U.S. Department of Justice

Office of Justice Programs

National Institute of Justice

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

National Institute of Justice

Julie E. Samuels, Acting Director

continued...

Police Attitudes Toward Abuse

of Authority: Findings From

a National Study

By David Weisburd and Rosann Greenspan with Edwin E. Hamilton, Hubert Williams,

and Kellie A. Bryant

May 2000

Foundation—a nonprofit organization in

Washington, D.C., that seeks to improve

policing in America through research—

surveyed a representative national sample

of American police officers to explore

their attitudes on the abuse of authority

by police (see “Study Methodology”). The

survey sought to determine whether officers view abuse of authority as an inevitable byproduct of increased efforts to

control crime and disorder. It also asked

what forms of abuse exist, how common

abuse of authority is, and what strategies

and tactics would be most effective in preventing police from abusing authority. The

survey also considered how communityoriented policing has affected officers’ attitudes on abuse of authority and the rule

of law. In particular, it explored whether

community policing has led police to show

greater respect for the rights of citizens or,

conversely, has increased the potential for

police abuse and encouraged police officers to expand the boundaries of acceptable use of police authority.

Relatively few surveys of police attitudes

toward abuse of authority have been conducted, and these have focused primarily

on specific police agencies or local or

State jurisdictions.1

 Some of these studies

Serious cases of abuse of police authority

often stimulate intense public debate.

For example, a videotape of Rodney

King being beaten by Los Angeles police

officers or reports of the torture of Abner

Louima by New York City police capture

the public’s attention and raise troubling

questions regarding the limits of legitimate police authority in a democratic

society. Are such events isolated occurrences in particular police departments

or extreme examples of a more general

problem plaguing police departments

across the United States? Does the fact

that such abuses often involve minority

victims reveal important disparities in the

way that law enforcement officers treat

members of certain racial, socioeconomic, or cultural groups? In turn, what

measures can be taken to constrain police abuse, and which are likely to be

most effective? Although such questions

have been raised and debated in the media, by politicians, and by police scholars

and administrators, little is known about

how police officers themselves view these

critical issues.

With the support of the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services,

U.S. Department of Justice, the Police

Issues and Findings

Discussed in this Brief: The 

Police Foundation’s nationally

representative telephone survey of

925 randomly selected American

police officers from 121 departments explores the officers’ views

on the abuse of police authority.

Officers also provided information

on different forms of abuse they

have observed, the frequency of

abuse in their departments, and

effective strategies for controlling

abuse. General findings, as well as

differing attitudes of black, white,

and other minority officers, are presented and discussed in this Brief.

Key issues: Unlike previous studies

on the abuse of police authority,

this survey provides a nationwide

portrait of how police officers view

this critical issue. The 92-question

survey assessed American police

officers’ views on a number of

important issues relating to the

abuse of police authority in the

United States:

● Whether officers believe that

the abuse of police authority is a

necessary byproduct of efforts to

reduce and control crime.

● What types of abuse and

attitudes toward abuse officers

observe in their departments.

Within this broad issue, the survey

explores officers’ views on the code

of silence, whistle blowing, and

the extent to which a citizen’s

demeanor, race, or class affects

the way that he or she is treated

by police.

● What strategies or tactics

(including first-line supervision,

community policing, citizen review

boards, and training) officers
2

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

departments or regions of the country.

Results of the Police Foundation’s study,

by contrast, are based on a telephone survey of a representative national sample of

more than 900 American police officers.

Their responses provide the first national

portrait of police attitudes toward the

abuse of authority.

General findings

Overview of findings. The use of force

is a relatively rare occurrence in American policing,4

 but previous studies suggest that when it does occur, it may often

escalate to the level of excessive force.

For example, a 1996 reexamination of

5,688 cases in the 1977 Police Services

Study data found that reasonable force

was used in 37 cases (0.65 percent) and

that improper force was used in 23 cases

(0.40 percent).5

 Therefore, improper force

was used in 38 percent of encounters that

involved force. As the author of that study,

Robert Worden, stated, “[I]ncidents in

which improper force was used represent

a substantial proportion of the incidents

in which any force (reasonable or

yield important insights regarding the

problem of police abuse of authority.

Studies conducted across two midwestern

States (one in Illinois and one in Ohio),

for example, suggest that a significant

minority of police officers have observed

police using “considerably” more force

than necessary when apprehending a suspect. In the Illinois study, more than 20

percent of the officers surveyed reported

having observed this type of abuse2

; in

the Ohio study, 13 percent of respondents

had seen such abuse.3

 Moreover, both

studies suggest that police harassment of

minorities is not an isolated occurrence.

More than 25 percent of officers surveyed

in the Illinois study and 15 percent of

those in the Ohio study stated that they

had observed an officer harassing a citizen “most likely” because of his or her

race.

Prior studies such as these provide

suggestive findings on police officers’

attitudes toward the abuse of authority.

Nonetheless, the conclusions that may

be drawn from them are limited by the

fact that they were conducted in specific

find to be effective means of

preventing officers from abusing

authority.

The survey also analyzed responses

according to the participants’ race,

rank, and sex.

Key findings: The results of the

survey indicate that the majority of

American police officers believe

that:

● It is unacceptable to use more

force than legally allowable to

control someone who physically

assaults an officer.

● Extreme cases of police abuse of

authority occur infrequently.

● Their departments take a “tough

stand” on the issue of police abuse.

● At times their fellow officers use

more force than necessary when

making an arrest.

● It is not unusual for officers to

ignore improper conduct by their

fellow officers.

● Training and education are effective ways to reduce police abuse.

● A department’s chief and first-line

supervisors can play an important

role in preventing police from abusing authority.

● Community-oriented policing

reduces or has no impact upon

the potential for police abuse.

In addition, the survey finds race

to be a divisive issue for American

police. In particular, black and

nonblack officers had significantly

different views about the effect of

a citizen’s race and socioeconomic

status on the likelihood of police

abuse of authority and about the

effect of community policing on

the potential for abuse.

Target audience: Legislators,

policymakers, prosecutors, judges,

police chiefs, police officers, and

others interested in the critical issue

of police officers’ abuse of police

authority.

Issues and Findings

continued...

Exhibit 1. General attitudes toward the use of force (in percent)

Strongly Strongly

Agree Agree Disagree Disagree

Police are not permitted to use 6.2b 24.9 60.5 8.4

as much force as is often necessary

in making arrests. (n=912)a

It is sometimes acceptable to use 3.3 21.2 55.2 20.3

more force than is legally allowable

to control someone who physically

assaults an officer. (n=912)

Always following the rules is not 3.8 39.1 49.6 7.6

compatible with getting the job

done. (n=919)

a. Numbers in parentheses represent valid responses.

b. The frequencies are weighted to reflect the population parameters. The 95-percent confidence intervals

for responses in this exhibit range between plus or minus 1.0 percent and 4.0 percent for the frequencies

reported. Such confidence intervals are commonly noted as the margin of error or sampling error of the

survey findings.

