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Special Report 153 October 2005

United States Institute of Peace

Special Report

The views expressed in this report do not necessarily 

reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace, 

which does not advocate specific policy positions.

Contents 

Introduction 2

The Four Prerequisites of Democracy 2

Democracy and Iraqi History 3

Democracy in Modern Iraq 5

The Approach of This Report 7

Models of Historical Memory 7

Strategies for Promoting Democracy 10

Promoting Democracy through Social Justice 17

Conclusion 18

About the Report

The Education Program at the United States Institute of 

Peace has since early 2004 been involved in a project 

to help rehabilitate the Iraqi higher education system 

and to introduce courses and materials in conflict 

resolution and peace education into university curricula 

throughout the country. We have organized conferences 

and workshops with academics from Iraqi universities 

and administrators from the Ministry of Higher Education 

and Scientific Research and helped establish the 

Educational Unit for Peace Studies and Human Rights 

at the University of Baghdad. We have also supplied 

USIP educational materials in English and Arabic to 

Iraqi universities throughout the country. Currently, 

we are helping Iraqi universities play a civic role in 

their communities by providing university-centered 

projects of public education on Iraq’s constitution, good 

governance, the rule of law, and democracy. This report 

is part of our effort to suggest ways to involve the Iraqi 

higher education system in building and promoting 

democratic governance in Iraq.

Eric Davis is professor of political science at Rutgers 

University, and former director of its Center for Middle 

Eastern Studies. His most recent book is Memories of 

State: Politics, History and Collective Identity 

in Modern Iraq.

Eric Davis

Strategies for Promoting 

Democracy in Iraq

Summary

• Social justice and economic development are essential for democracy in Iraq to 

succeed.

• The idea of a democratic Iraq is not one imposed by foreign powers, but rather one 

that Iraqis themselves vigorously support. 

• Iraq has a tradition and history of democracy that can help promote the successful 

establishment of a democratic form of government in post–Saddam Hussein Iraq.

• Many of the foundations of democratic governance began in Iraq’s ancient Mesopotamian civilizations.

• The nationalist movement in Iraq (1908–1963) had strong democratic impulses and 

emphasized cultural tolerance.

• Sixty percent of the Iraqi population is under the age of twenty-five. They have known 

nothing but authoritarian rule and need to learn about democracy. The older generation of former democratic activists can pass on to younger Iraqis their memories and 

experiences of pre-1963 Iraqi society.

• The establishment of an institution devoted to democracy could spread the concept 

of democratic government through workshops, contests, and grants to civil society 

organizations.

• Citizenship and service learning programs in Iraqi universities could promote democratic principles among older students. A national reading project and essay contest 

could introduce younger students to democracy and strengthen the literary skills that 

are necessary for an informed citizenry.

• The government should use the power of the Internet to involve citizens in the democratic process and improve education. Television and radio programs, coffeehouse 

events, national “town hall” meetings, summer camps for youth, and emphasis on 

common folklore could help overcome ethnic differences and promote tolerance and 

unity among the diverse ethnic cultures of Iraq.
About the Institute

The United States Institute of Peace is an independent, nonpartisan federal institution created 

by Congress to promote the prevention, management, and peaceful resolution of international 

conflicts. Established in 1984, the Institute meets 

its congressional mandate through an array of 

programs, including research grants, fellowships, 

professional training, education programs from 

high school through graduate school, conferences 

and workshops, library services, and publications. 

The Institute’s Board of Directors is appointed by 

the President of the United States and confirmed 

by the Senate.

Board of Directors

J. Robinson West (Chair), Chairman, PFC Energy, 

Washington, D.C. • María Otero (Vice Chair), President, 

ACCION International, Boston, Mass. • Betty F. Bumpers, 

Founder and former President, Peace Links, Washington, 

D.C. • Holly J. Burkhalter, Advocacy Director, Physicians 

for Human Rights, Washington, D.C. • Chester A. 

Crocker, James R. Schlesinger Professor of Strategic 

Studies, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University 

• Laurie S. Fulton, Partner, Williams and Connolly, 

Washington, D.C. • Charles Horner, Senior Fellow, Hudson 

Institute, Washington, D.C. • Seymour Martin Lipset, 

Hazel Professor of Public Policy, George Mason University 

• Mora L. McLean, President, Africa-America Institute, 

New York, N.Y. • Barbara W. Snelling, former State 

Senator and former Lieutenant Governor, Shelburne, Vt.

Members ex officio

Michael M. Dunn, Lieutenant General, U.S. 

Air Force; President, National Defense University 

• Condoleezza Rice, Secretary of State, U.S. Department 

of State • Peter W. Rodman, Assistant Secretary of 

Defense for International Security Affairs 

• Richard H. Solomon, President, United States 

Institute of Peace (nonvoting)

Introduction

Since the 1989 collapse of the Soviet Union and its Eastern Bloc allies, democracy has 

become a political force of global proportions. The number and pace of authoritarian 

governments making the transition to democratic rule has been one of the most striking 

phenomena of the last decade and a half. Although some would argue that democracy is 

a uniquely Western form of government, the desire for freedom and self-expression is not 

limited to any one geographical region. 

The overthrow of Saddam Hussein’s Ba’athist regime in April 2003 created the opportunity for the Iraqi people to establish a democratic state. Iraqis have made dramatic 

progress toward achieving that goal. Not only did National Assembly elections take place 

on January 30, 2005, as scheduled, but nearly 60 percent of eligible voters cast their 

ballots—despite threats of violence from insurgents. Such a high voter turnout would 

be the envy of many long-standing democracies. While it took some time to organize, a 

functioning Iraqi government is now in place. One of the most important developments is 

the new government’s ability to represent all sectors of Iraqi society, at the level of president, vice president, prime minister, and cabinet officials. Even if a number of important 

issues were left open for discussion, the Iraqi people approved a new constitution on 

October 15, providing themselves with a basic charter for the new state. Political parties 

and civil organizations are growing in number and size in anticipation of the December 

2005 general elections.

All of these important steps toward democratization have taken place in the context of 

a violent insurgency. While some insurgents undoubtedly believe that they are fighting for 

an Iraq free of foreign influence, the leaders of this uprising would once again place Iraq 

under authoritarian rule. In numerous public opinion polls taken since the fall of the Saddam Hussein regime, Iraqis have rejected a return to a form of government that represses 

free speech and assembly; that rejects cultural tolerance; and that engages in arbitrary 

arrest, imprisonment, and even execution of those with differing political opinions. Polls 

show that the issues that are most important to the Iraqi people are personal security, 

economic security, and democracy, in that order. The idea of a democratic Iraq is not one 

imposed by foreign powers, but rather one that Iraqis themselves vigorously support. The 

current insurgency notwithstanding, there is no turning back. Now that the process of 

democratization has begun in earnest, what can Iraqis do to ensure the institutionalization of their fledgling democratic political system?

The Four Prerequisites of Democracy

All democratic countries share certain characteristics. Periodic and fair elections ensure 

political participation and representation of the interests of all sectors of society. Transparency allows citizens to monitor the processes by which their elected representatives 

adopt and implement public policy. For transparency to be sustained, it is essential that 

the flow of information be unimpeded by the state. If a nation-state is to become a true 

democracy, all citizens must be guaranteed certain fundamental human rights, including 

freedom of expression, assembly, and religion, and the right to a fair trial. The rights of 

minorities must be guaranteed. As many democratic theorists have noted, a democracy is 

only as strong as the protections it affords its weakest citizens.

A truly democratic society is characterized by a high level of political participation and 

an organized citizenry. It is in the organizations of civil society that citizens are able to 

share information and form the types of social and political solidarity that protect them 

from authoritarian rulers. Although often neglected, social justice must be ensured for 

citizens in a democracy. Time and again governments that aspired to build democratic 

institutions have failed because they were not sensitive to the economic needs of the 
populace. Only in a society that offers meaningful economic opportunity to all its citizenry, and in which education, health care, and housing are available to all, can a strong 

democracy flourish.

