U.S. Department of Justice

Office of Justice Programs

National Institute of Justice

DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE

OFF ICE OF JUSTICE PROGRAMS

BJA NI J OJJDP BJS OVC

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

National Institute of Justice

Jeremy Travis, Director January 1997

continued ...

among arrestees produced a picture of a

culture in which possession and use of

guns is not only common, but also tolerated and accepted as the norm. The findings suggest that some current approaches

to reducing gun crime—particularly laws

against illegal possession and use—need

to be supplemented by a multifaceted intervention strategy.

Characteristics of arrestees

The arrestees who provided the information about their access to and use of firearms reflect, to a large extent, the

characteristics of arrestees nationwide.

However, there was variation among the

11 sites. For example, while more than

half (55 percent) of all those interviewed

for the study were black, the proportion

ranged from a low of 16 percent to a high

of 92 percent, depending on the site.

Drug use displayed a similar pattern.

While more than one-third overall (37

percent) tested positive for cocaine, the

range from site to site was from 28 to 58

percent. In use of methamphetamine,

there was considerable regional variation,

with sites in the Midwest and the East

having rates under 1 percent, to higher

ranges (11 to 44 percent) in sites on the

West coast.

The proportion of arrestees who had

ever owned a gun—37 percent of those

Firearms ownership is much more common among people who have been arrested than it is in the general population.

Arrestees say it is easy and takes little

time for them to obtain firearms illegally.

Among those who have owned a gun,1

 a

substantial number have used it to commit crime. Some arrestees are more likely

than others to have such easy access to

guns: those who sell drugs and those who

belong to a gang. Perhaps most troubling

is the strong association between guns and

youth: among juvenile male arrestees, gun

ownership and use are much higher than

among arrestees generally.

These findings were revealed in a study

supported by the National Institute of

Justice conducted in response to the Attorney General’s concern about the increase in deaths and injuries due to

firearms violence since the mid-1980s.

Her concern prompted a request for a

better understanding of the illegal firearms market and its participants. The

study presents an innovative method to

gain insight into the dynamics of that

market: from people who were arrested

and booked. Arrestees in 11 major urban

areas across the country were interviewed

for the study. (See “The Study Method:

DUF As a Research Platform.”)

Taken together, the results of this study

of firearms access, availability, and use

Issues and Findings

Discussed in this Research in

Brief: A study, supported by the

National Institute of Justice, of

arrestees’ access to firearms, their

availability, and the reasons they

are owned and used.

Key issues: Data from the Drug

Use Forecasting (DUF) program

were used to explore the extent of

firearm ownership and possession

among arrestees and the ease with

which they can be acquired illegally. More than 7,000 arrestees in

11 major urban areas that participate in the DUF program were interviewed for the study.

Key findings: A higher percentage of arrestees than people in the

general population have ever

owned a firearm. They acquire firearms readily, and a substantial

number have used them to commit

crime. Arrestees say guns are easy

to obtain, and the ease with which

this is done suggests the illegal

market is the most likely source. In

fact, more than half the arrestees

say it is easy to obtain guns illegally.

The study helps confirm the link

between guns and gang membership and guns and drug markets:

Among the arrestees, the groups

that have the easiest access to firearms are drug sellers and gang

members. Juvenile males are also

Illegal Firearms: Access and Use By Arrestees

by Scott H. Decker, Susan Pennell, and Ami Caldwell
2

interviewed—also varied by site, from

a low of 16 percent to a high of 47 percent. Of the sites where juvenile males

were included in the study, the proportion who admitted to current membership in a gang varied widely—from 2

to 41 percent.

The variation among arrestees in drug

use and other characteristics is considerable, but the study results are remarkably consistent when it comes to

gun ownership, other weapon-related

behavior, and attitude toward firearms

use. They show that selling drugs, belonging to a gang, or being a juvenile

male are the factors most influential in

shaping this behavior and the attitudes

related to it. In this respect the study

helps confirm the role of gangs and

drug markets in increasing access to

and use of guns.