Note: Totals may not equal 100 percent due to rounding.
3

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

The code of silence. Some of the

strongest and most varied opinions

expressed by respondents concerned

the difficult question of whether officers should report other officers’ misconduct. Responses on this subject

suggest the possibility of a large gap

between attitudes and behavior. That

is, even though officers do not believe

in protecting wrongdoers, they often

do not turn them in.

More than 80 percent of police surveyed reported that they do not accept

the “code of silence” (i.e., keeping

quiet in the face of misconduct by

others) as an essential part of the

mutual trust necessary to good policing (see exhibit 3). However, about

one-quarter (24.9 percent) of the

sample agreed or strongly agreed that

whistle blowing is not worth it, more

than two-thirds (67.4 percent) reported

that police officers who report incidents of misconduct are likely to be

given a “cold shoulder” by fellow

officers, and a majority (52.4 percent)

agreed or strongly agreed that it is not

unusual for police officers to “turn a

blind eye” to other officers’ improper

conduct (exhibit 3). A surprising 6 in

10 (61 percent) indicated that police

improper) was used.”6

 In his 1980

reanalysis of 1,565 cases in Albert

Reiss’ 1967 data, Robert Friedrich similarly found that reasonable force had

been used in 52 cases (3.3 percent) and

that excessive force was used in 28

cases (1.8 percent).7 Excessive force

was thus used in 35 percent of encounters that involved force. Nevertheless,

it is unclear whether the same results

would be found today, because police

policies and training regarding use of

force have changed since these data

were collected. Moreover, given the

difficulties of defining excessive force in

studies based on systematic social observations, a general caveat regarding

these reported statistics is in order.

In trying to understand why incidents

involving force escalate to the level of

excessive force, the authors asked officers in the sample a series of questions

about their attitudes toward the use of

force and the behavior of fellow officers.

Responses show that most police officers

in the United States disapprove of the use

of excessive force. Nonetheless, a substantial minority believed that officers

should be permitted to use more force

than the law currently permits and found

it acceptable to sometimes use more force

than permitted by the laws that govern

them.8

 The officers revealed these beliefs

in responses to several questions (see exhibit 1). More than 30 percent of the

sample agreed or strongly agreed that police officers are not permitted to use as

much force as is often necessary when

making arrests. Almost 25 percent agreed

or strongly agreed that, to control a person who is physically assaulting an officer, it is sometimes acceptable for the

officer to use more force than legally

allowable. Moreover, more than 40 percent agreed or strongly agreed that always following the rules is incompatible

with getting their job done.

Although a substantial minority of

officers in the sample expressed

the view that the police should be

permitted to use more force, the overwhelming majority did not believe

that officers regularly engaged in the

excessive use of force. A mere 4.1

percent thought that police officers

regularly used more physical force

than necessary when making arrests,

and almost all of the officers (97.1

percent) agreed that serious cases of

misconduct (like the Rodney King

case in Los Angeles and the Abner

Louima case in New York) were

“extremely rare” in their departments.

Still, respondents did not give their

fellow officers a completely clean

report. Almost 22 percent agreed or

strongly agreed that officers in their

departments sometimes (or often or

always) use more force than necessary,

and only 16 percent reported that their

fellow officers never do so (see exhibit

2). Although more than 90 percent

found it inappropriate for officers to

respond to verbal abuse with physical

force, almost 15 percent indicated that

officers in their departments engaged

in such behavior at least sometimes.

Exhibit 2. Use of force behavior in officers’ departments (in percent)

Sometimes,

Never Seldom Often, or Always

Police officers in [your department] 16.0b 62.4 21.7

use more force than is necessary

to make an arrest. (n=922)a

Police officers in your department 31.8 53.5 14.7

respond to verbal abuse with

physical force. (n=922)

a. Numbers in parentheses represent valid responses.

b. The frequencies are weighted to reflect the population parameters. The 95-percent confidence

intervals for responses in this exhibit range between plus or minus 1.0 percent and 4.0 percent for

the frequencies reported. Such confidence intervals are commonly noted as the margin of error or

sampling error of the survey findings.

Note: Totals may not equal 100 percent due to rounding.
4

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

113 ultimately agreed to participate in the

survey (for an overall departmental participation rate of 93.4 percent). Participating departments cooperated by submitting rosters

of all full-time sworn personnel, with the

rank, address, and telephone number of

each officer.

From those lists, the authors took a

weighted representative sample of 1,060

officers,g

 925 of whom completed the survey (for a completion rate of 87.3 percent).

Combining the departmental participation

rate of 93.4 percent with the officer completion rate of 87.3 percent results in an

overall response rate for the survey of

81.5 percent.h

Sample characteristics. Because of the

stratified and clustered sampling procedures

used in this study, the authors included a

correction (based on weighting each department and police officer according to the proportion of the actual population of American

police officers that they represented) when

reporting survey responses.i

 In the weighted

sample, 70 percent of the officers were

drawn from the rank and file, with sergeants

constituting about 15 percent and 13 percent holding the rank of lieutenant or above.

More than 20 percent of the officers were

under 30 years old, and more than 8 percent

were over 50. Almost three-quarters of the

officers were either married or living with

someone as married.

The weighted sample indicated that American policing reflects the racial and ethnic

composition of the population of the United

States. Approximately 80.8 percent of the

officers in the sample, for example, are

white (compared with 80.3 percent of the

U.S. population),10.7 percent are black

(compared with 12 percent of the national

population), and 9.6 percent are of Hispanic,

Latino, or Spanish origin (compared with

8.8 percent of the U.S. population).j

 However, American policing continues to be a

predominantly male profession, with only

8.5 percent of the weighted sample

being female.

Notes

a. The authors extend thanks to Rhoda

Cohen, who served as project director for

Mathematica Policy Research, Inc.

b. In addition to the important contributions

of the police scholars, chiefs, and officers who

participated in the focus groups and the officers who participated in a pretest of the survey,

the authors consulted several police researchers about the development of the survey

instrument. The authors extend particular

thanks to Professors Carl Klockars, Peter

Manning, Steve Mastrofski, Albert Reiss,

Jerome Skolnick, and Robert Worden.

c. The sample was selected using probability

proportional to size (PPS) methods. Each of

the 5,042 departments was assigned a measure of size based on an estimate of the

number of full-time sworn officers in the department (estimates were based on Maguire,

Edward R., Jeffrey B. Snipes, Craig D. Uchida

and Margaret Townsend. 1998. “Counting

Cops: Estimating the Number of Police

Departments and Police Officers in the USA.”

Policing: An International Journal of Police

Strategies and Management 21(1): 97–120.)

