The author(s) shown below used Federal funds provided by the U.S.

Department of Justice and prepared the following final report:

Document Title: Effects of Victims' Experiences with

Prosecutors on Victim Empowerment and ReOccurrence of Intimate Partner Violence, Final

Report

Author(s): Mary A. Finn Ph.D.

Document No.: 202983

Date Received: February 2004

Award Number: 99-WT-VX-0008

This report has not been published by the U.S. Department of Justice.

To provide better customer service, NCJRS has made this Federallyfunded grant final report available electronically in addition to

traditional paper copies.

Opinions or points of view expressed are those

of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect

the official position or policies of the U.S.

Department of Justice.
THE EFFECTS OF VICTIMS' EXPERIENCES WITH PROSECUTORS 

ON VICTIM EMPOWERMENT 

AND RE-OCCURRENCE OF INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE 

FINAL REPORT 

August 2003 

Submitted by: 

Mary A. Finn, Ph.D. 

Department of Criminal Justice 

One University Plaza 

Georgia State University 

Atlanta, GA 30302-4018 

Submitted to: 

National Institute of Justice 

Flt4AI, REPORT 

Approved By: ', nd - I A~ __ 

AUTHORS NOTE: This project was funded under Grant Number 1999-WT-VX-0008 from the 

National Institute of Justice; .Office of Justice Programs, US. Department of Justice. The 

opinions expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official 

positibns of the National Institute of Justice. 
\ 

2 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

This research would not have been possible without the commitment of the DeKalb County 

Solicitor, Gwendolyn Keyes, Gwinnett County Solicitor, Gerald Blaney, their assistant solicitors, 

victidwitness advocates, and criminal investigators. I am grateful to their willingness to provide 

us access to their records to educate me and my research team about the misdemeanor court 

process. Their commitment and efforts to ensure the safety of victims of family violence is 

commendable. 

The success of this project would not have been possible without the contributions of graduate 

and undergraduate students from Georgia State University: Laura Salazar and Laura Jacobus who 

served as Project Managers, Jessica Beatty and Becky Watson who served as interviewers for 

Gwinnett County, and Dana Leshley, Michelle Emerson, Sharon Smith, and Charlene Baker who 

served as interviewers for DeKalb County. Additional thanks go to various students who assisted 

in data entry, data management, and data analysis: Tracie Kimble, Raquel Terrell-Lovette, 

Brooke Oakley, Katie Corriher, Torie Love, and Krista Dimmerling. 

I am grateful for the insightful comments of anonymous reviewers that improved the quality of 

this report. 

Lastly, and most importantly, I extend immense gratitude to the victims who were interviewed 

for this project for their willingness to share with us their painful experiences. Their courage is 

truly admirable and I hope that this report gives voice to their stories. My life and the lives of my 

students have been enriched by their openness and sharing. 
3 

Executive Summary 

Recent results of the national victimization survey indicate that about 85% victims of 

intimate partner violence are women. Such victims are often reluctant to participate fully in the 

prosecution of their abuser. In response to this reluctance, prosecutors across the nation have 

adopted “no-drop” or evidence-based policies. These policies, in theory, call for the prosecution 

of all cases of family violence if there is legal evidence to support such prosecution, regardless of 

the wishes or desires of the victim. The goals of the victim in invoking the criminal justice 

system, often by calling the police to end the immediate threat of violence, may not be 

compatible with the goals of the prosecution. Thus, the effects of such policies on victims’ 

empowerment are in question. 

This study identified the types of actions taken by prosecutors in two separate court 

jurisdictions, one of which had a “no-drop” policy operating. Prosecutors’ actions were 

classified into five distinct types that varied on the degree to which they allowed victims to 

exercise choice and coerced victims into participating in court processes. The five types of 

actions taken by prosecutors were minimal, supportive, persuasive, choice, and coercive. 

Minimal actions occurred when prosecutors’ offices only contact with the victim was a single 

phone call and/or a form letter informing her of the status of the case. Supportive strategies 

describe the actions of prosecutors’ offices to provide education and information about domestic 

violence, and social support to victims to cope with the violence. This often included providing 

informational literature (videos, pamphlets), referrals to community resources, individual 
4 

counseling, and information on the risk of future victimization. A third type, persuasive actions 

describe prosecutors’ offices that persuaded the victim to actively cooperate with their office. 

This sometimes included persuading the victim to testify willingly against her partner. A fourth 

type of action taken by prosecutors was to allow victims to withdraw their complaint, sometimes 

with the promise that prosecution would cease, but most oftentimes not. Victims often had to 

provide the prosecution with verbal or written reasons why the victim wanted the complaint 

withdrawn, as well as assurances that they were not being pressured by abusive partners to do so. 

Lastly, coercive strategies describe actions by prosecutors’ offices to coerce victims to participate 

in court proceedings by threatening them with arrest if they attempt to withdraw their complaints 

or they fail to appear when summoned to court. Also, prosecutors may threaten to charge victims 

with offenses such as giving a false statement or filing a false report. 

Our primary data was collected from interviews conducted at three time points with 170 

adult female victims of family violence committed by their intimate partners in Gwinnett County 

and DeKalb County, Georgia. The initial interview occurred shortly after the case entered the 

solicitor’s office. The disposition interview occurred following the initial disposition of the case 

by the court. The final interview occurred six months following the initial disposition of the case. 

In addition, information on the current family violence incident, including police reports and 

affidavits for arrest warrants, and information on the defendant’s criminal history were obtained 

from the solicitor’s offices in both counties. Finally, initial dispositions of all criminal incidents 

were tracked using each court’s computerized database. 

Findings indicate that the presence of a no-drop policy did not result in more coercive 
5 

strategies being used. Unexpectedly, coercive strategies, such as threatening arrest or using 

subpoenas to acquire victim’s testimony, were just as likely to occur regardless of whether the 

solicitor’s office had a no-drop policy or not. Giving the victim the choice to withdraw her 

complaint, whether it affected the prosecution’s decision to continue to criminally prosecute the 

defendant or not, was more prevalent in the solicitor’s office that did not have a no-drop policy 

(DeKalb county). Overall, victims reported that prosecutors used coercive actions in a relatively 

small number of cases. About 12% of the women reported that they were subpoenaed to testify 

because they would not do so willingly and about 11% reported that they were threatened with 

arrest if they refused to testify or withdrew the criminal complaint filed against their abusive 

partner. The most common action taken by prosecutors in both offices was to keep the victim 

informed about what was happening with the current criminal case. About one third of the 

victims indicated that they were informed of domestic violence services in their community. 

About one third indicated that they were persuaded to cooperate with prosecution because of the 

level of support and encouragement they received from that office. 

A victim’s levels of personal empowerment, the willingness and competence a victim has 

in settling differences with her partner, and levels of self efficacy, the degree of mastery a victim 

feels over her life, are highly related concepts and appear to be influenced by the same factors. 

Women who experienced longer periods of abuse and more psychological aggression reported 

lower levels of both self-eficacy and personal empowerment. Court empowerment, the 

expectations a victim has that she will be afforded fair and equitable treatment by the court, is 

dis’tinctly different from personal empowerment or self-efficacy. Further, the factors that 
6 

enhance court empowerment, do not appear to enhance personal empowerment. With the 

exception of victims’ ratings of the helpfulness of police, the factors positively related to 

personal empowerment and court empowerment differed. Actions taken by prosecutors did not 

affect victims’ level of self-effcacy or personal empowerment, but did influence victims’ level of 

court empowerment. Levels of court empowerment declined for all victims from the initial 

interview to initial disposition of the case, with the exception of those who were permitted to 

withdraw their complaint. Further, the greatest declines in court empowerment were experienced 

by victims who had only minimal contact with the prosecutors’ office or who were coerced into 

participating in the court process. Whether the goals of the prosecution and the victim were 

compatible were not found to be related to changes in court empowerment or personal 

empowerment, but victims’ ratings of the helpfulness of the prosecutor were positively related to 

their levels of court empowerment. Severity of punishment was not related to court 

empowerment. 

Lastly, the relationship between victims’ levels of empowerment and the re-occurrence of 

abuse and violence during the six months following the initial disposition of the case was 

examined and none of the effects reached statistical significance at the .05 level. However, a few 

variables approached significance (p < .lo). Neither personal empowerment nor court 

empowerment affected the likelihood that victims would again experience abuse (psychological 

aggression, physical assault, sexual coercion, physical assault or injury) during the six months 

following initial disposition of their case. Victims whose partners were violent towards them 

duhg the period between arrest and initial disposition and who continued to live with their 
7 

abusive partners were more likely to experience abuse. Victims who reported higher levels of 

personal empowerment at initial case disposition were less likely (although not significantly) to 

report a re-occurrence of physical violence in the subsequent six months. In addition, if victims 

continued to live with their abusive partner they were more likely to experience physical 

violence. Not surprisingly, abusive partners with more arrests were more likely to physically 

assault their partners during the six months following case disposition. Severity of the court 

imposed punishment had no affect on the likelihood that violence would re-occur. 

Our research findings suggest that prosecutors should re-assess whether coercing victims 

to assist in the prosecution of their abusive partners is worth the costs. Use of coercive actions 

has the effect of lowering victims’ empowerment, and this should not be an acceptable outcome 

for prosecutors. Given that disposition and severity of punishment were unrelated to the reoccurrence of violence in victims’ lives, such policies appear to not directly enhance the safety of 

victims’ lives. Rather, whenever possible, victims should be empowered through their 

interactions with the courts as increasing victims’ personal empowerment was weakly associated 

with decreasing the risk of experiencing physical assaults. 
8 

Table of Contents 

Page Number 

Chapter 1 Literature Review ............................................................... 9 

29 

Research Sites ............................................................................ 29 

Chapter 2 Scope and Methodology.. ....................................................... 

Data Sources .............................................................................. 33 

Measures ................................................................................... 37 

Analytical Strategy ....................................................................... 50 

Chapter 3 Findings. ........................................................................... 52 

Assessing Threats to Validity .......................................................... 52 

Description of Sample .................................................................. 65 

Prosecutorial Actions by Presence of No-Drop Policies ........................... 80 

82 

Chapter 4 Discussion and Conclusion.. .................................................. 95 

References ................................................................................... 100 

Endnotes. .................................................................................... 108 

Examination of Victim Empowerment and Re-occurrence of Violence.. ....... 
9 

Chapter 1 

Literature Review 

Evidence-based (No-drop) Prosecutorial Policies 

During the past fifteen years many innovative policies have been adopted by the criminal 

justice system to address the issue of domestic violence. Most of these policy developments 

have occurred at the police stage' and several randomized clinical trials on the use of arrest for 

misdemeanor domestic violence have enhanced our knowledge of police handling of these 

crimes (Berk, Campbell, Klap & Western, 1992; Dunford, 1992; Dunford, Huizinga, & Elliott, 

1990; Fagan, 1988; Fagan, 1996; Hirschel & Hutchison, 1992; Pate & Hamilton, 1992; Sherman 

& Berk, 1984a, 1984b): Comparatively, our knowledge of the prosecutorial stage of domestic 

violence case processing is largely unexplored (Rebovich, 1996). Recognizing that prosecutors 

for many reasons were often reluctant to prosecute domestic violence cases and that battered 

victims were non-cooperative because of fear that their abuser might retaliate (Cannavale & 

Falcon, 1976; Belknap, Fleury, Melton, Sullivan, & Leisenring, 2001; Quarm & Schwartz, 1985) 

or their distrust of the legal system (Buzawa & Austin, 1993) (see Corsilles, 1994 for expanded 

discussion), controversial policies referred to as "no-drop" policies have been enacted often at the 

request of advocates and women's organizations (Kahan, 2000). No-drop policies exist in the 

states of Florida, Minnesota, Utah and Wisconsin and in 66 percent of prosecutorial offices 

serving populations over 250,000 (Corsilles, 1994; Rebovich, 1996). Jurisdictions employing nodrop policies include Dalla%, Texas, San Diego, California, Quincey, Massachusetts, Washington, 

. 
10 

DC, and Miami, Florida (Epstein, 1999; Rebovich, 1996, Whitcomb, 2002). Generally speaking, 

no-drop policies deny victims of domestic violence the option of withdrawing a complaint once 

formal charges have been filed with the prosecutor and likewise, prevent the prosecution from 

dropping cases because the victim is non-cooperative (Corsilles, 1994; Epstein, 1999). 

No-drop policies have been applauded because they clarifjr that domestic violence is a 

crime against the society and not just the battered victim (McCord, 1992; Wills, 1997). As such, 

the state, and not the victim is the aggrieved party, and the prosecutor, not the victim, controls the 

direction of the prosecution (Corsilles, 1994; Wills, 1997). Some prosecutors and advocates 

report that when batterers realize that the victim is not in control of the process, they stop 

attempts to intimidate her (Wills, 1997). Further, once batterers realize the charges will not be 

dropped, they are more likely to plead guilty (Goolkasian, 1986). Such policies also convey an 

institutional commitment to treat domestic violence as a serious crime, and thus may be a 

powerful specific deterrent to batterers (Ferraro & Pope, 1993) and a general deterrent to 

potential domestic violence perpetrators (Goolkasian, 1986; Hanna, 1996; Lerman, 198 1). As 

such policies prevent prosecutors from dropping domestic violence cases as long as sufficient 

evidence exists to prove a crime has occurred (Epstein, 1999), case attrition rates are lower. In 

areas where no-drop policies are operating, case attrition rates are significantly lower (ten to 

thirty five percent) when compared to case attrition rates in areas where such policies are not 

operating (fifty to eighty percent) (Corsilles, 1994). Lastly, child advocates argue that the justice 

system often overlooks the detrimental affects that exposure to family violence has on children 

and that a justice system that holds batterers accountable provides the best protection for children 

\ 
11 

exposed to family violence (Whitcomb, 2002). 

However, some critics charge that no-drop policies waste resources by forcing the 

prosecution to proceed with cases that without victim cooperation have little chance of resulting 

in a conviction (Corsilles, 1994) and contribute to overcrowded courts (Davis, Smith & Nickles, 

1998). Other critics believe that such policies undercut efforts at empowering victims of abuse, 

further eroding the victims' self esteem and sense of control (Epstein, 1999; Ford, 1991; 

Goolkasian, 1986). Further, it has been suggested that such policies may even further victimize 

women if enforcement of no drop policies leads to punitive actions against them (see Esptein, 

1999; Waites, 1985), increases the risk of batterer retaliation, and perhaps most importantly, 

discourages victims from calling the police (Mills, 1998). There is also concern that in their 

quest to hold the batterer accountable, battered women may be increasingly threatened with or 

actually charged with child abuse or failure to protect their children if they do not support or 

assist in the prosecution of their batterers. Children may be increasingly forced to testify against 

their mother's abusive partner (Whitcomb, 2002). Lastly, advocates have expressed concern that 

no-drop policies will have a disparate impact on low income and minority offenders as such 

populations may be targeted by police for greater social control (Zorza & Woods, 1994). 

Despite their appearance, no-drop policies do not entirely eliminate prosecutorial 

discretion in the handling of domestic violence cases. A recent survey of prosecutors reported 

that 90 percent of offices with no-drop policies reported some flexibility in these policies 

(Rebovich, 1996). The circumstances under which prosecutors may drop a case may be formally 

written or remain unwritten. Corsilles (1 994) identified different approaches taken in five 

\ 

\ 
12 

jurisdictions to guide decisions on withdrawing domestic violence charges. Policies range from 

simple statements that recommend prosecutors not dismiss charges based upon a victim’s 

unwillingness to proceed to addressing the issue of compelling victims to testifL through the use 

of subpoenas (consideration of compellability are fully described in Cretney & Davis, 1997). 

Such policies differ in their degree of coercion. The least coercive actions occur where 

prosecutors and victidwitness advocates simply provide victims with resources to educate her 

about the risk of future victimization, counsel her, and refer her to community resources. 

Somewhat more coercive are prosecutors’ attempts to persuade the victim to assist prosecution in 

its actions, perhaps even having the victim provide testimony. More coercive still are 

prosecutors who insist that the victim sign a drop form or provide a statement as to why she 

wants to withdraw her complaint and whether she was pressured to do so by her batterer. The 

most coercive strategy that prosecutors may use is to force a victim to participate in court 

proceedings by issuing a subpoena, which if ignored, could result in an arrest warrant being 

issued for the victim, or to threaten the victim with arrest outright should she fail to appear. 

Research to date has not addressed how these no-drop prosecutorial strategies affect 

subsequent court outcomes (convictions and types of dispositions), or whether or not they serve 

as specific deterrents to the batterers prosecuted. In addition, the influence that these differing 

strategies have on the victim’s sense of empowerment has not been examined. Finally, it is 

important to assess the degree to which these policies might lead to acts of batterer retaliation; 

punitive acts by the court towards the non-cooperative victim; and ultimately reduced rates of 

reporting domestic violence victimizations to the police by victims of domestic violence. 
13 

Prosecutorial Decisions to Charge in Domestic Violence Cases 

Only a handful of studies have examined prosecutorial handling of domestic violence 

cases (Buzawa, Hotaling, Klein, & Byrne, 1999; Davis, et al., 1998; Ford & Regoli, 1993a,b; 

Rauma, 1984; Schmidt and Steury, 1989; Thistlethwaite, Wooldredge, & Gibbs, 1998; Tolman 

and Weiscz, 1995). Early research on prosecutorial handling of domestic violence cases by 

Rauma (1984) and Schmidt and Steury (1989) is important for identifying that the strength of 

evidence was not the only factor affecting case processing decisions. Rauma (1984) described 

that prosecutors classify cases into those which are “good” (have sufficient evidence, serious 

charges, credible victims, and offenders with prior violence or who are likely to engage in future 

violence) or “bad” (lack one or more of attributes described in good cases). Good cases were 

pursued fully, whereas bad cases were screened out very early in the process. Similarly, Schmidt 

and Steury (1989) comparing charged cases and non-charged cases found that defendant’s arrest 

record and severity of victim injury had a stronger influence on prosecutorial charging decisions 

than the strength of the legal evidence. Additionally, other extra-legal factors, such as whether 

the defendant was using drugs or alcohol at the time of the incident, if the defendant was 

supported by public or private charities, if the couple had a prior incident of domestic abuse, and 

if the case was initiated through police arrest versus citizen complaint increased the likelihood 

that charges would be filed. 

