmann, was able to develop "a 

complete transcontinental profile from the Missouri to the 

Pacific" (Goetzmann 1966:309). The route was, however, 

suited to wagon traffic, "such an improved route" that it was 

quickly adopted by George Chorpenning's mail line, which had 

been established originally along the Humboldt (Goetzmann 1966 

293; Welch 1979:6). Known as the Egan-Simpson or Central route, 

this road achieved nationwide publicity in 1860, with the 

inauguration of Russell, Majors and Waddell's Pony Express 

mail service between San Francisco and Independence. The 

service was short-lived (April 1860-October 1861), but it 

demonstrated the importance of the Central route--John 

Butterfield's Overland Mail and Stage Co. was rerouted along 

it in March 1861--and became almost instantly part of 

American folklore (Hafen 1926:165ff; Welch 1979:lO). 

The stations of the Pony Express and early Overland on 

the Central route were perhaps the earliest structures associated with the Euro-American presence in Central Nevada. 

Within the study area there were eight, from Smith Creek on 

the west to Diamond Spring on the east (USDOI, BLM 1975). 

The old Pony Express route has been marked by BLM, and 

archaeological investigation of two stations to the west (in the 

BLM Carson City District) has resulted in information about 

the structures themselves and about the lifestyles of the 

company employees who staffed them (Hardesty 1979). The 

stations within the study area have not been as closely 

examined, and there is but limited information about their 

present condition. As part of the national iconography they 
20 

are eminently deserving of further study. 

also important in a more local sense, for the Pony Express 

brought to central Nevada the first of numerous stage and 

freight stations that by the early 20th century could be 

found along major (and often minor) roads and trails throughout the region. This aspect of central Nevada history is 

dealt with below, but it is necessary to establish the Pony 

Express and early Overland stations as being simply the first 

manifestations of a long Euro-American effort to develop 

travel and transportation in a difficult and largely unpopulated environment. 

The stations are 
21 

The Native American Experience 

Development of the Humboldt and Central routes, although 

they were at first only narrow paths through a very wide land 

and were used by travellers simply passing through, had profound implications for the native inhabitants. These were 

the Paiute and Shoshone, who in family groups hunted small 

game, gathered seeds and pinyon nuts, and set up camps at 

many of the springs rising in the foothills or from the 

valley floors. Prior to white occupation, the Western 

Shoshone dominated most of the central Nevada region, with 

southern Paiutes controlling the extreme southern end of the 

area (Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976c:7). For the 

Shoshone, the land along the Humboldt near Battle Mountain 

was a "central area for rabbit drives, antelope drives and 

festivals" (Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976a:83). The 

Reese River valley, with its year-round stream, was another 

focal point of Shoshone life, part of a seasonal cycle of 

migration that included springtime in Smith Creek valley, and 

summer in Ione valley and Reese River (Inter-Tribal Council 

of Nevada 1976a:89-90). 

Although attention of whites along the Humboldt and 

Central routes was directed at first far beyond this area 

of Nevada, the impact of travelers was immediate and negative. 

Emigrants en route to California soon depleted game along 

the Humboldt (Forbes 1969:50). Farther south, the Pony 

Express and Overland stations, though they were few in number, 

expropriated for their own use many of the Indians' most 

important food-gathering sites. The Overland had "a monopoly 

of the grass . . . to feed their stock, which deprived [the 

Shoshone] of the seed which they had . . . used as an article 

of food" (Forbes 1967:80). By 1861, only a few years after 

George Chorpenning had opened the Central route, Indian 

resentment over loss of food sources was obvious er,ough to 

have drawn attention from the military. Several Pony Express 

stations were attacked in May 1860, although they were 

promptly rebuilt and business carried on as before (USDOI, BLM 

1975:36ff). Certainly the Indians resented the white presence, 

and food shortages were very real. In November 1861, 

G. Wright reported to the Assistant Adjutant General that 

"were it not for the starving conditions of the Indians, no 

fears need be entertained about their committing depredations" 

(Report to the Secretary of War 1889, 20 Nov. 1861, n.p.>. 

The government moved swiftly to arrange treaties with tribes 

all across northern and central Nevada (Connor to Drum, 

27 Oct. 1863, in Report to the Secretary of War, 1889). 

Although the government somewhat belatedly established 

reservations for Northern Paiutes near Pyramid and Walker 
22 

Lakes in 1875, Indians in central Nevada were left to fend 

for themselves until well into the 20th century. 

lands overrun with miners, ranchers and farmers, the Shoshone 

and Paiute were forced to abandon their traditional huntinggathering lifeways and rely instead on the white economy 

(Forbes 1969:61). 

laborers, herders or cowhands, and women as house servants 

(Forbes 1969:60, 61; Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976a: 

89, 91). Many more, however, gathered at she edges of white 

population centers, where, according to a census enumerator 

in 1880, they had "no regular occupation but do everything in the way of wood chopping and chores among families such 

as washing etc. the government does not support them" 

(Federal census, 1880, Eureka County). Census takers in 1880 

counted significant concentrations of Indians in the Austin 

area, Grass, Big Smoky and Reese River valleys, and "working 

for whites" in and around Belmont and Tybo. Although most 

were simple laborers, ranch hands, or wholly unemployed, 

Indians in the Eureka area, at least,found work as hunters 

(Alpha, Pine Station and Mineral Hill, for example). In at 

least one mining camp, Ellsworth, Indians worked at the 

"pans, settlers, concentrators and furnaces" of the mill 

(Angel 1881:523). Regardless of their employment, however, 

native peoples remained on the fringes of white society: 

census enumerators seldom bothered to take their names (real 

or Anglo), and in one case referred to a native community as 

containing "125 head" (Federal Census, 1880, Nye County). 

Not until the 20th century did the federal government 

make specific provision for native peoples in central Nevada. 

In 1917, a "colony" was established near Battle Mountain, and 

under the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 the government 

bui.lt houses, and later a community center, there (InterTribal Council of Nevada 1976a:84). The Shoshone of Reese 

River, although invited to move to the Duckwater area in the 

1870's, refused. Their tenacity was rewarded in 1934, when 

the Yomba Reservation was established in upper Reese River, 

on which the Shoshone have developed cattle herds and grow 

alfalfa (Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976a:gl). 

Their 

Fortunate men found employment as farm 
23 

Mining: The Context 

Very little is known about early mining activity in the 

western Great Basin. Native peoples left stone hammers as 

evidence of their workings in the Wood turquoise mine in the 

Crescent District of Clark County, and other prehistoric 

artifacts have been found in the salt mines of southern 

Nevada. The first organized mining activity of the historic 

period is credited to Franciscan monks, who worked several 

gold placer deposits, silver lode mines, and turquoise 

deposits, also in what is now Clark County, in the late 

l7OO's. Indian converts most likely provided the labor for 

these efforts, and the deposits were probably located in 

conjunction with the Spanish establishment of the trail from 

Santa Fe to Los Angeles, In 1849 the Mormons, as part of 

their effort to establish the far-flung "State of Deseret," 

discovered placer gold at the mouth of Gold Canyon, in 

western Nevada, These marginal placers were worked for 

nearly a decade, although by non-Mormons for the most part. 

Mormons were also responsible for early mineral exploration 

in what is now the Yellow Pine District in Clark County. In 

1855 a party of Mormons returning from California on the 

"Old Spa.nish Trail" discovered lead deposits which were 

designated as the Potosi Mine. After several abortive 

attempts at smelting this ore, the Mormons succeeded in 

building a crude furnace at Las Vegas, which produced five 

tons of lead. (Outline of Nevada Mining History, 1964:1, 2), 

The 1850's browt heavy traffic through Nevada, as gold 

seekers, their eyes intent on California, hurried along the 

Humboldt Route to the placer fields opened in the wake of 

the Sutter's Mill discovery in 1848. While the Humboldt 

Valley certainly felt the impact of these travelers , rnc,re 

remote portions of central Nevada remained relatively 

undisturbed. 

In the 1860's, however, Central Nevada was opened to 

widespread exploration and mining operations were begun in 

newly discovered districts in many areas of the state. 

Three important events set the stage for the central 

Nevada boom. First was the discovery of placer gold at 

Sutter's Mill, California, in 1848. This event attracted 

national, and indeed, international attention, and thousands 

came to the state dreaming of California gold. The second, 

related, event was the discovery of the mother lode for 

those mediocre Gold Canyon placers, near the Placerville 

cut-off of the Humboldt Route, In 1859, Henry Comstock 
24 

staked a claim on top of a lode which would bear his name, 

and which would be so rich that 'Tomstock" would be synonymous around the world with gold and silver. This discovery, 

together with the nearly simultaneous discovery of very rich 

placer gold deposits near Pike's Peak in Colorado turned the 

eyes of gold seekers toward the area east of California, and 

during the next decade, these energetic men would explore 

nearly every mile of the dry, rocky Great Basin, as well as 

large portions of Colorado (see note 1). 

Although the search was rewarding in central Nevada, the 

precious metals found there were rarely in the then familiar 

form of placer deposits (nearly pur.e*native gold could be 

extracted with little more than the help of gravity). Whi.le 

there were a few free gold deposits in central Nevada, most 

deposits had much more complex mineralization, and the gold 

was found as sulfates and sulfides, and in conjunction with 

lead, silver, zinc and other elements. Moreover, these 

deposits were hardrock, not placer deposits, and were located 

hundreds of feet under ground in solid beds of rock. These 

deposits required complex technological solutions to problems 

of extraction and reduction. Thus the nineteenth century 

Nevada mining experience was characterized by large amounts 

of capital investment and organized, cooperative labor. 

Nevada's twentieth century mining has taken place 

largely outside of central Nevada; the discovery of gold and 

silver in south-central Nevada at the turn of the century set 

off the state's second period of concentrated discovery and 

development of precious metals districts. This second boom 

lasted about fifteen years. 

World War I and the technological changes of the early 

twentieth century brought with them a different American 

society, dependent on automobiles and electricity, no longer 

predominantly rural. A wide range of raw materials was 

required by this society, and its demand for copper could no 

longer be met entirely by the mines of the upper penninsula 

of Michigan. The first copper mine to operate on a large 

scale in Nevada was near Ely; it began operations in 1903- 

1904. In conjunction with the twentieth century copper boom, 

a significant amount of methodical minerals exploration 

occurred a11 over the state of Nevada. Mostly, these efforts 

have sought to find profitable base metal deposits associated 

with the many abandoned silver, lead, and gold districts. 

Central Nevada mines have also produced some semi-precious 

turquoise, barite, antimony and other industrial minerals in 

the twentieth century. 
25 

mArgenta 

Gah . 1 

LANDER COUNTY 

mRavenswd 

pnkee Blade 

Jacobsvle. E$? Canyml City. 

%ton 

'm Geneva 

NYE COUNTY 

=BeM aMwey 

.Hot Ceek 

Grant City. 

.Troy 

L, 

Revdm d 

I i 

Map 2: Central Nevada Mining Camps, 1862-1869 
26 

LANDER COUNTY 

=Xtt =Jeff crson 

.Barcelona 

NYE COUNTY 

Map 3: Central Nevada Mining Camps, 1870-1879 

mDanvik 
27 

i LANDER COUNTY 

EUREKA COUNTY 

Ledlie. 

NYE COUNTY 

Map 4: Central Nevada Mining Camps, 1880-1899 
t 

i 

1 EUREKA COUNTY 

i 

I 

i 

I 

i 

1 . 

LANDER COUNTY 

.Golden 

Ecntral City u .Monarch Manhattan 

&?xter.Sorinq 

NYE COUNTY 

J 

c 9- bmwd iJ 

.Enendale 

~Bellehelen 

.GoMon Arrow 

Silverbow 

Map 5; Central Nevada Mining Camps, 1900-1909 
29 

.mop 

w McCoy 

LANDER COUNTY 

NYE COUNTY 

EUREKA COUNTY 

Map 6: Central Nevada Mining Camps, 1910-1920 
30 

Mining: The Central Nevada Experience 

The first major discovery of precious metals in central 

Nevada took place in Pony Canyon near the Pony Express/ 

Overland road. In May 1862 William Talcott made the initial 

discoveries in what became known as the Reese River District. 

A rush soon developed, and within six months Lander County 

was created from parts of Humboldt and Churchill counties, 

with Jacobsville (soon replaced by Austin) as the seat of 

government. By 1867 there were 11 mills and more than 3,000 

mining claims in the district, despite the fact that the 

district's ore was not effectively reduced until development 

of the Reese River roasting process in 1869. 

In 1865, the Manhattan Silver Mining Company began a 

systematic effort to acquire the majority of the properties 

in the district, beginning with the purchase and rebuilding 

of the Oregon Milling and Mining Company's mill in Upper 

Austin. By operating a large and efficient mill, the 

company hoped to drive other mills out of business, Acquisition of individual mines followed, and by 1877, the 

Manhattan Co. owned and operated all the principal mines and 

mills of Reese River. 

The Manhattan mill closed in 1887, when the value of the 

ore mined and milled by the company became insufficient to 

support the operations. Between 1887 and 1891 the Manhattan 

Co. went through several reorganizations that ended in the 

incorporation of the Austin Mining Company. 

company immediately set to work on two projects intended to 

revive the Reese River District. The first was construction 

of a drainage tunnel (first begun in 1871) from Clifton into 

Lander Hill. The aim was to drain the major mines of the 

district and at the same time provide an efficient means of 

transporting ore to the company's new mill (the second 

revitalization project) at the tunnel's mouth at Clifton. 

The Austin 

These efforts to rejuvenate the district were doomed 

to failure, however, and neither tunnel nor mill was completed as planned. The first setback occurred in 1893 with 

the demonetization of silver and the resultant drop in silver 

prices. The 1896 electoral defeat of William Jennings Bryan, 

a strong advocate of the free coinage of silver, sealed the 

fate of silver mining in Austin as well as many other districts in the west. The final blow to the Austin Mining 

Company came in 1897 when company directors discovered that 

the firm's superintendent, P. T. Farnsworth, had embezzled 

more than $3OO,OOO of the company's bullion and had rerouted 

a great deal of equipment destined for the new Clifton mill 

to his own operations in Utah. These events fatally crippled 

the company, and by autumn of 1898 all the mines in the 
31 

district were decommissioned and abandoned Machinery in the 

Clifton mill was salvaged and the remaining structure 

dynamited (Welch 1979; Goodwin 1966; Angel 1881). 

The Reese River District never measured up to people's 

hopes for another Comstock. The total production of the 

district from 1865 to 1940 amounted to less than $19 million, 

$16 million of this credited to the Manhattan Silver Mining 

Com any. Annual bullion production fluctuated from $500,000 

to $1 million between 1865 and 1885, with $1.5 million in 

1878 being the highest annual production. 

1940, the annual production exceeded $300,000 only twice, in 

1886 and in 1889. 

From 1886 until 

Although the Reese River District was a disappointment 

to the miners and investors, it did prove that central Nevada 

held precious metals, and thus prompted further exploration 

of the area. From Austin, mining discoveries quickly spread 

into upper Reese River Valley and into Big Smoky Valley. In 

1862 the camps of Canyon City, Washington, and San Juan were 

established on the western slope of the Toiyabe Range. On 

the eastern slope Clinton, Geneva, Guadalajara, Kingston, 

Bunker Hill, Park Canyon and Ophir Canyon were established 

in the middle and late 1860's. Prospectors also ranged far 

beyond this region, covering all of central Nevada in their 

search for gold and silver. The dozens of districts they 

opened in the 1860's, some attracting interest for only a few 

months and some for much longer, might be represented by the 

following examples. 

In northern Lander County the Battle Mountain district 

included the towns of' Copper Basin and Galena. Some of the 

ore from this area was very rich, so rich that it proved 

profitable to ship it to Swansea, Wales for smelting (at the 

time, the Welsh had some of the most advanced smelting 

technology available) (Lincoln 1923: 106-107; Stager 1977: 72). 

The Cortez District, southeast of Battle Mountain, vias discovered by prospectors from Austin in 1863. 

principally through the efforts of Simeon Wenban, Cortez 

showed a sporadic production record until well into the 

twentieth century (Lincoln 1923: 86: Emmons 1910: 108), 

Developed 

In central Nye County, the Belmont district was discovered in 1865, and the Hot Creek district ia 1867. Two 

years after the discovery of the Belmont district, the town 

of Belmont became Nye county seat. Although most of the 

mines there were shut down by 1885, Belmont retained its 

political status until 1905, Hot Creek, later part of the 

Tybo district, enjoyed a modest prosperity in the mid and 

late 187O's, its smelters producing large quantities of 

silver and lead. But as the 20th century approached, the 
32 

district's fortunes waned (Angel 1881:519-520, 529; Kral 

1951:191; Lincoln 1923:160, 195). 

Silver was also discovered in the Reveille Range, in 

1866. The Reveille District probably started with great 

promise, and several mills were built. Eleven years later, 

however, the major properties were consolidated under the 

Gila Silver Mining Company and by 1880 the camp was nearly 

abandoned (Angel 1881:526; Lincoln P923:179), 

In the southeast portion of the study area the Troy 

district was discovered in 1867. The town of Troy was laid 

out in 1869 and a British company purchased many of the 

mines. But the 20-stamp mill and furnaces it built shut 

down in 1872 (Lincoln 1923:195). 

During the 1870's there were fewer new districts discovered, and many of these were located near, and geologically related to, districts developed in the previous decade. 

In 1874, the Tybo portion of the Hot Creek district was discovered and was largely responsible for the overall prosperity of that region. The Copper Canyon area of the Battle 

Mountain district also dates from this decade (Kral 1951:191; 

Stager 1977:72). 

Although not initially very promising, the Eureka 

District proved to be the richest mining district discovered 

in central Nevada during the 19th century. Several thousand 

tons of extremely rich ore were mined in the first five 

years after the district was discovered in 1864. However 

this ore could not successfully be reduced by milling, and 

the initial locators lacked the necessary capital or sKills 

to develop alternative reduction methods. Two attempts, in 

1866 and 1868 were made to smelt Eureka ores, but these 

ended in failure, In 1869, Maj. W. W. McCoy built a small 

furnace and demonstrated for the first time that the rich 

silver-lead ore of Eureka could be successfully smelted. 

During the next year several other small smelters were built 

in the district (Angel 1881:430-431), 

The major impact of McCoy's success ves that it convinced outside capitalists that the district was a worthy 

investment. In 1870 the Eureka Consolidated Mining Co. was 

incorporated in San Francisco 'to acquire one yroup of claims 

in the district. The following year the 3ichmond Consolidated 

Mining Co. (also of San Francisco) acquired another group of 

claims, Both companies built large smelters and roduction 

increased dramatically--from $107,900 in 1869 to 8 1.4 million 

in 1870. Eureka's production remained well above the 

million-dollar mark and reached its height of $5,2 million in 

1878. By 1885, however, the major orebodies were exhausted 
33 

and problems of water deep in the mines halted any major 

exploration work for new bodies. 

for the next six years under the leasing system, but the 

district was clearly in decline, the Richmond and Eureka 

smelters closing in 1890-91. A revival started in 1906 with 

the merger of the Richmond and Eureka Companies and construction of a new smelter. It was cut short in S9lO when 

flash floods washed out the railroad between the mines and 

smelte?, and also Eureka's rail Link to the north, 

Eureka and Palisade Railroad. In the 1930's and l95O's, 

several companies conducted explorations in an effort to 

locate new orebodies in the Eureka area, but water still 

proved a problem and little worthwhile ore was found (Nolen 

Limited mining continued 

the 

1962:2-3). 

The decade of the 1890's was generally a time of depresstion for Nevada's mining industry. No major districts were 

developed during this decade, and many districts discovered 

during the 1860's and 1870's were running out, or had already 

run out, of ore that could be profitably mined. In addition, 

the price of silver began to fall in 1891, and fell dramatically with the demonetization of silver in 1893, 

depression can be seen clearly in Graph I (Yearly Production 

of All Districts in Eureka, Lander and Nye counties, 1865- 

1940). Nationally, the focus of the precious metals industry 

shifted to the newly-discovered districts in the Dakotas, 

Idaho and C'olorado during the late 1870's and the two subsequent decades, This shift is suggested by Nevada's population decline between 1880 (59,463) and 1900 (37,119), as many 

people left the state for more prosperous districts. 

This 

Twentieth century mining in Central Nevada opened with 

Jim Butler's discovery of silver on Mt. Oddie in 1900. 

Although the Tonopah mining district was rapidly organized, its location nearly 100 miles from any railroad or sizable 

town hindered development for several years. 

investment frauds and swindles of the 19th century also made 

most outside investors extremely unwilling to invest in an 

unproven district miles from anywhere (see note 2). As a 

result, the first year and a half of mining at Tonopah was 

undertaken by leasing portions of mines to individuals to 

work. Mine owners received 25% of the net proceeds after the 

operating costs. 

for ore were assumed by the lessee, who provided the operating 

expenses. It is interesting to note that, previously, the 

leasing system had been used only in Nevada mining districts 

that were on the decline. 

The many mining 

In this way risks involved in the search 

The operations at Tonopah under the leasing system quite 

clearly showed that the district warranted outside investment 
u 

0 

3 

Z -_ --_ 

Z 

> - +_ 
35 

and the systematic development of the mines that such investment would allow. 

mining promoter, representing several Philadelphia capitalists, arranged to purchase Butler's claims. 

the Tonopah Mining Company was organized. 

claims adjacent to those of the Tonopah Mining Co. 

chased by another group of Philadelphia investors, and 

organized as the Tonopah-Belmont Mining Company. These two 

companies accounted for 60% of the district's total production ($146,336,102) from 1901 through 1940. 

By mid-1901 a Grass Valley (California) 

From these 

In late 1902 

were purThe influx of outside investment served to organize the 

district and increase its production. 

however, transportation of ore to mills in California and 

central and western Nevada, and of supplies and equipment 

into the district, presented a serious problem, In 1904 a 

rail line was completed between Tonopah and the Carson and 

Colorado Railroad 60 miles to the west in Esmeralda County. 

But the Tonopah Railroad (later extended south to Goldfield) 

only served as a partial solution to the district's problems. 

While it became easier to bring equipment and supplies into 

the district, the district's total output was limited by the 

amount of ore that could be shipped out for reduction. 

1906 several mining companies constructed mills to reduce 

ore locally, thus bypassing the transportation bottleneck 

(Kral 1951:passim, Lincoln 1923:184-195). 

Between l9Ol and 1906, 

In 

Tonopah was only the first of several districts discovered in Central Nevada in the first decade of this century. 

In 1902 the Goldfield District, thirty miles south of Tonopah, 

was organized Whereas Tonopah was a silver district, 

Goldfield produced more than $86 million in gold. Within the 

study area several other districts were discovered, although 

none proved as rich as Tonopah or Goldfield. The Bellehellen 

district in central Nye County was discovered in 1905, but no 

production is credited to that district until 1918, and then 

only $29,473. Silverbow was discovered 30 miles south of the 

Bellehelen district in 1904, and shipped its first bullion 

in 1906. There reportedly was a two-stamp mill in operation 

there in 1913, and a larger mill vas built in 1929. The 

production of the district was, however, quite sporadic, and 

"It is believed that the mill operated but a short time" 

(Kral 195~162). 

In 1906 two districts were identified on the western 

slopes of the Toquima Range: 

Although they had rather sporadic records, both of these 

districts had periods of five to seven years when their 

annual production was in excess of $100,000. 

and Manhattan are noteworthy because they represent the first 

Round Mountain and Manhattan, 

Round Mountain 
36 

time placer mining operations had taken place in the state 

on any significant scale. 

Placer mining is relatively rare in Nevada, because 

little of the state's gold occurs in the free form necessary 

for placer deposition. However, there were lode deposits in 

the Round Mountain and Manhattan districts, as well as in 

the Battle Mountain, Bullion, and Hilltop districts (all in 

northern Lander Co.) and in the Union and Twin River districts (Nye co.) that contained significant quantities of 

free gold, and stream characteristics were such in these 

districts that the deposition of placer gold did occur. 

In all but the Round Mountain, Manhattan and Battle 

Mountain districts, these placer deposits were small and 

their yields probably less than $100,000 each. Round Mountain enjoyed an early period of relatively high production 

beginning in 1908 and running through 1919 or 1920. During 

this period several lode mines and numerous placer o erations in the district produced between $250,000 and 8 500,000 

a year. 

with water obtained from a 9-mile pipeline across Big Smoky 

Valley from Jett Canyon (Vanderberg 1936: 133-1454. Manhattan's 

early production record is somewhat more sporadic, exceeding 

$200,000 only three times between 1906 and 1930. Round 

Mountain and Manhattan enjoyed revivals during the 1930's and 

saw large-scale placer mining, 

period of placer mining was between 1938 and 1946, during 

the operation of the Manhattan Gold Dredging Company's 

floating bucket line dredge. The dredge, which floated in a 

pond made from water piped 12 miles from Peavine, worked 

nearly five miles of Manhattan Gulch, creating large mounds 

of tailings in its wake. During its 8 years of operation in 

the district, the dredge recovered 133,000 ounces of gold 

($4.5 million) (Kral 1951:115). 

to an alluvial fan at the mouth of Copper Canyon in the 

Battle Mountain district. Placer gold had been discovered 

in this district in 1909. Because of their depth, most of 

the placers were at first worked by drifts (tunnels) and 

shafts, with several still in operation in the 1930's. As 

in Manhattan, dredging proved the most successful method for 

recovering placer gold in the district. Between 1948 and 

1955 the dredge recovered over 100,000 ounces of gold. 

Between their discovery and 1968, placer gold recovered in 

the Round Mountain district amounted to 232,000 ounces ; 

Manhattan, 210,000 oz.; and Battle Mountain, 156,000 02. 

(Johnson 1973). 

In 1908 several hydraulic monitors were in operation, 

Manhattan's most productive 

In 1947 the Manhattan dredge was taken apart and moved 
37 

Between 1860 and 1940 mining districts of Eureka, 

Lander and Nye Counties produced $279,687,785 in silver, 

gold, lead, zinc, copper, and other metals. Nearly half of 

this production came from the Tonopah district ($146,336,102) . Next highest was the Eureka district ($52,288,0241, and 

Reese River was third ($18,494,209). (Appendix A lists the 

total production of each individual district within the 

BLM Battle Mountain District). 

Many chroniclers of Nevada history have tried to make 

some order out of the state's mining history by identifying 

several periods characterized by the level of production. Using this approach they describe two cycles in the state's 

mining industry. The first begins in 1849 and ends in 1899. 

It is further divided into four periods: Discovery (1849- 

1868), Prosperity (1869-1880), Decline (1881-1891) and 

Depression (1892-1899). 

opening of the 20th century and is also divided into 

periods: Discovery (1900-1907), Prosperity (1908-1918), 

Decline (1919-1934) and Revival (1935-) (for example see 

"Outline of Nevada Mining History, 1964:1, 13-24). Because 

these periods and cycles are based on annual production 

they are, in effect, a chronicle of the seven largest 

districts in the state: the Comstock, Reese River, Eureka, 

and Pioche during the early cycle, and Tonopah, Goldfield 

and Ely during the later cycle-. The production histories 

of these large districts tend to overshadow those of the 

many smaller districts. 

total dollar value of that production are interesting 

aspects of the state's mining history, characterization of 

that history or the history of a single-mining district 

solely on this basis can lead to oversimplification of a most 

complex subject. 

company investors and stockholders, and to city, county, 

state and federal tax collectors because they represent the 

final return in a lengthy and complex industrial process. 

However, these figures shed little, if any, light on the 

type and scale of human activity that occurred in mining 

districts, or on remains from that activity. While production figures determined the siqnificance of a district as a 

producer of metals, it will be the technological, economic 

and social history of mining and associated activities in 

the district that should be the central issue in determining 

the cultural significance of a mining district. 

The second cycle begins with the 

And while production history and the 

Production figures were (and are) important to mining 

In order to familiarize the reader with the pattern of 

events occurring over the lifetime of a mining district, the 
38 

next section will putline in general terms the history 

of' a "typical'$ mining district in central Nevada during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Although not a 

chronicle of any particular district, it should provide a 

basic framework within which individual districts can be 

studied (for short historical summaries of each district 

within the study area, see Appendix A). The final section 

of the chapter will discuss the mining technologies used in 

central Nevada during this period. 
39 

Mining: The Pattern of Development 

Development of most 19th century mining districts 

followed essentially the same pattern: discovery; exploitation and possibly abandonment; consolidation and the development of industrialized mining; decline: abandonment (or 

revival) 

Initial discovery was seldom made by professional 

exploration geologists, but rather by self-trained, or 

untrained, individuals. As a result, luck played a more 

important role in the discovery of a district than did any 

knowledge of mineralogy or orogenesis. Lack of such knowledge was not, however, crucial. These prospectors were 

seeking precious metals deposits, and the location of such 

deposits required knowledge of only a limited range of 

mineral types. 

Discovery of a district quickly touched off a rush, with 

hundreds or sometimes thousands of people hoping to lay claim 

to a rich piece of ground or to set up lucrative business 

among the miners. The subsequent development of the district 

and its camp(s) has been characterized by historians as 

impermanence, "instability and a high percentage of wasted 

effort" (Paul 1963:lOl). Despite great hope and effort, many 

districts and their associated communities died before they 

were well-established. Most 19th century precious metals 

districts in central Nevada simply were not large enough to 

be very long-lived. 

Almost immediately after discovery and organization of 

a district, some of the original locators sold their claims, 

either to other people in the district or to promoters and 

entrepreneurs who arrived toward the end of the rush, and 

moved on to seek gold and silver elsewhere. The first serious 

mining operations were primitive: their major purpose was to 

remove the richest and most easily-obtained high-grade ore. 

These first mining operations also provided a glimpse of 

the extent of the orebodies in the district. While it was 

rare that any of these first operations went as deep as 100 

feet, it was often possible to gain some idea of the possible 

size and richness of the orebodies at depth. It was at this 

point--three months to perhaps a year after initial discJvery 

and rush--that the district reached its first critical point. 

Problems arose that called into question the pace of future 

development of a district--and possibly its future existence. 

Several of the problems were posed by nature: geographical location of the district, weather, nature of the 

ore, and availability of wood and water. Although few 
40 

districts were totally abandoned because of severe weather, 

the development of many was slowed. Availability of water, 

for milling and for drinking, and of wood, for heating and 

bracing for the mines, could present a difficult problem 

for miners and merchants of the district. As the population 

of the district grew, the few nearby springs or streams 

rapidly became inadequate sources of potable water. Often 

the mines were wet enough to provide water for milling, but 

such water was seldom suitable for human consumption, If 

the mines were very wet, the miners had the expense and 

bother of trying to keep them pumped out. 

Lack of wood began to create problems for the residents 

of a district as soon as easily harvested timber in the 

immediate proximity had been cut. If the ground proved 

unstable at depth, the miners too began to have problems. 

Without wood they could not mine because they could not support the sides and roofs of their workings. 

By far the most serious difficulties, however, could lie 

with the ore itself. If initial work in the district showed 

that the ore was too poor to justify working it, that there 

was not a great deal of it, or that there were metallurgical 

problems with processing it, the district's viability was 

threatened. In the first case the district was abandoned, 

perhaps to enjoy a revival when the price of the metals found 

in the district rose, and/or when milling technology made 

working the ores of the district economically feasible. A 

district which seemed to contain only small amounts of ore 

was not necessarily abandoned forthwith: there were 

generally a few people willing to operate a small mine in 

the hope that more ore would be found. 

Metallurgical problems were usually solved sooner or 

later. Mining and milling on the Comstock had solved the 

problem of reducing ore containing free gold and silver as 

well as sulfides and sulfates. In central Nevada two of the 

largest districts discovered presented distinctly different 

metallurgies: Reese River ores were contaminated with 

arsenic and antimony, and Eureka's were in some cases more 

than half lead. In both cases the richness of the ores 

provided the incentive to develop necessary reduction techniques. Until the Universkty of Nevada developed the cyanide 

milling process in 1896, these three reducti-on processes 

(Washoe pan amalgamation, Reese River roasting and amalgamation, and Eureka smelting) were used throughout the mining 

west with only minor modifications, often making it possible 

to work the ores of a district previously abandoned. 

Before many long-lasting solutions to problems of 

transportation an.d supply were developed, the basic decision 
41 

of whether the district was worth further investment had to 

be answered by many individuals: merchants, investors, 

miners, freighters. All these people made their decisions 

more on faith and hope than on any hard facts regarding 

future prospects. However, if the collective decision was 

that the district was viable, the residents and others 

associated with the district developed a general enthusiasm, 

a "team spirit," about their district. In part this spirit 

was founded in the desire to be part of another Comstock; 

but it also reflected both a desire to put down a few roots 

and the gambler's faith in what seemed to be a winning hand. 

The district having survived its first test--a crisis 

of confidence as much as a test of possibilities--outside 

individuals and companies began to purchase claims and invest 

in larger-scale development. The result was the establishment of far more industrialized mining than had previously 

been the case. It was characterized by well-ordered, highly 

structured organization and the existence of owners and 

financial backers perhaps thousands of miles from the 

operations 

Industrialization affected the mining society as well. 

One principal characteristic of any industrialized society-- 

local, regional or national--is an elaborate division of 

labor between one group of wage earners and shift workers, 

and another group consisting of managers, technicians and 

financiers, As industrialized mining moved into central 

Nevada, the man working at the mine face was no longer able 

to share in the risks and profits of the mine. Instead, he 

received a wage based on the time worked, while others took 

the risks of operating the mine, made the decisions, and 

hoped to share the wealth. Urbanization accompanied the 

rise of industrialized mining as miners brought families 

to the camps, hoping to establish a stable life. The same 

confidence that brought outside investment also encouraged 

merchants to build substantial and permanent business houses 

Industrialized mining also meant construction of largescale reduction facilities in close proximity to the mines, 

Having mills close by the mines obviated the-serious and 

expensive problem of transporting ore outside the district 

for reduction. It also allowed mines to operate on a scale 

limited only by the capacity of the mills, rather than the 

limits of a transportation system, 

Construction of mills within the district relieved one 

source of pressure on the transportation systems serving the 

area, but those systems could be severely tested by the 

industrialization and urbanization of the district, Although 

the material requirements of small and/or short-lived 
42 

districts were never so great that transportation difficulties could not be solved by more teamsters and freighters 

entering the market, such was not the case for the three 

largest, Reese River, Eureka and Tonopah. In all three districts, there was a tremendous need for inexpensive transportation of large quantities of timber and wood, machinery 

of all descriptions, and countless consumer goods. Mine 

owners correctly realized that construction of a railroad 

would lower transportation costs by 60-75%; local businessmen and civic leaders considered a railroad a matter of civic 

pride. Both groups realized that lower freight costs resulting from railroad construction could bring greater profits 

and longevity to the district. Thus Eureka obtained a railroad in 1875; Austin in 1880; Tonopah in 1904. 

The Eureka and Palisade Railroad was originally chartered to haul ore to proposed smelters at Palisade. The construction of numerous smelters in the Eureka District, particularly those of the Richmond and Eureka Consolidated 

companies, renoved this part of the railroad's business. 

However, the railroad earned a considerable amount of revenue 

hauling freight into Eureka and taking bullion and lead inots out. Indeed, in 1880 the railroad reported a profit of 

$248,323 on hauling 40,000 tons of freight to and from 

Eureka. That the mines and smelters were inportant customers 

is apparent from the fact that during 1880 the Eureka and 

Palisade hauled 6,000 tons of coal and 8,600 tons of lumber 

into the district: nearly 2/3 of the total freight. The 

railroad's long-term fortunes were thus intimately tied to 

those of the district; both began their declines in 1885. 