Beyond what are traditionally thought of as the prerequisites of democracy lie deeper 

issues that need to be addressed. No nation-state can establish a democratic polity 

unless its citizens first agree on the nature of the political community that binds them. 

Unfortunately, the definition of political community is still contested in many fledgling 

democracies. To establish solid foundations for democracy, a nation-state must first 

establish a set of foundational myths that resonate with all segments of society. These 

foundational myths must explain the origins of the society and articulate the political 

and cultural values that hold it together. In many Arab states, these foundational myths 

are built on the nation-state’s Arab-Islamic heritage. 

In summary, there are four important prerequisites of democracy. First, all democracies 

need to develop strong institutions that protect the citizenry from the arbitrary exercise 

of political authority. Only when citizens have recourse to institutions that protect their 

interests can they truly be free. This means that a democratic society is one that is 

organized both in terms of state institutions (e.g., the court system) and through citizencreated independent public institutions and organizations that are not controlled by the 

state (e.g., political parties, professional associations, and the press).

Second, citizens must have access to information about the workings of the political 

system in their society. Without such information, they cannot develop the critical thinking skills that will allow them to make meaningful choices among competing political 

parties and policies. This means that citizens must have access not only to an independent press and mass communications system, but also to an educational system that 

promotes civic understanding and civic values. 

Third, a government must ensure that all its citizens have access to social justice. A 

society in which a large segment of the populace is unemployed and young people see 

no hope for the future cannot build a strong democracy. 

Finally, all democratic societies must be characterized by agreement among the citizenry on their foundational myths.

However, many Arab states possess another heritage that is frequently overlooked. 

Before military regimes came to power in Egypt, Iraq, and Syria, there was a period of 

democratic politics, albeit under colonial rule. Although this era was often characterized 

by nepotism and corruption at the level of political elites, there was also considerable 

citizen activity in organized political parties, professional associations, labor unions, 

artistic groups, and women’s organizations and a vibrant press. Because this democratic 

activity occurred during a period—following World War I and lasting until the 1950s and 

1960s—in which the political elites were closely tied to Western colonial interests, and 

because these elites often manipulated elections to prevent them from being fully democratic, this democratic legacy has been neglected. Nevertheless, the historical memory of 

this era can provide an important inspiration for promoting democratic governance and 

expanding civil society in Iraq and other Arab countries as well.

Democracy and Iraqi History

What is the common heritage that binds Iraqis together? In approaching this question, 

we can begin by remembering that democracy is not new to Iraq. In fact, quite the opposite is true. Democratic politics and many of the foundations of democratic governance 

began in Iraq’s ancient Mesopotamian civilizations. For example, we find among the 

ancient Sumerians the first instance of a sovereign being required to seek the consent of 

a legislative body before enacting laws or making political decisions. We also find the first 

example of written legal codes. Perhaps most important of all, we find the first recorded 

use of the term “freedom” in the Sumerian language during the third century BCE.

In numerous public opinion 

polls taken since the fall of the 

Saddam Hussein regime, Iraqis 

have rejected a return to a form 

of government that represses 

free speech and assembly; that 

rejects cultural tolerance; and 

that engages in arbitrary arrest, 

imprisonment, and even execution of those with differing political opinions.

The rights of minorities must be 

guaranteed. As many democratic 

theorists have noted, a democracy 

is only as strong as the 

protections it affords its 

weakest citizens.

To establish solid foundations for 

democracy, a nation-state must 

first establish a set of foundational myths that resonate with 

all segments of society.

Democracy is not new to Iraq. In 

fact, quite the opposite is true. 
One of the most important components of democratic governance is the concept of 

checks and balances. Parliaments not only give representation to the views of the citizenry at large, they create an institutional framework through which representatives of 

the populace can question and oversee the actions of the executive branch of government. Ancient Mesopotamia provides the first examples of representative institutions as 

we understand them in the modern sense of the term. An Introduction to the History of 

Ancient Civilization, by the eminent Iraqi archaeologist Dr. Taha Baqir, and History Begins at 

Sumer, by the famous student of ancient Iraq Sidney Noah Kramer, document the particular 

contribution of ancient Iraq to democratic theory. For example, the first known bicameral 

legislature met in Sumer (present-day southern Iraq) in 3000 BCE, well before most of 

the world’s civilizations were even formed. The “upper house” consisted of an assembly 

of elders, and the “lower house” was made up of males permitted to carry arms. Interestingly, this legislature became involved in a debate with the ruler over whether Sumer 

should engage in a war with the neighboring state of Kish. Although the Sumerian state 

ultimately did decide to go to war, the important consideration is that the sovereign was 

forced to negotiate the decision with a representative body.

Another legacy of ancient Mesopotamia is its development of the world’s first known 

legal codes. The most famous is the Code of Hammurabi, but other written legal codes, 

such as the Ur-Nammu, predate it by hundreds of years. Calling attention to Mesopotamia’s 

role as the source of the modern world’s legal traditions indicates that it was Iraq that 

gave the world the idea of the rule of law, a concept that provides the foundation for 

all democratic theory. Written legal codes and the many existing records of court cases 

indicate that the laws were, in fact, followed. These artifacts suggest a society of rules, 

structure, and order—one in which violence was not the normal means of resolving 

conflict. The Code of Hammurabi, known throughout the world, is not only one of the 

early examples of a written legal code, but one that takes pains to recognize the needs 

of the economically and politically less powerful members of society. As Donny George, 

the director of the Iraq Museum, noted during a spring 2005 tour of the United States to 

raise funds to protect Iraq’s archaeological sites, Hammurabi’s Code still influences legal 

systems and thinking today.

Iraq’s contributions to the idea of a society based on the rule of law are by no means 

limited to its ancient Mesopotamian civilizations. The legal profession that Iraq developed 

after its organization as a modern nation-state in 1921 reflects the continuation of this 

ancient tradition. The modern legal system took shape during the last years of Ottoman 

rule over Iraq. The founding of the Baghdad College of Law in 1908 indicates the importance Iraqis attributed to the legal system well before the modern nation-state came into 

being. Even under Saddam Hussein’s regime, many lawyers sought to sustain accepted 

norms of impartiality and legal principles for those who were brought to trial, especially 

in civil and criminal cases that were not political in nature.

Another legacy that provides a strong foundation for building a democratic system in 

Iraq is Iraqis’ persistent emphasis on education. Education was a priority in Iraq’s ancient 

Mesopotamian civilizations. Education also expanded with the spread of Islam, following 

the Prophet Mohammed’s injunction that “it is the duty of every Muslim man and woman 

to seek education.” Thus it is not surprising that the early Arab-Islamic empires placed 

great emphasis on knowledge for its own sake. It is well known that the Arabs translated 

and passed on much of Greek thought to Europe and the West. Under the 'Abbasid Empire, 

based in Baghdad, one of the first examples of a mass education system was developed 

as thousands of mosque schools were established that taught a wide range of subjects in 

the liberal arts and the natural sciences. During the tenth century, Baghdad alone counted 

3,000 mosques.

Under the Caliph Ma’mun (813–833 CE), the 'Abbasid Empire witnessed a dramatic 

expansion of a cultural milieu in which education was already highly prized. Reflecting 

the empire’s cultural tolerance, Ma’mun developed a wide network of learning in which 

Greek, Persian, and Arab culture entered into a great synthesis. Among Ma’mun’s famous 

Calling attention to Mesopotamia’s 

role as the source of the modern 

world’s legal traditions indicates 

that it was Iraq that gave the 

world the idea of the rule of law.

It is well known that the Arabs 

translated and passed on much 

of Greek thought to Europe 

and the West.
accomplishments was the creation of a prototype of the modern university, known as 

the Academy of Wisdom. Ma’mun’s Academy was responsible for the translation of Greek 

works into Arabic and became an active center for the study of the natural sciences. The 

Academy’s large library was filled with the translations that it commissioned, and scholars 

of all ethnicities and religions were invited to work there. The result was an intellectual 

synthesis that emphasized a universal heritage, rather than one that was specifically 

Muslim, and one that was Arabic only in language. Ma’mun invited the best minds from 

throughout the 'Abbasid Empire to come to Baghdad. These intellectuals eagerly set to 

work to discover the accomplishments of other civilizations and to study the thoughts of 

antiquity. Intellectual and cultural tolerance were the order of the day.

