U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE

37–332 PDF WASHINGTON : 2019

S. HRG. 115–659 

ASSESSING U.S. POLICY TOWARDS BURMA: 

GEOPOLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND 

HUMANITARIAN CONSIDERATIONS 

HEARING 

BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 

OCTOBER 24, 2017 

Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations 

( 

Available via the World Wide Web: 

http://www.govinfo.gov 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

BOB CORKER, Tennessee, Chairman

JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho 

MARCO RUBIO, Florida 

RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin 

JEFF FLAKE, Arizona 

CORY GARDNER, Colorado 

TODD, YOUNG, Indiana 

JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming 

JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia 

ROB PORTMAN, Ohio 

RAND PAUL, Kentucky 

BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland 

ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey 

JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire 

CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware 

TOM UDALL, New Mexico 

CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut 

TIM KAINE, Virginia 

EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts 

JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon 

CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey 

TODD WOMACK, Staff Director

JESSICA LEWIS, Democratic Staff Director

JOHN DUTTON, Chief Clerk

(II)

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

C O N T E N T S 

Page 

Corker, Hon. Bob, U.S. Senator from Tennessee .................................................. 1 

Cardin, Hon. Benjamin L., U.S. Senator from Maryland ..................................... 3 

Murphy, W. Patrick, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and 

Pacific Affairs, U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC ............................ 5 

Storella, Hon. Mark C., Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Population, 

Refugees, and Migration, U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC ........... 11 

Joint Prepared statement of Mr. Murphy and Ambassador Storella ........... 6 

Somvongsiri, V. Kate, Acting Deputy Assistant Administrator, Bureau for 

Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance, U.S. Agency for International development, Washington, DC ............................................................. 12 

Prepared statement .......................................................................................... 14 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted by Members 

of the Committee to: 

Hon. Mark Storella by Senator Marco Rubio ................................................. 37 

Hon. Mark Storella and W. Patrick Murphy by Senator Benjamin L. 

Cardin ............................................................................................................ 40 

Hon. Mark Storella by Senator Robert Menendez ......................................... 42 

Hon. Mark Storella by Senator Jeff Merkley ................................................. 44 

Hon. Mark Storella by Senator Cory A. Booker ............................................. 45 

Ms. V. Kate Somvongsiri by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin ........................... 45 

Ms. V. Kate Somvongsiri by Senator Robert Menendez ................................ 48 

ANNEXES

Annex I.—Statement Submitted by Amnesty International, October 23, 2017 . 51 

Annex II.—‘‘My World Is Finished,’’ Rohingya Targeted in Crimes Against 

Humanity in Myanmar ........................................................................................ 55 

Annex III.—Myanmar: New Landmine Blasts Point to Deliberate Targeting 

of Rohingya ........................................................................................................... 103 

Annex IV.—Human Rights Watch: Crimes Against Humanity by Burmese 

Security Forces Against the Roghingya Muslim Population in Northern 

Rakhine State Since August 25, 2017 ................................................................ 107 

Annex V.—Satellite-Based Damage Assessment of Maungdaw, Bithidaung 

and Rathedaung Townships (25 August–25 September 2017) ......................... 119 

Annex VI.—Human Rights Watch: Images of Wounded Rohingya in 

Myanmar ............................................................................................................... 127 

Annex VII.—Statement Submitted by John Sifton, Asia Advocacy Director, 

Human Rights Watch .......................................................................................... 141 

Annex VIII.—Testimony of Witnesses to Crimes Against Humanity in 

Myanmar ............................................................................................................... 149 

Annex IX.—Mission Report of OHCHR Rapid Response Mission to Cox’s 

Bazar, Bangladesh (13–24 September 2017) ..................................................... 163 

(III)

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

(1) 

ASSESSING U.S. POLICY TOWARDS BURMA: 

GEOPOLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND 

HUMANITARIAN CONSIDERATIONS 

TUESDAY, OCTOBER 24, 2017 

U.S. SENATE, 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, 

Washington, DC. 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:00 a.m. in Room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Bob Corker, chairman of the committee, presiding. 

Present: Senators Corker [presiding], Risch, Gardner, Young, 

Cardin, Shaheen, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Merkley, and Booker. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BOB CORKER, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE 

The CHAIRMAN. The Foreign Relations Committee will come to 

order. 

I want to thank each of you for being here. We thank you. It is 

very timely. 

In 2009, the Obama administration shifted the direction of U.S.- 

Burma policy, taking a leap of faith that an approach combining 

engagement and pressure would help usher in democratic reform 

where sanctions alone had failed. Although many were skeptical of 

such a shift, Burma’s 2010 elections provided an opportunity to test 

the credibility of a more proactive engagement approach. 

And in the ensuing years, the United States worked to balance 

engagement with the military junta and the democratic grassroots 

movement. Undoubtedly, this engagement strategy had a positive 

effect on the trajectory of Burma’s democratic reforms, including 

the 2015 election that brought the democratic opposition to power. 

And while the 2015 election was historic, Burma’s democratic 

transition has been a work in progress. Along with its complex ethnic and cultural history, the Burmese military continues to control 

key ministries and large swaths of the economy, which is why 

there was some concern in 2016 when the Obama administration 

unilaterally rolled back most of the restrictions on U.S. engagement with Burma. 

A year into this new policy, the question is was this too soon. 

The Burmese economy remains weak, and projected flows of U.S. 

investment have not materialized. Human rights regulations are 

untouched. Structural reforms have not progressed, and the peace 

progress is stagnant. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

2 

In recent weeks, we have also witnessed the appalling images of 

atrocities being committed by the Burmese military against the 

Rohingya minority. Hundreds of men and women and children systematically killed, hundreds of thousands of people fled as their 

homes burned. 

We continue to hear the truly heartbreaking accounts of human 

suffering. International frustration at the Burmese Government’s 

failure to protect such atrocities is even more heightened given decades of hopes staked upon the de facto leader, Ms. Aung San Suu 

Kyi. Of course, our first priority must remain the humanitarian situation, including a half a million men, women, and children who 

fled to Bangladesh. 

I also think we should not shy away from an honest assessment 

of the direction of U.S. policy towards Burma. Last year, I raised 

specific concerns with Ms. Suu Kyi about her government’s treatment of the Rohingya, one of the most vulnerable populations to 

human traffickers around the world. And I publicly shared my 

shock and dismay at her dismissiveness of these concerns, an attitude she has maintained even in the face of an unfolding humanitarian crisis and mounting international criticism. Her failure to 

acknowledge the seemingly systematic campaign of brutality by the 

Burmese military continues to undermine the civilian and Burma’s 

democratic transition as a whole. The United States should not 

abandon Burma. However, it may be time for a policy adjustment. 

I hope to have a candid conversation here today about the trajectory of current U.S. policy towards Burma, including the role that 

Congress can play in encouraging democratic reform and addressing humanitarian efforts. 

I want to thank you again for being here. 

I think it is Merkley’s birthday today. Is that right? 

Senator MERKLEY. Yes, Mr. Chairman. I cannot believe I am a 

year older. 

The CHAIRMAN. I could tell that you were not paying attention 

to my opening statement, and I just want to know if you would listen. 

And I understand you are getting ready to take also a CODEL 

to Burma. Is that correct? 

Senator MERKLEY. We are certainly hoping to put that together. 

I would like to invite all the members of the committee to join us. 

The CHAIRMAN. To our distinguished ranking member, Senator 

Cardin. Thank you. 

STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND 

Senator CARDIN. Well, to Senator Merkley, first of all, happy 

birthday. And you really know where to go to celebrate a birthday. 

So we appreciate your willingness to take that trip. 

Mr. Chairman, thank you so much for holding this hearing. 

Now it is Burma, another country that is committing ethnic 

cleansing, another country under the watch of the international 

community that is allowed to perpetrate an atrocity. Make no mistake about it. Atrocities are taking place in Burma. We have a humanitarian crisis. We have perpetrators who expect impunity, and 

there is no reason to doubt that in fact that may, in fact, occur. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

3 

This is ethnic cleansing. I know that the administration is evaluating that as we are holding this hearing. Ethnic cleansing, as defined by the United Nations Commission of Experts, is ‘‘rendering 

an area ethnically homogeneous by using force or intimidation to 

remove persons of given groups from an area.’’ Half of the population of the Rohingyas in Burma have left, 600,000 out of 1.2 million. There has been a systematic burning of their villages. 

This did not just start. It has been a campaign that has gone on 

for a long period of time since the 1982 law denies them citizenship 

even though they have been residents for generations. They are denied freedom of movement. They are denied freedom of education. 

They are denied health care. This has been a systematic effort to 

destroy an ethnic community. 

And once again, we see this happening, and once again, the expectation is, well, it is far away. We will just let it go along. 

We got to be outraged about what is happening. We need to see 

the international community come together and say, no, we will not 

let this continue, that we hold those accountable that are responsible, that we will provide the humanitarian need immediately, 

that we will stop this type of conduct in a civilized society. It cannot occur. 

Yes, I think it is genocide. I know there will be some discussion 

about it, whether it is genocide or not. Deliberately inflicting on the 

group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part. That is what is happening. They are 

trying to destroy the population. People are arguing intent. What 

else are they doing this for other than the purity of their country 

and their lack of tolerance for a minority population? 

For decades, the Burmese Government has systematically oppressed the Rohingya people. That is the fact. And they have deliberately failed to integrate the population into the general population. 

As U.N. High Commissioner of Human Rights Zeid correctly stated, the decades of persistent and systematic human rights violations have almost certainly contributed to the nurturing of violent 

extremism with everyone ultimately losing. They complain about 

extremism. They are creating it. 

In my opinion, we are witnessing a military-sponsored ethnic 

cleansing campaign on the Rohingya, and it will take significant 

engagement from the international community at the highest levels, in partnership with the Burmese civilian, to address and to 

hold perpetrators accountable for these horrific acts. 

Unfortunately, the Rohingya crisis is not the only vexing challenge Burma faces. The Burmese military continues to hold significant influence in politics and in the economy. The peace process, 

which we sought to end the longstanding civil war in the country, 

has stalled. There are significant reports of human rights issues 

such as human trafficking, free speech infringement, and political 

repression. 

The chairman is right. The State Counsellor was here. She is an 

impressive person, but she is not taking on the challenge. She is 

not responding to the crisis in her own country. The military controls Burma today. That is unacceptable. That is why we imposed 

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sanctions because of military control. Sanction relief was given for 

what? So people can be ethnically cleansed? 

I agree with the chairman. We need to not only reevaluate. We 

need to have a policy in regards to Burma that we understand, 

that addresses these human rights violations, that reevaluates our 

position as far as having normal relations with Burma and the release of our sanctions. 

The President will be attending the ASEAN summit very shortly. 

Will he be mentioning Burma and human rights as a top priority 

during this trip? I certainly hope so. 

And, Mr. Chairman, I do want to compliment the Bangladesh 

Government for keeping the borders open. That has been one 

bright spot. But there is a humanitarian crisis of the refugees in 

Bangladesh that we all have to respond to. 

So I am looking forward to hearing from our witnesses. I thank 

each of them. They all have very distinguished records, and I have 

great confidence in their expertise on the subject. But I do notice 

that on a subject as important as this, it would be nice to have at 

least one witness that was confirmed by the Senate that brings 

that degree of importance from the administration on this subject. 

And lastly, I would ask consent that numerous statements from 

NGOs about this situation be made part of the record. 

The CHAIRMAN. Without objection. 

[The information referred to above is located at the end of this 

hearing transcript.]] 

The CHAIRMAN. Senator Cardinb, thank you for your strong 

opening statement. You and I were together I guess at Vice President Biden’s home when it was very evident that the titular head, 

if you will, of the country just was very dismissive as it relates to 

this whole group of people. 

Senator CARDIN. Particularly on the trafficking issue, which I remember you brought up, there was no reality at all that was going 

on. 

The CHAIRMAN. Our first witness is Mr. Patrick Murphy, Deputy 

Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs at the Department of State. Thank you, sir, for your service. 

Our second witness today is Mr. Mark Storella, Deputy Assistant 

Secretary for the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration at 

the Department of State. Thank you for your service, sir. 

Our third witness is Ms. Kate Somvongsiri. That was an approving smile. I did that correctly. Thank you. Acting Deputy Assistant 

Administrator for the Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance at the U.S. Agency for International Development. Thank you for your service. 

If each of you could summarize in about 5 minutes, any written 

materials you have will be entered into the record, without objection. We thank you again for your service and helping us with this 

difficult issue. And if you would just go in the order introduced, 

that would be great. Thank you. 

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STATEMENT OF W. PATRICK MURPHY, DEPUTY ASSISTANT 

SECRETARY, BUREAU OF EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, DC 

Mr. MURPHY. Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, distinguished members of the committee, Burma has emerged from a 

decades-long struggle to defy authoritarian rule and to transition 

to a democratic society. However, a devastating humanitarian crisis in Rakhine State has exacerbated the suffering of ethnic 

Rohingya and other populations and threatened this otherwise 

peaceful transition, as do other longstanding challenges that the 

elected authority, civilian authority, inherited a mere 16 months 

ago. 

Although the new is committed to ending conflicts and improving 

the prospects for all the diverse populations of Burma, today’s 

hearing illuminates the fragility of this democratic transition. 

On August 25th, Rohingya militant attacks on Burmese security 

forces and subsequent violence and massive displacement occasioned by the military’s disproportionate response have created a 

crisis that demands our undivided attention. Our efforts seek to 

end the violence, support the displaced and their return home, obtain accountability for atrocities, and address the perennial conditions that sparked this most recent, colossal population movement 

of over 600,000 people to Bangladesh and several hundred thousands internally. 

President Trump has discussed the situation with other leaders. 

Secretary Tillerson called State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi to 

reaffirm support for the emerging democracy and towards action on 

this crisis. Vice President denounced the military’s heavy-handed 

response at the U.N., where Ambassador Haley called for an international role in ending the violence. Our Ambassador in Burma 

has engagedand military leaders. I visited Burma since the start 

of this crisis, including Rakhine State, and met with Aung San Suu 

Kyi, other government and military figures, and displaced populations. 

We have consulted with many countries, including Burma’s 

ASEAN neighbors. Our collective message to Burma stakeholders 

is clear: end the violence, protect civilians, expand humanitarian 

and media access, hold those guilty accountable, repatriate safely 

those who have fled, and cooperate with the international community. We have also encouraged collaboration between Burma and 

Bangladesh and Burma’s coordination with U.N. agencies to overcome mistrust and missed opportunities for international help. 

Although the crisis persists, our engagement is yielding some results. On October 12th, Aung San Suu Kyi laid out goals for repatriation and humanitarian assistance, resettlement, and peace and 

development. We are engaging with her government to implement 

its commitments to reach these goals. Burma recently sent a senior 

official to Bangladesh to discuss return of refugees to Burma and 

more senior contact is scheduled this week. 

A top U.N. official visited Burma last week to address the U.N. 

response to the humanitarian and human rights aspects of the crisis. 

I traveled to Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. Other senior 

U.S. Government officials have engaged across the region, building 

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support for constructive diplomatic engagement. We welcome 

ASEAN’s decision to activate its own humanitarian assistance 

mechanism for Rakhine State. 

As we engage Burmese stakeholders and others, we know that 

a prerequisite to repatriation is assurances of security. Accordingly, 

the Department of State has identified and announced new and ongoing actions to pursue accountability for those who have committed violence including, among other measures, suspending travel waivers for military leaders, assessing JADE Act authorities to 

consider economic options available to target individuals associated 

with atrocities, finding that all units and officers involved in operations in northern Rakhine State are, pursuant to the Leahy law, 

ineligible for U.S. assistance programs, rescinding invitations for 

Burmese security leaders to attend U.S.-sponsored events, maintaining an embargo on military sales, consulting on accountability 

options at the U.N., the Human Rights Council, and other venues, 

pressing for access for the U.N. fact-finding mission, and exploring 

accountability mechanisms under U.S. law, including global 

Magnitsky targeted sanctions. 

While our immediate efforts must focus on the crisis, failure to 

address the long-term causes of instability in Rakhine State will 

only result in a future replay of this tragedy. It is thus crucial that 

we support Burma in implementing the recommendations of the 

Rakhine Advisory Commission led by former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan to address under-development, shortcomings in 

services, access to justice, and a citizenship process for all people 

in Rakhine State. 

An emerging democracy of 54 million people, Burma is located 

between China and India. The country’s success is important to us, 

to Burma’s diverse populations, and to the region. Burma’s longerterm viability depends on civilian control over the armed forces and 

other reforms to end violence and the potential for international 

terrorism, the very ingredients associated with the current crisis 

and other ongoing conflicts. 

We must also find ways to support those courageous voices within government and society who seek a better future. In doing so, 

we look to partner with Congress on Burma, as we have done 

across successive administrations for decades. 

Mr. Chairman, we thank this committee for its leadership and 

bipartisanship collaboration. 

[Mr. Murphy’s and Ambassador Storella’s joint prepared statement follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF W. PATRICK MURPHY AND MARK C. STORELLA

Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, distinguished members of the committee, we appreciate the invitation to appear before you today to testify on the devastating human tragedy that continues to unfold in Burma’s troubled and complicated Rakhine State. Violence and insecurity have exacerbated the longstanding 

suffering of ethnic Rohingya and other minority populations, created a massive displacement of populations internally and across the border, led to a humanitarian 

crisis in neighboring Bangladesh, and threatened to undermine Burma’s substantial 

gains in recent years on its fragile transition from a half century of authoritarian 

military rule to elected government, including efforts to end multiple armed conflicts 

and achieve a long elusive national peace. 

We are grateful for the opportunity to update you on the current humanitarian 

situation facing those affected by the crisis, describe what the U.S. Government is 

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doing through diplomatic engagement and the targeting of life-saving aid to address 

this situation, discuss the challenges the international community faces in delivering humanitarian assistance, and discuss next steps to achieve an end to the violence and restoration of security for affected populations. 

Current State of Play 

We’d like to start by highlighting the latest developments since our testimonies 

to the House Foreign Affairs Committee on October 5. First, current estimates indicate some 589,000 people, mostly ethnic Rohingya, have fled to Bangladesh since 

the crisis began. These movements reflect a slowing rate of displacement, but nonetheless the continued flight of vulnerable populations. Refugees continue to cross 

into Bangladesh, and we continue to receive credible reports of sporadic violence in 

northern Rakhine State, including vigilante action such as arson and threats of 

physical harm to ethnic Rohingya. Reputable international NGOs have reported new 

satellite images that reveal nearly 300 villages were partially or completely destroyed by fire since August 25—more than half of the approximately 470 Muslim 

villages in northern Rakhine State. We have all seen the heart wrenching coverage 

of those refugees arriving in Bangladesh, having lost all their property and in some 

cases family members, and having suffered great insecurity, fear, indignity, and 

abuses as they fled for their lives. 

Although some population movements continue and security has not been fully reestablished in northern Rakhine State, most reports indicate that our efforts, working with others in the international community, to communicate our concerns directly with Burmese civilian and military authorities and at the United Nations and 

other fora have helped to decrease the scope of violence in recent weeks. On October 

12, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi gave a second public address on the crisis. 

She laid out three goals for Rakhine State: (1) repatriation of those who have 

crossed over to Bangladesh and providing humanitarian assistance effectively; (2) 

resettlement of displaced populations; and (3) economic development and durable 

peace. Burma has created a funding mechanism to pursue these goals with World 

Bank support. The Burmese Government also implemented a mechanism to coordinate its cooperation with the international community to address challenges in 

Rakhine State. Aung San Suu Kyi will chair this effort, but at the current time humanitarian and media access to affected areas of northern Rakhine State remains 

limited. At the same time, Bangladesh and Burma have entered into bilateral discussions on how to facilitate safe and voluntary return of refugees to Burma, a dialogue that we fully support. 

The sources of renewed crisis this year in Burma’s Rakhine State include coordinated August 25 attacks on security forces and other violent acts carried out by the 

Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, a group of Rohingya militants; a disproportionate 

Burmese military response to those attacks; violence perpetrated by local vigilantes, 

often acting in concert with security forces; and insecurity for local populations. 

These developments have taken place against a backdrop of broad discrimination, 

repression, and violence against ethnic minorities in Rakhine State over many decades. The current crisis, now underway for two non-stop months, has exacerbated 

longstanding challenges for these vulnerable minorities, including, most acutely, 

members of the Rohingya community who lack basic rights, including recognition 

as a nationality and, for many, even citizenship. 

The violence in Rakhine State has devastated vulnerable populations and caused 

families and unaccompanied minors to flee. This almost unprecedented population 

movement has worsened a desperate humanitarian situation in Bangladesh, which 

already provides safe haven for hundreds of thousands of Rohingya who fled previous crises in Rakhine State. Approximately 87,000 had fled there in 2016 following 

separate violence last year, joining an estimated 200,000–500,000 undocumented 

Rohingya and over 33,000 registered Rohingya already living in southeastern Bangladesh for over two decades. With this last round of displacement, the Rohingya 

population in southeastern Bangladesh is now estimated to be between 800,000 and 

one million persons. There is a similar population crisis inside Rakhine State, where 

the precise number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) remains unknown due to 

ongoing population movements, limited humanitarian access, and a lack of official 

estimates. In September, the Rakhine State Government estimated the current crisis had created approximately 200,000 new IDPs; however, many of those displaced 

persons have since crossed into Bangladesh. Prior to the August attacks, 120,000 

IDPs from various ethnic populations, including Rohingya as well as ethnic 

Rakhine, had already been living in camps following intercommunal violence in 

2012. 

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Diplomatic Engagement 

The suffering of so many calls all of us to action. Secretary of State Tillerson stated last week that ‘‘the world can’t stand idly by and be witness to the atrocities that 

are being reported.’’ This administration is undertaking all efforts to end the violence and suffering immediately. Our most pressing objectives are achieving protection for all local populations and meaningful, durable solutions for those who have 

been displaced, including the chance to go home again voluntarily, in safety, and 

with dignity when conditions permit. 

We have made it clear to Burmese civilian and military officials at the highest 

levels, within the central government and in Rakhine State itself, that all stakeholders must end the violence, respect the rule of law, cease displacement, pave a 

path for Rohingya and others to return voluntarily to their homes, and hold accountable those responsible for violations and abuses. We have expressed alarm 

about continuing reports of violence perpetrated by security forces, as well as of civilian vigilantes operating outside the rule of law in committing arson attacks on 

Rohingya homes and blocking humanitarian assistance to many populations. Secretary Tillerson observed last week that ‘‘someone will be held responsible’’ for these 

acts. 

We have communicated to relevant authorities that those who have fled to Bangladesh or are otherwise internally displaced in Burma must be able to return home 

voluntarily—and we welcomed State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi’s re-affirmed 

commitment in her October 12 speech that Burma would allow them to return. 

Much depends on how quickly it will be possible to establish conditions that make 

repatriation possible and safe and the precise way in which people are repatriated. 

We cannot ignore that vulnerable people fled to Bangladesh because they felt it was 

unsafe for them to stay in Burma. Unless Burmese security forces create a secure 

environment for all populations, it would be unreasonable and unwise to expect or 

facilitate their return. We are encouraging closer communication between Burma 

and Bangladesh. A senior Burmese delegation traveled to Dhaka on October 2 and 

the two sides agreed to form a joint working committee on repatriation. 

Principals in our government have been strongly engaged on this issue. President 

Trump has discussed the situation with multiple leaders from Southeast Asia. Secretary of State Tillerson called Aung San Suu Kyi to urgent action. Vice President 

Pence denounced the Burmese military’s disproportionate response in his remarks 

at the United Nations. USUN Ambassador Haley spoke at an open Security Council 

meeting and called for an international role in ending the violence. National Security Advisor McMaster and other officials spoke with the Burmese National Security 

Advisor. Our Ambassador in Burma has actively engaged top Burmese Government 

and military leaders throughout this crisis. In September, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Murphy visited Burma, including Rakhine State, and met with Aung 

San Suu Kyi as well with other national and state government and military figures. 

All U.S. officials have urged authorities and stakeholders in Burma to protect civilians, pursue accountability, and cooperate with the international community, and 

made clear that this crisis has implications far beyond Rakhine State. We are also 

engaging and consulting with ASEAN member states, the European Union, international organizations, and many others on the crisis. 

Rakhine State Crisis Humanitarian Challenges 

The humanitarian challenges before us are many. Our focus is on: (1) gaining access for assistance in Rakhine State; (2) working with host governments in the region to ensure refugees are offered safe haven and treated with respect, and that 

host countries have what they need to help the refugees; (3) specific contributions 

made by the State Department in coordination with USAID; and (4) ensuring that 

U.N. and other humanitarian agencies have the support they need to respond. 

Humanitarian Access 

The number one humanitarian priority is gaining access to those in need in 

Rakhine State. Relief agency access to many of the affected areas remains severely 

limited. As of October 10, the Government of Burma (GoB) had granted travel authorizations in northern Rakhine State only to Red Cross agencies. Although the 

GoB has granted some international NGOs travel authorizations to work in central 

Rakhine State, other government regulations and procedures are hindering INGOs 

from accessing all IDP camps and affected communities. In addition, safety concerns, a local climate of intimidation, and restrictions on movements prevent many 

local Burmese staff of these organizations from accessing those in need. 

We take every opportunity to emphasize to Burmese officials at all levels of government the need to allow humanitarian assistance to those in need. The White 

House, State Department, and the U.S. Mission to the United Nations have issued 

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statements calling for immediate unhindered humanitarian access to all affected 

populations, including northern Rakhine State. The Government’s commitment to do 

so is encouraging, but we seek further implementation on the ground. 

We are working with international partners and stakeholders inside Burma to 

overcome challenges that have precluded humanitarian agencies and NGOs from 

reaching affected areas of northern Rakhine State. We have succeeded in securing 

Burmese Government cooperation for the Red Cross Movement (RCM) to deliver assistance, but they alone cannot assess or meet all of the humanitarian needs in 

Rakhine State. Specifically, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) 

and the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) 

are working with the Myanmar Red Cross Society to implement a response plan as 

the situation continues to evolve. ICRC has stressed to the Burmese Government 

that the RCM will not be able to address all needs and the U.N. agencies and international non-governmental organizations will also need operational space. We are 

also pressing for unfettered access for the U.N. Fact Finding Mission and other U.N. 

officials, media, and human rights organizations to this isolated part of Burma. 

Working with Host Governments 

We recognize the huge strain that the influx of refugees is currently placing on 

Bangladesh, as well as the concerns of other countries in the region such as India, 

Sri Lanka, and Thailand where displaced Rohingya and other Burmese minorities 

have fled in the past. It is essential that neighboring countries keep their borders 

open for those fleeing violence in Burma, and we will continue to emphasize this 

to those in the region, along with seeking ways to support governments hosting refugees. 

Bangladesh has kept its border open, though it is concerned about its capacity to 

absorb so many refugees, in addition to security concerns related to the influx of 

so many vulnerable people in such a short period of time. We appreciate the generosity of the Government of Bangladesh to those fleeing the violence, many of 

whom arrived after walking for days and are in need of food, water, and medical 

care. They found official and makeshift camps already overstretched by previous 

influxes of refugees. International aid agencies are working to scale up operations 

and provide basic life-saving assistance to the new arrivals. The majority of those 

in need have little access to food, water, health care, and proper shelter. The ongoing monsoon season has exacerbated the situation, as flooding and poor infrastructure make aid delivery even more challenging. The U.N. issued a revised appeal 

with an estimated $434 million required for emergency response in Bangladesh to 

meet needs through February 2018. 

The Government of Bangladesh is working with U.N. agencies and the international community to provide temporary shelter and protection. Bangladesh has 

now donated 3,000 acres of land and is working with U.N. agencies to establish 

needed infrastructure to support the refugee population. The Government has also 

initiated a registration process to document the Rohingya population in southeastern Bangladesh and provide individuals with identification documents that we 

hope will facilitate access to services and protection. Since September 11, the Ministry of Home Affairs has conducted biometric registration of over 100,000 refugees 

with UNHCR’s assistance. In every meeting with Bangladesh officials, we thank 

them for allowing refugees to cross and we discuss ways to support Bangladesh as 

the Government upholds humanitarian principles while balancing its own security 

concerns. We also urge Bangladesh to provide the necessary access to humanitarian 

organizations to that they can provide life-saving aid. 

Humanitarian Assistance 

In addition to our diplomatic engagement, the United States is providing humanitarian assistance through our U.N. and international organization partners to help 

vulnerable populations affected by the Rakhine State violence. The United States 

continues to be the global leader in providing assistance to people in need in Burma 

and throughout the region. Thanks to support from Congress, in FY 2017, the 

United States contributed nearly $104 million in assistance to displaced populations 

in Burma and for refugees from Burma in the region. Of this funding, the State Department’s contributions totaled nearly $76 million, including nearly $34 million in 

emergency assistance to respond to this latest crisis. 

This funding provides life-saving assistance to meet critical humanitarian needs, 

such as food, non-food items, shelter, water, sanitation, and health both inside 

Burma and in host countries through trusted humanitarian partners including the 

U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the International Organization for 

Migration (IOM), the U.N. Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and international non-governmental organizations, among others. These agencies are a key part of the interFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

10 

national humanitarian system that is governed by humanitarian principles and 

brings technical expertise and operational capacity to respond quickly and effectively to large-scale crises such as this. 

Humanitarian Coordination 

In addition to funding levels, the region’s capacity to handle the humanitarian crisis is dependent on the capacity of the U.N.-led humanitarian response, including 

deployment of emergency response experts and adequate staffing levels. In Bangladesh, we continue to advocate with U.N. coordinating agencies to increase expert 

technical staff on the ground and strengthen the coordination structure supporting 

implementation of the response plan. In a refugee crisis such as this, UNHCR holds 

the global protection mandate; however, in Cox’s Bazar, UNHCR’s role to date has 

been limited by the Government. The Government has recently increased cooperation with UNHCR and approved its role in leading protection services. This will help 

improve conditions in Cox’s Bazar, including through increased information on the 

number and needs of refugees and coordination in responding to the most vulnerable individuals. Government constraints on funding to experienced international 

NGOs and delays in approving their permit applications have limited the INGOs’ 

ability to access emergency funds and assist all those in need. In some displacement 

sites, strained water collection points, lack of adequate sanitation facilities, and high 

population density have raised concerns regarding the increased risks of disease 

outbreaks. Humanitarian partners are engaging in disease prevention activities and 

diligently treating cholera patients in coordination with government authorities. We 

will keep up pressure to ensure seamless coordination and strategic vision for the 

response in Bangladesh. 