The Nevada Central Railroad, from Austin to Battle 

Mountain, was not completed until production in the Reese 

River district began to fail, At the time of its construction many felt that Austin could not adequately support the 

line. The Nevada Central may have slowed Austin's decline 

somewhat, due to the inexpensive transportation it afforded, 

but in and of itself the line was unable to maintain the 

town's prosperity. 

If there were any lessons to be learned from the experiences of the Nevada Central and the Eureka-Palisade, the major 

one was that to be successful a railroad had to be built 

dLlring the early years of a district's life. The owners of 

the Tonopah Mining Co. fully realized this, and saw too that 

prompt linkage with existing rail transportation would 

facilitate rapid development of the district. Tcnopah's development was indeed swift, and the inexpensive transportation afforded by its railroad was undoubtedly central to 

this success. 
43 

The rise of industrialized mining in a district did not 

necessarily mean that the district was profitable or that 

it would last a long time. There were countless districts, 

begun with high hopes, that grew quickly and then collapsed 

(see Note 3). Often however, industrialized mining meant 

that activity in a district might be prolonged. Industrialization, with its large investment and elaborate sys terns 

of operation and organization, produced a momentum that 

could carry the district well beyond the logical point of 

abandonment. Austin is one example of this effect, albeit 

undocumented. The only thoroughly documented example of this 

phenomenon is White Pine District in eastern Nevada. White 

Pine enjoyed a s ectacular boom in the late 1860's but produced less than $ 10 million in its early years, Hgwever, the 

district held on for nearly 15 years, with heavy investments 

from British syndicates. Eureka and Tonopah probably 

experienced the same slow decline prolonged by renewed 

exploration and development work, though the documentation 

is less complete for these districts. 

The peak of production in a district generally coincided with the industrial phase of development, due in part 

simply to the scale of operations. However, large scale 

mining operations also hastened the exhaustion of the known 

orebodies. The decline was marked first by shrinking bullion 

output, and then by closing of the mines and mills and an 

exodus of people from the district. In larger districts, 

the decline could be long and slow, marked by work force 

reductions and the closing of smaller, less efficient mills. 

The decline could also be slowed by continued or heightened 

exploration and development work. Often another wave of 

consolidation occurred, as a way of more efficiently working 

the mines. If a revival did not take place, a district's 

last gasp could be the resumption, or introduction, of the 

leasing system to work the mines. 

Abandonment of a district brought with it a certain 

amount of dismantling and salvaging. Mine and mill equipment (hoist engines, pumps, s tamp batteries, concentrating 

tables) was often removed and sold for scrap or moved to 

other districts. Merchants and proprietors packed up their 

goods, and sometimes their buildings. What was left behind 

can still tell stories--the mine and nil1 sites tell of the 

efforts men wert willing to make to wrest gold and silver 

from the earth; the town and camp sites still tell of the 

lives of those who worked the mines. 
44 

Mining: The Technology 

Mining technology in the latter half of the 19th century 

and the first part of the 20th century is represented by a 

varied and seemingly chaotic collection of equipment and 

structures that lie scattered throughout the west, abandoned, 

unused and uncared for. Often these remains baffle those who 

must deal with these resources. One danger to such resources 

is the failure of government and the public to understand 

them, or to consider them as evidence of a system of interrelated activi-ties, Failure to understand the basic characteristics of this system, particularly when related sites are 

separated from one another by miles, can lead to resource 

planning that misconstrues the resource, or at worst, to a 

poorly-conceived mitigation plan. 

Lode, or hardrock, mining, historically the most common 

type of mining in central Nevada, consisted of four activities: 1) exploration and development; 2) excavation and 

removal; 3) transportation; and 4) reduction. As we have 

already pointed out, the process of searching for an ore 

deposit was haphazard at best, especially in the 19th 

century. Once a promising outcrop had been discovered, and 

a claim staked, one or more adits or shafts were dug in an 

effort to determine the size, extent, and richness of the 

deposit at depth. Claims staked in areas adjacent to a 

promising outcrop needed to be explored in a similar fashion. 

In the early days of a district much of this exploration 

work was carried out by hand: rock was broken by picks and 

sledges and hauled away in wheel barrows or buckets. A 

mine's first shaft, probably dug by its discoverers, consisted of a hole in the ground with little or no bracing. 

Access up and down the shaft was by ladder; ore and waste 

rock were hoisted out by a windlass. As the shaft was sunk 

deeper, bracing was added as required and the windlass was 

replaced by a whim: a large drum, turned by a mule or horse, 

around which the hoisting cable was wound. Use of blasting 

powder, and later dynamite, significantly improved the rate 

at which tunnels and shafts could be driven. However, until 

the widespread introduction of compressed air drills in the 

late 1880's and early 1890's, holes for the explosives had 

to be laboriously drilled with star drills and sledges. 

As the search for ore ?xtended further out from the 

shaft or main tunnel and as the workings got deeper, it 

often became necessary to make improvements to the mine so 

that the exploration and mining of ore could proceed 

smoothly. This development work could consist of nearly 

anything: widening or straightening of tunnels for more 

efficient waste and ore hauling, retimbering temporary 

exploration tunnels, sinking a new and bigger shaft, or 

installing pumps 
45 

The techniques of mining and removing ore differed 

little from those of driving an exploration tunnel in barren 

rock. Ore or waste rgck was broken up by blasting, loaded 

by hand into cars, and taken out of the mine either up the 

vent shaft or out the main tunnel. 

a great deal of skill, because the goal was to remove as much 

of the ore as possible without the roof caving in. 

narrow vein deposits, particularly those with steep inclines 

virtualLy all the ore could 5e removed and the walls braced 

with wood posts. With larger orebodies or veins in unstable 

ground, sophisticated systems of timber bracing were adopted 

to prevent cave-ins. The most common system, still used 

today, is called square-setting. Square-sets consist of a 

series of interlocking open-sided cubes constructed of massive timbers lo-15" square and 8-12' long. Often old stopes 

(the "holes" from which ore was removed) were also filled 

with waste rock as a means of preventing cave-ins that could 

disrupt the operations elsewhere underground. (Filling old 

stopes with waste rock was also more efficient than hauling 

the rock tg the surface.) 

nized it was. Miners could be at work on several orebodies 

at once, each miner breaking approximately one ton of ore per 

day. 

main shaft or tunnel and out of the mine. Waste rock was 

removed in the same manner. At the same time timber, 

blasting materials and other supplies were being brought 

into the mine for use. Much of the activity of a mine 

revolved around the shifts. Blasting, for example, was done 

between shifts when few if any men would be in the mine. 

Waste rock and ore were taken to the surface at different 

periods during a shift, or by different routes, in order to 

simplify materials handling at the surface. For every man 

working underground, most mines had a least one man on the 

surface. 

Removal of ore involved 

In 

The larger the mine became the more complex and orgaOnce broken, ore was loaded into cars and taken to the 

As the mine grew deeper the problems of temperature, 

water and ventilation increased. Pumping was the most common 

solution to the problem of water. The type of pump used 

depended on the depth of the mine. 

the bottom of a shaft or a series of pumps at various points 

down a shaft were used, powered by a steam engine (a Cornish 

pump) at the surface. 

sufficient supply of water with a good head could be found. 

Pumping of any kind was expensive however, and mine operators often tried to drive tunnels under the workings of their 

mines and let the water drain through these tunnels. In 

Austin a number of tunnels were dug during the first five 

years, and an 1882 map of Eureka shows seven drainage 

tunnels, While tunnels were a possibly cheaper and 

Often a piston pump at 

Hydraulic pumps weye also used if a 
46 

technologically simpler solution to draining mine workings, 

and were commonly employed in new districts, they seldom 

met their builders' expectations once the mines of a district 

reached depths of more than 500 to 1000 feet. 

The Union Pacific Tunnel Company, for example, was 

incorporated in March, 1871 to construct an exploration and 

drainage tunnel into Lander Hill in the Reese River district. 

Work on the tunnel ceased after 300 feet due to lack of 

funds, and the company was subsequently purchased by the 

Manhattan Company. This tunnel was never finished because 

it was felt that there was not enough water in the mines to 

justify such a long tunnel, especially when the majority of 

the workings would have been below the level of the tunnel. 

Interestingly, resumption of work in this tunnel in 1891 was 

seen as the key to reviving the mines of the Austin area. 

In most mines, those that were not very deep, problems 

of ventilation were solved when a second air shaft or tunnel 

was connected with the workings and the mine developed its 

own drafts. Often these drafts considerably improved the hot 

and humid conditions underground. I% they did not, ice water 

and blocks of ice, as well as blowers, were used to cool and 

ventilate the workings I 

Surface remains associated with an underground mine 

will vary considerably depending on the age of the mine, 

and extent to which the site has been vandalized and scavenged. 

The most visible and permanent feature will be the tailings 

piles surroundiw the tunnel(s) and shafts($) of the mine. 

These piles consist of waste rock that has been removed in 

the process of driving tunnels underground to search for ore, 

and in the process of excavating and removing that ore. 

Often the size of the tailings piles can serve as a rough 

indication of the extent of the underground workings--with the caution that often the more profitable mines used waste 

rock to fill in mined-out stopes, 

size, 

The geology of the orebody(s) will to some extent 

determine the location of the major mine entrances. 

will be arranged to minimize the effort required to reach the 

ore and to remove the ore and waste rock. For many mines the 

main entrances changed as the search fur ore went deeper 

underground. The workings of mines on ridges or hillsides 

most often were reached by near-horizontal tunnels. As the 

workings grew deeper the position of the main tunnel moved 

further down the hillside so that it always remained close 

to the level of the major workings. When it was no longer 

feasible and practical to drive tunnels to reach the workings, 

one or more vent shafts would be constructed. Those mines 

that could not, because of the local topography, use tunnels 

They 
47 

to reach their workings, resorted to shafts. The position 

of these shafts often changed also to minimize the distance 

ore had to be hauled to a shaft. 

By this stage in the development of a mine, the first 

structure on the surface had been erected: a powder house, 

essential to protect the explosives used underground from 

the weather. This structure could be as simple as a stonelined dugout, or as elaborate as a dressed stone building 

with an iron door. Because there was always a chance that 

the powder (later dynamite) would explode accidentally, the 

powder house was usually some distance from other surface 

activities. 

If exploration and exploitation showed that the mine 

had promise, one of the first substantial structures to be 

constructed, if required, was a small headframe and a hoist 

house with a small, steam-powered hoist. In districts where 

the weather was bad, these two structures were often 

enclosed as a single building, as much to protect the equipment as the miners. The earliest headframes, of the 1860's 

and 1870's, were built of wood. By the mid-1880's the 

technology existed to build cast- and wrought-iron or steel 

and wrought iron headframes. As mining remains around 

Tonopah testify, steel was the dominant material for headframes by 1900. However, it is unlikely that many metal 

headframes exist today due to the scrap drives of World War 

11. By 1900 corrugated steel over wood or metal frames had 

replaced wood and stone as the dominant building material for 

nearly all surface structures at a mine site. 

Until well into the 20th century steam was the favored 

motive power for hoisting works because of the low speed 

torque advantages of reciprocating steam engines. Gasoline 

or diesel engines became popular in this century for small 

operations and electric motors gradually replaced steam for 

large hoisting works. 

If the mine was wet, one or more pumps could be found 

near the opening of a shaft. The most common type of pump 

during the 19th century was the Cornish beam engine. This 

pwnp, driven by a steam engine, consisted of a large walking beam pivoted at the center. One end of the beam was connected, via a crank, to a flywheel, while the other end 

was connected to a pump rod or beam that went down the shaft. 

As the flywheel rotated, the walking beam rocked back and 

forth, moving the pump rod up and down, At various points 

down the shaft reciprocating pumps were connected to the rod. 

In this century, turbine pumps, driven by gas, diesel or 

electric motors gahed favor because of lower maintenance 

requirements and higher capacities. 
48 

Introduction of compressed air drills and other compressed air machinery in the 1880's and 1890's required air 

compressors at the surface. Compressors were many times 

housed along with dynamos for electric lights in a power 

house. 

A number of other support activities for underground 

operations occurred near the main entrance (shaft or tunnel) 

of a mine, often in one or more separate buildings. The two 

most important were the blacksmith and machine shops and the 

carpentry shop. The blacksmith and machine shops ' major 

functions included sharpening of the drills, repair of orecars, and fabrication of track components for the orecar 

railways both underground and on the surface. Men who worked 

in the carpentry shop also built and repaired the surface 

buildings, 

At larger mines there might be a separate mine office 

where the superintendant and staff worked and where the 

records of the mine were kept. Many mines also had change 

houses--buildings where miners changed clothes before and 

after a shift. Occasionally, particularly at isolated mines, 

there would be a bunk house/boarding house for the men who 

worked at the mine. Invariably present were storage areas 

for timber and wood for the mine and fuel for the boilers, 

as well as track and other spare parts. 

In mines where water was a problem, one or more 

drainage tunnels were associated with the underground workings, but at some distance from the major entrance. If 

ventilation and heat underground was a problem there also 

could be one or more ventilation shafts or tunnels at remote 

parts of the claim, possibly with blowers driven by steam, 

gas or diesel engines or electric motors. 

Waste rock and ore were removed from underground mines 

in one of two ways. When the access to a mine was via a 

tunnel, all material going in and corning out did so on small 

cars that ran on rails. Where access was via a shaft, material in the early years often came out on cars. 

mines one or more shaft compartments were dedicated to ore 

acd waste rock skips. These skips would be filled with ore 

or waste underground, hoisted to the surface, and dumped 

into bins connected to the headframe. 

In many larger 

Once the waste rock reached the surface (in skips or in 

cars) it was taken to the nearest tailings pile and dumped. The ore's route to the mill depended upon the distance to 

the mill. If the mill was close by, ore could be transported 

in ore cars, perhaps the same cars which brought it out of 
49 

the mine. If the mill were further away, ore could be 

transported by aerial tram, on wagons or by railway. The 

Ruby Hill Railroad in Eureka and the Tonopah-Goldfield 

Railroad both hauled ore between mine and mill. 

Within central Nevada five basic types of reduction 

methods were used at different times. The Washoe and cyanide 

processes began with crushing the ore as finely as possible, 

for which huge batteries of stamp mills were used until well 

into the 20th century. In the Washoe process, ore dust mixed 

with water was then fed into large pans or vats equipped 

with mullers (mixing blades), Into the pan were added 

mercury, salt, iron filings and a variety of other "notions" 

and the mixing blades started. After a period of time the 

water was drained from pans and discarded. The gold-silvermercury amalgam was sent to a retorting room where it was 

heated to separate the mercury from the precious metal. The 

mercury was recovered and used again while the gold and 

silver was cast as bullion bricks. 

The Washoe pan process was a mechanized version of the 

patio process used in Central American silver mines. In the 

patio process silver ore, salt and mercury were spread on the 

ground--normally on a stone-surfaced patio or courtyard--and 

oxen were led around the mixture, their hooves crushing and 

mixing the ore. 

sion of the patio process, the arrastra, substituted a circular 

pit containing ore, salt and mercury for the patio floor. 

Then large rocks were dragged around the pit by animals 

walking outside the pit, to accomplish the crushing and 

mixing. 

placed in large wood or concrete tanks, These tanks contained a solution of potassium or sodium cyanide, which 

chemically removed gold and silver from the crushed ore. 

After the cyanide tank had been agitated long enough to 

ensure that all the precious metals had been captured, the 

liquid was drawn off the tank and saved while the slimes were 

discarded. The cyanide solution was then treated so that 

the precious metals would precipitate out and could then be 

recovered and refined. Often, in an effort to increase the 

efficiency of the reduction process, mills would utilize the 

Washoe process and follow it with the cyanide process. 

ore. Pulverized ore was then mixed with salt and roasted in 

large furnaces. Once the ore cooled, it was treated by the 

Washoe pan process. Because of their high lead content, 

ores of the Eureka district and other districts with similar 

The amalgam was recovered and retorted. A verIn a cyanide mill crushed ore was mixed with water and 

The Reese River process also began with crushing the 
50 

mineralogy could not be practically reduced using amalgamation or the Reese River or cyanide processes, because of the 

immense amounts of mercury required. In the nineteenth 

century the only alternative was smelting, relying on different melting points and specific gravities to separate 

waste rock (slag) from the lead, silver, zinc and gold in 

the furnaces of a smelter. Introduction of flotation concentration in the 20th century provided a more viable 

alternative to smelting lead silver zinc ores, and several 

districts enjoyed revivals based on this technology. 

Flotation mills are relatively simple in principle. Ore 

was crushed to a fine powder in ball or rod mills (these 

replaced stamp mills in the early 20th century), Crushed ore 

was then mixed with water and other compounds and fed into 

flotation cells. Compressed air was bubbled through the 

cells, bringing the lead and zinc minerals to the surface 

where they were skimmed off, dried and sent to a smelter. 

Where significant amounts of silver were also present in the 

ore, slimes from the flotation cells were sent through a 

cyanide tank to recover the silver. 

The location of mills depended to some extent on the 

reduction method used. Those mills using the Washoe pan 

process, Reese River process, cyanide process or flotation 

concentration required large quantities of water. Mills 

employing these methods were very of ten located near rivers, 

these being the most convenient water source. In cases where 

the mines were extremely wet, mills were located to take 

advantage of water pumped from the workings. As a last 

resort mill operators could pipe water in from collection 

dams on streams or from well fields, but the expense of 

acquiring water this way was always balanced against the 

expense of transporting the ore. Whenever possible, any 

type of mill would be located on a hillside to use gravity 

to move crushed ore through the various stages of milling, 

For all of the so-called "wet process" mills, ore began 

its journey at the top of the mill where it was received 

from the mine and put into an ore bin. From the ore bin, it 

was fed to the stamp batteries (later ball or rod mills) and 

crushed. The crushed ore was then roasted (Reese River 

process) if necessary, before being sent to either Washoe 

pans, cyanide tanks, or flotation cells. The slimes from 

any of these processes were then discarded in large tailings 

ponds while the mercury amalgam, the cyanide solution or the 

floated concentrates were further refined. 

The material flow through the smelters of Eureka and 

elsewhere in Central Nevada was relatively simple. Ore was 

received from the mine and large pieces broken for easier 
51 

handling. Then it was loaded into the furnaces for smelting. 

The furnace was tapped at various points, and the slag drawn 

off and discarded in slag piles. 

were drawn off and cast in ingots. 

The lead/zinc and silver 

In a few districts in central Nevada, notably Round 

Mountain, Manhattan and Battle Mountain, placer mining was 

carried out on a large scale. The basic operation in placer 

mining was the recovery of free gold from river and stream 

gravels. 

gold-bearing gravels and allowing the heavier gold to settle 

out, while the rest of the gravel and sand was washed away. 

Numerous dry washing techniques could also be used. Placer 

deposits are formed when running water erodes the rock surrounding a vein of native gold (the lode). Flecks and pebbles of the gold are loosened by the water, and are carried 

along by the current. These relatively heavy bits of gold 

settle out of the water whenever the current slows. Eventually, the gold is deposited along with the stream's other 

dropped rock debris, in gravel beds along the stream channel. 

Most central Nevada gold was in the form of sulfides or other 

complex minerals; erosion of these does not produce placer 

deposits because the gold minerals are not particularly 

heavy. Placer gold is found in a number of situations. It 

may be found in old terraces left on the sides of a water 

course by subsequent erosion, in buried placers overlain by 

barren gravels in an alluvial fan, or in the gravels of 

existing water courses. 

Elevated river terrace placers occur in both the Round 

Mountain and Battle Mountain districts, The most common 

method of working these deposits was hydraulicking, using a 

high-pressure stream of water to wash gravels into a sluice 

box to catch the gold. In some parts of both districts the 

amount of barren gravel was too great when compared with the 

paying gra,vel. 

driving tunnels and shafts into the surrounding gravel. 

Gravel was removed from these drift placer mines and washed 

in the same way that any other placers were worked. 

advantage of drift placer mines was the ability to work only 

in the richest portions of the placer deposit. 

alluvial placers were worked by dredging, which involved 

floating a dredge in a pond. 

The most common recovery method was washing the 

In these cases paying gravel was mined by 

The 

In the Manhattan and Battle Mountain districts, some 

A gold dredge consists of a floating hull with 

a super-structure, a digging ladder, endless 

chain of digging buckets, screening apparatus, 

gold-saving devices, pumps and a stacker. 

It could be described as a floating mill 
52 

with the addition 

elevating the ore 

4-01). 

of apparatus for excavating 

[gravels] (quoted in Spence 

and 

1980 : 

The Round Mountain alluvial placers were too deeply buried 

to be worked by floating dredge. Instead, during the thirty 

years following the 1930's a number of operations worked the 

district's alluvial placers by removing barren gravels with 

heavy earth-moving equipment and then washing the paying 

gravels in the traditional manner. 

It is difficult to discuss in any detail what is likely 

to remain today of the numerous hardrock and placer operations in central Nevada. It is well known that a good deal 

of salvaging occurred when an operation was closed down, 

and World War I1 scrap drives probably took their toll. In 

the last twenty years increased public use of federal and 

private lands in the state have brought pot hunters and 

vandals as well. Given these factors--and others--it is hard 

to say what fragments of the mining past are likely to have 

survived within the boundaries of the Battle Mountain 

District. Over the past few years BLM personnel have visited 

a number of mining sites in the district and have campleted 

inventory forms for the sites. Unfortunately, due to the 

inadequacies of the site form used and the Bureau personnel's 

lack of familiarity with mining technology it is impossible 

to tell in any detail what remained at the sites visited. 

With these caveats in mind, it is possible to make 

some general comments about resources likely to have survived somewhere within the boundaries of the Battle Mountain 

District. Tailings piles around hardrock mines, Sailings 

ponds and slag heaps near mill sites, and dredge tailings 

and pits on the alluvial fans will have survived because 

there is no value in them. Often equipment at a mine or 

mill was salvaged when it closed, or during scrap drives, 

leaving only concrete or stone foundations. In some cases 

wooden headframes and trestles to tailings piles will remain, 

as might the wood or metal buildings that housed the many support functions at a mine site. Vandalism will have taken 

a heavy toll however, In many cases smelter ruins can be 

identified by their tall stone or brick chimneys as well as 

the slag piles. In addition to tailings piles, remains of 

wet processes might consist of stone or concrete foundations, 

wood or concrete tanks (cyanide process), ore bins, as well 

as partial or complete remains of the mill building. 

In examining any mining site, it is important to see 

the resources present as evidence of the four interrelated 

activities necessary for mining: 
53 

Development 

Excavation and Removal 

Transportation 

Reduction 

Each site can be analyzed in terms of the technology brought 

to bear on the problems encountered in carrying out these 

four fundamental activities. 
54 

NOTES 

General Note: 

All unfootnoted production statistics are from Couch 

and Carpenter (1943) . 

'Discovery at Sutter 's Mill brought both gold seekers 

and publicity to the Far West. 

after 1848, national and international attention focused 

almost exclusively upon California and the Oregon Country, 

where gold fever was combined with an equally fervent lust 

for rich farmland. To a still largely agrarian society whose 

settlers were just then learning to live on the midwestern 

prairie, the dry western plains and mountain regions appeared 

inhospitable, even hostile. They were seen as distances to 

cross, not as places to live. 

Little more than ten years later, when silver and gold 

were discovered at the head of Nevada's Gold Canyon and near 

Pike's Peak in Colorado, the United States had changed considerably, both demographically and economically. In the 

northeast, soil exhaustion drove many rural people to fastgrowing industrial cities. At the same time, immigrants 

from Ireland, England and Wales began to arrive in large 

numbers, placing a considerable strain on the region's 

resources and crea-ting a surplus labor pool. Finally, by 1859, California's gold fields had evolved beyond the 

abilities of individual miners to a high degree of 

indus trializa ti on. 

and Colorado sparked the imagination of thousands of frustrated 

'49'ers in California, and countless would-be miners in New 

England. Riches equal to or greater than those of California 

had been found on both edges of the Great Basin--an area of 

land many times the size of California. Just the possibility 

of finding another Comstock or Pike's Peak was enough to 

encourage large numbers of individuals and groups to explore 

the "vast wastes". Discoveries in central Nevada, Utah and 

Colorado during the early 1860's only confirmed what these 

men already guessed, or hoped. 

of the early 20th century were wary of investing in new 

mining districts wa.s that as a group they were much more 

sophisticated than their L9th-century predecessors. These 

20th century industrialists and financiers were well aware 

of the mining investment frauds of the past century, and 

many fully understood, from their own experience, how these 

frauds were perpetrated. Thus, they were very suspicious of 

investments such as those offered in Tonopah, at least until 

the investment opportunity had proved itself. 

But for a number of years 

In this context, discovery of precious metals in Nevada 

'Perhaps the major reason capitalists and entrepreneurs 
55 

3Nineteenth century prospectors, miners and merchants 

were an optimistic lot, willing to build towns and mills-- 

to form a-district--almost anywhere on any pretext. We 

know of those districts that 3ell quickly; by their conspicuous absence from the historical record; there is no 

mention in the census, no city directory, probably no 

newspaper. The histories of many of these "dreams that 

failed" could be reconstructed, some could not. In any 

case, such an effort is beyond the scope of this overview. 
56 

1 7r 

LANDER CWNTY 19A 

I 

1 EUREKA 

I 

NYE COUNTY J 

1 

.Danvillc 

I 

mMorey 

.Barcelona 

1 58Belrnonl 

pficity-- a 62 ImMonnrch 

Manhattan 63 A .Hot Creek 

Grant City. 

,- \" I 

A Mineral Occurrences 

CLI Mining Districts 

I -- ,Stlvcrbow 

u 

Map 7; Cetitral Nevada Mining Districts, Camps and Towns, 1862-1920 
57 

Landscape and Arrangement of Mining Towns 

Physical arrangements of mining communities, whether 

camps, towns or "cities" such as Austin and Tonopah, tended 

to follow certain patterns. The basic plan--which was not 

unique to mining country but rather a continuation of traditions developed in the east and midwest--began with a central 

core of commercial establishments. Beyond this core (which 

could be simply one street wide, or include several blocks to 

either side) were residences, and beyond these the many manifestations of mining: adits, headframes, mills, shops. 

by the location of ore, many camps and towns grew up in 

awkward geographical circumstances. Most fortunate were 

camps set up in broad valleys, such as Round Mguntain, Pioneer and Prospect, where there was plenty of room for 

expansion and to lay out wide streets in a traditional midAmerican grid pattern. Many others, however, were wedged 

into narrow, steep canyons that produced crowded conditions 

even when there were few people. Ophir Canyon, Tybo, and to 

a lesser degree, Austin, are examples of this. Tybo, in 

particular, was pinched into a narrow space, producing a 

long, strung-out community in which stores and houses on 

"Main Street" were backed close against the slopes on 

either side. In a few cases, two-part towns, or even two 

separate towns, developed. Tybo and Hot Creek both had 

"upper" and "lower" sections. At Reese River, the cost of 

town lots in Clifton was so great that miners and merchants 

moved further up Pony Canyon and began the town of Austin 

(Browne 1866:27). 

Because location of mining camps was determined simply 

On the other hand, towns built along railroad lines 

generally had plenty of room to grow, even if they seldom 

did. Appropriately, they were laid out with commercial 

main street running parallel to, and hard by, the rail lines 

This orientation obtains today at Battle Mountain, and.was 

likely the case in ephemeral towns such as Alpha, Ledlie and 

Blackburn. 

Arrangement of buildings within mining towns and camps 

was not necessarily very orderly. 

geographical constraints, such as at Tybo, where there simply 

was insufficient room for everyone in the narrow canyon. 

But it was also in'large measure due to the fact that camps 

were set up in a hurry, without benefit of formal laying-out, 

so that everyone could move directly to the business of getting rich. The result was often a certain chaos, particularly on the outer edges of a town. While "Main Street" 

would generally form a neat path through town, and sometimes 

This was due partly to 
58 

have one or two other streets running parallel to or across 

it, this pattern soon degenerated into a jumble of houses, 

corrals, tents, and dugouts, here and there interspersed with 

an occasional mine shaft or headframe. Looming above it all 

were the mines, and the large mills that spilled down the 

hillsides. 

The physical remains of central Nevada's mining communities tend to give an erroneous impression of the past, 

largely because so little is left. 

towns are roughly identifiable from the location of adits, 

tailing piles and other debris of mining activity, and it is 

possible to find "main street" either by the remains of commercial buildings or traces of a principal road. Much of 

what was erected between these features is gone, however: 

tents moved away, frame buildings dismantled for reassembly 

elsewhere or for their materials. First to leave a town 

would be those whose livelihood, and therefore housing, was 

marginal. Last to leave would be those with a substantial 

stake in the community, such as merchants, whose places of 

business, and often their houses, would be of more durable 

construction. Thus, where anything at all remains of a town, 

what is left is frequently from the central core and of stone 

or brick: materials much more difficult to remove than canvas and wood. 

Outer limits of camps and 
59 

Industry: Non-Mining 

"Nevada is not in a position to compete effectively in 

manufacturing, since it lacks sufficient water to 

satisfy certain industries and fuel resources for even 

its own heavy industries, while coal is plentiful to 

the east and oil to the west. Moreover, labor costs 

are high and the state is too far from sources of many 

necessary raw materials. I' (Elliott 1973: 345) 

This situation of today certainly existed in 19th and early 

20th century central Nevada, and was exacerbated by extremely 

primitive transportation sys tems and a probable lack of 

interest in manufacturing when riches could come so much more 

quickly (theoretically at least) through mining. Thus, central Nevada's history includes only a few instances of 

industry apart from extraction and processing of ores, and, 

of these, many were mining related. 

One such industry was manufacture of charcoal, which was 

developed to meet the requirements for an efficient fuel for 

the smelters and roasting furnaces of the region's mining 

districts. Another industry--also mining related--was salt 

production. Salt was collected from desert playas and was 

used in both the pan amalgamation and the Reese River 

roasting processes (Young & Budy 1979:115). During the 

1870's and early 1880'~~ there were a number of "salt works" 

in the region. Williams' salt marsh, in Diamond Valley north 

of Eureka, encompassed 1000 acres of salt flats, and used 

large pans in which to evaporate water. With 22 such pans, 

the works were able to produce 5000 lb. of salt per day 

(Angel 1881:436) Other recorded "salt works" included 

Spaulding's, in Big Smoky Valley, and Columbus Salt Marsh 

near San Antonio (Blume 1977: 11-23), 

One more "industry" of interest chiefly as an oddity 

rather than an important factor in the region's history, was 

a "pebble factory" owned and operated by Omer Maris, who with 

his wife Cora came to the Toquima range about 1916. Maris 

located a large deposit of chalcedony, and designed a mi11 

built by the Cambell-Kelly foundry in Tonopah, to convert 

chunks of rock into pebbles. Pebbles were used in mills to 

grind ore, and had previ7usly come to the US as ballast in 

ships sailing from Scandinavia. Maris ' operation lasted 

only 3 years, before he moved on to other pursuits. As late 

as 1971, however, there remained, in a valley between 

Belmont and Manhattan, the Maris homesite, powder magazine 

and mill (Maris 1971). 
60 

Like these small industries, charcoal manufacture 

depended on availability of the right raw material in 

quantity--in this case pinyon and juniper wood from the 

region's mountain forests. As noted above, central Nevada 

ores required roasting with salt before amalgamation took 

place. During the 18601s, reverberatory furnaces were used 

at Reese River, fueled with wood from surrounding forests, 

the cost of which was nearly 60% of the total cost of milling 

(Young and Budy 1979:115). 

In 1869, German engineer C. A. Stetefeldt designed a far 

more efficient furnace. 

reduce "rebellious" ores from Reese River mines, "the 

Stetefeldt: furnace [also] became th'e standard roasting 

mechanism for the central Great Basin," until the cyanide 

milling process replaced roasting and amalgamation at the 

turn of the century (Young and Budy 1979:115). That same 

year, G. C. Rabbins' small "demonstration" smelter opened the 

way to exploitation of the Eureka district's lead-silver 

ores. Efficient smelting, however, required temperatures 

significantly higher than those needed for roasting. To 

achieve proper temperatures, processors of Eureka and other 

lead-silver ores turned to charcoal. 

First used on a large scale to 

The charcoal industry thus developed first in forests 

near Eureka in the early 1870's, (Young and Budy 1979:116; 

see also Welch 1979, Grazeola 1969, O'Neill 1976). At first, 

pinyon and juniper wood was cut, dried, then burned in earthcovered pits. Utah juniper and curlleaf mountain mahogany 

were also burned, but they required higher temperatures than 

those obtainable in pits. So the industry turned to kilns, 

which could produce the required drafts. 

Kilns were beehive-shaped structures, built variously of 

stone, adobe, fire brick or any of these in combination. 

The height of a kiln was equal to its diameter, which could 

range from 16 to 26 feet, and wall thickness ranged from 

30'' at the base to 12-18" at the top. Each had two large 

openings, one at ground level at the front, the other higher 

up, at the rear, for stoking, and 2-4 rows of vent holes a 

few inches above ground (O'Neill 1976:2). 

Most writing on central Nevada's charcoal industry has 

concentrated on the Eureka area--for it was indeed a major 

producer of the fuel. Charcoal burning has received attention in studies of Nevada's immigrant populations as well 

(Grazeola 1969, Earl 1969, Shepperson 1970), because it was 

almost entirely dominated by Italians and immigrants from 

that part of Switzerland linguistically and culturally 

related to Italy. According to the federal census of 1880, 
61 

these men (very few had families) accounted for nearly 12% 

of Eureka County's population. 

for that year show Italian and Swiss charcoal burners in 

concentrations throughout the Eureka area, particularly North 

Ruby Hill, Fish Creek Wells, the Williams Range, the McGarry 

District in the Diamond Range, in and around the Dunderberg 

and Hamburg mines, Spring Valley, Secret Canyon and Cedar 

Creek. 

Alpha. Ironically, only 3 kilns have been recorded from the 

Eureka area, and two of them (1080, 1049) are in poor condition. The Philipsburg kiln (1079) constructed of stone, has 

been reported as intact and is protected by a fence. 

lived, was located in the Tybo-Hot Creek area, where leadsilver ores were produced beginning c. 1874. In 1877, the 

Tybo Consolidated Co. hired Henry Allen of Eureka to build 

no fewer than 15 kilns near Hot Creek (Eureka Sentinel 

2 Sept. 1879, quoted in O'Neill 1976:4; Angel1 1881:524). 

These were of brick, most likely obtained from nearby Belmont 

which had a sizable brick industry. There remain today 

seven charcoal kilns in "Kiln Canyon" west of Tybo, and 

others in Simile and Fourmile canyons. Associated with the 

kilns in many cases are remains of dwellings, probably once 

occupied by charcoal burners, and several sites which may be 

associated with Shoshones who lived and worked on the fringes 

of the Tybo-Hot Creek communities. As at Eureka, Tybo's 

charcoal industry was dominated by Swiss and Italians, who 

at day's end took their ease in taverns such as the Coal 

Burners' Rest and the William Tell. 