Democracy in Modern Iraq

One of the hidden treasures of modern Iraqi political history is the development of a 

powerful nationalist movement during the early twentieth century, when Iraq was still 

part of the Ottoman Empire. Characterized by strong democratic impulses and an emphasis on cultural tolerance, the nationalist movement was given impetus by the Young Turk 

Revolt of 1908, which emphasized republicanism and democratic reform. The nationalist 

movement attracted the loyalties of a large segment of the populace and included Iraqis 

of all ethnic backgrounds. It made significant contributions to Iraq’s social and political 

development until it was repressed by the first Ba'athist regime of 'Ali Salih al-Sa'di and 

its violent National Guard militia, which seized power in February 1963.

The Iraqi nationalist movement had four characteristics. First, the movement was 

characterized by interethnic cooperation. Iraqi nationalists explicitly rejected sectarianism and instead argued for a unified Iraq in which ethnic background was not a political 

issue. Second, the movement emphasized associational behavior. This was important 

because a strong democracy requires that the citizenry be organized. Third, the movement demonstrated a strong desire by Iraqis to communicate beyond their own ethnic 

groups or geographical regions. This was reflected in the vibrant press that characterized 

Iraqi society after the so-called Young Turk Revolt of 1908, and also in the expansion of 

literary and artistic expression after World War I. Finally, the movement was characterized 

by significant artistic innovation that expanded the boundaries of political and cultural 

discourse in Iraq and challenged many aspects of tradition. Although a number of army 

officers and political organizations, such as the al-Muthanna Club, did not ascribe to the 

nationalist movement’s democratic politics, they were a distinct minority among Iraqi 

nationalists.

The Experience of Iraq’s Kurds in Promoting Democracy

Despite geographical conditions, particularly a mountainous terrain that hampered their 

interaction with the Arabs to the south, the Kurds nevertheless were part of the Iraqi 

nationalist movement. Kurds migrated to the south in search of greater economic opportunities and became involved in national political and social movements. Kurds were, for 

example, members of some of the earliest labor unions to develop in Iraq. Many joined 

the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP) because of its antisectarian message. After forming their 

own wing of the ICP, Shursh (Revolution), this organization evolved to first become the 

Ruzkari Party of Kurdish Liberation in 1945 and then became the Kurdish Democratic Party 

(KDP) in 1946. Although a party based in Iraqi Kurdistan, the KDP nevertheless retained 

close ties with the larger Iraqi nationalist movement. Kurds struggled against British control over Iraq; for example, they actively participated in strikes in the northern oil fields 

near Khanaqin and elsewhere in the 1940s and after. Kurdish officers in the Iraqi army 

were likewise affected throughout the twentieth century by the call of the Iraqi nationalist movement for a country independent of colonial control. 

In addition to making major contributions to the broader Iraqi nationalist movement, 

one of the most important chapters in building democracy in Iraq has been the experience 

The nationalist movement 

attracted the loyalties of a large 

segment of the populace and 

included Iraqis of all ethnic 

backgrounds.
of Iraq’s Kurdish population since breaking free from Saddam Hussein’s regime following 

the Intifada of March–April 1991. While the Iraqi Kurdish experiment with democracy has 

not been without its problems, such as conflict between the two major political parties, 

the Kurdish Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), the accomplishments of Iraqi Kurdistan are indeed impressive, especially at the level of civil society 

building.

Civil society expanded dramatically under the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) 

between 1991 and 2003. Professional associations, labor unions, women’s organizations, 

and entrepreneurial organizations were established in a free and democratic environment. 

An ideologically diverse print media, and a television and radio network flourished, which 

allowed Iraq’s Kurds full political and cultural expression for the first time in their history. 

This freedom included criticism of the Kurdish political leadership for what many considered its authoritarian tendencies. New schools and hospitals were built and women’s 

role in Kurdish society was significantly enhanced through increased educational and 

other opportunities. The fact that such a large number of nongovernmental organizations 

(NGOs) was able to organize in post-Saddam Kurdistan indicates the amount of freedom 

enjoyed by Iraq’s Kurds after 1991.

The KRG also initiated an extensive human rights campaign aimed at training prison 

guards in the proper treatment of inmates. Representatives of foreign organizations, such 

as Amnesty International, have been able to witness the results of this campaign. This 

type of transparency is precisely what a fledgling democracy needs. In 2001, the KRG 

added a Ministry of Human Rights to its ministerial cabinet.

The promotion of the idea of a federal political structure for Iraq—one followed by 

many other democracies, including the United States and Germany—represents another 

Kurdish contribution toward building a long-term and stable democracy in Iraq. By arguing for incorporating the idea of federalism into the new Iraqi constitution, Iraq’s Kurds 

have simultaneously promoted the principle of checks and balances that is so important 

to preventing authoritarian rule. While the exact nature of Iraq’s federal structure still 

has to be worked out, the notion of preventing too much power from falling into the 

hands of the central government constitutes an important step forward in building a 

democratic polity. The notion of checks and balances has also been applied to regional 

Kurdish politics as democratic forces have worked to balance the KDP and PUK parties, 

as well as to balance the power of the Kurdish regional parliament against the powers of 

the regional executive.

The experience of Iraq’s Kurds can provide inspiration for all of Iraq in its efforts to 

bring about a democratic transition. The impressive accomplishments of the Kurds from 

1991 to 2003, with few material resources, underscore what Iraq as a whole can achieve. 

The achievements in education, economic development, human rights, civil society building, political participation, and tolerance for cultural diversity provide an excellent model 

for the entire country. Conversely, the Kurds can benefit from the activities of their fellow 

Arab citizens to the south, especially the historical memory of the democratic accomplishments of the pre-1963 nationalist movement (see further details below), since many Kurds 

would argue that democracy is still in its infancy in the Kurdish regions of Iraq. In other 

words, there is a great potential for synergy between Iraq’s Arab and Kurdish populations 

in their efforts to build a truly democratic society.

The nationalist movement offers what some political scientists have called a “usable 

democratic legacy.” This legacy is highly significant. First, it demonstrates that, in the 

modern era as in the past, democratic practices—and the values that support them—are 

not alien to Iraqi society and traditions. Second, it demonstrates that Iraqis were able to 

cooperate politically across ethnic lines in the past, so they will be able to do so again in 

the future. Here the nationalist movement’s legacy can help promote trust among Iraq’s 

citizenry by offsetting the arguments of those who would manipulate sectarianism in an 

effort to return Iraq to authoritarian rule by asserting that the nation’s ethnic groups 

cannot cooperate because they do not share common interests. Third, the legacy can 

The nationalist movement 

offers what some political scientists have called a “usable 

democratic legacy.”
help instill pride among Iraq’s citizens. Pride in country is another important dimension of democracy, especially if it is tied to an inclusionary political culture and is not 

chauvinistic in nature.

The Approach of This Report

Throughout the world, people of good will sincerely hope that Iraq will be able to make 

a transition to democratic rule. In that spirit, this report offers proposals for projects 

that the Iraqi government and democratic activists might pursue to help promote the 

process of democratization. The proposals presented here are suggestions and can be 

modified as those who seek to implement them deem best. The proposals are based on 

the assumption that the promotion of democracy requires an active notion of citizenship 

and political and social organization. Consequently, the projects suggested below require 

a commitment of time, the creation of an organizational framework within which to 

implement them, and financial support from either public or private sources. However, 

many of the projects do not require substantial funding. Perhaps the most important 

factor supporting the suggested proposals is that Iraqis have demonstrated many times 

throughout their rich historical past that they possess the means to create a just and 

prosperous society. This report should be read as an effort to support the tremendous 

strides that Iraqis have already made in creating a democratic society following the fall 

of Saddam Hussein.