Long-Term Challenges 

In addition to pressing for immediate action to end violence and meet humanitarian needs, we are also supporting the Burmese elected government’s efforts to address inherited challenges in Rakhine State. The Government established the 

Rakhine Advisory Commission, led by former U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan, 

which in August produced a set of recommendations for addressing the complex 

issues in Rakhine State that have ignited many crises over past decades. Kofi 

Annan urged the U.N. Security Council on October 13 to push for the return to 

Burma of Rohingya refugees, reiterating that world powers must work with the 

country’s military and civilian leaders to end the refugee crisis. The Commission’s 

recommendations provide valuable ways forward in addressing underdevelopment, 

shortcomings in government services, access to justice, and ensuring a credible, 

transparent citizenship process for all people in Rakhine State. The Government of 

Burma has committed to implementing the recommendations, and established 

mechanisms to do so. We must support and encourage these efforts, and in particular press the Burmese armed forces to support its civilian elected governments 

in implementing all of the recommendations. 

The U.S. Government’s overarching policy response also includes efforts to discourage the serious human rights abuses we have seen, identify potential means to 

hold accountable those responsible for such abuses, increase appreciation inside 

Burma for tolerance and human dignity, encourage the fragile democratization and 

processes in Burma, and further support economic development in Rakhine State 

and throughout the country. We will not do this alone. We are consulting with regional partners, members of the international community in international bodies 

like the United Nations, and courageous voices inside Burma who want human dignity for all who reside in that country and a peaceful and stable future. 

Conclusion 

For decades, Congress and the U.S. Government have worked closely together on 

Burma as partners. In particular, we thank this Committee for its leadership and 

bipartisan collaboration. Together, we supported Burma’s democracy movement 

through the dark days of repressive military rule, and together we supported a military reform government’s transition toward democracy. 

It is in our interests, and those of the diverse populations of Burma, including 

Rohingya, to see the new, elected government succeed. The current crisis in Rakhine 

State has exposed the fragility of that democratic transition. Greater civilian control 

over, and professionalization of, the armed forces is needed, as are reforms that will 

bring an end to the military’s heavy-handed tactics that have fueled violence across 

Burma since independence. The democratically-elected government, security forces, 

local community leaders, and populations across the country all must calm tensions, 

end the violence, and secure the safe, voluntary, and dignified return of all those 

displaced. Only then will there be a chance for lasting peace and change in Rakhine 

State and across the country as a whole. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

11 

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, we are strongly engaged to bring an end to this major crisis and to find lasting solutions to the longstanding challenges in Burma’s Rakhine State and beyond. U.S. Government humanitarian assistance provides an important lifeline until this possibility becomes 

reality. We are grateful for the generosity of Congress and the American people who 

make our assistance possible. We will look to Congress, as we always have, as an 

essential partner in these efforts. 

Thank you. We are ready to answer any questions you have. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Storella? 

STATEMENT OF HON. MARK C. STORELLA, DEPUTY ASSISTANT 

SECRETARY, BUREAU OF POPULATION, REFUGEES, AND MIGRATION, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, D.C. 

Ambassador STORELLA. Chairman Corker, Ranking Member 

Cardin, distinguished members of the committee, thank you for inviting us to this important hearing. I am grateful for the opportunity to update you on how the U.S. Government is targeting lifesaving humanitarian assistance and on the challenges we face 

ahead. 

The violence in Rakhine State continues to devastate vulnerable 

populations within Burma and cause families, mostly women and 

children, to flee for their lives. The attacks on August 25th and the 

violent reaction that followed prompted more than 600,000 people 

to flee to Bangladesh, bringing the total number of Rohingya in 

Bangladesh to roughly 1 million people and forced further displacement inside Rakhine State itself. The magnitude and speed of this 

displacement make it one of the most dramatic humanitarian crises 

in decades. 

In Burma, our number one humanitarian priority is gaining access to those in need in Rakhine State. Burma’s civilian government has committed publicly and privately to provide humanitarian assistance to all communities in affected areas through the 

Red Cross Movement. The movement has stressed to the Burmese 

Government that it will not be able to fully meet humanitarian 

needs, and the U.N. agencies and international organizations and 

nongovernmental organizations will also need operational space. 

We emphasize at all opportunities to Burmese officials at all levels 

of government the requirement to allow humanitarian assistance to 

reach those in need. 

We continue to press the government and the military, both publicly and privately, to end the violence, to protect the security of all 

communities, and to allow Rohingya refugees to voluntarily return 

to their homes after Burmese authorities ensure they can do so 

safely. The responsibility remains with Burma. 

We greatly appreciate the Government of Bangladesh for opening 

its doors to those fleeing the violence, many of whom arrived after 

walking for days in need of food, water, shelter, and medical care. 

The monsoon season has exacerbated the situation as flooding has 

made aid delivery even more challenging. In every meeting with 

Bangladesh officials, we thank them for allowing refugees to cross 

into Bangladesh, and we urge them to uphold humanitarian principles while balancing their own security concerns. 

In addition to our diplomatic engagement, the United States is 

providing humanitarian assistance through our U.N. and other huFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

12 

manitarian partners to help vulnerable populations affected by the 

Rakhine State of violence. The U.N. issued a revised appeal with 

an estimated $434 million required for emergency response in Bangladesh to meet needs only through the end of February 2018. 

Thanks to the support of this Congress, in fiscal year 2017 the 

United States contributed nearly $104 million in assistance to displaced populations in Burma and for refugees from Burma 

throughout the region. Of this funding, the Department of State’s 

contribution totaled nearly $76 million, three-quarters of the total 

U.S. humanitarian response, including nearly $34 million in emergency assistance to address this latest crisis. This allowed partners 

on the ground to respond immediately as thousands of refugees 

were arriving daily to the already established and newly established camps in Bangladesh. Our contributions provide lifesaving 

assistance, food, shelter, water, sanitation, health, and core relief 

items both inside Burma and in Bangladesh. We also target assistance for victims of gender-based violence and particularly for vulnerable children. 

Yesterday, in Geneva, 35 countries pledged $344 million to meet 

the ongoing need. The United States is not carrying this burden 

alone. 

In responding to this crisis, the State Department’s primary concerns are protection and achieving meaningful, durable solutions 

for those who have been displaced, including the chance to go home 

again in safety and dignity when conditions permit. The U.S. Government humanitarian assistance provides an important lifeline 

until this possibility becomes a reality. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, we are grateful for the generosity of the Congress and the American people who make our assistance possible. We will make the best possible use of it. 

Thank you and I would be happy to answer your questions. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, and thank you for your work. 

Ms. Somvongsiri? 

STATEMENT OF V. KATE SOMVONGSIRI, ACTING DEPUTY ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR, BUREAU FOR DEMOCRACY, CONFLICT, AND HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE, U.S. AGENCY FOR 

INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C. 

Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, 

members of the committee, thank you for inviting me to speak with 

you today. 

The violence in northern Rakhine State has resulted in massive 

displacement and humanitarian needs both in Burma and neighboring Bangladesh. This is a humanitarian crisis that not only imperils the lives of thousands but also marks a decision point for 

Burma’s political and military leadership with the whole world 

watching. 

In response to the crisis, USAID is providing humanitarian assistance on both sides of the Burma-Bangladesh border. This humanitarian relief is in addition to our ongoing development assistance, which supports civil society, good governance, economic development, and the country’s challenging peace process. Through 

these programs, we are working to address the underlying condiFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

13 

tions and fragility that helped create the cycle of violence, including this most recent crisis. 

We are deeply concerned about the horrific human rights abuses. 

As we have discussed, more than 600,000 people have fled the recent violence and have sought refuge in Bangladesh. Given the 

enormity of this influx, stark challenges remain to adequately respond. The people fleeing over to Bangladesh, many women and 

children arrive, as you have heard, only with what they could 

carry. They require urgent lifesaving assistance, including safe 

drinking water, sanitation facilities, emergency food assistance, 

and shelter. Inside Rakhine State, there is also an unknown number of internally displaced persons in need of assistance. 

In fiscal year 2017, the United States provided nearly $104 million in humanitarian assistance for the displaced in Burma and the 

region, including in Bangladesh. Through USAID’s Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance and Food for Peace, the agency provided 

nearly $28 million of that assistance, and we expect to continue responding in fiscal year 2018. 

In Burma, our main challenge is not the lack of resources but a 

lack of access. Since the August 25th attacks, many of USAID’s 

partners were forced to suspend their work due to the military security operations in Rakhine State. Insecurity and government restrictions have prevented humanitarians from reaching people in 

need. False and misleading rumors about the Rohingyas, spread 

sometimes by official government information, have contributed to 

that volatility. We continue to call upon all parties to allow 

unhindered humanitarian access and we urge the government to 

allow media and human rights monitors to access and assess the 

afflicted area. 

The United States has stood by vulnerable communities in 

Burma for decades. The country’s recent emergence from decades 

of isolation and the establishment of a formal USAID mission in 

2012 has allowed us to expand our development programs to more 

effectively support those in Burma who seek greater freedom, prosperity, and dignity. Today, USAID works in Burma to strengthen 

democratic institutions, foster a national reconciliation and peace, 

improve the lives of people of Burma by increasing the access to 

better health services and economic opportunities. And USAID continues to support an inclusive peace process and support civil society. 

Let me be frank. The path we face ahead is by no means an easy 

one, and the development challenges in Burma are complex and 

deep-rooted. During this period of crisis, it remains in the U.S. 

Government’s interest to continue our support for Burma’s democratic transition while addressing the root causes of conflict in 

Rakhine and other parts of Burma. This support is critical to helping the civilian government of Burma to sustain the transition and 

deliver on the dividends of democracy that the people of Burma expect. 

The latest violence has exacerbated the existing human rights 

and humanitarian crisis impacting the lives of thousands. We must 

be honest and forthright in the assessment of the situation and 

clear on what we expect as humanitarians and as Americans. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

14 

In the long term, our development efforts must continue to address the underlying drivers of the violence. But in the immediate 

term, until the conflict is resolved, we shall remain resolute in our 

efforts to alleviate the immeasurable suffering of the Rohingya and 

all affected communities. We call on all stakeholders to end the violence and seek a lasting resolution to this conflict. 

Thank you for the opportunity to testify before you today, and I 

look forward to your questions. 

[Ms. Somvongsiri’s prepared statement follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF V. KATE SOMVONGSIRI

Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, members of the committee, thank 

you for inviting me to speak to you today. Burma has come a long way in its transition to a free and democratic society, seeking to take its place in the global community. Initial steps to embrace reform are welcome, and we are committed to working 

with the people of Burma to create lasting economic, social, and democratic gains 

that benefit all. However, the ongoing humanitarian plight of the Rohingya casts 

a cloud over Burma’s recent gains, and threatens to undermine the successes it has 

demonstrated. 

As you have seen, the recent escalation in violence in northern Rakhine State has 

resulted in massive displacement and humanitarian needs both in Burma and 

across the border in neighboring Bangladesh. This is a rapidly growing humanitarian crisis, and the United States is responding to save lives. Recent events not 

only imperil the lives of thousands, but also mark a decision point for Burma’s political and military leadership, with the world watching. 

In response to the latest violence, USAID is responding on both sides of the 

Burma/Bangladesh border, providing humanitarian assistance where possible, helping host communities in Bangladesh cope with the influx of refugees and addressing 

intercommunal tensions in ethnically mixed areas of Rakhine in Burma, including 

areas not directly affected by recent violence. This humanitarian relief is in addition 

to our ongoing development assistance to the people of Burma, which includes support for civil society, good governance, economic development, and support for the 

country’s challenging peace process. Through this work, we seek to address the underlying conditions and fragility that helped create this cycle of violence and the 

most recent crisis. 

As a foreign service officer who lived on the Thailand-Burma border sixteen years 

ago working with migrants and refugees, Burma is for me, as I know many others, 

a special place that has influenced my path in international human rights and development. In my testimony, I will touch on how USAID is responding to in the current crisis, highlight some of the challenges we face in providing humanitarian assistance, and touch on the role of USAID’s broader assistance to Burma. 

Recent Developments 

We are deeply concerned about the reports of horrific human rights abuses in 

northern Rakhine State and the resulting crisis developing across the border in 

Bangladesh. More than 600,000 people fleeing the recent violence in Rakhine, most 

from the Rohingya community, have sought refuge in Bangladesh. The pace of displacement is even faster than those fleeing Mosul, Iraq, or South Sudan over the 

past year. This population—many of them women and children, who came with little to no possessions and traveled for days to reach Bangladesh—are extremely vulnerable and require urgent, lifesaving assistance. There are also an unknown number of people from many communities who have been internally displaced—and are 

in need of assistance—inside Rakhine State, including 120,000 people who have 

been displaced since 2012. I don’t use the term ‘unprecedented’ lightly, but it is fitting in this case. 

While the immediate crisis has been triggered by a coordinated attack from the 

Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on Burmese security outposts and disproportionate response by Burmese security forces and militias, the conditions for 

a large-scale crackdown on Rohingya have been developing for several years. 

Our main challenge in responding to the humanitarian crisis in northern Rakhine 

State is not due to a lack of resources, but a lack of access. This is due to restrictions imposed by Burmese authorities, which prevent U.N. and international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) from providing much-needed humanitarian assistance. U.N. partners and international NGOs have not been allowed to provide 

assistance in the north, where abuses are occurring. Burmese officials have inFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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structed local civil society groups that they are not permitted to provide assistance 

directly to Rohingya communities, and that all assistance to Rohingya will be managed by the government and Red Cross Movement organizations. 

Assistance delivered directly by international groups, including the U.N. and 

INGOs, is not currently an option in Northern Rakhine State. We continue to call 

upon the Burmese Government and military to allow unhindered access for humanitarian access to resume across Rakhine State. 

Burma 

In Rakhine State, many of USAID’s partners were forced to suspend their work 

due to the military’s security operations since the August 25 attacks and they remain unable to gain access to northern Rakhine State. It’s important to note, 

though, that humanitarian access throughout Rakhine State had become increasingly restricted even before the August 25 attack. Nevertheless, our partners have 

maintained a presence in Rakhine and many of our conflict mitigation and intercommunal conflict mitigation programs continue in areas outside of Northern Rakhine. 

Our humanitarian programs are ready to scale up activities when Burmese authorities permit access. 

USAID partners have been able to resume limited life-saving assistance to people 

in central Rakhine State located in camps for internally displaced persons in Sittwe 

and Pauktaw. This includes nutrition, food, protection support for people vulnerable 

to trafficking and other human rights abuses, and water, sanitation, and hygiene 

services, which are largely managed by local staff. However, the security forces continue to prevent full humanitarian access to northern Rakhine state and full resumption of activities in other parts of the state. Some communities—such as internally displaced people (IDPs) dependent on humanitarian assistance—have missed 

more than two months of food distributions. The U.N. World Food Programme 

(WFP) is only now able to resume distributions, at a smaller scale and under heightened tensions. Additionally, insecurity, government restrictions, and local communities’ enmity towards U.N. and NGO staff, including local staff, further inhibit access. False and misleading rumors about Rohingya, the level of threat presented by 

ARSA, and the role of the international community spread amongst local communities and fanned by official government and military information channels have 

contributed to the volatility of the present environment. 

Rohingya in northern Rakhine State have long faced a history of violence, abuse 

and exploitation, and the humanitarian situation in Rakhine is routinely referred 

to as a protection crisis. Reports of atrocities are extremely troubling, and further 

demonstrate that humanitarian assistance and protection from further violence is 

urgently needed. We continue to call upon all parties to allow unhindered humanitarian access to people in need and we urge the authorities to allow media and 

human rights monitors access to the afflicted areas. 

We also urge Burmese security forces to follow the lead of the elected government 

in committing to implement the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State’s recommendations. 

Humanitarian Response 

Given the enormity of this influx, stark challenges remain to adequately respond. 

The people fleeing to Bangladesh arrive with what they could carry. They are in 

immediate need of safe drinking water, sanitation facilities, emergency food assistance, shelter, healthcare, and nutrition services. Poor conditions in displacement 

sites increase the risk of disease outbreaks. 

In FY 2017, the United States provided nearly $104 million in humanitarian assistance for vulnerable communities displaced in Burma and the region, including 

Bangladesh. Through USAID’s Offices of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA) 

and Food for Peace (FFP), the Agency provided nearly $28 million, and we expect 

to continue responding to this crisis in FY 2018. 

In Bangladesh, FFP provided $7 million to WFP to provide life-saving food assistance to the refugees in Bangladesh. These resources also support the essential coordination and logistics efforts needed to manage the massive influx of people and 

scale up assistance, in concert with our State partners. 

We are also working with our international partners to step up the humanitarian 

response where possible. We applaud the Government of Bangladesh’s generosity in 

responding to this severe humanitarian crisis. USAID recognizes that host communities are stretching their own scarce resources to take in their neighbors, and we 

are committed to supporting them as well. USG funding in Bangladesh includes assistance for host communities who are bearing a large burden themselves to shelter 

and support the massive influx of people. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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USAID’s Mission in Burma is closely coordinating with other agencies in Burma 

and the regional international organizations, and other donors, to address the situation in Rakhine State. Together with our colleagues at the State Department, and 

along with the international community, we have reiterated our strong concerns to 

the Burmese Government, and have called on them to end violence, provide immediate, unhindered humanitarian access, and ensure the dignified, safe, and voluntary return of all those displaced from their homes. 

Broader Burma 

Decades of military rule and control of large portions of the economy, rampant 

corruption, and internal conflict have prevented the development of well-functioning 

democratic governance systems. As we see playing out in the current crisis, this has 

further entrenched historic ethnic divides, hurt Burma’s economy, and severed social services. 

USAID continues to support civil society in Rakhine State and across Burma to 

prevent further escalation of violence and counter hate speech and rumors. Peace 

networks, made up of diverse civil society organizations throughout Burma, have actively combated misinformation on the [violence in Rakhine State][situation in 

Rakhine State], as well as worked to prevent the narrative from spreading into a 

larger crisis targeting all Muslims, like was seen in 2012 and 2013. These efforts, 

along with our work with local government officials on conflict mitigation trainings, 

have been complemented by our partners working to develop online platforms that 

fact-check local reporting and online rumors. 

In addition, ongoing inter-communal tension and violence outside of Rakhine 

State remain a serious threat to the political transition process in Burma. USAID 

assistance continues to support an inclusive peace process, including the implementation of the nation-wide and bilateral ceasefire agreements and enabling participation in formal and informal political dialogues from all stakeholders, particularly 

those from underrepresented groups such as women. 

USAID also strengthens resilience among vulnerable communities in conflictprone areas, including but not limited to Kachin and Shan States in the northeast 

and areas of central Burma, to address the drivers of communal level violence. Programs support local decision- making models centered on diverse community participation to ensure historically- marginalized and vulnerable populations have a voice 

in shaping their future and to mitigate the risk of marginalized groups resorting 

to violence and extremist ideologies. As we have seen with the most recent attacks 

on Rohingya, the hate speech towards and demonization of minority ethnic groups 

have been key drivers of the spread of violence in Rakhine, and targeting those factors can help stave off future violence. 

The United States has stood by vulnerable communities in Burma for decades. 

This includes the provision of humanitarian assistance along the Thailand-Burma 

border, in the delta region of southern Burma and in central Burma. In the east 

along the Thailand-Burma border, USAID supports cross-border consortiums and 

local partners to respond to the humanitarian needs of nearly 400,000 Karen and 

Karenni IDPs and refugees. In Kachin and northern Shan States, where recent violence has led to further displacement, USAID is supporting nearly 100,000 IDPs in 

areas with limited humanitarian access, though the military continues to prevent 

humanitarian assistance from reaching areas that are administered by ethnic armed 

groups. 

This recent human rights and humanitarian crisis, in many ways, highlights the 

ongoing and underlying challenges facing Burma. Addressing the root causes of violence is more important than ever. To that end, USAID works to strengthen democratic institutions, including the parliament, the judiciary and civil society; foster 

national reconciliation and peace; and improve the lives of the people of Burma by 

increasing access to better health services and creating economic opportunities. This 

support is critical to helping the civilian government of Burma sustain this transition, address the underlying causes of violence, and deliver on the dividends of democracy that the people of Burma expect. 

Burma emerged from decades of isolation over the past ten years. The establishment of a formal USAID Burma Mission in 2012 allowed us to expand our development program to more effectively support those in Burma who seek greater freedom, 

prosperity and dignity. During this period of crisis, it remains in the U.S. Government’s interest to support Burma’s democratic transition. It represents the most significant opportunity in decades to engage with the people of Burma in pursuit of 

democracy, human rights, peace and prosperity, and ending the cycle of violence. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Conclusion 

USAID will continue efforts to foster national peace and reconciliation, maintain 

momentum for democratic and economic reforms, and improve the lives of the people of Burma. 

However, we must be honest and forthright in our assessment of the situation, 

and clear on what we expect as humanitarians, and as Americans. We know it’s a 

tough road ahead. The military controls the power ministries, as well as sectors of 

the economy. Indeed, the latest violence in Rakhine reflects the power of the security forces and has exacerbated the existing human rights situation and humanitarian crisis, imperiling the lives of hundreds of thousands. In the long-term, our 

development efforts must continue to address the underlying drivers of the violence, 

some deeply rooted in history, and others an obvious outgrowth of decades of military rule. But in the immediate-term, until the violence and abuses abate, we shall 

remain resolute in our efforts to alleviate the immeasurable suffering of Rohingya 

and all affected communities within Burma and Bangladesh. 

Thank you for the opportunity to testify before you today. I look forward to your 

questions. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you all for your testimony. 

And I will turn to Senator Cardin. 

Senator CARDIN. I also thank you for your testimony. 

If I could just get a yes or no answer on your personal views 

whether what is happening there is ethnic cleansing. I understand 

the administration is going through a process, but I would like to 

get your view whether you believe this is ethnic cleansing or not. 

Just yes or no would be helpful. 

Mr. MURPHY. Thank you, Senator. If you will permit me just a 

slightly more elaborate answer. 

Senator CARDIN. No. 

Mr. MURPHY. My bosses have said it appears to be ethnic cleansing. I am of that view as well. 

Senator CARDIN. I think clarity is important here. I am asking 

your view. 

Mr. MURPHY. Unfortunately, I am not in a position to make the 

determination. You are correct that we are referring to a process 

to lead to that determination. In the meantime, we conclude that 

there have been atrocities, massive displacement, depopulation of 

villages that causes great concern. Therefore, we are pursuing all 

avenues for accountability. Hypothetically, a determination of ethnic cleansing will not change our pursuit of full accountability, sir. 

Senator CARDIN. Could you answer yes or no, whether you believe it is ethnic cleansing? 

Ambassador STORELLA. Senator, I have worked in humanitarian 

affairs off and on for 30 years, and I have witnessed over that time 

terrible things that have happened. In this case, we have seen socalled clearing operations that have resulted in the clearing of 

603,000 people from their homes to a foreign country and probably 

100,000 people from inside Burma to other displacement. 

I am not in a position, like my colleague, to characterize it today. 

But I do want to say that to me this very closely resembles some 

of the worst kinds of atrocities that I have seen over the course of 

a long career. 

Senator CARDIN. Would you try a yes or no? Maybe I can get one 

out of three. 

Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. Unfortunately, the role of our organization is 

not to define legally what is happening. 

Senator CARDIN. I asked your personal opinion. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. I am not in a position to offer my personal 

opinion. 

Senator CARDIN. Look, I think this is one of the problems we 

have. Clarity is important. This is ethnic cleansing. It is pretty 

clear. And if we do not say it, it will happen again and again and 

again. 

Now, I am for the efforts for stopping the violence, and I support 

all the international efforts for humanitarian assistance for those 

that are in Bangladesh and those who are displaced in Burma. I 

am for pursuing the peace process so people are not going to be further killed. Absolutely. It has got to be our top priority. But if we 

do not do something to end this cycle of violence with impunity, it 

is going to happen again. The next country will do it. 

And, Mr. Murphy, I appreciate your view that you want to impose sanctions against the military or use Magnitsky, which is a 

bill that I am very proud about. But where are the generals being 

held accountable criminally for what they have done in murdering 

people, raping people, burning villages? Where is the accountability 

for those who are responsible for directing this? 

Mr. MURPHY. Senator, I agree with you. Accountability is vitally 

important—— 

Senator CARDIN. What is the United States doing? 

Mr. MURPHY. As I said in my statement, Senator, we have announced measures to pursue accountability, including the consultation with the very organizations that have those tools available to 

them, the United Nations, the U.N. Human Rights Council, among 

others. 

We are taking measures ourselves, but we have to admit we have 

very limited influence and leverage. We do not have a normal relationship with its military. We have not for decades. In the process 

of lifting sanctions, we have isolated restrictions on the military 

that remain in place. We will take additional measures, as I have 

said, to restrict travel here, to explore measures how we can sanction individuals found to be accountable. And that is an important, 

I think, path forward for us to take. 

Senator CARDIN. Who is in charge in Burma? Is it the civilian or 

military? 

Mr. MURPHY. It is an excellent question, and the answer, of 

course, like Burma itself, is very complicated. This is a power sharing arrangement. The civilian elected government for the first 

time—— 

Senator CARDIN. Who is responsible for the atrocities that are 

taking place now? Is it the civilian fault or the military? Who is 

primarily responsible? 

Mr. MURPHY. There are many contributors to violence and 

human rights abuses. The security forces hold the greatest responsibility for protecting civilians, and they have failed. However, we 

must point out there is vigilante action, civilians conducting violence against other civilians. The Rohingya militants that—— 

Senator CARDIN. Encouraged by the military? 

Mr. MURPHY. In some cases, they are acting in concert with security forces, yes; in other cases, independently. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

19 

Senator CARDIN. So did we make a mistake in relaxing the sanctions because Burma was moving away from a military government? 

Mr. MURPHY. Senator, I think the decision to lift the national 

emergency was a reflection that sanctions had run their course in 

attempting to achieve a transition—— 

Senator CARDIN. But you are talking about imposing new sanctions. 

Mr. MURPHY. We are talking about targeted—targeted—measures to hold individuals—— 

Senator CARDIN. Is the military—you consider that targeted. 

That is an institution of its government. I would agree with you if 

you are talking about holding people criminally responsible for 

their criminal activities. I do not see that coming. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. Thank you very much. 

Senator Young? 

Senator YOUNG. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

And thank you to our panelists for your attendance here today. 

I agree with the ranking member. We need to speak with moral 

clarity on this matter. The United States clearly needs to lead. Ambassador Haley—I was really proud of her. She assessed that the 

Burmese Government is conducting a, ‘‘brutal, sustained campaign 

to cleanse the country—cleanse the country of an ethnic minority.’’ 

The U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights has referred to 

the situation in Burma as a textbook example of ethnic cleansing. 

I understand your positions and we are in the course of an assessment internally, but I hope our government speaks with moral 

clarity on this matter. 

We often refer to the international community, and the international community—some have characterized this as kind of an 

oxymoron phrase. And right now, if the U.S. does not lead, I do not 

think the international community is going to end up in a position 

where they are not only condemning this sort of behavior but acting boldly to address the needs of the affected populations. There 

are nihilistic nations out there. There are relativistic nations. 

There are those who will passively stand by and watch these sorts 

of actions continue unless the United States leads on these and 

other matters. 

So thank you to my colleague, Senator Merkley. He worked with 

me on a letter that we sent off to Ambassador Haley regarding this 

very issue of ethnic cleansing in Rohingya some days ago. 21 of my 

colleagues signed on to it, including the ranking member. Have 

each of you reviewed that letter? Okay, thank you. I saw an affirmative nod there from each. 

We called on the Burmese Government to permit the safe access 

to journalists, to U.N. fact-finders, and to humanitarians. And Secretaries Murphy and Storella, I noted that in your testimony, you 

indicated the number one humanitarian priority is to gain access 

by the humanitarians to those in need in the Rakhine State. 

Ms. Somvongsiri, you called the lack of access the main challenge, and you say that due to restrictions imposed by the Burmese 

authorities, that access is not happening. Why is the lack of access 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

20 

to affected populations the main challenge? And what is the precise 

role of the Burmese in hindering that access? 

Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. Senator, thank you for your question and for 

the letter from you and so many of the other members highlighting 

that issue of access for journalists and humanitarians. It is absolutely essential and thank you for including that in your letter, 

which was very constructive overall. 

The reason it is the main challenge is because right now—let me 

divide it up. There is northern Rakhine State and central Rakhine 

State. 

Right now in northern Rakhine State, which is the area that is 

most deeply affected, the only international NGO that has access 

is the Red Cross Movement, and they have very limited abilities. 

They have said so themselves, that they cannot provide fully the 

range of support that is needed. Our partners, the U.N. agencies, 

stand by and are ready to provide that support to the affected populations but cannot do so. 

In central Rakhine State, there is more ability to provide access 

and help, but it is also severely limited. We recently have been able 

to restore some of that humanitarian service, but it is still operating at only about 50 percent. 

Your question about the role of the Burmese Government in it 

specifically, it is that the Burmese Government authorities are the 

ones who provide the permits that are necessary to access these 

areas, and they have not given them. 

Another complicating factor is even when there are travel permits, there are excessive layers of bureaucratization, planning, 

work plans, and high levels of ethnic tension in those areas that 

make it very difficult to deliver the aid. 

And if I could just add one more thing on the importance of access not just from the humanitarian side, but from journalists and 

media. This gets exactly to Senator Cardin’s point on accountability. Unless we are able to access these areas and actually see 

and document what is happening, that makes accountability in the 

future very difficult. So that is why we as a humanitarian organization continue to call for and appreciate your support. 

Senator YOUNG. I have got 30 seconds left. I do want to commend 

the administration. I mean, the administration has generally spoken forcefully about the need for humanitarians to gain access, and 

on the diplomatic front, I feel like thus far they have been pretty 

strong. Secretaries Murphy and Storella, you did indicate in your 

prepared statement that the Burmese Government’s commitment 

to provide humanitarian access was encouraging. To me, I am not 

particularly encouraged. Neither gestures nor statements nor some 

futile actions at this point are enough. We need bold action. I hope 

each of you will communicate that to your Burmese counterparts 

every time you are interacting with them. I will be visiting with 

a representative from the Burmese Government tomorrow. I will 

certainly be delivering that strong message. And thanks again for 

your service. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

Senator Merkley? 

Senator MERKLEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for 

holding this hearing because I think it is so important that we put 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

21 

a very bright spotlight on this horrendous situation. And I will be 

happy to use the term that our representatives from the executive 

branch are not willing to use. This is ethnic cleansing. 288 

Rohingya villages destroyed and not one word from our President. 

Thousands of children slaughtered. Not one word from President 

Trump. Thousands of women raped. Thousands of men and women 

shot as they fled villages. Villages surrounded and starved, 600,000 

refugees, and not one word from our President during this horrific 

situation. 