More recently, Dawson and Dinovitzer (2001) examined the factors related to whether or 

not a case would proceed to prosecution, and the role that victim cooperation played in that 

decision, within a specialized domestic violence court designed to proceed without victim 
14 

cooperation. Using notes contained in prosecutor’s files and VictidWitness Assistance Program 

office files, victim cooperation was categorized as cooperated fully, reluctantly cooperated, or did 

not cooperate. Their findings indicated that, after controlling for other relevant factors, victim 

cooperation had an independent, positive effect on the likelihood that prosecution would occur. 

They also sought to identi@ the demographic and situational characteristics associated with 

victim cooperation and found that victims were more likely to cooperate with prosecution if they 

met with victidwitness advocates assigned to the specialized court and if their statements to 

police had been videotaped. Goodman, Bennett and Dutton (I 999) identified the importance of 

victims having tangible social support in order to actively participate in prosecution. They also 

found that women who had children in common with their abusive partner and who had 

experienced less severe violence were less likely to follow through with prosecution. 

Conversely, Bui (2001) noted that after controlling for race, employment status, and whether or 

not mutual charges were filed, women who had minor children were more likely to desire 

prosecution, and women who co-habitated with their abusive partners were less likely to desire 

prosecution. Lastly, Belknap, et al. (2001) based on interviews with 107 battered women who 

recently completed a court case in one of three jurisdictions in Colorado or Michigan reported 

that the reasons women participated or not in their court cases were complicated. Fear of the 

batterer served as both the most common incentive to participate and the most common deterrent 

to participate. They noted that most women went to court not because they wanted charges 

against their batterer dropped, but because they wanted to get their batterer to stop being violent 

towards them. 
15 

Prosecutorial Charging Decisions and the Re-occurrence of Violence 

Because of its experimental design, Ford and Regoli’s (1 993a, 1 993 b) Indianapolis 

Domestic Violence Prosecution Experiment is among the most important study to date on the 

effects of prosecutorial charging and tracking decisions on the re-occurrence of domestic 

violence. In two experimental designs the effects of three randomly assigned prosecutorial tracks 

@re-trial diversion to a counseling program for wife assaulters; prosecution to conviction with 

receipt of counseling as a condition of probation; or prosecution to conviction with traditional 

punishments -jail incarceration, probation, fine, or some combination thereof) on acts of 

domestic violence during, and six months after, case settlement were examined. Findings from 

the first experiment, which included only cases in which the police made on the scene arrests for 

misdemeanor assaults, indicated that across the three prosecutorial tracks, there was little 

difference in the percentage of batterers who engaged in violence during the six months 

following settlement of the case, with nearly 30 percent of all defendants battering their victims 

again within the six months following case settlement. Interviews with victims indicated that 

few attributed the new violence to retaliation for the arrest. 

In the second experiment, which included only cases originating from victim-initiated 

complaints, in addition to the random assignment of prosecutorial tracks described previously, 

case entry (either warrant or summons) and victim empowerment (drop-permitted or no-drop 

permitted) were randomly assigned. The effects of various combinations of entry and 

prosecutorial tracks (i.e., warrant/diversion, warrant/probation, warranthaditional, 

summonddiversion, summons/probation, summondtraditional) on acts of domestic violence 
16 

during and six months after case settlement were compared. Results based upon both victim 

reports and official records of batterers indicate that the warranddrop-permitted cases had the 

lowest rates and severity of new violence and longer onset in the six months following case 

settlement. Their findings also indicated that if the victim and batterer shared residence after the 

arrest, if violence occurred prior to case settlement, the longer the case took to be settled, and the 

greater the number of court appearances, the greater the likelihood that violence would re-occur 

within six months. 

Perhaps Ford and Regoli’s most controversial finding was that victim empowerment, 

operationalized as giving victims a choice to proceed with prosecution or not, affected the reoccurrence of violence. Specifically, their findings indicated that women who were permitted to 

drop charges, but chose to pursue them, reported lower rates of violence in the six months 

following case settlement. In contrast, victims who were permitted to drop the charges and did 

had the highest rates of violence during the six months following case settlement. However, why 

choice leads some women to escape re-victimization and some women not, remains unanswered. 

Recognizing the important role that prosecutorial intervention can play in preventing domestic 

violence, Ford & Regoli note: 

“an even greater impact can be realized when victims are empowered to 

control the course of prosecution, including control over the decision on 

whether or not to proceed. Victims need the backing of a powerful and 

steadfast ally to support their decision. The criminal justice system stands 

as such an ally when it acts on policies signifling that domestic violence is 

a serious concern. Prosecutors can help a victim in securing arrangements 

to minimize the chance of violence, by affirming the legitimacy of her criminal 

complaints and by respecting her decisions on what is best for her unique 

circumstances, even if contrary to the prosecutor’s administrative wishes’’ 

’ (Ford and Regoli, 1993a, p. 74.) 
17 

However, Ford and Regoli importantly note that this recommendation applies only to 

cases entering the system via victim-initiated Complaints and not on the scene arrests by police. 

Indeed, they caution against allowing victims a choice in cases of domestic violence that 

originate from an on the scene arrest of a batterer. Indeed, such a policy could result in even 

greater reluctance for police to arrest in cases of family violence. Instead, they recommend that 

victims be given voice in determining the appropriate sanctions for their abusers. 

Case Outcomes and the Re-occurrence of Violence 

Since the completion of Ford and Regoli’s work, several works have examined the effects 

of prosecutorial and judicial outcomes on the re-occurrence of violence. Tolman and Weiscz 

(1 995) examined the effect of arrest and prosecution on recidivism among women abuse 

perpetrators and found that subsequent police contacts and arrests were similar regardless of 

whether the case ended in a conviction, dismissal, or acquittal. More recently, Davis et. al. 

(1998) using a relatively large number of cases (n = 1,133) drawn from Milwaukee, Wisconsin 

between mid- 1994 and mid- 1995, examined the effects of court disposition on recidivism in 

domestic violence cases. After controlling for the effects of the nature of the charge, victim 

injury, defendant’s gender, defendant’s criminal history, and relationship between the victim and 

defendant, the likelihood of re-arrest within six months after disposition was not affected by the 

type of disposition (dismissal, nolle prosse, probation or jail incarceration) used. Thistlethwaite 

et al. (1 998) examined all misdemeanants arrested for domestic violence in Hamilton county, 

Ohio (n = 683) between August 1, 1993 and October 3 1, 1993. They reported that the type of 
18 

sanction imposed, and not its length, was negatively related to the likelihood of re-arrest within 

one year after the case closed. Mears, Carlson, Holden & Harris (200 1) examined the effects of 

individual and contextual factors and type of legal intervention (arrest only, protective order only, 

or arrest and protective order) on re-victimization among 336 domestic violence cases drawn 

from police and court files. After controlling for the effects of victim’s age, prior victimization, 

prior drug use, race, and median family income, the findings suggest type of intervention had no 

effect on the prevalence of, or time to, re-victimization. Noting the shortcomings of relying upon 

official police reports to determine if violence has re-occurred, McFarlane, Willson, Lemmey, 

and Malecha (2000) instead relied upon victim self reports of violence following a domestic 

violence incident. They found that among 90 women whom filed assault charges against an 

intimate partner in a large urban police department, the type of criminal justice intervention did 

not affect the level of violence reported by the women three or six months following the initial 

incident. Thus, with the exception of Thistlethwaite et al. (1998), research suggests that the type 

of sanction imposed by the court does not affect the re-occurrence of violence. 

None of the above studies directly examined victims’ degree of involvement and 

experiences with the courts as important factors that might directly or indirectly affect court 

outcomes or the re-occurrence of violence. Buzawa et al. (1 999) did such an examination in their 

study of 353 domestic violence cases arraigned during a seven month period in the Quincy 

District Court in Massachusetts. This jurisdiction was identified as a model jurisdiction in which 

police, prosecutors, courts, and correctional agencies engaged in deterrence-based responses to 

domestic violence. Based upon surveys completed by 1 18 adult female victims, they determined 
19 

that less than half (47.5%) of the victims wanted to talk to the prosecutor and slightly more than 

one third (34.7%) wanted charges dropped against their abusive partner. When asked about their 

experiences with the prosecutor, over half (57.0%) reported that the prosecutor did not give them 

a sense of control over their lives. An even larger percentage (69.1 %) reported that the 

prosecutor did not motivate them to end the abuse. In addition, 59.8% reported that the 

prosecutor did not make them feel safer and only 55.7% reported that the prosecutor somewhat or 

greatly increased their actual personal safety. Victims who reported that the prosecutor did not 

affect their personal safety, or decreased their personal safety, were victimized by men who had 

more extensive criminal histories, had more prior protective orders against them, or had a greater 

number of prior probation terms. 

They also examined re-occurrence of violence by assessing whether or not the defendant 

was charged with any new offenses or had any new protective orders taken out against them in 

one year after disposition of the original domestic violence charge. Close to half of the 

defendants (47.9%) re-offended and in almost two thirds of the cases it involved the same victim. 

Close to half of the victims reported a re-victimization by the same defendant had occurred. 

However, many of these women did not report this new criminal act to a justice system official. 

They deduced that the quality of the victims’ previous dealings with the justice system was 

related to non-reporting. Specifically, they state: 

“a latent outcome of aggressive law enforcement and court response that includes 

the dismissal of victim preferences may be to discourage the future utilization of 

the system by both victims who wanted the system to do more (those who wanted 
20 

more severe criminal charges brought against the offender) as well as those who 

wanted it to do less (those who felt taking the case forward would decrease their 

safety)” (p. 152-153). 

Shortcomings of Prior Research 

Research to date on the deterrent effect of prosecutorial charging and judicial outcomes 

on domestic violence suffers fiom several methodological flaws including small cell sizes and 

small sample sizes drawn from single jurisdictions (Davis et al. 1998). Buzawa et al.’s research 

was drawn from a single pro-active setting, and thus lacked a control group or comparison group. 

Additionally, with the exception of Ford and Regoli’s and Buzawa et al’s works that included 

victim reports of violence, all studies have relied upon official data (re-arrests) to measure the reoccurrence of violence. This is likely to under-report the true level of violence committed by 

batterers and experienced by domestic violence victims. 

While Ford and Regoli’s research employed an experimental design, there are several 

weaknesses in their research that limit the generalizability of their findings. Specifically, as 

noted by Mills (1998) in her critical review: (a) their research excluded defendants with prior 

records of domestic violence or felony violence and defendants who posed imminent danger; (b) 

their research did not fully test victim empowerment because it only permitted victims a choice 

to proceed in cases initiated by them, and not those originating from a police arrest; and lastly, (c) 

their research looked at prosecutorial tracking of outcomes, not the actual case outcomes. As 

often occurs in court processing, what prosecutors predict the outcome of a case to be, may not 
21 

be the actual outcome in the case. 

Ford and Regoli (1 993a) operationalized victim empowerment as giving victims control 

over whether to drop charges against their alleged batterers in domestic violence cases 

originating from victim-initiated complaints. They reported inconsistent effects for victim 

empowerment on the re-occurrence of violence, as evidenced by their finding that women who 

were permitted to drop charges and did not pursue prosecution had the greatest likelihood of 

being victimized in the six months following case settlement, whereas those who were permitted 

to drop and did pursue charges had the smallest likelihood of being victimized in the six months 

following case settlement. This finding suggests that simply giving women victims a choice is 

not enough to ensure that they will not become victims of domestic violence again. This 

inconsistency in effect may be due to how empowerment was operationalized, or in their inability 

to control for other relevant variables that differed across victims within the prosecutorial tracks 

examined. Input into decision-making may be a necessary component of empowerment, but as a 

psychological concept, it encompasses more than that. Indeed, Mills (1 998) suggested the 

creation of specific measures designed to assess victim empowerment and argues for the 

inclusion of these measures in future research. In the following section, victim empowerment as 

a concept is defined and how it has been measured is discussed. An expanded definition of this 

concept and better measurement is needed to enhance our understanding of its role in violence 

prevention. This expanded definition of empowerment is then discussed in context of court 

research. 

Defining and Measuring Victim Empowerment 
22 

Wallerstein (1992) defined the term "empowerment" as "a multi-level construct that 

involves people assuming control and mastery over their lives in the context of their social and 

political environment'' (p. 198). Others have defined empowerment as developing skills, 

knowledge, and influence that makes it possible for them to gain access to money or resources 

(Pinderhughes, 1983; Smith & Siegel, 1985). As a term, it has been used to describe the 

attributes of, and change processes within, individuals, groups, organizations, and communities. 

It is argued that at the individual level of change, "psychological empowerment" merges with the 

construct of "self-efficacy" (Zimmerman, 1990). 

No research to date has directly measured domestic violence victims' levels of 

empowerment or how their levels of empowerment change over the course of interaction with the 

justice system. In related research on child custody and visitation, Newmark, Harrell, and Salem 

(1995) measured court system empowerment and personal empowerment using a ten-item 

questionnaire - four items captured the concept of court empowerment and six items captured the 

concept of personal empowerment. Court empowerment was defined as the "respondents' 

expectations that the court will give equal consideration to their rights and wishes, listen to them 

and treat them fairly, and allow them to reach an acceptable settlement" (p. 39). Personal 

empowerment was defined as "how willing and competent respondents feel in working with their 

partners to resolve the dispute" (p. 39). However, no attempt to assess the validity or reliability 

of the measure was undertaken by the researchers. 

Because self-efficacy and individual empowerment are considered synonymous terms by 

some (Zimmerman, 1990), measures of self-efficacy have been used to a greater extent with 
23 

battered women (Mancoske, Standifer, & Cauley, 1994). Traditional measures of self-efficacy 

include Pearlin and Schooler's (1 978) Self-Mastery Scale, Rosenberg's (1 965) Self-Esteem Scale 

Dupuy's (1984) Psychological General Well-Being Index. Because of their broader use, such 

measures also enjoy greater tests of their construct validity and reliability. Recently, Varvaro & 

Palmer (1 993) developed the Self-Efficacy Scale for Battered Women (SESFBW) using women 

who came into an emergency room for medical treatment. This scale consists of twelve items, 

and a preliminary comparison with traditional measures of self-efficacy suggests it has construct 

validity. This scale has not been used in research with battered women involved with the courts, 

but with slight modification, it could be appropriate and useful. The key difference between selfefficacy and personal empowerment as employed here are that self-efficacy is focused on the 

competency of the victim in functioning in daily life, whereas personal empowerment relates to 

her ability to work out differences with her abusive partner. 

. Empowerment and the Court Process 

Empowerment is best viewed as a process that promotes participation of individuals 

toward the goals of increased individual control, efficacy, improved quality of life, and social 

justice (Wallerstein, 1992). In adopting such a view of empowerment, it is important to 

recognize that there are multiple goals, not a single goal by which empowerment is realized. 

Further, when viewing empowerment in this manner and applying it to our understanding of 

victims in the justice process, it seems important to identi@ first, what the victim hopes to 

achieve by invoking prosecution and second, what actions prosecutors can take that will enhance 

victim's individual control, efficacy, quality of life, and social justice. 
24 

From the outset, it is important to acknowledge that in invoking the legal process, the 

ultimate goals of the victim and the goals of the police and prosecutors may differ (Cretney & 

Davis, 1997). Whereas the police and prosecutors are committed to the importance of arresting 

and convicting batterers and thus, ultimately protecting women from violent men, the individual 

victims may not have that same goal or same level of commitment to that goal. Indeed, Ford 

(1 99 1) based upon interviews with 25 battered women in Marion County, Indiana, identified 

women's motives as instrumental and relevant to their power strategies in bargaining for 

protection. The women in his study wanted to get their partners help, get support payments, or 

recover property from a residence. The actual prosecution of the batterer was less important to 

such victims than the power they gained through bargaining with significant threats of 

prosecution and punishment. 

However, as Ford's (1 991) research suggests, many of the outcomes that victims sought 

by invoking the prosecutorial process were not entirely incompatible with those sought by the 

prosecution. Indeed, quite the contrary might actually be the case. Therefore, it is quite possible 

that by prosecutors asking victims what they want to gain from prosecution of their spouse and 

incorporating these goals into case outcomes and dispositions, goals of victims and prosecutors 

can both be achieved. When this occurs, it is likely that the victims will regard the justice system 

as an ally in their empowerment. Victims who enter supporting the prosecution of their spouse, 

and view the actions of the justice system as helpful and responsive to her, are more likely to be 

empowered by their involvement with the justice system. Likewise, these victims would be more 

likely to call upon the justice system again in the future if needed. 
25 

However, the scenario just described of a victim supportive of the prosecution, and a 

prosecutorial system responsive to victim needs and concerns, is probably not the typical one 

played out in many overloaded and overcrowded justice systems. Instead, victims enter the 

justice process reluctant, and in many cases adamantly opposed, to prosecution of their batterers. 

Thus, at the outset, the goals of the prosecutor and the goals of the victim are not compatible. 

Such victims are less likely to view the actions of the justice system as helpful to them, and 

therefore, they are less likely to see the justice system as an ally in their empowerment. Prior to 

the adoption of no-drop policies and stricter enforcement of domestic violence laws, such cases 

were likely dismissed. However, with the development of no-drop policies, prosecutors are 

hesitant to accommodate the desires of victims who want charges dropped, and such cases often 

proceed without victim support if sufficient evidence is available to do so. 

With or without sufficient evidence to proceed forward with a prosecutorial charge, 

prosecutors do often try to gain victim support for prosecution. Such strategies, as discussed 

earlier, vary on a continuum in the degree to which they coerce the victim to participate. At one 

end are supportive strategies that involve attempts to educate andor counsel women about 

domestic violence, which are the least coercive actions that prosecutors may take and, in some 

instances, may have the desired effect of women victims becoming supportive of the 

prosecutorial process. Towards the middle of the continuum, persuasive strategies involve 

efforts of the prosecution to persuade the victim to cooperate in the prosecution by having her 

testify or file a formal complaint against her partner. Even farther along the continuum are 

choice strategies that permit victims to drop charges, but make the process more difficult by 
26 

requiring that the victim sign a drop form or provide a written statement as to why she wishes to 

withdraw her complaint and whether she was pressured by her batterer to do so. Lastly, coercive 

strategies in which prosecutors force victim participation in the process by requiring her to give 

testimony against her batterer and threaten arrest if she refuses are the most coercive strategy 

prosecutors use. It is suspected that these strategies are employed in a sequential fashion, in 

other words, if victim cooperation cannot be gained through supportive actions or persuasive 

actions, then more coercive strategies will be used. The final strategy in which victims are 

threatened with criminal penalty if they fail to participate is probably used very little. However, 

we currently do not know the extent of use of these strategies. 