Census population schedules 

They were also prominent in the railroad town of 

Another center of charcoal production, although shorton 

vi 

Central Nevada's pinyon-juniper woodlands supplied not 

.ly the charcoal industry in Eureka and Tybo, but also proded materials for building in all parts of the region. 

Much of this timber was simply cut, peeled and roughly worked 

for use on roofs, for fenceposts, corrals, and door and window framing. Well-milled lumber was scarce and expensive in 

19th century central Nevada, and much of the best, used for 

"finishing and particular work" was imported from western 

Nevada and California (Nev. Surveyor Gen. 1866:70; 1879-80:29). 

Although mining ccmpanies probably accounted for most of the 

lumbering and milling in the region, sawmills supplying town 

markets were not unknown (but not currently listed by BLMBattle Mountain). In 1864 there was a steam samill at 

Washington, and "good quality" lumber (pinyon or digger pine) 

was produced at a mill at Silver Creek. 

moved to Big Smoky Creek in May of that year, and was supple- mented by a machine to cut shingles that would replace "the 

straw and dirt that builders have in great measure been cornThe latter mill 

pelled to use" (Reese River Reveille 5 May 1864:l; 7 May 

1.864:Z; 14 May 1864:2), 
As local sawmills supplied much-needed building 

lumber, the lime industry provided material for masonry 

construction, again principally for town consumption. 

Probably very small in scale, this industry produced powdered lime from local limestone for use in high quality 

mortar. Lime burning, or "calcining" of limestone could be 

done over an open fire, but kilns were more often used. 

They were constructed of stone or brick, and polygonal in 

shape. Many 19th century kilns were lined with firebrick, 

creating a "barrel-shaped" interior. Where possible, lime 

kilns were built into a. hill-side, to permit loading from 

the top. Burned lime was removed through an opening near 

the base, which could be closed to control drafts (McKee 

1973: 62-63). According to the Reveille (27 June, 1863: 3), 

an early instance of lime production was located "about 6 

miles south" of Austin and operated, by John L. Means. To 

date, only one lime kiln has been identified in the study 

area, in the T'oiyabe Range at the southern end of Crescent 

Valley (llcl), and a lime pit has been reported near the 

Tybo Charcoal Kilns, 

Liquor manufacture in Nevada also required a raw 

material, but in this case one supplied by farmers. As 

early township survey maps show, barley was an important 

crop in the first decades of agriculture in the region. 

Much of this barley ended up at local breweries, where it 

was converted to ale and whiskey. 

All Nevada's larger towns had at least one brewery in 

the 19th century. Breweries did a brisk local business, as 

census records and city directories of the period show in 

their numerous listings for tavern keepers and liquor 

dealers. They may also have supplied the region's mining 

camps, where the salocri was prominent in the local business 

cornmunity. Although German immigrants participated in many 

aspects of Nevada his tory, as farmers, ranchers, dry-goods 

merchants, grocem, etc., they appear to have dominated the 

brewing industry. McKinney (la781 lists 9 breweries in the 

region, most with good German names: Bauer and Schonwald 

at Austin, Amfahr at Battle Mountain, Bauer at Belmont, 

Bremenkopf & Regli, Lautenshlager, Mau and Heitmann at 

Eureka, and Leschner, Valentine and Co. at Tybo. 
63 

Immigrants 

The fact that the foreign-born made up a significant 

proportion of Nevada's 19th century population has been 

recognized by Elliott (1973) and Shepperson (1970). This 

strongly inxesnational flavor was characteristic of many 

western mining camp5 (Srnith 1967:24), but in Nevada the 

numbers were astonishing. According to Shepperson (1970: 

13-14), foreign-born comprised 44.2% of the state's population in 1870, and 41.2% in 1880. This massive immigration 

of foreigners to Nevada made it "one of the top ten foreignborn states in America for more than seventy-five years" 

(Shepperson 197O:lk) 

origins was beyond the scope of this study, even the briefest 

perusal of manuscript census returns from central Nevada 

reveals the extent to which foreigners participated in development of the region. However, association of various immigrant 

groups with cultural resources in central Nevada is a more 

difficult proposition. In some states, it is possible to 

associate such groups with churches or particular geographical areas of settlement. This is not the case in central 

Nevada, however: the absolute number of churches in the 

region was always quite small, and each thus served worshippers of many nations at once. And excepting the Chinese, who 

for the most part were isolated in ghettos, foreign-born 

inhabitants moved about the region and within its. communities 

as freely as did the Ameri-can born population, lived in the 

same kinds of dwellings and used the same material goods as 

did Americans * Furthermore, attrition of buildings and 

structures, through removal, destruction or deterioration has 

in many cases left few physical remains to associate with 

anyone, let alone specific groups. 

ously, the principal non-mining industrial activity in 

~entral Nevada was charcoal manufacture, carried out almost 

exclusively by Swiss and Italians. A number of charcoal 

kilns remain; the greatest number are in the Tybo-Hot Creek 

area, but investigation in the canjrons and valleys around 

Eureka may locate more. The Tybo area also cofitains dwellings 

that may also be associated with the charcoal burners. 

Although a detailed statistical analysis of population 

There are a few exceptions, however. As noted previImmigrants who participated in the agricultural, rather 

than the mining, econmnycan in a number of instances be clearly 

associated with cultural resources. Many early ranches are 

still extant, and through them it may be possible to recognize the role of German, Irish, Italian and Basque immigrants in the settlement and subsequent development of central 

Nevada's agricultural communi.ty. 
64 

Racism prevalent in the 19th and early 20th centuries 

effectively relegated the Chinese population (as well as 

native Shoshone and Paiute inhabitants) to a status well 

below that of the larger, relatively fluid, Euro-American 

society of camps and towns. Chinese labor, however, was 

instrumental in construction of the Central Pacific Railroad, 

which first brought these immigrants to central Nevada 

(Lingenfelter, 1970:115). Upon completion of the railroad, 

the Chinese were discharged and left to fend for themselves. 

Battle Mountain, on the Central Pacific line, had a Chinese 

community by 1870 (1870 Federal Census, Lander Co.). The 

1880 census found Chinese in both Lander and Eureka Counties, 

and not necessarily working on railroads, although the camps 

of Evans, Diamond and Alpha (on the Eureka-Palisade line) as 

well as Cortez, Austin and Eureka, contained groups of 

Chinese laborers Chinese also worked as miners, although 

their employment as such was extremely unpopular in the 

Euro-American mining community and with local businessmen. 

Apart from racism, the principal issue with these groups 

was the low wages paid to Chinese miners. Caucasian miners 

resented being displaced by "cheap labor, '' and businessmen 

feared that low wages, and disinclination of the Chinese to 

spend lavishly, would mean less money flowing into and 

through the local commercial sector (Lingenfelter 1970: 108). 

However, in 1880 Chinese miners could be found in significant 

numbers in Galena Canyon, Lewis and around Argenta. It is 

interesting to note that in Argenta the large contingent of 

railroad laborers was wholly Caucasian, including Americans, 

Irish and Germans 

Anti-Chinese feelings sometimes led to formation of 

clubs dedicated to driving the immigrants out--out of town 

if possible, and certainly out of jobs coveted by whites. 

Such a group was organized in Eureka in 1876, and another 

at Tybo in the same year. The Workingmen's Protective Union 

rose in response to the Tybo Consolidated Company's importation of Chinese from Eureka to work in local mines. No 

sooner had the Chinese arrived than the Protective Union 

began armed threats. Tybo Consolidated quickly backed down, 

and the Chinese went back to Eureka in wagons thoughtfully 

provided by the Union (Lingenfelter 1974: 123). Nonetheless, 

according to the 1880 census, Tybo did retain a small 

community of Chinese laborers. 

Because the Chinese, partly by preference and certainly 

by force, lived together apart from the surrounding EuroAmerican society, it may be possible to locate structures or 

archaeological remains associated with their lives in central 

Nevada camps and towns. Such a site (516) has been identified at Old Cortez; perhaps others may be discovered at some 

of the places mentioned above. 
65 

Apart from the Chinese, most immigrants to central 

Nevada appear to have suffered only slight ethnic discrimination, although organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan and 

the American Labor Union campaigned periodically against the 

dominance of the foreign-born in so many of the mining towns 

and camps (Shepperson 1980: 124). The "Charcoal Burners ' War" 

of 1879, a series of incidents in and around Eureka culminating in the death of 5 Italians at Fish Creek, was the 

result of an attempt by charcoal burners to obtain higher 

prices for their product, and only incidentally an effort to 

put down a particular ethnic group (Earle 1969, Shepperson 

1970, Grazeola 1969). In general there were simply too many 

opportunities, too many tasks to accomplish, for Americans 

to object too strenuously to the participation of foreigners 

in the life and economy of the region. 

As on many of the West's hardrock mining frontiers, the 

Cornish and Welsh, highly skilled men from a long tradition 

of underground mining, were prominent in central Nevada's 

mining industry. Irish were well-represented, particularly 

in the mines and in railroad gangs, but they also ran 

saloons, farmed, and operated stage stations, and otherwise 

participated in the region's economic life. Many Germans 

became successful ranchers or merchants, for example Reinhold 

Sadler, who owned a general merchandise emporium on Eureka's 

Main Street and a ranch in Diamond Valley (2150), and later 

became Governor of Nevada. Another German immigrant who did 

well was George Ernst, who had large livestock holdings in 

Hot Creek and Monitor Valley (2189), was County Surveyor 

1872-76, was elected County Auditor and Recorder for 1878-80, 

and went to the Nevada Legislature in 1880. Scandinavians 

also came to central Nevada; around Eureka in particular, 

they and Caradians numbered significantly in the lumbering or 

"woodcutting" industry - 

"Here were congregated the most varied elements of 

humanity and the most various types of human character: 

persons belonging to almost every nationality and every 

status of lif e--the Irishman, the Englishman, the 

German, the Italian, the Frenchman, the Russian, the 

fair-haired Scandinavian, men from every State in the 

Union , . . all blended into one homogeneous equality'' 

(Leadville Daily Chronicle, 19 June 1879). 

The reporter was describing a Sunday gathering in Leadville, 

Colorado, but it could have been written for almost any 19th 

century western mining town on any day of the week. 

society, in central Nevada or elsewhere, was not, however, 

homogeneous, which made it all the more interesting. On the 

other hand, there was a rough equality, particularly in the 

Such a 
66 

early days, as people from many nations applied themselves 

to making their fortunes in a turbulent, transient and 

everchanging society. 
67 

Commerce 

Commercial development in central Nevada was closely 

tied to, and indeed almost totally dependent on, success or 

failure of the region's mines. Successful business depended 

upon a substantial market, which was only to be found at 

significant concentrations of people. Thus few businessmen 

remained in an area once mines and their attendant camps 

closed, despite farmers ' and ranchers ' continual need to 

purchase goods and equipment. 

largely on the longevity of the community. 

general store was first to arrive and last to leave. 

nineteenth century department store carried a variety of 

goods, including dry goods, groceries, clothing, medicine, 

hardware, notions, liquors, agricultural implements and 

mining equipment, all crammed into one or two rooms. . . . The activity of this emporium was not limited to consumer 

business. Often the miner could sell his gold or silver 

bullion, and the farmer could find a market for his produce. 

As a profitable sideline, the store might also serve as the 

local bank and post office" (Smith 1967:lOl). 

The kind and number of business establishments depended 

Often the 

"This 

Equally ubiquitous were hotels and livery stables. In 

a region characterized by the extreme transiency of much of 

its population, hotels played an obvious role. Livery 

stables, in that era of the horse and mule, were the region's 

19th and early 20th century version of the later gas and 

service station, and served the same function: to provide 

fuel for and repair (or rest) of the principal means of 

transport. Most numerous were taverns and saloons, which 

not only provided recreation, but acted as important centers 

for the gathering and exchange of news and information, the 

source of rumor and site of many business transactions. 

As camps grew into towns, businessmen came to specialize 

more, and the variety of their enterprises increased. In 

1878, for example, the camp of Ellsworth in Nye County had 

directory listings for an assayer, two mill agents, two 

general merchants and an hotelier (who likely provided livery 

services as well). Battle Mountain that same year boasted a 

meat market, bakery, restaurant, blacksmith and wagon maker, 

lumber dealer, boot and harness maker and even a hairdresser, 

as well as a hotel and several sahons and general stores 

(McKenney 1878:176,183). Seldom included in directories, but 

often present in camps and towns were laundries, most 

operated by Chinese (Smith 1967:103). Many towns included at 

least one attorney, who handled the litigation inevitably 

arising from conflicting mining claims and questionable 
68 

deals; and the largest population centers invariably 

attracted a physician or two (Ross, c. 1-95?), 

A town may have felt some reason to boast when an 

agent of the prestigious Wells, Fargo and Co. of San 

Francisco opened for business on Main Street. 

Wells, Fargo established only one bank in the study area 

(Austin in 18691, its agents could be found in several towns, 

among them Battle Mountain, Belrnont, Jefferson, Tybo and 

Grantsville (Wells, Fargo & Co. Directories 1871, 1879, 

1881). 

recorded instance of a woman agent, Miss 0. M. Crockett of 

Austin in 1894 (Wells, Fargo & Co. Directory, 189.4). 

Although 

Agents were as a rule men, but there is at least one 

Wells, Fargo agents substituted for actual banks in 

camps too small or unstable to interest other bankers. 

Larger towns, however, drew other banking interests. An 

early institution was Paxton and Thornburg (later Paxton and 

Curtis) of Virginia City, which opened a branch office in 

Austin in 1863 (Shields, research notes). By 1880, Paxton 

and Co. had expanded to Eureka and Belmont (McKenney 1881). 

The Eureka branch was later (1885) reorganized under new 

management as the Eureka County Bank (Shields, research 

notes). 

Official state records on banking were not established 

until 1908. According to the State Bank Examiner’s first 

report (1908), there were 5 state banks and two private banks 

in the study area, including the Eureka County Bank, Bank 

of Manhattan, Nye and Ormsby County Bank (operating in 

Carson, Tonopah, Reno, Manhattan and Wonder), and the Round 

Mountain Banking Corp. and Horton Banking Co. in Battle 

Mountain. 

of the most important” in Nevada banking history, as it saw 

establishment not only of the post of State Bank Examiner, 

but also the Nevada Bankers’ Association and no fewer than 

26 banks around the state within the first five years of the 

Tonopah boom (Shields 1953:8,9) * 

The first decade of the 20th century was “one 

Buildings that housed central Nevada’s commercial 

enterprises were as varied as the businesses themselves and, 

to a certain extent, reflected the outlook and condition of 

the town or camp as a whole (Smith 1967:lOl). 

earliest days, canvas was often used to shelter +,he first 

business establishments: 

immediate advantage of opportunity, and could be as swiftly 

dismantled should the boom prove a bust. 

ment was “the Annex“ at Tonopah in 1905, “a neat place with 

six beds curtained off in a tent with board sides” (Spaulding, 30 March 1905). 

In a camp’s 

a tent was qLiickly erected to take 

One such establishIn the first days of Manhattan, the Tonopah 
69 

Lumber Company also operated out of a tent (Berg 1942:LOJ). 

The tent, however, did not present an appropriate facade of 

substance and prosperity, and was soon fitted with a wooden 

false front, or replaced entirely with a more permanent 

structure. Some of these "permanent" structures were only 

So in a relative sense, as they were moved, like houses, 

from place to place as mining fortunes rose and fell. Perhaps the most famous instance of this phenomenon was Austin's 

International Hotel, originally built in Virginia C ity and 

moved to Reese River in 1863, where it played a long and 

prosperous role in the community (Bunning 1977: 13), 

camp merchants were often the first to reflect this fact in 

the construction of their establishments. Out of the initial 

jumble of tents would rise an identifiable "main street" 

lined with one-story frame buildings, with vertical plank 

or board-and-batten sides, and pitched gable roofs hidden 

behind more imposing (often bracketted or otherwise adorned) 

rectangular facades If prosperity continued, merchants 

turned to stone and brick construction. The importance of 

masonry in retarding fires was well known, although total 

protection was impossible. Masonry construction, particularly 

brick (which had to be manufactured and thus was fairly 

expensive) was also to no small degree a matter of commercial 

prestige. 

If mines in an area proved (or at least appeared) viable, 

Commercial architecture in central Nevada was conservative, expressing prevailing popular traditions. Except for 

the odd mine shaft and tent, mining town main streets 

resembled main streets throughout small-town America, particularly towns of the trans-Mississippi west. The most 

flamboyant structures were found in the big towns of Eureka, 

Austin and Tonopah, where there was time, money, business and 

competition enough to warrant lavish expenditure. Elsewhere, 

the simple storefront, with touches of decoration at the 

cornice, was generally the rule. 

The most numerous and best-preserved examples of commercial building in the study area are found in Eureka, 

Austin and Tonopah, which of the many towns that once dotted 

the region are the only ones (along with Battle Mountain) to 

have survived as reasonably viable communities. In abandoner' 

(or nearly abandoned) towns, natural deterioration, scavengers 

and vandalism have destroyed many buildings. Identifiable 

commercial structures do remain, however, in Berlin, Belmont 

and Ione. In Manhattan, the Edison Power Go. substation, 

built early in the 20th century in a vaguely Mission style, 

still survives. Another building in Manhattan, constructed 

of rock-faced stone, is an excellent example of the turn-ofthe century small town bank: single story, with wide 
70 

entrance let into a chamfered corner. 

bridge store, built of brick from Belniont in 1877, displays 

a round-arch "arcade" across the front which was certainly 

imposing in its day. 

In Tybo, the Trow- 
71 

Trans po r t a t i o n 

The history of transportation in central Nevada is 

characterized by a demand that far outran supply until well 

into the 20th century. 

to move not only people but large quantities of ore, 

machinery and equipment, dry goods and food over great 

distances and difficult terrain, and without benefit, for 

the most part, of good roads. 

adjacent to well-marked roads (Reese River being the notable 

exception) ; instead, roads were forcibly imposed upon the 

landscape in the wake of the prospectors. Lack of proper 

roads, however, did not deter people from going where they 

would: early township survey maps are crisscrossed with 

trails, many of them clearly going someplace, others disappearing into the foothills or wandering inconclusively 

through the valleys. 

Nevada ran east-west, moving travellers and communications 

through the region. 

Pony Canyon brought people to Reese River, however, there 

began swift, if informal, development of roads throughout 

the area. Although -they went in all directions, the trend, 

following the topography of the land, was north-south, and 

a number of valleys, such as Hot Creek and the Sig Smoky, 

became major thoroughfares due to their strategic location 

near or between centers of mining activity. 

Transportation systems were required 

Few silver strikes were made 

As noted previously, the earliest roads of central 

Once William Talcott's discovery in 

The earliest formally established roads, beyond the 

Humboldt and Central routes, were toll roads enfranchised 

by the territorial legislature, and their location was 

simply a function of the greatest need (Maupin 1961:2). 

Although counties were theoretically responsible for 

designating routes! few had the funds to accomplish this. 

Instead, counties left the initiative to private enterp-ise, 

at least until they could exercise their right to purchase 

the roads (Angus, n.d.,n.p.). 

time to granting toll franchises (Angus, n.d. ) . An early 

toll road into the study area was granted to Moses Job and 

E. Penrod, ending "at a point where the stage road, known as 

the Simpson Route, crosses Reese River, with toll privileges 

for 20 years" (Laws of Nev. 1 Sess. 1861:36). Another 

example was Thomas Luther's 1864 road from a quartz mill in 

Upper Austin along a route "deem[ed] most practicable" to 

Geneva in Big Smoky Valley (Laws 1864~). 

Early sessions of the legislature devoted considerable 
72 

In the early years of the region's development, these 

toll franchises were no doubt quite lucrative, as the roads 

were heavily used not only by travellers but by freighters, 

whose large teams and wagons would mean substantial fees 

(Angus, n.d.). 

developed their own routes, as there was much competition 

among them to establish the "shortest," or at least a less 

arduous, way from one place to another and thereby increase 

their business * 

But soon freighting and stage companies 

Stage and freight lines were crucial to development of 

the region. They carried passengers and mail, and they 

brought from vast distances--California, Salt Lake, Virginia 

City--food and material goods of daily life, as well as 

every conceivable tool, item of equipment or piece of 

machinery needed at the widely-scattered mines. Construction 

of railroads did little to hamper business, as the two major 

lines, the Nevada Central and Eureka-Falisade, extended south 

from the Central Pacific only as far as Austin and Eureka. 

Instead, freighting played an important role in central 

Nevada until well into the 20th century. The continuing 

primitive state of the region's transportation systems (in 

contrast to the sophistication of its mining technology) was 

witnessed by Episcopalian churchman F. S. Spaulding, who in 

1905 on the road between San Antonio and Austin saw a ninepair team of horses hauling a gasoline engine and hoist 

(Spaulding, 6 April 1905). 

To understand the importance of the freighter in central 

Nevada's development, a single example is illustrative, In 

February, 1909, Walter G. Francis opened a partnership "in 

the teaming business" with G. H. Givens in Austin. Francis' 

business record for that year reveals an astonishing variety 

of jobs. 

to local individuals; he rented saddle horses, buggy and 

hearse teams, and whim horses. Among his cargoes were coal, 

hay, furniture, "COWS," Wells Fargo packages, dirt, manure 

and lumber (Francis 1909.' 

He hired out to the county, to Austin Consolidated, 

In order to operate effectively over the long, isolated 

distances between mining camps, freight and stage companies, 

particularly in the early years, developed and maintained 

their own routes and furnished them at intervals with stations, as had the Pony Express and Overland ventures before 

them. Later stations might develop at existing Tanches, or 

be established on the initiative of individuals along the 

routes. In July 1863, G. W. Jacobs organized a stage line 

from Austin to "the Hmboldt mines." His men were set to 

work constructing roads, bridges and stations, the latter 

well-provisioned for "men engaged on the route" (Reese 
'7 3 

River Reveille, 1 july 63:3). From Eureka, W. L. Pritchard's 

Fast Freight developed service to Fioche in 1871, with 

stations along the 120-mile route (Eureka Sentinel 13 March 1871:3). 

Pritchard also operated through Hot Creek (Sentinel 14 .Jan. 1871:J) 

but little evidence of his station remains on the ranch still 

known as "Pritchard's Station" (315). 

Other stations along the 1870's Eureka-Tybo route 

included Summit (2195), east of Fark Range, Hicks' (1013) in 

the valley between the Fark and Upper Hot Creek Ranges, 

Moore's (316) below Fritchard's. At least one station on the 

Tybo-Belmont route has been identified in the Monitor Range. 

Appropriately known as McCann's Station (2l7Z), it was 

operated in the 1870's by Barney McCann and his wife, Grace, 

both immigrants from Ireland. An early station on the 

Austin-Belmont road in the 1860's and 1870's was Elijah 

Smith's, also known as Stone House (2184). Other Monitor 

Valley stations included Thomas Morgan's (1044), and Pine 

Creek (2189). Further west were Cloverdale (352), which may 

date back to the establishment of a "free road" from Belmont 

to West Gate in 1867 (Nevada Surveyor General, 1867-68: 

139-40), and Baxter Spring (363). Some of these stations 

operated for many years, and were augmented by new ones as 

population movements required: 

(364) was developed in 1905 as a stage stop on a road between 

Manhattan and the new boom town at Tonopah (Blume 1977:11-39), 

and 

for example, Spanish Spring 

Stage and freight stations were basically simple 

affairs, although they might develop into sizable ranches 

with the passing years. 

dwelling, built of the most easily available materials, with 

an attached stable and corral. Log, adobe, and uncut stone 

were common construction materials, used informally and with 

strict attention to the utilitarian (Lass 1972:104). 

Stations served as rest stops for teams, drivers and stage 

passengers, and often all slept in the stable (Lass 1972:105). 

A stage or freight station was often a family enterprise. 

The census enumerator in 1880 counted at Moore's Station (316) 

iri Hot Creek valley five men: agmt William Moore, his 

brothers E* C. (a driver) and Walter (a mail carrier), a cook, 

and another stage driver. Further north, however, C. W. 

Hicks ' station, which was also a ranching operation, included 

his wife and daughter. Families were also recorded at 

McCann's, Morgan's, and Smith's stations in 1870 (1870 

Federal Census, Nye Co.; Tybo Sun 3 Nov. 1877:3). 

Some stations, due to location and amount of traffic, 

could be quite extensive affairs. Or,e of the best known is 

San Antonio in Big Smoky Valley near Peavine Creek. 

station, which served travellers en route to Belmont, Death 

Valley, Silver Peak and Gold Mountain, a two-story, L-plan 

The simplest consisted of a small 

At this 
"Stage Station" 

Diamond Station (Cox) 

Tonkin Ranch 

Walti Hot Springs 

'5 tage Station" 

Romano Ranch 

Sulphur Springs Station 

Roberts Creek Station 

Grubbs Well Station 

Shannon Station 

Willows Station 

Dry Creek Ranch 

S imps on Park S tat i on 

"Overland" Station 

Mt. Airy Station 

Smith Creek Station 

Dry Wells Station 

Silver Age IIouse 

Birch Creek Ranch 

20. Cape Worn Station 

21. 

22 I 

23. 

24.. 

25. 

26. 

27. 

28. 

29. 

30. 

31. 

32. 

33 * 

3'1 * 

35 * 

36. 

37 - 

38. 

39 

40. 

Minimun's Station 

Potts Ranch 

M i 1 1 e t t Ranc h 

Ta te 's Stage S -ha tion 

Craig's Station 

Darrough Hot Springs 

Morgan Ranch 

Hicks ' Station 

Pritchard's Station 

Moore's Station 

Clear Creek Ranch 

Pine Creek Station 

Smith's Station 

Blue Eagle Spring 

MeCann Station 

Spanish Spring 

Baxter Spring 

San Antonio 

Cloverdale Ranch 

Stone Cabin 
Battle Mountaln /--7 
75 

building of brick and adobe was built in 1865, said to contain 20 rooms (Blume 1977:11-23,24). Most stations, however, 

were probably relatively small, and structures associated 

with their activities, such as barns, stables and corrals, 

were in many cases soon irLtegrated into larger ranching 

operations. 

While freight and stage companies operated throughout 

the study area, expanding and redirecting their routes as 

movement of the mining population dictated, railroads in 

central Nevada were far more limited in their geographic 

scope. 

Central Facific, part of the nation's first transcontinental 

route, which was built along the Hwnboldt in 1869. Opening 

of this line was a major boon to the region, because, despite difficulties over high freight charges, it brought in mining equipment and machinery more swiftly than could freight 

companies, provided a means for shipping out ore, and proved 

an important boost to the region's livestock industry during 

the 1870's and 1880's. 

However, the Central Pacific ran far to the north of 

most mining centers in the region, and additional service 

was clearly required. Two narrow gauge lines were developed off the Central Pacific, the Nevada Central from Battle 

Mountain to Ledlie (connecting with the Austin City line into 

that town) in 1880, and the Eureka-Palisade in 1875. These 

were supplemented wi-th shorter lines, the Austin City (or 

Mules' Relief), and the Eureka-Ruby Hill (1875). These 

railroads, however, were developed largely to serve major 

mining centers already in existence, and thus contributed 

little to development of new regions. Indeed, the Battle 

Mountain-Lewis (1881) operated little less than one year, and 

was discontinued once the mines at Lewis were closed (King 

1954:74; see also Myrick 1962). 

Lack of railroad service was a hardship recognized early 

on in the development of the region, particularly Nye County. 

Indeed, the southern portion of the study area lacked a 

railroad until the Tonopah mining boom occasioned the construction of several, such as the Tonopah (1904) and the 

Tonopah-Goldfield (1905) (Elliott 1966:23-24). As early as 

1865, the Nye County assessor noted that "The most serious 

obstacle to the cheap production of the precious metals in 

this section . . . is found in the high prices teFuired to 

be paid for the transportation of freights . exhibiting the supreme importance of railroad connections 

between this section and our principal points of supply" 

(Nevada Surveyor General, 1865:66). Over twenty years later, 

the situation was no better: 

The first rail line through the region was the 

. . thus] 
76 

In relation to the railroads as a means of cheap 

transportation, we have not a mile of track in our 

county: in fact we are completely isolated from the 

outside world. . . . All our articles of import or 

export have to be hauled by teams, at a heavy expense, 

over 100 miles to the nearest point of railroad communication, to wit: Eureka, Ledlie or Sodaville 

(Nevada Surveyor General, 1887-8:109). 

This plaintive comment underscores both the limited partici- pation of railroads in the region's development, particularly in Nye county, and the continued importance of the freighting 

companies. Indeed, by the turn of the century, the Nevada 

Central Railroad had grown so inefficient that the line's 

contract to carry mail from Battle Mountain to Austin was 

cancelled and awarded instead to "an ox teamster to ensure 

more rapid delivery" (Tonopah Bonanza 23 Jan. 1904:LC). 

Little remains to mark the existence of central Nevada's 

narrow gauge railroads. Their existence fostered the 

development of only one town in the study area of note 

(Battle Mountain, which had the advantage of location on the 

Central Pacific line as well), although water stations and 

flag stops such as Blackburn, Alpha, Watts and Caton's pre- sumably entertained visions of greatness common to all 

railroad towns. Both the Nevada Central and the EurekaPalisade were abandoned in 1938. 

sold for scrap during World War 11, and machine shops, roundhouses and other railroad buildings at Battle Mountain, 

Austin and Eureka are long gone, although remains of the 

station at Eureka still stand and are being used as a barn. 

The principal physical legacy of the railroads is miles of 

abandoned grade, perhaps a few decaying bridges, and 

numerous shacks, dwellings and ranch buildings constructed 

with railroad ties. 

The rails were torn up and 
77 

A gr i c ul t ur e 

"The western range is largely open and unfenced, with 

control of stock by herding; when fenced, relatively 

large units are enclosed. 

tions only native grasses and other forage plants . , . and can in the main be restored only through control of 

grazing. 

because of relatively meager precipitation or other 

adverse climatic conditions, or rough topography or the 

lack of water for irrigation, cannot successfully be 

used for any other form of agriculture." 1950; 1) 

Apart from mining, the most important contributm to the 

economy of central Nevada has been the range livestock 

industry. The land here is, by and large, unsuited to "any 

other form of agriculture," but through human perseverance 

and determination, it has historically supported significant 

numbers of cattle and sheep. "Sagebrush-grass range" offers 

"an abundance of grasses and weeds growing around and under 

sage"; spacing of trees in the pinyon-juniper range has 

allowed the growth of "considerable browse, " ideal for spring 

grazing. Salt-desert shrub range features shadscale, budsage 

and a variety of grasses, and has been considered "fine 

winter range" for both sheep and cattle. 

shrub (or creosote) range (found only in the extreme southern 

portion of the study area) provides year-round grazing for 

cattle and is used as winter sheep range (Hazeltine 1941:1-8). 

It supports with few excepIt consists almost exclusively of lands which, 

(Clawson 

Southern desert 

Exploitation of these ranges has been characterized by 

the need to act within certain unavoidable constraints: 

of abundant water; severe climate, especially in winter; and 

the fact that the central Nevada rangelands are ecologically 

quite fragile and will support very few animals per acre. 

Achieving a balance between use and conservation of the 

region's rangeland has been a recurring problem in the area's 

qgricultural history, and is still a political and economic 

factor today. 

many years been characterized by a small number of widelyspaced ranches and enormous grazing areas, all exclusively 

geared to range livestock production and largely independent 

of the mining economy, this has not always been the case. 

Particularly in the early decades of the region's development, 

mining booms created demand for a wide variety of foodstuffs, 

These garden crops were produced on farms located near mining 

communities that provided a ready and voracious market, since 

the alternative was importation of food at great expense from 

lack 

Although central Nevada's agricultural landscape has for 
78 

California, Utah, and the valleys of western Nevada 

(Reese River Reveille 18 Feb, 1965:~). 

to indicate that farming came to central Nevada hard on the 

heels of the miners. On 16 May 1863, the Reveille noted a 

"goodly number of ranchers" already located in the Reese 

River Valley (p. 2). Subsequent issues announced the first 

barley crop (sown by George Wilson, who also grew vegetables) 

(Reveille 30 May 1963:3), and "Mr. Mason's" trading post and 

store "on the emigrant road" which was to be supplied with 

potatoes and other vegetables from Mason's own gardens 

(Reveille 3 June 1963:3). As summer wore on, readers followed local agricultural progress: onions, potatoes, cabbages, and turnips, and even cucumbers were ripening and 

would soon appear in Austin's hotels and stores (Reveille 15 July 1963:~; 29 Aug. 1963:3). Some vegetables no doubt 

came from "0 'Neil's ranch, eight miles down from Jacobsville, I' 

where crops included potatoes, corn, barley, arid "a variety 

of salads and greens" (Reveille 23 May 19634). More distant 

farmers, such as Sabin Nichols and Robinson, Talcott & Co. in 

Grass Valley, were yet "near enough" to furnish the Austin 

market with peas, onions, lettuce, cabbage and watermelon 

(Reveille 16 June 1963:3; 4 July 1963:3). 

country. The Nye County assessor in 1866 noted "excellent 

vegetables" growing in Monitor and Big Smoky valleys, includnearly 100 tons of potatoes (Nevada Surveyor General 

%6:83; Berg 1942:60). Twenty years later, the list of 

valleys "in which farming [wasj conducted to any extent" 

included Indian, Peavine, Hot Creek and Antelope valleys. 

In 1879-80, the Eureka County assessor reported production of 

onions, cabbage, corn, potatoes, carrots, parsnips, tomatoes, 

beets and turnips (Nevada Surveyor General 1880:34-35). 

early farmers, who raised hay, barley and oats to feed 

thousands of horses and mules brought to the region by the 

mining industry, freighting companies and the general 

populace. Reese River and Grass Valley produced hay for the 

Austin area (Reese River Reveille, 16 May 1863:~; 5April 

1864:2) and Nye county mining communities were similarly 

supplied from nearby ranches (Nevada Surveyor General 1866: 

63; 1892:112). At first, hay was derived principally from 

native grasses that grew in valley meadows; alfalfa was not 

raised in quantity until the 1880's (Short l965:42). 

Because production of garden crops was geared almost 

entirely to local markets, this form of agriculture gradually 

declined during the 1880's, as the region's first mining boom 

Early issues of the Reese River Reveille offer examples 

Production of foodstuffs was not limited to Reese River 

Animal wants no less than human needs were supplied by 
79 

came to an end (Hardman and Mason 1949:24). There appears to 

have been little attempt to grow vegetables for more distant 

markets. This was probably due to lack of sufficient water 

to grow these crops on a large scale, and certainly to the 

high cost of transportation to markets outside the immediate 

area. Instead, many farmers and small ranchers turned to the 

range livestock industry, which had been developing in the 

region since the early 1860's. 