Are you recommending to the President he speak loudly and 

forcefully on this issue? If each of you could tell me yes or no. 

Mr. MURPHY. Senator, as I noted, the President has spoken with 

a number of leaders about the situation—— 

Senator MERKLEY. Excuse me. The President has not made a 

public statement. Are you recommending that he take a forceful 

public statement to shine the international spotlight on this issue? 

Mr. MURPHY. I believe the administration has spoken with clarity and moral clarity. 

Senator MERKLEY. Thank you. You are not saying yes or no. So 

I assume the answer is no. 

Are you, sir, recommending to the President that he speak and 

take a public position on this? 

Ambassador STORELLA. Senator Merkley, thank you very much 

for the question. 

We are recommending that we speak forcefully and directly 

about the kinds of atrocities—— 

Senator MERKLEY. Thank you. Can we expect such a statement 

from the President in the next week? 

Ambassador STORELLA. I am not in a position myself—— 

Senator MERKLEY. I appreciate you pressing for that. 

Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. Yes, likewise. Obviously, as an agency, we 

defer to our State Department colleagues’ lead on this. But, yes, as 

an agency we do continue to call on all parties to speak forcefully 

to do what we can to end the violence, gain humanitarian access, 

and to hold people accountable. 

Senator MERKLEY. You cannot really call on all parties to speak 

forcefully if our own President is not speaking forcefully. 

I have here a mission report of the United Nations Human 

Rights Office of High Commissioner, September 13th through 24th. 

If I can enter that into the record. 

The CHAIRMAN. Without objection. 

[The information referred to is located at the end of the hearing 

transcript.] 

Senator MERKLEY. I would like to quote a piece of this, and they 

use the term ‘‘Myanmar,’’ so Myanmar or Burma. ‘‘Myanmar security forces purposely destroyed the property of Rohingyas, scorched 

their dwellings and entire villages not only to drive the population 

out in droves but also to prevent the fleeing Rohingya victims from 

returning to their homes. The destruction by the Tatmadaw’’—that 

is the Burma military—‘‘of houses, fields, foodstocks, crops, livestock, and even trees render the possibility of Rohingya to returning to normal lives in the future almost impossible. It also indicates an effort to effectively erase all signs of memorable landFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

22 

marks and geography of the villages and memory in such a way 

that return to their lands would yield nothing but desolate and unrecognizable terrain. Information received indicates that the 

Myanmar security forces targeted teachers and cultural and religious leadership and other people of influence in an effort to diminish Rohingya history, culture, and knowledge.’’ 

Does that sound like ethnic cleansing to you? Don’t everyone 

rush to answer. 

Ambassador STORELLA. Senator, first, let me say that through 

the support of the United States Congress, the United States Government is the strongest supporter of the UNHCR not only financially but also through our diplomatic engagement around the 

world. We support what the High Commissioner is doing very 

strongly. We believe that what he has described are in fact an accurate description of the atrocities that have taken place. 

Senator MERKLEY. Thank you. I appreciate that. And I am very 

glad to hear that because I believe that if you carry that message 

to the highest levels of the Department that you believe that this 

is an accurate description, that we will see forceful representation 

of America responding to this. 

I recall our Secretary of State talking to me when he was being 

considered for nomination, and he said he was going to provide 

moral leadership guidance. And yet here we have this horrific instance and we have virtually no voice, no pressure, very polite 

words about supporting the evolving democracy in Burma, almost 

things that sound like, well, we think they are doing a good job trying to address this. They are not doing a good job. The military— 

and none of you testified that the military is behind this. This is 

an act not by random forces. This is an act by the Government of 

Burma, and we need to respond with enormous moral clarity and 

force on this issue. And I hope you will make that happen. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much. 

Senator Gardner? 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Thank you to the witnesses for being here today at this very important hearing. I think all of us recognize the crisis in Rakhine 

State as nothing short of a humanitarian catastrophe, and the 

United States must be resolute in stopping this violence, condemning this violence, assisting the refugees, and seeking accountability for the many crimes that are being committed. 

I reiterated that very message personally yesterday in my meeting with Burma’s Ambassador to the United States and will continue to do so. 

I am deeply saddened and outraged at the events of the last several months. We all are and we all have to be. I visited Burma in 

May of 2016, had a long, productive conversation then with Aung 

San Suu Kyi, here in the United States as well. Military leaders 

I met with, including the commander in chief, expressed our condemnation in the strongest terms possible which has unfolded 

there for decades. The recent tragic events threaten to upend the 

hopeful trajectory of democratization that we have talked about 

here today and reform in Burma that I witnessed firsthand during 

that visit. And while we must address the crisis in Rakhine State, 

we must also look to the broader questions of whether U.S. policy 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

23 

toward Burma has succeeded to date in paving the path to peace, 

stability, and democracy in that country. And I know that is what 

this committee hearing is about today, and I thank the witnesses 

for participating in it. 

But I am struck by several of the answers that we have received 

to some of the questions that have been asked. 

I guess I want to start following up on something that Senator 

Cardin said, Secretary Murphy. Last year, last Congress, the decision was made to lift the sanctions against Burma. Will that be reversed? Was it a mistake? 

Mr. MURPHY. Senator, I appreciate your longstanding interest in 

Burma, and I think that your visit there does equip you to understand many of the challenges this country faces. 

I want to take the opportunity to speak with moral clarity. There 

have been some questions about where the administration is. We 

have stated in our testimony today we have witnessed terrible 

crimes. There is increasing evidence that security forces are associated with vigilante action. These individuals will be held accountable. We will pursue accountability with all of the tools available 

to us. 

I have also stated that the military security forces have reacted 

in a disproportionate manner and bear the greatest responsibility 

for protecting local populations and have failed to do so. 

Our sanctions program was designed to see the expression of the 

will of the Burmese people. We saw a successful election. An elected government, just 16 months ago, began very significant efforts 

to address elusive national peace, end conflicts around the country, 

and indeed, try and address the plight of the Rohingya people. 

That does not absolve this government of criticism for its shortcomings. We are looking for all stakeholders to take actions. 

We also have to realize what this government is up against. I do 

not take their position. I do not defend their position, but the elected government does not have full authority over the military. In 

Rakhine State, ethnic Rakhine leaders are opposed to humanitarian assistance. They are opposed to citizenship for the Rohingya. 

They hold incredible sway over the political space there. The entire 

country has prejudice and racism directed at the Rohingya. Any 

government is going to have difficulties in overcoming those obstacles. 

So we have to support those in government who see a better path 

forward. And indeed, the Rakhine Advisory Commission is a perfect example. This government invited the formation of the commission, and it has adopted and accepted the recommendations. We 

want to support those because they provide the best path forward 

for the Rohingya people. 

Broad sanctions. Those are under discussion, but I have to allow 

broad sanctions could very well make those vulnerable populations 

that still remain more vulnerable, susceptible to the same violence 

and criminal activity that is taking place thus far. We have to be 

very careful with our approach so that we can achieve the objectives that we are talking about today: better protection for these 

populations, safe return, accountability for those who have committed atrocities. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

24 

Senator GARDNER. I expressed my concern to this committee over 

and over last Congress. I even put a hold on Ambassador Marciel 

over my objection that we lifted the national emergency order provisions at the State Department that were put in place. And I just 

do not understand. I still do not understand to this day how we 

think somehow we are better off having done that and the actions 

that we have seen in Burma—how the Rohingya are better off as 

a result of that. It seems like we gave a carrot without any return 

to behavior that would improve the plight of the human catastrophe that is unfolding there. 

China, obviously a border state, very important economically. 

What is China’s role? What have they done as we have seen this 

unfold? 

Mr. MURPHY. Senator, I think first on sanctions, we are talking 

about targeted measures to try and achieve behavior change and 

protect civilians. We have to recognize, in terms of broad sanctions, 

the United States was the last country standing with significant restrictions. It was hurting our interests. It was hurting the ability 

of this elected government to have a good start in addressing the 

problems that had been ignored by 50 years of military, authoritarian, repressive rule. It does not mean Burma had reached perfection. We knew this would be bumpy. We knew there would be 

many challenges. We have to look at the tools available to us to encourage behavior change and proper actions. 

Proper actions are required by all in the international community, including China. We would hope as a member of the Security 

Council, China could join us in recognizing the military’s disproportionate response has exacerbated these problems. And China needs 

to work with others on the Security Council to understand that the 

instability that is being created could affect the neighborhood, including China’s own interests. 

Senator GARDNER. Has China publicly condemned the actions of 

the military in Burma? 

Mr. MURPHY. I do not think we have seen very encouraging signs 

from China with regard to the Burmese military. We are looking 

for a better posture on their part. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. Thank you very much. 

Senator Shaheen? 

Senator SHAHEEN. Well, thank you all very much for being here 

and for your ongoing work. 

I share the frustration that you are hearing among my colleagues 

on this committee about our inability to better affect the outcome 

of what is happening in Burma. 

I understand that there have been allegations of sexual violence, 

of rape, of other actions specifically targeting Rohingya women by 

members of the Burmese security forces. Can you tell me, any one 

of you, if we have raised those specific concerns of gender-based violence with the Burmese military and the government? 

Mr. MURPHY. Yes, Senator. We share your concerns. The reports 

primarily coming from refugees, very credible NGOs would suggest 

a wide range of abuses and atrocities, including sexual violence, violence against women and children. These are particularly vulnerable populations within a larger vulnerable population of the 

Rohingya. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

25 

We have expressed this concern with all the leaders and stakeholders. And I want to emphasize, Senator, this is not a monolithic 

government that has full authority. 

Senator SHAHEEN. No. I understand that. 

Mr. MURPHY. So yes, directly with Aung San Suu Kyi. We have 

had conversations through our Ambassador to Burma, Scot 

Marciel, with the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, Min 

Aung Hlaing. We have expressed our concerns with other stakeholders, including local populations, local leaders in Rakhine State. 

And we have pointed out that these kind of abuses, this kind of displacement threatens the transition to democracy, creates a much 

bigger risk for the attraction of international terrorism, and could 

set Burma back. So it is in the country’s interest not only to protect 

local populations but to pave a path forward that is in the betterment of all 55 million people. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Well, I appreciate that. Unless you have a different response, Ambassador Storella, I am going to move on. 

Ambassador STORELLA. Senator Shaheen, I would just like to say 

that our Ambassador, Marcia Bernicat, in Bangladesh herself went 

and visited with victims of gender-based violence so that she herself could hear their testimony. Through the support of this Congress, we are providing assistance to thousands of people who have 

been victims of that violence. Thank you. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Well, thank you. I do appreciate that. And 

this week, Senator Isakson and I are going to reintroduce the 

International Violence Against Women Act, and I think it speaks 

to the importance of that legislation as we look at how to address 

these crimes that are happening not just—unfortunately are happening not just here with the Rohingya but in other places around 

the world. 

I understand that there are an estimated 69,000 pregnant 

Rohingya refugee women in Bangladesh. I am not sure if that number is correct, but that the main assistance that they are getting 

is from the UNFPA. And I certainly support that. I support the efforts that UNFPA makes around the world to help pregnant 

women and vulnerable women who are in need of pre- and postnatal care. 

I guess, Ambassador Storella, can you tell me if the administration supports UNFPA’s efforts here and how we do that? 

Ambassador STORELLA. Senator Shaheen, the United States does 

support efforts for women who are particularly vulnerable. We are 

working with a number of different agencies to ensure that there 

are things like gender-appropriate latrines that are available. 

Senator SHAHEEN. But we are not supporting the efforts of 

UNFPA. Is that correct? 

Ambassador STORELLA. The United States is limiting its support 

for UNFPA at this time. Thank you. 

Senator SHAHEEN. That is unfortunate given the number of 

women in vulnerable positions who really need that help. 

I do not know if any of you can answer this question, but I do 

know that I have heard from people in New Hampshire and other 

places who have expressed concern about why Aung San Suu Kyi 

has not spoken out more forcefully on this circumstance. Mr. Murphy, I guess this is for you. What is your assessment of the situaFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

26 

tion there? Why do you think she has not spoken out more forcefully, and what do you think would happen to that power sharing 

arrangement if she did? 

Mr. MURPHY. Senator, my parents are residents of New Hampshire and asked me the same question. I cannot speak for Aung 

San Suu Kyi. 

What I do know is that in Burma one of the fundamental problems we are facing in Rakhine State is widespread prejudice and 

racism directed specifically at the Rohingya. There are also many 

populations that have suffered for decades from discrimination, 

other ethnic minorities, including inside Rakhine State the ethnic 

Rakhine who, as I said earlier, dominate the political space, have 

suffered from centrally directed discrimination. It is a very complicated environment. 

We would like to see more champions, more vocal voices for the 

Rohingya and other repressed populations. And we know it is a 

very complicated environment. Speaking out on behalf of the 

Rohingya is a dangerous proposition right now in Burma. It must 

be acknowledged. I do not think that can withhold us from criticizing, from urging broader human dignity and respect for each 

other. Our particular message is not just to the government, also 

to the armed forces, local ethnic leaders, but also the broad members of the Burmese nation. Reflect on your own suffering, your 

own voyage to overcome authoritarian rule and think about your 

fellow human beings. 

The terrible treatment of the Rohingya is a real Achilles heel for 

this country and its transition. We need a broad public campaign 

of education for all Burmese to understand they are in this together. Rohingya are part of the fabric. They need to find a way 

forward for citizenship, for basic human rights. And that is a broad 

message. And we are looking not just for a singular champion but 

for all Burmese to understand that human dignity is a real important aspect to this crisis. 

Senator SHAHEEN. I think that is very well said. So what kind 

of a message do you think it sends to people—could I just ask one 

more question? 

The CHAIRMAN. As long as you do not ask him to answer it. 

Senator SHAHEEN. That is fine. It is a rhetorical statement. What 

kind of a message does it send to the Burmese leadership, military, 

and civilian when in the United States of America, we have a travel ban on Muslim majority countries’ members coming into this 

country? 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. Thank you very much. 

Senator Risch? 

Senator RISCH. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I want to thank all three of you for your service. I think what 

you are seeing here today is some considerable frustration and outrage amongst members of this committee. And there is no difference in our feeling, all of the committee, in that regard. I mean, 

we all share this frustration. We all share this outrage. 

I want to thank you for your leadership on this issue and for 

speaking with the moral clarity that you have spoken with here 

today. I appreciate that you do not communicate directly with the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

27 

President and cannot pound on his desk and tell him what he 

should say or should not. Some people have tried that and not very 

successfully I have noticed. But as the State Department, certainly 

you speak with the full force and effect of the United States foreign 

policy behind you, and for that, we appreciate that. 

Our job, of course, in this committee is to help craft foreign policy, and that will be done, I am sure, as we move forward through 

resolutions or statutes that address this problem. I think today you 

have been very clear in assessing how difficult this is to do. 

And one of the things that I find that shows the difficult nature 

of this—and these are my words, not yours—but it seems like you 

are facing an entire population, a country, that possesses a prejudice that is not appropriate, obviously, and it is manifesting itself 

in some very bad things. Now, I do not know how you address that. 

Certainly sanctions are one way to do that. But prejudice is not 

easily overcome. And frankly, I do not know that sanctions are 

something that are going to convince people that they should be 

thinking differently than what they are. 

But in any event, I would like to hear each of you address briefly, if you would, this issue that we are dealing with not an individual, which we frequently are in some countries, not even just 

the military as we are in some countries, but really the civilian 

government plus the population of the country that is really turning a blind eye towards this. Do you have suggestions for change 

in that conduct? Mr. Murphy, let us start with you and work our 

way down. 

Mr. MURPHY. Senator, I very much appreciate your perspectives. 

And this current crisis is appalling. It is sad. It is outrageous. I 

want to share with you my frustration does not begin with crisis. 

It began 20 years ago when I first visited northern Rakhine State 

and have worked on and off over the course of my career on the 

particular challenge of the repressed Rohingya population. It has 

been a longstanding problem. Unfortunately, of course, frustration 

does not translate to action. We need to take measures to try and 

achieve behavior change and a path forward. 

We have identified something new in the current elected government environment, and that is a willingness to try and tackle the 

underlying challenges in Rakhine State, a path to citizenship, development for all of the underdeveloped populations that reside 

there. I want to revisit that Rakhine Advisory Commission. It is no 

small measure that this commission was formed under the leadership of the former U.N. Secretary-General and came up with 88 

very specific recommendations. The new government has embraced 

them. We now need to see implementation. We need other stakeholders to support those recommendations, including the armed 

forces, local leaders in Rakhine State. Those paths forward include 

cooperation and coordination with Bangladesh, development, access 

to basic government services that have been lacking, most importantly, a path to citizenship so this disenfranchised population has 

a means to participate and gain from the benefits that other citizens enjoy. 

It is not going to be easy. These recommendations are both shortterm and long-term. But we have a government that is willing to 

do something where previous military regimes simply repressed 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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and ignored. That does not mean this government has taken all the 

right steps. We are calling on the government to do all that it can 

to end the violence, stop the hate speech, pave a path forward for 

repatriated refugees, and find a way towards national peace. 

This government has also convened something called the 

Panglong Conference, which has been unprecedented since the 

1940s bringing together all representatives throughout the country 

to pave a path forward in ending conflict. As we talk about conflict 

today in Rakhine State, there is ongoing conflict in the north in 

Kachin and Shan States. Burma has been at war with itself nonstop for over 70 years, and this government is trying to achieve 

some peace. We need to work with those stakeholders who see a 

better way. 

At the same time, we have talked about targeted sanctions and 

measures for those who are not with the program. We have to have 

a measured, balanced approach I think, Senator. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you very much. My time is up. I apologize. 

I really wanted to hear both of your perspectives also. 

I would just say thank you again for your service. I know how 

disheartening this is as we listen to these facts. Do not give up. 

Represent as you have and continue with development of policy 

that we will do the best we can to do something about this. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much. 

Senator Kaine? 

Senator KAINE. Thank you, Mr. Chair. 

And thank you to the witnesses. This is an important hearing. 

And I missed a little bit of your opening statements, and I apologize. But I have just picked up on some rhetoric and language that 

I want to come back to you on. 

I know the State Department is underway with an analysis to 

determine whether what is happening in Burma’s ethnic cleansing—just for the record, French President Macron at the end of 

September said that what was happening to the Rohingya constituted genocide and we must condemn ethnic purification which 

is underway and act. And Turkish President Erdogan has also labeled it genocide. I would urge with dispatch us determining what 

we think it is and labeling it. 

I think it was Mr. Murphy—I heard you use the word there is 

vigilante action. When I think of vigilante action, I think of sort of 

rogue individuals not connected with the government doing things. 

But this is clearly action that is not just vigilantes, is not just an 

expression of sort of endemic prejudice. But there are official actors 

involved, including the military, in ways that I think are not deniable. That is not the same as vigilante action to my understanding 

of the term. 

You also condemned the military’s disproportionate response. 

And I think that is a disproportionate response to the attack on the 

Burmese military. But I do not really view the role of the Burmese 

military, at least in the accounts I have read, as just being a responder. I mean, I think that they have been a participant and 

often an initiator of many of the attacks on the Rohingya. And so 

I think if we want to be careful about language like ‘‘ethnic cleansing’’ and ‘‘genocide’’—and we ought to be careful about it—I think 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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we also need to be careful about phrases like the military is a responder or there is vigilante action because I think all the evidence 

would suggest it has much more of an official sanction and imprimatur than that. And I guess that is the basis of the work underway in the State Department to determine exactly how to label it. 

I want to ask questions about Bangladesh. I am the ranking 

member with Senator Risch on the subcommittee over the region 

of the world that includes Bangladesh at its eastern edge. 

These refugees are largely going to Bangladesh, which has its 

own set of challenges. Could you tell the committee how the flow 

of refugees into Bangladesh is affecting that country? Are there 

things that we can do to help Bangladesh deal with these refugees? 

Ambassador STORELLA. Senator Kaine, the crush of refugees entering Bangladesh is unmanageable for almost any country. For a 

country that is strapped for resources, facing limited kinds of infrastructure, and also facing difficult weather, it is nearly impossible. 

I think that Bangladesh has done an extremely admirable job, first 

by opening its borders, then by working with the international 

community to permit opportunities for assistance to reach the people who are there. 

One of the most important things that Bangladesh has done is 

to work with the UNHCR to undertake a registration of those arriving. I spoke with the DCM from the embassy in Bangladesh yesterday. He told me 260,000 refugees have been registered. 13,000 

are being registered per day. 

Senator KAINE. And there are about 600,000 that have fled by 

the most recent accounts? 

Ambassador STORELLA. 603,000 was the last count. 

These registrations are important because they provide protection themselves and also provide the basis for subsequent repatriation when conditions permit. 

I think that Bangladesh has demonstrated a great deal of patience in working with the Burmese authorities. There was a meeting today in which the home affairs minister of Bangladesh is 

working with the Burmese to try to pave the way for eventual returns. 

Senator KAINE. On the order of magnitude, is that 603,000—I 

have heard that as estimated. That is about half of the total 

Rohingya population of Burma, if what I have heard is correct. Is 

that accurate? 

Ambassador STORELLA. We do not know the exact population because there has not been a census. However, we believe that the 

600,000 plus the number who are already in Bangladesh, which 

brings the total to about a million, is more than half of the 

Rohingya population. 

Senator KAINE. From the USAID perspective, could you offer, 

Ms. Somvongsiri, your perspective from USAID? 

Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. Thank you. Yes. So USAID worked closely 

with POM, which has the lead for the refugee crisis in Bangladesh 

and I agree with Ambassador Storella’s assessment in terms of the 

Bangladesh Government’s generosity in already an impoverished 

country with a lot of challenges of its own, and their ability to take 

in this massive, massive influx. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

30 

Our program there through Food for Peace is supplementing efforts in terms of providing much needed food assistance, nutrition, 

and to give you a sense of the challenges, to be able to deliver the 

food assistance, some of the work is going towards coordination and 

building logistics like roads to actually have delivery into this very 

confined area as appropriate. 

One other thing I will mention in this short time is we do have 

a robust development assistance program in Bangladesh. We are 

looking at how to reshape that to help affected communities that 

are broadly in that area. 

Senator KAINE. Mr. Chair, I am not going to ask another question, but I will probably do questions for the record to flesh out the 

extent of activities we are doing to help Bangladesh and other 

things that we might do. 

I appreciate your answers. 

Thank you, Mr. Chair. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thanks for being here. 

Senator Coons? 

Senator COONS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, 

for holding this important hearing and to our witnesses for focusing us today on the appalling treatment of Burma’s Muslim and 

ethnic minority, the Rohingya. I am grateful to all the members of 

this committee on both sides who have taken concrete steps to address this crisis. 

In July, Senator Tillis and I as the co-chairs of the Human 

Rights Caucus held a briefing about the displacement of the 

Rohingya at that point relatively early in this crisis. As has just 

been discussed today, there are more than 600,000 who fled Burma 

because of the military’s brutality. 

And there has been a great deal of debate about whether Burma 

State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, by her silence, is contributing 

to this violence. On September 17th, one of her fellow Nobel Laureates, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, wrote a moving letter in which he 

said, ‘‘if the political price of your ascension to the highest office in 

Myanmar is your silence, the price is surely too steep. A country 

that fails to acknowledge and protect the dignity and worth of all 

its people is not a free country. It is incongruous for a symbol of 

righteousness to lead such a country.’’ 

I agree with Archbishop Tutu, and I hope the United States will 

continue to speak out, to stand up for human rights, and to call for 

policies and actions that empower and protect the Rohingya. 

So, Ambassador, if I might, first to you, you just answered questions from Senator Kaine about what is happening on the ground 

in Bangladesh. I would be interested in whether you foresee the 

Rohingya being able to return to Burma and what steps you are 

taking to urge the Burmese Government to recognize and protect 

them upon their return, whether they will get documentation of 

citizenship or residency, and what you believe the long-term plan 

is both in Bangladesh and in Burma for their safe treatment and 

care while refugees and their return to their nation of origin, 

Burma. 

Ambassador STORELLA. Senator Coons, thank you very much for 

focusing on what is absolutely a critical question, the possibility of 

maintaining the path open to returns. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

31 

I think the very first thing is we must, under all circumstances, 

insist that returns must be the goal and that they must be voluntary and that the Government of Burma must provide for the security of returning refugees. 

We have seen some elements of progress despite an otherwise 

dismal scenario. Initially, as you know, the Government of Burma 

had said that they would not permit any funds to go to any kind 

of assistance organization whatsoever. They denied many of the 

things that everyone knew was going on. We insisted that those 

funds would not go to the government, that they would go to humanitarian organizations by the Red Cross. That has now been 

permitted. The Red Cross now has limited access, which is very important because it also shines a light on what is going on there. 

Over time, we have seen that the statements of State Counsellor 

Aung San Suu Kyi have evolved. In her statement of October 12th, 

she outlined that the goals were repatriation, resettlement, and development. That is in the right direction. We need to keep pushing 

on that. 

As I already mentioned in response to the question by Senator 

Kaine, we as an international community have to continue supporting Bangladesh to make it possible for those returns to take 

place. I have worked on returns in other countries, including 

360,000 Cambodians who returned to Cambodia. This is going to 

require a lot of work at a political level to make it possible. But 

it also requires working with the key institutions that will be able 

to monitor and set the conditions to ensure that those returns actually can be voluntary, safe, and dignified. 

So there is a path and I think we have to just keep pushing down 

that path and not give up. Thank you. 

Senator COONS. Thank you. 

I am interested also in hearing, as I might, from Ms. 

Somvongsiri about the role religion has played in this crisis and 

what contribution USAID’s conflict mitigation efforts might make 

to keep religious tensions from further exacerbating this conflict. I 

think Senator Shaheen asked a relevant question, what impact it 

has on the world response and how our response is seen at a time 

when there is repeat litigation in our courts and repeat assertion 

by our President that we need to have a ban on those who might 

come to our country from majority Muslim countries. 

Ms. SOMVONGSIRI. Thank you, Senator Coons, for that important 

question. 

Part of our work in not only northern Rakhine State but 

throughout Burma, throughout the peace process is focused specifically on this issue of building tolerance—ethnic and religious tolerance—and promoting that. This ties into part of Senator Risch’s 

question as well. We do that by building dialogue with local civil 

society groups. We have found nascent civil society groups who are 

more moderate in their views but do not have the space to speak 

out in terms of religious tolerance, in terms of cross-community efforts. And our role is to create space for that, to strengthen those 

civil organizations and link them up together. Many moderates do 

not feel safe doing that right now, so I think that is a critical issue. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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I realize I am out of time here, but we are happy to provide more 

information to you on that and exactly what our programs are 

doing to support that. 

Senator COONS. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chair. 

The CHAIRMAN. Senator Markey? 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. 

This is a very important hearing. It is an absolute crisis that has 

broken out, and many in the Rohingya community who have arrived in Bangladesh following these clearance operations claim that 

Tatmadaw soldiers entered into their villages and killed civilians, 

raped women and girls, and then burned down the entire village. 

International medical teams treating the Rohingya in these camps 

report that some people bear gunshot wounds consistent with being 

shot from behind, and some women and girls have injuries consistent with sexual assault. 

It is clear the military bears responsibility for these crimes even 

if perpetrators at lower levels are unknown. Burma’s commander 

in chief, Senior General Min, is responsible for these systematic 

crimes. 

Why has the administration been reluctant to add General Min 

to the specially designated nationals and blocked persons list? 

Mr. MURPHY. Thank you, Senator Markey. 

We share your concern about the abuses and atrocities. There is 

no reason to discount the credible reporting that such abuses have 

taken place. And it is for that reason we have announced measures 

at the State Department on behalf of the administration to pursue 

accountability. And accountability will apply to all individuals and 

entities responsible for perpetuating that violence and these 

abuses. And that applies to the armed forces predominantly. 

But in answer to a previous question or comment from Senator 

Kaine, there are other actors. There are the Rohingya militants 

who conducted attacks on August 25th and subsequently have attacked fellow citizens. There are local civilians who have taken actions into their own hands sometimes in concert with the security 

forces, sometimes, as when I was in Rakhine State a few weeks 

ago, in their own hands. That particular circumstance involved attacking a Red Cross shipment, and indeed, security forces helped 

thwart that attack. That was a welcome sign. But there are vigilantes who are part of the equation. 

All of the military leadership is subject to our restrictions for 

travel to the United States, subject to our restrictions for any assistance. That applies to Senior General Min Aung Hlaing as well. 

The armed forces have responded disproportionately. 

Senator MARKEY. Have you yet imposed a travel ban on General 

Min being able to visit the United States? Have you imposed that 

yet? 

Mr. MURPHY. Senator, there is an existing travel ban on Min 

Aung Hlaing as a result of his rank and his position. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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That remains in force, and we will, under no circumstances right 

now, pursue any waiver for his ability to travel to the United 

States or gain from assistance from the United States. 

Senator MARKEY. So what other steps then would you recommend that we take, given in the very near past we were, as a 

government, talking about enhanced military cooperation with 

Burma? So that was a signal that was being sent to these people 

that obviously would have given them some assurance that they 

would not have to be concerned about any of their actions. So how 

has that been communicated to them? That is, how has the fact 

that my amendment, working with other members, was successful 

in having that language struck from the legislation as it was moving through a couple of months ago—what was the interpretation 

that they made of that action legislatively? 

Mr. MURPHY. Senator, the reality is that our military-to-military 

relationship with Burma is not normal and has not been for many, 

many decades. There are many existing restrictions. 

What we have communicated to the military in relation to the 

current crisis is that their path to normalization is obstructed by 

their failure to protect local populations. There is a conundrum 

here. We have to acknowledge it. We hear this even from government figures inside Burma. The armed forces has been isolated for 

the better part of half a century and not exposed to international 

standards, norms, and regulations. There is an argument that they 

need more exposure to understand how to behave properly, how to 

be a professional military forces focused on national defense and 

not abusing its own people. 

Unfortunately, that is going to be for another day. Under the current circumstances, we are not exploring engagement or enhancing 

assistance or contact with the military or facilitating any travel. 

That is a clear message that they have failed to protect local populations and have contributed to violence. 

Senator MARKEY. And you agree with that message. 

Mr. MURPHY. Absolutely. I have delivered that message directly 

to military figures. 

Senator MARKEY. And their response is? 

Mr. MURPHY. Look, I think part of the problem here is a failure 

in Burma among many stakeholders to recognize what has taken 

place—massive displacement, failure to protect citizens and residents of the country. That is part of our messaging. They need to 

see exactly what they have done and what the results and repercussions are. 

