Research for Practice

Gambling and Crime Among Arrestees: Exploring the Link

U.S. Department of Justice

Office of Justice Programs

JULY 04 

National Institute of Justice
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found at: 

of the National Institute of Justice can be 

National Institute of Justice 

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U.S. Department of Justice 

Office of Justice Programs 

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Washington, DC 20531 

John Ashcroft 

Attorney General 

Deborah J. Daniels 

Assistant Attorney General 

Sarah V. Hart 

Director, National Institute of Justice 
JULY 04 

This Research for Practice 

is based on a final report 

submitted to the National 

Institute of Justice, 

Pathological Gambling 

in Arrestee Populations 

(NCJ 196677) by Richard 

C. McCorkle. The final 

report is available 

electronically from the 

National Criminal Justice 

Reference Service Web 

site, at http://www.ncjrs. 

org/pdffiles1/nij/grants/ 

196677.pdf. 

Gambling and Crime Among Arrestees: 

Exploring the Link 

Findings and conclusions of the research reported here are those of 

the author and do not reflect the official position or policies of the 

U.S. Department of Justice. 

This research was supported by National Institute of Justice grant number 

99–IJ–CX–K011 awarded to the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. 

NCJ 203197 
R E S E A R C H F O R P R A C T I C E / J U L Y 0 4 

ABOUT THIS REPORT 

Is there a connection between 

problem gambling and crime? 

Do compulsive or pathological gamblers resort to criminal activity to pay their debts 

and finance their bets? To 

examine the link between 

problem gambling and crime, 

researchers interviewed 

arrestees in Las Vegas and 

Des Moines to probe their 

gambling behavior and its 

relationship to their crimes. 

What did the 

researchers find? 

Using the Arrestee Drug 

Abuse Monitoring (ADAM) 

Program as a survey vehicle, 

researchers found significantly more problem gambling 

among arrestees than in 

the general population. The 

arrestees who were interviewed had high levels of 

criminal activity related to 

pathological gambling. 

■ The percentage of problem 

or pathological gamblers 

among the arrestees was 

three to five times higher 

than in the general 

population. 

■ Nearly one-third of 

arrestees identified as 

pathological gamblers 

admitted having committed 

robbery in the previous 

year. Approximately 13 percent had assaulted someone for money. Pathological 

gamblers were much more 

likely to have sold drugs 

than other arrestees. 

Limitations of the 

study 

The study was conducted 

among arrestees in only two 

U.S. cities—Las Vegas and 

Des Moines. Las Vegas likely 

has the highest level of residents and visitors who gamble of any major U.S. city. 

Des Moines was chosen to 

represent a midsize U.S. city 

that had more typical levels 

of gambling. 

Who should read this 

study? 

Corrections administrators, 

drug and gambling treatment 

providers, State-level government policymakers. 

ii 
GAMBLING AND CRIME AMONG ARRESTEES 

Richard C. McCorkle 

Gambling and Crime Among 

Arrestees: Exploring the Link 

About the Author 

Dr. Richard C. McCorkle 

is associate professor at 

the University of Nevada, 

Las Vegas, and chair of 

the criminal justice 

department. He was the 

director of the Las Vegas 

Arrestee Drug Abuse 

Monitoring (ADAM) 

Program. 

The spread of legalized gambling in the United States 

over the past 15 years has 

sparked considerable political 

controversy, public debate, 

and research (see “How Big 

Is Gambling?”). Many policymakers are concerned that 

widespread gambling, especially what social scientists 

call compulsive or pathological gambling, will lead to 

increased crime, drug and 

alcohol use, and other social 

or psychological problems. 

They worry that gambling and 

its consequences will destroy 

individual lives, wreck families, and weaken societal 

institutions. Another concern 

is that many compulsive or 

pathological gamblers will 

turn to drug sales or other 

crimes to finance their habit 

and pay their debts. 

Unfortunately, what little we 

know about the social and 

psychological effects of gambling is derived from studies 

of treatment populations 

or the general public. To 

understand the relationship 

between gambling and 

crime, more needs to be 

known about the gambling 

habits of people who have 

been arrested and jailed or 

sentenced to prison. Their 

gambling and criminal problems may well be more 

chronic and severe than 

those of other subpopulations. And we know little 

about the nature and consequences of their gambling 

activities, or the extent to 

which their gambling is related to the crimes for which 

they have been jailed. 

Exploring the 

connection 

To better understand and 

deal with the relationship 

between gambling and 

criminal activity, researchers 

sought to answer several 

questions about the arrestee 

subpopulation: 

■ How many arrestees are 

compulsive or pathological 

gamblers and how many 

pathological gamblers are 

arrested for felony and misdemeanor offenses? 

■ Do compulsive or pathological gamblers fit any age, 

gender, marital status, or 

other profile? 