Models of Historical Memory

Because 60 percent of the Iraqi population is under the age of twenty-five, young 

Iraqis have known nothing other than authoritarian rule. However, many older Iraqis 

still remember the era prior to February 1963 and can share their memories of the Iraqi 

nationalist movement’s efforts to create a democratic and just society. In fact, this older 

cohort includes many Iraqis who themselves participated in the nationalist movement. 

Thus, the first project seeks to mobilize historical memory in promoting democracy in 

Iraq. One of the means by which the Iraqi government, civil society organizations, and 

democratic activists can help promote democracy is by conveying the experiences and 

reminiscences of the older generation of Iraqis to the younger generation. Doing so 

would not only serve the important purpose of transmitting historical knowledge to 

younger Iraqis but would also help to bridge the gap between generations. Iraq has 

numerous traditions that bespeak respect for cultural diversity, freedom of expression, 

and promoting political participation and the rule of law, and one of the most important 

aspects of building democracy in Iraq is to educate the younger generation in these 

traditions. The effort would allow older Iraqis to play the role of mentors to the young, 

an important role in a society in which age is highly respected.

There are many ways in which historical memory can be used to revitalize Iraqi 

democracy. More than two hundred Iraqi newspapers have begun publishing since the 

fall of Saddam Hussein, and many of them contain a section devoted to civil society. 

Examples of such newspapers are al-Sabah and al-Mada. The Iraqi government and NGOs 

could use these newspapers to publicize the accomplishments of the Iraqi nationalist 

movement through commissioning essays by Iraqi scholars, intellectuals, and political 

activists from the pre-1963 era. Another way to mobilize the positive historical memory 

of the Iraqi nationalist movement would be to utilize the web sites of Iraqi ministries and 

governmental organizations. The Ministries of Education, Higher Education and Scientific 

Research, Culture, Civil Society Affairs, Human Rights, Women’s Affairs, and Labor and 

Social Affairs all could post reports documenting the activities of the Iraqi nationalist 

movement. These materials could be solicited from Iraqi scholars, artists, and political 

Iraqis have demonstrated many 

times throughout their rich historical past that they possess 

the means to create a just and 

prosperous society. 


activists. Unlike during Saddam Hussein’s rule, when computers and Internet access were 

banned for most of the population, the Internet today is used by many Iraqis, either 

through their own personal computers or in Internet cafes.

Mobilizing Historical Memory in Support of Democracy

A project that the Iraqi government or NGOs might consider supporting is an Iraqi Democratic Historical Memory Project, which would gather older scholars, journalists, artists, 

and political activists who are conversant with Iraq’s modern democratic tradition. Under 

the auspices of the Iraqi government, which would provide the necessary resources, this 

three-stage historical memory project would allow those familiar with Iraq’s democratic 

tradition to work together to spread information about it. The older democratic activists 

could in turn invite their counterparts from the younger generation to join in promoting 

the project.

In the first two stages, the group of older and younger democratic activists would 

develop a series of conferences. In the first conference, the group would organize panels 

to present information and analysis of the efforts of the Iraqi nationalist movement to 

promote democracy and build civil society. This conference would not only facilitate information sharing but would allow the new group of democratic activists to get to know one 

another and develop a sense of corporate identity. Coming together as a group would set 

the stage for activities beyond the conference. For example, the papers of the conference 

could be published, and earlier works on the Iraqi nationalist movement, now out of print, 

could be reissued. The new group could issue abridged versions of earlier studies. These 

abridged texts could be offered for sale at subsidized prices by the Iraqi government, like 

the Little Encyclopedia that appeared during the 1970s and 1980s.

A possible theme for the project could be papers on the June–October 1920 Iraqi Revolution, building on the work of Wamidh Umar al-Nazmi, who is a professor of political science at Baghdad University, which demonstrates the widespread ecumenical spirit of the 

uprising. Dr. al-Nazmi’s focus on the cooperation among Iraqis of a wide variety of ethnic 

backgrounds—including Sunnis, Christians, and Jews—demonstrated the commitment of 

Iraqis to a national identity rather than one based on their particular ethnic community. 

For example, he discusses the celebration by Sunnis and Shi'ites of each other’s religious 

festivals and the fact that they prayed in each other’s mosques. Other papers could focus 

on the efforts of Iraqis of all ethnic backgrounds to struggle against oppressive rule, such 

as in the General Strike of 1931, the Wathba, or uprising, of 1948, and the Intifada of 

1953, all of which contested British control over Iraqi politics and the economy.

Papers could be offered on the many democratically oriented political parties that were 

developed by the Iraqi nationalist movement, such as the National Party, the People’s 

Organization, the National Democratic Party, and the Independence Party. The many electoral coalitions that were established during the 1950s to contest parliamentary elections 

could also be emphasized. These coalitions were particularly notable because they included political parties of different ideological persuasions, such as the National Democratic 

Party and the Independence Party. The studies of Jaf 'ar 'Abbas Humaydi, Fadil Husayn, 

Muhammad 'Awayd al-Dulaymi, and Ibrahim al-Juburi offer detailed analyses of the efforts 

of the many political parties that cooperated during this period to bring true democracy 

to Iraq. Of course, the magnificent work of modern Iraq’s greatest modern historian, 'Abd 

al-Razzaq al-Hasani, The History of Iraqi Ministries, is another testament to the Iraqi desire 

for a free and democratic political system.

Any review of the political and social behavior of the poorer sectors of society should 

include Kamal Mazhar Ahmad’s study The Iraqi Working Class: Its Formation and Early Activities. His work demonstrates not only that Iraqi artisans and workers of modest origins were 

able to form labor unions, but that these unions, many of which had national memberships, included workers from literally all of Iraq’s ethnic groups. Equally significant was 

Kamal Mazhar Ahmad’s work 

demonstrates not only that 

Iraqi artisans and workers of 

modest origins were able to 

form labor unions, but that 

these unions, many of which 

had national memberships, 

included workers from literally 

all of Iraq’s ethnic groups.
the solidarity that these workers demonstrated in strikes and labor actions designed to 

improve their standard of living and to support Iraq’s nationalist struggle—all the more 

impressive because most of the workers were illiterate.

The accomplishments of the Iraqi nationalist movement can also be seen in the great 

strides in literature and the arts that were made prior to 1963. Iraqi poets—such as Badr 

Shakir al-Sayyab, Nazik al-Mala’ika, Buland al-Haydari, Muhammad Mahdi al-Jawahiri, 

and ‘Abd al-Wahhab al-Bayati—and authors—such as Dhu al-Nun Ayub, ‘Abd al-Malik 

Nuri, Edmund Sabri, Fu’ad al-Takarli, and Shakir Khusbak—creatively synthesized symbols 

drawn from Iraq’s rich history with themes of modern civilization. In the plastic arts, 

sculptors and painters—such as Jawad Salim, Fa’iq Hasan, Nuri al-Rawi, Ismail al-Shaykhli, and Tariq Mazlum—also used tradition in creative ways to address modern problems. 

Jawad Salim’s Freedom Monument in Baghdad’s Liberation Square remains one of the most 

important artistic testimonies to Iraqi desires for freedom and progress.

As part of the Iraqi Historical Democratic Memory Project, oral histories could be 

gathered from democratic activists, intellectuals, poets, authors, labor union leaders, 

and artists who participated in the pre-1963 nationalist movement. Oral histories of this 

sort have been done in other Arab countries. For example, al-Fath University in Libya 

conducted an oral history project by taping resistance fighters who had fought against 

Italian colonialism. With the permission of the interviewees, taped interviews could be 

made available to all Iraqi universities and the National Library so that the public could 

have access to them. These taped interviews would become an important part of Iraq’s 

political heritage.

Opposing Saddam Hussein’s Regime

A second-stage conference would focus on a topic that still has not been addressed in 

significant detail, namely the efforts of Iraqis who opposed Saddam Hussein’s Ba’athist 

regime. As is well known, Saddam used considerable sums of public funds to manipulate 

Iraqis’ understanding of their past through the state-sponsored Project for the Rewriting 

of History, which he headed. Saddam was clearly afraid of Iraq’s nationalist past because 

the values held by Iraqis prior to Ba'athist rule did not support his goal of establishing a 

highly authoritarian country.