The actions taken by prosecutors to persuade the victim to support prosecution, 

depending on its degree of coerciveness, may serve to further empower or dis-empower the 

victim. It is believed that the actions taken by prosecutors to encourage victim support and 

participation in the court process will affect the victim's sense of empowerment, either positively 

or negatively. The more coercive the strategy used to gain victim support, the more likely the 

victim's sense of empowerment will decrease. Likewise, the less coercive the strategy used to 

gain victim support, the more likely the victim's sense of empowerment will increase. This 

project will examine the effects of both the degree of compatibility of victim and prosecutorial 

goals and the strategies for gaining victim support on victim empowerment, case outcomes, and 

the re-occurrence of violence. 

Changes in the levels of victim empowerment are conditional on her satisfaction with the 

final outcome of the case and her prior experiences with the justice system. According to many 
27 

advocates, women who initially invoke the justice process have high hopes that the system can 

help her deal with the abusive situation. At times the system does help her; however, there are 

times when the system may not have been helpful. Victim's initial empowerment is likely to be 

affected by her prior experiences with the justice system, and how helpful the prior actions of the 

justice system were. Thus, prior experiences with the justice system, and the victim's perceptions 

of how helpful prior actions of justice officials were, will be important variables to measure and 

control. 

Current Research Project 

The primary aim of this research is to better understand the influence that prosecutors' 

actions have on levels of victim empowerment and self-efficacy, and whether enhancement of 

these ultimately reduces the re-occurrence of violence in their lives (see Figure I). It includes 

direct and arguably, more valid measures of victim empowerment and self-efficacy than have 

been used in prior research. We argued earlier that victim empowerment is more than simply 

individual choice, and is the result of a dynamic process shaped by current and prior experiences 

with the justice system and violence, and the degree of goal compatibility between the justice 

system and the individual victim. We plan to examine this process by assessing the effects of 

these variables on victim empowerment and self-efficacy at three time points: (a) at case 

screening to gain a baseline measure; (b) at initial disposition of the case to assess the effects of 

prosecutorial strategy and case outcome on victim empowerment; and self-efficacy, and (c) at six 

months after case disposition to assess the effects of re-occurrence of violence on victim 

empowerment and self-efficacy. Case outcomes, including both initial disposition (dismissal, 

\ 
28 

diversion from prosecution, conviction or acquittal) and type of sanction (probation, jail, fine, 

treatment intervention), will also be measured at case disposition and their effects on re- . 

occurrence of violence at six months will be assessed. In addition to the predictor variables 

described and presented in Figure 1, other important variables identified in prior research as 

affecting case outcomes and re-occurrence of violence within six months will also be included. 

These variables include: length of time from case screening to case disposition; the occurrence of 

violence during case processing; co-habitation status during court processing; abuser’s prior 

arrests, victims’ level of satisfaction with case outcome, and victims’ rating of the helpfulness of 

the prosecutor. 

______ __ ____ ______ ____ __ - - -- 

Figure I. Full Model Predicting Empowerment, Self-Efficacy and Re-occurrence of Violence 

at Disposition and Six Months after Disposition 

I 1 1 1 h Serf Efficacy Self Efficaqv 

I 

Prosecutorial - Case Outcome Re-occurrence of 

Actions Violence 

I I Y Victim 

Empowerment Empowerment Empowerment 

Time 1 Time 2 Time 2 Time 3 

Case Screening Case Disposition Case Disposition Six Months after 

Case Disposition 
29 

In order to accomplish this aim, we first identified what factors influenced victims’ levels of 

empowerment at case entry. We then examined the effects of prosecutorial actions (minimal, 

supportive, persuasive, choice, and coercive), case outcomes and goal compatibility on changes 

in the levels of victims’ court and personal empowerment and self-efficacy at case disposition. 

Lastly, we examined the effects of personal empowerment at disposition on the re-occurrence of 

violence within six months after case disposition. 
30 

Chapter 2 

Scope and Methodology 

Research Sites 

Two solicitors offices located in DeKalb and Gwinnett Counties, both in suburban 

Atlanta, Georgia were selected as the research sites. The two counties differed in important 

ways. Based on available data from the U.S. Bureau of Census, Gwinnett County, compared to 

DeKalb County, is more affluent with a higher per capita income and a smaller percentage of 

citizens living in poverty. It also has experienced more rapid population growth in the last five 

years, and is less diversified along lines of race and ethnicity than DeKalb County. Specifically, 

Gwinnett County, located north east of Atlanta, has an estimated population of 522,095, with an 

annual growth rate of 6 percent, a median household income in 1995 of $54,083 with 5.2 percent 

of its population lived in poverty. Less than ten percent of the county’s population is racial or 

ethnic minorities. DeKalb County, located to the south and east of Atlanta, has an estimated 

population of 593,850 and an annual growth rate 1.5 percent. Median household income in 1995 

of $40,607 and 15.7 percent of the population live in poverty. Nearly half of DeKalb County’s 

population is racial or ethnic minorities (U.S. Bureau of Census, 1999). 

The two sites also differed in their written procedures for handling domestic violence 

cases as determined by review of two documents: Domestic Violence Procedures prepared by the 

DeKalb County Solicitors Office and Family Violence Policy prepared by the Gwinnett County 

Solicitors Office. Based upon information from these documents and meetings with staff at the 

Go offices, there are at least three key procedural differences in the processing of domestic 

‘\, 
31 

violence cases in the two counties. First, the DeKalb County Solicitors Office relies on diversion 

for at least one third of its domestic violence cases, whereas the Gwinnett County Solicitors 

Office specifically does not allow for the use of diversion, abeyance, or mediation in family 

violence cases involving adult female victims and adult male defendants. 

Second, the DeKalb County Solicitors Office has integrated the two largest service 

providers/advocacy groups for domestic violence into their court processing. The Women’s 

Resource Center and Men Stopping Violence are provided space where representatives from each 

organization can meet and evaluate victims and defendants, and make recommendations to the 

solicitors on how to proceed with a case. The Gwinnett County Solicitors Office will make 

victim referrals and will provide information on resources in the community to the victim, but it 

does not involve such agencies directly in the court process. 

Third, the intake of cases into the two solicitors’ offices differs. In Gwinnett County 

Assistant Solicitors participate in the screening of all cases at an early stage in the process, 

whereas in DeKalb County the Assistant Solicitors screen only those cases in which the 

defendant is detained in jail after arrest with the Victim-Witness Coordinator screening all 

remaining cases. This shifting of responsibility for case screening to a non-solicitor may be due 

to the different volume of cases that enter the solicitors’ ofices in the two counties. DeKalb 

County Solicitors Offce reported that domestic violence cases for 1998 numbered 4,441, 

constituting 32 percent of all cases (N = 13,883) which entered the solicitors office that year. 

Comparatively, Gwinnett County’s Solicitors office estimates that it handles about 1,500 cases of 

domestic violence a year. However, Gwinnett County does not have a reliable computerized 

\ 
32 

database to accurately and easily monitor the volume and types of cases that enter its office. 

After examination of each office's domestic violence policy and procedure, and as a result 

of the discussion in meeting with each respective office, there also appears to be a philosophical 

'difference as well regarding how each views the appropriate role of the victim in the court 

process. Gwinnett County's Family Violence Policy clearly views the victim as a witness to a 

crime and minimizes the ability of the victim to control any decisions regarding how the case is 

handled. It recommends that victims know from the outset that if a prima facie case can be made 

against the defendant without victim testimony, the case will go forward regardless of the wishes 

of the defendant or victim. DeKalb County's Domestic Violence Procedures, on the other hand, 

recognizes that victims are often reluctant to prosecute and will require victims to sign forms 

when they support the solicitor's decision to not prosecute a case. 

The DeKalb County's Solicitors Office has a specialized Family Violence Unit that 

handles approximately 4,500 cases of family violence each year. This unit consists of a unit 

supervisor, two victindwitness advocates*, and a domestic violence investigator. The unit 

supervisor is responsible for reviewing and assessing each case for safety risk to the victim and 

makes a recommendation for disposition and sentencing in the case. The investigator targets 

high-risk cases and attempts to locate victims unable to be contacted by victindwitness 

advocates. Victidwitness advocates are assigned the responsibility of contacting, interviewing, 

and counseling victims. However, victidwitness advocates in both ofices reported that in over 

half of the cases, they are unable to contact the victim. Standard policy in both offices is to try to 

telephone the victim at least three times, and then issue a letter to be mailed at the address 
33 

provided in the police report. 

In the DeKalb County Solicitor’s office cases must meet a certain criteria to be 

recommended for the domestic violence calendar, and then may be diverted from criminal 

prosecution for three months pending successful completion of assigned treatment. Cases that 

are not considered suitable for diversion include: those where the defendant has a prior record, 

defied court stay away orders, killed animals or pets, utilized weapons, objectified partner, 

threatened or fantasized about homicide or suicide, or destroyed the victim’s property or here 

there was substantial injury to victim. Cases diverted from prosecution are required to complete 

special programs (Men Stopping Violence, Women’s Resource Center, Child Impact Classes, NA 

or AA) and to abide by certain conditions. If successfully completed, the victim is contacted and 

the case is considered for possible dismissal. Cases not diverted are sent to an attorney for 

prosecution in the state court. 

The Gwinnett County’s Solicitors Office created a Domestic Violence Unit consisting of 

three prosecutors (one serving as supervisor), two victidwitness advocates, and a domestic 

violence investigator in 1999. Each prosecutor independently reviews a case and sends it 

forward for accusation3 if it reaches legal sufficiency (probable cause that a crime occurred), the 

case is sent forward for accusation. Unlike in DeKalb County, diversion is not used with 

domestic violence cases involving male perpetrators and female victims. Prosecutors in 

Gwinnett County may recommend counseling as a condition of probation supervision, but this is 

after the case has been charged. This office has a “no-drop” policy that includes the option to 

subpoena victims. It also states it will treat failures to appear for the witnesses in family violence 
34 

cases similar to witnesses in other cases. The domestic violence investigator identifies high-risk 

cases and attempts to locate victims unable to be contacted by victimlwitness advocates. 

Victidwitness advocates contact, interview, and counsel victims as needed. 

Data Sources. 

Defendant’s Criminal History Data. 

The researchers obtained permission for the Georgia Bureau of Investigation who manages the 

Georgia Crime Information Center to code defendant’s criminal histories that were contained in 

the solicitor’s office case files. The GCIC receives reports from more than 600 state and local 

law enforcement agencies each month (Georgia Bureau of Investigation (2003, August 29). The 

records contained the date, criminal charges, dispositions, and punishment filed against adult 

defendants. 

Solicitor’s Office/Court Data. The solicitor’s offices in DeKalb County and Gwinnett 

counties provided access to information in their court tracking database on the criminal 

defendants arrested for victimizing the women in our study. Each case that enters the solicitors’ 

offices was assigned a case number. Knowledge of this number, coupled with access to the 

court’s databases, allowed researchers to monitor the progress of the case through the court 

system, to determine when it was initially disposed and what actions were taken by the 

prosecutor and by the judge (if the case was adjudicated). Specifically, information on the 

number and type of criminal charges filed per incident, the disposition of the case, and the 

punishment/sanction imposed were drawn from this database. \ 
35 

In addition, both solicitor’s offices provided access to case files on each of the criminal 

defendants. The types of documents typically found in the case files included: police incident 

reports, victim-witness intake sheets, and affidavits of arrest warrant. The police incident reports 

were standardized within each county, but not across the two counties in the study. Further, the 

information on the victim-witness contact sheets was not uniform across the two counties. 

Despite the availability of standardized reporting forms for police and victim-witness advocates 

to complete, information was often incomplete. From these documents the following 

information about the nature of the current family violence incident was obtained (the percentage 

of missing cases are indicated in parenthesis behind each): (a) the relationship between the victim 

and defendant (16.5%); (b) how the case entered the system, either from a police arrest or 

victim’s criminal complaint (34.9%); (c) who called the police (for those cases entering after 

arrest) (38.8%); whether an adult witness (38.8%) or child witness (22.9%) was present; (d) 

subs.tance use by the victim (3 1.2%), defendant (28.8%) or both (34.7%) 

to the victim (16.5%); (f) evidence of property damage (32.9%); and (g) 

taken (38.8%) and who took the photographs (42.4%). 

Victim Interviews. 

Recruitment. 

(e) presence of injuries 

f photographs were 

All participants were recruited from the DeKalb and Gwinnett Counties solicitors’ 

offices. All female victims of misdemeanor acts of family violence perpetrated by an adult male 

partner (spouse, ex-spouse, boyfriend, former boyfriend) were informed about the study by 

victidwitness advocates assigned to the solicitor’s office. We chose to interview only adult 
36 

female victims because recent victimization surveys indicate that about 85% of all adult female 

victims of intimate partner violence are women (Rennison, 2001). In both counties, family 

violence cases were identified by the type of charge and type of relationship between the parties 

involved. Criminal charges that fell within the domestic violence designation included: (a) 

battery, (b) criminal trespass, (c) harassment or verbal threats, (d) interference with custody, (e) 

pointing a pistol at another, (f) sexual battery, (8) simple assault, (h) simple battery, (i) theft by 

taking, and (i) violation of civil protection orders. Relationships that could result in domestic 

violence designation were: (a) spouses, (b) ex-spouses, (c) boyfhendgirlfiiend; (d) former 

boyfhend/girlfriend, (e) homosexual relationships, (f) elderly relatives, (g) parents who shared a 

child, (h) abuse of a minor by a relative, (i) siblings living together, (i) parendchild, and (k) 

grandparent/grandchild. 

Researchers provided a script to victindwitness advocates with relevant information about 

the study. Potential participants were told that, if they agreed to participate: they would be 

interviewed as soon as possible now that the solicitors office had the case assigned, after their 

case was disposed by the court, and six months after the disposition of the case. Interviews 

would last approximately one hour and would be conducted in the victims’ homes or in places 

convenient and safe as determined by them. They would be paid for their participation. A list of 

community resources available to the participants would be provided at the end of the interview. 

Contact names and the safest strategy for future contacts with the victim (mail, phone, or third 

party contact) were made at the initial interview. 

After this initial information was shared with eligible victims, project interviewers 
37 

telephoned all eligible victims to solicit their participation. After completion of an initial 

interview, research staff tracked the disposition of the cases via computer access available in the 

solicitor's offices. Once the case was initially disposed (dismissed, diverted or adjudicated by 

the court), the participants were contacted for the second or disposition interview. The final 

interview occurred six months after the initial disposition of the case. 

Interview Procedure and Confidentiality 

Participants were assigned an ID number placed in a master file with their names, contact 

information, and batterer's court-assigned case number. This master file was stored in a separate 

location in a secure filing cabinet away from the completed interview questionnaires. Interview 

questionnaires contained the participant's ID numbers and no other identifying information. Over 

the course of the research, three interviews were conducted - at case screening, at initial case 

disposition, and at six months after initial case disposition. At the beginning of each interview, 

participants were provided with a consent form, which was read to them. Each consent form 

indicated the approximate length of the interview, the types of information asked, the benefits 

and risks of participating in the study, local resources available to the victim, the participant's 

right to stop the interview at any time without penalty, assurances of confidentiality of the 

information provided, contact information on the Principal Investigator and Georgia State 

University's Research Office, and the amount of compensation for the interview. All interviews 

were conducted with a trained adult interviewer, in a safe €ocation selected by the victim. An 

office was available on the Georgia State University campus for interviewing. For safety and 

practicality (to provide childcare for victim's children if needed), two-person teams were used to 
38 

conduct interviews when they took place away from the University. At the termination of each 

interview, the participant was given reimbursement and asked to sign a receipt acknowledging 

such. 

Following the strategy recommended to improve tracking of participants used by Rumptz, 

Sullivan, Davidson, & Basta (1 99 l), at the conclusion of the initial interview, each participant 

was asked to provide a list of contact names and numbers of individuals who would likely know 

where the participant would be in six months. Each participant was asked to provide at least 14 

names. Business cards with a university phone number was also provided for participants to 

notify us of changes in their contact information. At this time we also discussed safety issues 

with the victim as to what she believed was the safest way for researchers to initiate contact with 

her in the future (phone, mail, or third party contact). Her preferred contact strategy was 

documented in the master file. 

Measures 

Dependent Variables 

Victim Empowerment 

Victim empowerment was measured at the initial, disposition, and six-month follow-up 

interviews. It serves as both a dependent variable at Time 2 and Time 3, and as a predictor 

variable at Time 2 when examining the re-occurrence of violence at six months. Victim 

empowerment was measured using a modified version of a questionnaire designed by Newmark, 

Harrell, and Salem (1995) that examined the effects of mediation on empowerment. The specific 

items for court empowerment were: 

\ 

\ 
39 

1. I think the court will consider my rights and wishes just as important as my partner's 

rights and wishes. 

2. I expect the court will treat me fairly and listen to my side of the story. 

3. I will probably be forced to accept a court decision that I don't really want. 

The specific items for personal empowerment were: 

4. I think I can speak up for myself about my wishes in this relationship as well as my 

partner can. 

5. My partner can get what he wants by out-talking me. 

6. I feel like giving my partner what he wants so I don't have to deal with him anymore. 

7) I feel guilty asking the court to handle this case the way I really want. 

8. In disagreements with my partner, I get what I want. 

9. My partner has gotten back at me when I've gotten my way in the past. 

10. I am afraid of openly disagreeing with my partner because he might hurt me if I do. 

Respondents were asked to rate how often each item occurred using a four point Likert 

scale (1 = never to 4 = often). No information on the reliability or validity of the questionnaire 

was available. We conducted a factor analysis (orthogonal rotation method) to identify the 

underlying factors and corresponding indicators. Reliability analysis indicated that six items 

(items 3, 5,6,7,9, and 10) formed a reliable scale of personal empowerment (M = 17.37; SD = 

4.54; Cronbach's alpha = .772). Two items (items 1 & 2) formed a reliable scale of court 

empowerment (M = 6.83; SD = 1.36; cx = 345). 