1 
RESEARCH FOR PRACTICE / JULY 04 

■ How does the criminal 

activity of compulsive or 

pathological gamblers 

compare with that of 

less serious gamblers 

or nongamblers? 

■ What proportion of crimes 

committed by compulsive 

or pathological gamblers is 

linked to their gambling 

activities? 

■ What proportion of compulsive or pathological gamblers uses alcohol, illegal 

drugs, or other substances 

to excess? How does that 

affect the nature and extent 

of their gambling, as well 

as their criminal activity? 

This Research for Practice 

is based on a study that 

addressed those questions. 

Researchers interviewed 

arrestees in jail in two U.S. 

cities—Las Vegas, Nevada, 

and Des Moines, Iowa. They 

initially contacted 3,332 

arrestees. Completed interviews and urine samples 

were provided by 2,307 (69 

percent) of those contacted. 

Ninety percent of those 

who were interviewed and 

provided urine samples also 

answered questions that 

probed their gambling behavior and its relationship to their 

crimes. The interviews for 

this study were conducted 

between fall 1999 and winter 

2001. 

Las Vegas was chosen 

because it probably has more 

residents and visitors who 

gamble than any other major 

metropolitan area in the United States. If a relationship 

exists between gambling and 

crime and/or drug and alcohol 

use, it should be clearly recognizable in Las Vegas. Des 

Moines, on the other hand, 

represents a more typical 

midsize U.S. city. Both Las 

Vegas and Des Moines participate in the Arrestee Drug 

Abuse Monitoring (ADAM) 

Program, which was operating in 35 U.S. cities when the 

research was conducted. 

ADAM collects data that 

allow researchers to develop 

national and local profiles of 

drug use among people who 

have been arrested and jailed 

for whatever reason. 

Classifying gambling 

types 

For the purpose of this study, 

the arrestees who were interviewed were divided into 

five types based on their 

answers to a series of questions designed to determine 

the nature and extent of 

2 
GAMBLING AND CRIME AMONG ARRESTEES 

their gambling: nongamblers 

and low-risk, at-risk, problem, 

and compulsive or pathological gamblers. Gamblers are 

classified by types based on 

a set of 10 criteria developed 

by the American Psychiatric 

Association (APA) and published in APA’s Diagnostic and 

Statistical Manual (DSM–IV). 

These criteria are preoccupation (e.g., reliving past gambling experiences or planning 

future ventures), tolerance 

(needing to wager more 

money to generate the same 

“buzz”), lying, withdrawal 

(restless or irritable when 

attempting to cut down or 

stop gambling), escape, chasing (returning to get even for 

a previous day’s losses), loss 

of control, illegal acts, risked 

relationships, and bailout 

(relying on others to provide 

money to relieve a desperate 

financial situation caused by 

gambling). Gamblers must 

meet at least five of these 

criteria to be classified as 

pathological. 

The overwhelming majority 

of Americans fall into the 

nongambler or low-risk 

groups. Most either do not 

gamble at all or do not gamble seriously enough to have 

social, legal, or economic 

problems as a result of their 

gambling. In general, low-risk 

gamblers are those who meet 

few if any of APA’s criteria. 

HOW BIG IS GAMBLING? 

once appeared to be largely confined to casinos, the quiet 

off-track bookie, bingo halls, and the occasional Friday 

night poker game has become a national pastime. By 1993, 

more than half of all Americans reported having gambled 

in a casino at least once. By 1996, Americans were wagering $47.6 billion a year—more money than movies, sporting events, theme parks, cruise ships, and the recording 

business generated combined. By 1997, nearly 500 gambling sites were on the Internet. 

The number of States with legalized gambling has mushroomed. In 1978, only two States—Nevada and New 

tribal reservations within their boundaries. Seven States 

State-run lotteries operate in 37 States and the District of 

Columbia. In fact, only Hawaii and Utah have no form of 

legalized gambling. As States and localities seek solutions 

to burgeoning budget deficits, legalized gambling may 

become even more pervasive. 

There is no doubt about gambling’s reach today. What 

Jersey—had casinos. That number grew to 27 by 1998. 

Twenty-three States now have Indian-owned casinos on 

now permit betting on riverboat casinos. Additionally, 

They tend to gamble for 

social or recreational purposes, usually betting such small 

amounts that they rarely suffer significant losses. Thus, 

they have little or no reason 

to turn to crime to finance 

their gambling. 

Defining problem gambling. 

Compulsive or pathological 

gamblers, the subject of this 

study, are those who sooner 

or later suffer heavy losses 

(often $100 or more at a 

3 
RESEARCH FOR PRACTICE / JULY 04 

time), borrow or steal money 

or write bad checks to pay 

gambling debts, avoid or cannot pay their nongambling 

bills, and lie to their families, 

friends, and therapists about 

the extent of their gambling. 