In this second stage of the project, members of the Iraqi Democratic Historical 

Memory Project could gather examples of writings and artistic expression during Saddam 

Hussein’s rule that supported political tolerance and respect for cultural diversity, albeit 

in a hidden manner. Examples include studies published during the Ba'athist era on the 

electoral coalitions that were created during the 1950s. This was a typical pattern of 

writing under the Ba'athist regime: intellectuals often wrote about political and social 

events that occurred before Saddam came to power and that contrasted with the regime’s 

authoritarian rule.

Other texts that contained implicit criticism of the Ba'athist regime adopted different 

techniques. Dr. Riyadh Aziz Hadi’s Political Problems in the Third World, for example, contains excellent chapters on the political systems of a variety of Western and non-Western 

countries. However, in his section on Iraq, he includes only the speeches of Saddam 

Hussein, thereby indirectly informing his students that it was not possible to write forthrightly about Iraqi politics under Ba'athist rule.

There are also studies from this era that criticized those whom Saddam’s regime 

considered enemies, while simultaneously demonstrating that the same criticisms could 

be directed at the Ba'athist regime itself. Baqir Jawad al-Zujaji’s The Iraqi Novel and the 

Problem of the Countryside ostensibly was a critique of leftist authors during the 1940s 

and 1950s who claimed to represent the interests of the peasantry but who spent little 

time in the countryside and had limited appreciation for rural village culture. However, a 

careful reading of the book indicates that all the author’s criticism could be applied to the 

Intellectuals often wrote about 

political and social events that 

occurred before Saddam came to 

power and that contrasted with 

the regime’s authoritarian rule.
leadership of the Ba'ath Party as well. Other studies published under Ba’athist rule were so 

laudatory of Saddam that they actually amounted to parodies of him.

Historical Memory and Institutionalizing Democratic Practices in Iraq

In the third stage, Iraqi intellectuals and other democratic activists would use the results 

of the first two stages to develop new curricular materials for all levels of education. This 

stage would offer teachers and university professors the opportunity to introduce new civically oriented teaching materials into their classes, which would strengthen their students’ 

understanding of modern Iraqi political development.

This project would also strengthen ties between university faculty and elementary and 

secondary school teachers. Outreach programs in which the faculties of arts and sciences 

of Iraq’s universities provide assistance to the nation’s school system could begin to be 

developed in earnest. Such cooperation could strengthen the overall education system and 

help build the confidence of schoolteachers, who often lack the opportunity to engage in 

professional development. 

Outreach programs in which university faculty help elementary and secondary school 

teachers develop grade-appropriate curricular materials represent an especially important 

collaboration. Because the education system experienced such degradation under the 

former regime, Iraqi schoolteachers lack basic resources. Overworked and in short supply, 

few teachers have the time or ability to improve teaching materials, many of which have 

not kept up with changes in the world. Iraqi university faculty members have an important 

role to play in improving basic education. If the Iraqi Democratic Historical Memory Project 

can help improve the teaching of Arab history, Islamic history, and civics education, Iraqi 

schoolchildren will be the beneficiaries.

A concrete way for university professors to contribute to the improvement of elementary 

and secondary schools is to write new textbooks that take into account recent scholarship. 

Because university faculty themselves have limited resources and are often overworked, 

the Iraqi Democratic Historical Memory Project could seek government funding to commission some of Iraq’s prominent scholars to produce innovative curricular material, perhaps 

with the assistance of graduate students. This project could include familiarizing Iraqi 

teachers with the use of websites from throughout the Arab world that emphasize civil 

society and democracy building to help them improve their teaching.

Strategies for Promoting Democracy

The Iraqi National Institute for Democracy 

Building on the examples of other Arab organizations—such as the Ibn Khaldun Center for 

Development Studies in Egypt; Muwatin, the Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy; and MIFTAH, the Palestinian Initiative for Global Dialogue and Democracy—the 

Iraqi government should consider establishing a national institute designed to promote 

democracy. This institute could sponsor a number of national projects and provide training and resources, such as grants, for Iraqis who want to establish new political parties 

and civil society organizations or democracy “think tanks.” The Iraqi National Institute for 

Democracy could also provide periodic workshops and seminars to help these organizations 

develop new programs as they expand.

The new institute would be publicly funded but autonomous, that is, not under the 

control of a particular branch of the Iraqi government. Following the model of similar institutes in other countries, the Iraqi National Institute for Democracy could be administered 

by a board of directors whose members would be nominated by the offices of the Iraqi 

president, vice presidents, and prime minister, and then appointed by the president.

10

Overworked and in short 

supply, few teachers have 

the time or ability to improve 

teaching materials, many of 

which have not kept up with 

changes in the world.
One project that the new institute could sponsor is an essay contest on the theme 

“My Hopes for the New Iraq.” This project would be modeled on a contest organized by 

the Women’s Alliance for a Democratic Iraq (WAFDI) titled “Why I Love Iraq.” WAFDI’s 

initiative was intended for primary school students. The pilot project was implemented in 

Baghdad for first, second, and third grade students during the 2003–2004 academic year 

and offered a prize of $100 to the winning essay. The WAFDI essay contest could receive 

funding from the Iraqi National Institute for Democracy to expand it into a national 

program.

A contest on the theme “My Hopes for the New Iraq” could include not just secondary 

school students, but Iraqis of all ages. Allowing participants to achieve national recognition, and receive a small stipend, would certainly make such a contest attractive. In 

keeping with Iraq’s position as one of the cultural centers of the Arab world—and the 

importance of the oral tradition in Arab culture—poetry that conformed to the contest’s 

theme could form a separate category. Artistic works, such as documentary films, paintings, and sculpture, which could also be considered separate categories, would further 

enrich the project. 

Winners of the contest would be invited to discuss their essays on state-run radio 

stations, and the essays could be posted on the website of the Ministry of State for 

Civil Society Affairs. When the security situation improves, successful contestants could 

appear on Iraqi television to discuss their projects and the ideas behind them. Copies 

of successful essays and poetry could be published in prominent newspapers, such as alZaman, al-Sabah, al-Sabah al-Jadid, al-Bayan, and al-Ta’akhi; distributed in schools and 

universities; and disseminated with the help of civil society organizations such as WAFDI. 

Successful artistic entries could be posted on government websites and in museums and 

public galleries. Making the results of the contest public would encourage Iraqis to think 

in greater detail about their own hopes and aspirations for the new Iraq.

Citizenship and Service Learning for University Students

The concept of citizenship and service learning is one in which students apply what they 

have learned in the university classroom to their community. In this educational model, 

learning is not just an abstraction, but experienced in a very real sense by the student. 

Faculty members locate community partners with which their students can work and 

then assign students to work with these partner organizations. For example, university 

students studying to become teachers help elementary school students improve their 

reading and writing skills, thereby assisting teachers and schools. The university students 

gain a better understanding of how teaching takes place in an applied setting, while the 

teachers and children both receive helpful assistance. In this model of learning, everyone 

benefits.

Students could serve in many capacities, such as working as interns in civil society 

organizations, tutoring high school students, helping to improve the quality of recreational programs for young people, or providing services to elderly people who have lost 

spouses or lack family support by bringing them daily necessities and reading materials. 

Students in medical school could help provide medical services to areas of Iraq where 

such services are lacking. Students in the arts could work to beautify public spaces, offer 

theater performances, or organize exhibits of paintings and sculpture. Obviously, the possibilities for citizenship and service learning are endless. 

Citizenship and service learning promotes a deeper level of civic understanding on the 

part of university students. Not only do they improve their learning process, but they gain 

an appreciation of giving to the community. Citizenship and service learning also helps 

university students understand whether they are really suited for a career by giving them 

direct experience with that career. But most important of all, this form of learning helps 

inculcate civic values in students.