Self-Efficacy 

Self-efficacy of participants was measured at each time point using the Self-Efficacy 

Scale for Battered Women (Varvaro & Palmer, 1993). This scale contained 12 items asking a 

woman how sure she was that she could do the behaviors listed on a scale of 1 = low efficacy 

(couldn't do it at all) to 5 = very high efficacy (completely sure she could do it). Reliability 

analysis indicated that the twelve items formed a reliable scale (M = 52.36; SD = 8.62; cx = 384). 

\ 
40 

Construct validity of the scale is evidenced by its positive correlation with Pearlin and Schooler' 

(1978) Self-Mastery Sale (r = .68, p < .OO 1); Rosenberg's (1965) Self-Esteem Scale (r = .64, p < 

.OO 1) and overall score on the Psychological General Well Being Index (Dupuy, 1984) (r =.53, p 

<.oo 1). 

The scale was slightly modified for the present research. The specific items used were: 

1. 

2. 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

8. 

9. 

Can ask for help by talking to the victim-witness advocate or a counselor about my 

abusive situation. 

Can spend time telling someone such as a close friendcounselor the facts about my 

abusive situation. 

Can ask for help by calling a shelter hotline for abused women. 

Can plan ahead to ensure safety when and if I choose to leave the abusive relationship. 

Can do things I normally enjoy without fear of being abused. 

Can shrug off self-doubts. 

Can make plans for living on my own without the abusive relationship. 

Can accept that fact that the abuse is not my fault. 

Can make up my own mind about small to moderate changes in my life, such as choosing 

what to wear, eating foods I like, time to visit friends and family. 

10. Can make up my own mind about large changes in my life, such as finding an apartment, 

1 1. Can carry on normal activities of daily living. 

12. Can say what I think and feel without fear. 

getting a job, or returning to school. 

Re-occurrence of Abuse during Follow-up (Six Months after Case Disposition) 

Self-reports of victims' experiences with violence during the six months following case 

disposition were obtained from their completion of selected scales from the Revised Conflict 

Tactics Scale (CTS2) (Straus, Hamby, McCoy, & Sugarman, 1996). Specifically, items from the 

Psychological Aggression, Physical Assault, Sexual Coercion, and Injury Scales were used. 

Internal consistency reliability for each scale is: psychological aggression (alpha = .79); physical 

assault (alpha = 36); sexual coercion (alpha = 37) and injury (alpha = .95) (Straus et al., 1996). 
41 

This allowed for the measurement of the prevalence of abuse within the six months after case 

disposition. The coding for the item is (0 = never happened) (1 = once in six months) (2 = twice 

in past six months) (4 = 3-5 five times in past six months) (8 = 6-10 times in past six months) (1 5 

= 1 1-20 times in past six months) (25 = more than 20 times in the past six months) (7 = not in 

past year, but happened before). We coded whether or not one or more of these acts occurred 

(yes = 1 or more reported) and (no = none of these acts reported). 

Experiences with Psvcholocrical Acrmession. This subscale contained the following eight 

items. 

1. My partner insulted or swore at me. 

2. My partner shouted or yelled at me. 

3. My partner stomped out of the room or house or yard during a disagreement. 

4. My partner said something to spite me. 

5. My partner called me fat or ugly. 

6. My partner destroyed something that belonged to me. 

7. My partner accused me of being a lousy lover. 

8. My partner threatened to hit me or throw something at me. 

Experiences with Physical Assault. This subscale contained the following twelve items. 

1. My partner pushed or shoved me. 

2. My partner grabbed me. 

3. My partner slapped me. 

4. My partner used a knife or gun on me. 

5. My partner punched or hit me with something that could hurt. 

6. My partner choked me. 

7. My partner slammed me against the wall. 

8. My partner beat me up. 

9. My partner burned or scalded me on purpose. 

10. My partner kicked me. 

Experiences with Sexual Coercion. This subscale contained the following seven items. 

1. My partner made me have sex without a condom. 

2. My partner insisted on sex when I did not want to (but did not use physical force.). 

'. 3. My partner insisted that I have oral or anal sex (but did not use physical force). 
42 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

My partner used force (like hitting, holding down, or using a weapon) to make me 

have oral or anal sex with him. 

My partner used force (like hitting, holding down, or using a weapon) to make me 

have sex. 

My partner used threats to make me have oral or anal sex with him. 

My partner used threats to make me have sex. 

Experiences with Physical In-iuq. This subscale contained the following six items. 

1. I had a sprain, bruises, or small cuts because of a fight with my partner. 

2. I felt physical pain the next day because of a fight with my partner. 

3. I passed out from being hit in the head by my partner in a fight. 

4. I went to the doctor because I had a fight with my partner. 

5. I needed to see a doctor because of a fight with my partner, but I didn’t. 

6. I had a broken bone from a fight with my partner. 

Protective Order in Effect. We asked each woman at the six-month interview whether or 

not she sought a temporary protective order (TPO) or a civil protective order (CPO) from the 

courts? (yes = 1) and (no = 0). We also asked if the protective order was granted? (yes = 1) and 

(no = 0). 

Partner Consistency. As women victims may have a different intimate partner at the six 

month interview than she had at the initial interview, we ascertained if these acts were committed 

by the same partner who was the abuser at the initial interview (yes =I) and (0 = no). 

Predictor Variables 

Victim’s Prior Experiences with the Justice System 

Prior Contact with Police. We asked each woman at the initial interview: “Excluding 

the current family violence charge, have you or someone else called the police for assistance in 

the preceding 12 months?” (yes = 1) and (no = 0). 

Number of times police were called in Dast 12 months? Mean 

r 
43 

Prior Request for Protective Orders. We asked each woman at the initial interview: 

“Prior to your spouse’s/partner’s current arrest on charges of family violence, had you ever 

requested a temporary protective order (TPO) or a civil protective order (CPO) from the courts?” 

(yes = 1) and (no = 0). We also asked if the protective order was granted? (yes = 1) and (no = 0). 

Prior Contact with Prosecutor. We asked each woman at the initial interview: 

“Excluding the current family violence charge, was your parbedspouse prosecuted for an act of 

family violence in the past 12 months?” (yes = 1) (no = 0). 

Prior Contact with VictidWitness Advocates. We asked at the initial interview: “Did 

you ever meet with a victidwitness advocate?” (yes = 1) and (no = 0). 

Victim’s Experiences with Violence 

Length of abuse. We asked each woman at the initial interview how long ago (in days) 

did the abuse begin? 

Experiences with Psychological Asmession. At the initial interview we used this 

subscale of the Revised Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS2) described above and asked women to 

indicate how often any of the acts occurred in past year. 

Experiences with Physical Assault. At the initial interview we used this subscale of the 

Revised Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS2) described above and asked women to indicate how often 

any of the acts occurred in past year. 

Exueriences with Sexual Coercion. At the initial interview we used this subscale of the 

Revised Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS2) described above and asked women to indicate how often 

arly of the acts occurred in past year. 
44 

Experiences with Physical Iniuv. At the initial interview we used this subscale of the 

Revised Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS2) described above and asked women to indicate how often 

any of the acts occurred in past year. 

Likelihood of Future Harm. We asked each woman at the initial interview: “How likely 

is it that your partner will physically hurt you in the next six months?” Likert responses were (3= 

very likely) (2 = somewhat likely) and (1 = not at all likely). 

Re-occurrence of Abuse Between Arrest and Initial Interview. We asked each woman at 

the initial interview: “During the time that had passed between the family violence incidents for 

which charges are pending and today’s interview, has your spouse/partner been abusive towards 

you?’ (yes = 1) and (0 = no). 

Acts of Family Violence During Case Processing. At the disposition interview, each 

woman was asked: “During the court processing of this case (from arrest to case settlement), did 

your spouse/partner attempt, threaten, or complete an act of family violence against YOU?” (yes = 

1) and (n = 0). 

Victims’ Experiences with Justice System during Current Case Processing 

Victim’s Ratings of the Helpfulness of Police. At the disposition interview, women who 

reported interacting with the police were asked: “Overall, how helpful would you rate the actions 

of the police in your most recent request for assistance from them? Using a Likert scale, 

responses were (1 = not at all helpful) (2 = a little helpful) (3 = moderately helpful) (4 = quite 

helpful) and (5 = extremely helpful). 

Victims’ Ratings of the Helpfulness of the Civil Court. At the disposition interview, each 
45 

woman who had contact with the civil court to request a protective order were asked: “Overall, 

how helpful would you rate the actions taken by the civil court in your most recent request for 

assistance from it?’ Using a Likert scale, responses were (1 = not at all helpful) (2 = a little 

helpful) (3 = moderately helpful) (4 = quite helpful) and (5 = extremely helpful). 

Victims’ Ratings of the HelDfulness of the VictidWitness Advocate. At the disposition 

interview, we asked each woman who interacted with a victidwitness advocate, how helpful the 

advocate’s actions were using a Likert scale (1 = not at all helpful) (2 = a little helpful) (3 = 

moderately helpful) (4 = quite helpful) and (5 = extremely helpful). 

Victims’ Ratings of the Helpfulness of the Prosecutor. At the disposition interview, each 

woman was asked: “Overall, how helpful would you rate the actions of the prosecuting attorney 

in this case that was just disposed (diverted)? Using a Likert scale, responses were (1 = not at all 

helpful) (2 = a little helpful) (3 = moderately helpful) (4 = quite helpful) and (5 = extremely 

helpful). 

Victims’ Ratings of the Helpfulness of the Judge. At the disposition interview, each 

victim was asked: “Overall, how helpful would you rate the actions of the judge in this case that 

was just settled? Using a Likert scale, responses were (1 = not at all helpful) (2 = a little helpful) 

(3 = moderately helpful) (4 = quite helpful) and (5 = extremely helpful). 

Prosecutorial Strategies. Each participant was asked the following question: “During the 

processing of this case, which of the following actions did the prosecuting attorney, solicitor, 

state’s attorney, or victidwitness advocates take to gain your cooperation and support?” 

Responses were coded as (yes = 1) and (no = 0) to the following list of actions. The actions were 
46 

grouped into the following categories: minimal, supportive, persuasive, choice, coercive. 

Prosecutors often used more than one type of action from the above categories. Therefore, this 

variable was hierarchically coded to capture the most coercive action taken for each case. For 

analytical purposes, it was then dummy coded with minimal contact serving as the reference 

category. 

1) Minimal Contact 

a) No actions (phone or mail) - I did not have any contact with victim-witness assistants 

from the court by phone or mail 

b) No phone contacts - did not speak or meet with victim advocates, but received letters 

from them; 

c) One phone call from victim-witness assistants. 

2) Supportive actions 

a) Provided individual counseling; 

b) Kept me fully informed on what was happening with the case; 

c) Informed me of my risk of future victimization by this partner/spouse; 

d) Had me view video materials on domestic violence; 

e) Had me read informational literature about domestic violence; 

f) Informed me of services for victims of domestic violence in the community; 

g) Encouraged me to attend a battered women's support group; 

h) Referred me for individual counseling; 

i) Developed with me a safety plan. 

3) Persuasive actions 

a) Persuaded me to cooperate with the prosecution by providing support and 

encouragement; 

b) Persuaded me to testifj and I did so willingly. 

4) Exercised choice in filing of complaint 

a) Told me that I could withdraw my complaint against my partner/spouse, and prosecution 

would not continue'. 

b) Told me that I could withdraw my complaint against my partner/spouse, but prosecution 

would still continue; 
47 

c) Allowed me to withdraw my complaint against my partner/spouse after I provided a 

written statement as to why I wanted to withdraw the complaint; 

d) Allowed me to withdraw my complaint against my partner/spouse after I gave assurances 

that my partner/spouse was not pressuring me to drop the charges; 

5) Coercive actions 

a) Subpoenaed me to testifL against my partner/spouse, because I would not willingly do so; 

b) Threatened to arrest me if I failed to appear in court and testify in the case or withdrew 

the complaint; 

c) Arrested me because of my failure to appear; 

d) Charged me with contempt of court for my failure to do as the court wished. 

Victim’s Support of Prosecutorial Actions. We asked each victim if she supported the 

prosecution in its decision to not prosecute, divert, or to convict your spouse/partner for the 

violence committed against you? (Yes = 1 and No = 0). 

Protective Order in Effect During Case Processing. We asked each woman at the initial 

interview: “During the processing of this case did you request a temporary protective order 

(TPO) or a civil protective order (CPO) from the courts?” (yes = 1) and (no = 0). We also asked 

if the protective order was granted? (yes = 1) and (no = 0). 

Relationship Status during Case Processing 

We measured the status of the victim’s relationship with her spouse/abusive partner over 

the course of the study. 

Live with suouse/uartner at initial interview. We ascertained if the victim lived (cohabitated) with her abusive spouse/male partner, coded yes = 1 and no = 0. 

Maintained relationshiu during case urocessinn. At the disposition interview, we asked 

each victim if she maintainkd a relationship with her abusive spouse/rnale partner during the 
48 

processing of the case coded yes = 1 and no = 0. 

Maintained relationship after case disposition. At the six month follow-up interview, we 

asked each victim is she maintained a relationship with her partner over the past six months 

coded yes = 1 and no = 0. 

Case Processing Variables 

Defendant detained during court processing. We asked each woman at the disposition 

interview if her spouse/partner was detained in jail during case processing (yes = 1) and (no = 0). 

Lend of case processing. From the court documents we calculated the number of days 

between arrest and case disposition. 

Characteristics of Current Criminal Incident 

Relationship between victim and defendant. From official records and victim interviews, 

we coded if the defendant was the victim’s current spouse = 1, former spouse = 2, co-habitant = 

3, current boyfiiend = 4, former boyfriend = 5, stepfather of her child(ren) = 6, or biological 

father of her child(ren) = 7. 

Police or victim initiated complaint. From official records, we attempted to determine 

how the case entered the court system. Cases that entered the system as the result of police arrest 

were coded 1 and cases initiated by the victim filing a complaint were coded 0. 

Who called the police. From official records we identified who called the police. The 

codes were: victim = 1, offender = 2, adult witness = 3, child witness = 4, neighbor = 5, other = 

6, relative not present = 7. 

Child present at violent incident. From official records we noted whether or not a child 
49 

witness was present and witnessed the violence coded (yes = 1) and (no = 0). 

Adult present at violent incident. From official records we coded whether or not another 

adult was present and witnessed the violence (yes =1) and (no = 0). 

Substance use by defendant. From official records we noted whether the defendant was 

using substances at the time of incident (yes = 1) and (no = 0). 

Substance use by victim. From official records we noted whether the victim was using 

substances at the time of incident (yes = 1) and (no = 0). 

Substance use by defendant and victim. From official records we noted whether the 

defendant and victim were using substances at the time of incident (yes = 1) and (no = 0). 

Presence of in-iuries to victim. From official records we coded whether the victim had 

injuries (yes = 1) and (no = 0). 

Evidence of property damage. From official records we recorded whether there was 

property damage at the crime scene (yes = 1) and (no = 0). 

Photographs of evidence were taken. From official records we noted whether 

photographs were taken at the crime scene or prior to criminal processing (yes = 1) and (no = 0). 

Who took photographs. From official records we documented who took the photographs 

of evidence coded police = 1 , other = 2, victim and police = 3, victim, police and solicitors office 

= 4, police and other = 5. 

Outcomes of Current Criminal Incident 

For the current criminal incident, we examined the type and number of charges, case 

disposition, and the sanction imposed. 
50 

Criminal Charge Tme. Charges included battery, simple assault, cruelty to children, 

criminal trespass, interference with 9 1 1 calls, harassing communication, disorderly conduct, 

stalking, public drunkenness, obstruction charges, possession of burglar tools, theft, suspended 

license, DUI , pointing a pistol, and robbery. 

Number of criminal charges per criminal incident. Mean 

Case Disposition. Dispositions were classified into five categories as follows: a) guilty: 

defendant plead or was found guilty, had bond forfeited, or was ordered to continue on original 

order of probation; b) no action beyond arrest charge: this included cases that were dead 

docketed; where no true bill was issued by grand jury; the defendant was not charged by 

prosecutor; nolle prosse was ordered; arrest disposition was only outcome; no further action was 

anticipated; charge was not presented to the grand jury; disposition was deferred; or adjudication 

was withheld; c) dismissed: cases formally dismissed by the court; d) not guilty: cases where not 

guilty or nolo contendere plea was entered; and e) other: a catch-all category that included cases 

disposed under youthhl offender act, cases turned over to the county district attorney for felony 

prosecution, and cases in which the defendant died before criminal processing could be 

completed. For analytical purposes, this variable was dummy coded and dismissed served as the 

reference category. 

Case Sanctions. Similarly, numerous sanctions may be imposed at the sentencing stage. 

In order to capture the most severe sanction imposed, we created a hierarchical scale. This 

hierarchy ranged from the most severe, incarceration in jail or prison = 5, probation = 4, fines = 

3, mandated treatment interventions =2, other = 1, to the least severe, dismissals or nolle prosse = 
51 

Victim’s Satisfaction with Case Outcome 

We asked the victims at the disposition interview what the outcome was (i.e., what 

happened to your spouse/partner in this case) and how satisfied they were with this outcome 

using a Likert scale with 1 = not at all satisfied, 2 = somewhat satisfied, 3 = neither satisfied nor 

dissatisfied, 4 = very satisfied, and 5 = completely satisfied. 

Control Variables 

Unless indicated otherwise, all control variables came from the initial interview with the victim. 

Site location was coded as Gwinnett County = 1 or DeKalb County. 

Victim’s race was coded as Asian = 1, Black = 2, Caucasian = 3, Latino = 4, or Other = 5. 

For analytical purposes, race was dummy coded to black = 0 and non-black = 0. 

Victim’s Age was measured in years. 

Victim’s Education was coded as less than high school education, high school graduate or 

equivalent, or some college or more. For analytical purposes, education was dummy coded with 

less than high school education used as reference category. 

Victim’s Employment was coded as worked in the past year (yes = 1 or no = 0). 