The questions explored

The study focus was firearms access,

availability, and use, with sets of questions in each category asked of adults,

both male and female, and, in seven

sites, juvenile males. The first set of

questions, which addressed how

arrestees acquire guns, allowed a

closer look at the illegal firearms market by examining the extent to which

guns are obtained outside the law.

The issue of availability was examined

through a series of questions about the

ease with which firearms are obtained.

If ease of procurement varies by type

of arrestee, that has implications for

formulating intervention strategies. In

other words, if obtaining guns is easier

for arrestees who belong to gangs, sell

drugs, or use drugs, knowing this

could be useful to law enforcement

and others who deal with the problem

of illegal firearms proliferation.

The issue of gun “use” involved reasons cited by arrestees for possession

as well as use—whether the motive for

having a gun was to commit crime, for

retaliation, for protection, or for selfdefense. The answers shed light on attitudes toward guns, which were also

explored by asking arrestees what situations they considered appropriate for

gun use. Finally, since offenders themselves are often victims of crime, they

were asked about the extent to which

they had been victimized by guns.

Findings: the pervasiveness

of guns

Guns are carried all or most of the

time by 14 percent of the arrestees interviewed, but among juvenile males

the proportion rises to 20 percent, and

among arrestees who are admitted

gang members, it more than doubles,

to 31 percent. The study did not reveal

an association with drug use: Arrestees

who tested positive for drugs were no

more likely to own and use firearms

than the sample of arrestees overall.

Nor were there discernible differences

by age and gender in firearms ownership and use.

Reasons for owning a gun. When

arrestees were asked the most important reason for owning a gun, they most

frequently cited the need for protection or self-defense (two-thirds). Hunting or target shooting was the reason

next most frequently cited (22 percent). Other, less frequently cited reasons fell into the category of illegal

use, among them for the drug trade or

other criminal activity.

Ease of illegal procurement. More

than half the arrestees said they paid

cash for the gun they obtained most recently. The illegal firearms market as

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

Issues and Findings

continued . . .

more likely than arrestees overall to engage in gun-related behavior. By contrast, drug use does not make arrestees

more prone to own and use guns.

The exploration of attitudes in particular

reveals a culture in which gun use is tolerated and even condoned. A substantial

proportion say owning a gun confers respect from one’s peers, and a substantial

proportion also agree that there are certain situations in which using a gun is acceptable.

At the same time, large proportions of

arrestees are also victimized by guns,

with drug sellers and gang members at

particularly high risk.

The study suggests that some of the current approaches to reducing gun violence—particularly legal sanctions related

to ownership and use—are not as effective as they might be. An approach that

focuses on several intervention points by

multiple agents is worth exploring.

Target audience: Public health officials,

education administrators, probation/parole officers, juvenile court authorities,

youth workers.
3

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

a most likely source of handguns is

suggested by the ease with which guns

are obtained by arrestees and the tendency for many of them to have criminal backgrounds (which would prevent

them from obtaining guns legally).

In fact, more than half the arrestees

(55 percent) said that guns are easy to

obtain illegally. The strong association

with drug selling and gang membership becomes apparent here: a much

higher percentage of arrestees who sell

drugs and who belong to gangs (more

than three-fourths of both groups) say

guns are easy to obtain by illegal

means. The evidence about drug sales

corroborates research that has revealed the impact of the crack cocaine

market on firearms possession.2

Part of the ease of obtaining illegal

firearms is the small amount of time it

takes to do so. Fully 37 percent of the

arrestees indicated they could obtain a

gun in less than 1 week. One in five

suggested they would need only 1 day

or even less time, adding credibility to

the notion that the urban firearms market is quite accessible.