Departments were assigned to one of three

groups, based on size. The first group included nine departments, each of which was

so large that it was certain to be sampled

using PPS methods. These departments were

selected with probability 1.0 and called “certainty selections.” The two other groups or

strata were “the middle group” (departments

with 25 or more full-time sworn officers) and

“the smallest group” (departments with 10–

24 officers). The authors then divided the

strata into four geographic regions and identified a stratified sample of departments that

included 9 certainty selections, 84 departments from the middle group, and 28 from

the smallest stratum.

d. The authors thank Ed Maguire for his

assistance in developing the list of police

agencies. Maguire developed the sampling

frame by combining information contained in

the Uniform Crime Reports, the 1992 Census

T

Survey Methodology

he telephone survey of a randomly

selected national sample of police officers

was administered by Mathematica Policy

Research, Inc., a research and analysis firm

based in Princeton, NJ, under the direction

of the Police Foundation.a

 Staff members

of the Police Foundation developed the

survey instrument after reviewing available

prior studies and considering the results of

a series of focus groups with police scholars and managers and police rank and

file.b

 The survey took officers an average

of 25 minutes to complete and was administered with careful concern for protecting participants’ anonymity, privacy,

and confidentiality.

Sample selection. To select a representative national sample of police officers, the

authors used a multistage or “clustered”

sampling method.c

 Selection of the

sample began by defining the sampling

frame (that is, the universe of relevant police departments throughout the country

from which to select officers). For inclusion in the sampling frame, a department

had to:

● Have primary responsibility for providing police services to a residential

population.

● Have a minimum of 10 full-time sworn

officers.

● Be either a municipal or a county

police agency.

The sampling frame identified consisted

of 5,042 police departments, which employed the great majority (between 91.6

and 94.1 percent) of all full-time sworn

officers serving in local police agencies in

the United States.d

 In 1997, the number

of officers in these 5,042 departments

was estimated at about 350,000.e

 From

the 5,042 departments, the authors selected 121 representative departments

(based on size and region),f

 and of these,
5

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

officers do not always report even serious criminal violations that involve the

abuse of authority by fellow officers.9

The role of race, class, and demeanor. The role of societal and other

extralegal factors in law enforcement

has long been a concern of criminologists.10 Examining how demeanor

affects police behavior, scholars have

generally found that a citizen’s disrespectful or hostile manner increases

the likelihood of his or her arrest.11

The Police Foundation’s survey shows

American police almost evenly divided

on the issue of whether a police officer

is more likely to arrest a person who

displays what the officer considers to

be a bad attitude. Almost half (48.8

percent) of the officers in the sample

agreed or strongly agreed that a bad

attitude would increase the likelihood

of arrest, and just more than half

(51.2 percent) disagreed or strongly

disagreed with the statement (see

exhibit 4).

Do other extralegal factors, such as

whether a citizen is black or white,

poor or middle class, make a difference in the type of treatment he or

she is likely to receive from the police? The criminological literature

is split on the extent to which race

affects everyday policing,12 the likelihood of being arrested,13 and the use

of excessive force.14 Of the sample,

about one in six (17 percent) believed

that whites are treated better by police

than blacks and other minorities,

and about one in 10 (11.1 percent)

believed that more police violence

occurs against blacks than against

whites (see exhibit 4). Fourteen percent of the sample believed that police

officers use physical force against poor

Exhibit 3. Code of silence (in percent)

Strongly Strongly

Agree Agree Disagree Disagree

The code of silence is an essential part 1.2b 15.7 65.6 17.5

of the mutual trust necessary to good

policing. (n=905)a

Whistle blowing is not worth it. 3.1 21.8 63.5 11.7

(n=904)

An officer who reports another officer’s 11.0 56.4 30.9 1.8

misconduct is likely to be given the

cold shoulder by his or her fellow

officers. (n=908)

It is not unusual for a police officer to 1.8 50.6 43.3 4.4

turn a blind eye to improper conduct

by other officers. (n=908)

Police officers always report serious 2.8 36.2 58.5 2.5

criminal violations involving abuse of

authority by fellow officers. (n=899)

a. Numbers in parentheses represent valid responses.

b. The frequencies are weighted to reflect the population parameters. The 95-percent confidence

intervals for responses in this exhibit range between plus or minus 0.5 percent and 4.0 percent for

the frequencies reported. Such confidence intervals are commonly noted as the margin of error or

sampling error of the survey findings.

Note: Totals may not equal 100 percent due to rounding.

of Law Enforcement Agencies, and a list of

police departments provided by the Office of

Community Oriented Policing Services. (See

also Maguire, Edward R., “The Police Foundation Use of Force Study: Sampling Frame

Design Issues,” memorandum prepared for

the Police Foundation, October 20, 1997.)

e. Ibid.

f. See note c.

g. The authors based selection of officers on

a final sample goal of between 925 and 950

completed surveys. For certainty departments, the number of officers selected was

based on a proportion of the total number

of officers in the department. For departments with 25 or more officers, 10 officers

per department were included in the

sample, and for departments with 10–24 officers, an average of 4.5 officers per department were included (a random half of the

departments in this group was allocated for

5 selections, and the other half was allocated for 4).

h. The overall response rate is the product of

the officer completion rate (87.3 percent)

and the departmental participation rate

(93.4 percent).

i. The weighting procedure was developed

by John Hall of Mathematica Policy Research, Inc. For a full description of the

weighting procedure, readers may contact

the authors or refer to the full technical

report: Weisburd, David, Rosann Greenspan,

Kellie Bryant, Edwin E. Hamilton, Hubert

Williams, and David Olson, Abuse of Authority in the Age of Community Policing: A Preliminary Study of Issues and Attitudes, Final

Report, Washington, DC: Police Foundation.

This report is forthcoming in 2000 from

the Police Foundation, 1201 Connecticut

Avenue N.W., Suite 200, Washington, DC

20036.

j. U.S. Census Bureau, Census of Population

and Housing, 1990: Summary Tape File 3,

Washington, DC: Bureau of the Census,

1991.
6

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

people more often than they do against

middle-class people in similar situations. These responses suggest that

most American police do not believe

that race and class are important in

understanding police abuse of authority. However, findings presented later

in this Research in Brief suggest that

black officers and nonblack (white and

other minority) police officers strongly

disagree about the salience of race.

Methods of controlling abuse of

authority. Officers in the sample

were asked how their departments

handle cases of abuse of authority.

Officers overwhelmingly (92.6 percent)

reported that their departments take a

very tough stance on improper behavior by police and overwhelmingly (94.4

percent) disagreed with the suggestion

that investigations of police misconduct are usually biased in favor of the

police (see exhibit 5).

Can leadership within a department

make a difference in preventing police

officers from abusing authority? Policing scholars have often recognized

the importance of a police chief’s role.

Jerome Skolnick and James Fyfe, for

example, have argued that “[T]he chief

is the main architect of police officers’

street behavior. This is so because the

strength and direction of street-level

police peer pressures ultimately are

determined by administrative definitions of good and bad policing and by

the general tone that comes down from

the top.”15 Almost 85 percent of the

sample agreed or strongly agreed that

a police chief’s strong position against

the abuse of authority can make a big

difference in deterring officers from

abusing their authority (see exhibit 5).