The Ministries of Higher Education and Scientific Research, Education, and Civil Society Affairs could play an important role in promoting citizenship and service learning. 

11

Students could serve in many 

capacities, such as working as 

interns in civil society organizations, tutoring high school students, helping to improve the 

quality of recreational programs 

for young people, or providing 

services to elderly people who 

have lost spouses or lack family 

support by bringing them daily 

necessities and reading materials.
12

The Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research could offer academic credits to 

students who participate in this program. The three ministries could develop programs to 

give students the necessary training before they are sent to the communities and organizations with which they want to work. 

A National Reading Project

A recent poll of 10,000 Iraqi urban and rural families, commissioned by the Ministry of 

Planning and Cooperative Development and conducted by the United Nations Educational, 

Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), found that 85 percent of Iraqi youth 

between the ages of nineteen and twenty-four rejected the idea that political disputes 

can be resolved through violence. The poll revealed little evidence that young members 

of the families surveyed were attracted to radical politics. In a less encouraging finding, 

however, the poll revealed that young Iraqis, like young people in many societies today, 

are visual learners and spend relatively little time reading books. Of course, this lack of 

reading among Iraqi youth stems partly from the UN sanctions of the 1990s, when few 

books were published and when Iraqi families could ill afford to purchase reading materials. The decline in interest in books also occurred during a time when the Iraqi education 

system experienced a serious decline in quality.

A democratic society requires a literate citizenry. One way to promote reading skills 

among Iraqi youth, as well as to promote a deeper appreciation of the values of tolerance, 

respect for cultural diversity, and political participation, is to organize a national reading 

contest around materials that emphasize these values. The contest would entail students 

reading from a list of publications suggested by Iraqi university faculty and secondary 

school teachers that promote democratic values, including works on literature, the arts, 

religion, history, politics, and civic values.

The Ministries of Education and Culture could organize this contest, in which students 

would receive prizes for reading a set number of books. The ministries could post a list 

of books, sections of books, or short stories on their websites. Through government and 

private funding, reading materials could be published as supplements to Iraqi newspapers. 

Teachers could be given a small salary supplement for participating.

At the beginning of the reading project, students would be given a ticket. After they 

read a certain number of publications from the list of materials, teachers would discuss 

these readings with them to ascertain whether they understood what they had read. 

Upon successful completion of this process, students would have their ticket punched 

and could then exchange it for a prize. Possible prizes could be tickets to soccer games or 

small items offered by local merchants. Students who read an especially large number of 

publications could receive a government certificate to add to their school record, a form 

of national recognition.

Teachers could be encouraged to discuss in their classrooms the readings that their 

students found especially compelling. Classroom discussion would allow the contest to 

move beyond the individual reader and have a broader impact on the Iraqi elementary 

and secondary school system. The National Reading Contest could thereby serve as a curriculum supplement as well.

Using the Internet to Promote Democracy

One of the important developments of the past decade has been the dramatic expansion of 

the Internet. The explosion of information now available to people living in even remote 

areas of the globe has significantly affected all aspects of life. Authoritarian regimes deny 

their people access to information. It is no surprise, then, that the use of computers and 

Internet access were strictly controlled by Saddam Hussein’s Ba'athist regime. Since the 

fall of the Ba'ath Party, Internet use in Iraq has increased tremendously. From secondary school students who use it to find materials to complete homework assignments to 

women who gather before computers to learn from the experiences of women elsewhere 

A democratic society requires a 

literate citizenry.
13

how to promote their own interests in Iraqi society, the Internet has opened many 

avenues for change.

Both the Iraqi government and the organizations of civil society can make further 

use of the Internet. The Iraqi government can develop curricular material to be used by 

elementary and secondary school teachers and make it available on the Internet. A number of government ministries could participate in this activity, including the Ministries of 

Education, Higher Education and Scientific Research, and Culture. Creating such a website 

would be especially helpful, given the shortage of up-to-date textbooks in many school 

districts throughout Iraq. Although most Iraqi schools do not have computers, teachers 

could be given access codes to computers in Internet cafes where they could review new 

curricular materials. As more computers become available in the schools, these materials 

would become easier to access.

What types of materials would be especially useful in promoting a better understanding of the principles and functioning of a democratic government? As noted above, Iraq 

has an important democratic tradition that is largely unknown to Iraqi youth. Speeches 

by representatives who served in the pre-1958 parliament and those of Iraq’s important 

democratic activists, such as Kamil al-Chadirji, leader of the National Democratic Party, 

could be posted. Postings could include statements made by Iraqi nationalists, both secular and religious, during some of Iraq’s most important historical events—for example, 

clerics who issued fatwas defending Iraq during the British invasion between 1914 and 

1918, or activists who participated in the 1920 Revolution, the 1931 General Strike, 

the 1948 Wathba, the 1953 Intifada, the United Electoral Front, which competed in the 

June 1954 parliamentary elections, and other important nationalist events. Postings that 

emphasized the unity of the Iraqi people, antisectarianism, and respect for cultural diversity—all key building blocks of democratic values—would underscore the importance of 

Iraq’s democratic tradition.

Thus, one way to increase the quality and quantity of societal knowledge about Iraqi 

politics and society, and by extension a deeper understanding and appreciation of democratic values and practices, is to increase Internet access. As the Arab Human Development 

Report has indicated, Internet usage in the Arab world is still very limited compared to 

other regions of the world. One positive step, therefore, would be for the Iraqi government to facilitate access to the Internet. This would be especially important to poorer 

sectors of society. Following a model designed to promote civic involvement that was 

first suggested by the Italian author Umberto Eco to the municipal council of the city of 

Bologna, the Iraqi government could issue identification cards that would allow citizens 

free access to Internet terminals located in post offices or other municipal buildings in 

their communities. Like Bologna’s residents, residents of Iraq’s cities and towns could use 

their government-issued Internet access cards at these terminals. 

Universal Internet access would allow students to study materials not available in 

the classroom and permit citizens to learn news from around the world. Moreover, the 

government could publicize on these Internet terminals how citizens could connect to 

the websites of government ministries and civil society organizations, laws affecting their 

everyday lives (e.g., laws relating to conducting business and economic investment), and 

suggestions for contacting the office of the municipal or provincial advocate (see below) 

if they are experiencing problems with government services.

Creation of a Web site Designed to Counter Insurgents’ Misinterpretations of Islam

One of the main impediments to promoting democracy in Iraq is the ongoing insurgency. 

The insurgency is supported and funded by many elements who were part of, or had

close ties to, the former regime of Saddam Hussein. Although the former regime was 

extremely secular in orientation, and suppressed efforts by Iraqis, both clerics and laymen, to express their religious beliefs in public, these same elements now carry on their 

insurgency in the name of Islam. While most adult Iraqis do not consider insurgents who 

engage in suicide bombings, assassinations, and murders to be true Muslims, it is critiPostings that emphasized 

the unity of the Iraqi people, 

antisectarianism, and respect 

for cultural diversity—all key 

building blocks of democratic 

values—would underscore the 

importance of Iraq’s democratic 

tradition.
14

cal that Iraqi youth understand that violence and killing are not condoned by Islam if a 

strong democracy is to be built in Iraq.

The Iraqi government should consider the efforts of a Yemeni judge, Hamoud al-Hitar, 

who challenged jailed al Qaeda members in a Sana'a prison to a debate over whether 

Islam sanctions violent and terrorist acts. Judge al-Hitar offered to declare support 

for the al Qaeda members if they won the debate. However, if he won the debate, he 

demanded that these young Yemenis renounce terrorism and violence once and for all. 

As would be expected of a judge well educated in Islamic law, he won what became a 

series of debates. The admission by many al Qaeda members that the judge had won the 

debates resulted in many terrorists being released from jail. Once released, they not only 

cooperated with authorities to bring other terrorists to justice, but also joined Judge 

al-Hitar in his efforts to spread a true understanding of the peaceful nature of Islam. Perhaps most significant, many former terrorists argued that they did not know that Islam 

did not condone the killing of innocent people and had been led by terrorist leaders to 

accept beliefs that were not part of the Muslim religion.