I think the message that may resonate the most is that their actions create a greater risk for international terrorism. They think 

they have a terrorism problem now by virtue of the kind of attacks 

that took place on August 25th and last year in 2016, which also 

created population displacement. Our message is that is not a real 

international terrorism problem. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

34 

The kind of problem that could visit Burmese territory is a real 

significant challenge they will not be equipped to handle, and they 

are exacerbating that potential risk with these actions. 

Senator MARKEY. But it reminds me very much of El Salvador 

in the 1980s where we were giving money to the government and 

the government had these generals who were actually the leaders 

of the death squads. And even as we were helping them, they were 

still indifferent to our views about how that money should be used. 

So I think this is a big issue that we are going to have to really 

press harder on in terms of their military and how they are using 

the resources they have. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. We very much appreciate your testimony. I have 

a question, and I know we have some closing comments here. I 

want to thank everybody for participating. And, Senator Merkley, 

thank you for the trip you are getting ready to take to the area. 

Obviously, this is all very, if you will, damning to the leadership 

of Burma. Each of you have stated that clearly, and the questions 

that have been asked have all been in that direction. 

If Ms. Suu Kyi were here, what would she be saying in defense 

of what has been happening in her own country? 

Mr. MURPHY. Senator, I think it is a fair question, but honestly 

I cannot speak for Aung San Suu Kyi. I can relate to you in our 

conversations with her—Secretary Tillerson has spoken with her as 

well—we have tried to impress upon her the need to take key actions. I think we have also recognized that it is a complicated environment. By describing the complexities, that does not absolve the 

government of its responsibility. There are measures the government has taken which I think she would point to that we frankly 

need to support. That is hard to describe in this environment when 

there is such a crisis underway that behind the scenes there actually is a government that is elected representing the people and is 

taking unprecedented actions, a clear departure from authoritarian 

military rule. 

We do not want to behave now in a way that reverts Burma back 

to military rule. That would not be in the interests of the Rohingya 

population and other vulnerable populations. It would not be in the 

U.S. interests. What we do need to do is encourage the kind of actions they are taking now to make a better path for the Rohingya. 

But we need other stakeholders in the country to support those actions, primarily the armed forces. And also, I hasten to again point 

out inside Rakhine State, ethnic Rakhine leaders need to lower the 

hate speech, realize they need to share this space together. They 

all need to benefit from better treatment and benefit from development and international assistance, which has been the course of action to date. All international organizations are providing assistance to all vulnerable populations, primarily the Rohingya, ethnic 

Rakhine, and half a dozen other ethnic minorities in that very complicated space. 

I think, Senator, fundamentally the bottom line is we want to 

help Burma succeed. This is an enormous crisis that threatens the 

transition, could revert Burma backwards in the wrong direction. 

And it is a challenge. We need to see better leadership. We need 

all stakeholders to contribute to that process. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

35 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

Senator Cardin? 

Senator CARDIN. I just really wanted to thank the witnesses for 

their efforts here and for what they are doing in representing our 

country. I do want to make a couple comments. 

The government has a responsibility. I understand it is the responsibility of all parties, but when you assume the government responsibility, you have to show leadership, and we have not seen 

that from the Burmese Government. 

Number two, in regards to return, Ambassador Storella, let me 

just make this comment. If your village has been burnt down, it is 

going to be difficult to see where you are returning to. And if you 

are going to return to a situation where you are going to be in a 

detention camp, that may not be an acceptable safety issue and 

permanency as to how long that lasts. So I would just urge us to 

be very careful. Yes, we want the people to be able to return to 

their communities, but we have to realize it is not only the ethnic 

problems, we also have physical problems and safety problems on 

their return. 

And lastly, Secretary Murphy, I just want to emphasize—I have 

heard this argument many, many times about we do not want to 

impose sanctions that could hurt the people we are trying to help. 

That is like chalk on a board for me. I heard that argument about 

hurting the Jews in the Soviet Union if we impose sanctions, and 

the Jews are much better off because we did impose sanctions. I 

heard that about the blacks in South Africa that we should engage 

rather than try to use economic pressure. I heard that about Iran, 

that we should not apply pressures against Iran. We should engage. We were able to engage Iran because we imposed sanctions. 

So I would just urge us to understand that sanctions are much 

preferred than using military, and in many cases, they have allowed us to get results without the use of our military and that we 

should not be shy in using America’s economic strength. 

The CHAIRMAN. It is Senator Merkley’s birthday. So I am going 

to allow him to ask one question post. 

Senator MERKLEY. I will just do a 1-minute comment if I could. 

Two things that I am very concerned about, Secretary Murphy. 

One is that in regard to our military contacts with Burma, we are 

currently hosting folks from the military in comprehensive security 

response, transitional security cooperation, advanced security cooperation. So we do have military officers from Burma. And I think 

we have to ask ourselves the question. The military organized the 

burning of nearly 300 villages, often the villages surrounded by a 

platoon, set fire, and then shoot people as they flee. 

I think we need to think about all the levers we have to pressure 

the military. They are really in charge. We can talk about the civilian side of Burma, but it is the military that runs things, which 

is part of the reason that some folks say we should be careful about 

criticizing Aung San Suu Kyi because she does not have that much 

power. Well, the military has the power. Let us use and look at 

those levers. 

The second thing is twice you have used the term vigilantes,’’ 

which is the official excuse. A few people just acting randomly on 

their own do not surround hundreds of villages and shoot people 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

36 

in a coordinated action. I think use of that term gives cover to the 

military in a way that is totally unacceptable. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

Thank you very much for your testimony and service to the country. 

We are going to leave the record open until the close of business 

Thursday. If you could answer them fairly promptly, we would appreciate it. 

Again, we appreciate very much you being here, and I know that 

this committee is going to want to—we will stay on top of this. We 

look forward to Merkley’s report when he is back. 

With that, the meeting is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 11:30 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Additional Material Submitted for the Record 

RESPONSES TO ADDITIONAL QUESTIONS FOR THE RECORD SUBMITTED

TO HON. MARK STORELLA BY SENATOR MARCO RUBIO

Question 1. According to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees 

(UNHCR), over 600,000 Rohingyas have fled from Burma into neighboring Bangladesh as a result of the violence and the U.N. High Commissioner for Human 

Rights has said that the situation ‘‘seems like a textbook example of ethnic cleansing:’’ 

• Do you believe that the atrocities committed against the Rohingya by the Burmese military since late August constitutes ethnic cleansing? 

Answer. Numerous, credible reports indicate that since August 25, more than 

600,000 Rohingya have fled across the border, escaping from reported killings, torture, rape, and widespread burnings of their villages. Many others have been displaced internally. These are terrible atrocities. In some cases, there is evidence that 

Burmese forces have perpetrated these mass atrocities in concert with local militias. 

As Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley said on September 28, ‘‘We cannot be afraid to call the actions of the Burmese authorities what they appear to be: 

a brutal, sustained campaign to cleanse the country of an ethnic minority.’’ We are 

working with international partners to urge that Burma enables unhindered access 

to relevant areas for international humanitarian organizations, including UNHCR, 

and we continue to push for a role for credible outside observers in the repatriation 

process to ensure the conditions are right for all refugees and internally displaced 

people to return to their homes and land, safely, and voluntarily. 

Question 2. Were the actions of the Burmese military since late August part of 

a widespread or systematic attack against the civilian population? 

Answer. The Department continues to work within the interagency and the international community to review the facts and determine the nature of government actions in relation to the civilian population. 

Question 3. What steps are the United States taking, in the short-, medium-, and 

long-term, to help stabilize the humanitarian crisis for the Rohingya? 

Answer. ur focus is on: (1) facilitating access for humanitarian organizations to 

provide assistance in Rakhine State; (2) working with host governments in the region to ensure refugees are offered safe haven and treated with respect, and that 

host countries—especially Bangladesh—have what they need to help the refugees; 

(3) providing specific humanitarian contributions made by the State Department in 

coordination with USAID; and (4) ensuring that U.N. and other humanitarian agencies have the support they need to respond; and (5) calling for and supporting the 

voluntary return of Rohingya in safety and dignity. 

The number one humanitarian priority is gaining access to those in need in 

Rakhine State. Relief agency access to many of the affected areas remains severely 

limited. We take every opportunity to emphasize to Burmese officials at all levels 

of government the need to allow humanitarian assistance to those in need. We are 

working with international partners and stakeholders inside Burma to overcome 

challenges that have precluded humanitarian agencies and NGOs from reaching affected areas of northern Rakhine State. 

We recognize the huge strain that the influx of refugees is placing on Bangladesh. 

In every meeting with Bangladeshi officials, we thank them for opening their borders and hosting hundreds of thousands of displaced people fleeing violence in 

Burma. We also discuss ways to support Bangladesh as the Government provides 

humanitarian assistance while balancing its own security concerns. We also urge 

Bangladesh to provide the necessary approvals to additional humanitarian organizations so that they can provide life-saving aid and to allow UNHCR a bigger role in 

the response, according to its mandate for refugee protection. 

In addition to our diplomatic engagement, the United States is providing humanitarian assistance through our U.N. and international organization partners to help 

vulnerable populations affected by the Rakhine State violence. Thanks to support 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

38 

from Congress, in FY 2017, the United States has contributed nearly $104 million 

in assistance to displaced populations in Burma and for refugees from Burma in the 

region and is planning to announce additional funding shortly. 

The region’s capacity to handle the humanitarian crisis is dependent on the capacity of the U.N.-led humanitarian response, including deployment of emergency response experts and adequate staffing levels. In Bangladesh, we continue to advocate 

with U.N. coordinating agencies to increase expert technical staff on the ground and 

strengthen the coordination structure supporting implementation of the response 

plan. We continue to encourage seamless coordination and strategic vision for the 

response in Bangladesh. 

In addition to pressing for immediate action to meet humanitarian needs, we are 

also supporting the Burmese elected government’s efforts to address inherited challenges in Rakhine State. The Government established the Advisory Commission on 

Rakhine State, led by former U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan, which in August 

produced a set of recommendations for addressing the complex issues in Rakhine 

State that have ignited many crises over past decades. The Commission’s recommendations provide valuable ways forward in addressing underdevelopment, 

shortcomings in government services, access to justice, and ensuring a credible, 

transparent citizenship process for all people in Rakhine State. We continue to call 

for the Burmese Government to implement the Annan Commission’s recommendations. 

Question 4. Is the United States considering re-imposing targeted sanctions on 

Burma—specifically in response to its resumption of egregious violations of freedom 

of religion? 

Answer. In accordance with Burma’s long-time designation as a Country of Particular Concern for engaging in and tolerating systematic, ongoing and egregious 

violations of religious freedom, the administration continues to maintain a prohibition against arms sales to Burma. The administration is also considering a range 

of additional options. Any tools the United States uses to address the situation have 

to be carefully targeted to be effective in the complex environment. We do not want 

to make the crisis worse for vulnerable populations, or inhibit the flow of aid and 

assistance, and we want to continue to support those in Burma who are working 

to improve the situation in Rakhine, as well as to advance peace and broader democratic reforms. 

Question 5. The tools provided to the United States under the International Religious Freedom Act are frequently underutilized. For Burma, this would mean imposing sanctions for religious freedom violations above and beyond any existing 

sanctions regime, including arms embargoes. These sanctions could include asset 

freezes and visa denials for specific individuals, agencies, or military units known 

to have committed particularly severe violations of religious freedom: 

• Has the United States considered taking specific actions beyond existing sanctions as a direct response to religious freedom violations? 

Answer. In accordance with Burma’s long-time designation as a Country of Particular Concern for engaging in and tolerating systematic, ongoing and egregious 

violations of religious freedom, the administration continues to maintain a prohibition against arms sales to Burma. Whatever tools the United States uses to address 

the situation have to be carefully targeted to be effective in the complex environment. We do not want to make the crisis worse for vulnerable populations, or inhibit 

the flow of aid and assistance, and we want to continue to support those in Burma 

who are working to improve the situation in Rakhine, as well as to advance peace 

and broader democratic reforms. 

Question 6. What is the U.S. Government doing to address the broad challenges 

to religious freedom across Burma that have marginalized religious and ethnic minorities in the country? 

Answer. Since its transition to civilian government in 2016, Burma has made 

progress in protecting the rights of religious minorities, despite significant protests 

from politically powerful ultranationalist Buddhist groups. On May 23, the Burmese 

Government disbanded the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion 

(MaBaTha) because of its frequent religious hate speech. In a similar vein, on 

March 10, 2017, the Government prohibited prominent Buddhist ultranationalist 

monk Wirathu from giving public anti-Muslim diatribes, though he defied the prohibition. 

Burma has also taken steps to increase the ability of Muslims to worship and live 

in peace. In January, the Burmese Government allowed Muslims to hold ceremonies 

across the country to commemorate the birth of the Prophet Muhammad. In previous years such ceremonies were restricted to Rangoon and Mandalay. After BudFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

39 

dhist nationalists used violence to force two madrasas to close, authorities reacted 

swiftly, arresting two people and issuing warrants for five more, including two 

monks. On May 24, the Government released Muslim interfaith activists Pwint 

Phyu Latt and Zaw Zaw Latt from prison as part of an amnesty program. Christians, who make up at least six percent of the Burmese population, can generally 

freely practice their faith, engage in commerce, and hold government office. One of 

Burma’s two Vice Presidents is Christian. 

However, in Rakhine State, the Rohingya minority has reportedly faced mass 

atrocities resulting in the forcible displacement of more than 600,000 people to Bangladesh. In addition, ongoing ethnic conflicts in Kachin and Shan States have led 

to minority communities facing violence, displacement, and a denial of their human 

rights. The United States is committed to supporting Burma’s peace process to end 

the violence and ensure that minority groups in Burma enjoy peace and stability. 

Question 7. As the United States crafts a response to this crisis, what factors are 

you taking into account? 

Answer. Through the interagency policy coordination process, the U.S. Government is taking into account numerous factors, including accountability for human 

rights abuses, humanitarian imperatives, and broader U.S. interests in supporting 

Burma’s democratic transition. The U.S. is focusing on supporting the humanitarian 

response through funding and concerted advocacy to overcome roadblocks to an effective response, such as restricted humanitarian access in northern Rakhine State. 

The U.S. continues to advocate with the Government of Burma to create the conditions allowing a safe, voluntary, and dignified return as the main durable solution 

for the Rohingya population. 

Question 8. As the Burmese Government is picking only a select few humanitarian partners, how do you plan to engage the Burmese Government on expanding 

the number of humanitarian partners allowed to access populations and deliver programming and assistance? 

Answer. We take every opportunity to emphasize to Burmese officials at all levels 

of government the importance of humanitarian access. The White House, State Department, and the U.S. Mission to the U.N. have issued statements calling for immediate unhindered humanitarian access in Burma. Although the central Burmese 

Government’s commitment to do so is encouraging, we continue to raise concerns 

with the Rakhine State Government and seek further implementation on the 

ground. The Red Cross Movement (RCM) has been allowed to provide humanitarian 

assistance in northern Rakhine State since late August. However, they cannot assess or meet all of the humanitarian needs in Rakhine State, and we continue to 

stress to the Burmese Government that U.N. agencies and international NGOs will 

also need operational space. In late October, the Burmese authorities granted the 

World Food Programme permission to resume food distributions in northern 

Rakhine State. However, bureaucratic challenges remain and actual implementation 

has yet to materialize. 

Question 9. Is the State Department tracking individuals who are believed to have 

participated in these atrocities? 

Answer. We are evaluating reports from many sources, both open source and internal to the United States Government. We are assessing authorities under the 

JADE Act to consider economic options available to target individuals associated 

with atrocities. Pursuant to the Leahy Law, we find all units and officers involved 

in operations in northern Rakhine State to be ineligible to receive or participate in 

any U.S. assistance programs. We are consulting with allies and partners on accountability options at the U.N., the U.N. Human Rights Council, and other appropriate venues, and we are exploring additional accountability mechanisms available 

under U.S. law. 

Question 10. Does the State Department plan to hold Burmese officials involved 

in the atrocities accountable? If so, how? 

Answer. Pursuant to the Leahy Law, we have found all units and officers involved 

in recent operations in northern Rakhine State to be ineligible to receive or participate in any U.S. assistance programs. The administration is considering a range of 

further options. Whatever tools the United States uses to address the situation have 

to be carefully targeted to be effective in the complex environment. We do not want 

to make the crisis worse for vulnerable populations, or inhibit the flow of aid and 

assistance, and we want to continue to support those in Burma who are working 

to improve the situation in Rakhine, as well as to advance peace and broader democratic reforms. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

40 

RESPONSES TO ADDITIONAL QUESTIONS FOR THE RECORD SUBMITTED TO HON. MARK

STORELLA AND W. PATRICK MURPHY BY SENATOR BENJAMIN L. CARDIN

Question 1. Deputy Assistant Secretary Murphy said yesterday that progress is 

being made on humanitarian access, specifically referencing a positive statement by 

the State Counsellor on October 12. 

• Beyond this positive rhetorical statement, can you update the committee on 

what concrete progress has been made on humanitarian access? Has the Burmese Government agreed to allow additional international aid organizations access to Rakhine state beyond the Red Cross movement? If not, what concrete, 

demonstrable progress can we expect in coming days on humanitarian access? 

Answer. Since late August, the Red Cross Movement (RCM) agencies have maintained regular access to provide humanitarian assistance in northern Rakhine 

State. In addition, three international NGOs and two local NGOs report intermittent access to affected populations in northern Rakhine State. The RCM agencies 

continue to scale up response operations to meet the growing humanitarian needs 

and have reached more than 40,000 people with food assistance and an estimated 

36,000 people with emergency relief commodities. The U.N. World Food Program 

(WFP) reached approximately 118,000 people in central Rakhine State in October 

and plans to launch its November distributions in the coming days. WFP is also engaging in discussions with Burmese Government authorities to resume food distributions in northern Rakhine State. 

Question 2. According to the USAID Burma Complex emergency fact sheet dated 

30 September 2017, ‘‘UNICEF is also training traditional birth attendants and auxiliary midwives in newborn and maternal health care and conducting health and hygiene promotion activities.’’ UNFPA is the lead U.N. agency delivering maternal 

health care. Has UNICEF been put in the position to take over some of UNFPA’s 

mandate due to the USG’s lack of support to UNFPA? 

Answer. In Bangladesh, humanitarian response for Rohingya refugees in Cox’s 

Bazar district is coordinated through the Inter-Sector Coordination Group (ISCG), 

a sector-based body led by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) with 

support from the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Assistance 

(OCHA). Under the ISCG, UNFPA is the sub-sector lead for gender-based violence 

(GBV) and assists in coordinating humanitarian agencies implementing activities to 

respond to the needs of survivors of GBV and to ensure prevention of GBV. UNICEF 

serves as the sector lead for nutrition, sub-sector lead for child protection, and colead for education and water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH). As lead and implementer in nutrition and child protection sectors, UNICEF’s role in the response includes attention to maternal health and general health and hygiene promotion to 

provide appropriate support for the feeding and care of infants, young children, and 

their mothers as a critical means of supporting child survival, growth, and development to prevent malnutrition, illness, and death. In its operations elsewhere in the 

region, UNICEF has frequently trained traditional birth attendants and midwives 

in maternal health and implemented WASH activities; thus, UNICEF’s activities in 

response to the Rohingya crisis are no different from its established practice and 

mandate. Under the ISCG, UNICEF and UNFPA’s operations are coordinated and 

complementary. 

Question 3. According to the same fact sheet, ‘‘State/PRM partners report an increasing number of SGBV survivors among new arrivals, who are in need of health 

and psychological support. In addition to SGBV survivors, many arrivals have experienced severely traumatic events and are in need of critical mental health and psychosocial support. Since the influx began, IOM and other State/PRM partners have 

responded to 180 SGBV cases, nearly 1,260 people in need of psychological first aid, 

and more than 4,900 extremely vulnerable individuals—including SGBV survivors 

and individuals vulnerable to exploitation, SGBV, or trafficking.’’ UNFPA is the lead 

U.N. agency on S/GBV response in crises: 

• Is PRM working with UNFPA on this? If not, is PRM creating a parallel response because of their inability to work with UNFPA? 

Answer. In Bangladesh, humanitarian response for Rohingya refugees in Cox’s 

Bazar district is coordinated through the Inter-Sector Coordination Group (ISCG), 

a sector-based body led by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) with 

support from the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Assistance 

(OCHA). PRM is funding partners whose activities are coordinated through the 

ISCG system. 

Under the ISCG, UNFPA is the sub-sector lead for gender-based violence (GBV). 

In this role, UNFPA assists in coordinating humanitarian agencies implementing 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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activities to respond to the needs of survivors of GBV and to ensure prevention of 

GBV. These agencies include PRM-funded partners implementing GBV activities, 

such as UNICEF, UNHCR, and IOM. PRM closely monitors the impact of humanitarian assistance under the ISCG to ensure that implementation is well-coordinated 

to meet the needs of vulnerable populations without duplication of services or creation of a parallel response. 

Question 4. How is the United States advocating for humanitarian access into 

Rakhine state? More specifically how is the State Department working to ensure the 

Government of Burma to provide travel permits to U.N. agencies to allow for humanitarian access into northern Rakhine state in particular? 

Answer. The number one humanitarian priority is gaining access to those in need 

in Rakhine State. Although the Government of Burma has granted some international NGOs travel authorizations to work in central Rakhine State, other government regulations and procedures are hindering international NGOs from accessing 

all internally displaced person (IDP) camps and affected communities. In addition, 

safety concerns, a climate of intimidation, and restrictions on movements prevent 

many local Burmese staff of these organizations from accessing those in need. We 

take every opportunity to emphasize to Burmese officials at all levels of government 

the importance of humanitarian access. In addition to these discussions with our 

Burmese counterparts, the White House, State Department, and the U.S. Mission 

to the U.N. have issued statements calling for immediate unhindered humanitarian 

access. The United States has specifically called on the Burmese Government to 

simplify and streamline the travel authorizations process and although the central 

Burmese Government’s commitment to do so is encouraging, we continue to raise 

concerns with the Rakhine State Government and seek further implementation on 

the ground. 

Question 5. According to recent reports the Governments of Bangladesh and 

Burma have reached an agreement to ‘‘halt the outflow of [Burmese] residents to 

Bangladesh’’—is the United States concerned that this agreement could prevent vulnerable Rohingya from fleeing the violence in Rakhine state? 

Answer. We are aware of these media reports; however, there is no indication that 

Burma or Bangladesh have closed their borders. Since these media reports, several 

thousand Rohingya refugees have arrived in Bangladesh. 

Question 6. UNHCR has said that forced returns are unacceptable and that returns eventually need to be considered and resolved but it does not appear that this 

situation is in place. What is the State Department doing to ensure that Rohingya 

are not forced to return from Bangladesh against their will? 

Answer. The State Department has advocated with both the Burmese and the 

Bangladeshi Governments at the highest levels to ensure that Rohingya refugees 

can return voluntarily, safely, and with dignity. The State Department has also 

urged the Government of Burma to create the conditions allowing for such returns 

by addressing the root causes of the displacement, providing access to equal rights 

and citizenship for the Rohingya, and providing access to livelihoods opportunities. 

Question 7. Does that United States anticipate it will be providing additional 

funding to support the humanitarian response? 

Answer. Yes. PRM and USAID are planning additional funding for the refugee response. PRM will make additional contributions to the International Organization 

for Migration (IOM), the U.N. Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). USAID/FFP is also planning a contribution to 

UNICEF in the nutrition sector. 

Question 8. Is the U.S. Government supporting any efforts to try and track/confirm the number of IDPs in Rakhine State? 

Answer. We are in regular communication with Burmese and Bangladeshi Government authorities and U.N. and international NGO partners working in both 

Burma and Bangladesh to obtain daily and weekly situation reports and official government estimates to ascertain the number of displaced individuals. U.N. and international NGO partners work closely with Bangladeshi authorities to track the number of new arrivals, assess their needs, and document beneficiary data. These figures are compared with the known figure of approximately 800,000 Rohingya residing in northern Rakhine State before the previous outbreak of violence in October 

2016, leading the U.N. to estimate that over 100,000 Rohingya remain in northern 

Rakhine State. The precise number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in 

Rakhine State remains unknown due to ongoing population movements, limited humanitarian access, and a lack of recent official estimates from the Government of 

Burma. In September, the Rakhine State Government estimated the current crisis 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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had created approximately 200,000 new IDPs. However, many of those displaced 

persons have since crossed into Bangladesh. We fund U.N. and international NGO 

partners to provide humanitarian assistance, which includes efforts to track and 

confirm the number of IDPs in Rakhine State. 

Question 9. What is the United States Government doing to support the Government [of] Bangladesh and host communities in Bangladesh to mitigate existing or 

potential tensions that could put displaced civilians at further risk? 

Answer. The U.S. Government has encouraged the Government of Bangladesh to 

engage with the World Bank and the United Nations on medium- and long-term 

planning for the refugee response and on sustainable development to benefit both 

the host communities and refugees in refugee settlement areas. In addition, through 

the contribution to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), PRM is supporting the non-governmental organization Solidarites International (SI) to address 

the needs and vulnerabilities of the host communities impacted by the humanitarian crisis in Cox’s Bazar. SI is providing emergency water, sanitation, and hygiene service delivery and distribution of basic products in the host community 

areas most affected by the recent influx of Rohingyas. This, alongside robust U.S. 

funding for the emergency response, will help mitigate the rise of tensions between 

host communities and refugees. 

RESPONSES TO ADDITIONAL QUESTIONS FOR THE RECORD SUBMITTED TO

HON. MARK STORELLA BY SENATOR ROBERT MENENDEZ

Question 1. While I recognize this was covered at the hearing: do you believe the 

systematic attacks on the Rohingya population constitute ethnic cleansing? What 

factors are you considering in your determination. 

Answer. The facts indicate that since August 25, over 600,000 Rohingya have 

been forced across the border, fleeing for their lives from reported killings, torture, 

rape, and widespread burnings of their villages. Many others have been displaced 

internally. These are terrible atrocities. In some cases, there is evidence that Burmese forces have perpetrated these mass atrocities in concert with local militias. 

Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley said on September 28, ‘‘We cannot 

be afraid to call the actions of the Burmese authorities what they appear to be: a 

brutal, sustained campaign to cleanse the country of an ethnic minority.’’ Secretary 

Tillerson has been clear in saying that violence and persecution ‘‘have been characterized by many as ethnic cleansing.’’ The Secretary also observed while in Burma 

on November 15 that what has occurred in Rakhine State that led to so many people fleeing has a number of characteristics of crimes against humanity. We are encouraging an independent investigation to understand the motivations for these 

crimes and hold accountable those responsible. 

Question 2. Do you believe the Government of Burma is democratically controlled? 

Who do you believe controls the military? 

Answer. Successful elections in 2015 yielded the first elected, civilian-led government in more than half a century. Per the 2008 Constitution produced by the previous military regime, however, the military has full authority over the armed 

forces, as well as the Ministries of Defense, Home Affairs, and Border Affairs, and 

twenty-five percent of parliamentary seats in union-, regional-, and state-level parliaments. The crisis in Rakhine State reminds us that the democratic transition remains in process, and that progress is fragile. The civilian, Union-level government 

has shown limited ability to influence the military or Rakhine State local administrative authorities regarding the issues facing the Rohingya. 

Burma’s civilian leadership has been trying to address five decades of military 

misrule and inherited challenges, including long-standing inter-ethnic tensions in 

Rakhine State. In spite of constitutional constraints, the democratically elected civilian government has made some progress in addressing difficult inherited challenges. 

They have released many political prisoners, amended some old laws limiting freedom of expression, and carried out long-overdue economic reforms. Perhaps most importantly, there has also been a marked decrease in high-level corruption among 

senior civilian government officials. None of this excuses inaction or failings by the 

civilian government on Rakhine or any other issue. 

Question 3. Press freedom has not been a feature of Burma, with the state controlling main broadcasters and having a monopoly on telecommunications. Reporters 

Without Borders notes that self-censorship continues in connection to government 

officials and military officers. Independent human rights groups have noted that 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Facebook and social media have played an instrumental role in promoting negative 

narratives about the Rohingya and Muslim population, often fueling the violence we 

have witnessed over the past year. In a recent New York Times interview, U Pe 

Myint, the nation’s information minister, insisted the public needs to be guided saying ‘‘It looks rather like indoctrination, like in an authoritarian or totalitarian 

state.’’ 

• What is your assessment of the Government’s role in using media and social 

media to promote and perpetuate negative narratives and stereotypes of Burma’s Muslim population? Do you assess that the Government is utilizing staterun or social media to encourage the population to perpetrate violence against 

the Rohingya? What should the United States response be? 

Answer. Social media is the predominant method by which information is exchanged on a mass scale, and has been a vehicle for amplifying negative stereotypes 

of the Rohingya. We continue to call on all involved to avoid inflammatory rhetoric 

that only serves to exacerbate a tense situation. 

Question 4. What is the Department’s assessment of ARSA? Does it have ties to 

international terrorist organizations? 

Answer. The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) first came to prominence 

in late 2016, when they took responsibility for deadly attacks on Burmese security 

forces. The self-proclaimed head of ARSA, Ata Ullah, is a foreign-born Rohingya. We 

understand he spent formative years in Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. ARSA claims 

to have no ties to transnational terrorist organizations. We know that ARSA has 

claimed responsibility for roughly 30 coordinated attacks on Burmese security forces 

on August 25 that killed 12. Reports from Burmese Government officials and 

sources inside the Rohingya community also suggest that ARSA may be responsible 

for killing some members of the Rohingya community it suspected of collaborating 

with the Government. We assess ARSA has limited resources and technical capability, but is actively working to expand those capabilities. We have not seen any 

credible evidence that ARSA has ties to international terrorist organizations. 

Question 5. Do you believe that the displaced Rohingya population is more susceptible to ascribe to violent ideologies in response to their treatment by the Burmese 

Government? What steps are we and the international community taking to ensure 

that these vulnerable populations are not exploited by those seeking to do harm on 

an international level? 

Answer. We have not seen compelling evidence that the displaced Rohingya population is particularly susceptible to extremist appeals in response to their treatment 

by the Burmese Government. The U.S. Government responded quickly to the urgency of the Rakhine State Crisis to meet the needs of the displaced populations. 

In FY 2017, we provided nearly $104 million in humanitarian assistance for displaced people in and from Burma, including Rohingya populations. This funding includes long-standing support for displaced persons in Burma and the region, and 

nearly $40 million in life-saving emergency assistance in direct response to the 

Rakhine State crisis. This reflects the U.S. commitment to address the unprecedented magnitude of suffering and urgent humanitarian needs. Besides our support 

for life-saving humanitarian assistance, we consistently engage with the Burmese 

Government to address the root causes and develop sustainable solutions. 