As important as the officers in the

sample viewed the role of the chief in

preventing abuse, an even greater

majority (almost 90 percent) believed

that good first-line supervisors were

effective in preventing police officers

from abusing their authority (see

exhibit 5). In focus-group sessions,

police supervisors indicated that supervisors serving as role models was a

critical aspect in good first-line leadership.16 Although 90 percent of the

survey sample stressed the importance

of good supervisors in preventing

abuse, only 55 percent agreed or

strongly agreed that most abuse could

be stopped with more effective methods of supervision (see exhibit 5).

The survey also examined the extent to

which specialized training helps control the abuse of authority. Contrary

to the traditional view that most important policing lessons are obtained

through experience in the field rather

than in the academy,17 police scholars

and professionals have recently emphasized the importance of changing

models of police training, renewing

departments’ commitments to training,

and exploring vastly different training

curriculums.18 As reflected in exhibit 5,

the majority of police officers in the

sample who had received training in

ethics, interpersonal skills, or cultural

sensitivity believed that such training

could play a role in controlling abuse of

police authority. A substantial majority

(82.2 percent) of officers who had received training in law enforcement ethics (in the academy or after becoming

an officer) agreed that such training

was effective in preventing the abuse of

authority. A similar majority (80.3 percent) of those who had received police

training in interpersonal skills or relations believed that the training prevented the abuse of authority, and

almost 75 percent of officers who had

Exhibit 4. The impact of demeanor, race, and socioeconomic status

on police behavior (in percent)

Strongly Strongly

Agree Agree Disagree Disagree

A police officer is more likely to arrest 2.1b 46.7 45.1 6.1

a person who displays what he or

she considers to be a bad attitude.

(n=917)a

Police officers often treat whites 1.2 15.8 57.8 25.2

better than they do blacks and other

minorities. (n=914)

Police officers are more likely to use 1.7 9.4 55.6 33.3

physical force against blacks and

other minorities than against whites

in similar situations. (n=916)

Police officers are more likely to use 1.9 12.3 57.9 27.9

physical force against poor people

than against middle-class people in

similar situations. (n=918)

a. Numbers in parentheses represent valid responses.

b. The frequencies are weighted to reflect the population parameters. The 95-percent confidence

intervals for responses in this exhibit range between plus or minus 0.5 percent and 4.0 percent for

the frequencies reported. Such confidence intervals are commonly noted as the margin of error or

sampling error of the survey findings.

Note: Totals may not equal 100 percent due to rounding.
7

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

received training in human diversity,

cultural differences, cultural awareness, or ethnic sensitivity reported that

the training prevented the abuse of

authority.

When asked about the effectiveness

of different institutional procedures for

addressing abuses of authority, most

considered internal affairs units effective (78.6 percent). A much smaller

percentage (37.8 percent) considered

Exhibit 5. Controlling abuses of authority (in percent)

Strongly Strongly

Agree Agree Disagree Disagree

Your police department takes a very 35.2b 57.4 6.6 0.9

tough stance on improper behavior

by police. (n=921)a

Investigations of police misconduct 0.4 5.1 72.4 22.0

are usually biased in favor of the

police. (n=914)

If a police chief takes a strong position 24.5 60.3 13.8 1.4

against abuses of authority, he or

she can make a big difference in

preventing officers from abusing their

authority. (n=920)

Good first-line supervisors can help 22.9 66.9 9.3 0.9

prevent police officers from abusing

their authority. (n=921)

Most police abuse of force could be 7.3 48.0 39.5 5.2

stopped by more effective methods

of supervision. (n=913)

(Questions below are applicable only to officers who

have received training in the area specified) Yes No

Do you think training in ethics is effective at preventing 82.2 17.8

abuse of authority? (n=576)

Do you think training in interpersonal skills or relations is 80.3 19.7

effective at preventing abuse of authority? (n=674)

Do you think training in human diversity or cultural awareness 74.9 25.1

is effective at preventing abuse of authority? (n=807)

a. Numbers in parentheses represent valid responses.

b. The frequencies are weighted to reflect the population parameters. The 95-percent confidence

intervals for responses in this exhibit range between plus or minus 0.5 percent and 4.0 percent for

the frequencies reported. Such confidence intervals are commonly noted as the margin of error or

sampling error of the survey findings.

Note: Totals may not equal 100 percent due to rounding.

citizen review boards an effective way

to prevent police misconduct.

Effects of community-oriented

policing. Some scholars have suggested that community-oriented

policing decreases the likelihood that

officers will engage in gross forms

of corruption (such as extortion) but

increases the chance that they will

engage in softer or less serious forms

of corruption (such as accepting a free

lunch, professional discount, or gift

of appreciation).19 Others maintain that

community policing has no discernible

impact on corrupt behavior.20 As discussed below, officers surveyed in the

study generally believed that a close

relationship with the community, such

as that resulting from communityoriented policing, did not increase the

risk of police corruption.

The study examined officers’ attitudes

toward police corruption in two ways.

First, researchers asked officers

whether they agreed with the following

statement (which includes no reference to community policing): “Frequent friendly contact with local

residents and merchants increases

the likelihood that police officers will

accept free lunches, discounts, or gifts

of appreciation for effective service.”

Although approximately 20 percent of

the officers agreed or strongly agreed

with the statement, almost 80 percent

disagreed or strongly disagreed with it.

Second, because almost all the officers

in the sample (98.4 percent) claimed

to be familiar with the concept of

community-oriented policing, the

survey asked whether officers thought

that community policing increased,

decreased, or had no impact on the

risk of corrupt behavior. Only 7.1 percent thought that community policing

increased the risk of corruption (see

exhibit 6). More than one-third (35.8

percent) of the officers thought it

decreased the risk of corruption, and

more than one-half (57.1 percent)

believed that it had no impact (see

exhibit 6).

Do officers see any relationship between community policing and excessive force? Almost none believed that

community policing increased the

number (2.0 percent) or seriousness

(3.4 percent) of incidents involving
8

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

excessive force (see exhibit 6).

One-half of the officers surveyed

(50.9 percent) said that community

policing reduced the number of incidents involving excessive force, and

42.2 percent thought that it decreased

the seriousness of incidents. Approximately one-half of the officers reported

that community policing had no impact on either the number of incidents

of excessive force (47.1 percent) or

the seriousness of those incidents

(54.4 percent) (see exhibit 6).

The community policing partnership

is often a complicated one. Almost all

officers in the sample (96.9 percent)

indicated that police officers sometimes have to explain to individuals

and groups of citizens that the police

are prohibited by law from using certain tactics that citizens may encourage them to use. Approximately 2 out

of 10 officers (21.4 percent), however,

felt that they could use more aggressive tactics than they otherwise would

if the community asked them to do so.