Gun theft is common. Previous research has indicated that theft is a primary means by which arrestees obtain

guns,3

 and this study helps confirm

that finding. Among all arrestees interviewed, 13 percent admitted to having

stolen a gun. Again, the proportion of

juvenile males, at one-fourth, is

higher: almost double that of arrestees

overall. Their higher rate of firearms

theft helps explain their greater involvement in burglaries (their motive

might be to steal a gun), and they steal

guns because as juveniles they are

prohibited from obtaining them

legally.

Consistent with the pattern, drug sellers and gang members were more

likely than other arrestees to have stolen a firearm (30 percent and 29 percent, respectively).

Guns and crime. When it comes to

using guns in committing crime, being

a juvenile male, a gang member, or a

drug seller again means a greater tendency for involvement. Among

arrestees overall, nearly one-fourth (23

percent) of those who owned a gun also

said they had used one to commit

crime. For juvenile males, the figure

was higher at 33 percent, and among

gang members and drug sellers, the

percentage was higher still, at 50 percent and 42 percent, respectively.

T

The Study Method: DUF as a Research Platform

he importance of interviewing active criminals to learn more about their patterns of gun acquisition and use has been highlighted by researchers.* The information about firearms access and use for this study was obtained from interviews held

with more than 7,000 people arrested in the first 6 months of 1995. The findings presented here represent the final results of the study. An interim report based on 3

months’ data was published in the National Institute of Justice Research Preview series:

Arrestees and Guns: Monitoring the Illegal Firearms Market (September 1995). The

differences between the interim and final report findings are not statistically

significant.

The interviews took place in 11 cities:

Atlanta Denver Detroit

Indianapolis Los Angeles Miami

New Orleans Phoenix St. Louis

San Diego Washington, D.C.

Of these, six were among the cities with the Nation’s highest levels of violent crime.

These cities—Atlanta, Detroit, Miami, New Orleans, St. Louis, and Washington—

consistently record extraordinarily high rates of violent crime.

The 11 cities are among those participating in the Drug Use Forecasting (DUF) program, sponsored by the National Institute of Justice to track illicit drug use by

arrestees. On a quarterly basis, people arrested and brought to booking facilities in

major urban areas throughout the country are asked a series of questions about their

drug-use history and provide urine samples that are tested for illicit drugs to confirm

self-reported information.

Since establishment of DUF in 1987, its uses have expanded, and it now is used also as

a research “platform”—a way to obtain information not just about drug use trends,

but also about potential drug epidemics, illegal drug markets and, with this study, firearms use. One of the major advantages of using DUF as a platform is that the information comes from people closest to the street—arrestees who have yet to be confined

for their most recent offense.

*Cook, P.J., “The Influence of Gun Availability on Violent Crime Patterns,” in Crime

and Justice: An Annual Review of Research, vol. 4, ed. Michael Tonry, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983; and Reiss, A., and J. Roth, Understanding and Preventing

Violence, Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 1993.
4

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

Arrestees as victims of

gun violence

Whether they have been threatened,

shot at, or injured by a gun, arrestees

have a great deal of experience as victims as well as users. Being threatened

with a gun is the lowest level in the

range of gun victimization. Fully 59

percent of the arrestees interviewed

said they had experienced such a

threat. Again, drug sellers and gang

members report much higher levels

(about three-fourths in each group).

Being shot at is a more serious victimization. Again, consistent with the

overall pattern, juvenile males and

members of gangs are more likely than

arrestees in general to have this experience. While about two in five

arrestees said they had been shot at,

one in two juvenile males and more

than three in four gang members

had been.

The most serious in the range of firearms victimization, gunshot injury, was

reported by fewer people (16 percent).

In this instance, youth does not put

people at greater risk. Age means

longer exposure, explaining why more

adult males (21 percent) reported this

type of victimization.

Attitudes toward firearms

Examining beliefs about guns—when

to use them and why—can provide

valuable insights into the “culture” of

firearms that prevails among arrestees.

Such beliefs explain under what circumstances they deem gun use legitimate. Arrestees’ attitudes reveal a

“culture” that tolerates if not condones

gun use in a variety of circumstances

in which this behavior would not normally be acceptable.