We are also working closely with Bangladesh’s civilian law enforcement through 

a community-policing program in Chittagong and support the Global Community 

Engagement and Resilience Fund to support grassroots projects to fortify the ability 

of these communities to resist appeals to violent extremism. 

Question 6. It is estimated that more than half a million Burmese Rohingya have 

already left the country. Recently, a spokesman for the National League for Democracy stated that ‘‘these Muslims are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and this 

crisis is an infringement of our sovereignty.’’ It is likely that the Burmese Government will utilize every tool available to deny citizenship rights to people eventually 

seeking to return. 

• How are you engaging with the Burmese and Bangladeshi Governments about 

the return of the displaced populations? What is the U.N.’s posture? How are 

you working with international partners on the ground to respond to these increasing numbers of refugees as well as eventual return? 

Answer. We are engaging with the Burmese and Bangladeshi Governments to 

work in close cooperation on a coordinated plan for the repatriation of displaced populations that would allow for those who have fled to Bangladesh or are otherwise 

internally displaced in Burma to voluntarily return to their places of origin in safety 

and dignity. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

44 

The U.N. is also calling for both governments to facilitate safe, dignified, and voluntary returns. The U.S. Government is providing funding for the humanitarian response plans of U.N. and international NGO partners to provide humanitarian assistance to meet the needs of increasing numbers of refugees, while urging the Burmese and Bangladeshi Governments to reach agreement on a voluntary repatriation 

process that ensures safe and secure conditions in Rakhine State for a sustainable 

return. 

RESPONSES TO ADDITIONAL QUESTIONS FOR THE RECORD SUBMITTED TO

HON. MARK STORELLA BY SENATOR JEFF MERKLEY

Question 1. What is the administration’s 5 to 10 year plan for addressing the refugee crisis in Bangladesh? 

• What engagements have you had with the Bangladesh Government to discuss 

their short, medium, and long term plan for the Rohingya refugees? 

• Have you dissuaded them from a proposal to create a permanent ‘‘mega-camp?’’ 

Answer. The Inter-Sector Coordination Group (ISCG), the coordination body for 

the refugee response, is leading efforts to plan sector activities through the end of 

December 2018. This planning process includes USG-funded partners such as the 

International Organization for Migration, the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, 

and the U.N. Children’s Fund. The U.S. Government has encouraged the Government of Bangladesh to engage with the World Bank and the United Nations on 

medium- and long-term planning for the refugee response and sustainable development in the areas where refugees are residing. The U.S. continues to advocate with 

the Government of Burma to create the conditions allowing voluntary return as the 

main durable solution for the Rohingya population. The Government of Bangladesh 

has shown some receptiveness to concerted advocacy by the U.S. Government, other 

donors, and humanitarian partners on the dangers of a mega-camp. The Government now appears willing to consider options for dispersing the population throughout the Cox’s Bazar district. 

Question 2. Please describe what PRM and the State Department are doing with 

respect to ending statelessness of the Rohingya population, a core issue in this crisis? 

• What did the State Department do to address the statelessness of the Rohingya 

population during previous conflicts in 2012, 2015 and 2016 when hundreds of 

thousands of Rohingya fled to Bangladesh? 

Answer. PRM is the largest single donor of the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the international organization mandated to prevent 

and reduce statelessness. Addressing the plight of the stateless Rohingya is among 

our top priorities. The Rohingya population was rendered stateless as a result of the 

1982 Citizenship Law which denied their status as an officially recognized ethnic 

group in Burma. After consistent advocacy with the Burmese Government to address the root causes of the 2012 violence and develop a path to citizenship as a 

durable solution, a pilot citizenship verification process was initiated in June 2014 

Myebon Township in Rakhine State but yielded very limited results. Other attempts 

have been stymied by the evolving dynamics of the security environment and the 

eruption of violence over the past five years in northern Rakhine State. Members 

of the Rohingya community generally refused to participate in the verification exercise for various reasons including the rejection of self-identification, lack of transparency, and limited tangible outcomes by those who have participated in the national verification process. 

The State Department continues to urge Burmese Government officials to conduct 

a citizenship verification process as a part of a comprehensive approach that addresses the complex dynamics and needs of all communities in Rakhine State. Concerns about self-identification, freedom of movement, access to services and durable 

solutions for those displaced need to be addressed. Increased efforts to enhance trust 

and confidence-building measures, along with peaceful co-existence and social inclusion measures between the Rohingya and Rakhine communities are also needed. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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RESPONSES TO ADDITIONAL QUESTIONS FOR THE RECORD SUBMITTED TO

HON. MARK STORELLA BY SENATOR CORY A. BOOKER

Question 1. Burmese policy documents show restrictions on Rohingya’s ‘‘movement, marriage, childbirth, home repairs and construction of houses of worship.’’ 

Even prior to this crisis, access to emergency health care and humanitarian aid 

was highly restricted, leading to numerous reports of preventable deaths. Hate 

speech and violent propaganda continue to imperil Rohingya, as well as other Muslims in the country. 

• Do you believe that the Burmese military and, therefore its government, have 

engaged in or currently engage in institutionalized racial and/or religious discrimination? 

Answer. A fundamental problem in Rakhine State is widespread prejudice and 

racism among the general population directed specifically at the Rohingya. Muslims 

in Burma, including the Rohingya in Rakhine State, have for decades faced severe 

discrimination and restrictions on their access to citizenship, and ability to engage 

in economic activity, obtain an education, and register births, deaths, and marriages. Many of these restrictions come from local orders from the municipal government and the military.While the Constitution guarantees every Burmese citizen 

‘‘the right to freely profess and practice religion subject to public order, morality or 

health and to the other provisions of this Constitution,’’ religious discrimination still 

exists for Christian, Muslim, Hindu, and other religious minorities regarding employment opportunities, business ownership, construction of religious buildings of 

worship and other areas. This discrimination is ongoing and societal, but the Government has taken some steps to improve religious freedom. On May 23, the Burmese Government disbanded the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion 

(MaBaTha) because of its frequent religious hate speech. In a similar vein, on 

March 10, the Government prohibited prominent Buddhist ultranationalist monk 

Wirathu from giving public anti-Muslim diatribes. Burma has also taken steps to 

increase the ability of Muslims to worship and live in peace. In January, the Burmese Government allowed Muslims to hold ceremonies across the country to commemorate the birth of the Prophet Muhammad. In previous years such ceremonies 

were restricted to Rangoon and Mandalay. After Buddhist nationalists used violence 

to force two madrasas to close, authorities reacted swiftly, arresting two people and 

issuing warrants for five more, including two monks. On May 24, the Government 

released Muslim interfaith activists Pwint Phyu Latt and Zaw Zaw Latt from prison 

as part of an amnesty program. Christians, who make up six percent of the Burmese population, can generally freely practice their faith, engage in commerce, and 

hold government office. One of Burma’s two Vice Presidents is Christian. 

Question 2. To what extent is this humanitarian crisis a culmination of these institutionalized policies of racial and religious discrimination? 

Answer. Given the context of longstanding severe discrimination against the 

Rohingya population, reports of extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, and burning 

of Rohingya villages by security forces and non-Rohingya civilians are particularly 

alarming. It is clear that longstanding discrimination against the Rohingya, not only 

by government and military actors, but also by other communities in Rakhine State 

and across Burma, has played a key role in creating and sustaining this crisis. 

RESPONSES TO ADDITIONAL QUESTIONS FOR THE RECORD SUBMITTED TO

MS. V. KATE SOMVONGSIRI BY SENATOR BENJAMIN L. CARDIN

Question 1. Deputy Assistant Secretary Murphy said that progress is being made 

on humanitarian access, specifically referencing a positive statement by the State 

Counsellor on October 12. Beyond this positive rhetorical statement, can you update 

the committee on what concrete progress has been made on humanitarian access? 

Has the Burmese Government agreed to allow additional international aid organizations access to Rakhine State beyond the Red Cross movement? If not, what concrete, demonstrable progress can we expect in coming days on humanitarian access? 

Answer. Since late August, the Red Cross Movement (RCM) agencies have maintained regular access to provide humanitarian assistance in northern Rakhine 

State. In addition, three international NGOs and two local NGOs report intermittent access to affected populations in northern Rakhine State. The U.N. World Food 

Program (WFP) reached approximately 118,000 people in central Rakhine State in 

October. On October 26, the Government of Burma granted permission to World 

Food Programme (WFP) to resume food distribution is in northern Rakhine State. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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WFP has resumed food distributions and plans to assist 36,000 people in northern 

Rakhine State in November, in addition to 100,000 beneficiaries to be reached by 

the Red Cross Movement. However, there is still an urgent need for access by a 

broader range of actors to ensure that adequate assistance reaches all communities 

in need. 

Question 2. According to the USAID Burma Complex emergency fact sheet dated 

30 September 2017, ‘‘UNICEF is also training traditional birth attendants and auxiliary midwives in newborn and maternal health care and conducting health and hygiene promotion activities.’’ UNFPA is the lead U.N. agency delivering maternal 

health care. Has UNICEF has been put in the position to take over some of 

UNFPA’s mandate due to the USG’s lack of support to UNFPA? 

Answer. In Bangladesh, humanitarian response for Rohingya refugees in Cox’s 

Bazar district is coordinated through the Inter-Sector Coordination Group (ISCG), 

a sector-based body led by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) with 

support from the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Assistance 

(OCHA). Under the ISCG, UNFPA is the sub-sector lead for gender-based violence 

(GBV) and assists in coordinating humanitarian agencies implementing activities to 

respond to the needs of survivors of GBV and to ensure prevention of GBV. UNICEF 

serves as the sector lead for nutrition, sub-sector lead for child protection, and colead for education and water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH). As lead and implementer in nutrition and child protection sectors, UNICEF’s role in the response includes attention to maternal health and general health and hygiene promotion to 

provide appropriate support for the feeding and care of infants, young children, and 

their mothers as a critical means of supporting child survival, growth, and development to prevent malnutrition, illness, and death. In its operations elsewhere in the 

region, UNICEF has frequently trained traditional birth attendants and midwives 

in maternal health and implemented WASH activities; thus, UNICEF’s activities in 

response to the Rohingya crisis are no different from its established practice and 

mandate. Under the ISCG, UNICEF and UNFPA’s operations are coordinated and 

complementary. 

USAID has not provided any funding to UNFPA in Burma. USAID-supported 

UNICEF training activities continue and are unaffected by U.S. Government policy 

regarding UNFPA. 

Question 3. According to recent reports the Governments of Bangladesh and 

Burma have reached an agreement to ‘‘halt the outflow of [Burmese] residents to 

Bangladesh’’—is the United States concerned that this agreement could prevent vulnerable Rohingya from fleeing the violence in Rakhine state? 

Answer. We are aware of these media reports; however, there is no indication that 

Burma or Bangladesh has closed its borders. Since these media reports, several 

thousand Rohingya refugees have arrived in Bangladesh. 

Question 4. How is the United States advocating for humanitarian access into 

Rakhine State? More specifically how is the State Department working to ensure 

the Government of Burma to provide travel permits to U.N. agencies to allow for 

humanitarian access into northern Rakhine State in particular? 

Answer. The U.S. Government is working with the diplomatic community, the 

U.N., and other international organizations to urge Burmese authorities to provide 

unfettered humanitarian access and ensure humanitarian assistance reaches all 

communities in need. USAID and PRMK communicate daily with international and 

local partners as well as U.N. agencies and other donors. USAID and PRM staff provides daily updates and formulate advocacy messages for the Ambassador to deliver 

to high-level Government of Burma representatives, U.N., international non-governmental organizations, and other donors. In addition to these discussions with our 

Burmese counterparts, the White House, State Department, and the U.S. Mission 

to the U.N. have issued statements calling for immediate unhindered humanitarian 

access. The United States has specifically called on the Burmese Government to 

simplify and streamline the travel authorizations process and although the central 

Burmese Government’s commitment to do so is encouraging, we continue to raise 

concerns with the Rakhine State Government and seek further implementation on 

the ground. 

Question 5. Does that United States anticipate it will be providing additional 

funding to support the humanitarian response? 

Answer. In Burma, the primary challenge to the delivery of humanitarian assistance is not resources, but access. There is currently limited humanitarian access to 

northern Rakhine State for USAID partners with the exception of World Food Programme; however, USAID’s partners have maintained a presence in Rakhine and 

are ready to resume activities in northern Rakhine as soon as access is made availFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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able. USAID will continue to monitor the situation closely, coordinate with other donors, and explore whether additional funding is needed. The Red Cross Movement 

agencies have maintained access to northern Rakhine State and are providing critical humanitarian assistance with support from the State Department’s Bureau of 

Population, Migration, and Refugees (State/PRM). 

In Bangladesh, the needs remain immense. PRM is the primary responder to refugees. PRM is funding the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the 

International Organization for Migration (IOM), the U.N. Children’s Fund 

(UNICEF), the Red Cross Movement, and other humanitarian partners to provide 

humanitarian assistance. USAID is coordinating with State/PRM on response efforts, which has included the provision of $7 million in food, nutrition, logistics and 

coordination assistance from USAID’s Office of Food for Peace. The Centers for Disease Control is also providing ongoing technical assistance, most recently with nutrition assessments and analysis. Both State and USAID colleagues have provided 

surge staffing support for this crisis, enabling them to more effectively assess the 

needs from the ground. We continue to assess the situation for future funding consideration. 

We are engaging with the Burmese and Bangladeshi Governments to work in 

close cooperation on a coordinated plan for the repatriation of displaced populations 

that would allow for those who have fled to Bangladesh or are otherwise internally 

displaced in Burma to voluntarily return to their places of origin in safety and dignity. The U.N. is also calling for both governments to facilitate safe, dignified, and 

voluntary returns. U.S. funding supports UNHCR’s work, including UNHCR’s cooperation with the Bangladesh Government to provide biometric registration for refugees who have crossed into Bangladesh, which can help support eventual voluntary 

and safe returns. 

Question 6. In USAID Acting Deputy Assistant Administrator Somvongsiri’s testimony, she mentioned the robust development programming that already exists in 

Bangladesh—what is this programming and is the programming being repurposed, 

if it is not already doing so, to help support Rohingya refugees? 

Answer. USAID’s robust development programming in Bangladesh focuses on agricultural productivity and crop diversity; child and maternal health; nutrition; natural resource management; resilience to natural disasters; education, governance; 

labor rights; and the rule of law. USAID has been assessing the most pressing 

short-term and longer-term development needs of the host communities in Cox’s 

Bazar and utilizing our existing programs to provide additional assistance to the 

area where possible. These decisions are based on the flexibility and funding available within existing instruments, and assessments of specific needs in coordination 

with the State Department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration and 

non-USG aid work. 

For example, we are expanding our Counter Trafficking-In-Persons activity in 

Cox’s Bazar, as displaced Rohingya in overcrowded camps are vulnerable to trafficking, forced marriage and illegal child adoption. 

On health service delivery, we are providing oral rehydration salts to prevent 

Rohingya children from dying from diarrhea. USAID supports the Smiling Sun Network of NGO clinics, which includes clinics in Cox’s Bazar that provide emergency 

obstetric services and basic health services that are accessible to the host communities, including the refugees. Another USAID program expands access to and distribution of health-related products in Cox’s Bazar by providing child health and nutrition services and detecting and referring TB cases. Over the past several weeks, 

this program has reported a significant increase in the demand for health-related 

products. 

In recognition of the potential for volatility between the host community and refugee populations, USAID has initiated the ‘‘Protecting the Human Rights of 

Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh’’ media activity to provide the refugees with useful information and positive messages to diffuse tension. This rapid-response activity will also provide technical assistance to local media to improve information flow 

to the host community and Rohingya refugees, and community outreach to dispel 

rumors and false information. USAID also intends to conduct a broad-based, conflict 

risk assessment to determine the utility of additional programming. 

Finally, reflecting the efforts of humanitarian efforts to scale up and respond to 

the urgent needs in Cox’s Bazar, a USAID development food security program redirected 120 metric tons of commodities to augment and diversify the food basket 

being provided by the World Food Program (WFP). These commodities—vegetable 

oil and lentils, valued at over $119,000—are complementing WFP’s food distributions for 24,000 people for a period of two months. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

48 

At this time, USAID does not recommend reallocation of other parts of the 

USAID/Bangladesh portfolio to the Rohingya crisis. Such reallocation could undermine broader gains and agreed-upon objectives worked out with the Government, 

and impede significant progress in core, critical development areas including food 

security, child mortality, infectious disease and other major challenges facing the 

country, which are already exacerbated by the refugee crisis. 

Question 7. Is the U.S. Government supporting any efforts to try and track/confirm the number of IDPs in Rakhine State? 

Answer. The exact number of Rohingya IDPs in Rakhine remains unknown due 

to a lack of access. Since August 25, the only international humanitarian actor the 

Government of Burma has allowed to conduct assessments in northern Rakhine 

state is the Red Cross Movement. Recently World Food Programme was granted 

permission to resume activities in northern Rakhine State and is planning a rapid 

assessment, but has not been able to arrive at an overall numbers of IDPs to date. 

There continues to be a caseload of 120,000 IDPs in central Rakhine who were displaced prior to August 25. The lack of adequate information on the numbers and 

needs of displaced people reinforces the importance of full humanitarian access to 

northern Rakhine State. 

Question 8. What is the United States Government doing to support the Government [of] Bangladesh and host communities in Bangladesh to mitigate existing or 

potential tensions that could put displaced civilians at further risk? 

Answer. USAID recognizes the potential for conflict between the Rohingya and 

host communities in Bangladesh. Where possible, USAID assistance to the Rohingya 

is also available to host communities, demonstrating that assistance is available to 

all. For example, in Cox’s Bazar, the joint USAID/DFID Health Service Delivery 

Project supports five clinics that provide emergency obstetric services and two 

‘‘vital’’ clinics that provide basic health services. Access to these clinics is open, including to the refugee and host communities. U.S. Government-funded humanitarian assistance in Bangladesh, including food and nutrition support, water and 

sanitation services, and other services, also includes assistance to host communities 

to reduce or mitigate tensions between refugees and the host community. Through 

the contribution to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), PRM is supporting the non-governmental organization Solidarites International (SI) to address 

the needs and vulnerabilities of the host communities impacted by the humanitarian crisis in Cox’s Bazar. SI is providing emergency water, sanitation, and hygiene service delivery and distribution of basic products in the host community 

areas most affected by the recent influx of Rohingya. This, alongside robust U.S. 

funding for the emergency response, will help mitigate the rise of tensions between 

host communities and refugees. In addition, USAID has initiated the ‘‘Protecting the 

Human Rights of Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh’’ media activity to provide refugees with useful information and positive messages to diffuse tension. USAID also 

intends to conduct a broad-based, conflict risk assessment to determine the utility 

of additional programming. The U.S. has encouraged the Government of Bangladesh 

to engage with the World Bank and the U.N. on medium- and long-term planning 

for the refugee response and on sustainable development to benefit both the host 

communities and refugees in refugee resettlement areas. 

RESPONSE TO AN ADDITIONAL QUESTION FOR THE RECORD SUBMITTED TO

MS. V. KATE SOMVONGSIRI BY SENATOR ROBERT MENENDEZ

Question. It is estimated that more than half a million Burmese Rohingya have 

already left the country. Recently, a spokesman for the National League For Democracy stated that ‘‘these Muslims are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and this 

crisis is an infringement of our sovereignty.’’ It is likely that the Burmese Government will utilize every tool available to deny citizenship rights to people eventually 

seeking to return. 

• How are you engaging with the Burmese and Bangladeshi Governments about 

the return of the displaced populations? What is the U.N.’s posture? How are 

you working with international partners on the ground to respond to these increasing numbers of refugees as well as eventual return? 

Answer. We are engaging with the Burmese and Bangladeshi Governments to 

work in close cooperation on a coordinated plan for the repatriation of displaced populations that would allow for those who have fled to Bangladesh or are otherwise 

internally displaced in Burma to voluntarily return to their places of origin in safety 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

49 

and dignity. The U.N. is also calling for both governments to facilitate safe, dignified, and voluntary returns. U.S. funding supports UNHCR’s work, including 

UNHCR’s cooperation with the Bangladesh Government to provide biometric registration for refugees who have crossed into Bangladesh, which can help support 

eventual voluntary and safe returns. The U.S. Government is providing funding for 

the humanitarian response plans of U.N. and international NGO partners to provide 

humanitarian assistance to meet the needs of increasing numbers of refugees, while 

urging the Burmese and Bangladeshi Governments to reach agreement on a voluntary repatriation process that ensures safe and secure conditions in Rakhine 

State for a sustainable return. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

(51) 

ANNEX I.—STATEMENT SUBMITTED BY AMNESTY

INTERNATIONAL, OCTOBER 23, 2017 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

52 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


interviewed by AI has lost family members - some massacred, others bumed alive in their 

homes. AI has also interviewed over 30 medical staff, aid workers, and Bangladeshi officials 

workiog directly with the Rohingya refi.1gees who have corroborated these accounts. 

ln addition, Al experts have used high-resolution satellite technology, aerial photographs, and 

video footage to con linn the mass bumiogs of Rohingya villages throughout northen1 

Rakhine State. Finally, AI experts have vc1ified that Myanmar soldiers have recently planted 

anti-personnel Iandmines along paths being used by fleeing Rohingya.

3 

Al's rigorous human rights documentation, coupled with modem technology all point to the 

same conclusion: nearly 600,000 Rohinro•a hm•e been the "ictims of widespread and 

systematic attacks, amotmfing to crimes against l11tmani~y.4 

Because our briefing paper '.11/1· World Is Finished': Rohingro Targeted in Crimes ogainsl 

1/mnanirv in Mmnmar discusses tbe Myanmar military's atrocities in detail, the congressional 

statement will focus on: 

(I) IdentifYing tbe specitic Myann1ar military units implicated in the most heinous human 

rights abuses in northem Rakhine State; and 

(2) Recommended actions that the U.S. govenonent and international community should 

itrunediately undertake to halt the Myanmar milita ry's ethnic cleansing campaign. 

l. Amnesty International has identified specific M yanmar miUtao·y units and 

individuals in crimes committed in northern Rakhine State. 

While AJ's investigations remain ongoing into the responsibility of specific units and 

individuals involved in crimes conm1itted in northern Rakhine State, there is strong evidence 

from consistent, corroborating witness accounts that certain units have been 

disproportionately involved in some of the worst violations including the Myamuar Army's 

Western Command, the 33rd Light Infantry Division, and the Border Guard Police. 

The Commander in Chief of the Myanmar military, Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing bears 

the principal command responsibility for the bnllal military campaign. Apart from two days, 

he has been in Myanmar since August 25, 2017. People with intimate knowledge oftbc 

military's ongoing campaign in northern Rakhine State have told AI that the Commander-inChief bas close oversight of the military's operatiollS. 

• September 1: be anno unced on his Faccbook page, "in the ongoing incidents," the 

Myanmar military " had to get involved as the strength of police forces alone could 

3 Appendix B contains an AI press release documenting the usc of anti-personnel Iandmincs 

along the Myarunar-Bangladeshi border. 4 Al has documented that Rohingya have been victims of tbc following crimes against 

humanity: (I) murder including through the use of landmines; (2) deportation and forcible 

displacement through anoed attacks, killings, rape, tbe burning of buildings, looting; (3) 

torture including rape, beating, killing in front of family members; (4) rape and other fonns of 

sexual violence of comparable gravity; (5) persecution based on ctlmic and religious grounds 

through buming ofwbole villages, looting, and sevel'e restrictions on humanitarian aid: and 

(6) other inhumane acts including denial of access to life-sustaining provisions. 

2 
53 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


not de tend." His Facebook page includes a September I We openly declare 

that 'absolutely, our country bas no Rohingya race."' 

September 19 to 2 I: he met with senior military officers on the ground in Rakhine 

State, including the head of Western Coum1and. While in Rakhine State, his 

Facebook page included statements indicating that he "gave (those commanders] 

instructions on getting tin1ely infonnation" and on the "systematic deployment of 

secUJ-ity torces," among other things; he also "honoured" the military's "brilliant 

efforts to restore regional peace." 

October II: his Face book ill!&< posted this statement: "exaggeration to say that 

the number of[Rohingya] lleeing to Bangladesh is very large" and that the "native 

place of[the Rohingya) is really Bengal. Therefore, they might have fled to the 

other country with the same lauguage, race and culture as theirs by assuming that 

they would be safer there." 

Westen1 Command: In many villages where AI documented mass killings and other serious 

violations, witnesses consistently described a patch on soldiers' unifonns that matches the one 

worn by Western Command. Witnesses who offered this description of a logo that looked Like 

a star and flower, or drew a related picture, were then presented with various options of 

Myanmar Army patches. They each picked out the Western Conm1and patch. Western 

Command has long played a leading role in military operations in northern Rakhine State, and 

is led by Major General Maung Maung Soc. 

33rd Light Infantry Division ("LID"): Several witnesses in scorched Rohingya villages 

described and identified tbe patch worn by the 33rd LID. Many soldiers from the 33rd and 

99th LIDs were moved from northern Myanmar to Rakhine State in mid-August 20 17. In 

June, AI published a rep011 that documented war crimes committed by soldiers from these 

two units against civilians from ethnic nunorities in northern Shan State, as part of the 

ongoing internal anncd conflicts in northern Myamnar. 

Border Guard Police ("13GP"): Rohingya witnesses repeatedly implicated the BGP, a force 

that has operated in close proximity to many Rohingya villages since it was established in 

2014. The BGP are idcnti.ficd by their distinct, camouflage blue uniforn1s. Witnesses from at 

least several dozen bun1ed villages described the BGP working with the Anny to surround 

and set ablaze Rohingya houses. The BGP were also identified as among tbe perpetrators of 

killings and sexual violence in several villages. Major General Thura San Lwin was the 

commander in charge of the BGP from October 2016 until .:arly October 20 17, a period 

marked by two rouods of highly abusive "clearance operations" that followed ARSA attacks. 

He was then replaced by Brigadier-General Myint Toe. 

AI is not aware of any disciplinary measures being taken against soldiers or commanders 

implicated in violations during the campaign, nor of efforts to relocate away from ongoing 

operations specific units that have been identified as responsible. Indeed, the Myanmar 

military <md govermnent have instead rep.:atedly denied responsibility for any such violations, 

and justified their approach by implying, tor example, that all Rohingya men are " terrorists." 

This fits a longstanding pall em of impunity. 

3 
54 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


II. The U.S. and intem ational community must undertake actions to halt the 

ethnic cleansing campaign and to bold the Myanmar military accountable for its 

atrocities 

Al strongly urges the U.S. govemment and international community to take the following 

actions without delay: 

A. Cut otr military cooperation with the Myanmar military by inm1ediately suspending 

the transfer of all weapons, munitions, and other security assistance. 

B. Impose a comprehensive arms embargo as well as targeted financial sanctions against 

senior Myamnar military officials responsible for the most heinous human rights 

abuses. 

C. Press Myanmar authorities to provide immediate unfettered access to northern 

Rakhine State lor the U.N. Fact-finding Mission. The mission's work is essential to 

investigate independently the human rights violations and abuses committed by all 

sides. 

D. Press Myanmar authorities to halt the severe restrictions imposed on international and 

local aid organizations. These restrictions have deprived the Rohingya of food and 

other life-sustaining provision, thereby compounding their suffering. There is 

mounting evidence that the latest wave of Rohingya pouring into Bangladesh is facing 

starvation. 

E. While AI welcomes the U.S. government's recent contribution of32 million dollars in 

humanitarian aid lor the Rohingya, given the enormity of the humanitmian crisis, the 

U.S. should increase aid to provide food, medical care, water, sanitation, and shelter 

for the nearly 600,000 Rohingya refugees. 

F. Press the Myanmar civilian government to end the longstanding systematic 

discrimination against the Rohingya who are denied citizenship under Myamnar law 

despite having resided there for decades. For those Rohingya who wish to return to 

Myamnar voluntarily, authorities must facilitate such return in safety and with dignity 

in accordance with international law. 

Time is of the essence. The Rohingya can wait no longer while the U.S. and international 

community stand by as the Myamnar military continues to conm1it crimes against humanity 

with impunity. Lf the international community does not come together now to save lives and 

protect refugees, when will it? 

Sincerely, 

Joalllle Lin 

National Director 

Advocacy and Government Affairs 

4 
(55) 

ANNEX II.—‘‘MY WORLD IS FINISHED,’’ 

ROHINGYA TARGETED IN CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY IN MYANMAR

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

56 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


Amnesty International is a global movement of more 

than 7 million people who campaign for a world 

where human rights are enjoyed by all. 

Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights 

enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 

and other international human rights standards. 

We are independent of any government, political 

ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded 

mainly by our membership and public donations. 

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FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


CONTENTS 

MAPS 

1. INTRODUCTION 

2. WIDESPREAD UNLAWFUL KILLI NSS 

3. RAPE ANO OTHER FORMS OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE 

4. BURNING OF ROHINSYA VILLAGES 

5. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATI ONS 

· MYWom.D ISFUIISHED. ROHINGYA IAI\OO(D IN CRIMES AGAICSliUW<IlY .. MYANMAR 

AmnesJ;ylnternalioRal 

23 

27 

43 
58 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


MAPS 

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FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


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60 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


1. INTRODUCTION 

Earty in the morning of 25 August 2017, members of a Rohingya armed group, the Arakan Rohingya 

Salvation Army (ARSAI, attacked approximately 30 security force outPOSts in northern Rakhine State.' In its 

response, the Myanmar Army, rather than targeting ARSA, launched an attack on the ROhingya population 

in northern Rakhine State as a whole. Often working with Border Guard Polioe CBGP) and local vigilantes, the 

milrtary has carried out a campaign of violence that has been systematic, organized, and ruthless. 

In this briefing, Amnesty International presents evidence that the Myanmar military haS killed at least 

hundreds of ROhingya women. men. and Children: raped and perpetrated other forms ol sexual violence on 

Rohingya women and girls: and carried out organized. targeted burning or entire Rohingya villages. This 

briefing builds on Amnesty International's published findings since the crisis began. including on the 

Myanmar military's use of anti-personnetlandmines. In seven weeks. the relentless human rights violations 

have forced more than 520.000 Rohingya to flee to neighbOuring Bangladesh. More cross the b<lrder daily. 

The attack on the ROhingya population has been both systematic and widespread. constituting serious 

human rig;hts violations and crimes against humanity under international law (see text box below). The 

violations and crimes have been committed within a context of decades of systematic, state·led 

discrimination and persecution of the Rohingya population and occ-asional large-scale outbursts of violence. 