Historians have credited emigrants travelling to 

California in the 1850's with bringing the first livestock 

into Nevada (Hardman and Mason 1949:23; Short 1965:4; 

Hazeltine l9hl:l-2). At "stations" set up along the Humboldt 

and Carson routes, travelers were able to exchange exhausted 

animals for others, left behind by earlier emigrants, which 

had "recuperated" in nearby valley meadows (Hardman and Mason 

1949:23; Georgetta 1965:28-29). Herds thus built up by settlers along the emigrant routes remained small, however, 

because there were no local markets in central Nevada to 

encourage greater development (Townley 1976: 111). 

fledgling livestock industry. Drought and a severe winter 

in California in 1862-63, coupled with discovery of silver 

at Reese River and its attendant boom, brought California 

ranchers to the Humboldt valley, where prime grasslands 

offered excellent winter grazing (Townley 1976:lll). Occupation of rangeland here and in valleys to the north and 

south was further encouraged by news in 1866 that the Central 

Pacific Railroad would be routed along the Humboldt, thus 

providing central Nevada ranchers wi th a direct shipping line 

to California markets (Townley 1976:111). The railroad also 

lured Texas cattlemen, who brought longhorns into Nevada 

until 1869, when local concern over importation of disease 

along with the cattle resulted in state legislation that 

ended Texas drives (Townley 1976:113). 

cattlemen, first developed in the Humboldt region, explosion 

of mining activity throughout central Nevada created many 

new markets for both sheepmen and cattle ranchers. Like 

cattle, the first significant numbers of sheep were brought 

from California, beginning soon after the Civil War, in 

response to a growing demand for mutton in mining camps 

(Georgetta 1965:25-26: Connor 1918:135). Soon, however, 

sheep, as well as cattle, grazed in many central Nevada 

valleys, and ranches could be found "wherever a large enough 

stream [came] down from the mountains" (Berg 1342:57). In 

many cases, individual stockmen owned (or claimed) several 

ranches, all in one valley or scattered about several, thus 

The 1860's brought significant changes to the region's 

Although large-scale ranching, dominated by California 
80 

ensuring adeqriate water and grazing for their growing herds 

( Truett Papers) . 

Rapid increase in livestock numbers, however, pressed 

the region's natural resources to the limit, In the 1870's, 

a period of significant growth in the livestock industry, 

overgrazing became a noticeable problem (Hardman and Mason 

1949:23; Sawyer 1971:17; Short 1965:20) as cattlemen vied 

with each other and with sheepmen for access to water and 

grass. Against sheep, cattlemen were at some disadvantage. 

The woolly animals, "following the grass" (Fleming and Brennen 

1937:4), travelled much farther for forage, from spring and 

summer grazing in the mountains to desert winter ranges in 

the south, which were often far from their home ranches 

(Clawson 1950:228-29; Flemingand Brennen 1937,3). Sheep ate 

snow, thus allowing more flexibility in the location of their 

winter ranges, since for at least that part of the year they 

would not be dependent upon springs or streams for water 

(Fleming and Brennen 1937:3). 

It required only a severe winter or two to confirm the 

somewhat precarious nature of the region's livestock industry. The first such winter, in 1879-80, produced losses of 

up to 50% in much of central Nevada (Short 1965:28), as 

depleted rangelands simply failed to provide sufficient 

browse to meet livestock needs. In response, ranchers in 

the 1880's began to consider growing alfalfa as a way to 

supplement hay supplies heretofore drawn principally from the 

natural grasses of valley meadows (Short 1965:45). During 

the winter of 1889-90, liv-estock losses ran 40% statewide. 

Subsequently, winter feeding, previously the exception, 

became much more the rule (Short 1965:66). 

The turn of the century was a time of adjustment in the 

region's livestock industry. Until then, ranchers had gone 

their own ways, dealing with individual problems of food and 

water in a spirit of "fair play" (True-tt Papers). The 

winter of 1889-90 however, pointed out the need for systematic management of the range, rather than simple exploitation 

of it (Short 1965:66). Rapid expansion of the sheep industry in these years also provided cattlemen with added incentive to seek some form of range management. For 20 years, 

the sheep industry had been dominated by Scandinavian, Irish 

and Scots immigrants. In the 1890's their numbers were 

noticeably increased by the Basques, many driven out of 

California by drought, joining countrymen who had come early 

to Nevada from Oregon (Short 1945:77; Barrenchea 1961:l). 

These newly-arrived Basques contributed in a major way to 

growth of the sheep industry, which reached a peak statewide 

by 1910 (Hardman and Mason, 1949:23) Although they concentrated for the most part in northern and northeastern Nevada, 
81 

Basques soon could be found on ranches scattered throughout 

the study area, particularly in the north and central mountain sections. Some established ranches in hitherto 

unexploited locations, but others simply acquired existing 

operations, converted them if necessary to sheep raising, 

and made other improvements as needed. Two examples are 

Moore's and Pritchard's stations in Hot Creek valley, which 

in the early decades of the 20th century were home to 

Baptist@ Sorhouet and Phillipe Egoscue, respectively. 

cattle industry led to attempts to control the former 

through grazing laws, and sheepmen were required to obtain 

livestock certificates from county officials in the Course 

of moving their herds through the seasonal grazing cycle 

(Truett Papers ; Creel 1964:ll; Nye Co. Records: Livestock 

Certificates 1916-1918). Additional regulation came with 

establishment in 1906-07 of several National Forests in the 

region, in which livestock (generally sheep, which foraged 

in mountainous areas where cattle could not) could graze only 

for a fee (Creel 1964:12). 

Pressure of sheep against the dominant, but struggling, 

Cattlemen also faced competition from another quarter, 

one less amenable to regulation. Toward the end of the 19th 

century, valleys of the Great Basin became a sort of last 

refuge for thousands of wild horses, descendants of stray 

stock from the region's mining camps and ranches. To cattlemen, mustangs were useless as work animals, and their numbers 

and foraging patterns depleted available rangeland as 

severely as did sheep (Thomas 1979:36; Wyman 1945:97; Hardy, 

in Venstrom and Mason 1944:610). The increase in mustang 

herds, due to depressed prices for horses that obtained from 

the 1870's until well into the 1890's (Thomas 1979:38) 

evoked sufficient outcry to pass legislation in 1897 permitting the destruction of "unbranded, wild" horses (Vens trom and 

Mason 1944:40). Within a few years, over 15,000 horses were 

shot, but hunters' enthusiasm for almost anything equine, 

regardless of ownership status, led to the law's repeal 

(Wyman 1945:139). 

International events, beginning with the SpanishAmerican and Boer wars, created a strong market for horses, 

wild or otherwise, and mustangers became frequent visitors 

to central Nevada's valleys. Despite their efforts, nearly 

100,000 mustangs could be found in the region as late as 

1910 (Wyman 1945:121, 138). World War I provided another 

enormous market for horses, and ranchers and mustangers alike 

vigorously supplied the demand (Wyman 1445:142; Thomas 1979: 

39). War's end, however, brought the inevitable decline in 

prices, and remaining horse herds grew once again. Their 
82 

numbers, coupled with continuing lack of federal regulation 

over grazing of cattle and sheep on public land, led to 

serious--and in some areas of the west, still evident-- 

depletion of existing rangelands (Thomas 1979:39). Finally, 

Congress passed the Taylor Grazing Act in 1934, which among 

other things provided for direct government participation 

in wild horse control. 

development of the dog and cat food industry after World War 

11, which created a long-term market for horse meat. 

These efforts were assisted by 

Although individual. wild horses were captured by various 

means, including creasing, snaring and ropkg, the most popular method was to drive horses in bunches into enclosures 

(Wyman 1945:224). The circular corral or "trap," which was 

entered via a "funnel" formed by two wings, was of Spanish 

origin (Wyman 1945:216), and its simple and efficient form 

endured, whatever the materials employed, The "funnel" 

concentrated the running horses into a compact mass headed 

straight for the enclosure, and the circular form of the 

corral eliminated corners in which the animals might otherwise have been crushed and injured (Dobie 1934:227). Erushy 

hollows and canyons were "usual locations" for horsetraps, 

but they could also be set up at a water hole or spring, or 

on the bank of a creek at a crossing commonly used by wild 

horses (Dobie 1934:229; Wyman 1945:239), 

Horsetraps, seldom designed for permanence, were often 

constructed of materials readily at hand, such as cottonwood 

and juniper posts, brush, whole trees or logs, the whole 

often tied together with woven wire. Stone may have also 

been used, because there was so much of it available, but 

the effort required to pile it up probably made employment 

of this material unusual, or practical only in circumstances 

in which the corral was intended for other uses as well. 

An alternative, developed by mustanger "Pete" Barnum and 

first used around WWI in the "wildest parts of Nevada" was 

the canvas corral (Wyman 1945:221, 222). It was easier to 

transport than wire, and was far less injurious to horses. 

are still to be found in the study area. Because the wild 

horse problem was, and is, a recurring phenomenon, and 

because traps were constructed over the years with a limited 

variety of materials, it is not always easy to date them. 

Only a few traps have been recorded in the study area. None 

of them is of canvas, a material which "revolutionized the 

methods" of Nevada horse-catching (Wyman 1945:221), but this 

is hardly surprising since a basic feature of the canvas corral 

was its portability. However, recorded traps include 

examples of log (8911, post and cable (850), post and barbed 

Although built as temporary structures, wild horse traps 
83 

wire (961) and even log and sheet metal (1229) construction. 

One, at Rocky Gap Spring (ll92), also includes remains of 

additional activities associated with horsecatching, such as 

sorting or breaking, although the structures are in a very 

deteriorated condition. 

in the National Register, and cited for its resemblance to a 

trap described by Will James. More to the point would be 

study of the variety of forms, materials and utilization of 

natural features that characterize horsetrap construction and 

location, and recognition of these structures as integral 

components of the region's agricultural history. 

One horse trap (130) has been listed 

Irrigation, fencing and breeding were other ways in 

which central Nevada ranchers of the late 19th and early 20th 

centuries attempted to deal with environmental constraints 

and competition for both markets and grazing lands. 

century township survey maps clearly show, farmers and 

ranchers began irrigating portions of their land at a very 

early date. These irrigation systems, which could range from 

shallow ditches that carried water diverted from streams 

small brush darns, to "great masonry walls" (Smythe 1905: 33 ) 

were probably used often in the early decades to water garden 

crops and barley sold in mining camps and towns. Gradually, 

however, irrigated lands in the region came to consist largely of native and improved grasslands producing hay or pasture 

for cattle, and were also used to control natural sources of 

drinking water (Adams 1926:331; Hardman and Mason 1949:26). 

Two existing systems may be seen on ranches of some age: the 

O'Toole Ranch (1236) in upper Reese River valley, and $an 

Antonio Ranch (944) in Big Smoky valley. 

As 19th 

bc 

Barbed-wire fencing, .which came into use in the 1880's 

(Crofut 1970: 89, served a variety of purposes. 

petition for water and range, barbed wire was erected to 

protect pastures , springs and other watering places from 

both wild horses and other men's livestock. Fencing of 

pastures, however, sometimes cut animals off from water; the 

result was an increase in drilling of wells and erection of 

tanks and windmills in pastures distant from existing water 

supplies (Shannon 1945:206). 

In the comFencing was also a factor in the improvement of breeding 

stock: without it, a rancher's fine bull or stallion would 

give free service to his neigh5or's herd, and his blooded 

mares or cows would be subject to unwanted attention from 

wild or less valuable visitors (Venstrom and Mason 1944:610). 

Although agricultural statistics from 1890 indicate that very 

few ranchers in the study area were running blooded stock, 

the need for hardy animals that produced the quality and 

quantity of meat expected by American consumers led to 

serious attempts to improve herds. A notable example was 
84 

the Lander County Livestock Co., organized in 1905-06 by 

George Watt and J. A. Milboy, on Watt's father's Silver 

Creek Ranch (2118) in Reese River valley. The company's 

emphasis was on improvement of local breeding stock, and to 

this end Watt and Milboy used investments from area ranchers 

to acquire Herefords from the Reno area-and Cotswold rams 

from Utah; among horses, their "principal attention'' was 

devoted to draft animals (Reese River Reveille, Spec. Supp. 

Jan. 1910: 80-81). 

Although the fragile nature of the environment had begun 

to cons train central Nevada's livestock indus try barely a 

decade after ranchers moved into the region, many more 

decades were to pass before a reassnably workable form of 

range management was developed. The early decades of the 

20th century saw experimentation in several directions, such 

as county-issued livestock certif icates (generally for sheep) 

and establishment of national forests wherein grazing was 

federally regulated. One effort at the state level was the 

1903 Irrigation Law, which created the Office of State 

Engineer, one of whose responsibilities was regulation of the 

appropriation of water from the state's rivers, springs and 

streams (Report of State Engineer 1903/04), A major problem, 

however, was the federal government's policy toward public 

lands. Historically, that policy had been geared to speedy 

d'istribution of land to individuals, in order to give men of 

little wealth an opportunity to pursue Thomas Jefferson's 

agrarian dream. Federal land laws were aimed at disposal, 

which succeeded mightily in the prairie and plains states, 

but failed in the mountain and desert regions of the far west. 

Thus in central Nevada, land ownership was not characterized 

by a Jeffersonkan profusion of small holdings, but rather by 

a small number of ranchers claiming only water and pasturelands, leaving marginal ranges (which comprised most of the 

region) in the public domain. The result was, of course, 

overgrazing, depletion of water sources, and competition-- 

political, legal and physical--among the region's ranchers 

(Clawson 1950:95-96; Adams 1916:324-325). 

The Taylor Grazing Act of 1934 finally confronted the 

question of management of public lands. Most important for 

the range livestock industry was organization of grazing 

districts, mostly below national forests, that included 

desert and semi-desert range; and the creation of the Bureau 

of Land Management out of the Grazing Service and General 

Land Office in 1946 (Clawson 1950:lOO). Grazing permits controlled the numbers of livestock on public lands, and 

seasonal movements of sheep were regulated through establishment of formal "trails" (Sawyer 1971:89). Concern for 

maintenance of the range also brought the BLM into the 

question of wild horse control, which proved a boon for 
85 

ranchers but a source of controversy elsewhere (Thomas 

1979) * 

The Taylor Grazing Act and subsequent articulation of 

federal land policy provided central Nevada (and the west as 

a whole) with a much-needed framework for range conservation 

and use. The federal "partnership" with ranchers has not 

always run smoothly, due to differing opinions on matters 

such as proper rate of stocking, multiple use of public land, 

and how much regulation is "enough. I' Nonetheless, careful 

management of the environment has sustained to this day one 

of the most important elements in the historical and economic 

development of the region. 
86 

Ranchers and Ranches 

A major consequence of discovery of silver at Reese 

River was the opening of the entire central Nevada region 

to agricultural as well as mineral exploitation. Even as 

prospectors scattered throughout the mountains , the broad 

valleys and foothills were host to prospectors of a different 

sort, seeking water and grasslands on which to establish 

farms and ranches. Logically enough, many of the earliest 

ranchers located near Reese River; as noted previously, a 

"goodly number" were settled in Reese River valley and ready 

to cut hay by the spring of 1863. At the same time, ranches 

were established in Grass Valley northeast of Austin, among 

them Dan Callaghan's (2119) (Reese River Reveille 12 Aug. 

1863:3). To the west, the brothers Maestretti located sheep 

ranches on Smith Creek, by the former Pony Express station 

(476) (Truett Papers; King 199k51) , and Peter and Frank 

Peterson established ranching and small-scale mining operations at the north end of Smith Creek Valley (473) (Kusunoki 

1961: 8). 

Situated often in the foothills of the ranges, hard by 

streams flowing down from the mountains, or in the wider 

canyons, ranches were founded in the 1860's and 1870's 

throughout central Nevada. Lee Vaughn and George Watt 

(2118) settled in lower Reese River. Diamond Valley ranches 

included the Sadler (2150) and Romano (2146), H. C. 

Fenstermaker (1039,2130) located in Fish Creek Valley, where 

in 1879 he developed a fish hatchery in artificial ponds near 

his ranch (Nevada Surveyor General 1880:30). 

ranches in this eastern portion of the study area were 

Nichols (k/a Hay Ranch) in Kobeh Valley (2135) and, near 

Secret Canyon, Nager's ranch (k/a Bank Ranch) (1016) 

Other early 

The broad Big Smoky and Monitor valleys, reaching south 

far into Nye County, were also occupied early, at least' 

partly in response to mining activity that focused on the 

surrounding mountains in the 1860's and 1870's. Givens ' 

ranch (2115), at the north end of the Big Smoky, was occupied 

by the mid-l870's, as were Black Bird ranch (2108) near the 

site of the Cape Horn Overland station (2109) and Henry 

Schmidlein's ranch at the mouth of Kingston Canyon. 

south, one of the earliest ranches was Darrough's (354), with 

a house built in 1863 that is still extant. In Monitor 

Valley, early cattle ranches included Joseph Hodges Box 

Spring (2131) and Samuel S teinifiger 's on Mosquito Creek 

(2194) Another was "Anderson's Empire Ranch" an 1870's 

cattle operation converted in the 1890's to sheep by William 

Potts (Berg 1942:59; Truett Papers). 

Farther 
a7 

Farther east and south, Little Fish Lake Valley was 

host to Miller's Crow Creek Ranch (340) by 1876. At the 

south end of this valley, J. D. Page, proprietor of Hot 

Creek's "butchering gallows, " established a ranch, perhaps 

as early as 1865 (Lewis 197O:bZ). Stone Cabin valley also 

saw early agricultural settlement: in 1875, Daniel Murphy 

was running cattle at Stone Cabin ranch (2167), earlier 

known as the Fitzpatrick ranch. The Twin Springs Stock 

ranch (2168), at the south end of Hot Creek valley, was 

owned by Jewett Adams, one of the state's major stockmen 

who served as Lt. Governor and Governor in the late 1870's 

and through most of the 1880's. 

did not prevent him from taking an active interest in his 

ranch holdings. In September 1877 the Tybo Sun announced 

Adams' arrival in town and his plans to "look after stock 

on his ranch near Twin Springs" (22 Sept. 1877:l). By 1880 

the ranch employed twenty-five hands who "being cow boys they 

were absent from home" when the federal census enumerator came 

to call that year. 

Adams' political activities 

While most ranches were developed simply for farming and 

stock growing, others were associated with stage or freight 

stations at some period in their history. Some ranches 

developed at existing stations; others may have preceded, and 

later incorporated station functions, and some may have 

served the dual purpose from the beginning. Regardless of 

chronology, however, ranches of this type had in common their 

location along major transportation routes, or at the junction of several roads, as well as proximity to water and 

grazing necessary for both station and ranching operations. 

Although the Pony Express was short lived, a number of 

its hastily-built stations had a much longer subsequent 

history as ranches (Welch 1979:jO). Among these was Dry 

Creek (2116), which John Hickison developed into a substantial sheep enterprise by WWI, with a dwelling, barn, shop and 

bunkhouse (Nye Co. Records, Livestock Certificates). Smith 

Creek station (476) was acquired by Antonio Maestretti and 

his brother in the 1870's. Roberts Creek (2139) and Grubbs 

Well (2137) stations are today the site of working ranches 

(Welch 1979:SO). Diamond Springs (2151), also with current 

ranching activity, was by 1879 home of W. F. Cox and a 

telegraph station, and at the same time Sulphur Springs was 

occupied by a man named Barnes. 

The station/ranch phenomenon was not limited to former 

Pony Express/Overland stops. Along the Eureka-Hot Creek-Tybo 

routes developed in the late 1860's and early 187O's, Summit 

(2195) station was by 1889 claimed by John Williams for stock 

cattle (Truett Papers), and, as noted previously, C. W. Hicks 

and the Moore brothers managed stations and stock operations 
88 

simultaneously (1880 Federal Census, Nye Co. : Truett Papers). 

In Monitor Valley, there is evidence that Smith's station 

(2184) was by 1880 site of a ranch operated by Michael 

Corcoran (1880 Federal Census, Nye Co.). At the same time, 

stationkeeper Thomas Morgan (1044) had a small herd of 

cattle to tend as well as travelers and teamsters to care 

for (1880 Federal Census, Nye Co. ; Truett Papers). 

A few ranches grew up at centers of mining activity, 

usually after the mines had closed and the miners had, often 

quite literally, "folded their tents" and moved away. Two 

good examples are Hot Creek and Upper Hot Creek ranches 

(324), which were developed in the early 20th century amid 

the ruins of twin mining camps of the same names. In Little 

Mill Creek Canyon on the eastern slope of the Kawich range, 

discovery of gold and silver in 1905 led to formation of a 

camp known variously as Gold Belt or Eden. Two ranches, 

Eden Creek and Upper Eden Creek (337) subsequently occupied 

the site and structures of this short-lived mining venture 

(Blume 1977:11-129-132). 

As noted in this study and elsewhere (Shepperson 1970), 

19th century mining camps and towns of central Nevada 

featured a decidedly international cast of characters. 

Although less pronounced, and certainly less recognized, 

that "cosmopolitanism" was also present in the region's 

agricultural society . 

The most frequently mentioned national group was the 

Basque, which contributed significantly to expansion of the 

region's sheep industry in the late 19th and early 20th 

centuries. Other na-tionalities , however, also participated 

in the settlement and agricultural development of the 

region. 

as Dan Callaghan in Grass Valley, William Smythe near Hot 

Creek and Michael Corcoran in Monitor Valley. 

Potts, a Monitor valley sheepman, came from England, The 

Germans included dairyman F. Gelleman in the northern Reese 

River Valley, Daniel and George Ernst in Hot Creek, Leopold 

Steiner near Austin, and Charles Goldbach, a sheep dealer 

from the Belmont area. Swiss ana Italians, despite their 

overwhelming identification with the charcoal industry, also 

included agriculturalists among their numbers, particularly 

after the charcoal demand of the 1870's and 1880's declined. 

Thus farms and ranches owned by Swiss and Italian immigrants 

are found throughout the region: the Maestrettis at Smith 

Creek, De Paoli, Mattei, Pedrioli and Romano in Diamond 

Valley, Maggin1 in northern Monitor valley, Walti in Grass 

Valley, Bordo1.i and Arigoni at Ox Spring on the east side of 

Railroad Valley. 

Irish were represented by farmers and ranchers such 

William 
89 

The central Nevada ranch, regardless of location, age, 

type of livestock or ethnic origins of its operator, 

basically consisted of one or more houses and an assortment 

of barns, sheds, corrals and miscellaneous outbuildings. If 

the operation were large, there might be a bunkhouse and 

perhaps a dining area for hired hands, Very large barns 

were uncommon, as it was generally the practice to winter 

stock outdoors, even if they were hand-fed (Crofut 1970:89: 

Carpenter 1941:41-3) . For young and weak animals, an open 

shed across one side of a corral was considered sufficient 

bad-weather shelter. On ranches that served also as freight 

or stage stations, a stable or barn might be available for 

weary teams, and many ranchers built small barns for dairy 

cattle or far particularly valuable cattle or sheep. Given 

the arid climate, there was little need for hay storage, even 

in the open sided hay barns common in states to the north and 

east. Instead, hay was brought from the field by wagon and 

piled into large, rounded stacks, accomplished through use of 

a wooden, generally portable, derrick (Fife 1948: 225-239) 

There was often a "hay corral" within the ranch complex 

proper, but hay could also be stacked in outlying pastures 

or brought to livestock on the range in wagons or sleds 

(Crofut 1970: 89, 93), 

Other ranch structures included sheds for storing haying 

machinery, wagons and other equipment, and perhaps a forge or 

smithy. Unlike crop farms, which in the 20th century became 

heavily mechanized, there were few opportunities for mechanizing a livestock operation, so the number of machine sheds 

on ranches tended to remain small. Also seldom seen were 

corncribs or silos, since central Nevada's most viable crop 

was hay, rather than corn, 

The ranch also provided food and shelter for the 

rancher, his family and his hands. The ranch house was commonly a low, one-story rectangular structure, with shallow 

gable roof, entrance in one of the long sides, and seldom 

more than three or four rooms (Trewartha 1948:179, 182). A 

garden provided fresh vegetables in season, some of which 

might be stored in cellars dug into the ground. Chicken 

houses and perhaps an occasional hog house provided additional 

sources of meat, which could be cured in a small stone 

smokehouse. 

Although most ranches had less than 10 functional 

buildings (Trewartha 1948:179), it is not uncommon to 

encounter ranches with many more. As a rule, a large number 

of buildings, many in various stages of decrepitude and disuse, reflects a long history of occupation on a ranch, in 

which, due to plenty of space, new structures were erected 

as needed and the older buildings gradually abandoned. 
90 

The materials of ranch construction were many, and 

although quite varied had in common their ready accessibility 

and low cost, 

mitive transportation, the cost of manufactured building 

materials, such as milled lumber and brick, tended to be 

prohibitive, and much of the best lumber, when available, 

generally went into the mines Barbed wire, too, was expensive at first: and when used was often to enclose large 

areas of ground such as pasture, while cottonwood or juniper 

stakes of random length, set close together as a "palisade," 

were commonly used for the ranchstead's corrals and pens. 

Another fence type featured rails or saplings notched into 

vertical posts , 

In a region of long distances and fairly priUntil well into the 20th century, ranch building construction was almost exclusively a function of the kind of 

materials locally available: cottonwood, juniper, willow, 

adobe and stone. 

accomplished carpenters or masons : rather they were 

"finished" only to the extent absolutely necessary, and then 

assembled with great dispatch. 

buildings "not of very ostentatious or even comfortable pretensions"--at least at first (Reese River Reveille 30 April 

1864:J). The functional invariably won out over the aesthetic, and scavenged materials, such as corrugated metal, railroad ties and even flattened metal cans eventually appeared 

on ranch structures. As long as it served the purpose, any 

material was useful: ranchers' priorities for investment lay 

in land and livestock rather than buildings (Clawson 1950: 

These materials were seldom worked by 

The result was a group of 

200). 

Ranch structures, regardless of use, tended to have a 

low, long rectangular shape, with a shallow-pitched shed or 

gable roof. 

entrances in the long side, while other structures such as 

barns or machine sheds often had doors on a gable end. 

Although wall materials tended to be rough, door and window 

openings were often framed with more carefully cut, or even 

milled lumber. 

1-40), as most available wood was unsuitable for shingles, 

and manufactured shingles, like so many other things, were 

scarce and expensive in 19th and early 20th century central 

Nevada. Furthermore, the dry climate meant that shingles, 

whose main purpose is to shed water, were not really necessary. The dirt roof, on the other hand, was certainly 

economical, and easy to construct: 

Dwellings and animal sheds generally had 

Dirt roofs were extremely common (Blume 1977: 

"The truss system usually employs trimmed tree trunks or 

large limbs, the rafters being made of limbs smaller 

than the ridgepole or headers. The system is then 

nailed or tied together. When the rafter system has 
91 

been connected to the ridgepole and headers and the 

joist system is in place, branches are spread over the 

rafters and secured at the ridgepole. 

covered with canvas, burlap, pieces of metal, grass, 

shredded bark, paper products or other kinds of flat 

materials, A layer of dirt, usually between 4 and 12 

inches thick, is placed over the whole , . ,I' (Blume 

These are then 

1977:1-40). 

Stone construction was utilized throughout the study 

area, again principally due to availability of the material. 

Perhaps more precisely termed "rubble rock" construction, 

this method employed undressed stone laid up dry or with a 

mud or lean concrete mortar. If the rocks were extremely 

irregular, the resulting wide joints might be filled with 

small stones and then mortared, in a simple form of 

galletting (Blume 1977: 1-41). 

Although the arch is a traditional way of bridging 

openings in masonry, it appears to have been seldom used 

outside of towns. Instead, door and window lintels were nade 

with wood slabs, square timbers or, much more rarely, stone. 

One of the few exceptions so far recorded in the study area 

is the dwelling at Stone House Ranch in Monitor Valley. This 

house is unusual for several reasons: it has two full 

stories, and the front wall is constructed of carefully 

dressed random ash-lar. On this elevation, too, first-floor 

openings are surmounted by shallow segmental arches of brick. 

Bricks were easier to work with than stone, which probably 

accounts for their use here. One reason for the use of 

arches at all may have been to distribute the weight of the 

masonry above: 

the amount of stone above door and window openings was 

generally small enough to eliminate the need for arches 

entirely . 

in the more common single-story building, 

There is a great variety of stone construction to be 

found in the study area. Minimun's Station (1004) near 

Bowman Creek features a small rubble-rock dwelling, with 

shallow dirt roof and stone slab lintels. On Potts' Ranch 

(1010) is a small barn or machine shed constructed of rather 

lmge rocks that may have been very slightly dressed to give 

a roughly rectangular shape. The shingled roof is steeplypitched, by area standards, and the gable end above the wide 

entrance is sheathed with rough clapboards. At Butler's 

(1034) is a long, rectangular stone house with a substantial 

exterior chimney and the ubiquitous dirt roof. Several stone 

buildings are found on the Segura Ranch (1038)- One, a small 

barn or animal shelter, has thick mortar joints in its 

rubble walls, and a wide "dutch" door in the gable end. 

Perhaps due to the width of the structure, the roof system 
92 

includes two log purlins, as well as log ridgepole and 

plates I 

The dugout (many examples of which are found in mining, 

rather than ranching, areas, perhaps because many originated 

as prospects) also employed stone in its construction, 

Excavated into the slope of a hill, the dugout was a relatively simple structure, although it could be quite substantially built. A good example may be found at Cloverdale 

Ranch (352), which has a variety of interesting and wellpreserved structures. Another rather crude dugout is at 

Spanish Spring (364), 20 feet square and constructed of small 

boulders. 

Several stone ranch houses, which appear to date from 

around the First World War, show slightly more attention to 

"style" than is generally the case with ranch houses recorded 

in the study area. The houses at Moore's and Pritchard's 

stations have clearly quoined corners, which not only provide 

a decorative touch but contribute to the strength of the 

walls. At Hat Creek Ranch (324), the main house (c. 1910) is 

constructed of well-cut stone, and has a simple wood cornice, 

porches with short columns on pedestals, and a high conical 

roof projection at one corner. 

Buildings of fired brick are seldom found on central 

Nevada ranches, although a brick house from the 1880's has 

been recorded at Twin Rivers Ranch (2211) in Big Smoky Valley 

(Truett Tapers). Adobe brick, an ancient tradition in the 

southwestern U.S., was sometimes used where there was a convenient water source (Blume 1977:1-39). One of the earliest 

dated examples in the study area is the ruin of the stage 

station at San Antonio (356), which combines firebrick and 

adobe, and was once washed with an adobe plaster on the 

inside (Blme 1977: 11-24-29. Potts Ranch and Morrison 

Ranch (1029) each have several adobe structures; loss of a 

roof on one at Morrison's vividly illustrates the effect of 

weathering on the material, which seems to "melt" in the 

rain. A far better preserved (and certainly more recent) 

adobe house is at Upper Hot Creek Ranch. Its neat bricks are 

cemented with mud, the windows have manufactured sash, and 

the whole is covered with a shallow hipped roof. 

Mud-wall construction was also employed in centr: 1 

Nevada (R. I,, McGonagle, personal communication). Like 

adobe brick, mud-wall construction was practiced by native 

populations of the southwestern U.S. Also known as 

puddling, the method involved erection of walls in place, 

with layers of moistened clay set in forms, each layer dried 

before the next was added--a technique similar to some 

methods of pouring concrete today (Foley 1980:88), A good 
93 

example is site 1005, where the one-story ranch house still 

retains impressions of wooden forms used in building up the 

walls 

Wood construction involved either framing or mass 

walling. 

historical development of the study area, due to shortage 

of milled lumber for framing and the greater local availability of sizable timbers in the first decades of settlement. Best known is the "log cabin" form of timber walling 

in which logs, simply peeled or sometimes roughly squared, 

were laid horizontally, notched together at the corners and 

sometimes chinked with mud. Good examples include Dry Lake 

Cabin (1032) and buildings at site 1033 in Little Smoky 

Valley. Another is a well-preserved barn on the old Page 

Ranch in Hot Creek Canyon (2177) , built with horizontallylaid logs of 9"-111' diameter. Log roof trusses are given 

additional support on the exterior by vertical wood posts 

that function as pilasters or buttresses. A variation on 

this theme is the small building near a well in Little Smoky 

Valley (1040). The long side walls are laid horizontally, 

and are held in place by a vertical post at each end, while 

the gable end walls are of vertical plank construction. 

Mass walling probably occurred earlier in the 

The size of log structures was to some extent limited 

by the length of timber available, and local builders exercised varying degrees of ingenuity in this regard. The 

problem could be solved in several ways, one of which was 

"modular" construction of cribs or pens side by side. 

Another was use of corner posts, or posts at intervals along 

a wall, into which horizontal members could be notched or 

pegged, Finding timbers of sufficient length for ridgepoles 

and purlins could also be a problem; it could be solved by 

using trusses instead, without a ridgepole, or by constructing a ridgepole from short lengths and supporting them on 

posts . 

It is also appropriate to mention here that railroad 

ties were also used in mass-wall construction. Examples 

recorded in the study area to date include 20-mile Shack 

(1051) and structures on the Ferguson Ranch (2136). 

Vertical timber mass walling in the U.S. is generally 

associated with the French occupation of Canada and the 

Great Lakes-Mississippi regions. In the Antelope Range of 

central Nevada, however, "Parker's" place (1042) has a most 

interesting example of this technique. The walls of the 

little house are built of totally unworked log posts set 

directly into the ground (technically known as poteaux-enterre construction). Voids between each pair of posts are 

filled with lengths of sapling, and the chinks are daubed 
94 

with mud. The nearly-flat roof has a covering of dirt over 

closely-set pole rafters, and long, slender poles along the 

roof edges keep the dirt in place. 

Although no specific examples appear in the available 

site data, vertical plank walling should be mentioned here, 

as instances undoubtedly can be found in the study area 

(Blume 1977:I-46). Posts and studs are not used in this 

construction: rather, the walls might be built something like 

a gate or door., with boards placed vertically on one or more 

cross members, and the walls then simply nailed to the flooring system and together at the corners. This is a very weak 

structural system, but a ranch house of this construction in 

southwestern Idaho has been dated to c. 1860 (Dennett, 

Muessig & Associates 1979) e 

Whereas in mass walling the weight of the roof is carried by the walls, in timber or box frame construction the 

weight is distributed to a small number of vertical elements, 

generally corner posts. The most common variation of this 

form is the balloon frame, developed in the mid-lgth century, 

in which a series of closely-spaced studs along the walls 

replaces the need for heavy corner support. In 19th century 

central Nevada, it, is possible that wood frame structures 

were more common in mining, rather than ranching, areas 

(Blume 1977: 1-39. However common, th'eir lumber was valuable, 

as the many instances in which wood frame structures were 

moved from one camp to another clearly attest. 

Wood frame buildings did occur on ranches, however, 

particularly in the later 17th and 20th centuries when 

improved transportation had rendered milled lumber more 

available. Their most notable characteristic is the variety 

of materials used as exterior sheathing. Corrugated sheet 

metal is found at Spencer Hot Springs (1003, Bartine Ranch 

(1015) Ardan's Well (lObl), Stone Cabin (2167) and the 

Peavine Ranches (2174, 2l75), out of many possible examples. 