The question of whether requests from

the community sometimes lead officers

to “cross the line” and use tactics prohibited by law remains unanswered.

Additional findings by race,

rank, and sex

The general findings described above

reflect how officers in the sample (as

a group) view a number of issues relating to the abuse of authority. But the

data also reveal important findings

regarding how different subgroups in

the sample view these issues. To identify and explore these differences, this

section breaks down the officers’ responses to selected questions according to the responding officers’ race,

rank, and sex.

Impact of race: White, black, and

other minority officers. By far, the

most striking differences among subgroups of officers in the sample were

among police officers of different

races. The sample was originally divided into two racial categories: white

and nonwhite. (Officers were grouped

in this manner to ensure that a sufficiently large number of officers would

be included in each category.) However, after detecting strong differences

in the responses of white and nonwhite

officers, the authors divided the nonwhite category into two subcategories

(black officers and other minority officers) and reexamined the data. The

reexamination revealed that black officers’ opinions on abuse of authority

differed significantly from those of

white and other minority officers.

The survey revealed that the attitudes

of “other minority” officers were

more similar to those of white police

officers than to those of black officers.

Although the survey may not be generalizable beyond police officers, its

findings seem to corroborate the view

that there is a racial divide between

whites and blacks in American society—a divide so pronounced that even

the apparently strong culture of policing does not transcend it.

Differences among black, white, and

other minority officers did not emerge

on every issue addressed by the survey. When different opinions (based

on race) did occur, however, the disparity was strong, and the types of

questions that officers answered differently (based on their race) could be

grouped into meaningful configurations. As reported earlier, 17 percent

of all officers in the weighted sample

agreed or strongly agreed that police

officers often treat whites better than

they treat blacks and other minorities.

Yet more than half (51.3 percent) of

the black officers agreed or strongly

agreed that whites receive better treatment. By contrast, less than one-fourth

of the other minority officers (23.4

percent) and less than one-eighth of

white officers (11.9 percent) agreed

or strongly agreed with the statement

(see exhibit 7).

Exhibit 6. The role of community policing (in percent)

Increases Decreases Has No Impact

Do you think that community policing 7.1b 35.8 57.1

increases, decreases, or has no impact

on the risk of corrupt behavior? (n=883)a

Do you think that community policing 2.0 50.9 47.1

increases, decreases, or has no impact

on the number of incidents involving

excessive force? (n=885)

Do you think that community policing 3.4 42.2 54.4

increases, decreases, or has no impact

on the seriousness of incidents involving

excessive force? (n=884)

a. Numbers in parentheses represent valid responses.

b. The frequencies are weighted to reflect the population parameters. The 95-percent confidence

intervals for responses in this exhibit range between plus or minus 0.5 percent and 4.0 percent for

the frequencies reported. Such confidence intervals are commonly noted as the margin of error or

sampling error of the survey findings.
9

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

The divergence between the views of

black officers and those of other officers was even more pronounced on the

question of whether police officers

are more likely to use physical force

against blacks and other minorities

than against whites in similar situations. Although only 1 in 20 (5.1

percent) white officers in the sample

believed that blacks and other minorities received such unequal treatment,

well over half of the black officers surveyed (57.1 percent) thought that police officers were more likely to use

physical force against blacks and other

minorities than against whites in similar situations. The opinion of other

minority officers (12.4 percent of whom

agreed or strongly agreed with the

statement) was much closer to that of

the white officers (see exhibit 7).

Black officers were also more likely

than whites and other minorities to

report unequal treatment by police

on the basis of socioeconomic status.

Although less than one-tenth of white

officers in the sample (8.8 percent)

agreed or strongly agreed that police

officers were more likely to use physical force against poor people than

against middle-class people in similar

situations, more than one-half of the

black officers (54.4 percent) felt that

way. Again, the position of other minority officers (17.2 percent of whom

agreed or strongly agreed with the

statement) fell between that of the

white and the black officers but

closer to that of the white officers

(see exhibit 7).

Although the survey suggests that

black officers are more likely than

other officers to believe that minority

and poor citizens are treated unfairly

by police, it also indicates that black

officers have greater faith in the

communities they serve.21 Approximately 65 percent of black officers

(compared with 49.2 percent of white

officers) believed that communityoriented policing was capable of reducing the number of incidents involving excessive force, and 63 percent of

black officers (compared with 39 percent of white officers) believed that

community policing could decrease

the seriousness of incidents involving

excessive force. Black officers’ responses regarding citizen review

boards further demonstrate their faith

in the community—with slightly less

than 70 percent of black officers in the

sample agreeing or strongly agreeing

that citizen review boards are effective

at preventing police misconduct, compared with one-third (33.3 percent) of

white officers who found the boards

effective (exhibit 8).

Impact of rank: Supervisors versus nonsupervisors. Although the

majority of officers in the sample—

Exhibit 7. Impact of officers’ race on attitudes toward treatment of minority

and poor citizens (in percent)

Police officers often treat whites better than blacks and other minorities.

Strongly Strongly

Agree Agree Disagree Disagree

White officers 0.7 11.2 60.5 27.7

Black officers 4.6 46.7 39.8 8.9

Other minority officers 2.4 21.0 53.8 22.9

Chi-square=41.78, df=6, and p<0.001

Police officers are more likely to use physical force against blacks and other minorities

than against whites in similar situations.

Strongly Strongly

Agree Agree Disagree Disagree

White officers 0.6 4.5 58.0 37.0

Black officers 9.4 47.7 42.1 0.9

Other minority officers 2.4 10.0 50.7 36.9

Chi-square=86.80, df=6, and p<0.001

Police officers are more likely to use physical force against poor people than against

middle-class people in similar situations.

Strongly Strongly

Agree Agree Disagree Disagree

White officers 0.8 8.0 60.1 31.1

Black officers 9.1 45.3 43.6 2.0

Other minority officers 4.2 13.0 52.9 30.0

Chi-square=85.42, df=6, and p<0.001

Note: Totals may not equal 100 percent due to rounding.
10

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

supervisors and nonsupervisors

alike—agreed that supervision plays

an important role in controlling abuse

of authority (see exhibit 5), this belief

is particularly strong among supervisors themselves. For instance, 87

percent of nonsupervisors (primarily

patrol officers) and 97 percent of supervisors indicated that good first-line

supervisors could help prevent police

officers from abusing their authority

(see exhibit 9). Similarly, 50 percent

of nonsupervisors and 68 percent of

supervisors believed that most police

abuse of force could be stopped by

developing more effective methods

of supervision.

Still in keeping with their role as supervisors, but less predictable, were

supervisors’ responses to a series of

questions about the reporting of misbehavior. More than 80 percent of

supervisors believed in the value of

reporting or “blowing the whistle” on

fellow officers who engaged in misbehavior, compared with slightly more

than 70 percent of nonsupervisors.