This story suggests the need for the Iraqi government to be more proactive in educating Iraqi youth about the true teachings of Islam. One way to do this would be for the 

Iraqi government to recruit Muslim clerics, both Sunni and Shi'ite, to answer questions 

about politics and society posed by Iraqi youth. This could be accomplished through 

a weekly television and/or radio program that answered questions mailed to them or 

posted on a website administered by the Ministry of Religious Affairs. Clearly, a better 

understanding among Iraqi youth of Islam’s strictures against terrorism and violence 

will contribute to a political and social environment more conducive to the growth of 

democracy.

Expanding the Coffeehouse Culture

One of the most venerable Iraqi institutions is the coffeehouse, which has always played 

an important cultural and political role in Iraqi society. Traditionally, the coffeehouse was 

the venue for poets and intellectuals. The al-Zahawi Coffeehouse named after Jamal Sidqi 

al-Zahawi, the Haydarkhana Coffeehouse associated with Maruf al-Rusafi, the Hasan Ajma 

Coffeehouse associated with Muhammad Mahdi al-Jawahiri, and the Brazil Coffeehouse 

frequented by the famous short story writer Abd al-Malik Nuri are just some examples 

of Iraq’s many famous coffeehouses. Coffeehouses provided the stimulus for the creation 

of important literary journals, such as New Thought, which was founded in the Swiss 

Coffeehouse. Coffeehouses also helped promote democracy. Badr Shakir al-Sayyab and 

Buland al-Haydari both wrote famous poems about the persona of the informer in which 

they describe the efforts of poets to deliver poetry that conveys opposition to the state, 

but in ways unintelligible to the government informer lurking in the coffeehouse. Prior to 

1963, Iraqi nationalists would return to specific coffeehouses after engaging in political 

demonstrations. Thus the coffeehouse became a place where its customers could learn 

the nuances and subtleties of subverting the repressive state.

Iraqi coffeehouses have traditionally promoted egalitarian values by obscuring the 

lines of social stratification between the wealthy and the poor. Those who could not 

afford to purchase a newspaper could often read a copy in the coffeehouse. Those who 

could not read would find someone there who would read the newspaper aloud. In this 

manner, the coffeehouse has promoted civil society by expanding a sense of community 

in the cities, towns, and villages of Iraq.

A very effective way to promote civil society in Iraq, and by extension greater support 

for democratic institutions and practices, would be for the Iraqi government to offer longterm loans at nominal interest rates to organizations that seek to establish new coffeehouses for civic-minded purposes. In return for receiving a low-cost loan, the sponsoring 

organization would be required to host a certain number of events, or provide specific 

Iraqi coffeehouses have 

traditionally promoted egalitarian 

values by obscuring the lines of 

social stratification between the 

wealthy and the poor.
15

services, that would promote the expansion of civil society. A poetry society, for example, 

might offer poetry readings on designated nights of the week. A theater troupe might 

offer plays. Women’s organizations might use a new coffeehouse to offer a lecture series 

exploring ways Iraqi women could assume a more prominent role in public life. In coffeehouses in poorer neighborhoods, university students enrolled in citizenship and service 

learning programs could offer reading instruction. Artists could use the coffeehouse to 

present new works that express civic themes. These are just some of the many ways the 

tradition of the coffeehouse’s contribution to Iraqi society could be continued.

National “Town Hall” Meetings

In keeping with the proposition that a strong democracy depends on the availability of 

information and a sense of trust among the populace in the integrity and competence of 

its government representatives, this report suggests creation of a monthly national “town 

hall” meeting. Members of the Iraqi government, including at various times the president, 

vice president, prime minister, speaker of the parliament, and cabinet ministers, would 

appear on state-run television and radio on one evening each month to answer questions 

posed by telephone or through the Internet from Iraqis throughout the country.

First and foremost, the very existence of these town hall meetings would increase 

the bonds of trust between the citizenry and the government, provided Iraqis felt that 

government officials answered their questions honestly. Second, these meetings would 

provide a barometer of public opinion for government officials. Third, these meetings 

would strengthen bonds among different sectors of Iraqi society, as callers saw that their 

concerns and problems were shared. Finally, these meetings would strengthen government officials’ sense of accountability.

To expand the reach of the town hall meetings beyond the television and radio audiences, their proceedings could be published on government websites. Iraqi newspapers 

could carry summaries of the proceedings. Of course, town hall meetings would be most 

effective if the government responds to the problems brought to its attention during the 

meetings. It could, for example, appoint government commissions or other official bodies 

to investigate matters of widespread concern.

Youth Programs

Creating a Youth Channel on Iraqi State Television

Given the large percentage of Iraqis who are under the age of twenty-five, the Iraqi 

government should be especially concerned with the needs of Iraqi youth. One way to 

organize programs for Iraqi youth would be to create a television channel especially for 

them. In the morning, this channel could offer children’s programs that incorporate learning materials for preschoolers, especially reading and mathematics. If done in a creative 

way, such programming, which has been very successful in other countries, could help 

prepare children for elementary school.

Programs offered later in the day could be directed toward older students, combining 

entertainment with learning. For example, a program on folk poetry could both delight 

and educate viewers, as could a program on music that focused on the lute or the qanun 

(Eqyptian lap harp). Programs could also discuss the problems of teenagers in all societies, as well as preview possible careers for students nearing graduation from secondary 

schools.

Other programs could interview young Egyptians, Syrians, Palestinians, Turks, Iranians, 

or students from the Gulf area, just to give some possible examples. Organizations such as 

UNESCO, the Arab League, the United States Agency for International Development, and 

the European Union might be approached to help fund such a television channel. Iraqi 

university students interested in a career in the visual media could serve as interns at 

The very existence of these town 

hall meetings would increase the 

bonds of trust between the 

citizenry and the government.

One way to organize programs for 

Iraqi youth would be to create a 

television channel especially 

for them. 
16

the channel, where they could help generate ideas for new and innovative programming. 

If Iraqi youth were involved in the development of this channel through public opinion 

surveys conducted in secondary schools and universities, and their opinions were taken 

seriously, the channel could be very successful and serve as a vehicle for promoting a more 

positive outlook among young people.

Summer Camps for Iraqi Youth

Although Iraq is not a sectarian society, those who would return it to authoritarian rule 

have tried to create conflict among Iraq’s ethnic groups. To offset this destructive effort, 

it is important to inculcate in the next generation of Iraqis a respect for cultural diversity 

and a tolerance for difference. One way to promote appreciation for cultural difference is 

to encourage interaction among young people from different ethnic groups.

Obviously, there are many means to accomplish this end. One way would be to organize a summer camp program for Iraqi youth. Because the summer is quite hot, the best 

venue for these camps might be the cooler climate of Iraqi Kurdistan. While Iraqi students 

enjoyed themselves at camp, they could also be learning. Unlike the summer camps 

organized by Saddam Hussein’s regime, which were intended to indoctrinate Iraqi youth 

into an authoritarian political culture, these camps would stress the inherent worth of all 

cultures, as well as the cultural commonalities of all Iraq’s ethnic groups. Their programs 

would be designed to educate campers in the history and heritage of Iraq’s major ethnic 

groups. Performances by folklore troupes, photographic and artistic exhibits, ethnic foods, 

storytelling, movies, and the celebration of ethnic and regional holidays could all be 

incorporated to support the camps’ goal.

Using Folklore to Enhance Respect for Cultural Differences

During the rule of 'Abd al-Karim Qasim (1958–1963), the Iraqi government placed considerable emphasis on Iraq’s folkloric heritage in government-sponsored television programs 

and publications. Prime Minister Qasim’s focus on folklore was extremely popular among 

Iraqis at the time. Many urban Iraqis still maintained close ties to rural areas from which 

they had only recently migrated. They found folklore, or what is referred to in Arabic as 

“popular culture,” highly attractive because it reflected both a concern with their cultural origins and a set of values and practices that were egalitarian in nature. Instead of 

emphasizing difference, as was often the case in “high” culture, folklore stressed what 

all Iraqis, Arabs, Kurds, Turkmen, and others shared. Much of the Iraqi population saw 

folklore as contributing to the building of a national culture and, by extension, promoting 

a common definition of political community.