After ARSA attacks on security force outposts in October 2016, the Myanmar military carried out "clearance 

operations· marked by widespread and systematic human rights violations. including unlawful killings. 

sexual violence and other fOfms 01 torture. enfOfced disappearances. and arbilrary arrests. whiCh Amnesty 

International concluded may have amounted to crimes against humanity. The current campaign is an 

escalation. with the targeted burning of villages on a massive scale seemingly designed to push the Rohingya 

population in northern Rakhine State out 01 the country and make it incredibly difficult for them to return. 

This briefing is based primarily on more than 150 interviews conducted in person in the Cox's Balaar region 

of Bangladesh and by phone with people inside northern Rakhine State. Amnesty International had a 

consistent research presence in Bangladesh for most of September. interviewing more than 120 Rohingya 

who have fled sinoe 25 August. as well as medical professionals, aid workers, journalists and Bangladeshi 

authorities. In early September, Amnesty International also met in Naypyidaw and Yangon with Myanmar 

government offteials as well as foceign diplomats, aid workers, and journalists. Where they have consented, 

interviewees are referred to using their real names; in other cases. in particular for survivors of sexual 

violence. interviewees are referred to using initials that do not reflect their actual names. 

In addition. this briefing draws on an analysts or satellite imagery and data. as well as dozens of photographs 

and video footage taken inside Rakhine State and subsequently verified as authentiC by Amnesty 

International. For most incidents described in this briefing. Amnesty International has couoborated events 

through witness accounts. satellite imagery. and verified photographs or videos from the same lOCation. 

Amnesty International has sought access to Rakhine State, including by making a format request to the 

Myanmar authorities. At the time of writing. the authorities had yet to reSPOnd. Amnesty International also 

interviewed t 2 Hindu men and women from northern Rakhine State who fled to Bangladesh, as part of its 

efforts to examine allegations of unlawful killings and other abuses by ARSA, including an alleged massacre 

in Ye Baw Kya village in Maungdaw Township. The accounts Amnesty lnte.national received included critical 

inconsistencies. such that we have not been able to reach a conclusion abOut the perpetrators at this lime. 

To be able to fully document the violations and abuses by all sides. including ARSA. the Myanmar authorities 

1 Northcwn Aakhi .... State a typca1ty u~ eo r-11' to M&unsdaw ancf 8uthdaune TGWnShips, which colltc:tivofy comprist ;)U~f'"' 

District. 1-iowEMtr. in this briefine. given that the military's campaign ol vidence has alSo targeted Rohingya in Rathedaoog lOtmShip, the 

tenn •nofthern Rakhine State" d be used 10 refer to all three ~ps.. Rathedaune lOtmShip falls administratively under Sittwe District. 

~~y WORLD IS FIIUSH£0" 

ROHINGYA IABG(l£0 li CRIM£SAGAINSI HUtMHll'f IN MYANI.Wt 

AmAeSiy nter~a iofla1 
61 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


need toanow unfettered access to human rights organilations. journalists. and the UN Fact-Finding Mission. 

In the coming months, Amnesty International win produce a full rePOrt on the current crisis, bringing 

together the totality of its wock and examining more thoroughly the issue of indiVidual C.Jiminal responsibility. 

THE ARAKAN ROHINGYA SALVATION ARMY (ARSA) 

ARSA became known to the public after it launched a series of attackS in October 2016 on three Myanmar 

border police posts in Rakhine State. The group was then known as Harakat al-Yaqin, or "the faith 

movement," before changing its name to ARSA in 2017 .' 

Established in the aftermath of anti-Muslim violence in Rakhine State in 2012. its core group of tfained 

righters has been estimated as only in the hundreds.' However, in ca1ryingout attacks on Myanmar police 

outposts. first on 9 October 2016. and then on 25 August 2017. the group has relied primarily on several 

thousand mobiliZed or conscripted Rohingya villagers. untrained and a1med with litlle more than bladed 

weapons and some home-made firearms and explosives." 

The International Crisis Group reported in December 2016 that ARSA had received training and support 

from outside Myanmar.' The group's leader, Ata Utlah, denied to CNN any influence from foreign 

supporters,6 and has said that ARSA's aims are strictly ethno·nationalist. and in particular about defending 

the long-persecuted Rohingya population in Rakhine State.' 

In the months preceding the 25 August attacks, Muslims and Buddhists in northern Rakhine State were 

reportedly killed for being "suspected of seJVing as government informants. "8 Amnesty International has 

independently received information about sever at doten such killings allegedly linked to ARSA, which it is 

WOfking to corrobofate. 

Then. on 25 August. ARSA launched near-simultaneous attacks across northem Rakhine State on around 

30 police outposts and an army base. killing 12 state officials, including 11 members of the Myanmar 

security forces. according to media reports citing the government.9 The attacks came just hours after the 

release ol the final report of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State. led by former UN SectetaryGeneral Kofi Annan, which had been tasked with identifying SOlutions for peace and development in the 

troubled region. The scale and level of organization in the attacks showed a more sophisticated ability to 

plan and mobilize than had the October 2016attacks. 

The Myanmar authorities allege that ARSA has killed civilians in the aftermath of the 25 August attacks, 

including Hindu men and women, and burned ethnic Rakhine villages. 10 Amnesty International's 

investigations into these claims remain ongoing. 

1 Bettillintnet, •The tru•h behind Myanmar's Rohirtgya in~gency: Asia TlmfJS, 20 Septembet 2017. 

' See, e.g .• Bertil tnner. •The truth behind Myarwnar's Rohingya insurgency: Asia' TtmeS, 20 September 2017: Jonathan Head, • Rohingya 

crisis: FindintJout the truth about Atsa miisanfs,• BBC News, II October 2017. 

• Bettillintnet, "The tru•h behind Myanmar's Rohirtgya in~gency: Asia Tlf1'18S, 20 Septembet 2017; Jonathan HMd, "Rohingya crisis: 

f"'ll1dlng«C the truth about Arsa rniilaniS: BBC News, II Oc:$ober 2017. 

•lntetna~tional Crisis Group, Myanmar: A New Muslim lnsutgency in Rakhine State, Report No. 283/ Asia, 15 December 2016. 

• CHN, •Who are Myanmats miitaniS? f"'Ne questions about ARSA, • 12 September 2017. 

' See, e.g .• Bertil tnner. •The truth behind Myarwnar's Rohingya insurgency: Asia' TtmeS, 20 September 2017: Jonathan Head, • Rohingya 

crisis: FindintJout the truth about Atsa miisanfs,• BBC News, II October 2017. 

• Bettillintnet, "The tru•h behind Myanmar's Rohirtgya in~gency: Asia Tlf1'18S, 20 Septembet 2017. 

• Reuters. •At least 71 killed in Myanmar as RohWigya insurgents stage major attack." 24 August 2017. 10 Myanmar News Agency. •ARSA burns down villages.," The ClobJI New Ught of Myanmar, 5 Sept«nbet 2017: Associated Press. 

•Myanmar offiCials: Insurgents killed 45 Hindu villagers! 25 September 2017: Associated Pless, "Myanmar says 163 killed in Rohingya 

atu<:ks in past )'Mr,• 27 September 2017 . 

.. MY WORLD IS FINISH ~ 

l!illilliGYA TARGETED II aiiKS AGAINST IIUMAiifTY IN MYNI\\AR 

Alnne:stylntEmafional 
62 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY 

Crimes against humanity are prohibited acts committed as part of widespread or systematic attack 

directed against a civilian population as part of a state Of organizational policy. The Rome Statute of lhe 

International Criminal Court defines crimes against humanity in Article 7: "FO< the purpose of this Statute, 

•crime against humanity' means any of the following acts when committed as part of a widespread or 

systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack ... "" Article 7(1) 

lists I I crimes, Of ·acts: including "(m)urder"; •forcible transfer of population"; "[IJorture"; "(r)ape•; as 

well as "{p)ersecution against any identifiable group• on any "grounds that are universally recognized as 

impermissible under international law. ·•z 

"Attack directed against any civilian population" is defined in Article 7(2)(a) as •a course of conduct 

invoMng the multiple commission of acts relerred to in paragraph I against any civilian population, 

pursuant to or in furtherance of a slate Of organizational policy to commit such attack."" The definition in 

the Rome Statute rellecls rules ol customary intemationallaw" binding on all states, regardless of whether 

Of not a state is party to the Statute. 

The contextual elements of crimes against humanity require that each individual act be perpetrated in lhe 

context of a widespread or systematic attack directed against a civilian population and with knowledge ol 

the attack. Each element of these requirements must be proved before any accused person can be 

convicted of crimes against humanity. As detailed in this briefing, Amnesty International is of the view that 

these contextual elements are very likely met in Myanmar and an independent. impartial and effective 

criminal investigation is needed to eslalllish individual responsibility fO< these and other crimes. 

Crimes against humanity are the subject ol universal juriSdiction." Any stale may, under customary 

international law, undertake one of the following actions against suspected perpetratO<s ol crimes against 

humanity, even where the suspects are neither nationals nor residents of the state concerned, and the 

crime(s) did not take place in its territO<Y: 

• bring such persons before its own courts; 

• extradite such persons to any state party willing to do SO; or 

• surrender such persons to an international criminal court with juriSdiction to try persons fO< these 

crimes. 

11 Rome s.&hJIC ol the lnternatlonel CrlmiNJI Court. 2187 U.N.T.S. 90, Cn/,Cit:d Into ICtcel Jutj 2002, Art. 7(1) . 

.: Rome s.&bJIC ol the lnten'alltionel Criminal Court. 2187 U.N.T.S. 90, Mlelcd Into IOtee 1 Jutj 2002, Art. 7(1). 

u A orne SCeMe ot the International Criminal Court, 2 181 U.N. T.S. 90, entered Into lOree 1 July 20:12, Art. ?(2}(8) 

.. tor a descriptiOn ot customary lntematlonalle'Won crimes 80fllnsl humenlty, see Ae~ ot the lntematiOnall.Bw Commi5Sion: SIX!ySCYentJ\$CS$ion (4 May-5Juneanci6JuiY"7 August2015), Cheptec 7:CrirnesaplnstHumonity, UN Doc. W'/0/10. p. 54 (•The 

Ch8facteri2lltlon ot crimes against humanity as 'crimes unoer lnttfna•lonal W Indicates th!lt theyemt as crimes Whetl"ler or not lJ'Ie 

conciUC:C ha$ been Ctft'l*\allzed unclet nettonallaw.·). 

"'~ univerSe! juri$cldlon CNeJ crimes agolnst hu~. see Amnesty lnte~na1ional, Ur'fiwtrsm JUfiSdicllt>n: The duty of smtcsto eMCt and enlorcelegisllltlon (lnotx: lOR 53o0l812001}, l Septcmbe:l 200l, Chap. 5. 

· MY WORLD IS fiNISHto· 

ROHIHGYA TARGETED IN CRII(SACAINST llJMANITY IN MYAIIMAR 

Amnesty lnlernational 
63 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


2. WIDESPREAD 

UNLAWFUL KILLINGS 

I

"We lost our children, we lost our husbands." 

Shara Jahan. 40, who was severety burned wtlen soldiets set fire to her house with her still inside. Her husband and 20-year...old 

son were killed during the military's attack oo Chtrt Pyin village, Rathedaung Township."' 

In the hours and days fOllowing the ARSA attacks on 25 August 2017. the Myanmar security forces. at times 

working alongside vigilante mObS from non4 Rohingya ethnic g,oups, surrounded Rohingya villages 

throughout the northern part of Rakhine State." As Rohingya women. men. and Children fled their homes, 

the soldiers and police officers often opened fire. killing or seriously injuring at teast hundreds ot people in 

tOial. Survivols described running to nearby hills and rice fields wfiele they hid until the forces left. Howeve<. 

individuals from particular groups. including the etderly and persons with disability, were often unable to nee. 

As the Myanmar military set fire to villages, people wec-e burned to death in their homes. 

This pattern was replicated in doZens of villages across Maungdaw. Buthidaung, and Rathedaung 

Townships.

18 But the security forces, and in particular the Myanmar military, appear to have carried out their 

most ~thai response in specific villages near where ARSA carried out its attacks. This section will examine 

five such villages where Amnesty International believes, based on consistenl, mulually<orroborating wilness 

acC<lUnts, lhat at least a dolen people were killed; in 1wo o1 these rove villages. Chut Pyin in Rallledaung 

Township and Min Gyi in Maungdaw Township, the death loll was substantially higher. 

After days or even weeks of lrying to escape the viOlence. hundreds ol Rohingya have arrived in BangJadesh 

with gunshot wounds, suggesting a scale of unlawful killings and serious bodily injury that corroborates 

victim and witness acC<lUnts. Medecins Sans Frontieres CMSFl reported thai, between 25 August and 12 

w Amnosiy lntornational.:ltol\'itw, Thaine Khali Rof\18(10 C.mp, Sangladtsh, 26 Sopl:ombel 2011'. 

" ThrOIJ8.ho.tllhi$ briefn,. Amnosiy lntortl3tional 1M$ tho term "non•llohingy.a" when tatkine about local viQianto$ who. in many villbeOS, 

wo&od with tht My&nmar $Kurity torus lo !argot tho Aohineta popul&1ion. Rohingya W4nesses from d•ffortnt vii~ dOSICrlbod vigilantO$ 

from ditlortnt echnic sroups, oYtn d ethnic l?aldw\!e was~ common. The same torminology will bt used to de$Cribe ·~whore 

reside people from ethnic groups Olhet than the RdMfl!Ya. Rakhne Sta1e is a c:Werse region. home to arouncl3.2 million people ol dilferenc 

ethnicities and religions.. The population oom.prises sevetal communities.. or groups.. wno setf-deMe W'l terms ol ethricity, religion, 01 bach. 

The largest oommunity 6 Buddhist Rakhine. Ylh1e the ptedor'I'Wiantt,o MuWn Rohif'l0'a ~iWte lhEI second largest group. A small 

number ot othor minoril:it$.. i~ ethnic Kaman (anolhor ~inat~Ciy MU$1im g.oup), CNn,. Mro and Maramagyi (Yttlo aro $uddhiSt. 

0\risli&n or Arwni$0, ~in the sta:e. Tht sw.e iS alSo home to a $lnal Hindu community. Procise rJ81.1fts for the lloNf18Ya popMbon are 

not publicly avalable, as in March 2014the Gowrnment ol Myanmar ronogod on a promise eo allcr.Y individuals eo Htf·idontify in the forms 

of the Ws:t na00na1 census since 1983. ~. it requited Rohil"lgfas to register as "Bengali, • a term they reject. As a tesult, Rohif'l0'a 

refused to regis.tet and were not i~ in the eot.nt. Aocordit'lg to the t'in.ll repott of the 2014 Population and Housing Census, 1,090.000 

people. all believed 10 be R~. wete not fii"'IXX"'EQted out d a 10Cal population of 3.188.963 people kw Rakhine State. See 

Aopublic ot tht Union of Myanm&.t, The 2014 PopuiMion ancJ Hou$ing C.nsU$, R&Sthine $0t., ConsU$ Aepor1Volume 3·K. May201$, p,8.. 

"Maunpw and $uthid~ Town$hips eompr1$e Maunpw Ois1 ~. whoro there iS a partic!A)rly large Rohi~ J)Opulation. Acc:ordlflC 

eo a poernmtnt commiUion, "Tht population in ~ Oistr'ict consiSts <II eltric pooploS and Mu$1ims. Out ot a total popuiMiOn o1 

834,631,90.50% or 1$$,3?1 aro Muslm$.. 1-f\ Maunpw Township. 93.8'l6. a.ro Muslims.. Al'n0f'l8lho wrap in Maungct~ Oiscrict, 441 aro 

MusMI dages, 240ettri:: Wtages, 12 mixed villages and 4 other~· • Sunvnaty of the Report of the ~ion Corrmiss.ion for 

Maungdaw in Ralthine State, on fie with Amnesty IMetnational. 

" MY WORLD ISFIKISM£0 .. 

ROHINGYA IARG£1(0 IN CRIM(SAGAINST Hl!WIHIIY IN MYNt_lWI 

AmneSI)'Inter~atiolal 
64 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


Septembec. It had tceated 147 ROhingya cefugees with gunshot wounds. 19 Cox's Balaar District Sadar 

Hospotal. one ol three g<wernment-run hospitals receiving patients in the region, had statistics as of 30 

September showing that its surg'.:al ward had ~eated 187 Rohingya patients. including 126 for gunshot 

wounds. The surgical patients were 87 men. 57 womeo. and 43 Chlldren . .:o Other CliniCS, including one run 

by the International Organilation for Mogration UOMI. have treated additional patients!' 

During its research in Bangladesh. Amnesty International interviewed 19 ROhingya with gunshot wounds. 

including nine children. During visits to two clinics and in walking around the camps, delegates were shOW"n 

gunshot wounds on several dolen more refugees. Delegates atso interviewed five Rohingya women and ~s 

with burn wounds, which ranged from covering extremities to almosl all areas of their body. Amnesty 

International sent photosraphs of some of these wounds to forensic medical experts, who. In each case, said 

the wounds were consistent with the description prOvided. In several cases ol photographed gunshot 

wounds. the fo.ensic medical experts said the wounds appeared to indicate that the person had been shot 

lrom behind. Medical professionals in Bangladesh similarly told Amnesty lntemational that many of the 

gunshot wounds they had ~eated appeared to come lrom bullets fired from behind." matching victims· and 

witnesses· descriptions that the Myanmar military opened fire on them as they were running away. 

CO<robO<ating WTtness testimony, medical expert accoonts. and statistics together indicate that the Myanmar 

military carried out widestl{ead unlawful killings in the course of its scorched·earth campaign. 

Mx.W.,.,S6:htitNsbfllNitrKitt11PIItJttlftMtJ.tHC.OIP,~hdl/.otMJim'l'q/bftfwltU11$..llSfptHObltl#ll.lbttftiliWt$flotltrdAi11Hbftflml 

SCHt~R~~tlutfRtih*fttdrMIIte riN~pN/rc.ToNKiotOMdffWSUJlbtitltfl~trllll.emti«t OABcfrfwStMbtidlf/~IMirn•titlttll 

CHEIN KAR Ll AND KOE TAN KAUK 

According to the Myanmar authorities. early in the morning of 25 August 2017, ARSA militants attacked a 

police outpost near Koe Tan Kauk, a vrllage that neighbOurs Chein Kar U in Rathedaung Township.VJn 

reSPOnse, the Myanmar military attacked the whole Rohingya papulation in bOth villages. first encircling 

Chein Kar Li. apening fire on it, and burning It down later on 25 August. before carrying out a similar attack 

on Koe Tan Kauk several davs later. 

Amnesty International interviewed seven people from Chein Kar l i who fled to Bangladesh. They consistently 

"Medecins Sans Frontiires fMSO. ·~f'l8 milicMy operations in Rakhine State have resutted in more than 400,000 people fleeing to 

Bangladesh: 20 September 2017. bttcs·flwwN ms.t O!S u!!IOC!U!\frrlmyaomar.J~yttna (lastaocessed 5 Oc4obet 2017). 30 Statistics shMed by hospital doctor and spokesperson on the Rohingya patients, 30 Sept«nber 2017, on file w,th Amnes.ty lntematJonat. 

:• AnwtSty International interviews, Cox's BazaM Oistncl, Bal"'QQadesh. September 2017. 

n Amnesty tnternalionallnterviews, Cox's 8a.taaf Olstnct, 8at'lgJadesh. Septembet 2017; and etni)il correspondence. Sep!embe, 2017. 

~ Myanmar's lofOtmation Committee (fOt~ known as the Sate (;o(.nsellof lnfOtmation Committee) reported that ARSA attacked •he Koe 

Tan Kauk polioestationat~50a.rn.: •lt)he militMycolumnsarrived ... at 5:15a.m.andret\ltl'\edfireslskl,• killif'lgsixattackers. 

tnfOtmation Coovnlttee. •eteakins NfM'S 2, • 25 AuQust 2017, Mot/t««w faptl'ml! ooml!nlqmatlpnCgmroitt9fii!?C§W78520250498619l 

<Jastaoces:sedon IO Octobet201n. 

'"MY WORUII$ HIIISHEO" ROIII'«:YA IARG0£0 If CIJIN(S IGAINSl HUMAIIIIY If MYAiiMNI 

Amnesty lntemational 10 
65 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


described scores of Myanmar SOldiers. dressed in dark green uniforms, descending on the village at around 

7 0< 8 a.m. Several residents who ti~ on the far southern side of Chein Kar u. near lhe ethnic Rakhine part 

of lhe village tract><- where lhe police outpost is located and where SOldiers rePO<Iedly often stayed in a Buddhisltempte- saw through the bambOO siding of their homes when the soldiers arrived. Foyrullah. 37, 

told Amnesty International: 

"They enteted- they stepped into tile village-and they opened fire. When 1 first heard the 

sunshots, 1 came outside near the road. Seeins {the soldiers!. 1 went back into my house, took all 

of my family, and we fled towards the nearoy hill. 

Many people were runnins to the hill. Soldiers were coming from a different direction, and "~ came 

across /hem. They opened fire. I .saw people set hit. My elder l)rolher's wife, IZuleka. 701. and 

dauchler, (Mazeda Begum, 251. were both hit t>y outlets. 

we came t:lown from the hill Iaffer the military left!. 11 was near sunset. They were just tyitlfJ in the 

place they sot shot. 1 dug a hole with my brother (in the courtyard of a nearby house!. and we put 

in I>O!h bOdies. We didn1 have lime to bury them properly .• ,. 

Oil Bahar. 36. was also al home when she heard gunfire that mo.ning. She told Amnesty International she 

fled to the nearby hill with her huSband. Badu. and their eight children: upon arriving. lhey realiZed their 5· 

year-Old son was missing. "My husband said let me check.·· she recalled. ·· when fie was kJOI<ing for him. 

that's when he got shot.""' She tirst heard the news trom neighbours who witnessed Bedu·s death. then saw 

his bOdy as she lett the hill a day later and began her journey to Bangladesh.

21 Her 5-year·old son survi~. 

MOhamed Zubair. 26. shared a nouse WTth his gtandmother. Toyeba Khatun. who was over 90 years old. 

When the military QPened fire, he recalled. •t spoke with her. 1 asked her to follOW us to the hill. She sakJ. 

'I'm old, they won1 do anything to me. Go. • I wanted to carry her, out she dldn1 agree ... ,. Alter making it to 

the hill, he watched as sOldiers tO<ched the village. including the house where he had left his grandmother. 

When the military left late in the afternoon. he went back down. "She was dead," he said. ·Her bOdy was 

burnt very seriOUSly. The hOuse was burned. The small tree {in the courtyard] wds burnt. Everything.··» 

Fire data trom remote satellite sensing, reviewed and analysed by Amnesty International. detected a large 

fire in Chein Kar ll on 25August. corroborating witness accounts that the village was burned that day. 

BetO<e and alter satellite imagery also shows the complete burning ot the village. Finally, Amnesty 

InternatiOnal received video rootage of hOuses burning, reportedly in Chein Kar li. and was able. through 

geoloeation. to independently determme that the tootage was indeed lilrned in Chein Kar li. 

)f. UN MIMU maps and satellite Wn•l)' support ~he des.ctipcion that the Ralthine part of the vllfage is ~ the south of the Rohineya part. 3 Amnesty International in>«WEEW, Kutupa~ Refugee Camp, Bq~. 23 September 2017. 

;a Am~ lntetJ'\ational inteMew, Kutupalong Refugee Camp,~. 23 September 2017. 

ZT Amnesty lnW!fnatioNIIntet'Mw. Kutupalong Refugee Camp, Bang!~ 23 September 20l7. 

a Amnesty lntemat:ional inteMew, Kutupa~ Refugee Camp. BanglaOesh. 27 Septamber 2017. 

• AmntiSty lntemational inteMew, Kutupalorlg Refugee Camp. Banal~. 27 September 2017. 

MYWORLO IS nMISHED'" 

RalltGYA lARGO!D IICfilt.I:SAGAJNSllfJMNO!IY lN MY/.'i'MR 

AM~y lntemational l l 
66 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


The seven Roningya Interviewed from Chein Kar Ll identified, In Iota I, six relatl~s who they said were killed. 

Amnesty tnlernatlonat received a credible report from an independent source that Indicated al least 29 

Rolllngya were killed In Chein Kar Ll. Both the Rollingya village and the nearby Rohlngya internally displaced 

persons (tOP> camp were burned down. 

Many Rohingya from Chein Kar U remained hidden on lhe nearby hill through the nrght of 25 August before 

going lo the neighbouring village of Koe Tan Kauk on 26 August.30 Then. on 27 0< 28 August. the mrlitary 

attacked there. again rePQ<tedly coming from the south. the direction or Chein Kar U. In addition lo li~ 

ROhingya hom Chein Kar U who had taken refuge in Koe Tan Kauk, Amnesty International interviewed six 

Rolllngya residents or Koe Tan Kauk Itself. Including a 15·year·Oid boy with a gunShot wound lo his wrist. 

Nur ASha, 56, was at home with her son and his family when they heard gunfire and saw a mixture of 

military In green uniiO<ms, BGP In camouflage blue uniforms, and local vigilantes approaching the village. 

Her son, Mohamed Ralique. P<rshed Nur Asha as well as his wile and children out the door, telling them to 

run to the hill. He bnefry stayed behind. to pack up clothes and small valuables. Nur Asha told Amnesty 

lnlernauonal that he ne~r made it to the hill, and the family found his body on the roadside the ne.l day." 

Noyem Ullah, 35. was with his mother, wife. and children when they heard the military was surrounding and 

entering the village. He li~d on the west side or Koe Tan Kauk. far from lhe hill Where people fled to hide. 

He tOld his Wlfe and Children to run there. but knew his mother, Hatima Khatum, would never make it. as he 

said she was overweight and largely Immobile. He recalled, 

•r could not take her to the h/1/si<Je. so I trleo to take her down to /he river bet:! ... It was a struegJe. 

ret carry her. I'd pull her, then l'r;t sit when 1 got tireo. We were going slowly, Slowly. At the eoge ot the (next hamlet/, I was (taking a break] anr:t hearr;t solr:tiers. I hi<J. My mom was In the courtyarr;t ot a house. anr:tl/reard gunshots . .az 

He fled to a rice field wilhoulthe sokhers seeing him. and remained hidden there for several hours, until the 

burning of Koe Tan Kauk ended. He went back to his mother's body. which he said had bullet holes in lhe 

chest and back or her Shoulder. He buried her near a canal's edge, and then joined hiS family on the hill." 

The same. independent source cited a~ for the death toll in Chein Kar U ondicated thai around 37 

Rollingya men, women. and children were killed in Koe Tan Kauk, either bY gunshot or bY being burned In 

a house. (See textbox on page 20, on the Impact on particular groups.) Zarina Khatun, a 45-year>Qid woman 

whose son's body was found in a rice field, with bullet holes, told Amnesty International. • There were only a 

couple green lrees leff. Everything else was l>urned Clown .... 

lNI'ff.r Khilt~»~, ~$tlrlfJ...SN.rlli&tu8in, $0, tit ht • potfrMI.io thtil IW« iR JCN.tus-kwtllfllsJI!f C.,wp, ~dNA. t'IS#(i~m• 2011. 

Aft• $tlr/'OIJRdint Jtwit WN.r,.db /a~rK.114 Jt..nmar •im•'1op«»dt~t•oai*JIIIIn U., IW, Ai/Mt tl»i1 13-INI-old SOD. RIJN. 

0Ao4twSt.rltbrq./~ltlt«~ 

•TheRohl~ poJJYiaUOn refers to KoeTanKauk by the nameOhunse Para. 

•• Amt'l$$ty International in1ei\'MJN, Kutupalong Refugee Camp. Bangladesh, 27 September 20 17, 

..;-Amnes.ty lntemational Wlterview, Kutupalong Refugee Camp. Bangladesh, 27 September 2017. 

• Amnes-ty lntemational Interview, Kutupalong Refugee Camp, Bangladesh, 27 September 2017 . 

.., Amnes.ty lntemationall.nteNiew. KutupaiOOQ Refugee Camp. Bansladesh. 27 September 20 17. 

MY WURLD IS niUSHEII• 

R<lHII«lYA IARG(I(l) IN CRIM(S AGAIISlll.OMlillY r< MYANMAR 

Altme~y ntemational 
67 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


As in Chein Kar Li. fire data from remote sensing detected one or more large fires in the area of Koe Tan 

Kauk on 28 August. corrobOrating witness accounts. 

Six of the Rohingya from Chein Kar U and Koe Tan Kauk independently described seeing a patch on the 

Myanmar Army uniforms that they said looked like a flower and star together. They also drew images that 

were strikingly similar. An Amnesty International delegate then showed pictures of different units' patches to 

the interviewees: each of those shown the images chose the patch associated with Western Command. 

ruling out all others, including the Eastern Command patch that also looks like a flower. As detailed in the 

text box on page 41, the Western Command patch was repeatedly described or identified as on the unifonn 

of soldiers involved in attacks where &arge scale killings and systematic burning occurred. 

CHUT PYIN 

Myanmar authorities reported that the "Chopyin outpost in Region· II" was attacked on 26 August "with 

homemade bombs," but the attack was •repulsed by security personnel." with no reported casualties ... 

Amnesty International believes. based on consuHing people in northern Rakhine State as well as a review of 

all villages in that region, that Chopyin is another spelling for Chut Pyin, a village in the north-western cO<ner 

ol Rathedaung Township, near where Buthidaung, Maungdaw, and Rathedaung Townships intersect. 

During the afternoon of 27 August. the Myanmar milrtary. joined by BGP and local vigilantes who lived 

nearby. sunounded Chut Pyin. opened fire on those fleeing. and then systematically burned Rohingya 

houses and buildings. The pattern was similar to that in Chein Kar U and Koe Tan Kauk. but the scale of 

killings in Chut Pyin appears to have been even larger. with at teas.t scores kined. 

Amnesty International interviewed 17 Rohingya residents of Chut Pyin. Three of thoSe interviews were 

carried out by phone in the days immediately following the military's destluction of the village. with Rohingya 

Who had fled Chut Pyin and were being sheltered in a nearby village. The rest of the interviews were 

conducted in Bangladesh. in several different refugee camps as well as in Cox's Bazaar District Sadar 

Hospital. Over time and across location, the accounts of what happened were highly consistent. 