Number of months victim was employed in past year. Mean 

Victim’s Income. Total monthly income in dollars was coded as follows: 0 = no income; 

1 = less than $250; 2 = $250 to less than $500; 3 = $500 to less than $750; 4 = $750 to less than 

$1,000; 5 = $1,000 to less than $1,250; 6 = $1,250 to less than $1,500; 7 = $1,500 to less than 

$1,750; 8 = $1,750 to less than $2,000; 9 = $2,000 to less than $2,500; 10 = $2,500 to less than 
52 

$3,500; 11 = $3,500 to less than $5,000; 12 = $5,000 or more. 

Number of times victim chanped residences in past year coded never = 0, once = 1 or two 

or more times = 2. 

Victim’s Marital status was coded as married = 1, pending divorce or divorced = 2, and 

never married = 3. For analytical purposes, marital status was dummy coded with never married 

as reference category. 

Number of children livinq with victim (Mean). 

Victim shares children in common with abusive partner was coded yes = 1 and no = 0. 

Number of wior arrests of abuser (Mean). Prior arrest information was obtained from the 

Georgia Crime Information Center’s4 (GCIC) Criminal History sheet €or each defendant. This 

sheet lists the dates of arrest, criminal charges, dispositions and punishments for any criminal 

incidents committed by adult defendants. The GCIC also accesses the National Crime 

Information Center data base and thus, can capture arrests for criminal incidents that occurred 

outside of Georgia. 

Analytical Strategy 

Several types of analytical techniques were used to examine the relationships between 

independent (predictor) and dependent (outcome) variables. We reported descriptive statistics 

including mean, median, mode, and range on variables measured at the interval level and 

numbers and percentages on variables measured at the nominal or categorical level. When 

examining the relationship between two variables, a number of bi-variate statistics were used 

depending upon how the variables were measured. T-tests for differences in means were 
53 

conducted when the dependent or outcome variable was interval level and the independent 

variable was nominal. Chi-square (a test of association) and lambda (a proportional reduction in 

error measure) were used when both the independent and dependent variables were measured 

categorically. When both the dependent and independent variables were measured at the 

interval level, correlation coefficients (Pearson's E) were calculated. 

While such bi-variate statistics are useful in understanding the unique relationship 

between an independent (predictor) variable and dependent (outcome) variable, multi-variate 

techniques allow for the examination of the effects of several independent (predictor) variables 

on a single outcome simultaneously. When our outcome was measured at the interval level, as is 

the case with our measures of empowerment, multiple linear regression analysis was used. This 

method allows one to determine the predictive value of each variable, while controlling for the 

effects of other independent variables in the model. When our dependent variable was measured 

at the dichotomous level, as is the case with our measures of the re-occurrence of violence at six 

months, then logistic regression analysis was used. 
54 

Chapter 3 

Findings 

For ease to the reader, our findings are presented in four main sections. Section 1 presents 

findings from analyses to determine the degree to which two common threats to validity, sample 

selection bias and case attrition, are operating. Section 2 provides descriptive statistics on the 

study sample. It is grouped under the following headings: Demographic characteristics, Victims’ 

prior experiences with the justice system, Victims’ prior experiences with abuse, Victims’ 

relationship with their abusive partner during court processing, Victims’ current experiences with 

the justice process, Current domestic violence incident and court outcomes, and Re-occurrence of 

violence during case processing and during the six months following case disposition. Section 3 

presents results of analysis to determine if there are differences in the characteristics and 

experiences of victims by court location (site). Section 4 presents the results of analysis that 

examines the main outcome variables, victim empowerment and the re-occurrence of violence 

(abuse) in victims’ lives during the six months after case disposition. 

I. Assessing Threats to Validity: Sample Selection Bias and Attrition 

One threat to the external validity of longitudinal survey research is that cases 

interviewed may differ in some systematic way from those that were not interviewed (Le., they 

are not representative of the larger population of cases eligible for interview). A second threat to 

validity is sample attrition (i.e., the cases that interviewed at all three stages differed from those 

that were not interviewed at all three stages). This section presents findings of our attempts to 

assess the degree to which selection bias and attrition were operating. We begin by examining 
55 

Reason 

Completed Initial 

the selection bias issue and then conclude with sample attrition. 

During the time frame of the study (March 2000 through June 2002), all cases referred to 

the DeKalb County Solicitor’s office and the Gwinnett County Solicitors office were screened by 

court personnel and researchers to .identify cases involving an adult female victim who 

experienced family violence at the hands of a male intimate partner. Criminal charges which fall 

within Georgia’s family violence legislation include: (a) battery, (b) criminal trespass, (c) 

harassment or verbal threats, (d) interference with custody, (e) pointing a pistol at another, (f) 

sexual battery, (g) simple assault, (h) simple battery, (i) theft by taking, and (i) violation of civil 

protection orders, and (k) stalking. For both counties, the total of cases eligible for interview 

numbered 1,6 1 1. A total of 286 victims or 18% of eligible victims (1 2 1 from Gwinnett County 

and 165 from DeKalb County) were interviewed initially at Time 1. Table 1 reports the reasons 

Total Gwinnett (42.5%) DeKalb (57.5%) 

286 (17.9%) 122 (7.6%) 166 (10.3%) 

for exclusion from the initial interview (also referred to as the intake or Time 1 interview) by 

Interview 

Couldn’t be reached by 

phone number provided 

Refused interview 

Language barrier 

Pending interview 

Did not show for 

interview appointment 

interview could be 

Case disposed before 

county. 

Table 1. Response Rates and Reasons for Exclusion from Initial Interview by County (N 

= 1,611) 

678 (42.1%) 198 (12.3%) 480 (29.8%) 

232 (14.4%) 121 (7.5%) 111 (6.9%) 

81 (5.0%) 36 (2.2%) 45 (2.8%) 

47 (2.9%) 2 (0.01%) 45 (2.8%) 

46 (2.8 %) 27 (1.7%) 19 (1.2%) 

10 (0.6%) 10 (0.6%) 0 

completed 

Victim incarcerated 1 (0.06%) 1 (0.06%) 0 
56 

I Missing 228 (14.2%) 167 (10.4%) 61 (3.8%) 

In Gwinnett County a total of 684 cases were eligible for interviews and in DeKalb 

County a total of 927 cases were eligible for inclusion. The main reason that a victim was not 

interviewed was that she could not be reached by the phone number provided. Each interviewer 

was instructed to attempt a minimum of six phone contacts at various points in the day between 

9:OO a.m. and 9:OO p.m. If unsuccessful, a letter was sent to the victim informing her of the 

nature of the study and providing her a phone number to call if she wanted to participate. Over 

half of the cases (n = 678 cases) could not be reached via telephone for interview. In some 

instances, the phone had been disconnected (n = 60), the incorrect number was recorded in court 

documents (n = 48), the victim had moved and no forwarding number was available (n = 40) or 

the new listing was non-published (n = 13), or no phone number was available in court records (n 

= 76). 

The next largest percentage of cases (1 7.5% or n = 232) was reached via phone, but the 

women refused to participate in an interview. Language presented a barrier to interviews in 5.0% 

of the cases. Slightly fewer than 3% of the cases had an interview pending at completion of the 

study and another 3% did not show for scheduled interviews. The smallest percentage of cases 

not interviewed was those disposed before the victim could be interviewed. In some instances, . 

when an on the scene arrest was made and the defendant detained in jail, the solicitors office 

would gain a guilty plea at arraignment or an agreement to participate in diversion typically 

within 72 hours after arrest. In such cases we were unable to get in contact with the victim prior 
57 

to the case being disposed. Initially, we excluded these cases from inclusion, because our intent 

was to measure victim empowerment and self-efficacy at three time points. However, discussion 

with the solicitor’s offices in both counties indicated that these cases were unique in that the 

defendants had either more serious criminal histories or 

defendants. Thus, exclusion of them from the study could have biased the sample. Thus, after 

the first three months of data collection, jail cases and diversion cases were included in the study. 

Overall, they comprised a small number of cases n = 35 (12.2%) of the initial interview sample 

and 14.7% (n = 25) of the final study sample. 

serious criminal histories than other 

The reasons for exclusion fiom the initial interview did vary by county. A greater 

percentage of cases in DeKalb County had pending interviews and were not able to be reached at 

the phone number provided than were cases in Gwinnett County. Refusal rates, language 

barriers, and no shows were comparable across the two counties. 

Assessing Selection Bias in Sample 

To assure that the cases for which initial interviews were conducted (herein referred to as 

the treatment group) were representative of all cases eligible for interview, information on 

defendants’ criminal histories and the current family violence incident were collected for the 

entire treatment group and then for a random sample of the population (herein called the control 

cases). Criminal history information included the number of arrest incidents, number and type 

of arrest charges per incident, disposition, and punishment. Current case information included 

number of charges, type of charges, disposition, and punishment. We will first discuss criminal 

\ 

history differences and then current case differences across the treatment group and the control 
58 

cases. 

Differences in Criminal Historv 

To assure comparable sample sizes across the two counties and to assure large enough 

samples in case of mihing data, criminal history information was collected on slightly over 40% 

of all cases in Gwinnett County (n = 260) and on approximately 25% of all cases (n= 204) in 

DeKalb County. Information on the total number of arrests was missing for 88 cases from the 

treatment group. The overall number of arrest incidents for the two groups ranged from 0 to 37, 

with a mean of 4.33 arrests, a median of 2 arrests, and a mode of 1 arrest. The mean number of 

arrest incidents differed significantly by county with Gwinnett County reporting a mean of 3.39 

arrest incidents and DeKalb County a mean of 5.32 arrest incidents (1 = -4.82, p < .001). Lastly, 

we examined differences between the treatment and control group on the number of arrest 

incidents within each county. In Gwinnett County, the mean number of arrest incidents for the 

treatment group (M = 2.94) did not differ significantly from the control group (M = 3.53). 

However, in DeKalb County, the treatment group had a significantly higher number of arrest 

incidents (M = 6.55) compared to the control group (M = 4.60) (t= -2.74, p < .01). 

As each arrest incident often involves more than one criminal charge, we next examined 

the number of types of criminal charges by group within each county. Table 2 presents the 

number of criminal charges overall by type across treatment and control groups within each 

county. Criminal charges were clwsified into five categories. In Gwinnett County type of 

criminal charge was missing for 3.6% of the charges and in DeKalb County type of charge was 

mi'ssing for 4.4% of the charges. Chi-square (X2) tests of association indicated that the 

'. 
59 

Gwinnett . 

distribution of criminal charges differed across the treatment and control groups in Gwinnett 

DeKalb 

County (X2(4, 1507) = 13.16, p< .05). There was no significant association between group 

membership and criminal charges in DeKalb County. Because large sample sizes can inflate the 

value of chi-square, lambda (A) was also calculated. Lambda is a proportional reduction in error 

measure that assesses how well one can predict an outcome or dependent variable based on 

knowledge of an independent variable. In this specific case, it measures how well one can 

predict criminal charge based on group membership. Lambda ranges fiom 0 to 1. As it increases 

in value, the usefulness of knowledge of one variable predicting another variable increases. Our 

findings suggest that group membership is not useful in predicting disposition for either 

Gwinnett County (h = .002, E > .OS) or for DeKalb County (h = .005, e > .05). 

We next examined the different dispositions imposed for the criminal charges and 

compared differences across the groups within each county. Results are presented in Table 3. 

Dispositions were classified into five categories as follows: 1) GUILTY if the defendant plead or 

was found guilty, had bond forfeited, or was ordered to continue on original order of probation; 

2) NO ACTION BEYOND ARREST included cases that were dead docketed, where no true bill 
60 

was issued by grand jury, the defendant was not charged by prosecutor, nolle prosse was ordered, 

arrest disposition was only outcome, no further action was anticipated, charge was not presented 

to grand jury, disposition was deferred, or adjudication was withheld; 3) DISMISSED cases; 4) 

NOT GUILTY PLEA OR NOLO CONTENDERE plea was entered; 4) OTHER was a catch-all 

category that included youthful offender act and cases turned over to the county district attorney. 

Dispositions were missing for 47.6% of the criminal charges in Gwinnett County and for 36.7% 

of the criminal charges in DeKalb County. Because a large percentage of cases were missing, we 

included MISSING as a category in the analysis. 

Chi-square measures of association were significant for both counties suggesting that there is a 

relationship between disposition and group (For Gwinnett County A? = 58.13, (5, 1,563; p <: .05 

and for DeKalb County X2 = 58.02; (5,2,708) p < .001). Findings suggest that group membership 

is not usefid in predicting disposition (for Gwinnett County, h = .OOO and for DeKalb County, h = 

.042, p < .05). Knowing group membership reduces error by 4% in DeKalb County and has no 

appreciable benefit in predhion in Gwinnett County. 
61 

Lastly, for cases where a punishment of fine, incarceration, or probation was imposed, we 

examined the mean differences in fine amounts, number of months on probation and number of 

days incarcerated by treatment and control group within each county. For Gwinnett County 

County, the mean fine amount for the treatment group (M = $378.88) did not differ significantly 

from the control group (M = $564.05). The mean number of months on probation also did not 

differ significantly (M treatment = 12.58) and (M control = 16.16). The mean number of days 

incarcerated also did not differ (M treatment = 365.00) and M control = 257.56). Similarly, in 

DeKalb County no significant differences were noted between the treatment and the control 

groups. The mean fine amount for the treatment group was $579.43 and for the control group the 

mean was $325.00. The mean number of months on probation for the treatment group was 18.79 

and for the control group the mean was 2 1.33. For number of days incarcerated the mean for the 

treatment group was 258.30 and for the control group 580.43. 

Differences in Current Case Characteristics 

To Mer assure that the treatment cases were representative of the entire population of 

cases from each county, a random 10% sample (n = 354) of all current criminal incidents for the 

control group was taken and compared to treatment group. As a single criminal incident often 

consists of more than one criminal charge, we first compared the treatment and control groups 

within each county on the mean number of overall charges levied and then within types of family 

violence charges. The total number of criminal charges for the control group was 1,125, with a 

range of 15 and a mean of 3.18, a mode of 3, and a median of 3. The total number of criminal 

chirges for the treatment group was 1,023, with a range of 10 and a mean of 3.59, a mode of 4 
62 

and a median of 4. 

T-test comparisons of the mean number of criminal charges overall and for each crime 

type by treatment and control group within each county were conducted and are presented in 

Table 4. Due to the large number of t-tests conducted (n = 24), we applied Bonferroni 

adjustment and considered a p < .002 as significant and reaching the alpha level of .05. Results 

indicated that in Gwinnett County the treatment and control group differed significantly in the 

mean number of simple assault charges (M control group = 1.75, SD = .610 and M treatment 

group = 2.07, SD = .649, t = -4.41, E < .001). No other means significantly differed. 
63 

DUI I 1.00 

Pointing Pistol I 1.00 

1 .oo 0 0 

0 0 0 

Disorderly Conduct 

Robbery 

Attrition from the Sample after the Initial Interview. 

Initial interviews were completed on 288 cases. We tracked the case attrition rates and 

reasons for attrition on the cases as they progressed toward disposition and the six months 

following disposition. These rates are presented in Table 5. For 93 (3 1.6%) of the cases, no 

disposition or six month follow-up interview was completed and for 25 (8.7%) of the cases no 

1.20 -422 1.07 1.33 .577 1.00 0.00 . 

0 0 1 .oo 0 

six-month follow-up interview was completed. Thus, the overall attrition rate was 40.3%. 

Total Gwinnett I DeKalb 

Intake Interview Only completed 

(N = 288) (N = 122) (N= 166) 

93 (3 1.6%) 40 (13.5%) 53 (18.1%) 

Interview completed 

Intake and Disposition Interview 

Only completed 

Intake, Disposition and Six Month 

Reasons for case attrition are presented in Table 6. For almost one third of the cases, we 

were unable to contact the victim. For approximately 20% of the cases (all from DeKalb 

County) six-month interviews were pending at the close of the study. For slightly over one third 

of the cases the reason for attrition was not recorded by the interviewers. Only 7.6 % of the 

victims contacted after the initial interview refused to participate in the later interviews. In about 

25 (8.7%) 6 (2.1%) 19 (6.6%) 

170 (59%) 76 (26.4%) 94 (32.6%) 
64 

6% of the cases, the charge was upgraded to a felony before initial disposition and transferred to 

the district attorney's office, thus excluded as our focus was on misdemeanor case processing. 