Although not associated with a ranch, the two structures at 

Baxter Spring (363) are worth mentioning because their walls 

are faced with flattened metal cans lapped over one another 

like large shingles. Vertical board siding, with or without 

battens, is found on ma.ny ranches, such as Stone Cabin, Dugan 

(2178) and Bellehelen (2160) ranches. Horizontal wood siding 

seems to appear principally on dwellings, rather than outbuildings, and is generally wide plank or shiplap, rather 

than clapboarding. Houses utilizing this form of siding 

include dwellings on the Potts (lolo), Dugan and Feavine 

ranches, and on an abandoned ranch on the east side of 

Diamond Valley (1035). 
95 

Wattle and daub construction is also found on central 

Nevada ranches: 

"In wattle-and-daub construction, a wooden framework-- 

usually made of willow because this tree is readily 

available and grows quite straight--is built and then 

filled with rocks and mortar. Mud is applied to both 

surfaces of the finished wall. . . Log posts, placed 

vertically in the ground , . . act as studs for the 

framework, For a structure the size of a house, these 

vary in diameter between 2 and 8 inches , . . (the size 

of the structure is usually dictated by the size of the 

wood available for the framework), Sticks from 1 to 3 

inches in diameter are then fastened (usually with 

nails) to the posts, horizontally from the ground up, 

to form an exterior and an interior wall. . . . The 

void created between these walls is then filled with a 

mixture of mud and rock material. . . , The finished 

wattle wall is daubed with mud . . . (Blume 1977: 

Kensler (Blume 1977:1-43-4) seems to link wattle and 

daub construction to earlier Paiute and Shoshone reed and 

twig huts (p. 19). A group of houses built with wattle and 

daub on the Peavine Ranch is reported to be of historic 

Paiute origin (Blume 1977:iI-28), but this method of construction is also found on other ranches, at which no particular instance of historic native occupation has to date been 

documented. An abandoned ranch in Big Smoky Valley (1005) 

has an animal shed of wattle and daub, and Wilkins' Ranch 

(1006), to the west, features a low, broad-roofed barn and 

small dwelling built in this manner, The roof of the little 

house is interesting in that it is edged a11 around with a 

shallow plank "frame, " probably added to prevent elements of 

dirt roof from rolling or washing off. 

1-43-44), 

Finally, at Monitor Ranch (1036), a long rectangular 

animal shed displays an unusual variation of wattle and daub 

construction, The walls are laid up with quite long, 

straight peeled saplings that appear to be laced together 

roughly on the log cabLn principal, but this la.cing occurs 

at intervals along the wall plane rather than at the corners, 

creating "panels" that permit a structure of rather long 

dimension. On the exterior, at least, the walls do not 

appear to have been daubed at all, and it is possible that 

the sapling wall alone provided sufficient shelter for the 

rancher's livestock. 

Despite the present lack of detailed, site-specific 

information, it is clear that the ranchss of central Nevada 

have much to reveal about the historical and environmental 
96 

circumstances of the region's agricultural settlement and 

subsequent development. ranches--number, form, type and arrangement of buildings and 

structures, the materials and methods of cons truction--can 

tell a great deal about how people and their livestock lived, 

both in relationship to each other and to their natural 

surroundings, whether 

abandoned or still active operations, gives sharp focus to 

the interconnectedness of human activities in the region, 

Ranchers and their families were significant participants in 

the settlement of central Nevada. Their garden crops and 

meat contributed a pleasant and nutritious variety to the 

diets of towns and mining camps. Their houses and stables 

provided respite for weary travelers and teams along crucial 

arteries of transportation and commerce. Raising of sheep 

and cattle contributed substantially to the importance of 

the livestock industry in the state. And, in a larger context, ranchers' efforts to use, and yet conserve, 

and its fragile plant and water resources contributed to the 

development of new public policy regarding the western--and 

central Nevada--range. 

The physical characteristics of 

The collective history of the ranches, 

the land 
97 

Town and Valley: Expressions of Cornmunit2 

The fortunes of central Nevada mining camps and towns 

were extremely varied, although all began with the premise 

that ore rich enough to make everyone wealthy was immediately, 

or soon to be, at hand. As a rule this turned out to be seldom the case, or for only very short periods of time, and the 

legacy of many camps is today only a handful of adits and a 

remembered name. The quality of the ephemeral was a hallmark 

of the region's mining settlements, well-documented as early 

as 1881 by Myron Angel in his massive History of Nevada. 

Angel's thumbnail descriptions, as well as those offered by 

other contemporary writers and more recent chroniclers, provide brief, vivid views of many of the region's early mining 

communi ties . 

Writing from Reese River in 1866, J. Ross Browne 

characterized Clifton as "a broad street flanked by the 

wrecks of many frame shanties," having "died about two years 

ago" when its populace moved up the canyon to Austin (Browne 

1866:27). About the latter town, he had more to say, noting 

frame buildings "well constructed, and ornamented , . by 

rows of scrubby pines stuck in the ground" (Browne 186i:36). 

He described "the best private residences . , . substantially 

built of stone," and "many fine brick houses" (Browne 1866: 

36). In stark contrast was Canyon City, further up the Reese 

River Valley on Big Creek, which "two years ago" had a post 

office, stores, saloons, and a telegraph line but was in 1866 

*'a long street of empty houses" (Browne 1866:41). By 1881, 

the "houses, including the cabins" had "departed" (Angel 

1881:472). 

Angel, writing less than 20 years after the first mines 

opened at Reese River, noted that at Jacobsville, first Lander 

County seat, there was "nothing left but a single farmhouse" 

(Angel 1881:473). Another ephemeral town was Geneva, once 

site of "some fine stone buildings and numerous log and cloth 

houses" of which little remained in 1881 (Angel 1881:473). 

Bunker Hill, on Big Smoky Creek, had from 1843 to 1865 been 

a "thriving place," but soon the town was "but a collection 

of miners ' cabins" (Angel 1881:&72). Another brief venture 

was Amador, seven miles north of Austin, about which Angel 

said "the town was built chiefly of cloth, and has gradually 

disappeared" (Angel 1881: $72) a 

Whereas Lander City, which had several hundred inhabitants in 1863, was by 1881 "known only in name" (Angel 1881: 

b7'3), Belmont, the Nye County seat, was more fortunate. 

Although mining production varied from year to year, the town 

was able to rise beyond the camp stage to boast houses and 

commercial blocks of stone, brick, adobe and wood, and 
98 

sidewalks "of wood and stone" (Angel 1881:519-520), Ione, 

on the other hand, suffered from loss of county seat status, 

and by 1881 contained two idle quartz mills and 25 people 

housed in "chiefly frame structures" (Angel 1881425). 

The character of mining camps altered little between 

the first boom period (1860-80) and the second (1900-lo). 

Although the latter boom resulted in resumption of mining 

in many portions of the study area, much early 20th century 

activity occurred in Nye County at prospects old and new, 

among them Pine Tree Camp near Manhattan, Baxter Springs, 

Pueblo and Millett in Big Smoky Valley (Berg 1942: 162; 

Ingalls n,d. :1), 

but frame buildings, and eventually solid brick and stone 

structures, soon gave the town an air of permanence (Berg 

1942:100), as happened also at Round Mountain, and at 

Tonopah on a much larger scale. Aside from these towns, 

however, the short-lived camp remained the rule, an often 

disorderly jumble of tents, shacks, stone dugouts, crude 

masonry buildings and frame structures, the latter not infrequently moved in from other camps. These transitory 

population centers included A twood, full of "tents and 

houses" (Tonopah Bonanza 2 May 1903:7), Ellendale, Jett 

(which consisted of "Several cabins and a boarding house" 

(Berg 1942:46) ), Golden Arrow, Monarch, Silverbow and 

Clifford, 

Manhattan itself first grew under canvas, 

A mining camp, whether of the 19th or early 20th century, 

could well be described as a largely "unstructured, unorganized patch" of concentrated activity (Mellinger 1971: 257), 

with rudimentary government, minimal public facilities and 

few of the institutions associated with more organized community life. The mining culture was characterized by a 

"tremendous acquisitiveness, '' accentuated perhaps by the fact 

that fortune-hunting in the mountains of central Nevada was 

largely a matter of substantial risk and no small amount of 

luck (Burkhart 1952:13), An equally significant characteristic was the high degree of transiency, as people moved in and 

out of camps, and the camps themselves waxed and waned 

according to the fortunes of the mines. 

In such a context, social institutions that required 

investment in something other than a chance at material 

wealth developed only with some difficul-ty, Their existence 

thus represented a public attitude that suggested a society 

gone beyond the camp stage, a society in which concern for 

quality of life approached that for quality of the ores. 

In a place such as Reveille, which in 1880 consisted of 

two hotelkeepers, one bookkeeper, five miners, a prostitute 

and a "gentleman" (1880 Federal Census, Nye Co. ) , the need 
99 

for formal social organization was clearly limited, as it 

was in the great majority of central Nevada's mining camps. 

But in a few cases, a combina$ion of corporate investment, 

reasonably sustained productivity, and expansion and diversification of the business community created a feeling of 

stability among the population that was translated into 

establishment of schools, churches, libraries, and social, 

literary, labor and fraternal organizations. 

Of the many ane-time population centers in central 

Nevada, only a very few developed beyond the camp stage to 

the point where they might more properly be called towns. 

Most notable, of course, were Austin, Eureka and Tonopah, 

each originally the locus of a very large mining boom, which 

soon became important regional political, commercial and 

transportation foci as well. Belmont, though it never grew 

very large, clung to county seat status long a€ter the area 

mines ceased to be very productive. This may have been due 

to its central location in Nye County, and to the fact that 

until the rise of Tonopah in 1900, no other Nye County mining 

communities approached Belmont in size or longevity. Belmont 

was able, by virtue of its political position and attendant 

commercial concentration, to sustain a feeling of community 

and retain community institutions. Similarly, Battle Mountain developed less as a mining town than a transportation 

and commercial center, thanks to the Central Tacific 

Railroad. Tybo, Manhattan and Round Mountain also exhibited 

outward indications of community development, although for 

relatively short periods of time. 

Although large-scale corporate investment was crucial 

beto successful exploitation of central Nevada's mineral 

resources, it tended to create adversary relationships 

tween miners and their employers, and one result was the 

formation of miners' unions (Smlth 1967:202-203; see also 

Lingenfelter 1974), 

developing informally in response to immediate situations, 

An early example was at Austin in 1865, when Reese River 

miners were invited "to respond to a proposed reduction in 

wages by certain San Francisco incorporations" (Reese River 

Reveille 5 Jan. 1865:L). Mining in the Eureka district was 

of a heavily corporate nature, and organizations such as the 

Ruby Hill Miners' Union and the ill-fated Charcoal Burners' 

Association (see Earl 1969, Grazeola 1969) were devrloped in 

response. By the time of the Tonopah boom, Labor unions 

represented many trades and were much more organized, Most 

influential was the Western Federation of Miners, dating from 

1893, which "enjoyed a prosperous period" from 1900 to 1907 

(Nevada Comm. of Labor, Report 1917-18:22). The early years 

in Tonopah saw the organization of a variety of other trades, 

including carpenters and electrical workers, machinists, 

musicians, and barbers (Ibid. 27-28) . 

Early unions tended to be local affairs, 
100 

Fraternal organizations, although formally established 

for social and benevolent purposes, no doubt had a labor 

dimension, if only because their membership tended to be 

composed of like-minded individuals. 

had national affiliations, for example the IOOF (with lodges 

in Austin, Eureka, Belmont, Battle Mountain, Tybo and 

Grantsville) , Templars (Eureka), the Masons (in Austin, 

Belmont and Eureka) and Knights of Pythias (Eureka, Austin 

and Battle Mcwtain) (Angel 1881:240-46, 249, 251-56, 258- 

59). Other groups included the Ancient Order of Hibernians 

and the Irish-American Benevolent Association, both in Austin 

(Angel 1881:262; Ancient Order of Hibernians, Austin, Record 

of Meetings for 1S74), and the Independent Order of Foresters 

in Eureka. 

Many of these groups 

When possible, both labor and fraternal organizations 

built lodge halls. Most of these were in the larger towns 

of Eureka, Austin, and Tonopah, but the Masons' built a hall 

in Belmont (1874) as did the Miners' Union in Berlin (Berlin 

Mhers' Union, 1902). Lacking buildings of their own, many 

groups met above stores and town halls, or shared space with 

other organizations. The latter was often the case with 

women's groups. For example, the Austin Masom' female 

auxiliary, Eastern Star, met in the Masonic hall, and that 

town's Literary Association shared space in the Irish 

American Hall (Eastern Star Records, n.d. : Austin Literary 

Association, Minutes 1879-), 

While labor and fraternal organizations were by definition male strongholds, women in the larger central Nevada 

communities participated in literary societies and women's 

clubs. The latter were strictly for women, but common 

literary interests drew both sexes, as was the case in 

Austin's Library Association. Tybo also boasted a literary 

society, the object of which was "the mental improvement of 

its members" male and female (Tybo Literary Society Record 

Book, 1876-80). Held weekly at one or another member's 

house, meetings included such activities as oration, poetry, 

geographical games, ins trwnental music and writing exercises. Although the social aspect of such gatherings helped 

to sustain interest, they were not without serious value. 

Mary M- Godat, who served as president of the Tybo Literary 

Society during January-April 1880 and was later elected 

Wyoming's first female legislator, attributed her success 

to the "training in parliamentary law" she received in Tybo 

(Ibid.). 

The Nevada Federation of Women's Clubs, organized in 

1908, included among its affiliates clubs in Tonopah and 

Manhattan. The latter, officially named the Toiyabe Club, 

had the "smallest membership in the Federation" (Nevada 
101 

Federation of Women's Clubs, Yearbook 1913-14:49), 

active enough. 

in 1913-14 provided the local school with drinking fountains 

and playground equipment, and served refreshments during the 

1914 July 4 festivities (Nevada Federation of Women's Clubs, 

Yearbook 1913-14: 33) . 

Libraries and reading rooms were not unknown in central 

but was 

The group had a clubhouse and library, and 

Nevada mining towns, but a transient population and precarious tax base worked against public funding of such 

institutions (Newman 1969:5). In most population centers, 

church, union or civic groups took the initiative in organizing circulating libraries and reading rooms, but in other 

cases a few books at the local newsstand or post office sufficed (Newman 1969:6). The only known instance of construction of a building specifically for library purposes occurred 

at Tonopah. 

donations, and like much else in town first opened in a tent. 

In 1.905, Grace Roberts Moore donated a town lot, and construction funds were raised through public events arid entertainments for a library then built by John J. Hill (Newman 

1969: 28) . 

Tonopah's first library was assembled through 

Churches were another means by which people in central 

Nevada's mining towns sought a feeling of community, 

religious development progressed with no little difficulty. 

In camps and towns filled with "speculators and gamblers", 

transients and large numbers of single men (Trout 1916:146), 

perhaps the most that could be said was that "if not theoretically religious, " the population was 'If or the most part 

practically so" (Angel 1881: 191). 

to give short shrift to religious observances; as F. S. 

Spaulding discovered in 1905, "Lent does not seem to make 

any difference in Tonopah" (Spaulding, 31 March 1905). 

agrarian frontiers of America, revivalism and camp meetings 

gained few followers in Nevada (Trout 1916:149; Angel 1681: 

195) . Instead, denominations with "strong centralized 

government"--Roman Catholic, Episcopalian and Methodist in 

particular--had the most success (Trout 1916:150). However, churches, like much else in the region, were at the mercy of 

the mining economy, and their histories tended to follow a 

Common pattern. 'Initial organization would be followed by 

purchase of a lot and erection of a church, which in most 

cases was soon after sold as local mines closed and the congregation moved away (Trout 1916:159), 

Despite these difficulties, churches were erected in 

most of central Nevada's larger towns. Episcopalians built 

in Austin (St. George's, c. 1873), Eureka (St. James, 1871), 

but 

This "practicality" tended 

It is interesting to note that, unlike the earlier 
102 

Belmont (S t. Stephen's 1874) , Tonopah (S t. Mark's , 1904) , and Battle Mountain (St. Andrew's, 1905) (Trout 1916:152-3: 

Bradley 1959:22). Catholics attended Mass at St. Brendan's 

in Eureka and St. Augustine's in Austin, and Methodists 

organized in Eureka (1875) , Ruby Hill (1876) and Austin 

(1864) (Trout 1916:157-8; Angel 1881:210). Austin's 

Methodist Episcopal Church was called the "largest in the 

state" after the Catholic church in Virginia City (Angel 

1881:210). It was built in 1865 with funds raised through 

sale of stock in the Methodist Mining Co., a corporation 

organized when parishioners donated not cash, but interests 

in mining claims, to the building fund. The company eventually realized over $Z5O,OOO, and was able to build a fine 

church and "at the same time serve the Lord, do good, and 

make money" (Angel 1881:210). Unfortunately, Austin's first 

boom collapsed before the full costs of construction were 

met, The building was "sold for a courthouse," and later 

re-acquired by the Methodists' Church Extension Society 

(Trout 1916:156). 

The work of the Presbyterians, although they were as 

strongly centralized as the Catholics, Methodists and 

Episcopalians, was "expensive, and not as a whole successful" (Angel 1881:214), as two examples show, A church was 

established in Austin in 1864, with services held in the 

county courthouse; but the White Pine boom lured many members 

away, and the group ceased to meet after 1873 (Angel 1881: 

216). More dramatic was the fate of Eureka's Presbyterian 

church, organized in 1873. One Sunday in 1881 the pastor, 

George Galla.gher, stood before ;is congregation, "renounc[ed] 

the tenets of orthodoxy, resignled] his charge" and became a 

Unitarian--an act hardly designed to further the cause of 

Presbyterianism in that town (Angel 1881:216-7). 

Labor unions , fraternal organizations, women's clubs 

and churches all functioned as visible expressions of the 

search for, and a sense of, community in the camps and towns 

of central Nevada. Despite transiency and preoccupation 

with wealth (or lack thereof) , the larger camps and the 

towns at least brought people together in sufficient numbers 

to foster development, however tenuous, of these community 

institutions. 

The enormous role of mining in the region's history has 

tended to obscure the fact that acts of community building 

were not limited to the inhabitants of mining towns, On the 

contrary, the valleys of central Nevada may have sheltered 

far more durable communities, in spite of the handicaps of a 

small population and great distances. 
103 

There were, basically, two societies in central Nevada, 

one dependent upon ore and the ability to extract and process 

it; the other upon the natural environment and the ability to 

live and prosper under its constraints. 

were to an extent interdependent: 

farmer's foodstuffs and meat, fed their horses with the 

rancher's hay and oats, and when travelling from town to 

town enjoyed the hospitality of the way stations. 

ranchers and farmers frequented local businesses, 

their crop and livestock earnings in local banks, and on 

occasion invested in local mines, 

The two societies 

townspeople ate the 

In turn, 

deposited 

Although the mining and agricultural societies had 

common interests, they operated under very different premises. While there was always a chance, however remote in 

actuality, that one might realize sudden riches in the mining 

economy, prosperity in the agricultural sector demanded 

investment not only of money, but of time and patience, 

neither of which was in large supply in a mining camp, Furtheremore, agriculture was very much a family affair, in 

contrast to the overwhelmingly male societies of mining 

camps, and of towns in their first bocm. 'Thus central 

Nevada's agricultural society was characterized by a continuity and persistence, despite vagaries of weather and market 

forces, that fostered a sense of community far beyond that 

found in the large majority of mining camps. 

continual demands of ranch life, the agricultural society did 

not participate extensively in religious and social activities that were the outward expressions of community in towns. 

Although a visit to town, for shopping or business reasons, 

brought members of the ranch community in contact with people, 

events and ideas outside the valleys, ranch families were 

still relatively isolated from one another, and certainly 

from ranches in valleys other than their own. 

Owing to the sparse population, great distances and 

The local post office, the way station and the school 

appear to have contributed significantly toward lessening 

this isolation. The post office and stage station provided 

access to, and communication with, the world outside the 

valley confines. 

munication within the valley, as inhabitants came in from 

distant ranches to check the mail or pick up goods or equipment brought in by stage or freight. 

rough roads, members of the valley community would probably 

linger awhile, exchanging news and views and information, and 

perhaps make a few purchases if the postmaster or station 

keeper kept a small stock of goods or staples on the 

premises. 

They also presented an opportunity for comComing a fair way on 
104 

The rural school, because it was locally administered, 

paid for and attended by the members of the valley society, 

also appears to have functioned as an expression of community. Schools were not unique to rural areas: all of 

central Nevada's larger towns, and a few smaller ones, had 

schools at one time or another (see Nevada Supt. of Public 

Instruction, Annual Reports 1865). But lack of formal 

religious and social organizations among the ranching population meant that the local school often functioned, as the 

real center of social and community activity in the valleys 

(Trout 1916: 148; G~w 1956: 38) , 

Those characteristics of life in 19th century Nevada-- 

transiency, distance and poor roads--hampered, but did not 

discourage, development of education in the region (Gaw 

195637). Organization of local school districts, with 

early provision for consolidation, was an effective response 

to these conditions. 

more practical in many isolated areas of central Nevada, and 

consolidation helped the educational system deal with 

changing fortunes of mining districts and the ranch population (Gaw 1956:1, 11; King 1954:143). 

Local administration was certainly 

Construction of school buildings was largely a local 

responsibility, and lack of public funds, particularly in 

the early decades, meant that many schools were built 

through private subscription (Gray 1948: 37). Predictably, 

this resulted in schools of varying materials and quality. 

Statewide statistics for 1865 reported buildings of wood and 

brick, and also several (materials unspecified) that "disgrace the state" (Nevada Supt. of Public Instruction 1865: 9). 

In the report for 1877-78, the range of materials had 

increased to include buildings of stone and adobe, and again 

there was a handful deemed "mfit for use" as well as several 

described as "rented" (Nevada Supt. of Public Instruction 

1877-78). 

Although central Nevada's first schools were located in 

principal mining centers where most of the population lived, 

spread of settlement throughout the region soon required 

additions to the educational system. The result was establishment of "strictly ranch schools, " for children of 

farmers, ranchers and hands, each school organized and 

operated by the local abricultural community (King 1954: 129) 

It did not necessarily follow, however, that organization of 

a ranch school meant construction of a proper school 

buildin . Buldings there were, for example at Silver Creek 

dear Millett's in Big Smoky Valley (1008), at Ox 

Spring (347), Iowa Canyon (467) and Diamond Valley (1055). 

But in other cases, a room in a ranch or farmhouse was 
105 

sufficient, as in the Reese River school district and in the 

early years of education at Silver Creek (King 1954: 129). 

Although funding and operation of ranch schools involved 

the participation of a11 families in the school district, 

some ranchers and their families Seem to have been particularly active in fostering education in their valley communities. Whether this interest resulted from a school 

being located at a family's own ranch has not been determined, 

but it is certainly possible that this was indeed the case. 

Reports from the State Superintendent of Public Instruction, 

particularly those from the 1890-1925 period, help to chart 

the formal participation of ranchers, their wives arid grown 

children in local education, as school district clerks and 

as teachers Examples include the Maestrettis (Smith Creek 

School District), the Bardolis at Ox Spring (Cherry Spring, 

later Italian School District), the Steiners near Austin 

(Park School District), the Watts at Silver Creek, and the 

Ernsts and Goldbachs in Monitor Valley (Pine Creek School 

District). For several of these families, involvement in 

school affairs stretching to World War I and in some cases 

beyond, is illustrative of their long-term investment, 

financial and personal, in central Nevada's agricultural 

community. Antonio Maestretti was farming on Smith Creek as 

early as 1879, as was George Watt at Silver Creek; Daniel and 

George Ernst, and Charles Goldbach were recorded as living 

in Monitor Valley in 1870 (1870 Federal Census, Nye Co.), and 

Leopold Steiner was in the Austin area by that year. 

Another early settler active in local school affairs was 

George Schmidlein. The Kingston School District was organized by 1887, with Schmidlein (2209) as clerk. Schmidlein, 

whom the federal census located in Big Smoky Valley in 1870, 

clerked for the school district to LqOO, and again from 1903 

to 1910. Another Schmidlein, Walter, clerked for the "Big 

Smoky School District," possibly a revival (and renaming) of 

the old Kingston District. 

A ranch that combined agricultural pursuits wi-th post 

office, way station or school activities would likely have 

become a focal point, to a greater or lesser degree, within 

the valley community of which it was a part, simply because 

the multiple functions brought people together in one way or 

another, and into contact with the 01 tside world. West of 

Garden Valley, on a stage line from Eureka, was the Tonkin 

Ranch (2148), where at the turn of the century the Damele 

family operated the Tonkin post office and served as clerks 

and teachers for the Damele School District. The Romano 

Ranch (21b6), on the western edge of Diamond Valley, also 

had stage connections to Eureka in the early 20th century. 

A post office was located there in 1904-14 and 1919-29, and 
106 

members of the Romano family clerked for the Sulphur Springs 

School District from 1899 to about l9lO. 

The Pine Creek District's school may have been located 

on the Pine Creek Ranch (2189), which was in the 1870-80 

period both a stage station and post office, and which Tasker 

Oddie of Tonopah fame and later Governor of Nevada developed 

as a summer home and "model farm" in 1902-03 (Tonopah Bonanza 

7 June l9OZ:l; 25 April 1903:6). William Potts' "Empire" 

ranch (lolo), on a stage line- from Austin, had a post office 

from 1898 to 1941. It also may have been the site of the 

school for the Monitor District, for which Pcltts and his wife 

served as clerks from 1893 to 1904. Cloverdale Ranch (352) 

may have begun its long history as a way station as early as 

1867. Operated by William, and later Archie, Farrington and 

T. J. Bell, Cloverdale was not only an active stock operation 

but also a post office in 1886 and 1889-99; and during the 

1890's Bell was clerk for the Cloverdale School District, 

which very probably was centered on the Cloverdale ranch. 

Many aspects of central Nevada history come together on 

the region's ranches. Farmers and ranchers were central 

Nevada's first real settlers--people who came to invest their 

lives and fortunes in the long-term proposition of agriculture 

and iivestock raising. Thrown upon their own initiative, they 

made full use of resources available to them. They constructed their ranches of local materials; they sought water and 

enhanced its usefulness by building irrigation sys tems and 

dams, digging wells and erecting windmills; their livestock 

fully exploited the potential of the range. Their persistence, and the fact that they remained in place while the 

mining economy and society ebbed and flowed around them, gave 

them important roles in developing and sustaining transportation and communications sys tems throughout the region, and 

allowed them to develop a continuity and community that 

underlies much of the central Nevada experience. 
107 

OCCUPATION AND UND USE: A SYNTHESIS 

Limitations imposed by the natural environment have 

influenced human occupation and land use from the earliest 

period. Arid climate, poor soils, temperature extremes and 

lack of water have on the whole discouraged, if not prohibited, extensive modification of the physical environment, 

with the result that the land has remained relatively 

unaltered by human occupation even to the present day. 

Modification of the landscape--with cities, roads, farms, 

artificial lakes--requires technology, and the will to 

invest in technology is determined by the potential for high 

returns. The severity of the central Nevada environment was 

such that incentives to technological development by native 

or Euro-American populations were, with the notable exception 

of mining, for the most part lacking. The result was a pattern of occupation and land use describable more as adaptation to the environment rather than as manipulation or modification of it. The necessity to "make do" with available 

resources was thus a hallmark of central Nevada life from 

the earliest times. 

The historic settlement pattern of central Nevada 

developed out of two major forms of land use: extraction 

of minerals and the range livestock industry. Mining 

occurred, to a greater or lesser extent, in all the mountain 

ranges, and required the use of a significant amount of the 

region's water and timber resources. Central Nevada mining 

was also characterized by high levels of technological 

development, with much of the machinery and equipment of this 

technology imported from California and moved from place to 

place in response to new discoveries of ore. The range 

livestock industry, which grew out of an initial scattering 

of small farms, also utilized the region's limited water 

resources, with most ranches located in or near the foothills of mountain ranges, close to springs or streams. 

Natural meadows sometimes existed near these water sources, 

and where such meadows were lacking, ranchers developed 

large and small irrigation systems to grow hay, barley, and 

eventually alfalfa, the latter a staple of winter feeding. 

The livestock industry required little in the way of technology, and was thus characterized by intensive use of 

locally available resources. The various range types, from 

sagebrush-grass to creosote, sustained both sheep and 

cattle, although overgrazing was a problem as early as the 

1880's. Ranch buildings and structures were until well into 
108 

the 20th century products of the local environment, constructed of stone, adobe, wattle and daub, pinyon and 

juniper, and mud. Other materials were salvaged from the 

mining sector, including milled lumber and corrugated metal. 

Exploitation of early 20th century technological developments 

in agriculture was limited principally to improvement of 

irrigation systems (including pumps and windmills), use of 

newer haying machines and introduction of barbed-wire 

fencing. 

Although mining and ranching coexisted in time and 

space, settlement patterns arising from these activities 

displayed important differences Transiency was a notable 

characteristic of central Nevada's mining history: while 

many camps and towns were established during the late 19th 

and early 20th centuries, only a small number lasted more 

than a few years. Almost totally dependent upon richness of 

ore and availability of technology to process it, most mining 

camps were simply places for people to live while they 

exploited mineral resources, rather than long-term investments Zn the development of communities. The principal 

exceptions, Eureka, Austin, Battle Mountain, Tonopah (and 

possibly Belmont), achieved the status of viable communities 

not only because they grew up in the richest mining districts, 

but also because they participated active1.y in commercial and 

transportation networks that encompassed all of central 

Nevada, and functioned as service arid market centers for 

surrounding agricultural populations, 

The agricultural sector, on the other hand, appears to 

have displayed a greater degree of persistence and stability. 

While mining camps rose and fell rapidly, their populations 

sometimes moving en masse along with their buildings to new 

sites, prime ranching aretis (with the requisite abundance of 

water and grazing) were quickly taken up--certainly by 1880 

and perhaps even earlier. Although weather, market forces 

and luck to a large extent determined the success or failure 

of ranching enterprises, association of a number of families 

with individual ranches over many years, and long-term 

occupation (by various persons) of many more, suggests a 

continuity of life and society seldom found in all but the 

largest and most durable of central Nevada's mining centers. 

The physical landscape of central. Nevada has altered 

little in the course of the 20th century, many changes being 

quantitative rather than qualitative. There are fewer 

people, fewer population centers, fewer major roads, fewer 

occupied ranches, and the individual prospector and smallscale mining operation are now things of the past. Economies 

of scale have resulted in the consolidation of many ranch 

holdings, so that fewer ranchers own more land and more 
livestock, and the abandoned ranch is a common phenomenon. 

While basic activities of range livestock operation have 

changed little since the mid-19th century, the Taylor Grazing 

Act of 1934, establishment of the Bureau of Land Management 

in 1946, and of the Battle Mountain District in 1952, brought 

extensive federal regulation to the region. This regulation 

has become more important and more controversial as political, 

demographic, energy and agricultural demands on the land have 

increased. Mining has become exclusively a corporate 

activity, and with improvements in transportation, miners 

commute from existing towns, rather than setting up camps in 

the old way. The mines of northern Lander County are close 

by Battle Mountain, and not far from Winnemucca; and new 

mining ventures around Tonopah have simply increased that 

town's population. One of the few examples of recent townbuilding is Cabbs, which grew up in the 1940's around a large 

brucite operation run by Basic Refactories of Ohio (Nevada 

Highways and Parks 15 (195.5):29-30). 

The character of transportation has changed with the 

loss of population and the coming of the automobile. 

Beginning in the 1920's state and federal governments 

developed a network of paved roads, which resulted in the 

concentration of travel along a few routes and abandonment 

of many roads that had long served frieght and stage traffic. 

Paving was expensive, so its use was limited : and the number 

of people remaining in the foothills and valleys of central 

Nevada was insufficient to permit maintenance of an elaborate 

road network in an increasingly unpopulated region. Furthermore, the major impetus to the development of highways was, 

once again after 70 years, the moving of people through 

central Nevada, principally to and from California and then 

to and from Reno/Carson/Tahoe and Las Vegas, rather than 

into the towns and valleys of the region (Elliott 1973263) 

National enthusiasm for transcontinental travel was first 

generated by the Lincoln Highway Association, whose "demonstration" route was completed through Nevada in 1926 

{Elliott 1973263, running through Eureka and Austin, An 

alternative route, from Ely to Los Angeles, was the Midland 

Trail ( 924) , which followed roughly the old C urrent-Nyala 

road and then went on to Tonopah (Lincoln Highway Association 

1?35:7-8, 166). The old Humboldt route retained its importance as the main thoroughfare across Nevada with its inclusion in the federal interstate system of the 1950's. 

Concentration of traffic encouraged concentration of 

people along these highways, and thus it is hardly accidental 

that central Nevada's most durable population centers remain 

Eureka, Austin, Battle Mountain and Tonopah. Their traditional roles as service centers for outlying agricultural 

regions were augmented, beginning in the l92O's, by a growing 
110 

tourist trade. 

visit by such organizations as C. C. Boak's Western Good 

Roads and Tourist Routing Association in Tonopah, which 

provided road maps and information to prospective travellers 

(Boak papers , n. d. ; King 1954: 65, 68). 

Central Nevada's participation in the state's tourist 

trade has, however, been largely that of servicing people 

en route to major centers of activity to the west and south. 

Around the turn of the century, a popular interest in spas 

and mineral waters led to the development of pools and baths 

at Spencer Hot Springs (1003), Walti Hot Springs (2147) and, 

most notably, Darrough's (354), where a 10-room hotel and a 

bathhouse were built in 1908-09 (Berg 1942:60-61). None of 

these enterprises were located on main roads, however, and 

their facilities did not in the long run attract much 

business. 

Nevada an industry that is now the state's most profitable, 

but it developed principally in western Nevada and Las Vegas, 

which were closest to the major metropolitan areas of San 

Francisco and Los Angeles, Battle Mountain thus has derived 

substantial income through provision of hotel, restaurant and 

auto services to interstate traffic en route to Reno and Lake 

Tahoe, while Tonopah has benefited from its location on the 

highway between those centers and Las Vegas. Austin and 

Eureka have enjoyed less success since the interstate supplanted the Lincoln Highway as the principal transcontinental 

route, and the population of their outlying agricultural 

regions has been too small to sustain significant commercial 

activity, Eureka retains its status as county seat, but 

Austin has recently lost the Lander County seat to Battle 

Mountain, in continuation of a political phenomenon 

encountered again and again in American settlement his tory. 

However, the fact that "progress" has to a large extent 

passed them by has resulted in the preservation, if only 

through poverty, of much of Austin's and Eureka's 19th 

century character. In recent years, appreciation of this 

legacy has fostered local interest in maintenance, restoration and repair, and in the development of a small tourist 

industry based on a nationwide enthusiasm for structural 

relics of the past. 

Sportsmen and sightseers were encouraged to 

Legalization of gambling in 1931 brought to 
111 

CULTURAL RESOURCES SURVEY AND MANAGEMENT: 

OBS ERVA TIONS AND REC OIWIENDA TIONS 

The Bureau of Land Management has been charged through 

a system of law and administrative rules with the identification and protection of cultural resources on lands under 

its jurisdiction. Ideally, such a mandate should result in 

prompt instigation of systematic, comprehensive surveys to 

identify and evaluate historic, architectural and archaeological resources, and the development of programs to ensure 

protection or, when all else fails, adequate mitigation of 

loss through full recording. Such goals are seldom realized, 

however, in large part because cultural resources must comPete with other programs and priorities for funds and time. 

Despite great gains during the past decade, it is unfortunately still true that at levels of government, cultural 

resource management and protection tends to be a low-priority 

item. 

Within Nevada, as a whole, efforts to develop a comprehensive, systematic approach to cultural resource survey and 

data management face a number of problems. In 1978, Charles 

Hall Page & Associates of San Francisco prepared a Procedures 

Manual for cultural resource inventory in Nevada. The manual 

included a list of twelve "findings" related to existing 

survey activity in the state. Many of these findings are 

still valid, for the state and also for federal agencies such 

as the BLM. Because little has changed since 1978, and the 

findings are important, it is appropriate to repeat most of 

them here, with additional comments pertinent to this study 

for the BLM-Battle Mountain District, 

1, There are very few identified architectural resources 

in the State of Nevada. In the Battle Mountain District, it 

is perhaps more correct to say that, while many architectural 

resources have been identified (through completion of site 

forms), they have not been properly interpreted as 

architecture. 