Many of the Rohingya interviewed from Chut Pyin said the Myanmar security forces had made their lives 

increasingly difficult in the month before the 25 August attacks. There had long been a POlice outpost 

located between the Rakhine and Rohingya parts of Chut Pyin. but. in early August. a military contingent 

arrived as well. sharing space in the police camp and atso sk!eping in a school in the village tract.316 They 

said that the soldiers and BGP came and stole chickens, cows. and valuableS lrom the Rohingya in the 

village. The military also called Rohingya community elders together and. according to two people present 

during these meetings. would tell them that there were "bad people" in the oommunity, and that, if the 

Rohingya residents did not hand those people over, •you will pay the consequences."" The security forces 

instituted a curfew and ordered the Rohingya residents not to move around outside in groups., including to 

go to the mosque or madrassa; they said anyone violating those orders would be shot'' 

After the nearby fighting on 26 Aug~st, the tension in the village increased further. Five Rohingya residents 

Who lived in the part of the village closest to the police outpost and ethnic Rakhine area said that, at around 

8 or 9 a.m. on 27 August, a small number of Myanmar soldiers ente<ed the village. took some Rohingya 

livestock and beat a Rohingya man they came across.39 

Then. around 2 p.m .. many more military who 1\ad been staying in the nearby school and police camp, 

joined by local vigjlantes and BGP in camouflage blue uniforms. surrounded the village. They entered the 

Rohingya village from the north4eastern side. where witnesses said non-Rohingya lived.40 Somi. 53. 

described what happened next. in language echoed by many other Rohingya residents: ·They C<Jme in very 

sucJaenly. They aicln't say anything. Ana they jus/ opened fire ana sel tire to houses ... Firs/ they surrounded 

the villal)e. Then many came inside and they openecf fire as we ran. I saw it with my own eyes. ·•t He jumped 

in a nearby POnd. where he hid f« several hours until the attackers left. 

~==~W,;;!=~Sfl8fll!fa03947 (la~aocessedon 10~r2017l. 

z,=~~~~~~~:rsJ~~~~:te~~=Ot~~~~rn::~~~S:.W~~~:~~~a~::r,eds of troops to Rakhineas tension rises: sources. • 11 August 2017. 

~=~rational inteM&ws, ThWtg K.hali Refugee Camp. Bangladesh. 26 Sep!ember 2017: and K!Aupa\orlg Refugee Camp. 23 

$.=~rational interviews, T~ K.hali Refugee Camp. Baf'IQiadesh. 26 September 2017: and K!Aupalong Refugee Camp. 23 

~ •g:~~Ys\~· ThWtg Khali Refugee Camp. Bangladesh. 26 Sep!ember 2017 and 29 September 2017: and phone 

*Satellite imagery from mid-September shows this nc:wth-eastem area to be the one unburned part of Chut Pyin {seep. 15>. 

• 1 ArMesty International inteM&w. TI'IWI& Khali Refugee Camp. Bangladesh, 26 September 2017. 

"'MY WORlD I$ HNISHEOH ROtiiNGYA IARG£1[0 It CRMS AGAINST UUMAHITY If MYAiir.wt 

Amnesty International I ) 
68 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


Fatin1<l, 12. told Amnesty International that She was at home with her parents, eight siblings, and 

grandmother when they saw fire rising from another part ol theh Vlllage. As the family ran out or their house. 

she satd men in uniform- "Ytey were blue and grey, w1th spo/s"-opened fire on them I rom behind, about 

30 metres away.'' She saw her lather, Ahmad Hossain, get hit in the chest and leg, and fall down; then he< 

10-year-otd sister, Rofia. was also shot and fell to the ground. About20 metres I rom her house. Fatima, too. 

was hit by a bullet in the back ol he< right leg, just above the knee. "1 fell down, l>ut my nelghbol;r crabbed 

me and carrie<J me, • she recalled.'' After a week on the run. she finally received treatment in Bangladesh. 

She was staying with her grandmothe< and lour remaining siblings as, in addition to the lather and sister She 

saw being shot and killed, he< mother and older brother had also been killed during the military's attack. 

Amnesty International sent two photographs ol her Injury to a forensic medical expert. who responded: ·The 

wound would be typical of a 'flesh wound' caused by a bulle/travelling at ltigh speed in a Sltaightline ... 11 

/Ool<s like the bullet would have entered /he thigh from behind. travelled through the dermis and exited 

toward the kneew44- matching F'atima·s description or being shOt from behind while running away."5 

fMim.t, If. st•I'Kh ®tUdf blf sit~~! It itt Ku!~ !Wup#CIImp, $hmri1J.t • SCM /rgm 6twtsl:lot WOWJtf W1KfMd 1ffMflt/l MrlMI, ltbfiJ ~MM Nmy 

sdditlrs wrtiiNtdtrd h« wn,,. MC/wl /'jilt ud OJ**Ifjn 010 t/wt floNt. BJ,.,~ 29 s.pt~ 1011. 0 Aod!fW SI.JflbtidJ:fl Ml/lllllly lmem81/«<.ff 

Amnesty lnternabonal interviewed live other people 1rom Chut Pyin with gunShot wounds. Jarina Khatum. 

60. had a gunshot wound in her upper right thigh. She said that she was part ol a group ol people that 

came across sOldiers blocking a road. as She was trying to run away from the burning village; seve~at people 

around her were killed by the gunfire that injured her.•• Hasina Begum. 16. was shot in the left loot by men 

in .. dark. leaf colour" uniforms as she was running out of the house. after seeing nearby homes on fire.

47 .. , 

was In so much pain. • she recalled. • Somehow my mother dra(Jged me to a rice fiekJ nearby, (where we hid} ... The bullet stayed inside my fOOl. A doctor took it out here (in Bangladesh}. I still can't even stand."" 

<'Amnesty lntemalional inteMew, Thaing Khali Refugee Camp, Bangladesh. 26 September 2017. The description of camouflage blue-gt"ey 

uniforms is cons.istent -Mth the Botdet Guatd Polioe. 

"'Amnesty lntema!Jof'lal inteME!w, Thaing Khali Refugee Camp,~. 26 September 2017 . 

.. Am~ ntema~ email correspondence, 4 October 2017. 

• Amnesty lnternationallnteMeW, Thaing Khali Refugee Camp.~. 26 September 2017. 

• Amnesty lnt9fl"'a!Xlnal inteMew, Colt's. Bazaar Oi~ricc Sadar Ho6pelal, Bat~Qladesh, 15 September 2017 . 

., Amnes.ty nW~tnationat inteMew. Thaing I<Jlali Refugee Camp, Bangladesh. 26 September 2017. The unibm description woukl fil that of 

the My.mrnar Army. 

• Amnesty lntemalional inteMew, Thaing Khali Refugee Camp, Bqadesh, 26 September 2017. 

"MYWORUJ IS FIN SHED ~ 

R<HtGYA lARGOW Ill Clllt.t:SAGAINSI fiUMAliffV IN MYI.'iW<! 

AMnes.tylntemalion31 
69 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


Abdul Karim, 19, likewise 11e<1 when he heard the sound of gunfire and saw smoke rising. His house was In 

the village's cenlle. which made it hard to escape. As he apl)loached a pood. he felt a searing pain in his 

shOulde• and lower leg. the atte~ of which would tate• be amputated just below the knee by doctors in 

Bangladesh, as a result a gunshot wound that went untreated IO< the next week." Abdul Karim's brother, 

Osiur Rahman. 24, lived in a separate house with h1s wire and newborn daughter and had hid within 

vegetation at the attack's outset. After the soldiers left the burning village at around 7 p.m .. he and another 

brother went looking IO< members of their family. They found their lathe<. Nabi Hossain, and brother·in·taw. 

Mohamed Tahe<. shot dead on a road, near their respective houses. Then they found Abdul Karim, 

' There's a tree noor a pond. His head was looned againsl it. He was tying down, a Oil unconscious. 

There was olood all down his lef!. The bullet had gone throvgh jus/ above his ankle, and then /here 

wilS another oullel wound in hiS shOulder. You could see /he entry and exit (wounds) ... We look 

him and carried him to (Ah Tel Nan Yar. a village) to the sou/h. and then on to />ere.""' 

A1117 people from Chut Pyin described seeing the SOldiers. BGP. and lOcal vigilantes deliberately burn 

large parts of the Rohingya village during the afternoon, using pellot cans and matchsticks for shOrter 

houses and those with corrugated roofs; and, lor taller houses thal were harder lO reach. something shot 

hom a shoulder-fired gumade launcher. They said the non·ROhingya a•eas of Chul Pyin were left intact. 

Satellite Imagery supports the witness accounts, showing the cO<nplete burning of tower·quallly slluctures 

that are consistent with what Rohlngya villages took like across the region, and untouched areas defined by 

higher·qualily and mO<e orderly construction. consistent with non·Rohingya areas. This pattern of targeted 

burning is described in more detail in Chapter 4. 

• Amnesty lnternaUonat lntervi6w, Th<mg Khall Refugee Camp, Bangladesh. 29 September 20l7. 

• Amnesty lnletnationaf interview. Thaing Khali Refugee Camp. Bangladesh. 29 September 2017. 

"MY WORlD IS FINISHEO" 

1!111KYA tARGETED It CIIW£S loGAJNSTIIUMAHilY It MYNil.wl 

Atnnestyt ion t 15 
70 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


~?Q.$l'OI.9Z.64l6".02011D(fitd;lcbt 

Shara Jahan. 40. told Amnesty tnternalionallhal Slle was at horne wrlh her husband and several sons 

when they saw houses nearby start to bum. The men ran out. but She stayed behind. yelling lor her 

younge< children. Her husband. Shabi Ullah, 60, and one ol her sons, Olullah, 20. were shot and killed." 

She described what then happened to her: 

"Tire roof slarled burmng. Pieces of it fell down, and I was burned. Tire clot/res I was wearing were 

alSo burned ... I escaped. No one was there to save me. 1 was there lin tile burning house} for very 

/title lime. 1 had U!is fire on my entire bOdy. on my clothes. 1 was rolling. rOlling toward tile rice field. 

[When I got/here/. /hal~ when the fire was put out. I rOlled in /Ire little water there in 1/Je rice field. 

I lay In the rice fte/d, until sunset, when •ve went to {Ah Tel Nan Yar). They fPlve us food. Then we walked {for several days/to /he boa/ f)Oint and came to Bangladesh. Tirey took me in a vehicle to a 

clinic for treatment. tw.>s there for 10 days, mayoe mere. 

we IOsl our ctrildren. we lost our husbands. It ;s very hard.~ 

Amnesty lnlernatiooal shared a photograph ol Shara Jahan with a lorensic medical expe<t, who wrote thai 

her appearance was consistent with the description of serious bum injuries. In particular, he wrote that her 

skin discoloration ·can oe seen at one month out in deep 2nd or 3rd degree burns. Essentially lire pigment 

producing cells were damaged and the healing produced a bleached pattern to the skin ... Generally referred 

to as post.fnllammatory hypapfgmentalion of the skin. it canoe seen in scar tissue afler burns."" 

l.Jke Fatima. ~ur Rahman. and Shara Jahan. other Chut Pyin residents repeatedly described survivmg by 

lleeing to and hiding in rice lields. ponds. or the village·s adjacent hilt. Juruka. 40, lived on the nO<Ih side ol 

the Rohrngya part olthe village. She saw Myanmar SOldiers and BGP marching into the village via the main 

road and lied. along with many others, rncluding young children. rrom surrounding houses. The military 

opened fire on them lrom behind. killing several. but Juruka made lito a rice lield." 

Mohamed Slddrq, 55. had been at the mosque for prayer When he heard people yelling lhallhe military had 

entered; he told Amnesty lnternaUonallhallhe soldiers and BGP moved systematically through the VIllage 

from north lo south. He hid near a house by the mosque. unlit he saw the burning of structures gel closer 

and closer. He ran to and jumped In a pand, staying mootly submerged except for his mouth. • 1 could not 

see {from there/. butt could hear the svnshols for hOUrs.· he recalled. • Afler sunset, I was able to leave {the 

.. Amnl$ty lri!Ofnatl:)r'IOI inti6Mow, ~inQI<hbli RofueM c.tnp. ~«>h, 26 $tptembot 2011 . 

.: A~ tn:ornat.Jonlllln!MYIOW, l'Ning Khali Rofueto Camp. ~h, 26 Soptombllr 2017 . 

.u Amnesty W.ernabonal eA'Iail corres.pondenoe, 4 O®bet 2017. 

• Amnesty ln:emationallnteMew, Thaing Khali Refuse& Camp. Ba-'Wadesh, 26 September 20 17. 

MY WORlD IS fUI1SH£0 ~ 

ROOINGYA IAII~flm Ill alllllS AGAIIISl HUMN<JfY Ill MYANMAR 

Am.nestylnternatlonat 
71 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


pend}. lt>eard someone yell/rom the scvth side of the village that the military was eone and people could 

come out. I thought I was alone In the pond. but ti>en I saw there were others."" 

When he left the pond. Mohamed Siddiq saw six bOdies. an of men. lying scattered in a nearby ri<;e field. He 

learned from neighbOurs that his 22-year-old daughter-in-law. Ro2ina Begum: her month-old daughter. who 

hadn't yel been given a name; and his 16-year-<>10 son. leabul. had an been killed.,. Almosl an of lhe 17 

Chut Pyin resioents interviewed by Amnesty International h80 lost a family member: many IOSI more. 

As in Chein Kar U and Koe Tan Kauk. three Chut Pyin residents said they had seen a patch on the SOldiers· 

unitC»ms that they described as lOOking like a flower and a star. suggesting the involvement or SOldiers from 

Western Command in the attack. Several other witnesses. however, recalled seeing onty the standard Army 

patch that features two bladed weapons crossed over a helmet. 

Soml. who hid in a pond <Juring the attack, had a daughter, two b<others, and two sons·in·taw who were 

killed." After tile military left the evening of 27 August, he went to the hill nearby. where he slept that night. 

The following morning, he said that he anO other men spotted from the hill that the military wasn't In the 

ROhingya part ol lhe village. so they took the opportunity to go down ano check IO< survivors: 

"'We went to see if anyone was still alive ... 1 saw bodies-men. women, and children. We alSo 

found some people {wi>o were sli/11 alive. We carried them out. many were seriOusly injured with 

{gunshOt WOUndS]. 

Then the military saw us {from their pOSl nearby} and opened fire. We had to run away. we 

couldn't take more {wounded} ... /took a child whO was on the ground by his mother's breast. She 

was dead, but the baby was still alive ... ,. 

$1w• J.#h.l11. 4~ J.ihlot • pcrlreit '*' 1!01 ~!I.V htK.cdlJJMfoDt R~IIIH C#mp.l9~ /01], J,b, SJJfkrH ~ bMt rmndJ lrlwtl U..Jipn_, Mim•ry 

s.unt~t~INWd •trd l0td»d lw riN.rt-ol etwr ~H. IOIIIc.:~tbll;,. witb biN stHI huid«. OM~*~ Sf.r.'tbtidt'l AIIIM'Siyln!#ltro~titln41 

• Am~ lnternationallnteMeW, Thaing Khall Refugee Camp, Ba.ngJadesh. 26 SeptembM 2017. 

• Amnesty lnten"la!Xlnal inteMew, Thaing t<'hali Reii.IIJ" Camp, Bangl.tdestl:. 26 Septembet 2017 . 

., Amnesty nW~mationat phone Interview, A,h let Nan Yar, Myanmar, 4 Septembet 2017; and inteMew, TNing Khal Refugee Camp. 

Bangladesh. 26 September 2017. 

• Amnesty lntemaliclnaS inteMew. Thaing Khali Refugee Camp, Bq.adesh, 26 Septembet 2017. 

"MYWORUJ IS FIN SHED ~ 

R<HtGYA lARGOW Ill Cllllot:SAGAINSI IIU-V lN MYI.'iW<! 

AMnes.ty lntemalion31 17 
72 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


AhdtriKMI'm, 19,/le$ Mttmlrr INs ~Itt in KatupMMt Re.C.mp, wil/1 fliJ 6tolhet,l)s;w al11n1~ 14, SJ'tws, bttiJdhim, S.,C.desl!, 19 StpNmber toll. 

Abdui1Utitn'11tttwnam"f/fll-lflidjrl$tblkff/htk1M11,6Sarnuft(l{-liMishoflf'OtmdllfwU.Idw.-.tl»~llma,JUififMYoPf'/fdlitt.,.m-,IK\WIIt,~drildrM 

lrrtJ»"''«•z•IIICiwt Pym. OMdn!wSbllbridlfl ~st,lnhlff81iotul 

THE RIGHT TO liFE, THE CRIME OF MUROER The right to life is enShrined in Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. which reflects a 

rule of customary International law binding on all nations. Ills atso provided, among other treaties. in the 

Convention on the Rights of the Child., and the Convention on the Rights or Persons with Disabilities. 60 to 

which Myanmar is a state party. The killings described in this section all violate the right to life. 

The prohlbdion of the arbllrary deprivation or life Is formulated In lntematrooal criminal law, among other 

forms. as the crime against humanity or ·murder.· which involves knowingly killing as part or a widespread 

or systematic allack on a civilian population." The victims described here belong to a civilian population. 

so the killings fall under the definition or "murde ~ as a cnme against humanity under International law. 

INN OIN In the pre-dawn hours of 25 August, ARSA atso allacked police outposts In Tha Win Chaung and Thin Saw 

Kwea, vrllages loCated directly to tile south and north. respectively. olthe ethnically mrxed village ol Inn 

Din.c:z Amnesty InternatiOnal interviewed seven Rohingya residents of Inn Din, which is located in the far 

south of Maungdaw Townshrp ... In response to tile ARSA attacks. Myanmar soldie<s. working with BGP and 

local vigilantes. committed a similar pattern of violations over the course of several days. 