Two cases were discarded because the interviewers did not conduct the correct interview at the 

correct stage, and the victim could not be reached for a subsequent interview. In one instance a 

defendant died and the case was not processed further. 
65 

Rehsed 

Transferred to District 

Table 6. Reasons for Attrition Across Stages of Interviews 

9 (7.6%) 5 (4.2%) 4 (3.4%) 

7 (5.9%) 1(0.85%) 6 (5.1%) 

For Treatment Group by County (N = 1 18) 

Reason I Total (n = 118) I Gwinnett (n = 46) I DeKalb (n= 72) 

Attorney 

Pending interview 

Discarded because 

incorrect interview 

comdeted 

23 (19.5%) 0 23 (19.5%) 

2 (1.7%) 1(0.85%) 1 (0.85%) 

3 

Defendant died 1 (0.85%) 1(0.85%) 0 

unknown 25 21.2Yo) 18 (15.3% 

Variable 

county 

Gwinnett 

DeKalb 

Black 

Caucasian 

Latino 

Asian 

Other 

Race 

Initial Interview (Time 1) 

(n = 286) 

N (%) or M (SD) 

Six Month Follow-up (Time 3) 

(n = 170) 

n (%) or M (SD) 

121 (42.3) 76 (44.7) 

165 (57.7) 94 (55.3) 

180 (62.9) 107 (62.9) 

86 (30.1) 51 (30.0) 

10 (3.5) 6 (3.5) 

3 (1.0) 3 (1.8) 

7 (2.4) 3 (1.8) 

We examined whether or not the cases interviewed at the six-month follow-up differed on 

several key variables from those that were interviewed only at the initial interview. The results 

are presented in Table 7. There were no significant differences between the cases interviewed 

during the six-month follow-up and those interviewed at the initial interview, suggesting that the 

six-month cases (n = 170) are representative of the initial sample (n =286). 
66 

Age - M=33.3 (==9.35) - M=33.29 (==9.19) 

I 

1 Variable 

Marital status 

Married 

Pending divorce 

Divorced 

Never married 

Widowed 

Live w/spouse or male 

partner 

Number of months lived 

with partner 

How many times married 

Never 

Once 

Twice 

Three Times 

Employment status 

Full-time 

Part-time 

Self employed 

Unemployed 

Worked during past 12 

months 

Months employed in past ’* 

12 months 

Initial Interview (Time 1) 

(n = 286) 

N (%) or M (SD) 

85 (29.7) 

53 (18.5) 

40 (14.0) 

106 (37.1) 

2 (0.7) 

130 (45.5) 

- M = 61.63 (B = 64.34) 

106 (37.1) 

,127 (44.4) 

39 (13.6) 

14 (4.9) 

202 (70.6) 

24 (8.4) 

26 (9.1) 

34 (1 1.8) 

252 (88.1) 

- M = 10.02 (== 3.04) 

Six Month Follow-up (Time 3) 

(n = 170) 

N (%) or M (SD) 

54 (31.8) 

36 (2 1.2) 

16 (9.4) 

64 (37.6) 

0 (0.0) 

80 (47.1) 

- M = 66.55 (SD = 67.72) 

64 (37.6) 

68 (40.0) 

26 (15.3) 

12 (7.1) 

119 (70.0) 

16 (9.4) 

19 (11.2) 

16 (9.4) 

151 (88.8) 

- M =10.56 (SD = 2.66) 
67 

Table 7. Characteristics of Sample at Initial Interview and Six Month Follow-Up 

(continued) 

Variable 

Monthly Income 

None 

Less than $250 

$250 to less than $500 

$500 to less than $750 

$750 to less than $1,000 

$1,000 to less than $1,250 

$1,250 to less than $1,500 

$1,500 to less than $1,750 

$1,750 to less than $2,000 

$2,000 to less than $2,500 

$2,500 to less than $3,500 

$3,500 to less than $5,000 

$5,000 or more 

Missing 

Number of times changed 

residence 

Never 

Once 

Two or more 

Education 

Less than high school 

High school 

Post high school 

Number of children who 

live with you 

Initial Interview (Time 1) 

(n = 286) 

N (%) or M (SD) 

4 (1.4) 

6 (2.1) 

17 (5.9) 

11 (3.8) 

16 (5.6) 

25 (8.7) 

24 (8.4) 

20 (7.3) 

26 (9.1) 

29 (10.1) 

43 (15.0) 

38 (13.3) 

17 (5.9) 

8 (2.8) 

157 (54.9) 

54 (18.7) 

74 (25.9) 

43 (15.0) 

107 (37.4) 

135 (47.2) 

- M= 1.5 (SD= 1.43) 

Six Month Follow-up (Time 3) 

(n= 170) 

N (%) or M (SD) 

3 (1.8) 

8 (4.7) 

9 (5.3) 

l(0.6) 

7 (4.1) 

11 (6.5) 

14 (8.3) 

11 (6.5) 

17 (10.1) 

13 (7.6) 

31 (18.2) 

26 (15.3) 

12 (7.1) 

7 (4.1) 

101 (59.4) 

39 (22.9) 

29 (17.2) 

19 (11.2) 

63 (37.1) 

88 (51.81 

- M = 1.5 (SD = 1.38) 
11. Description of Sample 

Demographic Characteristics 

Our final sample (n =170) consisted of 145 cases where three interviews (initial, 

disposition and six month) were completed and 25 cases two interviews (jail or diversion and six 

month) were completed. Of these, 94 cases (55.3%) were from DeKalb County. More than half 

(62.9%) of the victims were black (African American), 30% were Caucasian, and the remaining 

victims were Latino or Asian. The average age of victims was 33.3 years, with a range of 41.69 

years. With regard to educational status, 1 1.2% reported not having graduated from high school 

nor having a GED, 37.1% reported having graduated from high school or having a GED, and 

5 1.8% reported having some college or earning a degree beyond high school. 

The vast majority of the victims (88.8%) reported having been employed in the 12 

months preceding the initial interview; 62.4% indicating they worked the entire 12 months; and 

70% reported working for someone else full time. Annual income ranged from 0 to over $60,000 

per year, with the median annual income of between $24,000 - $29,999 and a modal annual 

income of $30,000 - $42,000. Over half of the sample (59.4%) reported that they had not 

changed residences in the past 12 months. Of the 68 victims who did change residences, over 

half (n= 39) did so only once and about a third (n = 20) did so twice. Four victims changed 

residences three times and another four victims changed residences four times. One victim 

changed residences 5 times in the preceding 12 months. 

Single women who had never been married comprised the largest percentage of cases in 

\ 

, 

the sqmple (44.1 %). Slightly less than one third indicated that they were currently married. 
69 

Divorced women comprised 4.1% of the cases and women who were separated or in the process 

of filing for divorce included 18.8% of the cases. Slightly less than half of the victims reported 

that they were currently living with their abusive spouse/partner. 

Most of the victims (8 1.2%) were mothers. The victims had a total of 247 children, of 

which 140 (56.7%) were the biological children of the abuser. Close to half (49.4%) of the 

victims reported that they shared children in common with the abusive partner. The numbers of 

children who lived with their mothers ranged from 1 to 10, with a mean and median of 2 children 

and a mode of 1.0 child. 

Victim’s Prior Experiences with the Justice System 

We asked each victim a series of questions to ascertain how often in the past 12 months, 

excluding the current incident of family violence, she had contacted the police, prosecutor, 

victim/witness advocate, or judge in a request for assistance in a criminal or civil matter. We 

also asked what actions each of the justice system officials took, whether she regarded those 

actions as helpful or not, whether she supported these actions, and how helpful each justice 

system officials was. 

We begin by discussing victims prior experiences with the police. Of the1 70 victims, 

only 64 (37.6%) reported that the police had been called for assistance in the preceding 12 

months because their spouses/male partners threatened, attempted or completed an act of 

physical violence toward them. The number of times that victims called the police for assistance 

ranged from 1 to 15 times, with a mean of 2.72, a median of 2 and a mode of 1. \ 

,. Only 18.8% of the victims indicated that they had requested a temporary protective order 
70 

or civil protective order from the courts in the past. Of those, 29 (90.6%) requests for protective 

orders were granted. The most common conditions requested by those seeking orders of 

protection were to limit contact with the partner (86.2%), to exclude the partner from the 

residence (79.3%), and to gain sole custody of children (48.3%). Spouses/partners failed to abide 

by the terms and conditions of the protective order in over half of the cases. However, less than 

half of the victims reported these violations to the court. Of the seven victims who did report 

their partners’ violations, over half were satisfied with how the court responded to the reported 

violations. When asked to rate the helpfulness of the civil court, over half of the victims rated 

the court as “quite helpful ” or “extremely helpful” and only 17% rated the civil court as “not at 

all helpful or “a little helpful”. 

Only nine victims (5.4%) reported that their partners had been criminally prosecuted for 

an act of family violence in the past twelve months, excluding the pending family violence 

incident. Of these nine victims, seven supported the prosecution of their partner and five 

testified against their partners in those prosecutions. All but one victim was satisfied with the 

outcome in this earlier case, and all but one victim was satisfied with the criminal punishment 

imposed on their partners. Only two victims rated the prosecutor as “quite helpful” or 

“extremely helpful” and three victims rated the prosecutor as “not at all helpful”. 

Both solicitors’ offices had victim witness assistance programs and advocates assigned to 

assist specifically with family violence cases. However, only two victims reported having ever 

interacted with a victidwitness advocate on the earlier cases. The two victims had different 

ratines of victidwitness advocates’ overall helpfulness, with one rating the victidwitness 
71 

advocate as “a little helpful” and the other rating the victim/witness advocate as “extremely 

helpful”. 
72 

Victims’ Prior Experiences with Violence 

Nearly one-third of the victims reported that they had prior relationships that were 

violent. Forty five victims (81 3%) reported one prior violent relationship, seven victims (4.1%) 

reported two prior violent relationships, and three victims (1.8%) indicated three prior violent 

relationships. When asked how long ago their current partner had started to abuse them, the 

victims reported lengths of time ranging from as little as 5 days ago to as long as 24 years ago. 

On average, the abuse started three years ago and most reported abuse began two years ago. 

When asked about the violence they had experienced in the past year only5, close to 97% of the 

victims reported having experienced psychological aggression. Nearly 90% reported having been 

physically assaulted in the past year. Close to three fourths reported having experienced a 

physical injury. Less than half (44.4%) reported having been coerced into having sex during the 

past year. With regard to the chronicity of violence experienced by the victims, the number of 

acts of psychological aggression reported ranged from 1 to 183, with a mean of 43 acts and a 

mode of 5 acts. The number of acts of physical assault ranged from 1 to 248 with a mean of 21 

assaults, and a mode of 4 assaults. The number of acts of physical injury ranged from 1 to 124, 

with a mean of 7 and mode of 1. Lastly, acts of sexual coercion ranged from 1 to 150, with a 

mean of 15 and a mode of 2. 

Relationship Status with Abusive Partner during Court Processing and Six Month 

Follow-up 

The overwhelming majority (84.6%) of the victims reported that they had separated from 

their current partner at some point in their intimate relationship. The number of times ranged 
73 

from 1 to 25, with a mean of 2.2 1 , a median and mode of 1. The longest period of time they 

were separated from their current partners ranged from 1 day to 6,570 days (1 8 years), with a 

mean of 267 days, a median and mode of 90 days. Slightly less than two-thirds (61.5%) reported 

at the time of the initial interview that they were currently separated from their partners. The 

length of this separation ranged from 15 days to 2,555 days (7 years), with a mean of 1,245 days, 

a median of 45 days, and modes of 60 and 90 days. 

Close to three-fourths (7 1.2%) of the victims indicated that their spouses were detained at 

some point during the processing of the current case. For over half of the cases, bail or bond was 

granted to the defendant, but only 12.4% of the victims indicated that they were the party who 

posted this bailhond. Approximately 32% of the victims indicated that defendants were released 

on bond with the condition that they not have contact with their victims. Of these 54 cases, over 

half of the defendants violated that condition and had contact with the victims. 

At the disposition interview, close to 70% of the victims indicated that they had 

maintained a relationship with their partner/spouse during the processing of the case and close to 

half reported that they planned to continue a relationship with their spouses/male partners. At the 

six-month interview, 73 victims (42.9%) indicated that they maintained relationships with their 

spouses/male partners over the six months since the current case was disposed. 

Women’s Experiences with the Justice System during Current Case Processing 

We were particularly interested in capturing women’s experiences with the justice system 

during the processing of @e current case. Five victims reported never meeting with a solicitor 

durilrg the case processing. Almost two-thirds of the victims reported that they never interacted 
74 

with a victidwitness advocate. About one quarter of the victims never appeared before a judge. 

We asked those who did interact with the police, solicitor/prosecutor, victidadvocate, civil 

court, or criminal court judge, to rate how helpful the actions of each criminal justice official 

was. Their ratings are presented in Figure 2. Examination of the ratings indicate that the actions 

of the police received the highest percentage of ratings of “quite helpful” or “extremely helpful” 

(over 62%) and the lowest percentage (7.8%) of “not at all helpful” ratings. Comparing across 

the groups, the percentages of victims rating the actions of prosecutors and criminal court judges 

as either “quite helpful” or “extremely helpful” was smaller (43.6% and 50.4%, respectively). 

Further, the percentages of victims rating the actions of prosecutors and actions of judges as “not 

at all helpful” were larger (16.4% and 16%, respectively). 
75 

Figure 2. Victims' Ratings of the Helpfulness of kcent Actions 

Taken Criminal Justice OFf~aals 

Victimwtnes s 

Advocate (n = 

66) 

Civil.Court(n = 

47) Police(n =167) 

I 

lnot at all helpful 7.80% 10.60% K).60% 

la little helpful 13.80% 10.60% 18.20% 

IOmderatelyhelDful I 16.20% I 21.30% I 16.70% I*( I- I I 

Bquil e helpful 29.90% 3 1.90% 18.20% 

.extremely helpful 32.30% 25.50% 36.30% 

P rosecutor(n 

= 165) 

12.70% 15.30% 
76 

We measured the nature and extent of the interaction that victims had with the 

prosecutor’s offices by asking them a series of questions about the actions taken by the 

prosecuting attorney or victidwitness advocate to gain her support and cooperation. 

Prosecutors often used a combination of strategies with victims, as can be seen in Figure 3 which 

presents the overall number of victims who reported experiencing each type of action. With the 

exception of victims who reported no contact with the prosecutor’s office, the actions as 

presented here are not mutually exclusive. Thus, the sum total of actions taken is larger than the 

number of cases (n = 170). 

The most common action taken (as reported by 40.6% of the cases) was for prosecutors to 

keep the victim informed about what was happening with the current criminal case. About one 

third of the victims indicated that they were informed of domestic violence services in their 

community, and about one third indicated that they were persuaded to cooperate with prosecution 

because of the level of support and encouragement they received from that office. With regard to 

women’s ability to exercise choice in whether or not prosecution moved forward, about one 

quarter of the victims reported being told that they could withdraw their complain, but 

prosecution against their abusive partner would still continue. Prosecutors used coercive actions 

in a relatively small number of cases. About 12% of the women reported that they were 

subpoenaed to testifj because they would not do so willingly and about 1 1 % reported that they 

were threatened with arrest if they refused to testifl or withdrew the criminal complaint filed 

against their abusive partner. Additionally, about 11% of the women reported that the 

prbsecutors’ office took no actions to contact them with regard to their criminal case. 

‘. 
77 
78 

In order to better understand the effects of prosecutorial actions, we hierarchically coded 

prosecutorial actions into five types from the most to least coercive action they could take such 

that if a victim experienced at least one coercive action, then her case was coded as coercive. If 

she experienced at least one choice action and no coercive actions, then her case was coded as 

choice. If she experienced at least one persuasive action and no coercive or choice actions, then 

the case was coded as persuasive, and so on. Applying this coding scheme results in each case 

fitting into one action category as follows: coercive (n = 32 or 18.8%), choice (n = 37 or 21.8%), 

persuasive (n = 31 or lS.2%), supportive (n = 26 or 15.3%) and minimal action (n = 44 or 

25.9%). 

When asked if they supported the actions taken by the prosecutor’s offce, the 

overwhelming majority of victims (77.6%) indicated that they did. When asked to rate how 

satisfied they were with the outcome of their case, over half (53.0%) indicated that they were 

“quite satisfied” or “extremely satisfied” with the outcome of their case. However, at the other 

extreme 45.8% indicated that they were “not at all satisfied” or ‘‘just a little satisfied” with the 

case outcome. 

Current Family Violence Incident and Case Outcomes 

Based on information from official court records, the amount of time between arrest and 

disposition of the cases ranged from 4 days to 474 days (approximately 16 months). The mean 

number of days that transpired between arrest and disposition was 162 days (slightly over five 

months). The total numberof charges filed against defendants in the current criminal incident 
79 

ranged from 1 to 1 1, with a mean of 3.54, median of 3 and mode of 4. A total of 864 criminal 

charges were filed in the 170 current criminal incidents. The most common criminal charges 

from highest to lowest frequency were: battery (n = 452), simple assault (n = 290), cruelty to 

children (n = 39), criminal trespass (n = 24), interference with 91 1 calls (n = 19, harassing 

communication (n = 13), disorderly conduct (n = 1 l), stalking (n = 6), public drunkenness (n = 

3), obstruction charges (n = l), possession of burglar tools (n=l), theft (n =1 ), suspended license 

(n = I), DUI (n = l), pointing a pistol (n = l), and robbery (n = 1). In four instances, the charge 

was not listed. 

As all of the charges levied were misdemeanor level offenses, with the exception of one 

battery charge that was transferred to the felony court and one charge for robbery, the most 

serious criminal charge within a single criminal incident was simple battery. By definition 

battery charges are levied when physical injuries have occurred as the result of an aggressive 

action by another party. In the current criminal incidents, the overwhelming number of incidents 

included at least one charge for simple battery (n = 132 or 77%). 

The solicitor’s offices provided copies of police incident reports, victim-witness intake 

sheets, and affidavits of arrest warrants that provided additional information about the nature of 

the current family violence incident. When necessary, we relied on victim descriptions of the 

current family violence incident to complete missing data. The information on the current 

incident obtained from the official reports included: the relationship between the victim and 

perpetrator; whether the defendant, victim, or both parties were under the influence of drugs 

andor alcohol at the time of the incident; prior history of violence by the defendant; presence of 
80 

injuries and whether medical attention was received by the victim; whether property damage was 

present; if police were called to the scene and who called police to the scene; and whether an 

adult or child witnessed the violence. 

Ascertaining the relationship between the victim and perpetrator is critical to determine 

whether or not the parties can be charged under family violence statutes. Information on 

relationship status indicated that the vast majority of incidents occurred between current spouses 

(45.9%). Current and former boyfriends represented 23.5% and 15.9% of the perpetrators, 

respectively. Former spouses comprised 6.5% and co-habitants made up 4.7%. In 3.5% of the 

cases, the arrested party was the parent of one or more of the children living with the victim. 

We attempted to determine whether the case was initiated by a call to the police or by the 

victidcomplainant filing a complaint with the solicitor’s office. It was possible to determine the 

type of entry for 74.1% of the cases. When type of entry was reported, records indicated that 

police were called to the scene in 122 of the cases (96.8%) and it was the victim who contacted 

the police in 49.4% of the cases. In only 4 cases was prosecution initiated by the victim filing a 

criminal complaint. In over three quarters of the cases, police noted whether or not a child 

witness was present and among those cases, a child was present and witnessed the violence over 

half the time (5 1.9%). Likewise, police noted whether an adult witness was present during the 

violence in more than half (58.8%) of the incidents, and an adult witness was present less than 

one third (3 1 %) of the time. 

Surprisingly, information on factors that often trigger concern for the criminal justice 

system was not as judiciously recorded. For example, substance use by either party or both 
81 

parties was missing in less than one third of the cases. In the 12 1 cases where it was recorded, 

the defendant was under the influence of drugs and/or alcohol close to half (42.1 %) of the time. 

In comparison, only 7 victims (2.8%) were under the influence of drugs and/or alcohol. In only 

five instances were both the victim and perpetrator under the influence of drugs and/or alcohol. 

Prima facie evidence that an act of family violence has occurred is the presence of 

injuries and/or property damage. Official records indicated that injuries were present in over 

three-quarters of the current incidents, and yet medical attention was received by only 15 victims. 