2. Historic industrial sites have not been surveyed. 

This is still true, despite work by Texas Tech University 

which was largely limited to library research and included 

very little field investi,Tati,on or technological interpretation. 

3, There are no cultural resource surveys specifically 

related to ethnic settlements and their history. The Battle 

Mountain District, however, has noted when possible the 

existence of resources associated with ethnic groups, for 

example Chinese at Cortez and historic Native American 
occupation in and around Tybo. In central Nevada, there 

were few, if any, concerted attempts to establish "ethnic 

settlements, " and the immigrant population was by and large 

scattered throughout the region. Exceptions are related to 

occupation, for example camps for Swiss/Italian charcoal 

burners, 

4, Archaeological resources surveys greatly outnumber I anLother ,resource surveys. This is certainly the case 

today, in large part because the archaeoloffical communitv 

has for many years taken a direct interest-in archaeological 

resources, which for those scholars are the only source of 

information about prehistoric cultures. In contrast, 

historians have not, until very recently, considered 

cultural resources a useful form of documentation, or 

worthy of study beyond the antiquarian. Architectural 

history, which as a discipline derives from study of art 

history, has traditionally focused on "high style" or 

eastern colonial architecture. Only in recent years has 

the value of vernacular and folk architecture been recognized. Thus, lack of strong, and vocal, interest on the 

part of the professional historical and architectural 

communities has contributed significantly to the small 

number (relative to archaeological ivlves tigations ) of 

historical and architectural surveys in many areas of the 

U.S., including Nevada. 

5. Most identification activities have been conducted 

by federal agencies. This is hardly surprising, since the 

vast majority of land in Nevada is federally-owned, and 

federal agencies are bound by law and executive order to 

identify and protect cultural resources under their 

jurisdiction. Nevada Is small population, and its concentration in a few large cities, may also have contributed 

to lack of interest in cultural resources surveys at the 

state and local levels. 

6" There is a wide variation in the content, degree 

of thoroughness aid quality of the existing survey activities. 

This variation is evident in surveys conducted in the BLMBattle Mountain District, as noted in this study's chapter 

on Past and Current Investigations. Some of this variation 

is inevitable, gi-ven the many different purposes of surveys 

and levels of project planning. Some, however, is due to 

lack of comprehensive research design and to lack of a consis tent recording f orrnat e 

7. Cultural resources are being destroyed at an alarming rate in certain parts of the state. Vandalism, deterioration, neglect, and pressures of population, tourism and 
113 

industrial development continue to take their toll. Without 

broad public interest in preservation of cultural resources, 

the best efforts of government will continue to have only 

limited success. 

8. There is no single agency in the state which 

coordinates survey activity. Although the State Historic 

Preservation Office is charged with responsibility for the 

conduct of a statewide inventcry of cultural resources, the 

federal presence in Nevada is large enough to overshadow the 

state effort, and the amount of cooperation between these 

two levels of government is variable. Among federal 

agencies, too, there seem to be problems of coordination, 

with each agency going its own way, for the most part, on 

matters involving cultural resource surveys The geographical scope of surveys is often arbitrarily determined by 

the proposed boundaries of a federal project (for example, 

URS/B~UW's survey for the Department of Energy) or, less 

justifiably, by jurisdictional boundaries of Federal 

agencies. The current project to develop overall research 

designs for future archaeological investigation in Nevada 

should, if successfully implemented, improve the situation 

considerably, as would establishment of similar research 

designs for historical surveys. 

There is no central location for the collection 

and storage of inventory data from around the state. 

Although the Nevada State Museum is the designated state 

repository for archaeological survey data, lack of funding 

appears to have limited the Museum's ability to keep up 

with the large amount of survey information being generated 

by government agencies and individual investigators. 

thermore, the Museum's program is geared primarily to 

archaeological resources, with historical and architectural 

site data included only incidentally. As shown in the Past 

and Current Investigations chapter of this study, there has 

been unnecessary duplication of effort in the conduct of 

historic site surveys. Many sites have been recorded 

repeatedly, while many others have not been recorded at all. 

Ideally, the Nevada State Historic Preservation Office 

should be the central repository for historic and architectural site data, where future researchers could quickly 

determine what is already on record, and then devehp SUTveys to go beyond the existing data. Such a central repository would allow researchers to study site data from 

outside their own survey area, and to put their own findings 

in a statewide or regional context. 

9. 

Fur- 
114 

In addition to the foregoing observations developed by 

Charles Hall Page & Associates, several other comments can 

be made concerning the BLM-Rattle Mountain District's own 

cultural resource programs. 

lack of a comprehensive inventory, lack of contextual understanding of resources, and lack of public support for, or 

interest in, recognition and protection of these resources I 

On the plus side, the Battle Mountain District has made a 

sincere effort to record, however rudimentarily, historic 

resources encountered in the course of various field 

investigations for other purposes, and also those brought 

to its attention by the public. The District has also 

directed some effort toward interpreting these resources, 

through Unit Resource Analyses and Patrick Welch's historical 

study of the Shoshone-Eureka Planning Unit. In the matter of 

public interest, the BLM is hampered by the fact that the 

"preservation constituency, " actual or potential, is very 

small, simply because so few people inhabit the region. 

public interest in historic preservation appears to be focused 

in the major towns, which are largely outside BLM jurisdiction. Also, public interest in the BLM's cultural resource 

programs may be colored by what seems to be resentment of the 

Federal presence, caused in large part by rising political 

and public controversy ovzr land use and exploitation of 

natural resources. 

Basic concerns appear to be 

Most 

Of course, any action the Battle Mountain District 

takes to ameliorate problems in cultural resource management 

will require expenditure of time and funds above that now 

allocated to these programs. There are, however, a number 

of activities the District might initiate to at least 

improve upon current efforts; they fall between the ultimate 

goal of full-scale, comprehensive inventory and interpretation and the worst-case situation of doing nothing or 

abandoning the programs entirely. 

(1) The scope of current efforts to record historic resources 

could be enhanced in the following way: 

Prior to field investigation (for whatever actual 

purpose), BLM personnel and cultural resource contractors 

should consult aerial photographs, survey maps and USGS 

topographic maps, and note all instances of past and pres 

historic cultural remains located within the entire township(s) in which the field work is to occur. This should 

include his toric resources already recorded, if they have 

not been subject to field examination, or if such examina 

occurred more than a year ago. 

ent 

tion 
115 

Once in the field, investigators should locate and 

record (photographically at the very least) those resources 

appearing on the maps and in site record files, or note a 

lack of physical remains. This will necessitate travel 

beyond that required for the specific project at hand, but 

the cost and time will be less than if investigators made 

a special trip from Battle Mountain or Tonopah for the 

purpose. 

(2) Without the services of a qualified professional in 

history/architectural history, the BLM must rely on existing 

personnel to collect physical data about historic resources. 

Such reliance invariably results in production of information 

that varies in both quantity and quality. One way to mitigate this situation is development of field inventory forms 

that, while not guaranteed to produce the desired inf ormation, would certainly encourage the collection of more, and 

more pertinent, data than appears to be the case with BLM's 

current forms. Forms NSO-6230-2 and NSO-6230-5 (March and 

April, 1976, respectively) are simply inadequate for recording standing structures or complexes. Form N6-811-2 

(January 1978) is an improvement, because it provides 

adequate space for a physical description, statement of 

significance, and references . However, this form relies 

heavily on the ability of the individual completing it to 

observe and record pertinent characteristics of the 

resource. While archaeologists are trained to identify 

important elements of an archaeological site, they do not 

necessarily have (nor should they be expected to have) the 

knowledge required to do the same for historic structures 

(as would be the case with an historian or architectural 

historian confronted with a rock shelter or lithic scatter). 

Therefore, the best form for recording structures is one 

that asks specific questions and provides a range of 

possible answers, thus ensuring a measure of consistency 

in the data. In Appendix B are sample historic structures 

inventory forms from Maryland, North Carolina, Iowa and 

Connecticut. Although they vary according to the needs of 

each state, these samples all direct the recorder to 

specific aspects of a building or structure, asking 

questions that can be answered swiftly through simple 

obs erva ti on. 

Inventory forms similar to these could be developed 

for the BLM Battle Mountain District that would take into 

account the fact that the majority of the District's 

his tor ic/ar c hi t ec tura 1 res ourc e s derive f rorn agricultural 

and mining activities. Appendix C offers a possible format 

for inventory of these kinds of resources. Ideally, a 
116 

manual of instructions for completing forms should be 

developed. An interim step, however, would be to compile 

a slide presentation for BLM people likely to be involved 

in field work, that would point out the various features 

discussed on the forms. These forms could also be used by 

members of the public who wish to bring various historic 

resources to BLM a-ttention. 

(3) The BLM should continue eTforts to computerize cultural 

resource data. Computerization should significantly facilitate management of site records, and would make data more 

immediately accessible. The file would be easy to update 

and correct, and the computer's sorting capability would 

allow use and examination of data to meet a variety of 

needs and circumstances . 

Probably the most difficult task in computerizing 

cultural resource information, as Roberta McGonagle h;3s 

pointed out (Personal communication from R. L. McGonagle, 

July, 198O), is determining how data will be used, and then 

deciding on the kinds of data to be included in the file. 

These are not easy decisions, whether the issue is computerization or simply designing site forms for manual 

storage and retrieval. The problem is perhaps most 

intractable with regard to prehistoric cultural resources, 

which, to much greater extent than in historical research, 

function as the "primary," and often only, source of 

information on past cultures and lifeways. T\e situation 

is further complicated, as McGonagle has again noted, by 

the fact that data needed by cultural resowce managers 

may be different from data desired by academicians or even 

private consultants. Yet a11 three groups are actively 

working in the region, often to very different ends 

(Personal communication from R. L. McGonagle, September, 

1980) 

However, priority should be given to facilitating the 

work of cultural resource management since without proper 

management there will be few cultural resources left for 

historians, archaeologists, or architectural historians to 

study in the future. The first goal of data collection 

(with or without intent to computerize) should therefore 

be to obtain that "core" of information most needed for 

cultural resource management. As long as this "core" is 

in place, other kinds of data cam be collected as desired 

by various investigators, academic or consultant. If data 

are computerized, it is possible to use either packaged or 

specifically designed "software" that would permit addition 

of data beyond themanagement core in the future. This 
117 

could be done by leaving space sufficient to add variables 

in the original softward design, or by “translating” to 

expand the file. If i.t hasn’t done so already, BLM-Battle 

Mountain should consult others who have developed computerized 

cultural resource systems I For example, the Montana state 

office of BLM has published a Cultural Resources Automatic 

Data Processing System Guidebook (1978). This ADP System has 

been designed as a cultural resources management tool, with 

emphasis on inventory and evaluation. While perhaps not 

directly translatable to the needs of BLM in Nevada, the ADP 

system certainly offers a model for consideration. 

(4) Public interest in cultural resources might be generated 

through development of a pamphlet series, each number 

featuring a particular site, subject, or report of activities 

and findings of a survey. If this could not be managed by 

one district alone, perhaps the BLM districts throughout 

Nevada could develop the series jointly. Possible topics 

are horsetraps, stage stations, a ranch such as Cloverdale 

that has many associations with the region’s history, a 

mining district, the forms and materials of rural architecture. The pamphlets could also, in the course of presenting 

historical information, discuss laws and regulztions governing 

cultural resources, how they work and why they exist. 

Presenting the role of the BLM in the form of a case study 

focusing on a particular resource or survey might help the 

public better understand the reasons for, and intricacies 

of, federal participation in cultural resource management 

and protection. 

Other possibilities include a newsletter and photo 

exhibits or slide/tape presentations, the latter perhaps 

made available to community groups or schools. Newspapers 

are often interested in articles about local history or 

historic sites; features editors should be contacted ir, this 

regard. BLM personnel might also arrange to give illustrated 

talks, again for community groups or school classes, that 

would combine information about the land and its natura.1 and 

cultural resources with the work of the Bureau itself. 

Concerning cultural resource survey as a whole, in the 

Battle Mountain District, and in Nevada generally, one of 

the most serious shortcomings has been lack of a comprehensive framework, or research design, within which to conduct 

specific inventory and evaluation projects. Lack of such a 

research design has meant that contextual issues often go 

unaddressed; yet it is only with development of an appropriate context that individual resources or groups of 

resources can be properly evaluated and interpreted. 
Although efforts to develop research designs for 

Nevada prehistory are currently in progress, under the 

coordination of Dr. Margaret Lyneis of the University of 

Nevada, Las Vegas, this program is largely limited to 

consideration of prehistoric archaeology. The investigators 

propose to treat historic archaeology only in a "preliminary" 

fashion, and other kinds of historic and architectural 

resources not at all. From a practical point of view, this 

exclusion is przhably wise, in that the current project could 

become quite unwieldy and perhaps collapse under its own 

weight. Far better would be a concurrent program to establish 

research designs for Nevada history and architecture, with 

participants drawn from the scholarly community, appropriate 

state and federal agencies, and also including interested 

members of the public at large, such as informed community 

representatives or members of local historical groups Just 

as "study units" will be identified for Nevada prehistory, 

study units appropriate to Nevada his tory ( including 

archaeology) and architecture can be developed. A good 

example for consideration is Cultural Resources in 

Massachusetts: A Model for Management (Massachuse 

Historical Commission, 1979). 

t ts 

At the present time, however, there do not seem to be 

any serious plans to develop research designs for further 

study of historic/architectural resources in Nevada, yet the 

responsibility of the BLM-Battle Mountain District for such 

resources continues and must be met, one way or another. 

While it is well beyond the scope of this Class I Inventory 

to establish comprehensive research designs for the 

District's history and architecture, it has been possible 

to develop a framework that could serve as an interim 

approach. This framework is based upon major themes identified in the course of this study as of particular importance 

in the historical development of central Nevada. It is 

presented in Appendix D as a series of thematically-derived 

strategies for use in planning future surveys, and for use 

as basic reference points for examination and interpretation 

of historic/architectural resources encountered in the field. 

The sections include notes on time period, appropriate 

geographical scope for study, and kinds of resources associated with each theme. Also included are research questions 

to be asked, and if pos~ible, answered, in the course of 

investigating each theme. 

In presenting the results of an historical or architectural survey, whether for information, National Register 

nominations or Determinations of Eligibility, a description 

of the survey should accompany the list of potentially 

eligible resources. The selected resources should be clearly 
119 

placed in historic context, and the presentation should 

include at least a general discussion of all resources 

identified during the survey, their kinds and numbers, and 

why some were selectzd for nomination over others. Further- 

- 

more, all eligible resour,ces identified through the survey 

should be included in a request for a Determination of 

Eligibility or other planning document, regardless of 

ownership or jurisdiction. (Nominations to the National 

Register should also be prepared to include all eligible 

resources, through preparation of historic district, 

thematic, or multiple-resource nominations, although this 

effort will be complicated by recent legislation pertaining 

to nomination of privately-owned properties.) Inclusion of 

all resources holds whether the survey is concerned with 

way stations, a mining district or districts, horsetraps, 

log architecture or settlement. This inclusion also presupposes that historic/architectural surveys in central 

Nevada are conducted to fully cover all potentially eligible 

resources, rather than those located only on BLM or Forest 

Service lands. In fact, it is strongly urged that BLM 

identify those survey topics which would involve a joint 

effort on the part of these two agencies, and make a concerted effort to develop a program to carry them out. 

It is recognized, however, that the BLM will need to 

address the future of many h i s t o r i c / a r c h i t e c t u r a l resources 

long before time and money are available for surveys. This 

is, in fact, a major failing of the Federal government's 

entire program for "protection and enhancement of cultural 

resources I' Neither federal agencies nor SHFO 's have been 

given adequate time, money or personnel to identify, much 

less evaluate, cultural resources as part of the overall 

planning process. The results have been unrecorded loss of 

many significant resources, protection of others that do not 

deserve it, and public controversy. This situation is not 

likely to improve, for BLM or anyone else, in the near 

future. 

In the meantime, however, BLM can make constructive 

use of the information already at its disposal by: 

-Using the historical narrative and survey recommendation 

portions of this overview to place historic/architecturl 

resources in context. The context for each resource 

should be described on inventory forms as an integral 

part of the recording process; 

and topographic maps to predict location, density and 

in some instances types, of historic resources in a 

proposed project area; 

-Using the his toric township survey maps, aerial photos 
120 

-Establishing priorities for surveys, based on the 

location and nature of projects proposed for the 

region; 

-Developing a research design based upon one or more of 

the strategies suggested in this report, that will best 

fit the types of resources expected to exist in the 

area of a proposed project. If the actual survey is 

conducted by an outside contractor, BLM should see to 

it that the research design is carried out to specifications, by that contractor, 

topics, and studying these to determine the extent (or 

lack thereof) of existing data and also the kind and 

amount of data needed to complete a survey and make 

evaluations. Then bend every opportunity, BWI's or 

other investigators ' , toward gathering the data that 

will complete the survey. 

-Organizing existing site data according to survey 
121 

APPENDIX A 

Capsule Histories of Mining Districts and 

Mineral Occurrences within the Bureau of 

Land Management Battle Mountain (Nevada) 

District; with notes on production 

Note: 

Production figures listed as "Total Production" are 

from Couch and Carpenter (1943) If "No recorded production" 

is listed it means that Couch and Carpenter record no 

production. Often these production figures will differ from 

those listed in other sources and quoted in the sketches. 

There are several reasons for the apparent contradictions, 

First, the statistics on which Couch and Carpenter relied 

were collected for tax purposes by the counties. The provisions of the tax laws excluded certain types of ore as 

well as ore below a certain value per ton. Second, enforcement of tax laws was probably lax, especially in remote 

districts, and in those districts where a great deal of 

leasing was going on. Finally, it was possible, and common, 

to cheat in reporting bullion production. Thus, the figures 

Couch and Carpenter list are probably low, On the other hand 

many other sources of production figures may not be totally 

accurate. Angel's History of Nevada (1881) was in part a 

grand promotional piece and inflated production figures were 

part of the show. No attempt here has been made to sort out 

discrepancies where they occur. 

Alpha District (Silver, Lead) Eureka County (18) 

Very little is known about the early history of this 

district. Some production apparently occurred in 1909, 1912, 

and 1917 (Roberts 1967:65) but this does not appear in Couch 

and Carpenter (1943) I Lincoln (1923) mentions that a tenstamp concentrator was built 3 miles west of the prospects, 

but it did not prove a success. 

No recorded production. 

Antelope District (Zinc, Lead, Silver) Eureka County (22) 

This district was discovered shortly after Eureka, 

twenty miles south, and was heavily prospected without significant results (Angel 1881:428; Roberts 1967:65), 

Total Production: $87,380 
Battle Mountain District 

A rgenta District 

Btif falo Valley Dis tric 1 

I,ewis Hi stric t 

Warm S pr i rigs A rea 

JIill top Uis trie 1 

Whj1.e Rock Mine 

McCoy 1)is trict 

Mountain Springs Area 

Greys lone Mi ne 

I3u3 1 ion District 

ersey Elis trie t 

Alack Eagle Area 

Cortez District 

White Horse Mine 

Pinto Mine 

Blackbird Area 

Alpha Bis tric t 

,I inimy Allen Mine 

Tiober Ls 114 Y tric t 

I,iarnonrl Iiis tric t 

Antelol~e District 

Wild llorse Ijistric t 

Havenswood I>is tric t 

Towa Canyon Mine 

New Pass District 

Green 'Free Mine 

Skookum [)is trict 

Reese River District 

Dry Creek Mine 

Eureka District 

Laurent Mine 

Big Creek District 

Birch Creek District 

Spencer Hot Springs 

District 

Gold Bas i.n District 

Aspen Uis tric t 

Kingston District 

Jackon District 

Washington Dis tr 

Indian Blue Mine 

Lodi District 

Millett District 

Union Distric-t 

Twin River Distr 

ct 

Ct 

North umber land Dis tr ic t 

Paradise Peak Area 

Miltori Canyon Area 

Gold Hill District 

Danville District 

Fairplay District 

Je t-t Dis tr ic t 

J e f f e rs on C anyo n 

District 

Round Mountain District 

Morey District 

A thens District 

Horse Canyon Mine 

Belrnont District 

Black Spring District 

Cloverdale District 

Colton Mine 

Mariha ttan Dis tric t 

Silverton District 

Easter Blue Mine 

Tybo Dis txic t 

San Antone District 

Troy Distric t 

Willow Creek Distric t 

Warm Springs Mine 

Hannapah District 

Clifford District 

Tonopah Distric t 

Jumbo Mine 

Bellehelen District 

Arrowhead District 

Ellendale District 

Heveille District 

Golden Arrow District 

Eden nis tric t 

Silverbow District 

Mt. Hope Area 

Lone Mountain District 

Fish Creek District 

Longs treet Area 

r-' 

N 

N 
A Minard Occurrences 

0 Mining Districts 

Map 9 Mining Districts and Mineral Occurrences, BLM-Battle Mountain District, 1862-1940 
123 

Argenta District (Barite) Lander County (2) 

town--Argenta--sprang up. The town was abandoned in 1870 

when Battle Mountain was established. There is no recorded 

silver production for the district. Barite mining began in 

1930 (Stager 1977:62). 

Silver was discovered in the area in 1867 and a small 

Total Production: Over $3,000,000 in barite, 1930-1969 

Arrowhead District (Silver, Gold) Nye County (75) 

This district was probably discovered in the early 

twentieth century. Lincoln (1923:158) mentioned that two 

mining companies were then active in the district doing 

development work. Only recorded production is for the years 

1920 and 1939. 

Total Production: $4,755 

Aspen District Lander County (37) 

Little is known about this district. It was probably 

discovered in the early 1900's. 

No recorded production 

Athens District (Silver, Gold) Nye County (56) 

The Athens District was probably discovered in the 

early l9OO's, but nothing is known about its early history. 

Lincoln (1923159) reported that the Warrior Gold Mining 

Company mine produced $20,000 in gold bullion and that two 

companies were then developing mines. Recorded production 

from the district is from the late 1930's. 

Total Production: $53,319 (1935-1940) 
124 

Battle Mountain District (Silver, Lander County (1) 

Gold, Copper , Antimony) 

The Battle Mountain District was organized in 1866 but 

was probably discovered several years earlier. By 1870, 32 

mines and two smelters were in operation: but the mines were 

not noted for outstanding production, and by 1883 production 

in the district ceased. In 1897 the Glasgow and Western 

Mining Company acquired many of the mines in Copper Canyon 

and Copper Basin and began development on copper deposits 

with production beginning in l9lO Glasgow's efforts proved 

unsuccessful and the properties changed hands many times in 

the following decades. In 1967 the Duval Corporation 

acquired the properties and developed the Battle Mountain 

mine. 

Placer gold was discovered in the district in 1909, with 

sporadic placer activity occurring over the next forty years 

The majority of the drift mines were located in Copper Canyon 

and several hydraulic monitors worked the placers of Copper 

Basin in 1912-1913. 

In 1947 the dredge working the placers of Manhatten 

Gulch (Nye County) was moved to the fan at the mouth of 

Copper Canyon. Between 1947 and 1955 the dredge recovered 

over 100,000 ounces of gold (Lincoln 1923:106-107; Johnson 

1973: 87; Stager 1977:66; Welch 1979:18-19). 

Total Production: $4,825,080 to 1940 

Bellehelen District (Silver, Gold) Nye County (74) 

Nothing is known about the early history of this 

district. Church (1923: 159-160) reported that the Bellehelen 

Merger Mines Company was building a 50 ton per day cyanide 

mill in the district. The mill only ran a few months in 

1923, was rehabilitated in 1927 and ran a short time (Kral 

1951:17-19). The only recorded production was in 1918. 

Total Production: $29,473 
125 

Belmont District (Silver, Gold) Nye County (58) 

The Belmont district was discovered in 1865 and was 

rapidly organized. Belmont was a prosperous camp, becoming 

the Nye county seat in 1867. In 1866 the first mill in the 

district was built, with ten stamps. The next year a twenty 

stamp mill was built, and in 1868 a forty stamp mill began 

operations. The first mill ceased operations in 1869. The 

second suspended operations in 1868, resuming operations in 

1878 for only a few months. 

operations in 1876. The mines themselves were active until 

1891 although only 12 tons of ore, worth $2,423, were mined 

that year. The mines were quite wet. 

the district through consolidation and introduction of new 

milling technologies. All were short lived (Angel 1881:519- 

522; Lincoln 1923:160). 

The forty-stamp mill ceased 

The twentieth century saw several attempts to revive 

Total Production: $3,790,518 

Big Creek District (Antimony) 

mine; but neither it nor any of the other claims in the 

district were ever developed. The Bray Mine was relocated 

in 1891 and was worked intermittently until 1898. The Pine 

Mine, north of Big Creek, shipped some antimony ore in 1890. 

Lincoln (1923:109) reported that mining had resumed in 1916 

and 1917. Production has been sporadic since (Stager 1977: 

Lander County (33) 

The Bray Mine was originally located in 1864 as a silver 

71). 

No recorded production. 

Birch Creek (Gold, Silver) Lander County (34) 

The district was discovered in 1863 and the camp of 

Geneva formed. Clinton, established a year later, became 

the major town for the district, In 1865 Clinton boasted 

a sawmill and a four-stamp mill, 'I. . , reported to be 

incapable of reducing anything but the hopes of [thelminers 

who shipped their ores to it for treatment." In 1866 a 

twenty stamp mill was erected, but it shortly shut down for 

lack of ore. By the end of 1867 the camps were deserted; 

the mines closed. 

A small 

amount of uranium ore was mined 1955-1560 (Lincoln 1923: 

109-110; Angel 1881:472-473; Stager 1977: 72). 

Intermittent activity was re orted in the district 

1910-1912, 1919, and during the 4 0's and '50's. 

No recorded production. 
126 

Blackbird area (Manganese) 

No further information. 

Black Eagle area (Manganese) 

Lander County (17) 

Lander County (13) 

No further information. 

Black Spring District (Diatomaceous Nye County (59) Earth) 

Lincoln (1923: 161) reported that Nature Products 

Company was mining diatomaceous earth in the district. It 

was used as the basks for "Superdent Tooth Powder" and 

"Super Dental Cream. I' 

No recorded production. 

Buffalo Valley District (Gold, Lander County (3) Silver, Manganese) 

The district was discovered in 1866 or 1867. Nineteenth 

century mining activity was limited to some placering and to 

a small quantity (10 tons) of ore shipped in 1870. Between 

1925 and 1941 Buffalo Valley Mines sporadically operated a 

10 ton per day cyanide mill. Manganese was mined between 

1942-47 and 1950-54 (Stager 1977: 74). 

No recorded production. 

Bullion District (S ilver , Gold , Lead, Lander County (-11) 

Copper, Arsenic, Turquoise) 

The early history of the district is uncertain, 

Lincoln (1923:llO) lists Lander as the oldest camp in the 

district and the milling center for the district in the 

1870's and '80's. Gold was discovered in 1907 around Tenabo 

and a minor rush occurred. By 1912 both Tenabo and the 

district had begun their inevitable decline. The Gold Acres 

mine started operations in 1935. 

pitted and operated until 1961. The Bullion District is also 

noted for its turquoise (Stager 1977: 75). 

In 1942 the mine was open 

Total Production: $450,369 
127 

Clifford District (Silver, Gold) Nye County (71) 

The district was discovered in 1906 and supported a 

town of 500 a year later. Kral (1951:42-43) estimates the 

production of the district at less than $5OO,OOO. 

No recorded production. 

Cloverdale District (Silver, Gold, Nye County (60) 

Lead, Copper) 

Lincoln (1923:165) reported that the district was being 

explored and developed in 1905. 

and continued until 1919. Some placer gold has been 

recovered in the district. The mines have been sporadically 

worked since 1920 (Kral 19'j1:44). 

Production began in 1906 

No recorded production. 

Colton Mine (Fluorspar) Nye County (61) 

Also known as the Western Fluorspar Mine or the 

Cottonwood Canyon Mine. No dates 01: production figures 

(Horton 1961: 17) 

Cortez District (Silver, Gold, Lander and Eureka 

Lead, Zinc) Counties (14) 

Prospectors from Austin discovered the Cortez district 

An eight-stamp mill with roasters and pans was 

Rich ore was discovered in the Garrison mine in 

in 1863. 

erected in Mill Canyon in 1864, later enlarged to sixteen 

stamps. 

1868 and the Garrison became the principal mine in the 

district. 

a leaching plant, was built at Cortez in 1886. 

the mill had to be piped seven miles. 

After the death of Simeon Wenban, the district's largest 

owner, in 1895, most of the properties were worked by leasers. 

In 1908 a cyanide mill was built to work the Cortez mill 

tailings, In 1919 the Consolidated Cortez Silver Mines 

Company gained controi of the major properties in the 

district. They built a 100 ton per day concentration and 

cyanide mill in 1923, enlarging it in 1927, The Consolidated's mill closed in 1930 and production in the district 

has been sporadic since (Lincoln 1923:86; Roberts 1967: 

Ore was milled at Mill Canyon until a new mill, 

Water for 

69-72). 

Total Production: $6,375,839 
128 

Danville District (Silver, Gold) Nye County (50) 

The district was discovered in 1866 and reorganized in 

1870. 

By 1880 the district was dormant. 

of development work and production took place (Angel 1881: 

516-517; Lincoln 1923:166; Kral 1951:53). 

Some production is recorded for the early 1870's. 

In 1944-45 a small amount 

Total Production: $4,747 

Diamond District (Silver, Lead, 

Zinc, Gold) 

Eureka County (21) 

The district was located and organized in 1864 but 

little was done in the district until two years later, when 

several tons of ore were taken to Austin. A smelter was 

built in the district in 1873 and a small amount of bullion 

was produced. 

(Angel 1881:429; Lincoln 1923:87). 

Some development work was reported by Lincoln 

Total Production: $29,881 

Dry Creek Mine (Turquoise) 

Discovered in 1932, this mine has produced more than 

$400,000 in gem quality turquoise (Morrissey 1968: 21-22). 

Lander County (30) 

No recorded production. 

Easter Blue Mine (Turquoise) Nye County (64) 

This turquoise mine has been worked intermittently 

since its discovery in 1907. 

No recorded production. 

Eden District (Silver , Gold) NYe County (79) 

The Eden District was discovered in 1905 but never 

amounted to much. 

but this only worked sporadically (Lincoln 1923:166; Kral 

A thirty-five ton mill was built in 1938 

1951:53). 

No recorded production 
129 

Ellendale District (Gold, Silver) Nye County (76) 

High-grade gold ore was discovered in 1909, and the 

district flourished until 1916. Most of the work during 

this period was done by leasers. Some work was done during 

the late 1930's (Kral 1951:54-57; Koschmann 1968:192; 

Lincoln 1923: 167) 

Total Production: $77,612 

Eureka District (Lead, S ilver , Eureka County (31) 

Gold, Zinc) 

The Eureka District contained the first important leadsilver mines in the United States. Although the district 

was discovered in 1864, no significant activity occurred 

until 1870 after Major McCoy built a smelter that could SUCcessfully treat Eureka's lead silver ores. Between 1870 and 

1885, the Eureka district produced over $40 million in lead, 

silver and gold. The two major smelters in the district 

shut down in 1890 and 1891 after the amount of ore produced 

by leasers became insufficient to warrant operations 

Consolidated Mining Company and the Richmond Consolidated 

Mining Company. 

Eureka-Palisade Railroad was washed out. In the 1940's and 

1950's several companies attempted to redevelop the Eureka 

mines, Although small quantities of ore were discovered and 

mined, these efforts were not a commercial success (Angel 

1881:428-435; Lincoln 1923:88-89; Nolan 1962:2-3). 

A revival began in 1905 with the merger of the Eureka 

The revival was cut short in 1910 when the 

Total Production: $52,288,024 

Fairplay District (Gold Silver) Nye County (51) 

"The Fairplay District was discovered in 1905 and made 

small annual productions up to 1911. Two properties produced in l9ZO" (Lincoln 1923: 167). 

No recorded production. 

Fish Creek District (Lead, Silver, Eureka County (83) 

Gold) 

Discovered in the late 1870'~~ the Fish Creek District 

never produced significantly. Roberts (1967: 85-90) says that 

the only production occurred in 1938 and 1955. 

No recorded production. 
130 

Gold Basin District (Gold, Silver) Lander County ( 

The discovery of gold in the area in l9ll lead to a 

small rush to the district. The town of Carroll was 

established and production is recorded for 1912. The 

district was not as rich as hoped and it was quickly 

abandoned, 

Total Production: $7,226 

Gold Hill District (Gold) Nye County (49) 

The early history of the district is unknown. Some 

gold was recovered in 1931-32 but the district has been 

dormant since (Koschmann 1968:192). 

No recorded production. 

Golden Arrow District (Gold, Silver) Nye County (78) 

The district was discovered in 1905. Production from 

the area has been small (Lincoln 1923:169). 

No recorded production. 

Green Tree mine (Turquoise) Lander County (27) 

Discovered in 1937. Production unknown (Morrissey 

1968:21) I 

No recorded production. 

Greystone Mine (Barite) Lander County (10) 

No information. 

No recorded production. 

Hannapah Dis tr ic t (S ilver Gold ) Nye County (70) 

The Hannapah mine was discovered in 1902 and the 

district was prospected for several years. Some ore was 

shipped from the district in 1914 and 1922. 

Total. Production: $146 (18719 
131 

Hilltop District (Gold, Silver , Lander County (6) 

Copper, Lead) 

The district was discovered in 1906 and a minor boom 

occurred two years later. A ten-stamp amalgamation mill was 

built in 1912, and later changed to a cyanide mill. In 

1922 a 100 ton per day flotation mill was built but it only 

ran a few months before being scrapped (Lincoln 1923:111; 

Stager 1977:80). Some mining occurred in the mid and late 

1930's. 

Tota Production: $424,669 

Horse Canyon Mine (Mercury) Nye County (57) 

The Horse Canyon mine is located in an unnamed 

district along with several other prospects. The mine was 

discovered in 1937 and some production occurred from small 

mercury retorts prior to 1942. A twenty-ton furnace was 

set up in 1942 and ran sporadically for two years (Bailey 1944: 155-156) 

No recorded production. 

Indian Blue Mine (Turquoise) Nye County (41) 

This mine may have been worked by the Indians of the 

region in prehistoric times. The mine was discovered and 

worked by Anglo-Americans in 1925 (Morrissey 1968:24) . 

No recorded production. 

Iowa Canyon Mine (Fluorspar) Lander County (25) 

A small prospect. No further information (Horton 

1961:~). 

No recorded production. 
132 

Jackson District (Gold, Silver) Lander and Nye 

Counties (39) 

The district was discovered in 1880. In 1893 three 

claims and a mill site were patented and sold to the 

Nevada Mining Company. This company erected a mill and 

"operated for quite a period. I' 

Company property was reorganized as the Star of the West 

Mining Company, They built a 50 ton per day mill which 

made a trial run only. The properties of the district were 

worked sporadically in the 1930's and 1940's (Lincoln 1923: 

170-171; Kral 1951:77). 