That level of tolerance derives in large

part from the perceived need for protection against victimization. A high

proportion of arrestees cite protection

in their neighborhoods as the reason

for needing a gun (42 percent). It is no

surprise that, given the high-risk activities they engage in, drug sellers

and gang members are far more likely

to cite this reason (58 percent and 64

percent, respectively).

The role of peer group members is important in shaping the culture of firearms. When arrestees were asked

whether they agreed with the statement, “Your crowd respects you if you

have a gun,” 28 percent said they did.

Again, among drug sellers and gang

members the proportion is much

higher—4 in 10 of each group agreed

with the statement. Their response

may reflect not only the impact of

peers, but also their recognition of potential victimization by customers and

rival gang members.

Arrestees were also asked what circumstances they considered appropriate for using (rather than merely

owning) a firearm. Nine percent agreed

with the statement, “It is OK to shoot

someone who disrespected you.”

Among juvenile males, twice that

proportion agreed, as did still higher

proportions of drug sellers and gang

members (21 and 34 percent, respectively). Clearly, the notion of “respect”

as understood by these groups is an

important factor in explaining attitudes

that condone, if not promote, the

criminal use of firearms.

A far higher proportion of arrestees see

retaliation for harm inflicted on them

as an acceptable reason for shooting

someone. Twenty-eight percent agreed

with the statement, “It is OK to shoot

someone who hurt you.” They probably

interpret harm as a more grievous affront than disrespect. For the three

high-risk groups, the pattern remains

consistent: much higher proportions

agree that retaliation for harm justifies

shooting someone. Evidently, drug

sellers and gang members need to

demonstrate by their willingness to retaliate that they will not tolerate an affront nor will they easily “back down”

or be victimized by a future affront.

Suggested responses

The research findings suggest that

many recent strategies have been less

successful than they might be. In addition to barring juveniles from owning

firearms, most States have in recent

years increased the penalties for illegal firearm possession and for using a

gun to commit a crime. One result of

increased penalties has been longer

prison sentences. However, the actual

deterrent effect of more convictions

and increased penalties is not fully understood. This study offers evidence

that such laws have produced little in

the way of deterrence for arrestees,

who continue to obtain and use firearms with ease.

Along with other recent studies, this

one suggests that reduction in gun violence will occur only if a variety of

agencies join in the effort to reduce illegal access to firearms by arrestees.

The recommendations resulting from

this research focus on law enforcement, supportive work with youths at

risk, and coordinated responses by

communities.

Police strategies. Local police remain the most critical group in reducing access to and use of illegal firearms.

Targeted sweeps in neighborhoods that
5

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

have high levels of firearm violence

are likely to pay dividends in removal

of guns from the hands of potential offenders. The results of a Kansas City

gun experiment lend credence to this

observation. In Kansas City, gun seizures in a specific area increased by

more than 65 percent, leading to the

conclusion that gun crime can be reduced significantly by focusing on

firearms “hot spots.”4

The St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department recently initiated a firearm

suppression program in which officers

knock on doors and obtain permission

to search the rooms of juveniles for illegal firearms (in return for a guarantee not to prosecute on the basis of the

search results). An average of more

than 400 guns per year were seized—

half of all those seized from juveniles

by the entire department.

Federal law enforcement also has

an important role to play in limiting

arrestee access to illegal firearms.

Programs that make it more difficult

(or impossible) to transfer firearms

illegally—firearm traces and

destruction—are needed.

Supportive interventions. The judiciary can seek support for including

gun safety mandates in sentencing decrees. For example, offenders in certain categories could be required to

relinquish their firearms during the

adjudication process.

Hospital and medical trauma units

could expand their mission to include

followup counseling, referrals, and

mentoring to victims, their associates,

and perpetrators. Crisis intervention

can be offered to victims and witnesses

of firearm crime to provide support

and encourage cooperation with the

justice system. Mentoring programs

geared to young people in communities at high risk for firearm involvement show promise of success in

encouraging prosocial behavior.