Property damage, when noted, occurred in only 34.2% of the incidents. Photographs to 

document the evidence occurred about half the time and most often police took the photos. 

As each charge in a single criminal incident may be disposed of in different ways, we 

created a hierarchical scale capturing the most severe disposition imposed within a criminal 

incident. Close to half of the cases (44.1 %) were disposed of with a finding or plea of guilty. 

Slightly more than one quarter (25.3%) resulted in a not guilty finding or a nolo contendere plea. 

In more than one-fifth (21.8%) no action beyond arrest was taken. Diversion was used for 8.2% 

of the cases and one case was transferred to the district attorneys office for prosecution at the 

felony level. 

Similarly, numerous sanctions may be imposed at the sentencing stage. In order to 

capture the most severe sanction imposed, we created a hierarchical scale to capture the most 

severe punishment imposed. Incarceration, the most severe sanction, was imposed in 30.6% of 

the cases. Probation, the next most severe sanction, was imposed in 29.4% of the cases. Fines, 

the next most severe sanction, were imposed in 2.9% of the cases. Judges also utilized the 
82 

available batterer intervention programs offered in the local communities, as well as anger 

management, parenting classes, Alcoholics Anonymous and Narcotics Anonymous, often in 

combination. These mandated treatment interventions were the most severe sanction imposed in 

14.7% of the cases. Dismissals and nolle prosequi occurred in 18.2% of the cases. Lastly, 3.5% 

of the cases were dealt with by requiring bond forfeiture, restitution, community service, and 

banishment. In one case, the defendant died before the case could be prosecuted and in another 

case it was upgraded to a felony and transferred to the district attorney for prosecution. 

We also examined the influence of whether injuries were present (n = 132) or not (n=38) 

on severity of disposition and severity of punishment imposed. T-tests indicate that presence of 

injury approaches significance in relationship to severity of disposition (M injury = 2.86, $lJ = 

1.22 and M not injured = 2.42, SD = 1.29, t = -1 -89, p < .064), but is not related to severity of 

punishment (M injury = 4.41, SD = 1.51 and M not injured = 4.03, SD = 1.97, t = -1.09, p < 

.279). 

Reoccurrence of Violence during Case Processing 

At the initial interview, each victim rated the likelihood that her partnerhpouse would 

hurt her in the next six months. More than two-thirds (64.7%) indicated it was not at all likely 

that their partners would hurt them. Slightly more than one-fifth (20.6%) responded that it was 

somewhat likely that their partners would hurt them. Lastly, more than one-tenth (1 2.4%) 

reported it was very likely that their partners would hurt them in the next six months. Four 

victims (0.5%) refused to qnswer this question. 

~ Ten percent of the victims indicated at least one abusive incident had occurred since the 
spouse’s/partner’s arrest in the current family violence incident and before the current case was 

disposed. The number of abusive incidents ranged from 1 to 10 with a mean of 2.86 and a 

median and mode of 3 incidents. 

At the disposition interview, slightly over one-fifth of the victims (n = 37) indicated that 

during the processing of the case from arrest to disposition, their partner threatened or committed 

an act of violence against them. A total of 2 1 victims (57%) reported these acts or threatened 

acts of violence to the police. After arrest of their partner/spouse 28.2% (n = 48) of the victims 

requested a protective order from the court and in 98% (n = 44) of the cases, the court granted 

this protective order. Half the time, the partner/spouse did not abide by the terms or conditions 

of the protective order and in almost two-thirds of those instances victims reported the violations 

to the court. 

Re-occurrence of Violence in the Six Months Following Case Disposition 

We asked victims at follow-up whether or not there was a re-occurrence of psychological 

abuse, physical abuse, sexual abuse, or physical injury in the past six months since the case was 

disposed. Seventy-four victims (43.5%) reported there had been a re-occurrence of abuse. Of 

these cases, 66 or 89% indicated that the person abusing them was the same male partner/spouse 

as at the initial interview. Only 3 1 victims (1 8.2%) indicated that physical violence had reoccurred in the six months following initial disposition of the case. Of these 28 or 90.3% 

indicated that the person who physically assaulted them was the same spouse/male partner as at 

the initial interview. 

When asked if in the past six months if the victim or someone else called police because 
84 

her spouse or male partner was violent towards her, 15.9% (n = 27) reported that police had been 

called. The number of times police were called ranged from 1 to 15 times, with a mean of 2.2, 

median of 1 and mode of 1. Nine victims reported filing a complaint against their partner with 

the magistrate’s office and ten victims reported that they had requested and been granted a 

protective order. Only nine victims indicated that their partner was prosecuted for this more 

recent violent incident and in eight of the nine cases, the women supported prosecution’s efforts 

to convict their abusive partners. Three of those cases were not yet disposed when we conducted 

our follow-up interview. For the six cases that were disposed, three women indicated that they 

were “quite satisfied” or “extremely satisfied” with what happened to their partner and were 

“quite satisfied” or “extremely satisfied” with the punishment their partner received. 

111. Prosecutorial Actions by Presence of No-Drop Policy 

One of the primary aims of the current research project was to assess the experiences of 

victims who interact with prosecutorial offices that operate under no-drop policies versus the 

experiences of victims who interact with prosecutorial offices that do not have such policies. In 

the current study, this means a comparison of our two selected sites: Gwinnett County Solicitors 

office that has a no-drop policy in place and DeKalb County Solicitors office that does not have a 

no-drop policf. As we are examining a bi-variate relationship, t-tests for differences in means 

for variables measured at the interval level and chi-square analysis for variables measured at the 

nominal level are used. At the outset, we predict that Gwinnett County which operates under a 

no-drop policy would not permit cases to be dropped at the victims’ request and would be more 

coercive in their actions with victims in order to assure their cooperation and support with 
85 

prosecutors’ goals. Thus, we expected that a greater percentage of victims in Gwinnett County 

would be discouraged from withdrawing any complaints filed against their abusive 

spouses/partners, would be told that they could not withdraw their complaint, or if permitted to 

withdraw their complaint, this action would not prevent the case from being prosecuted. We also 

expected that the presence of no-drop policies would result in the greater use coercive strategies, 

such as use of subpoenas, threats to arrest or charge victims, or actual arrests of victims if they 

refused to cooperate with the prosecutors. 

Figure 4 presents the types of prosecutorial actions reported by victims at each site. 

Results of chi-square analysis indicates that the actions did not differ significantly across sites (P 

(4,170) = 8.61 p < .072).7 The most common actions taken by prosecutors in Gwinnett County 

(reported in one quarter of the cases) were persuasive actions, whereas in DeKalb County it was 

most likely that the victim had only minimal contact with the prosecutor’s office (slightly over 

one third of cases). As expected, giving victims the choice to withdraw the complaint against 

their abusive partner was more prevalent in DeKalb County than in Gwinnett County. However, 

unexpectedly, the use of coercive strategies, such as threatening arrest or using subpoenas to 

acquire victims’ testimony, were equally distributed across both sites. 
86 

Figure 4. 
87 

Prosecutorial Actions by Site 

35 

25 

10 

5 

0 

Minimal contact Supportive Actions Persuasive Actions Choice Actions Coercive Actions 

Type of Action 

IHGwinnett County mDeKalb County 1 
88 

IV. Examining Victim Empowerment and Re-occurrence of Violence 

Initial Levels of Victim Empowerment and Self-Efficacy 

As stated earlier, we posited that victims’ levels of empowerment and self-efficacy would 

be influenced by her prior experiences with abuse, her prior experiences with the justice process, 

and if she were still currently in an intimate relationship with the abusive partner. In this section, 

we examine the influence of several sets of variables, including demographic variables (age, race, 

education level and months employed) on victims’ levels of court empowerment, personal 

empowerment, and self-efficacy at the initial interview. 

We conducted a series of linear regression analyses to assess the influence of the same 

sets of predictor variables (prior experiences with the justice system, prior experiences with 

abuse’, relationship factors) and control variables (demographic variables) on the dependent 

measures (self-efficacy, personal empowerment, and court empowerment at the initial 

interview).’ Linear regression analyses produces coefficients for each predictor variable that 

indicates the amount of change in the dependent variable attributed to that predictor variable, 

holding constant all other factors. It also produces an R-square measure for the model that 

indicates the percentage of variation explained in the dependent (outcome) variable by the 

independent (predictor) variables in the model. The unstandardized regression coefficients, 

standard errors, and t-values for the three models are presented in Table 8. We first discuss the 

. 

variables significantly related to each dependent variable separately, and then discuss any 

common influences across the three regression models. \ 
89 

Model 1 (presented in the first three columns) lists the coefficients for the variables 

entered into the model predicting court empowerment at the initial interview. Findings indicate 

that victims' ratings of the helpfulness of police in prior requests for assistance were positively 

related to levels of court empowerment. In addition, the higher the mean level of physical 

injuries experienced by the victim, the higher the levels of court empowerment. Victims who 

reported that they lived with their abusive spouse or partner at the initial interview reported lower 

levels of court empowerment. Lastly, as the number of months that the victim was employed 

over the previous 12 months increased, levels of court empowerment decreased. 

Table 8: Regression Coefficients of Predictor Variables on Personal Empowerment, Court 

Empowerment and Self-Efficacy at Initial Interview (Tl) 

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 

Court Empowerment Personal Empowerment Self-Efficacy 

B SE T value B SE 'I value B SE T value 

Variable 

Prior Experiences with Criminal Justice System: 

Overall 

helpfulness of 

police ,262 .042 6.18*** .137 .041 3.37*** 1.19 .551 2.16" 

Called police in 

Spouse 

Past year 

past year -.031 .115 -.267 -.217 .lo8 -2.00" -1.85 1.54 -1.21 

prosecuted in -.051 .280 -.181 -.818 .263 -3.11** -11.55 3.61 -3.19** 

Prior Experiences with Abuse: 

Chronicity of 

physical injury .009 .005 1.66' -.007 .005 -1.42 .005 .069 .460 

Chronicity of 

aggression 

Likelihood 

victim ~ 

psychological -.001 .002 -.855 -.006 .002 -3.66*** -.051 .023 -2.22" 

Length of abuse -.0001 .OOO - 1.30 -.0001 .ooo -1.94' -.002 .001 -3.26*** 

partner will hurt -.075 .078 -.959 490 .075 -2.55" -1.00 1.00 -1.00 
90 1) 

Chronicity of 

sexual coercion -.004 ,004 -.994 -.0001 .003 -.O 18 -.069 .047 -1.47 

Relationship Factors: 

Live with spouse -.202 .113 -1.7Y .015 .IO8 .136 -2.74 1.49 -1.83^ 

Demographic Characteristics: 

Education .147 .lo9 1.35 

Months employed -.025 .013 -1.91' 

Black -.165 .I16 1.42 

Age -.002 .006 -.357 

(intercept) 3.1 1 .280 

N 142 

F 3.94 

R-square .213 

Note. 

.oo 1 

-.011 

.130 

-.003 

3.27 

140 

9.40 

.440 

.lo4 .lo5 2.91 1.46 1.98* 

.113 1.16 .399 1.53 .26 1 

.005 -SO6 .006 .079 .790 

.264 57.19 3.70 

.012 -.952 -.013 .I66 -.075 

136 

5.05 

.28 1 

a approaches statistical significance p < .lo. 

Model 2 (presented in columns 4 - 6) lists the findings of linear regression analyses 

predicting levels of personal empowerment at initial interview. In this model, all three prior 

experiences with the justice system measures are related to the outcome. Overall helpfulness of 

the police is positively related to victims' levels of empowerment. However, if the victim 

reported either calling the police in the previous 12 months or that her abusive partner or spouse 

was prosecuted, her level of. personal empowerment was lower. Victims who reported higher 

levels of psychological aggression, longer periods of abuse, and believed that their partners were 

likely to hurt them in the next six months reported lower levels of personal empowerment. 

Neither demographic variables nor co-habitation status were significantly related to personal 

empowerment. 

Model 3 (presented 'in columns 7 - 9) lists the results from the linear regression equation 
91 

with self-efficacy as the dependent variable. Again, we find that victims’ ratings of the 

helpfulness of police were positively related to self-efficacy, whereas if the victim’s abusive 

partner was prosecuted in the past 12 months, levels of self-efficacy were lower. Victims who 

reported higher levels of psychological aggression and longer periods of abuse had lower levels 

of self-efficacy. Victims who reported living with their abusive partner or spouse had lower 

levels of self-efficacy. Lastly, victims with higher levels of education reported higher levels of 

sel f-efficac y . 

As expected because self-efficacy and personal empowerment are similar concepts, they 

share similar predictors. Both are positively influenced by the victims’ ratings of the helpfulness 

of the police and negatively influenced by the occurrence of the abusive partner having been 

prosecuted in the past year. Additionally, the extent of psychological aggression experienced by 

the victim and the length of abuse were negatively related to self-efficacy and empowerment. 

Chronicity of physical injury was positively related to court empowerment, but was not related to 

self-efficacy or personal empowerment. Living with current abusive partner was negatively 

related to both court empowerment and self-efficacy, but had no affect on personal 

empowerment. 

The Effect of Prosecutors’ Actions on Victims’ Empowerment and Self-Efficacy at 

DisDosition 

We begin our assessment of the effects of prosecutorial actions on victim empowerment 

and self-efficacy by conducting Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) to compare mean levels of court 

empowerment, personal empowerment, and self-efficacy at disposition and at six months by type 
92 

of prosecutorial action. In addition, we calculated five new variables to measure the degree of 

change in levels of court empowerment, personal empowerment, and self-efficacy over time. To 

examine the immediate impact of court experiences and case outcomes on victim’s levels of 

empowerment and self-efficacy, we subtracted each victim’s level of empowerment and selfefficacy measured at the disposition interview from the baseline measures taken at the initial 

interview. In addition, we assessed the stability of any changes in levels of empowerment and 

self-efficacy by subtracting each victim’s level of personal empowerment and self-efficacy at six 

months from the measures taken at disposition. Because so few victims had my additional 

contact with the court (n= 9) in the period between disposition and the six months following 

disposition, we were unable to reliably assess changes in court empowerment at six months. 

Results from the ANOVA are presented in Table 9. Findings from this analysis suggest 

that the victims’ initial levels of empowerment and self-efficacy did not differ significantly by 

type of prosecutorial action. Overall, prosecutorial action has a significant effect on court 

empowerment, but not on personal empowerment or self-efficacy. Further, post-hoc differences 

tests (Tukey 3) were performed to identify for which type of prosecutorial actions did mean 

levels of empowerment and self-efficacy differ significantly. These results indicated that victims 

who experienced supportive or persuasive actions, or were given the choice to withdraw their 

complaint, reported significantly higher levels of court empowerment at disposition compared to 

victims who had only minimal contact with the prosecutor’s office. Levels of court 

empowerment for victims who were coerced to participate in prosecution did not differ 

significantly from victims who had only minimal contact with the court. 

‘\\ 
93 

Minimal 

contact 

(n = 44) 

Levels Having 

Significant ANOVA Effects 

Self-efficacy at Disposition 54.56 

55.23 Self-efficacy at Six Months 

Following Disposition 

Change in Self-efficacy from 

Change in Self-efficacy from 

Disposition to Six Months 

Initial Interview to DispoSition -3.04 

.92 1 

The same pattern of findings occurs when we examine changes in levels of court 

empowerment from the initial interview to disposition. Victims who had only minimal contact 

with the prosecutor’s office reported the largest decrease in level of court empowerment, 

followed by victims who were coerced to participate in prosecution. Victims who received 

supportive services or who were persuaded to participate in prosecution demonstrated 

significantly smaller declines in court empowerment compared to victims who had only minimal 

contact with the prosecutor’s office. Victims who were permitted to withdraw charges against 

their abusive partner actually demonstrated increases in court empowerment over time. Lastly, 

victims who were threatened with arrest or subpoenaed to testify experienced a decrease in court 

empowerment, but this decrease did not differ significantly from those who had only limited 

contact with the prosecutor’s office. 

Supportive Persuasive Choice to Coercive 

(n = 26) (n = 3 1) Withdraw (n = 32) 

55.83 55.13 52.03 55.29 

55.83 55.43 54.86 55.94 

(n= 37) 

-4.9 1 -.478 -1.59 -3.59 

1.68 -.5 17 2.88 .400 
94 

Personal Empowerment at 

Disposition 

Personal Empowerment at Six 

Months Following Disposition 

I I 

3.1 1 3.06 3.01 2.96 3.09 

3.41 3.09 3.05 3.01 3.41 

.247 

.048 

~ ~~~ ~~ ~~ 

Change in Personal 

Empowerment from Initial 

Interview to Disposition 

.371 

Change in Personal .118 

Empowerment from 

Disposition to Six Months 

Court empowerment at 

Disposition 

.161 

2.34 3.22 a 3.37 a 3.41 2.84 

.383 

Change in Court 

Interview to Disposition 

Empowerment from Initial -1.21 -.023 a -.289 a ,047 a -.643 

.lo1 

.119 

Mean for this category differs significantly from mean for minimal contact at p < .05 level. 

Effects of Prosecutors’ Actions. Goal Compatibility, and Case Outcome on Victims’ 

Empowerment and Self-Efficacy 

The previous findings suggest preliminarily that prosecutorial strategies do impact 

victims’ levels of court empowerment. However, as we argued earlier, we believe that victims’ 

levels of empowerment are also affected by the degree to which the prosecution and the victim 

have the same goals, how helpful prosecutors are, victims’ overall satisfaction with the outcome 

of the case, and the actual case outcome.” In order to better understand this relationship, we 

asked victims what actions the prosecution took in their case and whether or not they supported 
95 

these actions (yes or no). We also asked victims to rate the overall helpfulness of the prosecutor 

and how satisfied they were with the outcome in their case. In both instances, the ratings were 

measured using a Likert scale ranging from 1 = “not at all” to 5 = “extremely”. 

Linear regression analysis was used to examine the effects of prosecutorial action, the 

measures of victims’ evaluation of the prosecution (helpfulness, support, and satisfaction), and 

severity of punishment on changes in levels of victims’ court empowerment and personal 

empowerment from the initial interview to disposition. Several control variables identified in 

prior research, such as whether or not the victim’s abusive partner threatened or committed an act 

of violence during case processing, whether or not the victim maintained a relationship with the 

defendant, whether or not the defendant was detained during case processing, and the length of 

time between arrest and disposition in the current case, were also included. 