In 1921 the Nevada Mining 

Total production: $3,061 

Jefferson Canyon District (Gold, Nye County (53) Silver) 

The district was located in 1866 but there was little 

interest in it until a test lot of ore, sent to Austin in 

1871 for milling, yielded $28,800. Two ten-stamp mills were 

erected in 1874 by the two major mines in the district. By 

1877 the district was in decline. A third mill was built 

sometime before World War I. It was reconstructed in 1917 

and ran briefly in 1918 and 1927. 

Total Production $506,545 

Jersey District (Silver, Lead, Lander County (12) 

Mercury) 

The Jersey District was discovered in 1874. A year 

later 500 tons of ore were shipped to Oreana, Nevada for 

smelting. A small smelthg furnace was built in the district 

but was unsuccessful due to lack of flux. Considerable ore 

was shipped from the district between 1880 and S9lO. In 

1919 and 1920 some mercury was produced from a small retort 

furnace in the district (Angel 1881:474; Lincoln 1923207). 

Total Production: $28,466 

Jett District (Silver, Lead, Zinc) Nye County (52) 

The district was discovered in 1876 and became active 

in 1880. Some ore was shipped to Eureka for smelting 

(Lincoln 1923172). 

No recorded production. 
133 

Jimmy Allen Mine (Turquoise) Lander County (19) 

surface down slope from the veins (Morrissey 1968:20). 

This mine was discovered in 1933 from float on the 

No recorded production. 

Jmbo Mine (Barite) Nye County (73) 

No information. 

No recorded production. 

Kings ton District (Gold, S ilver) Lander County (38) 

There has been sporadic activity here since the early 

1860's. In 1875 there were four mills in the district; however, none of them ran more than sporadically due to poor 

ore. A sixt stamp mill operated intermittently after 1909 

(Angel 1881: E 72, 473, 476; Lincoln 1923:112). 

Total Production: $18,726 

Laurent Mine (Barite) 

A small barite prospect. 

No recorded production. 

Lewis District (Silver , Gold, 

Lead, Antimony) 

Lander County (32) 

Lander County (4) 

The Lewis District was discovered in 1867 and by 1876 

two mills were in operation. In 1880 a branch line of the 

Nevada Central Railroad was built up Lewis Canyon. The line 

was never able to justify its existence and was finally dismantled in 1890. Gold was discovered in the district in 

1582 at what would become the Pittsburg and Morning Star 

Mines. The Pittsburg Mine is of interest because ore from 

the m;ne was sent by aerial tram to the mill in the canyon 

below. The Pittsburg mill operated until 1892. 

Several attempts were made to revive the district in the 

twentieth century but all were failures, until Noble Getchell 

started up a 100 ton per day flotation mill in 1922. This 

mill recovered more than $2 million between 1923 and 1929 

(Emmons l9lO:122; Lincoln 1923:113; Welch 1979:19-20). 

Total Production: $3,188,805 
134 

Lodi District (Silver , Gold, Lead) Nye County (42) 

The Lodi District was first organized in December 1863 

as the Mammoth District. A ten-stamp mill was erected in 

1871 that treated ore from the Lodi district and 

from the Union and Belmont districts as well. The mines 

first discovered proved not to be very rich. In 1874, 

however, new discoveries were made in the western part of 

the district and considerable ore was produced. By 1880, 

however, activities in the district had ceased. 

tion of many of the old mines and construction of a small 

smelter in 1908. This smelter proved unsuccessful. In 1916 

a 30 ton per day cyanide plant reworked the tailings at 

Ellsworth. Five years later a rich gold strike was made and 

the district produced until 1927 (Angel 1881:523, 525; 

Lincoln 1923:174; Kral 1951:93)" 

A revival of sorts began in 1905 with the rehabilitaTotal Production: $809,905 

Lone Mountain District (Silver, Eureka County (82) 

Lead, Zinc) 

Although discovered in 1920, this district was not a 

significant producer until 1943. Productiqn between 1943 

and 1964 is listed as $781,102 (Roberts 1967:90-92). 

No recorded production (up to 1940). 

Longstreet area (Gold, Silver) Nye County (84) 

producer. A 100 ton per day cyanide mill was built in 

1.929 (Kral 1951:99-102). 

Discovered in 1903, the district was a sporadic 

No recorded production. 

McCoy District (Gold, Iron) Lander County (8) 

activity until the uiscovery of high grade gold ore in 1928. 

A 20 ton per day amalgamation mill was built in 1930 to 

reduce the ore. By the close of 1932 the district was on 

the decline. 

producer. Up to 1954 55,000 tons of ore were hauled to 

Battle Mountain for shipment overseas (Shawe 1962:110-116; 

Stager 1977: 86) . 

The district was discovered in 1914, but saw little 

The district was marginally more successful as an iron 

Total Production: $56,270 
135 

Manhattan District (Gold, Silver) Nye County (62) 

The district was discovered in l9Cg and the inevitable 

rush occurred. Placer mining began the following year on a 

large scale and produced significant amounts of placer gold 

until 1915. Vanderburg (1936: 126-127) states that five miles 

of Manhattan Gulch were worked by placer drift mines, some 

nearly 100 feet deep. Lode mining began in 1908 and discovery 

of rich ore on the lower levels of the White Caps mine in 

1916 led to another boom. In 1917 the Associated Mill, 

built in 1912, was reconstructed to include a roasting 

f urnac e. 

As in many other districts, the 1930's saw a revival of 

mining in the Manhattan District. This revival was in both 

the placer and the hardrock mining portions of the district. 

In 1938 a floating dredge be an to work gravels in Manhattan 

Gulch. 

Mountain, the dredge recovered 133,000 ounces of gold ($4.5 

million) (Koschmann 1968:193; Lincoln 1923:175; Vanderburg 

Between 1938 and 194 2 , when it was moved to Battle 

1936: 126-127) . 

Total Production: $6,999,507 

Millett District (Silver, Gold, Nye County (43) 

Lead, Copper) 

The Millett District, also known as the North Twin River 

District, was discovered in 1863. The principal mine in the 

district, the Buckeye, shipped ore to Austin to be milled. 

The district experienced a minor revival in 1905 and small 

productions were made from 1906 to 1916. 

operated from 1911 to 1913 (Lincoln 1923: 177-178) , 

A fivi stamp mill 

No recorded production. 

Morey District (Silver, Gold, Lead) Nye County (55) 

Ore was first discovered in the area in 1865 and the 

Morey District was organized in 1866. The town of Morey 

was established, and ore shipments to Austin began, in 1869. 

In 1873 a ten-stamp mill was built, but it ceased operations 

after one month. Until 1880 'ore was shipped to Tybo for 

reduction. In April, 1880 the mill started up and ran for 

eight months, producing $9,000 worth of bullion per month. 

Production in the district continued until 1891 at about the 

same small level. 

Total Production: $462,972 
136 

Mt. Hope area (Lead, Zinc) Eureka County (81) 

Lead-zinc deposits were discovered here in 1870 by 

Basques who ran charcoal furnaces in the area. The Mt. 

Hope Mine opened in 1886 and considerable development work 

(but little production) was done sporadically through 1940. 

A mine and mill, built in 1940, operated until 1947 when a 

fire destroyed the powerhouse. Total production 1940-1947: 

$1,335,393 (Roberts 1967-03). 

No recorded production. 

Mountain Springs area (Barite) Lander County (9) 

Barite mining began in the area in 1948 (Stager 1977: 

87). 

No recorded production. 

New Pass District (Silver, Manganese) Lander County (26) 

The district was discovered in 1865 and a small stamp 

mill was moved there from Austin in 1868. The camp and the 

district remained mostly idle until 1900 when some activity 

in the district resumed. It was shortlived, however, and 

the Post Office closed in 1904. The Nevada Austin Mines 

Company built a 100 ton per day cyanide mill (date unknown) 

but it was unsuccessful. Some intermittent activity 

occurred in the 1930's (Lincoln 1923: 385: Stager 1977: 88). 

Total Production: $450 

Northumberland District (Gold, Silver) Nye County (46) 

happened after that is unclear, as Lincoln and Angel differ 

substantially on their dates. Lincoln states that ore was 

shipped to Austin until 1868 when a ten stamp mill wzc; built. 

The mill ran only a short time and the district was abandoned 

by 1870. Angel reports a similar train of events, but with 

different dates. According to Angel, the ten stamp mill was 

built in 1879, at the same time as the town of Northumberland 

was established. Angel reports that the mill ran only three 

months and that the town was abandoned by 1881. Couch and 

Carpenter (1943) tend to lend more credibility to Angel's 

report: in 1879, 275 tons of ore were mined, yielding $7,077 

in silver bullion; only 2 tons were mined in 1868 (Angel 1881: 

522; Lincoln 1923178). 

In 1935 low-grade gold ore was discovered in the district 

and the Northumberland Mining Company organized, From 1939 

until 1942 they recovered $1,146,475 in gold from their open 

pit operations (Kral 1951:135). 

The Northumberland District was discovered in 1846. What 

Total Production: $459,066 (up to 1940) 
137 

Paradise Peak area (Tungsten, 

Mercury) 

Nye County (47) 

No information. 

No recorded production. 

Pinto Mine (Turquoise) Lander County (16) 

Discovered in 1901, the Pinto mine has been a small 

producer (Morrissey 1968:19). 

No recorded production. 

Ravenswood District (Copper, Lead, Lander County (24) 

Silver, Gold) 

The district was organized in 1863 and worked intermittently thereafter. Angel (1881:475) reported that most 

of the claims in the district were abandoned in 1881 

(Lincoln 1923:114). 

No recorded production. 

Reese River District (Silver, 

Gold, Lead, Copper) 

Lander County (29) 

The Reese River District was the first major mining 

district discovered in central Nevada, and it set off almost 

two decades of exploration in the region. The production 

history of the district is rather lackluster. Major mining 

activity was hindered until 1869 by metallurgical problems 

with the ore, In 1865 the Manhattan Silver Mining Company 

began to acquire the major mines and mills in the district, 

an effort that was essentially complete by 1877. The 

Manhattan's mill shut down in 1887. An attempt was made to 

revive the district in the early 1890's but this failed, 

Reese River never measured up to people's hopes for 

another Comstock. Total production amounted to less than 

$19 million, $16 million of this credited to the Manhattan 

Silver Mining Company, The annual production of the 

district fluctuated between $5OO,OOO and $1 million between 

1865 and 1885 (Lincoln 1923: llb115; Angel 1881:465-469; 

Welch 1979: 11-18). 

To tal Prod uc ti on: $18,494,209 
138 

Reveille District (Silver, Gold, We County (77) 

Lead, C oppcr) 

The district was organized in 1866 and was named in 

honor of the Reese River Reveille by the original locators. 

In 1867 a 5 stamp mill was erected in the district and two 

years later a LO stamp mill was built. Both mills only ran 

a short time. In 1875 the 10 stamp mill was restarted and 

ran intermittently for the next several years, producing 

$1,500,000 in bullion. In 1880 the district was abandoned. 

Interest in the district revived in 1904, but production 

since has been irregular (Angel 1881:526; Lincoln 1923:179). 

Total Production: $610,982 

Roberts District (Silver, Lead, Eureka County (20) 

Copper, Zinc) 

The district was discovered in 1870. In l9lO a mill 

was built but operated only a short time before it was disassembled and moved elsewhere (Lincoln 1923:96; Roberts 1967: 

104). 

No recorded production. 

Round Mountain (Gold, Silver, Lead, Nye County (54) 

Tungs ten) 

The Round Mountain District was discovered in l9G6 and 

lode mining began on several properties, with placers discovered the following year. The Round Mountain Mining 

Company was the district 's principal producer. They erected 

a 150 ton per day mill in 1907 and in 1908 brought water 

from Jefferson and Shoshone Canyons for hydraulicking. In 

1915 a pipeline was built across the valley to Jett Canyon 

for water. The district enjoyed a steady production record 

from 1908 until 1919, A revival occurred in the 1930's, 

as the price of gold and new placering technologies made it 

possible to work gravels ignored in the first twenty years 

of the district (Koschmann 1968:193-194; Lincoln 1923: 

180-181). 

Total Production: $7,834,828 
139 

San Antone District (Silver, Gold, Nye County (54) 

Lead, C opper) 

The district was discovered in 1863. Two years later 

a 10 stamp mill was built at San Antonio Station, 12 miles 

north of the district. It o erated only one year, then was 

moved elsewhere. 

district which ran for a year. 

from this period ($142,976). 

to work properties in the district. The Tonopah Liberty 

Mining Company built two mills at the Liberty Mine but both 

were unsuccessful (Angel 1881:518; Lincoln 1923: 181-182), 

In 1867 a e stamp mill was built in the 

The recorded production is 

In the twentieth century several companies have tried 

Total Production: $142,976 

Silverbow District (Silver, Gold) Nye County (80) 

The district was discovered in 1905, with the first 

ore shipments beginning in 1906. In 1913 a 2 stamp mill was 

built. A 20 stamp mill was erected by the Blue Horse Mining 

Company in 1920 but it shut down the next year. 

No recorded production, 

S ilverton District (Silver) Nye County (63) 

No information. 

No recorded production. 

Skookwn District (Silver, Gold) Lander County (28) 

The district was discovered in 1907 and a minor and 

shortlived boom took place the next year. 

No recorded production. 

Spencer Hot Springs District 

(Tungs ten) Lander County (35) 

Tungsten was discovered in the area in 1941 and was 

mined on a small scale until 1957. The Linka District is 

included in this district (Stager 1977:98), 

No recorded production. 
140 

Tonopah District (Silver , Gold, Nye County (72) 

Lead, Copper) 

The Tonopah District was discovered in 1900 and within 

five years had become one of the most important silver-gold 

producers in the United States, Initial development was 

undertaken largely by leasers because outside investors were 

unwilling to gamble on such a remote district. By 1904 

Tonopah‘s spectacular production attracted numerous investors. In that year a railroad link was completed with the 

Southern Pacific Railroad at Sodaville. The first mill in 

the district was built at Millers, twelve miles west of 

Tonopah on the railroad, in 1906. This was the first of 

many mills in the district; by 1915 seven mills with more 

than 300 stamps total were reducing ore in Tonopah. 

Company, both organized in 1902, accounted for 60% of the 

nearly $150 million produced between 1900 and 1940 (Lincoln 

The Tonopah Mining Company and the Tonopah-Belmont Mining 

1923: 184-193) 

Total Production: $146,336,102 

Troy District (Silver, Gold) Nye County (67) 

In the late 18.60’s, an English company purchased mines 

The in Troy Canyon and built a 20 stamp mill and furnaces. 

mill shut down in 1872, only five years after the district 

had been discovered. There was some prospecting of claims 

in Irwin Canyon in the early twentieth century but little 

was found (Lincoln 1923:193-194). 

Total Production: $6,239 

Twin River District (Silver) 

A party of Frenchmen discovered the Tw n River Distr 

ir, 1863. The district’s principal mine, the Murphy Mine, 

was discovered the following year. A 20 stamp mill and 

furnace was constructed in 1865, to Drocess ore from the 

Nye County (45) 

.c t 

.. - 

Murphy. The mill ceased operaiions in 1868 after producing 

more than $2 million in bullion. 

mil’.ing operations the district was abandoned. Work on the 

Murphy was resumed in 1918 through 1923 and some additional 

development was done in 1937-1939. Both efforts were without results (Angel 1881:526; Lincoln 1923:194; Kral 1951: 

i84). 

With the suspension of 

Total Production: $54,548 
141 

Tybo District (Silver, Lead, Gold) 

covered in 1865 and by 1868 there were two 10-stamp mills 

in operation. 

covered in 1870. In 1874 and 1875 two smelters were built, 

their construction bringing prosperity until 1888. In 1917 

an attempt was made to rejuvinate the district. A 75 ton 

per day concentrator was built, but it ran less than a year. 

In 1919 a flotation.plant and smelter were built but these 

too were unsuccessful. In 1929 the Treadwell-Yukon Company 

built a 350 ton per day flotation mill which ran until 1937. 

The Treadwell-Yukon operation produced $6,781,000 in silver, 

lead and gold (Angel 1881:527; Lincoln 1923:195; Kral 

1951: 191). 

Nye County (65) 

The Hot Creek section of the Tybo district was disThe Tybo section of the district was disTotal Production: $9,570,848 

Union District (Mercury, Gold, Nye County (4-4) 

Silver , Lead) 

The district was discovered in 1863 and the towns of 

Ione and Grantsville established. Upon petition of miners 

in the district, Nye County was separated from Esmeralda 

County in 1864, with Ione as the new county seat. Two 20 

stamp mills were built but the district failed to meet 

expectations. Symbolic of this was Ione's loss of the 

county seat to Belmont in 1867. A revival ensued with 

construction of a 20-stamp mill at Grantsville in 1877. The 

mill was enlarged in 1880 and ran until 1881. In 1905 a 

30-stamp mill was built at the Ber,lin Mine. In 1912 a 

cyanide mill was built to treat the tailings from this mine. 

Mercury was discovered in the district in 1907 and 

from then until 1920 the district produced 11,000 flasks 

of the metal (Angel 1881:523; Lincoln 1923:196; Koschmann 

1968: 195). 

Total Production: $3,304,328 

Warm Springs area (Mercury) Lander County (5) 

Mercury was discovered in the area in 1937 and attempts 

were made in 1934-41 and 1955-56 to produce it on a commercial basis. These efforts were not successful and less than 

20 flasks of mercury were produced (Stager 1977:97). 

No recorded production. 
142 

Warm Springs mine (Barite) Nye County (69) 

than 1,000 tons (Horton 1963:15). 

A small barite deposit. The mine has produced less 

No recorded production. 

Washington District (Silver, Lead) Nye County (40) 

"The Washington District was organized in 1863 and 

for a few years was a very active camp" (Lincoln 1923: 197) 

Some development work was done on mines in the district in 

1918 and 1919 and again in 1948; no results have been 

reported (Lincoln 1923:197; Kral 1951:207) 

Total Production: $476 

White Horse mine (Turquoise) Lander County (15) 

A small turquoise prospect (Morrkssey 1968:ZO). 

No recorded production. 

White Rock mine (Barite) Lander County (7) 

No information. 

No recorded production. 

Wild Horse District (Mercury) 

Cinnabar was discovered in the district in 1916. 

Mercury was produced sporadically through 1960. 

production of the district was 1,200 flasks (Bailey 1944: 

111-112 ; Stager 1977: 99). 

Lander County (23) 

Total 

No recorded production. 

Willow Creek District (Gold, Sliver) Nye County (68) 

The district was discovered in l9ll and saw some 

production of free gold in 1913 from the Melbourn vein. 

Lincoln (1923:198) notes some production in 1913, 1914 and 

1917 and that a 5 stamp mill was built in 1921. 

Total production: $2,557 
143 

APPENDIX B 

Historic Site Inventory Forms 

from Selected States 
I44 

'HREAT TO STRUCTURE: 

io Threat( )Zoning( )Roads( ) 

ievelopnen t ( ) DeKerioration( ) 

ilteration ( )Ocher: 

MARYLAND HISTORICAL TRUST 

21 STATE CIRCLE 

SHAW HOUSE 

ANNAPOLIS, MARYLAND 21401 

LOCAL ATTITUDES: 

PosiKive( )Negative( ) 

Xired( ) Other: 

HISTORIC SITES SURVEY FIELD SHEET 

Individual Structure Suntey Form 

:olwrt : 

r aim : 

,OCAT I ON : 

:OFPION NAME: 

3.JluCTLONAL TYPE: 

IWh'ER: 

1DDRESS : 

res( ) No ( ) Restricted ( ) 

,EVEL OF SIGNIFICANCE: 

,ocal( ) State ( ) National( ) 

;ENERAL DESCRIPTION: 

Structural System 

SURVEY NUNBER : 

NEGATIVE FILE NUMBER: 

UTM REFERENCES: 

Zone/ €as t In g /Nor t h ing 

U.S.G.S. QUAD. W: 

PRESENT FORMAL NAME: 

ORIGINAL FORMAL NAVE: 

PRESENT IISE: 

I__ ORIGINAL USE: 

AR~HITECT/ENGINEEK: 

BUILDER/CONTRACTOR: 

PHYSICAL CONDITION OF STRUCTURE: 

Excellent( ) Good( 

Fair( Poor: ( 1 

THEME: . 

STYLE: 

DATE BUILI': 

1. Foundation: Stone( )Brick( )Concrete( )Concrete Block( ) 

2. Wall Structure 

A. Wood Frame: Post and Beam( )Balloon( ) 

E, Wood Bearing Masonry: Brick( )Stone( )Concrete( )Concrete Block( 

C. Iron6 D. Steel( E. Other: 

3. Wall Covering: Clapboard( )Board and Batten( )Wood Shingle( )Shiplap( 

Novelty( )Stucco( )Sheet Metal( )Aluminurn( )Asphalt Shingle( ) 

Brick Veneer( )Stone Veneer( ) 

Bonding Pattern: Other: 

4. Roof Structure 

A. Truss: Wood( )Iron( )Steel( )Concrete( ) 

E. Other: 

5. Roof Covering: Slate( )Wood Shingle( )Asphalt Shingle( )Sheet Metal( 

6. Engineering Structure: 

7. Other: 

Wings ( )Other: 

Saw Tooth( )With Monitor( MirhBellcast( )With Parapet( )With False Front( ) 

Other: 

Built Up( )Rolled( )Tile( )Other: 

,ppendages: Porches( )Towers( )Cupolas( )Dormers( )Chinmeye( )Sheds( )Ells( ) 

:oof Style: Gable( )Hip( )Shed( )Flat( )Mansard( )Gambrel( )Jerkinhead( ) 

lumber of Stories: 

lumber o€ Bays: Entrance Location: 

~pproximate Dimensions: 
RELATED STRUCTURES: (Describe) 

r 

MAP: (Indicate Norrh In Circle) SURROUNDING ENVIRONMENT: 

Open Lane( )Woodland( )Scattared Buildings( 

Moderarely BuilK Up( )Densely Built Up( ) 

Residential( )Corn?ercial( ) 

Agricultural( )Industrial( ) 

Roadside Strip Development( ) 

Other: 

RECORDED BY: 

ORGANIZATION: 

DATE RECORDED: 
146 

NORTH CAROLINA HISTORIC ITRUCTURllll SHORT DATA SHEn 

Ymor 

H I Sf0 A I C R E SOUR C E S I H V E N TO RY 

BUlLDlHC AND STRUCTURES 9llT b hl * L 11 

STATE OP CONNECTICUT 

COHN ECTICU T ti I STO RlCAL COkMI SflON 

59 SOUTH PROSPECT STREET, HARTFORD. CONNECTICUT 04104 

(2031 344-3005 

I SlHLLT AM0 HUYBCRlrnd W loCrllnnl 

0 Uoord 4 Bart- 0 Stucco 

0 floldstonm 

Cobblo.tono 

0 Structural iron or ****I 

1, 

rlblr from a110 

lOVERJ . .- 

AA-1 
VlCW 

UIST b nLW 5 17 I84CU. 

AA-2 

N~GAflVL OH FILL" 

Plot. 

mnt DATL 

Phoroproph 
150 

APPENDIX C 

Proposal for Revision of BLM Historic 

Site Record Form N6-8111-2 
DRAFT 

Historic Site Record 

United States 

151 

Department of the Interior 

CENV-06- 

RE#: - 

NSM#: 

Bureau of Land Management CRES Rating 

bttle Mountain District CR Report #: . 

Resource/Planning Atea: 

Recorder: Pro) ect : 

Date: County: 

T R Sec . Land Status: 

Map Ref: 

UTM: 

Descriptive Location: 

Site Plan: 

Site Name: 

Site Type: 

Single StructureComplex- ## of structures 

Archaeological SiteDistrict- # of structures 

General Description of Site and Its Condition: 

For M.ining/Mlling Sites: 

Site Function 

Mininu -- 

Mi l 1 ingComb in e dFor Mine/Combined Sites: 

Underground Access 

Adit/Tunnel 

Vertical Shaft__ 

Inclined Shaft 

For Milling/Combined Sites: 

Waste Product 

Slag piles 

Tailings pond/pilesOrebinsLarge Circular TanksRoasking OvenSme 1 terEnclosed, not accessibleFeatures 

Number of HeadfrGsSize and Shape of waste Rock 

Tailings Piles: 
Artifacts: 

-- 

I 

- 

Historical Information (including dates, owner3, thematic associations, etc.): 

Statement of Significance: 

References: 

Photographs: Roll/Frarne # Location : 

CRES Rating: 

Significant Nationally 

Significant Locally 

Association with Event 

Association with Person 

Representatlve Type 

Condition (good) ~ 

Evaluator: Date.: 

Comment 9 

Title: 
153 

Structure Description Form 

CrNV-06- Structure # Site Hame 

Structure Type: Dwelling- Barn- Corral- Outbuilding- Commercial- PublicReligious- School - Kiln- Mining- Ore ProcessingOther 

Past Use: Present Use: 

Approximate Dhensions: 

Number of Stories: 

CONS TR K TION 

Concrete- Side CableRubble Stone- End GableAdobe Brick 

Poured Mud- Other 

Log: Horizontal Mass WallLog: Vertical or PalisadeTimber Frame- ROOF SYSTEM 

Balloon Frame- Not ApplicableFired Brick 

Other Other 

ROOF SHAPE 

Dressed Stone- Hipped- 

- ShedWattle and 

- 

DaubFramed -- 

TrussF OUN DATION 

Stone 

c onc rXeOther 

NoneEXTERIOR WALL COVERING 

Not ApplicableC lap boardMatched Horizontal. PlankVertical PlankSh ing 1 esCorruaated Metal d - 

Brick VeneerP la 5 t erOther 

ROOF COVERING 

Not ApplicableShinglesCorrugated Metal- 

"DirtOther 

HEADFRAMES 

# of Sheave WheelsOrebhs Attached to 

Headframes 7 

List Alterations, Features of Note: 

OPE3 INGS Sketch Floor Plan: 

Stone LintelWood LintelArchedWood FramePresentNot Pres en t 

CH 1I.INEY 

- 

Materia 1 

Exterior?- Interior?- 
154 

APPENDIX D 

THEMATIC APPROACHES TO HISTORICAL/ 

ARCHITECTURAL RESOURCES 

I. Transportation 

A. Railroads 

1. Geographical: the Battle Mountain District. 

There were few rail lines in central Nevada, 

and their location is known. The survey could 

be further divided into the "northern system," 

including the Central Pacific, Eureka & Palisade, 

Nevada Central, Eureka-Ruby Hill, Austin City, 

and Battle Mountain-Lewis ; and the "southern 

system" of rail lines focusing on Tonopah. 

2. Considerations 

a. Time: the historic period. 

b. Resources pertaining to operation of railroads: 

bridges, tunnels, flag stops, water stops 

(water tanks), switchyards, roundhouses, 

maintenance structures, coal tipples 

c. Resources existing as a response to railroads: 

towns (Palisade, Battle Mountain, Ledlie, 

Alpha, etc. ) , hotels, depots and stations, 

livestock loading pens and chutes, camps for 

railroad laborers. 

d. Research Questions; 

-Relationship of railroads to the mining 

sector 

-Role of railroads in development of the 

livestock industry 

-Relationship of railroads to stage and 

freight transport 

-Effect of railroads on settlement patterns 

(compare Lander and Eureka counties with 

Nye County) 

B. Stage and Freight Transport 

1. Geographical: the Battle Mountain District. 

Stage and freight transport created a Districtwide (and in truth, statewide) web of roads that 

connected major towns with each other and with 

mining districts, and ran through all the region's 

valleys. It would be inappropriate to study only 

one route, for example Eureka to Belmont, because 

that route was simply a segment of a much larger 

network. Exception might be made for the Pony 

Express and Overland routes, because of their 
155 

clear identification with development of transportation and communication across the entire 

trans-Mississippi west. 

2. Considerations 

a. 

b. 

C. 

Time: the entire historic period, up to (and 

potentially including) the time when auto 

courts and motels took over completely the 

care and feeding of travellers. 

Resources: stage and freight routes, and 

the stations, bridges and markers located 

along them: offices of stage and freight 

lines, such as those operated by W. L, 

Pritchard, Woodruff & Emor, William Wilson 

(Eureka), G. W. (Jacobs (Austin), Butler and 

Clark (Tonopah). 

Research Questions: 

-Geographic a S/c hr o no 1 o gic a1 d eve1 opme nt of 

the network (including stations) 

-Incidence of stations erected by transport 

companies, or funded by them; stations 

owned and operated independently 

-Response of the network to changes in patterns of settlement and mining activity 

-Relation and response of network to railroads and to auto travel 

-Relation of stations and their operators to 

the occupation and agricultural activity 

of the valleys in which they were located. 

Do stations become ranches? Do ranches 

later take on station functions? Do some 

stations never experience conversion to 

ranches? Why? 

-Physical characteristics of stations when 

they were operating as such, both with 

and without associated ranching activity; 

materials, building types, size, and what 

determined these 

C. Toll Roads 

1. Geographical: the Battle Mountain District 

2. Considerations: 

Time: historic period 

b. Resources: toll routes, toll stations 

c. Research Questions: 

granted 

-Period during which toll franchises were 

-Reason for toll roads 

-Toll routes 

-Characteristics of toll stations 
156 

-Selection of toll station sites 

-Contribution (major? minor? none?) to 

development of transportation networks 

-Subsequent his tory (abandoned? taken over 

by freight/stage lines? by county?) 

D Highways/Auto 

1. Geographical: the Battle Mountain District 

2. Considerations : 

a. 

b. 

C. 

11. Commerce 

Time: c. 1900-present, coinciding with 

spread of auto travel (and recognizing that 

effective cutoff date for cultural resource 

surveys is 50 years) 

Resources: major routes, including the 

Humboldt, Central and "southern" route (ElyTonopah) and their 20th century counterparts: 

1-80, Lincoln Highway, Midland Route; also 

8A and 51; gas stations, auto courts, motels, 

markers (such as those placed along the 

Lincoln Highway in many parts of the country), 

stage/freight stations that adapted to auto 

traffic 

Research Questions: 

-How highways affect population centers, in 

-Effect of highways on stage lines, stations 

-Role of highways in tourism 

terms of location, commercial activity 

1. Geographical: the Battle Mountain District 

2. Considerations: 

a. Time: the historic period 

b. Resources: business establishments (stores, 

c. Research Questions; 

warehouses, hotels, livery stables, banks), 

res i denc es 

-Relationship of commerce to mining and 

-Kinds of commercial activity: in large 

-Spheres of influence: Eureka, Austin, 

agricultural sectors 

towns, in small camps 

Battlz Mountain, Tonopah. Do businessmen 

from these towns stake out commercial 

"territory" in outlying mining camps? 

If so, to what extent? Where? 

-Relationship of local commercial centers to 

valley agricultural communities 

-Role of various ethnic/nationality groups 

in commercial activity. 
157 

I11 * A gr ic ul tur e 

Agriculture as an economic activity is perhaps best considered as a whole, rather than being broken into subthemes, which in any case would not be as discrete as 

those for transportation or industry, for example. 

1. Geographical: the Battle Mountain District 

2. C ons 

a. 

iderations 

Time: While the overall chronological framework should be c. 1860-1940, it is possible to 

identify several periods of major developments 

in central Nevada agricultural history: 

-1860-c. 1875: The, period of initial agricultural activity, characterized by small 

farms producing a wide variety of commodities, from meat to vegetables, salad 

greens, and grains, principally for local 

markets created by the mining boom of the 

1860 ' s . faded, farmers and ranchers turned to 

intensive development of a range livestock 

industry, principally cattle but with 

increasing numbers of sheep. They were 

aided by proximity of rail lines (principally, the Central Pacific), introduction 

of barbed-wire fencing and windmills, and 

adoption of winter feeding--the last 

three being in part responses to the 

problem of overgrazing that attended 

increase in livestock numbers. 

-c 189O-WWI: This period was characterized 

by significant growth in the sheep 

industry. It also saw the beginning of 

state and federal programs to manage both 

land and water resources, and also concerted efforts to rid the range of wild 

-c. 1875-1890: As the initial mining boom 

horses. 

-WWI-1940: In this period, Federal management 

of the public lands was facilitated by the 

Taylor Grazing Act and later establishment 

of the BLM. Artesian wells tapped heretofore inaccessible water sources, helping 

to mitigate the region's chronic water 

shortage, 

b. Resources: ranches (including dwellings, 

barns, corrals, pens, sheds, and other outbuildings), horsetraps, corrals at springs 

and other watering places, windmills, irrigation sys tems 
158 

c, Research Questions: 

-Ranches as indus trial units : f oms, 

materials, arrangement , functions . Do 

they change over time? If so, how? 

Do stock cattle ranches physically differ 

from sheep ranches? From dairy farms? 

How? 

-Developments in livestock breeding 

-Irrigation systems: technology and methods 

-Horsetraps: technology and methods 

-Role of Basque immigrants in sheep industry 

-Impact of rail lines on agricultural 

-Livestock production: Do a few ranchers 

activity 

dominate the industry, or is production 

fairly evenly distributed among all 

ranchers? Does this distribution change 

over time? 

predominate in some valleys and not in 

others? Does this change over time? Do 

ranchers specialize in one animal, or are 

there many instances where ranches produce both cattle and sheep? 

-Dairying: characteristics, extent (numerically and geographically) 

-Development of hay farms (Desert Land 

Entries, corporate farms, etc. ) 

ranch may have run more stock than another 

does not necessarily mean the larger ranch 

is more "important." It would be more 

appropriate to consider the contributions, 

or example set, by a rancher in enhancing 

the overall quality or quantity of livestock 

production in central Nevada, for example 

introduction of new irrigation methods or 

breeding stock. Also, the importance of 

agriculture in the region 4s due to the fact 

that many people participated: a collective 

rather than individual contribution to 

historical development. Under these circumstances, survey of ranches and other cultural 

resources associated with agricultu? e should 

be geared toward identification of those 

resources best able to convey understanding 

and appreciation of various chronological 

and topical aspects of the region's agricultural his tory. For example: 

-Sheep vs. cattle: Do sheep (or cattle) 

d. Approaches to evaluation: The fact that one 
159 

-Farms md ranches whose existing. structures 

are characteristic of specific periods of 

development: an 1860's farm or small 

ranch, 1880's cattle ranch, a sheep ranch 

from the turn of the century 

-Ranches whose continuous operation from the 

1860's to the present is illustrated by 

the variety of their buildings and 

structures, in terms of forms, material 

and use 

-Ranches that clearly illustrate specific 

forms of agricultural activity (sheep, 

cattle, dairy, horses), or a group of 

ranches each of which represents a stage in the development of the cattle industry 

or sheep raising in the region 

-Horsetraps (with and without appurtenant 

structures) that illustrate developments 

in the art of horsecatching, through 

their materials and spatial arrangements 

-Buildings and structures, (including corrals 

and pens ) that illustrate ranchers 

reliance on locally-available materials 

-Windmills as examples of developments in 

agricultural technology 

-Irrigation systems, from specific periods or 

that show development of irrigation 

methods over time 

-Ranches associated with persons who made 

significant contributions to the livestock industry, such as introduction of 

new breeds, or crossbreeding, or who 

"set the pattern" for ranching in a particular valley or region 

IV. Industry 

A Charcoal Industry 

1. Geographical: the Battle Mountain District 

2. Considerations: 

a. Time: c. 1875-85 

b. Resources: charcoal kilns, pits, and associated structures, including dwellings of 

charcoal burners, and lumber camps that 

produced mainly for the kilns 

-Factors influencing incidence and location 

-Ownership: independent or mining companies? 