Similarly, supervising officers in the

sample were less likely to subscribe to

the code of silence, with only 7.6 percent of supervisors agreeing that the

code of silence is an essential part of

the mutual trust necessary to good policing (compared with 20.7 percent of

nonsupervising officers). Supervisors

also agreed to a lesser extent than

nonsupervisors that it is sometimes

acceptable to use more force than

legally allowable to control someone

who physically assaults an officer

(16.4 percent of supervisors and 27.8

percent of nonsupervisors agreed or

strongly agreed that such conduct was

acceptable). Supervisors were also less

likely to agree that departmental rules

about the use of force should not be

any stricter than those required by law

(54.5 percent versus 70.2 percent)

(see exhibit 9).

Impact of officers’ sex. The survey

revealed no meaningful differences

based on the sex of the responding officers. Differences observed (between

responses of male and female officers)

were small in size, and no consistent

theory or idea link them or suggest

that they are meaningful.

The lack of meaningful difference

based on sex arguably suggests that

female officers have adapted to the

predominantly male culture of policing, or that women who decide or

“self-select” to enter policing are

more likely to adapt to the culture of

policing from the outset. The authors,

however, feel that these would be premature conclusions. As the National

Center for Women and Policing reports, women police outperform their

male counterparts at defusing potentially violent situations and become

involved in the use of excessive force

less often than male officers.22 The

survey may not have included questions that would reveal female officers’

strength in handling potentially explosive situations through strong verbal

skills.

Exhibit 8. Impact of officers’ race on attitudes toward community policing and

citizen review boards (in percent)

Community-oriented policing increases, decreases, or has no impact on the number of

incidents involving excessive force.

Increases Decreases Has No Impact

White officers 1.2 49.2 49.6

Black officers 6.6 65.4 28.1

Other minority officers 3.9 50.1 46.0

Chi-square=20.92, df=4, and p<0.001

Community-oriented policing increases, decreases, or has no impact on the seriousness of

incidents involving excessive force.

Increases Decreases Has No Impact

White officers 3.2 39.0 57.9

Black officers 7.2 63.4 29.3

Other minority officers 1.0 46.8 52.3

Chi-square=27.13, df=4, and p<0.001

Citizen review boards are an effective means of preventing police misconduct.

Strongly Strongly

Agree Agree Disagree Disagree

White officers 2.5 30.8 52.2 14.6

Black officers 8.4 61.4 22.3 7.9

Other minority officers 2.4 38.9 43.6 15.1

Chi-square=32.04, df=6, and p<0.001

Note: Totals may not equal 100 percent due to rounding.
11

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

Exhibit 9. Comparing supervisors with nonsupervisors (in percent)

 Good first-line supervision can help prevent police officers from abusing their authority.

Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree

Nonsupervisors 16.5 70.2 12.4 0.9

Supervisors 38.5 58.8 1.9 0.8

Chi-square=76.12, df=3, and p<0.001

Most police abuse could be stopped by developing more effective methods of supervision.

Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree

Nonsupervisors 6.3 43.7 44.7 5.4

Supervisors 9.9 58.5 26.7 4.9

 Chi-square=33.01, df=3, and p<0.001

Whistle blowing is not worth it.

Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree

Nonsupervisors 3.9 24.4 61.4 10.3

Supervisors 1.1 15.6 68.4 15.0

 Chi-square=24.99, df=3, and p<0.001

The code of silence is an essential part of the mutual trust necessary to good policing.

Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree

Nonsupervisors 1.5 19.2 64.2 15.1

Supervisors 0.3 7.3 68.8 23.5

 Chi-square=28.46, df=3, and p<0.001

It is sometimes acceptable to use more force than legally allowable to control someone who

physically assaults an officer.

Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree

Nonsupervisors 3.9 23.9 54.5 17.7

Supervisors 1.8 14.6 56.8 26.9

 Chi-square=21.09, df=3, and p<0.001

Police department rules about the use of force should not be any stricter than

required by law.

Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree

Nonsupervisors 7.4 62.8 28.6 1.2

Supervisors 4.9 49.6 41.4 4.1

 Chi-square=24.90, df=3, and p<0.001

Note: Totals may not equal 100 percent due to rounding.

Discussion

Results of the survey suggest that police officers have complex and sometimes contradictory attitudes toward

the abuse of authority. On the one

hand, the survey reveals positive

evidence of American police officers’

integrity. The majority of officers in

the sample, for example, disagreed

that it is acceptable to use more force

than legally necessary—even to control someone who physically assaults

an officer. In addition, the vast majority of responding officers described

serious incidents of police abuse (such

as the Rodney King and Abner Louima

cases) as isolated and very rare occurrences and indicated that their departments take a tough stand on police

abuse.

Notwithstanding its positive findings,

the survey suggests that police abuse

remains a problem that needs to be

addressed by policymakers and police

professionals. Even though most police

officers disapprove of the use of excessive force, a substantial minority consider it acceptable to sometimes use

more force than permitted by the laws

that govern them. The code of silence

also remains a troubling issue for

American police, with approximately

one-quarter of police officers surveyed

stating that whistle blowing is not

worth it, two-thirds reporting that police officers who report misconduct

are likely to receive a “cold shoulder”

from fellow officers, and more than

one-half reporting that it is not unusual for police officers to turn a

“blind eye” to improper conduct by

other officers. These findings suggest

that the culture of silence that has

continually plagued the reform of

American policing continues.
12

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

The survey also provides surprising

and important lessons about police

officers’ views on ways to control the

abuse of authority. Consistent with

the suggestions of certain scholars and

police professionals,23 most officers

believed that training and education

are effective methods for reducing

police abuse. A substantial majority of

officers who had received training in

interpersonal skills or taken courses

in ethics or diversity believed that the

education or training was effective in

preventing misbehavior. These responses may not establish the effectiveness of such programs, but they

do show that American police find

them important and useful.

Officers in the sample also emphasized the importance of police management in preventing violence and

other forms of police abuse. A substantial majority believed that when

a chief of police takes a strong stand

against police violence, rank and file

officers will follow his or her lead.

Similarly, officers identified strong

first-line supervision as an effective

way to prevent abuse and violence by

police. These findings reinforce scholars’ and police professionals’ long-held

view that developing effective methods

of supervision and strong supervisors

should be a first priority for police

departments as they attempt to control

and prevent abuse of authority.

Over the past three decades, American policing has undergone dramatic

changes in organization, tactics, and

philosophy. At the forefront of these

changes has been a transition from

traditional military and professional

models of policing to innovative

models of community policing. The

surveyed officers believed that community policing reduces the potential

for a wide range of police abuse—from

petty corruption to acts of violence.

The survey does not address whether

community policing has, in fact, lowered the level of abuse in American

policing, but it shows police officers’

belief that it has.