Table 10 presents the coefficients from Model 1 (columns 1 - 3) predicting change in 

court empowerment and Model 2 (column 3-6) predicting changes in personal empowerment. 

Examining Model 1, results indicate that four variables are significantly related to changes in 

court empowerment from the initial interview to disposition. Levels of court empowerment 

increased significantly in cases where victims reported that prosecutors were supportive, 

persuaded them to participate actively in the prosecution, or allowed them to withdraw 

complaints, compared to cases where victims reported only minimal contact with the 

prosecutors’ office. Levels of court empowerment for victims who experienced coercive actions 

by prosecutors did not differ significantly from victims who had minimal contact with the court. 

Further, as victims’ ratings of the helpfulness of prosecutors increased, so did the change in level 

, 
96 

of court empowerment. 

Somewhat surprisingly, whether victims were supportive of prosecutorial goals or their 

degree of satisfaction with the outcome of the case were not significantly related to their levels of 

court empowerment. Severity of the punishment imposed was not related to changes in levels of 

court empowerment. The re-occurrence of violence (threats or acts of physical violence) during 

case processing was not related to changes in levels of court empowerment. Our control 

variables (detention of abusive partner, maintenance of relationship with abusive partner, and the 

length of time between arrest and disposition (period of risk) were also not significantly related 

to changes in court empowerment. 

The amount of variation in change in level of court empowerment explained by the 

variables in the model was 38%. Diagnostics were conducted to assess collinearity and the 

presence of outliers. The condition index was less than 30 and no single dimension had more 

than one variance proportion greater than .50, thus no multi-collinearity is evident. No cases 

were identified as outliers. 

Table 10. Effects of Prosecutorial Action, Goal Compatibility. and Case Outcome on Changes in Court 

Empowerment and Personal Empowerment from Intake to DisDosition: Linear Regression Coefficients 

k Variable 

Model 1 

Change in Court 

Em~owerment ' 

Prosecutorial action 

Supportive 

Persuasive \ 

'Choice 

Ciiercive 

.820* .255 3.22 

.507* .245 2.07 

.950*** .232 4.10 

-396 .232 1.71 

Model 2 

Change in Personal 

Empowerment* 

B 1 SE 

-. 167 -238 

-.O 16 .232 

.i77 .216 

-.112 -21 8 -.5 14 
97 

Prosecutors’ helpfulness 

Victims’ satisfaction with outcome 

.374*** .079 4.73 

.044 .072 .612 

Victim supported prosecution 

Re-occurrence of violence during case 

processing 

Severity of punishment4 

Defendant detained 

Maintained relationship with 

defendant 

1 -305 I .166 1 1.84 

.042 .198 .210 

.295 -196 1.50 

,064 .049 1.29 

-.128 .167 -.768 

.005 

.027 

.232 

-.ooo 

N =132 

Adjusted R square = .384 

.048 .lo5 

.157 .172 

.159 1.46 

.oo 1 -.706 

.099 I .078 I 1.28 

Number of days between arrest and 

disposition 

Constant 

.018 .070 .252 

.002 .183 .012 

-.OOO .001 -.041 

371 .395 

-.047 1 .185 1 -.256 

1.54 I .377 1 

N= 129 

Adjusted R square = .090 

Note. 

The measure of change in court empowerment from initial interview to disposition was 

modified to eliminate negative values by adding 3 to each value. Thus, larger values indicate 

higher levels of empowerment. 

The measure of change in personal empowerment from initial interview to disposition was 

modified to eliminate negative values by adding 3 to each value. Thus, larger values indicate 

higher levels of empowerment. 

Numbers under the B column are unstandardized coefficients. 

Coded using a six point scale 1 to 5 (dismissed = 1, other = 2, treatment = 3, fine = 4, probation 

= 5, and incarceration = 6). 

The amount of variation explained by Model 2 predicting changes in court empowerment 

was only 9% and no coefficients were statistically significant. This confirms our earlier results 

that found that the variables related to personal empowerment and court empowerment are rather 

distinct from one another. Variables that measure victim’s satisfaction with the process and her 

experiences with the courts appear to have limited utility in explaining changes in personal 
98 

empowerment. 

Re-occurrence of Violence at Six Months 

We performed two separate logistic regression analyses to predict re-occurrence of abuse 

in the six months following case disposition (Model 1) and the re-occurrence of physical 

violence in the six months following case disposition (Model 2) presented in Table 1 1. This type 

of regression analysis allows for the prediction of an outcome for a set of predictor variables. It 

produces goodness of fit statistics that allow for a comparison of observed and expected 

outcomes. Further, a maximum likelihood ratio test (exp E3) is produced for each predictor to 

allow for the identification of the variables that significantly influence the re-occurrence of 

violence. 

Results fiom both the logistic regression models do not yield any significant coefficients. 

However, in each model a few variables approach statistical significance (p < .lo). In Model 1 

predicting the re-occurrence of abuse, if a victim reported her partner was violent towards her 

after arrest, but before the initial disposition of the case, she was 2.89 times more likely to 

experience abuse during the six months following initial disposition. Secondly, if the victim 

continued to live with her abusive partner, she was more likely to experience abuse in the six 

months following disposition. 

In Model 2 predicting the re-occurrence of physical violence, again victims who lived 

with their abusive partners were more likely to experience a re-occurrence of physical violence. 

Also, as the number of priqr arrests of the defendant was positively related to the re-occurrence 

of physical violence. Victims who reported higher levels of personal empowerment at 
99 

disposition were less likely to experience physical violence in the following six months. 
100 

Model 1 

Re-occurrence of Abuse at 

Six Months 

~ 

Table 1 1. Logistic Regression Model Predicting Re-occurrence of Abuse and Re-occurrence of Physical 

Violence Six Months Following Disposition 

Model 2 

Re-occurrence of Physical 

Violence at Six Months 

Variable Exp (B) I B' I SE B SE Exp(B) 

Prosecutorial strategy 

Supportive 

Persuasive 

Choice 

Coercive 

SO4 

-264 

-1.07 

-.432 

.766 

.710 

.784 

.698 

Prosecutors' helpfblness I -.211 I .226 

1.66 

.343 

1.30 

.389 1.02 1.48 

.255 .983 1.29 

.936 .878 2.55 

.649 

.810 

.658 .889 1.93 

.136 .292 1.15 

Victims' satisfaction with outcome 

Victim supported ,prosecution 

empowerment at disposition 

Victims' level of court empowerment 

Victims' level of personal 

~~ 

-.035 .185 

.3 12 .585 

-.368 .335 

.121 .246 

1.37 

.692 

I I I 

.966 I -.240 I .234 I .786 

-.lo4 .736 ' .901 

-.714" .387 .489 

1.13 .526 .345 1.69 

2.89 1 .641 I .622 I 1.89 

at disposition 

Re-occurrence of violence during case 

-856 I .119 I .174 I 1.13 

1.06" -560 

processing 

Severity of punishment -.155 .140 

Note. 

Living with abusive spouse or partner 

Abusive partners' number of prior 

arrests 

Constant 

N =I10 

Numbers under the B column are unstandardized coefficients. 

a Approached significance p < .lo. 

.010" .006 1.01 .011" .006 1.01 

.055 .040 1.06 .070" .043 1.07 

1.05 1.37 -2.33 1.68 

N= 110 

Chapter 4 

R square = .195 I R square = .151 
101 

Discussion and Conclusion 

The current research project’s primary aim was to better understand the influence of 

prosecutors’ no-drop policies on victims’ experiences with the court. We selected two sites that 

differed as to whether or not no-drop policies were operating. We expected prosecutors’ offices 

with no-drop policies would engage in more coercive actions (such as threatening victims with 

arrest or subpoenaing them to testifjr against their abusive partners) and fewer choice strategies 

(such as allowing victims to withdraw their complaint with or without the cessation of 

prosecution). However, we found that coercive strategies were used in a small number of cases, 

and that the presence of no-drop policies did not result in more coercive actions being used. 

A major finding of this research is that, with the exception of victims who reported that 

prosecutors allowed them choice in withdrawing their complaint, victims’ court empowerment 

declined after disposition of their case. The declines were most notable for victims who had only 

minimal contact with the court or who were threatened with arrest or subpoena if they failed to 

support prosecutions’ handling of their cases. These findings support the conclusions of Ford 

(1 991) and Ford and Regoli’s (1 993a,b) research that allowing women to exercise choice in 

withdrawing a complaint increases their levels of court empowerment. However, our findings do 

not demonstrate that prosecutorial actions significantly affected victims’. personal empowerment. 

We found that across all prosecutorial actions, with the exception of coercive strategies, 

women’s levels of personal empowerment increased from initial interview to the disposition 

interview. 

Our findings also suggest that court empowerment and personal empowerment are two “. 
102 

distinct concepts that are only weakly related. This conclusion is based on the low correlation 

between court empowerment and personal empowerment observed, and that the variables that 

influence each are for the most part different. Somewhat unexpectedly, victims’ initial levels of 

personal empowerment were negatively affected by whether or not the police and prosecution 

were called in the past 12 months, but court empowerment was not significantly affected by these 

occurrences. Having positive interactions with police served to increase both personal 

empowerment and court empowerment. Indeed, police compared to other criminal justice 

officials received the highest rating with regard to their helpfulness to victims. This finding is 

not uncommon (for example, see Buzawa, et al., 1999; Smith, 1988), and is likely explained 

because when police arrive, the violence stops. As such, their actions are extremely helpful to 

the victim who wants the violence to end. 

Length of abuse and the chronicity of psychological aggression were also related to 

personal empowerment, but not to court empowerment. However, chronicity of physical injury 

was related to court empowerment, but not personal empowerment. Prior research by Goodman, 

et al. (1999) reported that women were more likely to cooperate with prosecution of their abusive 

partner if physical injury was present and if the severity of violence was severe. Thus, our 

finding that the extent of physical injury enhanced victims’ initial levels of empowerment is not 

surprising, as our measure of court empowerment asked the victim if she believed she would be 

treated fairly and her rights given equal consideration as her partners. A victim who has 

experienced more chronic physical injuries might be more optimistic that her experiences will be 

taken seriously by the court. 
103 

Our finding that psychological abuse was related to personal empowerment reinforces the 

findings of Dutton, Goodman and Bennett (1 999) that psychological abuse plays a more 

important role in predicting battered women’s traumatic responses than their use of the legal 

system. Our measure of personal empowerment had victims assess their abilities to speak up for 

themselves and to get what they wanted relative to their partners’ abilities. If she had 

experienced extensive psychological abuse from that partner, it is likely that her levels of 

personal empowerment would be negatively affected. 

We found that victims’ ratings of the helpfulness of the prosecutor was positively related 

to her level of court empowerment, but whether she supported the prosecution’s goals or her 

satisfaction with the outcome were not. Our findings suggest that to enhance victims’ court 

empowerment, it is more important for prosecutors take actions that victims regard as helpful. 

Indeed, this may be more important to her empowerment than focusing exclusively on whether 

she is supportive of actions taken by prosecutors as they move to dispose of her case. 

Lastly, another aim of our project was to examine if enhancing levels of empowerment 

would affect the re-occurrence of violence in the lives of victims. Unfortunately, we found no 

strong evidence to support this. Indeed, our model predicting re-occurrence of abuse and reoccurrence of physical violence within the six months following disposition failed to yield any 

variables that reached statistical significance. Particularly relevant because it confirms prior 

research in this area, we found that punishment severity had no affect on the re-occurrence of 

violence (Buzawa, et al. 1999; Davis et al, 1998; Mears, et al., 2001; Thistlethwaite et al., 1998; 

Tolman & Weiscz, 1995). 
104 

Our research findings have major policy implications for how prosecutors interact with 

victims of family violence. First, we need to re-assess whether coercing victims to assist in the 

prosecution of their abusive partners is worth the costs. Use of coercive actions has the effect of 

lowering victims’ empowerment, and this should not be an acceptable outcome for prosecutors. 

Rather, whenever possible, victims should be empowered through their interactions with the 

court. Continuing to provide enhanced training to law enforcement officers and investigators to 

improve the quality of evidence collected in family violence cases so that victim testimony will 

not be necessary for prosecution is important. Further, prosecutors’ offices need to ascertain 

from victims feedback on the helpfulness of their actions so that victims will see the prosecution 

as an ally in their attempts to remain free from violence. 

While we believe that our findings advance our understanding of how prosecutorial 

actions affect victims’ empowerment and the likelihood of violence reoccurring in their lives, our 

research has several limitation that future research should attempt to overcome. First, our study 

was conducted within a single region of the southern US. and the generalizability of the findings 

to other jurisdictions is in question. Thus, replication in other areas is important. 

Second, the sample of women who volunteered for interviews may differ in some 

fundamental way from those who did not volunteer, a phenomenon referred to as selection bias. 

We analyzed the amount of selection bias in our sample and concluded that violent incidents 

experienced by the victims we interviewed were not of a less serious nature than the incidents 

experienced by the victims not interviewed. However, we cannot be certain that those 

inferviewed did not differ demographically or in their victimization histories from those not 
105 

interviewed. Future researchers need to continue to monitor the effects of selection bias in their 

research designs, and develop better strategies on how to capture such information at the 

recruitment stage. One possible solution could be to encourage prosecutors’ offices to collect 

such information on their intake forms. . 

Third, the quasi-experimental design employed involved the comparison of victims’ 

experiences in two sites that varied on whether no-drop policies existed. However, the 

population of citizens within those two jurisdictions differed in several ways, such as racial and 

ethnic composition, income levels, and size of cases, that may have contributed to the outcomes 

studied. Future research should try to select jurisdictions that are more comparable. 

While our current research aim was to primarily give voice to victims’ experiences with 

prosecutors and the courts, our research findings would have been further enhanced by interviews 

with justice system professionals. Prosecutorial perspectives on just how the no-drop policies 

were enforced, and why they chose to use coercive measures with one victim as compared to 

another is an important issue for future research. Race and social class of the victim and 

prosecutor may be important factors to consider (Weisz, 2002). To address such an issue would 

require researchers to have greater access to the decision making of prosecutors and might be 

obtained through field observation and de-briefing interviews. Further, research on judicial 

responses to family violence in no-drop jurisdictions would be informative when trying to 

examine the effects of dispositions on re-occurrence of violence. 
106 

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END NOTES 

Most policy development has occurred at this level because the source for most criminal justice 

system reforms have been initiated by the legislature in various states, or have been the result of 

civil actions directed largely at the police whose responses to domestic violence are more visible 

than those of prosecutors and judges (see Epstein, 1999 and Kahan, 2000 for further discussion 

of this issue) . In addition, police are the gatekeepers of the justice system, with the majority of 

domestic violence cases entering the court system through police arrest. 

* Victimlwitness advocates who are assigned to the prosecutors offices are not to be confused 

with advocates in the community who act on behalf of battered women. Because of their location 

in the prosecutor’s office, victidwitness advocates main function is to support and assist victims 

during the prosecutorial process. This often does not always equate with advocating for victims’ 

wishes or desires with regard to the handling of her case within the prosecutor’s office. As such, 

they are often advocates for prosecution, rather than advocates for the victim if she does not 

support prosecution. 

An accusation is the technical term applied to the document prepared by a prosecutor to levy 

charges against a defendant. This document is then filed with the appropriate court. 

The Georgia Criminal Justice Information System (CJIS) Network provides direct terminal 

access to computerized data bases maintained by Georgia agencies, by agencies in other states, 

and by the National Crime Information Center. The GCIC receives reports from more than 600 

state and local law enforcement agencies each month (Georgia Bureau of Investigation Georgia 

Crime Information Center (2003, August 29). Retrieved from: 
117 

http ://www/ganet .org/gbi/gcic . html. 

Of the 55 victims who reported having at least one prior violent relationship in addition to their 

current one, only five indicated that they lived with their current abusive partner for less than one 

year. Thus, it is possible that when asked to report abuse committed by a partner in the past year, 

these five cases reported abuse that they experienced at the hands of more than one partner. 

In addition to examining the effect of the presence of no-drop policies on prosecutorial actions, 

we compared the cases drawn from each site to identifl any differences in victims’ demographic, 

prior experiences with abuse, and prior experiences with the justice system. This analysis 

revealed few significant differences between victims across the two sites. A greater percentage 

of victims in DeKalb County were black (88.3%) compared to in Gwinnett County (3 1.6%) 2 

(1,170) = 57.96, p< .OO 1. The mean number of residence changes was higher among Gwinnett 

County victims (M = .868, m = 1.1 8) compared to Gwinnet County victims (M = .495, m = 

.802,t = 2,35, p < .02). A significant larger percentage of cases in Gwinnett County reported that 

they currently lived with their abusive partner at the initial interview (55.3%) compared to 

DeKalb County (40.4%) Y (1,170) = 4.06, p< .04. A larger percentage of victims in Gwinnett 

County reported that they requested a protective order in the past (27.4%) compared to DeKalb 

County (13.0%)2(1,165) = 5.36, E< .021. 

In addition to examining She mean differences by the five categories of prosecutorial actions 
118 ~ 

(minimal, supportive, persuasive, choice, and coercive), we also conducted a total of 22 t-tests to 

see if any specific prosecutorial action within the five categories was employed more frequently 

in one site versus another. Because of the large number of t-tests conducted, the Bonferroni 

technique was used to guard against Type 1 error and a .002 level of significance was used 

(.05/22 = -002). No statistically significant differences emerged. 

Chronicity of physical injury and chronicity of physical assault reported by victims were highly 

correlated (1 = .880) and could not be included in the same model. 

Pearson’s correlation coefficient for each set of dependent measures was calculated. As 

expected, personal empowerment and self-efficacy were highly correlated = S64 and court 

empowerment was only weakly related to personal empowerment (1 =. 188) and self-efficacy (E - 

. 1 10). Because the high degree of correlation between self-efficacy and personal empowerment 

would likely cause multi-collinearity, both variables could not be included in the same regression 

model. Personal empowerment was included rather than self-efficacy throughout the remainder 

of the analysis. 

lo Case disposition was categorized into the following categories: guilty, no action beyond arrest, 

dismissal, not guilty and other. Case sanction was also categorized into incarceration, probation, 

fines, treatment interventions, other and nolle prosse or dismissals. When measured in this way, 

the two variables are highly,comelated and could not be included in the same model.