Not only do they lie, but compulsive or pathological gamblers often rely on others to 

bail them out of their gambling debts. They have risked 

and sometimes lost friendships, marriages, jobs, and 

careers because of gambling. 

They may have tried to curtail 

or stop their gambling, but 

failed. Although the numbers 

have differed over the years 

as research methodologies 

and definitions have changed, 

the most recent studies 

show that about 2.5 million 

Americans are pathological 

gamblers. Another 3 million 

Americans are problem gamblers. The lifetime prevalence 

rate for pathological and 

problem gambling is estimated as 1.2 percent and 

1.5 percent, respectively. 

Challenging stereotypes. 

Compulsive gamblers are 

often perceived by the public 

as largely middle-class men 

whose gambling habits lead 

them to steal from their families, friends, and/or employers to finance their activities. 

They are seen as unfortunate 

individuals who commit such 

white-collar crimes as larceny, 

theft, embezzlement, and 

fraud when their gambling 

losses become too great to 

pay through their regular 

sources of income. Although 

many compulsive or pathological gamblers fit this image, 

surveys of the general population paint a somewhat different picture. In fact, general 

surveys show that pathological gamblers are most likely 

to be nonwhite males, who 

are young, less well educated, and unmarried. 

Again, although many 

arrestees who are compulsive or pathological gamblers 

fit the two images described 

above, the study found some 

differences. Unlike the general population, women 

arrestees are as likely to have 

gambling problems as men. 

Marital status and educational attainment also seem to 

make little or no difference. 

Arrestees start gambling at a 

later age than pathological 

gamblers in the general population, especially men. 

Male pathological gamblers 

typically begin gambling as 

teenagers and then slowly, 

often over a decade or more, 

develop a serious gambling 

habit. Women who become 

4 
GAMBLING AND CRIME AMONG ARRESTEES 

compulsive or pathological 

gamblers generally begin 

gambling later than men, 

usually in their 20s. Once 

they become serious gamblers, however, women 

develop a dependency quickly, typically within 5 years. 

Both men and women arrestees who are compulsive or 

pathological gamblers tend to 

be from lower social and economic classes than those 

identified in general surveys, 

more often exhibit sociopathic traits, and frequently start 

as criminals and only later 

become gamblers. 

Odds are there’s a link 

As noted earlier, compulsive 

or pathological gamblers represent only a small percentage 

of the general population. Yet 

those who meet APA’s definition for pathological gambling accounted for slightly 

more than 1 in 10 arrestees 

surveyed in Las Vegas and 

about 1 in 25 in Des Moines. 

Together, 14.5 percent of 

arrestees in Las Vegas and 

9.2 percent of those in Des

Moines were either problem 

or pathological gamblers— 

three to five times the percentage in the general 

population. 

Perhaps more telling, more 

than one-third of the compulsive or pathological gamblers 

arrested (34.6 percent in Las 

Vegas and 37.5 percent in 

Des Moines) had been arrested on at least one felony 

count. Surprisingly, though, 

pathological gamblers were 

no more likely to be arrested 

for property or other whitecollar crimes (larceny, theft, 

embezzlement, and fraud) 

than nongamblers and lowrisk and at-risk gamblers. Nor 

were they more likely to be 

arrested on drug charges, 

including selling illegal drugs. 

Rather, they were most likely 

to be arrested for such offenses as probation or parole 

violations, liquor law violations, trespassing, and other 

public order offenses. 

Link to robbery, assault. 

Still, more than 30 percent 

of pathological gamblers 

who had been arrested in 

Las Vegas and Des Moines 

reported having committed a 

robbery within the past year, 

nearly double the percentage 

for low-risk gamblers. Nearly 

one-third admitted that they 

had committed the robbery 

to pay for gambling or to pay 

gambling debts. In addition, 

about 13 percent said they 

had assaulted someone 

5 
RESEARCH FOR PRACTICE / JULY 04 

to get money; one in four 

assaults reported by pathological gamblers was directly or indirectly related 

to gambling. By comparison, 

low-risk, at-risk, or problem 

gamblers reported committing gambling-related robberies infrequently. 

Drug dealing. Although 

they were no more likely to 

have been arrested on drug 

charges, compulsive or pathological gamblers were significantly more likely to have sold 

drugs than arrestees who fit 

the other gambling types. 

More than one-third of pathological gamblers said they had 

sold drugs, compared to 19.2 

percent of problem gamblers, 

20.2 percent of at-risk gamblers, and 16.1 percent of lowrisk gamblers. The differences 

in those numbers were even 

greater among gamblers who 

reported having sold drugs 

specifically to fund their gambling or pay gambling debts. 