The effect of an officer’s race on his or

her attitudes was particularly striking

in the study. Comparing black officers’

views about police abuse with those of

white and other minority officers, the

authors found significant and substantial differences. As discussed in detail

earlier in this Research in Brief, a

small minority of white officers in the

sample believed that police treat white

citizens better than they treat black or

other minority citizens in similar situations, while a majority of black police

officers held this view. Similar differences existed between black and other

officers’ views on the likelihood of police using force against minorities and

poor citizens. In addition, the survey

found that black officers had a more

positive view of community policing’s

ability to control the abuse of police

authority. The magnitude of these

race-based differences in opinion

suggests a large gap between black

police officers and other officers in

the sample. Such a deep divide was

not predicted at the outset of the study

and may reflect the salience of race

as a central divide not only among

American police officers but in

American society more generally.

Notes

1. Indeed, the authors were able to identify

only one national survey of police, and that

survey focused on police officers’ attitudes

concerning rape. LeDoux, John C., and Robert R. Hazelwood, “Police Attitudes and

Beliefs Toward Rape,” Journal of Police Science and Administration 13(1985): 306–353.

2. Martin, Christine, Illinois Municipal Officers’ Perceptions of Police Ethics, Chicago,

IL: Illinois Criminal Justice Information

Authority, 1994.

3. Knowles, Jeffrey J., The Ohio Police

Behavior Study, Columbus, OH: Office of

Criminal Justice Services, 1996.

4. Worden, Robert E., and Robin L.

Shephard, “Demeanor, Crime, and Police

Behavior: A Reexamination of the Police

Services Study Data,” Criminology 34(1996):

83–105.

5. Worden, Robert E., “The ‘Causes’ of

Police Brutality: Theory and Evidence on

Police Use of Force,” in Police Violence:

Understanding and Controlling Police Abuse

of Force, ed. William A. Geller and Hans

Toch, New Haven, CT: Yale University

Press, 1996.

6. Ibid., 36.

7. Friedrich, Robert J., “Police Use of Force:

Individuals, Situations, and Organizations,”

The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 452(1980): 82–97.

8. Questions were worded to encompass

the varying laws and departmental policies

that govern police officers in different

jurisdictions.

9. Interpreting responses to this item is

difficult, however, because respondents’

disagreement with the statement, “Police

officers always report serious criminal violations involving abuse of authority by fellow

officers,” does not indicate how often they

believe such nonreporting occurs.

10. See, e.g., Westley, William A., “Violence and the Police,” American Journal

of Sociology 59(1953): 34–41.

11. Klinger, David A., “More on Demeanor

and Arrest in Dade County,” Criminology

34(1996): 61–82; Lundman, Richard J.,

“Demeanor and Arrest: Additional Evidence

from Previously Unpublished Data,” Journal

of Research in Crime and Delinquency

33(1996): 306–353; Worden, “The ‘Causes’
13

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

of Police Brutality: Theory and Evidence on

Police Use of Force” (see note 5).

12. Moreover, Stephen Mastrofski and colleagues argue that, “Despite the obvious

salience of race as an issue in policing

over the last 30 years, there has been remarkably little rigorous research in this

area.” Mastrofski, Stephen D., Roger B.

Parks, Christina DeJong, and Robert E.

Worden, “Race and Every-Day Policing:

A Research Perspective,” paper delivered

at the Twelfth International Congress

on Criminology, Seoul, Korea, August

24–28, 1998: 14.

13. Michael Tonry, for example, argues

that “few or no reliable, systematic data

are available that demonstrate systematic

[racial] discrimination” in arrest practices.

Tonry, Michael, Malign Neglect—Race,

Crime, and Punishment in America, New

York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1995,

71. Although studies have found racial disparities in arrest practices, some attribute

such disparities to causes other than race

itself (see, e.g., Black, Donald, and Albert J.

Reiss, Jr., “Police Control of Juveniles,”

American Sociological Review 35[1970]:

63–77; Lundman, Richard, Richard E.

Sykes, and John P. Clark, “Police Control of

Juveniles: A Replication,” Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 33[1978]:

306–353). Others find an independent race

effect (see, e.g., Smith, Douglas A. and

Christy A. Visher. 1981. “Street-Level

Justice: Situational Determinants of Police

Arrest Decisions.” Social Problems 29[2]:

167–177; Smith, Douglas A., Christy A.

Visher, and Laura A. Davidson. “Equity and

Discretionary Justice: The Influence of Race

on Police Arrest Decisions.” Journal of

Criminal Law and Criminology 75[1]: 234–

249; Worden, “The ‘Causes’ of Police

Brutality: Theory and Evidence on Police

Use of Force” [see note 5]; and Lundman,

“Demeanor and Arrest: Additional Evidence

from Previously Unpublished Data” [see

note 11]).

14. Researchers are divided on whether racial differences in the excessive use of force

exist and on whether such disparities are

attributable to race itself. In his 1996 review,

Kenneth Adams concludes that, “the available research on the question of whether the

rate of excessive force is higher among minorities is far from determinative” (Adams,

Kenneth, “Measuring the Prevalence of

Police Abuse of Force,” in Police Violence:

Understanding and Controlling Police Abuse

of Force, ed. William A. Geller and Hans

Toch, New Haven, CT: Yale University

Press, 1996: 59). Worden (see note 5), for

example, finds an independent race effect,

while Albert Reiss does not (Reiss, Albert J.,

The Police and the Public, New Haven, CT:

Yale University Press, 1971). Others point

out that “the use of physical force has special significance for racial minority communities” (Walker, Samuel, Cassia Spohn, and

Miriam DeLone, The Color of Justice: Race,

Ethnicity, and Crime in America, Belmont,

CA: Wadsworth, 1996, 97. See also

Ogletree, Charles, Jr., Mary Prosser, Abbe

Smith, and William Talley, Jr., Beyond the

Rodney King Story: An Investigation of

Police Misconduct in Minority Communities,

Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press,

1995).

15. Skolnick, Jerome H., and James J. Fyfe,

Above the Law: Police and the Excessive Use

of Force, New York, NY: The Free Press,

1993: 136; see also Skolnick, Jerome H.,

and David H. Bayley, The New Blue Line:

Police Innovation in Six American Cities,

New York, NY: The Free Press, 1986.

16. Weisburd, David, Rosann Greenspan,

Kellie Bryant, Edwin E. Hamilton, Hubert

Williams, and David Olson, Abuse of Authority in the Age of Community Policing: A Preliminary Study of Issues and Attitudes, Final

Report to the U.S. Department of Justice,

Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, Washington, DC: Police Foundation,

1998, appendix D.

17. Bayley, David H., and Egon Bittner,

“Learning the Skills of Policing,” Law &

Society Review 30(3)(1984): 586–606.

18. See, e.g., Goldstein, Herman, “Improving

Policing: A Problem-Oriented Approach,”

Crime and Delinquency 25(1979): 236–258;

see also Trojanowicz, Robert, and Bonnie

Bucqueroux, Community Policing: How to

Get Started, Cincinnati, OH: Anderson

Publishing, 1994.