Coordination. Promising examples

of the benefits of coordination can be

found in a number of communities.

In Inglewood, California, offenders must

submit to a search of their premises

for firearms as a condition of probation or parole. Working in conjunction

with local police, a probation officer

has been assigned full time to conduct

the searches, focusing specifically on

gang members. In a single 6-month

period this officer confiscated nearly

200 illegal firearms.

Working in conjunction with the Boston Police Department and the local

office of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, researchers report promising results from an

initiative involving specific neighborhoods. Hot spots of gang-related gun

violence have been identified. The police then target the gangs for felony,

misdemeanor, and ordinance violations, invoking Federal prosecution

(which carries longer sentences)

whenever possible. The police and research staff meet with gangs to inform

them of successful prosecutions, conveying information that has special

meaning to gang members who

attend.5

Before such innovations can be replicated elsewhere, research in program

effectiveness is needed. Scientifically

based, methodologically rigorous

evaluative research can produce solid

empirical data confirming the value of

the response and its suitability for

adoption by other jurisdictions struggling with illegal access to and use of

firearms by offenders.

Notes

1. In this document, the terms “gun”

and “firearm” are used interchangeably.

2. Blumstein, Alfred, “Youth Violence,

Guns and the Illicit-Drug Industry,”

Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, 1994. This research was presented as part of NIJ’s Research in

Progress seminar series. A videotape

of the presentation (NCJ 152235) is

available from the National Criminal

Justice Reference Service for $19 ($24

in Canada and elsewhere). Order from

NCJRS at P.O. Box 6000, Rockville,

MD 20849–6000. To order by phone,

call NCJRS at 800–851–3420 or e-mail

askncjrs@ncjrs.org. A summary of the

presentation is also available in NIJ’s

Research in Progress Preview Series,

Youth Violence, Guns, and Illicit Drug

Markets, by Alfred Blumstein, U.S.

Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice, June 1996 (FS 000129).

3. Sheley, J., J. Wright, and J.D. Smith,

Gun Acquisition and Possession in Selected Juvenile Samples, Research in

Brief, U.S. Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice, Washington,

D.C., 1995.

4. Sherman, Lawrence W., James W.

Shaw, and Dennis P. Rogan, The Kansas City Gun Experiment, Research in

Brief, U.S. Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice, Washington,

D.C., January 1995.

5. This research, by David M.

Kennedy, was supported by the National Institute of Justice. A summary

will be published in Juvenile Gun Violence and Gun Markets in Boston, Research Preview, U.S. Department of

Justice, National Institute of Justice,

forthcoming.
6

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

Findings and conclusions of the research reported

here are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the

U.S. Department of Justice.

This study was conducted under

NIJ grant #95-IJ-R-014 by Scott H.

Decker, Ph.D., Department of

Criminology and Criminal Justice,

University of Missouri-St. Louis;

Susan Pennell, Director, Criminal

Justice Research Division, San Diego Association of Governments

(SANDAG); and Ami Caldwell, Research Assistant, Criminal Justice

Research Division, SANDAG.

Dr. Decker and Ms. Pennell presented preliminary findings of their

study as part of NIJ’s Research in

Progress seminar series. A videotape

of the presentation, Monitoring the Illegal Firearms Market, is available

from the National Criminal Justice

Reference Service (NCJRS) for $19

($24 in Canada and elsewhere). Ask

for NCJ 153850 and order from

NCJRS at P.O. Box 6000, Rockville,

MD 20849–6000. You may also order

by calling 800–851–3420 or by sending

e-mail to askncjrs@ncjrs.org. Copies of

the full report of the study, Arrestees

and Guns: Monitoring the Illegal Firearms Market: Final Report, are available from NCJRS on a cost-recovery

basis. Ask for NCJ 163497.

NCJ 163496

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