Saddam Hussein’s regime allowed the continuation of this emphasis on folklore. However, Saddam tried to use folklore to promote his own cult of personality. The concepts of 

heroism and toughness were used to promote Saddam’s image as Iraq’s father figure and 

military leader. Despite Saddam’s efforts to manipulate folklore for his own political ends, 

the Journal of Popular Culture (Majallat al-Turath al-Sha’bi) was extremely popular under 

his rule, as were television programs that emphasized folklore themes, such as Aspects of 

Baghdad (Baghdadiyat), and historical works that emphasized folklore, such as the writings of al-Jahiz, including his famous book on misers, al-Bukhala.

One way for the Iraqi government to counter efforts to create sectarian feelings among 

the Iraqi populace would be to fund television and radio programs and films that emphasize folkloric themes. The current television program City Diaries (Yawmiyat al-Madina)

is one such example. Programs that discussed music, sports, marriage rituals, artisan 

production, and proverbs, jokes, and riddles—both contemporary and historical—would 

foster greater national solidarity, especially if they dealt with the folklore of all Iraq’s 

ethnic groups. 

Unlike the summer camps 

organized by Saddam Hussein’s 

regime, which were intended to 

indoctrinate Iraqi youth into an 

authoritarian political culture, 

these camps would stress the 

inherent worth of all cultures, as 

well as the cultural commonalities of all Iraq’s ethnic groups.

Much of the Iraqi population 

saw folklore as contributing 

to the building of a national 

culture and, by extension, promoting a common definition of 

political community.
17

The creation of new museums throughout Iraq containing exhibits highlighting all of 

Iraq’s ethnic groups would likewise contribute to a sense of national unity. The promotion 

of folklore would also serve to create a greater respect for tradition in the good sense of 

the word.

The Office of Public Advocate

To ensure that all citizens have equal and effective access to government services, the 

Iraqi parliament could create an Office of the Public Advocate in all of Iraq’s major cities 

and provinces. The public advocate would act as the guardian of the public’s interests, 

apart from any particular government or political party. The Office of the Public Advocate 

could report to Iraq’s Court of Cassation, the highest court in the land. Public advocates 

should be appointed for a lengthy period (e.g., six years) and should be individuals of 

high moral stature and reputation. They could be drawn from the legal profession, the 

court system, or the education system. As a respected member of the community, immune 

from political pressure and serving for an extended period of time, the public advocate 

would add to the sense of confidence that Iraqis have in their government.

Promoting Democracy through Social Justice

History records many instances where democracies failed because citizens did not enjoy a 

decent standard of living and social security. Weimar Germany during the 1920s and early 

1930s is a good example of economic malaise ultimately leading to the rise of authoritarianism. Iraq’s unemployment rate is estimated to be in excess of 60 percent. Young 

Iraqis have limited career opportunities and many are very pessimistic about their futures. 

Economic discontent has helped to fuel the ongoing insurgency in Iraq.

Because democratic values cannot flourish in a stagnant economic environment, this 

report urges the Iraqi government to publicize its vision of economic development more 

aggressively over the next five years. Proposed projects, such as the efforts to develop 

the port of Basra as a regional “mega port” in cooperation with Kuwait and Iran, need 

higher visibility. This project, which will link Iraq, Kuwait, and Iran via rail lines and 

highways, will make Basra the major port in the Arab Mashriq and create thousands of 

new jobs in southern Iraq. Through facilitating the import and export of goods needed 

for Iraq’s economic reconstruction, the project will ultimately contribute to all regions of 

Iraqi society, not just the south.

Beyond long-term projects such as the modernization and expansion of the port of 

Basra, the Iraqi government should find international donors to support development of a 

national employment program. Although this program would be temporary, it would provide jobs for large numbers of Iraqis until the economy begins to reestablish momentum, 

especially with the revival of the oil industry. Painting and improving schools, cleaning up 

and beautifying neighborhoods, improving recreational facilities for young people, offering tutoring services for elementary and secondary school students, serving as interns for 

civil society organizations—these are just some types of work that those employed by 

the state could perform during the short term.

For the long-term economic health of the country, the Iraqi government needs to dramatically increase job training facilities throughout the country. The process of opening 

job training centers has already begun, but it needs more financial assistance and help 

from the international community if it is to have a meaningful impact. Because Iraq has 

been cut off from technological developments in the world by the United Nations sanctions regime, it also needs more skilled professionals who will train Iraqis, either in the 

country or in neighboring nations, to acquire new skills, such as those linked to information technology. Providing a wide range of job training will offer Iraqis more hope about 

their economic future, which will undoubtedly translate into hope about the political 

future as well.

Iraq’s unemployment rate is 

estimated to be in excess of 60 

percent.

Providing a wide range of job 

training will offer Iraqis more 

hope about their economic 

future, which will undoubtedly 

translate into hope about the 

political future as well.
18

Conclusion

The insurgency currently plaguing Iraq has made many Iraqis pessimistic about their 

country’s future. However, Iraq has the resources to create one of the most vibrant democracies in the Arab world—one that can become the envy of countries around the globe. 

Not only does Iraq possess tremendous oil wealth, agricultural resources, and historical 

treasures with which to develop a flourishing tourist industry, but, more important, it is 

home to a set of rich traditions that its highly educated citizenry can use as foundations 

for building the new Iraq. Indeed, as indicated by the popular wisdom in the well-known 

Arabic saying “The Egyptians write, the Lebanese publish, and the Iraqis read,” Iraq is 

inherently an open and tolerant society.

One of the main strategies of authoritarian regimes is to undermine a society’s confidence in itself and, by extension, the hopes and aspirations of its citizenry. One of the 

most important defenses against the reassertion of authoritarian rule is to sustain the 

momentum of the ongoing transition to democracy. Iraqis can best accomplish this by 

remaining focused on the tasks at hand—namely, expanding the number of projects that 

promote democratization—and not allowing violence to deter them from their goals of 

building a democratic and just society. If the initiatives suggested in this report can help 

Iraqis, even in some small way, sustain the energy and enthusiasm that they have already 

demonstrated in building democracy, then it will have achieved its goal. 
19

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United States 

Institute of Peace

1200 17th Street NW

Washington, DC 20036

www.usip.org

An online edition of this report can be 

found at our website (www.usip.org), 

together with additional information 

on the subject.

Of Related Interest

Of Related Interest

A number of other publications from the United States Institute of Peace examine issues 

related to promoting democracy and/or rebuilding Iraq.

Recent Institute reports include

• Arab Media: Tools of the Governments; Tools for the People? (Virtual Diplomacy Series 

Report No. 18, July 2005)

• Turkey and Iraq: The Perils (and Prospects) of Proximity (Special Report, July 2005)

• The Coalition Provisional Authority’s Experience with Governance in Iraq (Special Report, 

May 2005)

• Promoting Middle East Democracy II: Arab Initiatives (Special Report, May 2005)

• Who Are the Insurgents? Sunni Arab Rebels in Iraq (Special Report, April 2005)

• Iraq’s Constitutional Process: Shaping a Vision for the Country’s Future (Special Report, 

February 2005)

• Promoting Middle East Democracy: European Initiatives (Special Report, October 2004)

• Donor Activities and Civil Society Potential in Iraq (Special Report, July 2004)

• Building the Iraqi Special Tribunal: Lessons from Experiences in International Criminal 

Justice (Special Report, June 2004)

• Postconflict Iraq: A Race for Stability, Reconstruction, and Legitimacy (Special Reports, 

May 2004)

• Islamist Politics in Iraq after Saddam Hussein (Special Report, August 2003)

• Islam and Democracy (Special Report, September 2002)

Many of these reports are available in Arabic.

For book sales and order information, call (800) 868-8064 (U.S. toll-free only) or (703) 

661-1590, or fax (703) 661-1501.