19. Weisburd, David, Jerome McElroy, and

Patricia Hardyman, “Maintaining Order in

Community-Oriented Policing,” in Police

and Policing, ed. Dennis J. Kenney, New

York, NY: Praeger, 1989.

20. McElroy, Jerome, Colleen A. Cosgrove,

and Susan Sadd, CPOP: The Research, An

Evaluative Study of the New York City Community Patrol Officer Program. New York,

NY: The Vera Institute of Justice, 1990.

21. Findings regarding black officers’ more

optimistic view of community-oriented policing, and other minorities being closer in attitudes to whites than to blacks, are consistent

with the 1997 finding of Wesley Skogan and

Susan Hartnett. Skogan, Wesley G., and

Susan M. Hartnett, Community Policing:

Chicago Style, New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1997.

22. National Center for Women and Policing,

retrieved April 13, 1998, from National Center for Women and Policing, on the World

Wide Web: www.feminist.org/police/

ncwpAbout.html.

23. Grant, J. Douglas, and Joan Grant,

“Officer Selection and the Prevention of

Abuse of Force,” in Police Violence: Understanding and Controlling Police Abuse of

Force, ed. William A. Geller and Hans Toch,

New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,

1996; Scrivner, Ellen M., The Role of Police

Psychology in Controlling Excessive Force,

Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice,

Office of Justice Programs, National Institute

of Justice.
Findings and conclusions of the research

reported here are those of the author(s) and do

not necessarily reflect the official position or

policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.

David Weisburd, Ph.D., is Senior

Research Scientist at the Police

Foundation and Director of the

Institute of Criminology at Hebrew

University Law School in Jerusalem, Israel; Rosann Greenspan,

Ph.D., is Research Director of

the Police Foundation; Edwin E.

Hamilton, M.A., is Senior Research

Analyst at the Police Foundation;

Hubert Williams, J.D., is President

of the Police Foundation; and Kellie

A. Bryant, M.S., formerly Research

Associate at the Police Foundation,

is a Deputy Marshal with the U.S.

Marshals Service. This study, conducted by the Police Foundation,

was supported by Grant Number 97–

CK–WX–0047, awarded on behalf of

Community Oriented Policing Services, U.S. Department of Justice.

NCJ 181312

The National Institute of Justice is a

component of the Office of Justice

Programs, which also includes the Bureau

of Justice Assistance, the Bureau of Justice

Statistics, the Office of Juvenile Justice and

Delinquency Prevention, and the Office for

Victims of Crime.

This and other NIJ publications can be found at and downloaded from the

NIJ Web site (http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij).

Quick Access to NIJ Publication News

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R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f
15

R e s e a r c h i n B r i e f

Related NIJ Publications and Products

Listed below are other National Institute of Justice publications and products related to police discretion, use of force, and community

policing. Where indicated, these documents can be obtained on the World Wide Web. Otherwise, printed copies can be ordered from

the National Criminal Justice Reference Service by calling 800–851–3420, or writing to NCJRS, Box 6000, Rockville, MD 20849.

Please note that when printed copies are out of stock, they are available as photocopies or through interlibrary loan.

tions to an understanding of the importance of several other factors including

leadership, command behavior, supervision,

discipline, and the police subculture.

Garner, Joel, John Buchanan, Tom

Schade, and John Hepburn. Understanding the Use of Force by and

Against the Police, Research in Brief,

1996, NCJ 158614. Examines 1,585 adult

custody arrests in Phoenix, Arizona, to

determine the use of force both by and

against the police.

Kelling, George L. “Broken Windows”

and Police Discretion, Research Report,

1999, NCJ 178259. Details how a police

officer’s role in order maintenance and

crime prevention extends beyond arresting

violators of the law and contends that

police officers should exercise discretion

in every situation. Also available at

http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij/pubs-sum/

178259.htm.

Kelling, George L. Crime Control, the

Police and Culture Wars: Broken Windows and Cultural Pluralism, NIJ Perspectives on Crime and Justice Lecture

Series, 1997, NCJ 168103 (videotape)

and NCJ 169608 (audiotape). Explains

the “broken windows” metaphor and

concludes that multiple actions by citizens,

community groups, and the police are

effective in crime prevention.

Kennedy, Randall. Race, the Police

and “Reasonable Suspicion,” NIJ Perspectives on Crime and Justice Lecture

Series, 1998, NCJ 168967 (videotape)

and NCJ 169609 (audiotape). Discusses

issues related to race as a risk factor for

criminality and argues that such practices are unwise and counterproductive

even if they are legal.

Langworthy, Robert H., ed. Measuring What Matters: Proceedings From

the Policing Research Institute Meetings, Research Report, 1999, NCJ

170610. Presents a compilation of papers presented at three meetings convened to focus on how to measure

crime, disorder, and fear; public attitudes and expectations; and the performance of police in the expanding goals

of community policing. Also available at

http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij/pubs-sum/

170610.htm.

Mastrofski, Stephen, Roger B. Parks,

Albert J. Reiss, Jr., Robert E. Worden.

Community Policing in Action: Lessons Learned from an Observational

Study, NIJ Research in Progress Seminar, 1997. NCJ 167028 (videotape).

Observes the various aspects of community policing in Indianapolis, Indiana, particularly police behavior and interaction

with various citizens and types of neighborhoods and management styles of

police supervisors.

Pinizzotto, Anthony J., Edward F.

Davis, Charles E. Miller. In the Line of

Fire: A Study of Selected Felonious

Assaults on Law Enforcement Officers, 1997, NCJ 168972. Addresses forty

distinct cases of serious assaults on law

enforcement officers.

Adams, Kenneth, Geoffrey P. Alpert,

Roger G. Dunham, Joel H. Garner,

Lawrence A. Greenfield, Mark A.

Henriquez, Patrick A. Langan, Christopher D. Maxwell, and Steven K. Smith.

Use of Force by Police: Overview of

National and Local Data, Research

Report, 1999, NCJ 176330. Presents findings on the extent and nature of police

use of force on both a local and national

scale with particular attention to establishing accurate measurement guidelines.

Also available at http://www.ojp.usdoj.

gov/nij/pubs-sum/176330.htm.

Brady, Thomas V. Measuring What

Matters; Part One: Measures of Crime,

Fear, and Disorder, Research in Action,

1996, NCJ 162205. Discusses police performance and the need to establish measurements of crime to improve police

accountability.

Brady, Thomas V. Measuring What

Matters; Part Two: Developing Measures of What the Police Do, Research

in Action, 1997, NCJ 167255. Summarizes seven papers prepared for a meeting

with NIJ and the Office of Community

Oriented Policing Services that focused on

expectations of the police by the general

public, the media, community organizations, local government, and other police

constituencies.

Gaffigan, Stephen J. and Phyllis P.

McDonald. Police Integrity: Public

Service With Honor, 1997, NCJ 163811.

Analyzes how police integrity has broadened from a narrow focus on police officer

behavior and internal corruption investiga-