One in five pathological gamblers who had been arrested 

admitted having sold drugs to 

finance their gambling, compared to 4 percent among 

problem gamblers and less 

than 2 percent among at-risk 

gamblers. 

Using speed. Not surprisingly, a significant proportion of 

compulsive or pathological 

gamblers tested positive for 

one or more illegal drugs. 

Arrestees’ urine samples 

were screened for hallucinogens such as marijuana, opiates such as heroin, cocaine, 

and methamphetamine 

(“speed”). Overall, 60 percent of arrestees interviewed 

in Las Vegas and 56 percent 

of those in Des Moines had 

at least one illegal drug in 

their urine samples. But 

pathological gamblers were 

no likelier to test positive for 

drugs than were other gambler types. Nor were there 

any significant differences 

in which drugs were found, 

with one exception. Pathological gamblers were more 

likely to test positive for 

methamphetamine, a drug 

taken as an “upper” to keep 

users alert and awake during 

hours- or even days-long 

gambling binges. Beyond 

drugs, nearly two-thirds of 

the pathological gamblers 

reported that they drank 

alcohol to the point of 

dependence. In fact, only 

3.3 percent of all arrestees 

interviewed for this study 

who were pathological gamblers reported no drug or 

alcohol problems. 

Again, not surprisingly, the 

study found a relationship 

between pathological gambling and crime and/or drug 

6 
GAMBLING AND CRIME AMONG ARRESTEES 

and alcohol use. More than 

43 percent of those interviewed who acknowledged 

pathological gambling and 

substance use also said they 

had committed an assault 

during the previous year. 

Nearly 40 percent had committed more than one theft 

in the past year, four times 

the number of arrestees 

without either a gambling or 

a substance use problem. 

Approximately 38 percent of 

arrestees with both gambling 

and substance use problems 

reported having sold drugs, 

nearly eight times the number of those with no gambling 

or substance use problem. 

Pathological gamblers reported that, on average, they 

committed their first crime 

around age 21, developed an 

alcohol problem by about 23 

or 24, and began to have 

gambling problems in their 

mid- to late 20s. Gambling 

began after the onset of criminal and substance problems, 

not before. Nonpathological 

gamblers who said they had 

similar substance use problems and criminal activity 

reported a similar average 

age of onset for each of 

those problems. Men who 

were pathological gamblers 

were more likely to have 

committed a serious crime 

at an earlier age than women 

who were pathological gamblers. Also, only 13 percent 

of pathological gamblers who 

admitted having a gambling 

problem said they sought 

treatment. And only 10 percent said they attended Gamblers Anonymous or similar 

meetings. 

Policy implications 

A number of conclusions and 

policy recommendations can 

be drawn from the study findings. Arrestees who report 

that they are or can be defined by their responses to 

interviews or questionnaires 

as compulsive or pathological 

gamblers are drawn disproportionately from the social 

and economic fringes of society. As legalized gambling 

spreads to States and localities that do not now permit 

gambling or have it only on 

a small scale, these jurisdictions must prepare to deal 

with the social ills engendered by problem gambling. 

Criminals and those who 

use alcohol and illegal drugs 

to excess appear to be at 

greater risk for becoming 

compulsive or pathological 

gamblers. Few are likely to 

receive or seek treatment for 

7 
RESEARCH FOR PRACTICE / JULY 04 

their addictions. Gambling, 

especially when accompanied by substance use, is a 

prime motivation for many 

but not all of their crimes. 

States and localities may identify individuals with a gambling 

problem by using existing psychological tests (or abbreviated versions of such tests 

suitable to intake interviews) 

to screen arrestees. Today, 

however, few States or localities have screening programs 

in detention centers, jails, or 

prisons. Arrestees are often 

booked and released shortly 

thereafter. If at least some 

arrestees with a real or potential gambling problem can be 

identified, they can be offered 

treatment. Early treatment 

might help reduce the number 

who become repeat offenders. 

States and localities also may 

want to develop treatment 

programs in detention centers, jails, and/or prisons. 

Such programs might include 

group therapy sessions similar to those offered by Gamblers Anonymous. Such sessions could be incorporated 

into existing programs for 

illegal drug or alcohol use. 

To reduce the chances of 

relapses once prisoners are 

released, States and localities 

may develop referral systems 

that offer former arrestees 

and inmates the names of 

agencies and programs that 

offer continued treatment 

and support. 

Finally, being behind bars is 

likely to worsen the gambling 

habits of many compulsive 

or pathological gamblers. Although it is officially banned, 

gambling is difficult to control 

in prisons and jails. It is a 

diversion from the monotony 

of jail. As a result, jailed 

arrestees and prison inmates 

may accrue significant gambling debts behind bars that 

can only be paid off by committing further crimes after 

their release. Authorities could 

provide increased attention to 

gambling behaviors in detention centers, jails, and prisons. 

8 
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