-Kilns: materials and designs 

c. Research Questions: 

of charcoal kilns 
160 

-Charcoal "camps"--relation of industrial 

and residential structures ; types of 

residential structures 

-Role of Swiss-Italian immigrants in the 

charcoal industry; how they coped with 

decline in need for charcoal 

B. Brewing 

1. Geographical: the Battle Mountain District 

2. Considerations: 

a. Time: the historic period 

b. Resources: brewery structures, dwellings of 

c. Research Questions: 

brewery owners, farms owned by brewers for 

grain production 

-Was most liquor produced by a few large 

-Markets: did brewers supply only the towns 

firms, or was there a sizable "cottage 

industry" as well? 

in which they were located, or did they 

ship lwge quantities to outlying areas 

(such as mining camps). Were local 

brewers the principal suppliers for the 

whole central Nevada region, or did they 

face serious competition from Virginia 

City and other western population centers? 

-Role of German immigrants in brewing--major? 

minor? 

-Did liquor production remain fairly constant 

over time, or did it fluctuate along with 

the mining economy? 

-Did any one brewer dominate production in 

central Nevada, or did brewers develop 

specific market areas? 

-Chronology: beginnings, peak period(s) , decline and influencing factors 

C. Lumber/Logging 

1. Geographical: the Battle Mountain District 

2 Considerations : 

a. Time: the historic period 

b. Resources: lumber camps, sawmills 

c. Research Questions: 

-Types of wood available 

-Principal markets for wood and lumber 

-Ownership: independent or mining companies? 

-Characteristics of lumber camps 

-Sawmills: size, types, machinery 
161 

D. Lime Industry 

1. Geographical: the Battle Mountain District 

2. Considerations: 

a, Time: the historic period 

b. Resources: Lime kilns, limestone quarries, 

transportation sys terns between the kilns and 

quarries ; outbuildings associated with lime 

production (crushers, storehouses, etc ) 

-Incidence of lime burning in region 

-Location of lime kilns 

-Persons involved in lime industry 

-Structures associated with lime burning: 

c. Research Questions : 

types, materials, forms, arrangement 

E, Srichaking 

1. Geographical: the Battle Mountain District 

2. Considerations : 

a. Time: the historic period 

b. Resources: brick yards kilns, pug-mills 

c. Research Questions : 

(mixing) 

-Incidence of brickmaking in region 

-Factors influencing location 

-Principal markets 

-Brickmaking as industrial process 

-Kiln types 

F. Salt 

1. Geographical: the Battle Mountain District 

2 Considerations : 

a. Time: the historic period 

b. Resources: evaporation pans, salt marshes 

dwellings and outbuildings associated with 

salt production 

c. Research Questions: 

-Incidence of salt production 

-Factors influencing location 

-Markets 

-Methods 

-Persons participating in the industry 

G. Mining 

Geography and Time: Like agriculture,mining in 

central Nevada is a large and complex theme which surveys 

can approach from many directions. Given the large numbers 

of data available on mining, and the numerous cultural 

resources still extant, development of survey strategy and 
I62 

focus will be crucial if field investigation and further 

research are to have meaningf u3. results beyond simple 

accumulation of more information. 

While the ultimate goal is to understand and evaluate 

mining and its associated physical remains in a District-wide 

(if not statewide) context, it will be most useful, logistically, to develop the overall survey in segments which will 

not only provide, individually, information about various 

aspects of the region's mining history, but also, when considered collectively, present a full story. 

In all cases, investigation should be based on the concept of mining as a group of inextricably related phenomena: 

extraction, transportation, processing, and occupation of 

land for residential and commercial purposes incidental to 

mining activity. Thus, mines should be considered in relation to mills and transportation systems, and mining camps 

should be considered - not as isolated instances of human 

settlement, but as simply one component of the mining 

phenomenon. Nearly all previous studies have viewed mining 

camps as individual expressions of colorful frontier life, 

springing up sui generis across the landscape. In fact, the 

only reason mining camps existed at all was to provide a 

place of residence and a source of goods and services for 

people locally engaged in extraction and processing of ore, 

and surveys that do not consider camps and towns in this 

context should nat be conducted, The only exceptions to 

this rule will occur when specific elements of a camp or 

town are studied in connection with other themes, such 

as commerce or architecture, or when the subject is one of 

the principal towns (Eureka, Battle Mountain, Austin, Tonopah, 

and Belmont--see below). In sum: the basic unit of survey 

for mining, whether in the field or in the library, must be 

the mining district: mines, mills and other processing 

activities, transport sys terns and camps. 

In order to develop an understanding of the evolution 

of mining techniques and patterns over time, one approach 

would be to group a11 the region's mining districts according 

to the last decade in which they were productive. Organization by last productive decade is useful because most physical 

remains of any mining district will date to the later period 

of operatiun, with many earlier remains either removed or 

obliterated by subsequent activity. If the districts can 

then be researched and inventoried chronologically (i.e. 

beginning with those productive only in the 1860's, and 

ending with those producing after WdI), the result should be 

a comprehensive inventory of historic resources that reflect 

the evolution of mining technology and methods through the 

entire historic period, If it is not feasible to survey - all 
I63 

mining districts at one go, one might select one district 

from each decade, inventory those, and develop predictive 

models for use in surveys of the rest, whether the latter 

surveys are systematic or pro ject-specific. 

0 ther strategies : 

-A thematic survey and inventory of placer mining, concentrating on hydraulicking and gold dredging at Round 

Mountain, Manhattan and Battle Mountain; 

-A survey and inventory of the Tybo-Hot Creek region, in 

which the mines and mills, charcoal industry, communities and adjacent ranches (for example, Dugan's and 

Page's ranches west of Hot Creek) are treated as closelyrelated parts of the whole. This area may form a coherent historic district in terms of time, place and 

rela.tedness of activities ; although it covers a fairly 

large geographical area, it could be treated, in terms 

of the Xatianal Register, as a "discontinuous" district, 

rather than as an overly-large land area defined to encompass the outermost limits of the cultural resources 

associated with the historic district. If this in the 

end should prove unworkable, the area should be broken 

into two historic districts, Tybo and Hot Sreek. 

-Discovery of rich ore at Reese River in 1862 and on Mt. 

Oddie in 1900 not only resulted in the development of 

large mining districts at those places, but also 

fostered (generally with less success) mining in 

adjacent regions. Notable "spinoffs" from these major 

mining centers were (1) the intensive activity on both 

sides of the Toiyabe Range in the 1860~~ (including 

mines associated with Canyon City, Washington and San 

Juan on the west flank, and Clinton, Geneva, Guadalajara/ 

Santa Fe, Kinston, Park Canyon, and Ophir on the east); 

and (2) the small boom in south-central Nye County, 

east of Tonopah I in 1900-1910 ( including Hannapah, 

Ellendale, Clifford, Bellehelen, Silverbow and Golden 

Arrow). Thematic surveys of each of these areas would 

focus on the nature of small-scale mining in each 

period; results of each survey could then be compared 

to illustrate both changes and similarities in smallscale mining over a 40-year period. 

associated with mining, both in the past and very 

probably in the fukure, some attempt should be made to 

identify and if possible protect well-preserved 

examples of these resources and systems. Although not 

ideal in terms of overall cultural resource management, 

protection priority should be given to areas with significant concentrations of historic mining resources, 

over those where mining resources are very few or have 

been extensively ravaged, if only to conserve a data 

-Given the loss and destruction of cultural resources 
164 

base for future survey. Areas with manj, and generally 

intact, resources simply have more potential in terms of 

developing an understanding of mining technology and processes, and they should not be lost before they have been 

intensively studied and inventoried. 

V. Architecture 

population centers such as Las Vegas, Virginia City and Reno. 

National Register nominations for Austin, Eureka, Berlin 

and Ione have discussed structures in those towns, but not 

comprehensively nor with much attention to the buildings as 

architecture. The architecture of rural Nevada, with the 

exception of URS/Blme's 1977 survey, has been almost wholly 

neglected . 

Study of Nevada architecture has been limited to major 

Priorities for survey of central Nevada's architectural 

resources are: 

listing "ranch" or "town" on an inventory form. The suggestions for a structure inventory form in Appendix C are 

made with this in mind. 

2. Development of a typology for architectural resources, 

in terms of building types, materials, and methods of construction. The chapter of this Overview's historic narrative that 

deals with physical characteristics of ranch structures is 

written with the htention that it serve as a partial basis 

for such a typology. 

1. Inventory structure by structure, rather than simply 

Some considerations 1 

structures have at least potential interest as architecture. 

In other words, "Victorian gingerbread" houses or commercial 

blocks are not the only resources of architectural interest 

in central Nevada, and indeed constitute but a very small 

part of the region's architectural "universe. 'I Rather, the 

architecture of central Nevada is characterized by imaginative 

and often ad hoc assembly of local materials, and survey and 

evaluation of the region's architectural resources should be 

conducted with this in mind. 

2. Physical integrity is one of the basic criteria for 

National Register evaluation of all cultural resources, It 

1s particularly important in evaluating architectural 

resources, because their significance rests solely upon their 

material characteristics, rather than partly on their associations, as is the case with "historic" resources. Thus 

the degree to which a structure retains physical integrity 

has a direct bearing on the significance of that structure, 

in terms of its being able to represent or illustrate a 

given architectural practice or form. 

1. Begin with the assumption that a11 buildings and 
165 

3, The character of structures associated with feeding, 

sheltering and otherwise caring for range livestock tends to 

alter but little over time and space, because there are only 

a limited number of ways to deal with a cow or a sheep. This 

continuity of form and use is a significant aspect of the 

architecture of agricultural structures. Residential structures, on the other hand, may exhibit much more variety over 

time and space, reflecting local, regional or national 

architectural trends, access to materials and artisans, different lifestyles (town vs. country), or, simply, changing 

attitudes toward what constitutes proper living space. In 

looking at residential architecture, one might consider: 

camp dwellings, and with houses in major population centers. 

Are there noticeable differences in materials, size and form? 

To what degree are national trends reflected in the houses of 

each group, and how? Are population centers more susceptible 

to these trends than rural areas? (This sort of comparison 

must be done with care, because in many cases houses remaining in mining towns and camps are not representative of those 

communities ' architecture as a whole. Historic photographs 

will provide important information in this regard, and should 

be considered basic research tools for any survey of central 

Nevada architecture--rural or urban.) 

architecture according to materials or construction methods: 

1) "national," including fired brick, stone, "log cabin," 

box frame, balloon frame; and 2) "indigenous, '' including 

adobe brick, poured adobe, wattle and daub, and localized 

instances of stone and log (horizontal mass wall or vertical 

"palisade") construction. The latter category should also 

include dwellings built by Native Americans in the historic 

period (for example those of CrNV-06-949 near -Big Cow Canyon 

Road in Nye Co.) and might even be extended to include prehistoric dwellings, since the focus of such a study would be 

functional manipulation of immediately available building 

materials 

4. Informed evaluation of central Nevada architecture 

will depend heavily upon having as much information as possible from which to make judgments, since to a large degree 

the evaluation will have to be made on the basis of comparison. The survey should try to identify buildings and 

structures that best represent or illustrate: 

a. Comparing rural residences with small town or 

b. It might be possible to divide the region's 

-use of materials 

-construction methods 

-forms or styles indigenous to the region, the Great 

Basin and the Southwest 

-forms or styles derived from national or urban trends 

(often spread via builders ' and architects ' catalogs) 

-widespread or characteristic forms of architecture 

-unusual forms of architecture 
166 

-construction at various periods 

-structure types, and varieties within each type 

-work of a craftsman or artisan, for example a stonemason who built a number of buildings in a community 

or region 

VI. Settlement/ Community: A Model for Investigation 

There were basically three forms of "settlement" in 

central Nevada during the 19th and early 20th centuries: 

mining camps, towns, and agricultural occupation of the 

valleys and foothills. Mining camps were for the most part 

only incidental agents of settlement, in that people came 

to hitherto unpopulated places to live and work in them, but 

generally for but a very short time. Therefore, as noted 

in the discussion on mining surveys, camps should be studied 

as part of the "physical plant" of mining and ,its related 

activities, rather than as discrete units of settlement. 

A handful of camps (Austin, Eureka, Tonopah, Battle 

Mountain and Belmont) developed into real communities (towns) 

through their association with very large, productive mining 

districts, location on major transportation routes, status 

as county sea'ts, and role as service centers for outlying 

mining districts and agricultural communities. Austin, 

Eureka and Belmont are National Register Historic Districts, 

much of their 19th century character still observable. 

Battle Mountain, on the other hand, has lost many of its 

19th century associations, due largely to its location on 

Interstate 80 and attendant modernization. Portions of 

Tonopah may be fairly well-preserved, because the town is 

more recent; a survey planned for summer, 1980, should result 

in identification of structures remaining from that town's 

historic settlement period a 

Between the extremes of camp and major town are communities such as Tybo, Manhattan, Ione, and Round Mountain, 

which were longer-lived than most camps, but never achieved 

the size and impact of Battle Mountain, Austin, Eureka or 

Tonopah. Of these four towns, Ione is of interest chiefly 

as a former county seat; the other three are best studied 

in connection with their associated indus trial/economic base 

(placer mining and dredging at Round Mountain and Manhattan, 

silver mining and charcoal burning at Tybo). 

Apart from the townbuilders, the principal agents of 

settlement, as occupiers of land and developers of communities, were farmers, ranchers and their families. All too 

often it has been considered sufficient, particularly in a 

local context, to recognize the "first settler" and other 

"firsts", such as school, bank, store, house, etc. However, 

the act of being "first" was usually only a matter of 

historical accident, and such "firsts"may have in the long 
167 

run been irrelevant to the historical development of the 

locality or region. Knowing when the first settler came to 

a given locality is useful in tracing settlement patterns 

over a larger area. But Settlement implies more than simple 

occupation of land by a single individual; it means 

establishment of social networks, recreation of community 

institutions in a new land, development of a subsistence base 

and evolution of land use and ownership patterns. Local 

settlement also d~es not occur in a vacuum: it is influenced 

by patterns of settlement over a whole region, by transportation systems, by economic factors, by the natural 

environment 

The basic unit of study of rural settlement in the 

Battle Mountain District is the valley, Valleys historically 

have held strong connotations of place in the Far West, where 

towns were few and far apart, and counties too large and 

unpopulated to act as viable reference points for rural 

dwellers. This concept of the valley as place is reinforced 

by topography. Each valley is to some extent isolated from 

other valleys by hills or mountains that act as physical and 

as psychological inhibitors of inter-valley soci-a1 and 

economic intercourse. The fact that adjacent mountain ranges 

may have been swarming with mining activity did not in the 

long run affect the valley as a definable place: mining 

camps had a different economic base, population structure 

and social organization, and were generally short-lived as 

well. 

In selecting valleys for survey, it should be kept in 

mind that although mountain ranges provide the first definition, valleys are physically open at one or both ends, and 

where one valley opens into another the "boundary" of a 

valley community may shift over time, or be much less pronounced than boundaries formed by mountain ranges, Furthermore, the extreme length of some valleys may have encouraged 

establishment of more than one "community" within its confines. For example, Crescent, Little Fish Lake, Grass, 

Diamond and Hot Creek valleys are fairly well-defined units. 

Reese River, on the other hand, is divisible into two, the 

"boundary" between them being the Shoshone Range where it 

moves from the west to the east side of the valley, The 

northern end of Reese River would be oriented, historically, 

toward Battle Mountain, while the southern portion, surrounded by extensive mining activity, would have been 

oriented toward Austin. Big Smoky Valley as a settlement 

unit is reasonably definable down to its southern end, where 

below the Toiyabe Range it opens into confluence with the 

Ione Valley. The separation of the upper Big Smoky probably 

became particularly pronounced after 1900, due to the influence of Tonopah. Likewise Monitor Valley, which is fairly 
168 

closed at the southern end, but opens at the north into a 

"basin" formed by the confluence of Monitor, Kobeh and 

Antelope valleys, Antelope Valley in Lander County may not 

prove to be a discrete settlement unit, but rather an 

extension of the lower Reese River community. 

Just as there was a definable pattern in the physical 

arrangement of buildings in mining camps, so also was there 

a pattern to the arrangement of living in the region's 

valleys. The camp/town pattern was basically concentric, 

though it varied according to topographical circumstances. 

At the center was the business district, with residential 

areas ringing the district , and industrial (mining) areas 

at the outer edge and extending up and back into the 

mountains (Fig. 4). 

BROAD CAMYON 

Figure 1: The Geography of Major Activities in Nining Camps 

The camp/town pattern was not unique to central Nevada 

nor to the West, being rather an importation by the inhabitants from cities, towns and villages of the eastern and 

midwestern U.S. , and rather forcibly imposed upon the 

mountain landscape. The valley pattern, however, could be 

considered more "indigenous, 'I as it was based almost entirely 

upon location of water sources--mountain streams and springs-- 

with wood and grazing as other important considerations. As 

a result, the valley settlement pattern generally consisted 

of individual ranches arranged along roads like widely-spaced 

knots on a string, one string running down each side of the 

valley. These two north-south roads were connected by others 

running across the valley, from one ranch to another. 

Occasionally one or more ranches were located toward the 

middle of the valley, at the intersection of several roads 

(Fig* 5). 
169 

Figure 2: The Valley Settlement Pattern 

Within the valley network, some roads were more 

"important," due chiefly to the amount of traffic on them. 

Since major transportation routes tended to follow the line 

of least resistance, nearly every valley had at least one 

segment of a longer route connecting widely-spaced towns 

or mining centers, the segment generally corresponding to 

one of the two north-south "strings. 'I This correspondence, 

however, was neither inevitable nor invariable. At least 

two factors could influence the location of the valley's 

major road: location of way stations and occurrence of 

mining activity in the mountains to either side. 

For example, the main road, with attendant station or 

stations, might at first run down the west side of the 

valley (Fig. 6A). In a few years, a rancher or would-be 

entrepreneur established a station on the east side of the 

valley, and the stage/freight route might then have moved 

to take advantage of new services (Fig. 4B)* This move 

could be similarly effected by discovery of silver in the 

mountail, range to the east (Fig, 6C). 
170 

\ 

.R 

RI 

R. ~ 

Figure 3: Main TransportatLon Routes: Location and 

Relocation 

The three elements of valley settlement were thus the 

ranches, a major transportation route, and mining in the 

adjacent mountain ranges, to which valley dwellers related 

in different ways. The first, and generally most enduring, 

relationship was among the valley dwellers themselves , as 

neighbors bound to one another by geography, by their common lives as farmers and ranchers, as parents of school-age 

children, and perhaps eventually by marriage and family 

ties, The second relationship was with the route segment 

through the valley, along which stage and freight lines 

brought mail, occasional shipments of goods, and travellers 

from far and wide, allowing valley dwellers access to the 

outside world without the need for travel outside its 

confines. The third :elationship was with population centers 

at one or both ends of the transportation segment running 

through the valley. This relationship was largely a commercial one, the town functioning as a market for ranchers' 

produce and as a supplier of valley dwellers' material goods. 

It could also be partly a social relationship, in that 

ranchers and families could go to town to vote, attend cultural events and festivities, and talk with the inhabitants 
171 

and with residents of other valleys who came to town on 

similar pursuits a Once established, this town-valley 

relationship remained fairly consis tent over time, for 

example that between Diamond Valley and Eureka, Upper Reese 

River and Austin, lower Reese River and Battle Mountain, 

Monitor Valley and Belmont, Crescent Valley and Beowawe, 

Grass Valley and Austin. 

for all residents of Big Smoky Valley would have been with 

Austin: a second relationship, much stronger in the south, 

developed with Tonopah after 1900. 

The first town-valley relationship 

These town/valley relationships were strong to the 

degree that a major population center was reasonably nearby, 

as in the examples listed above. They were most tenuous 

when major towns were reached only with some effort, as would 

have been the case from Ione, Hot Creek and Stone Cabin 

valleys, and Reveille and Ralston valleys before discovery 

of silver at Tonopah. 

The fourth relationship, which either took the place of 

a strong town/valley connection or functioned along with it, 

was that between the valley and nearby mining camps. This 

was usually a series of relationships that changed over time 

as mining activity came and went. For example, Hot Creek 

Valley residents in the 1860's conducted business and social 

affairs with Hot Creek, but in the 1870's turned to Tybo. 

Residents of Big Smoky Valley supplied a series of small 

markets in camps such as Kingston, Geneva and Clinton in the 

1860's and 1870'~~ but in the early 20th century turned 

their interests east to Round Mountain and Manhattan. In 

Ione Valley, Ione, Union Grantsville and Ellsworth offered 

markets to local ranchers in the 1860's and 187O's, as did 

Berlin in the 1890's. 

These four relationships should be definable in the 

survey of any valley settlement, although there will be 

variations due to geographical factors, presence or lack of 

railroads, and the vagaries of mining history in the region. 

(For example, upper Reese River Valley experienced significant concentrations of both mining and agricultural activity 

in the 1860's and 1870's. The surrounding mountains were 

the focus of much early mining exploration, and the Reese 

River, largest water source south of the Humboldt, offered 

opportunities for irrigation and settlement to a degree not 

possible in most other valleys of the region.) Identification 

of these relationships results in a strong basis for cultural 

resource survey of rural settlement in central Nevada, because 

it establishes the temporal, geographic, economic and social 

context within which the physical expressions of that settlement can be studied and evaluated, 
172 

Once the four relationships have been described, the 

next step is to place physical resources within the context 

thus established, and to evaluate these resources in terms 

of their role in, and ability to represent, various aspects 

of valley settlement history and development. 

Within the valley, list: 

-Ranches that date from the first 5-10 years of settlement; 

-The major route through the valley, including any changes 

-Stations along that route, original and subsequent: 

-Location of post offices, and dates of operation; 

-Location of schools, and dates of operation: 

-Ranches owned by one family over many years; such families provide continuity in the midst of temporal, economic and social change ; 

- "B ig '1 ranches: those with the most livestock; such 

ranches, by virtue of their size, may have set a pattern 

for agricultural activity, and their owners may have 

become prominent social or political figures in the 

valley. 

these will have set the basic physical arrangement of 

living in the valley; 

in the route over time; 

By mapping the sites in terms of both function and 

time, it will be possible to identify focal points within 

each valley community, and to see if they change (both in 

kind and in location) over time. The potentially most significant sites will be those that occur most frequently in 

the lists. This frequency will vary from valley to valley 

(and the reasons for such variation are worth investigation). 

For example, one or two ranches in one valley may have been 

foci from the beginning of settlement, while in another 

valley the foci may have moved over time, or have been 

numerous but relatively weak. 

Once this phase is completed, sites identified as 

valley focal points must be examined in the field to ascertain their integrity. 

as the ability of a site or sites to convey feelings of time, 

place and association with those events, activities or 

people being recognized in the survey as contributing to the 

historic character and development of settlemen; and community life in the valley. For example, a ranch on which 

all buildings but a few mud and log sheds are of mid-20th 

century vintage is no longer eligible for nomination to the 

National Register as an 1870's stage station and post office. 

Nor do a group of stone walls adequately represent the life 

of the valley's leading rancher, long-time inhabitant and 

school district clerk. In evaluating integrity, remember 

This integrity is basically defined 
173 

also that the basic living 

barn, outbuildings, corrals 

itself. Thus where possibl 

dating from the time of the 

being recognized should be 

nomina tion. 

unit was , and not 

e all str 

event, a 

included 

- 

the ranch, dwelling, 

simply a house by 

uctures on a ranch 

ctivity and/or perso 

in the survey and 

n 

Participation of various nationalities in the 

historical development of central Nevada can, at least in 

part, be studied in the rural settlement context, as the 

historic narrative section of this Overview has briefly 

demonstrated. Using a combination of census records, tax 

rolls, and the early township survey maps, it is often 

possible to associate persons of various national origins 

with specific ranches and valleys, thus creating a vehicle 

for recognition of the region's ethnic diversity. This 

recognition is not limited to participation in agricultural 

settlement, of course, but the role of nationalities in 

other aspects of central Nevada history is better studied 

in other contexts. Examples include the Chinese in railroad 

construction, as miners in some districts and as participants 

in the economy of other camps and towns; the Swiss and 

Italians in the charcoal industry; Germans as brewers and 

businessmen; Basques in agriculture, 

In the rural settlement context, study questions might 

early settlement years? 

include: 

-What was the ethnic composition of the valley in the 

-How did this composition change over time? Why? 

-Are some nationality groups more numerous than others? 

-Does the presence of a "dominant" nationality group 

color the way of life or society of the valley? 
174 

A NOTE ON HISTORICAL SOURCES 

A great deal of information is available on the history 

of central Nevada in government records, university libraries, 

the state historical society, collections outside Nevada 

(principally in California) and in published materials. Some 

materials have been used extensively by others studying the 

region (for example, Angel's 1881 History of Nevada) but many 

more have not been fully appreciated. 

The historian's task in conducting research is twofold: 

deciding what sources to use, and how. Several factors condition the approach, among them the purpose and scope of the 

research, and the time available in which to accomplish it. 

In preparing this study for the BLM-Battle Mountain District, 

one of the investigators' purposes was to present an overview, arranged around major themes, that would serve as 

context for interpretation of individual historical and 

architectural resources. To this end, they consulted many 

kinds of historical materials, from published secondary 

sources to newspapers and manuscript census population 

schedules. In many cases, they found secondary sources 

quite valuable, offering insights and information heretofore 

untapped by previous researchers. On the other hand, many 

primary sources, such as letters, diaries, account books, 

etc. were found to be either unhelpful or too narrowly 

focused to contribute much to a broad-based cultural 

resources overview. 

Nevertheless, a "core" of sources was soon identified 

as the most basic research tool for this study. Many still 

have not been fully exploited, and they deserve consideration in future investigation of central Nevada's history and 

cultural remains. 

As mentioned above, Angel (1881) is and has been an 

important reference on 19th century Nevada history, 

factual errors are sometimes evident, and the presentation 

is somewhat skewed toward the promotional, Angel's book contains an enormous amount of information about life and 

enterprise during the state's first two decades. It is thus 

an excellent starting point for study. 

Although 

Other contemporary sources of utmost importance are 

census records, tax records, township survey maps and local 

newspapers. Population schedules from state and federal 

censuses provide data on people: names, occupations, 

national origins, family size, and to a limited extent, 

location. They can be used in conjunction with county tax 

records to study settlement (even down to individual 
175 

ranches), immigration, and the region's commerce and 

industry. 

transportation systems, settlement and land use, and have 

been invaluable in the present study. However, they vary 

in date from the 1860's until well int,o the 20th century, and thus cannot present a complete picture for any one time 

period. Also, mountain regions were seldom surveyed, so much 

information on mining camps and other mountain-based 

activities is not shown on these maps. Contemporary newspapers are crucial in the study of local history, but some 

are more useful than others. Some, for instance the Eureka 

Sentinel, concentrate on local mining, to the exclusion of 

much else occurring in the community. Others are more 

broad-based, and thus particularly'useful. One of the best 

is the Reese River Reveille, which covered people and events 

in many areas of central Nevada. The advertising sections 

also provide valuable data on local commerce and business 

establishments. City directories (often published as statewide or regional directories) are also useful for study of 

commerce. 

Township survey maps provide information on 

Annual or biennial reports of Nevada state offices are 

rich Sources of information on many topics. Reports from 

the Secretary of State include lists of incorporations filed 

each year in the state, most of course being mining companies. However, the lists are in order of filing date, 

rather than geographical location, which makes them somewhat 

difficult to use. Reports from the Superintendent of Public 

Instruction, particularly after 1887, list school districts, 

clerks and teachers, and have been of particular use in 

studying rural settlement and community institutions. 

Surveyor General's reports, beginning in 1865, include 

annual statistics, by county, for industry, agricultural 

production, etc. Many also contain reports from county 

assessors enlarging upon the statistics and discussing 

various aspects of settlement and economic activity, 

from the State Engineer (beginning 1903) include lists of 

persons applying for irrigation permits. These are not, 

however, arranged by county, and often the only locational 

information is the name of the creek from which the applicant wished to draw water. The proposed use of witer is listed 

in each case, suggesting that these records might be useful 

in future study of land use and agricultural activity. 

Finally, reports of the Commissioner of Labor, although not 

begun until l9l5, contain information on union activities and 

the overall condition of employment in the state. 

The 

Reports 

Nineteenth century exploration in central Nevada is 

covered in many sources. Goetzmann (1966) discusses 

exploration in the context of the entire west, while Cline 

(1963) concentrates on exploration in the Great Basin. 
176 

Because most exploration in central Nevada was under 

government auspices, records are many and detailed. The 

"Notes on Sources" in Goetzmann (1966) is an excellent 

starting point for future study of this topic. 

major collections of the National Archives are Record Groups 48 and 57 (Department of Interior, including Geological 

Survey) and 77 (Topographical Engineers) . 

Sources for study of central Nevada's native populations in the historic period are rather limited. Correspondence and records of the U.S. Office of Indian Affairs, 

and records of the U.S. Army in Nevada form the basic primary 

documentation on the subject. Census records contain 

information on location of native populations, and often cite 

occupation as well. Occasionally local newspapers mention 

Indian inhabitants ; although the references are usually 

derogatory, they do provide insight into the role of native 

populations in various local communities, Publications of 

the Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada (1976a,b,c, 1978) are 

useful and interesting references, as is Forbes (1967, 1969). 

Ethnographic studies of Great Basin peoples include Steward 

(194.1, 1958), Stewart (1941) and Kroeber (1939). 

Shepperson (1970) provides a general overview of immigration 

and the immigrant .experience in Nevada. Italians have been 

studied hy Grazeola (1969, and Earl (1969, the Chinese by 

Carter (1975) and Basques by Douglass (1970) , Georgetta 

(1965, 1972), Sawyer (1971) and Shepperson (1970), but most 

other immigrant groups have not received attention, except in 

passing, One source not tapped in the present study is the 

special collection on Basque studies at the University of 

Nevada, Reno. 

Among the 

Other ethnic groups have received varying treatment. 

The history of the region's railroads is detailed in 

Myrick (1962, 1963), and Goodwin (1966) provides additional 

material on the northern roads. 

transportation in central Nevada should include examination 

of business records from the Nevada Central, EurekaPa1isad.e and Tonopah-Goldfield railroads, many of which are 

available at the Nevada Historical Society, and also contemporary newspapers, particularly those from Austin, 

Eurek:l, Battle Mountain and Tonopah. 

freight and stage lines are contemporary maps, biennial 

reports of the state legislature (for toll franchises), city 

directories and local newspapers. 

account of the Overland Mail, and Lass (1972) provides context for historical development of western freighting, 

although his emphasis is on the region east of Salt Lake City. 

Further study of rail 

Among the best sources for the study of toll roads, and 

Hafen (1926) gives a good 
177 

One of the more interesting descriptions of life alon the 

Ponv Exwess trail is included in Richard Burton's 18 2 0 

Cit$ of-the Saints (excerpts reprinted in 1960 by the Nevada 

Historical Society Quarterly), and includes useful information on the stations themselves. 

Although few individual articles have been written 

specifically about agriculture in central Nevada, there is a 

wealth of material on the state as a whole that includes 

information about this particular region. Perhaps the best 

study of the western range livestock industry is Clawson 

(1950). Of great value are the many publications of the 

University of Nevada Agricultural Experiment Station (Reno), 

particularly Brennen (19351, Carpenter et a1 (1941), 

Fleming and Brennen (1937, 1940), and Hardman and Mason 

(1949) I Creel (1964) and Hazeltine et a1 (1961) have also 

proved useful to the present study. The most recent work on 

mustanging is Thomas (1979) , which traces the wild horse 

problem and efforts (private and governmental) to deal with 

it from the 19th century to the present. The question of 

public range management in the West is thoughtfully treated 

in Adams (1926) , which discusses the situation prevailing in 

the early 20th century and offers recommendations that to a 

great extent were adopted with the Taylor Grazing Act and 

later organization of the Bureau of Land Management. Clawson 

(1950) also has several informative chapters on this subject. 

Further study of agriculture in central Nevada should 

include detailed examination of census and county tax 

records. Nineteenth century county assessors' reports 

(published through the State Surveyor General) also contain 

information about crops and livestock. 

The settlement history of central Nevada has received 

little scholarly attention. Good places to start are the 

county histories of Berg (1942), Fleischmann (1967) and King 

(1954) Again, census population schedules and county tax 

records will be important sources of information, as are the 

19th century township survey maps Further examination of 

school district organization (through published reports and, 

if available, local records) may also shed light on settlement patterns in the region. 

Study of central Nevada's architecture will have to 

begin with the buillings and structures themselves. For 

buildings in larger towns a good beginning reference is 

Stoehr's (1975) book on Colorado mining towns. Among the 

growing number of "style" books, Foley (1980) and Rifkind 

(1980) are very good, being somewhat broader than others 

such as Blumenson (1977) or Whiffen (1969). Concerning the 

region's rural architecture, there is almost nothing to be 

had, as most publications on this topic deal with states and 
178 

regions east of the Mississippi River. This trend is 

changing, however, as demonstrated by the Minnesota 

Historical Society's Minnesota Farmscape: Looking at Change 

(1980). It might be worthwhile to consult State Historic 

Preservation Offices in states such as Colorado, Montana, 

Texas, Wyoming, Utah, Idaho, New Mexico and Arizona to 

determine if they have studied rural architecture and if so 

how. Published inventories or reports from these states 

might also help to put central Nevada's architectural 

resources in regional perspective. 

There is an enormous amount of information on the mining 

West. The question is how to use it. Any further study of 

mining in central Nevada should begin with Paul (1963) and 

Smith (1967), to obtain an overview of western mining and 

Nevada's place within that theme. For specifics, Couch and 

Carpenter (1943) and Lincoln (1923) have long been recognized 

as invaluable. For study of Round Mountain, Manhattan and 

Natomas, Spence (1980) presents a good account of gold 

dredging in the west. The Barnett collection (with accompanying text) at the Nevada Historical Society contains an 

extraordinarily fine selection of photographs on hydraulicking at Round Mountain. Oberbillig (1967) has written a 

useful, and well illustrated description of the Washoe and 

Reese River processes, Vanderburg (1936) gives a good account 

of placer mining in the state, and Nolan (1962) is a good 

recent study of Eureka. 

Contemporary newspapers provide much detail about mining 

and mining enterprises; because they were written in large 

part to lure prospective investors, however, they should be 

used with extreme care. Among the best sources of information about mining structures are contemporary photographs, of 

which the Nevada Historical Society has a very fine 

collection. These photographs will show the kinds of structures originally present at mining and milling sites, and 

help future researchers to identify mining remains in the 

field. 

Perhaps the most reliable source of information on 

Nevada mining in the 19th and early 20th centuries is the 

prof essionalry-prepared series MinGral Resources West of 

the Rocky Mountains, issued by the U.S. Treasury Department 

beginning in 1866. They are variously titled, and were 

prepared by several authors, for example J. Ross Browne in 

1866-1867, Rossiter W. Raymond 1868-1875, and for a period 

(1882-1893) were issued as part of annual reports from the 

U.S. Geological Survey. The best way to locate these reports 

is through the Checklist of U.S. Public Documents, issued by 

the Superintendent of Documents. 
179 

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