After hearing gunfire in the middle of the night. the Rohlngya residents interviewed by Amnesty International 

~~~~or~:,= ~:ghts ollhe Child, adopeecS trt UN c.nora1 A$~bly rotOiubOn 4.41'25 oi 20 NMml)o. 1989. en!.ofod into torct 2 

• ~ by lho Oono1111 AsMmbty ro$c:fttllon 611106 (;ln 13 ~bor 2006, onttcod in1o b et 3 May 2(($, 

" Romt SWuo. M idi 1(l)(f): lnt•matiOn&l im~rW~I Court, ~sot Crimct$. UN Ooe. PCNICCI:2000'J/Add..2 {2000), M id. 1(1)t.}. 

:=~~::.~~~-;:~::~~:'~~~~;~,~~c:'m~= ~~,J~rlh2~'l::f~N'.Iod. ht1p$:/1www ~..comllntClm4110nCommi 00t'l»$tsf7~986191 (lo$C a«f$$td (In IOOeiObor 2017). Inn 01n hils e N.)f61,.& 

vllliijo, •xPiililild '" IT!Ofo dOtid biili7N '" IOQti'ii)i' .. l2S: 

., Inn EM has the same name in Rohlngya-. though Is pt0t100nced and $0f'I'IE!times spelled as An OW\. 

"Ill WORUIIS FINISHED .. ROlliNG'! A IAAG£1£0 IN CRIMES !GAINS I llUIMNITY 1J MYN<NAA 

Atnneslylntem;Miolul 18 
73 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


described soldiers and BGP entering the village late on the morning of 25 August. Several interviewees said 

they saw these forces loot an aid organization's cliniC and feeding centre in the village. carrying away the 

materials in vehicles marked ·pottce" on the side. They said the security forces also looted Rohingya shops 

in a nearby market and set fire to a small number of houses and buildings in one corner of the village ~ 

Several days later. the military. BGP. and local vigilantes returned from the southern side of Inn Oin and 

surrounded much of the village. They began systematiCally burning the remaining Rohingya areas. which 

Amnesty International corroborated through satellite data that detected large fires in the area on or around 

28 August; as well as satellite imagery that shows that only certain parts of the village-those inhabited by 

the Rohingya-were burned !see Chapter 4). As people ran away, the SOldiers and BGP opened fire. 

Jamil, a 52·year-old farmer and small trader, said his cousin Zafor Hossain was hit by a bullel in his side as 

the two men anempted to run to a nearby hill. Jamil went back down to the village late that night. after the 

military had left. and found Zafor Hossain, near the bodies of three other Rohingya, in the spot where he was 

shot. Jamil said he buried hiS cousin in a ![laveyard on the edge of the village. before going back to the hi116 ' 

Hashi Mullah. 40. lived in one corner of the village. As the mihtary and other forces entered. he sent his wife 

and children to the nearby hill fO< safety. bot stayed home with his mother. Rash ida Begum. who was in he< 

60s and physically unable to flee. "She was weak and couldn't come out · he told Amnesty lnte<nalional. "I 

couldn't carry her with me ... 66 When SOldiers got clOSe to the area near his house. Hashi Mullah hid in dense 

vegetation nearby. From there. he watched as the sold~ s set fire to his house. with his mother inside. He 

remained hidden in the bushes for several more hours. until the military 5e:ft and he was able to join his 

family on the nearby hill.61 

Several Inn Din residents said that. in general. the Myanmar military appeared to target Rohingya men in 

particular. Mabia Khatum, in her 50s, saw the soldiers and local militants surround the village, but did not 

want to leave her husband, Hasu Ali, who was unable to walk. She recalled: 

•It ""s chaos when the military surrounded the houses. (My husbanoJ was a Oil crippled ... One of 

my sons had fled bot came back an<l asked him, •can 1 carty you'' That was when the SOldiers 

came. They tOOl< bOth of them and (ShOt and/ killed them. They died right by us ... We were 

traumatized. We came out of file house an<l went to the hill. No one was able to sleep that night. ~ 

Amnesty InternatiOnal was not able to determine the scale ot killings in Inn Din. The seven Rohingya 

residents interviewed in total identified five family members who had been killed: several. including Jamil. 

had. in the course of burying their loved ones. also recognized the OOdies of other Inn Din residents. 

As in Chein Kar U and Koe Tan Kauk. several Rohingya interviewees from Inn Din said the soldiers who 

attacked their village wore dark green military uniforms with a patch on one arm that k>oked like a flower and 

star. which would fit a commonly given description of the Western Command patch. They also identified the 

BGP by the distinct camouflage blue uniforms they wear. 

.. Amnesty lnterr"tationa1inteMews, ThaingKali Rei!J888Camp,Bangi;Kies.h. 24Septembet 2017. 

• Amnesty lnten"'ationa1 inteMew, Thaing Kali Rei~ Camp. ~. 24 September 2017. 

• Amnesty lnterr"tationa1 inteMew, Thaing Kali Rei~ Camp. ~. 24 September 2017 . 

., Amnesty lnten"'ationa1 inteMew, Thaing Kali ei~ Camp, Baongl<tdesh. 24 September 2017. 

• Amnesty lnterr"tationa1 inteMew, Thaing Kali Rei~ Camp. ~. 24 September 2017. 

MY WURUI I$ FIN SHED ~ 

R(lgljYA TAAGElrD If CRIH(SJGAINSl tiJMAiiR't IN MYNiWIR 

MOO$ty lntemational 19 
74 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


SPECIFIC IMPACT ON THE ELDERLY AND ON PERSONS WITH DISABILITIES 

In lhe course or its scorched·earth campaign, I he Myanmar security forces have unlawfully killed Rohlngya 

men, WQmen. and children. often while they were running away. The impact on the elderly and people with 

disabilities has been particularly severe. as they often had a more difficult time lleeing as their villages were 

surrounded and set on lrre. 

Mohamed Zubair, whose 90-year·old grandmother was burned lo death In lhe family's house in Chein Kar 

u. as described above. told Amnesty InternatiOnal: -Those who were about to ttee. fled. But those who were 

ol(fer, (who were) weak, they could not es<:llpe."'" 

Stlt:f Ml'-.11. Us lot • ptJrtr•ir iRKvi~IOft.t llffMtHC.P.tls.-lWtall. HitdkUfhl.w,IUfNXIIIt.._ UJINNneilodNJtr ~. hJm•m 

Xt» lMK#JJk~SbtlfN•da•bfMJihlllrlllrltun•Mtto •»11. #IJI. uU.hmilylldiltiWtlftrJm tl»~'"""IIMM•I(IMIM:II. •w.,sW/1~. 

Okdmt Sl.nllddp/ Am~~~UtTlDt~ 

$()na Mia, 77, likewise said, "Those who were youngan<f strQIIg wereabte to run out and survive. We 

stfU881ed, others o1 us."10 He was al home In Koe Tan Kauk when Myanmar soldiefs surrounded I he village 

and opened lire oo 11\e morning ol27 or 28 August. He said his 2Q.year-old daughter. Rayna Khatun. had a 

disability that lelt her unable to walk or speak. One ol his sons put her oo his shoulders. and llle lamily 

Slowly made its way roward llle hill 011 the village's edge. As lhey heard the shooting get clOser and clOSer, 

lhey decided they had to reave Rayna In a Rohingya house lllal had been abandoned. 

·we <fi<fn't think we'd be abte to make 11: 5()na Mia recalled. •ttold her to srt there. we'd come back... 

Affer arriving Qll the hill, we spotted the house where we tell her. It was a bit away, but we could see. The 

soldiers were burnine /houses), and eventually we saw that house. II was burned too. "11 Alter lhe military 

left the village In the late alternoon, Sona Mia's sons went down and round Rayna Khatun's burnt body 

among the torched house. They dug a grave atlhe edge of that house's courtyard, and buried her there." 

Several witnesses described the killing in Chut Pyin or a 30-year-man. named Osman, with a physical 

disability. Juruka, 40. was runnrng wrth a crOWd lllat included hrm. -He carr walk, but only very slOwly. He's 

been like that since birth." She saki. "He fell behind. and theyshOJ him. The bullet wenllntoh/s temp/e. 1 

saw /pall of his) brain come out .• ,. 

The deliberate killing ol lhe elderly and of persons wllh disability, as with the killing or yoong children during 

lhe Min Gyt massacre, discussed belOw, demonstrates lhat the military's campaign has been rar from a 

"clearance operatloo" In lhe sense or being designed lo root out ARSA members. Instead, It has been an 

artack on lhe Rohingya population as a whole. wrth the seeming objective to ·cleanse• Rakhine Stale or I hal 

entire population. 

"MY WORLD IS FINISHED"' ROitiHGYA IN«<<ID IN CRIMES AGAIISlt«JM1.11l'lltiiiVAIIMM 

M111esty lnlematloNI 
75 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


MIN GYI 

Amnesty International interviewed 10 people from Min Gyi village in Maungdaw Township, referred to as 

Tufa Toli by the Rohingya population. Both The Guardian and Human Rights Watch have previously 

published detailed accounts of the Myanmar military's crimes there. incJuding a massacre and targeted 

sexual vM>Ience. Based on interviews with Rohingya victims and witnesses different from those named in the 

priOf reports. Amnesty International's research further corroborates what appears to be one of the worst 

atrocities of the Army's ethnic cleansing campaign.7

• 

Myanmar authorities have alleged that ARSA attacked an outpost in Net Chaung, a village near Min Gyi, at 

around 3,35 a.m. on 25 August. " They further allege that on 26 August ARSA destroyed a deserted police 

outpost in Wet Kyein, across the river from Min Gyi, and that fighting continued nearby through 29 August.,. 

At least five Rohingya from Min Gyi told Amnesty International that. around 27 or 28 August. the local village 

chairman. who is an ethnic Rakhine. came to the ROhingya part of the village, called everyone together. and 

told them not to leave for Bangladesh. They said the chairman told them that while the milililry had burned 

surrounding villages and he couldn't stop soldters from doing the same in Min Gyi. no one would be killed 

and their homes could be rebuilt. The chairman reportedly said that, if soldiers came, the Rohingya 

population Should go down to the river, where they would be safe. 

71 

On 29 August, several Rohingya from Min Gyi said they saw smoke rising from a nearby village.,. Mohamed, 

46, said he sent his two youngest children that night to another village across the river. "I was expecting the 

military to come:· he told Amnesty tntemationat. ·But not what happened: " 

At least dozens of soldiers then arrived on foot the morning of 30 August. Many Rohingya residents fled to 

the banks of the rivet: some cited the chairman's instructions. while others said they would have gone there 

anyway, believing they would be able to slily out ot the milililry·s way."' Instead. the soldiers pursued them. 

Rohingya witnesses described soldters wearing dark green uniforms and carrying long guns. Shaf!Qur 

Rahman. 29. said the guns were part iron. part WOf.J(f" and the soldiers' unifOfmS had a patch on the arm 

with what looked like a flower oc star. a description consistent with the Western Command patch.81 Several 

other Rohingya from Min Gyi similarly described to Amnesty International the patch on soldietS' unifOfms. 

At the riverbank, the soldiers encircled the hundreds of Rohingya men. women. and children who 

assembled there. C.B .• a 15-year-old girl, told Amnesty International that. under the soldiers' instruction. 

everyone was fOfCed to crouch down. fadng forward; she said the soldiers then took many of the women and 

young Children to a nearby ditch. where the water went up to he~ knees.82 Every other ROhingya interviewed 

similarry described the at least partial separation 01 men and older boyS from women and younger children. 

and of being lorced to crouch Of lie down with their heads bowed forward. 

Soon after the ROhingya were separated by sex. the soldiers opened fire. executing primarily the men and 

older boys, though also hitting some women and younger children. Several survivors said some people were 

also killed with knives, used to slash victims across the throat.83 0.6 .. 20. was one of the women separated 

out. She told Amnesty International. "I saw when lhey shOt lhe men. I heard /he gunshOts. We saw the 

• Amnt$ty lnt.rr\3'bon&t in=oMtw, Kutupalon,s: Rotueoo camp. 9angladosh, 27 ~ombor 2011. 10 Amnt$ty lnt.rr\3'bon&t in=e-.Mtw, Kutupal01'18 Rotueoo Cbmp. Bang&adosh, 2? S.ptombor 2011. 11 Amnt$ty lnt.rr\3'bon&t in=oMtw, Kutupalon,s: Rotueoo camp. 9angladosh, 27 ~ombor 2011. 

n Amnt$ty lnt.rr\3'bon&t in=oMtw, Kulupalon,s: Rotueoo camp. 9angladosh, 27 ~ombor 2011. 

, Amnt$ty lnt.rr\3'bon&t in=oMtw, Thaine Kal Rotusoo Cbmp. Bangladesh, 26S.ptombor 2011. 

"'OliYOt Holmt$. "M&ssacft ._, Tl.la Tdi: Rohineya rocall horror of Myanmat a1myattaek; TM Gua diM~. 1 Soptombor 2011; Human 

Aehts Wa:ch, "Witness to Ca1naQe in Surma's Rakhino $13'10, • 22 $t9combol 2011; Potor 9ouckatr1, "Tho 8u1most rnl!t&ry IS oommitbr'l8 

crimtS a9'1ins1 humanity; W.nhinglett Post.. 21 Stplomt)or 2011. 

" lnforma1ion Comrnt'ttiOt, "8rN iung Nows 2; 25 /wsust 2011. hnMJAw.w.ffctbook·coml!nfomationCommilt!9/'po$!tl?e!g02S04986J9 ! 

(aceesstd on JOOeeobor 2011). 

,. 1ntorma1ion Comrnt'ttiOt, "8rN iung Nows S. • 261wsust 2011. hnMJAw.w.ffctbook·coml!-"fomationCommilt!9/'po$!ti?86?22Q2821156S 

(cloSCnbi"J 26A.uf!lust attack); lnbma1ion Comm~~too, "9rNking Nows 12, • 29 Aueust 2011, 

hrfPi.(/yn.w fwbnok mmllnfgmatjqnl"«nroittM(tl!"KtsJZBZ61ffl.4 I 409424 (describins militants settins off a "handmade nWM" near Wet 

Kywt that day) {boch ao:O$$td on 10 ~obor 2017). 

" Amnt$ty lnt.rr\3'bon&t in~ outsi:St KIJ1upalon8 Rotugoo Camp, 8&~h, 11 $t9ttmbo1 201 1; $alu Khali Rtlugoo Camp, 

Bangladesh, 23 Sep1ember 2017: and Kutupalong Refugee Camp, Bangtadesh, 26 September 2017. 

"Amnesty International inteMews, outside KutupalonQ Refugee Camp, Banglctdesh, 11 Septembef 2017: and Baotu Khai Refugee Camp, 

9anS'Jdosh, 23 Sti:t.ombo1 2011. 

" Amnesty International inteMews, Balu Khali Refugee Camp, BanQ.Iadesh, 23 September 2017 

• Amnesty International inteMews, Balu Khali Refugee Camp, . 23 Septembef 201 7; Kutvpalong Refugee Camp, Bangladesh, 

26 So~ombor 2017. 

$1 Amnesty International inteMew, Balu Khali Refugee Camp, BaneJadesh:. 23 Septembef 2017. 

w Amnesty International inteMew, Kutupalong Refueee Camp, Bangladesh, 26 September 2017. F« survivors of sexual vioae nee. Amnesty 

International has th ~ this repott used initials that do not rellect the survivors' real names« initials . 

., Amnesty International inteMews, outside Kutupatons Refugee Camp, BangJadesh, 11 September 2017: Balu Khali Relueee Camp, 

Bangladesh, 23 Sep1ember 2017. 

"'MY WORLO IS FINISHED" 

ROtiiNGYA IAAGETED llf CRIM(SAGAIHSlliJr.wfllY IN MYANMAR 

Amnesty lnteoational 11 
76 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


people dying. They were shootine for a long time."" S.K., 30. said likewise, · The men were shot dead. They 

separated us and targeted the men and sholthem. Some women and Children were also shot.'"' Each 

woman had relatives who were killed, either at the riverbank or in houses that were burned after soldters took 

groups of women and perpetrated rape and other forms of sexual violence (see Chapter 3). 

Mohamed Suleiman. a 404 year-old mullah. broke down crying as he counted off six people in his family who 

were killed: his wife. lila Begum. 35: his daugJ1ter Nur. 16: his son Saifula. II: his daughter Thawida 

Begum. 9: his daugJ1ter Hansa, 5: and his son Zahidur Rahman, 3.

86 He, along with three other men and 

one 14-year-old gi~ interviewed by Amnesty International, said they had been in the back of the group, near 

the river. which allowed them to survive by iumping in and swimming across to the village of Wet Kyein; they 

said it was only about a five-minute swim, but the water's depth and current meant some people drownec:t•7 

When Nurul Amin, 47, heard gunshots. he likewise jumped in the river. swimming to a weU·vegetated area 

nearby. "I was hiding out kept lcoking. l)ecause I left my family Oehind," he told Amnesty International. "I 

was in the jungle, out my heart was in /he village ... I could see the OOdies falling as they were IJeing shot .... 

He was later tok1 by a ntece. one of the many women and girls raped by sok1iers. that hiS wife and seven 

Children. who ranged from 2 to 17 years Old. had all been krlled. ·My world is finished.'' he said." 

Amnesty International believes. based on consistent. corroborating witness accounts. that soldiers 

massacred at least scOfes of Rohingya women. men. and children from Min Gyi on 30 August. 90 The 

Guardian and Human Rights Watch have independently reached the same conclusion.

91 Several people who 

swam to Wet Kyein said that. from across the river that afternoon, they could see soldiers burning bodies '~ 

• Amnesty International in;etYiew, Kutupalong Refugee Camp, Sangfades.h, 26 Septembet 2017. 

• Amnesty International intetYiew, Kutupalong Refugee Camp, Sangfades.h, 26 Septembet 2017. 

• Amnesty International in;etYiew, Balu Khali Refugee Camp, Bangladesh. 23 Septembet 2017. 

"'Amnesty International inteMews.. Balu Khali Refugee Camp, Bangladesh, 23 September 2017. See also Oher Holmes, •Massac:te at T ula 

loti: Rohingya recal hotrOt of Myanmar army atcack.• TMGuarr:Ji,an, 7 Septembef 2017. 

• Amnesty International intetYiew, Ol.ltside Kutupa.tong Refugee Camp, Sa~. II Septembet 2017. 

• Amnesty International in;etYiew, Ol.ltside Kl.«upa.tong Refugee Camp, Bafl8.1adesh, ll Septembet 2017. 

• Amnesty International has geolocated a video, posted to social media en Aug~ 30, shotMng dozens of people~ their beloogings 

crossing a river in San Kar ~Yin, 2.5km south of Min G)i. This OOflOborates the date that Rohil'lgfa witnesses consistently described 

having fled as a result of the militaty"s attack on the poP'Aation there. 91 Oliver Holmes. •Massacre at Tula Toli: Rohingya recall hotror of Myanmar army attack,• The GIWdWI, 7 Sepcembet 2017: Peter 

Bouckaert, •The Burmese nilllaory is commi~ crimes a~t humanity,* W4Shiryp.on Post. 27 Septembet 2017. 

-.:Amnesty International in;eMews.. Balu Khali Refugee Camp, Bangladesh, 23 September 2017; and inteMew, Kutupalong Refugee Camp, 

26 Septembet 2017. See also Human Rights Watch, '"Witness to Ca.-nage in Burma's Rakhine State: 22 Septembet 20l7; Oliver Hc*nes, 

•Massacre at Tula Toi: Ro~Wlgfa recall honor of Myanmar annyattack, • The Gwrdi4n, 7 Seopcember 2017. 

MY WURLO IS nJUSHEII'" 

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3. RAPE AND OTHER 

FORMS OF SEXUAL 

VIOLENCE 

I

"They first hit us in the head, to make us weak ... Then they 

raped us." 

S.K., 30, who was one of five women Who Myanmar soldiers raped in a house in Min Gyi, before setting the house on fire. 

Amnesty lntenlalional interviewed seven survivors o4 sexual violence-six women aod one girl._perpetrated 

by lhe Myanmar military. Of those, four women and a 15-year-old gi~ had been raped. The rapes occurred 

in two villages that the organisation investigated. Soldiers had raped eacl'l woman in rooms with between two 

and five other women and girls. totalling 18 dOCumented rape cases through direct accounts. The sexual 

violence In August and Septembel2017 fils a pallern ol sotdlers targeting ROhlngya women and gjrls In 

northern Rakhine State. including during the military's "clearance operations" in late 2016.'" 

The scale ol sexual violence since 25 August remains unknown. Sexual violence is almost always underreported; fear. stigma, or cultural attitudes that blame women and girls for lhe sexual violence they 

expefrence often means !hal survivors do not seek help, even when they require urgent medical allention. 

Among the refugee papUlation in Bangladesh, this is compeunded by the overcrowding of clinics and 

hOspitals. which makes privacy difficult. and by lhe many other acute needs that exist." One humanitarian 

organization in Bangladesh reperted thai, between 25 August and 12 Seplembef, ils teams in Bang1acfesh 

treated 16 survivors of sexual and gender-based violence ... Other NGO-run clinics as Well as g<M!fnmentrun hOspitals in Bangladesh have treated additional cases.96 

As detailed above, after many Rohingya residents of Min Gyi fled to the riverbank, membefs of the Myanmar 

military separated women. girls, and young bOys from men and otder bOys. The soldiers proceeded to open 

fire on and kill at least SCOles of men and ok:ler boys, along wHh some women and girts who remained mixed 

in with them. S.K., 30, said she and many olher women and younger children were taken to a drtch, where 

they were forced to stand in knee-deep water: 

"From there, they took the women In grouPS to different hOUses. I was taken to a ROhlngya house. 

Tl>ere were five of us {women/, taken by four soldiers {In military unifiXm/. They took our money. 

• Amnesty lntor~l, "We Areat8realtir'l8 Point•: RohingyJ: PtrMeulfd Myanmar, ~ in 8fi~ (Index: A$A 

1&536212016}, 19 Deoembet 2016: United Nations Off10ed the High Commissioner lot~ RigNs, Flash report: Report ofOHCHR 

l'l"'ission 10 In~ with RohinQ:yas ft1ow1s fi'Otl"' Myantl'lat since 90etober 2016.3 F'•bruary 2017 . 

., Amnosty International intoMow$. OUI$ide ll'latlfll Kali Rofugoe Camp, 8angladtsh, 24 Sopcomblc 2017. • MSF, ~military operations in Rakhine State have res.\lled in mote than 400,(X)') people ne-.1o Sa~. • 

• Amnesty lnter~l inleMew$ with medical pr~ and refugMS, CoX'$ ~f Oistrict. Sa~ September 2017. 

• MY WORLD IS FIIUSM£0" ROHINGYAT!IIGETEO l'i CRIMES AGAINST HUTMHITY IN MYNIIWI 

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our possessions. and then they beat us with a wooelen stick. My children were with me. They hit 

them too. Shafi, my two-year·okf son. he was hit hard with a wooelen stick. One hit, ana he was 

dead ... Three of my children were killett. Mohamed Osman (101 lanai Mohamed Sat1diq (51 too. 

Other v.omen {in the hOUse} also haG chik1ren {with them) that were killett. 

All of the \Wllen were strippe<J naked. 1 had hkJ money lin my clolhesl. ana they lOOk it ... They 

haG very strong wooelen sticks. They first hit us in the head. to make us weak. Then they hit us {in 

the vaginal with the wooelen sticks. Then they rape<! us. A different scldier for each !1Wll8n}. ~' 

S.K. said the soldiers then teft and closed the door. They set fire to the house. with the women and children 

who remained alive still inside. S.K. said she didn't see them set the fire. but heard a toud "boom" noise, 

then saw the hOuse start to burn. Her 7·year·Oid daugllter. Rozia. who had survived the soldiers' beatings. 

found a weak point in the hOuse's bamboo siding. and S.K. followed her. "I was burned all over." she told 

Amnesty International. ·The flame was so hOI. When 1 ran, the fire was sff/1 on me. The clothes we ...,e. they 

were all burned .... She said it was around dusk when they escaped; they saw soldiers standing in the 

distance. and fled unseen to a rice foeld. She made it with Rozia to Sangtadesh partially on foot. and partially 

by being carried by two ROhingya men making the same forced journey ... Four weeks later. S.K. still had 

bandages wrapped tightly around most ol her head. on one hand, and on both feet and lower legs. She 

pulled up the bandages on one of her legs. exposing bright pink markS consistent with healing burn wounds. 

O.B .. 20. also from Min Gyi. said that while she was being held in the ditch, soldiers marched off two of her 

sisters. She has not seen them since. 0.8. was then taken with five other women and their children to an 

abandoned house in the ROhingya part of the village. She said that one soldier raped her. and she saw different soldiers rape a girl and three other women with whom she was held; an elderly woman in the group 

was the only one not raped. "The scldiers were talking to each other. but I couk1 not unde~stand. • she told 

Amnesty International. "After we were rape<!, we were beaten with wooelen sticks. "'00 

As with S.K .. O.B. said lhe soldiers then Closed the door and set fire to the house: 

"From one corner. they set the fire. lloOI<ed around and in me other corner. I saw there was some 

weak fencing in the bamboo. I pushed through. The SOldiers were still out there. but a bit away. I 

went to the hit/Side. 1 spent a night on the hill. alone. Then in the morning 1 came across four other 

wcmen from {Min Gyi} whO haG survived. We followed a targe group heJe {to Bangtaaesh}. "'0' 

C. B .• 15, said soldiers took he< alOng with he< mother and IO·year·Oid sister to another hOuse in Min Gyi. 

The SOldiers first demanded any gOld and money they had on them: after she denied hiding anything. 

soldiers ripped off her clothes and searched her body. C.B. said "the gooG·{()ol<ing {women ana girls}. the 

hea"hy ones" were then raped.'"' The women and girls were beaten CNei and over with woocJen stickS. as 

the sOldiers left and returned several times, • They turned on the ligh~ and if anwne moved. they'd beat her 

again. "10) As with the other women, she said the soldiers then set fire to the house: 

"I was in and out of consciousness. but 1 was looking outside. and saw lthem set the fire}. They 

used matchSiicks and dried hay, I saw it with my own eyes ... The root was falling down -pieces of 

the roof. A few of us were able to push out of the bamboo !exterior}. !Bull my mother ana sister 

were not able to move. They haG been beaten so much they were weak. They dletilhat day ... 

Affer coming out. there was an outskJe bathroon>. We were there for some time {using the water on 

burns). Then we went to the foot of the nearby hill ana stayed. When daylight came. some of the 

houses were not burned aown, the Rohingya hOuses. The scldiers went and set fire to them. "'"' 

Each of the three rape survivors from Min Gyi spent significant time in a clinic in Bangladesh. and had 

bandaging and wounds that matched their description of bum injuries. The women's accounts are 

consistent with separate accounts reported by Human Rights Watch and by rnedia outlets. including Al· 

., Amnt$ty lnlornatioMI in~. I<IJtupalone flefi.JiOt C.mp. 8analadesh, 26 Sopeombtl 201 ?. 

• Amnt$ty International inttMcw, I<IJtupatone flefi.J80t C.l'll4). 9aneJadesh, 26 Sos;umbol 201 ?. 

• Amnt$ty International in~. I<IJtupalone llefugot C.mp. 8analadesh, 26 Sopeombtl 201 ?. 100 Amnos~ lncornai:IOnal intGrviow, Kutupratona Aofusoo tamp, B&ne'~. 26Se9ttmbor 2011. 

•• ArMesty ~tional interview, Kutupalong Refugee Camp, ~. 26 Septembet 2017. 

•o: ArMesty l~tional interview, Kutupalong Refugee Camp, Baongladesh. 26 September 20 17. 

'

01 ArMesty ~tional interview, Kutupalong Refugee Camp, ~. 26 September 2017. 

">' Amnos(y lne.rna!:IOnal intorview, Kutupralona RoflJ80CI tamp. Bana.l&desh. 26 Stos:tembtf 201?. 

MY WORlO IS fi•ISHEO• ROH14GYA IARG£1£0 Iff CRIIoiS AGAINSl ltllloWIIIY IN MYMMNI 

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Jazeera.1os They are also consistent with the accounts of other witnesses from Min Gyi interviewed by 

Amnesty International. Four men who jumped into the river when soldiers opened fire and swam across to 

the other side each described having a vantage point from which they could see soldiers taking women in 

eroups toward houses; they later saw flames and smoke rising from the Rohingya part of the village.

106 

Satellite images suggests it would be passible for people to observe events in Min Gyi from across the river. 

They atso confirm that the Rohingya areas of Min Gyi were completely burned, as detailed in Chapter 4. 

Amnesty International also documented three cases of rape in Kyun Pauk, a village in Suthidaung Township. 

Whereas the Myanmar military's assault on Min Gyi occurred in the days immediately after ARSA's 25 

August attacks, the sexual viOlence in Kyun Pauk occurred in mid·September, after the 5 September date 

that State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi would later say marked the end of the "clearance operations." 107 

M.L .. 55. tOld Amnesty International that, around two weeks after the Muslim hOliday of Eid ai·Adha. which 

was celebrated in northern Rakhine Stale on 2 September, he was at home around 10 p.m. When he heard 

yelling that the military was entering the village. He had heard of men in neighbouring villages being taken 

away, so he quickly ran out and hid in a nearby f!Oid. He brOke down crying as he recalled watching soldiers 

and BGP enter houses. including his. After the soldiers left the village. M.L. said he returned home, where 

his daughter and two daughters·in·law said they had been raped; the young children and elderly women had 

not been touched, he said. •oo The next day. lhe family began a week·long journey to Bangladesh. 

On the morning after the family finally crossed on fOOl into Bangladesh, Amnesty International briefly 

interviewed 16-year·old S.A. and 20·year-old F.K.,the daughter and daughter·in·law, respectively, of M.L. 

Each one said that two soldiers and one BGP entered the house in Kyun Pauk that night in mid· 

September.'"' They said lhat they were each raped by one perpetrator, as was another of M.L.'s daughters· 

in-law. who is around 25 years Old.110 They said the SOldiers spoke. but they could not understand what was 

said. as neither S.A. nor F.K. spOke Burmese. They said they knew other women and girlS in the village who 

had been raped. as different soldiers and BGP entered other houses. By the time they arrived in 

Bangladesh. S.A and F.K. had not eaten in days. 111 

A trusted contact in northern Rakhine State tOld Amnesty International that he had likewise received reports 

from Rohingya from Kyun Pauk about sexual violence that occurred there during the current crisis.m 

In addition to rape, Amnesty International documented several cases of other forms of sexual violence 

against women. in which soldiers carried out humiliating bOdy searches to took for and steal hidden money 

or valuables. Safura, 20. said the military came to her village of Nga Yanl Chaung. Buthidaung Township, in 

mid·September; she couldn't remember the exact dale, but thought she'd been walking for about seven or 

eight days, before crossing into Bangladesh late the night of 23 September. When interviewed the next 

morning. she recalled how Myanmar soldiers had gone house lo house, taking everyone's valuables. She 

said that. in her house, the soldiers look gOld and money, then searched underneath her clothes and her 

mother·in·law's clothes to see if they had hidden anything else of value."' Amnesty International 

documented similar practices during "c5earance operations· in October and November 2016.114 

1011 Sot Polor 8ouckaort. "Tho IX-mtSI military iS committint crimes 9il'l$1 hu~nily; W.UhingfM Post, '17 ~btl 201?; Al-Jatoora, 

·Aohintff r.rueoos share stories ol soxuat ~. • 29 S.ptombot 201?. 1011 Amnesty International interviews, Ol.lt's«1e Kutupalorl8 Refugee Camp, Bang.l<tdesh. 11 September 2017; Balu Khali Refugee Camp, Sa-. 23 Seplembe< 2017. *'State Counsellor's speech on ~s effons wilh teQard 10 National ReoonciNtion and P~. The Glob.W /YeN light of My.MI'rl¥, 

20 Sejlcombef 201?, p.6. 

,. Amtl0$ly nttt~bonal interview, outsido botwoon Phalune Khali and Thaine Khali. 8anpdesh, 24 Sepcembor 201?. 101 Amtl0$ly nttt~bonal interviews, t.t-MMn Phalung Khali and Thaine: Khali, 8ane!adesh. 24 So-plember 201 ?. 111' Amtl0$ly nttt~bonal interviews, t.~ Phalung Khali and Thaing Khali, 83naJadesh. 24 Sepcembeor 201 ?. 111 Amtl0$ly nttt~bonal interviews, t.t-MMn Phalung Khali and Thaing Khali, 8ane!adesh. 24 So-plembeor 201 ?. n: Amnesty International convnunication, 12 October 2017. 

m Amnesty International intervi&w, between Phalung Khali and Thaing Khali, Sa~ 24 Sepcember 2017. 

'~Amnesty International, ·~ NeM Bteaking Point": Rcllingya: P6f'SeC(J(fld in Myanmar, Neg/8c(ed in~ Undex: ASA 

16'536V2016}, 19 o.::.mbeor 2016. pp24·.25 and 3().31. 

"'MY WORLD IS ruuSHEO" ROHINGYA lARGO£D If atii:S .IGAIIIS111JMAHI'IY IN MYMMAR 

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RAPE AND OTHER CRIMES OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW 

Rape is an act or gender·based violence and constitutes .. discrimination.~ prohibited under intenlational 

human rights law. including under the Convention on the Elimination of All Fonns of Discrimination against 

Women (CEOAW). to whiCh Myanmar is a state party.'" 

Rape b1f state offiCials, which include soldiers and police offiCefs, has been unequiiiOCally defined as 

torture by international criminal tribunals,116 as well as by UN and regional human rights bodie:$.117 In 

specific circumstances. rape and other forms of sexual violence are also war crimes and crimes against 

humanity, including under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.1111 

The rape and other sexual violence described here were committed b1f soldiers and BGP as part of a 

widespread and systematic attack on the Rohingya population. As the perpetrators took part in, and 

therefore clearly had knowledge of, the attack, these acts constitute the crimes against humanity of torture 

and of rape and other forms of sexual violence. 

11• $oo Commit!ot en lhrl (limina1ion ol ()iscr1mina~ion ~ W~. Gtnoral fttcOtnmondMion 19, Vdenct '13'i~ WOI'I'I4n (£1tvonth 

$MSion, 1992), U.N. Ooc. AJ41138at 1 (1993), p.'lta. 1. 11•$oo, "*' 1>ros«u«x v.Nn•P'IufAk.tYf$U.C&se No.ICTR-96.4-T,JI.Jdimtn•oi:ZSoptombor 1998,par$. 68?; l>ro$«urorv. lojni! 

~Case No. IT ·96-:Zl,ICTY Trial Ch&mtor II, J~nt Ott 16 NoYOmbor 199$. paras. 4?5.496, 943, 965; Pros«uta v. Anto Furundzf',C.S. No.IT•95ol ?/I•T, ICTY TriaiCMmbor,J~•or 10 O.C.mbor 1998, paras. 2'64·9. 111 See. e.g.. Interim Repon d th& Sp&cial Rapp:~rteur on IOttur& 10 the Genetal Assembly, UN Doc. N55I290 (2000), p;wa. 5; Human 

Rights Council, Report of th& Sp&cia1 Rappcwteuf on torture and othet CtU&I, inhuman Of deQradine treatmenc Of puM.hm&nt. UN Doc. 

NHRCflfJ, 15 January 2008. paras. 34--36: Aydin v. Turluly, European Court of Human Rights, Reports 1997-VI <571199&676'866), 

Judgmenloi25S&ptember 1997. para. 86; FMflMidoandR~Mejtav. PfJiu,lnter-American CommissiononHumanRishts.Repon No. 

~Case No. 10.970, 1 March 1996: para. 8(3)(a); AJtnon¥:id Arellano 8l af. v. Chile. Pteliminaty objections, merits. reparations and 

costs. Inter-American Court of Human Rights, Judgmentoi26Septembef 2006, Series C No. 154, pata. 82.4. ,,.llomt StMuo, Mido ?tlJCe) ton ctimtS aeain$t ~); 3.nd Articlts 8(2)(b)(K.xii), 8(2)(c)(v0 (onwtW' CtWnOS). 

MMY WORUI IS HIIISIIEO-

-· TARG[l[D IN CRIM£SAGAI<STIIJMAiiUYINMYAiiMAR 

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4. BURNING OF 

ROHINGYA VILLAGES 

I "There were only a couple green trees left. Everything else 

was burned down." 

larina Khatun. a 45·year-old woman from Koe Tan Kauk village, Rathed-aung Township. 11' 

Since 25 August. Rohingya villages acr05S the n()(lhern part of Rakhine Slate have been burned down. in 

what appears to be an ()(ganized,targeted, and coordinated effort by the Myanmar mililal)' to permanently 

drive the Rohingya POPulation out or their homes. At the time or wrmng, the burning remained ongoing. m()(e 

than seven weeks after the milital)' began its campaign. 

On 3 OctOber, the UN Operational Satellite Ap[Jiications Programme (UNQSAT) rePOrted that, since 25 

Aug~sl, tt had identified 20.7 square kii()(OOlres of destroyed structures in Maungdaw and Buthidaung 

Townships in areas where it had detected fires.120 Even that ~likely underestimated .. the overall scale of 

desiroction and burning, as doud cover affected what the satellites were able to delect.'2 ' 

Amnesty Inlet national's own review of fire data from remote satellite sensing indicates at least I 56 large fires 

in 0()(\hern Rakhine Slate since 25 August. which is alSO hkely to be an underestimate. due to the same 

cloud conditions described by UNOSAT. In the previous five years, no fires were detected during the same 

period, strongly indicating that the burning has been intentional. 

The Myanmar authorities have frequently said the Rohingya POPUlation has burned their own homes bef()(e 

fteeing.122 Afthough ARSA may have burned particular Rakhine villages, an issue Amnesty International 

continues to investig;lte. the government's explanation defies credibiltty. Satellite image!)' and data, as Well 

as photo and video evidence analySed by Amnesty International, shoW a paftern of burning that is deliberate, 

organi.!ed. widespread. consistent over lime and acrOGS northern Rakhine State. and targeted at Rohingya 

homes and other structures. Witness accounts also incucate that in some instances burnings were clear1y 

orchestrated and planned in advance by the mililal)' and local government aulhonlies. 

All ol lhat points to a systematic attack on the Rohingya POPulation. overseen and generally carried out by 

the Myanmar security forces. which has had the effect or bOth killing Rohingya women. men. and Children, 

and forcibly transferring hundreds or thousands of Rohingya from n()(lhern Rakhine Slate to Bangladesh. 

•• ~ lntemationa1 inte~. Ku'lupa~ Refugee Carnp, Bangl~sh. 27 Septembet 2017. uo UNITARIUr«>SAT, y¥~~T~at:: Maungc:Saw District/ Rakhine Stace, 30ctobet 2017, 

https:l/r...,...,.b.intl$a.slroliefwob.intlfiltslr0$0Urot$1'UNO$A T _A3 .. Rakhine,.da!Tiolge.):onot,.201 1 I OOI_Portrait.,o.pc.ff. 

t:• UNITAAIUNCX$AT, My;tnmat: Maungcs.,w ic:tl R&Sthint Stale. 30c~ 2017. 

u:Associated Press. •eurmeseattempttost'ICM'Ro~Wlfrya IOfChed theW CMn homes~ledas'take news•,• TMSliH, II September 

2011. 

· MY WORlD IS nXISMm'• 

R(HI(jYA IARGET£0 IN CRIM(S AGAWSI HUtMHilY IN MYANMAR 

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"MYWORlOISFIIUSMED'" R<»>INGYA III!Gfi[O IN CRUI(S AGIIIISI HUMANIIY IN MYANMAR 

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DELIBERATE. ORGANIZED BURNING 

Amnesty International has analySed satellite imagery and data from across northern Rakhine Slate, as well 

as aerial photographs of specifoc burned villages. Together, these demonstrate that the destruction has been 

deliberate and organized In a way to ensure distinct clusters of structures are all burned completely. 

First, fires that have destroyed entire villages have not Ot";ginated tn one. initial k>calion. and then spread, as 

would be expected if these were accidental fires. For example, before and alter satellite images in Maung 

Hnrt Ma Gyi. a Rohingya vrllage to the north ol Maungdaw town. show no trarl demarking the fire·s spread 

hom a single point of origin. Instead, different clusters of structures have been burned, with surrounding 

vegetation separating the structures lett intact. 

"MY WORLD lS rnnSHUI'"' R<8NCYA IAIIG£1EO IN CRJMtSAGAlNSt lll"""IY IN MYANMAR 

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Witness accounts from Maung Hnlt Ma Gyl corroborate the satellite imagery evidence. Sheik Ahmad. 22. tOld 

Amnesty International that there Is a POlice outPOSt several mites frQm the village. from which SOldiers and 

BGP, joined by local vigilantes, came In the days just after Eid ai·Adha. He said they started burning houses 

from one end of the ROhingya village. and worked progressively and systematically until the entire area had 

been set ablaze. Sheik Ahmad fled with his wife when they saw the burning approach their home. SOldiers 

opened fire, hitting him aboVe the elbow on his right arm; his older brother helped him reach a fish PQnd. 

where he hid until the attackers left.

1

U 

Similarly, in beiOfe and after satellite images hom Wet Kyein VIllage. Maungdaw Township, it is possible to 

see large areas or heallhy vegetatiOn between different groups ol homes and other structures that have been 

completely burned down. These !ires 'vere distinct events; the perpetratOJs made a deliberate elfort to burn 

down separated structures. 

Tltl'l'ift4ttflfKW/fyfiRQ'»Uh ldliiiJJY'*t$tttJd#nle llfNdisp~Jt$1d-., ll#ihw Niilillds.~lGSI(JiflltbN2011.Mt8t*'f$bsl'JWi .stltJdlrrflb.tl'lbHo 

rmdlRlheMN.AIN.SwtWJIIIIbwiWl:wtl!M:ldti:st«sNslnlctw-.~ l»fileiidllds(I(Ndttllwllly6'RdudteiiJtht•,ulittw!iftirtd'IJI(IdM/Iy. 

IIR#tf$1W!wsb'lheNmbttfoedlffdl dtMtl«ill tiJ~~borfllltdllnlctJ/fJ$, 

•MYWOitlD ISFIIIIS:H£0'" 

ROifL'IGYA IARG£1[0 " CRIM(SAGAI'<SI HUMANifY" IIYANMAR 

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Second, satellite imagery and aerial photographs show structures that have been burned uniformly, 

suggesting that structures have been burned In the same manner. Witness s.tatements turthe1 corrobOrate 

this, as diSCussed below. In most villages I rom which Amnesty International has reviewed satellile imagery, 

each structure has been burned such as to be consumed in its entirety. 

Third. and hnally. the burning ollen happened over days, as the perpetrators w<><ked to ensure that every 

last structure in the ROhlngya area was torched. Satellrte Imagery from Kyein Chaung, lor example, shows 

that large areas were set on lire p!ior to 16 September. but that a particular s~etch along the rrver remained 

untouched. By 22 September. these areas had likewise been burned down. Amnesty International 

Interviewed several people hom Kyein Chaung who described fleeing the first round or the military's burning. 

which they said occurred atlhe end of August or lhe start of September.124 

0.16~2flll.inapYy~mrdDIKyWJJCII.Iul1llwl¥Mt8tod.ASAWI-oftm/NRrwlslttidwfStrt-ritiblliwltlt<w:JhtotliMI'ill.tp. 

s.t.. 16 S#¢1Wlbrt 2011 •tfd 12 s.pt«<thet 2()11, mlrifiiHM pttvi«n/runbur.wd MN W.t$ t.ml. (nriranmMJM SMS&S 61t«t.# lim;.., JIM .u 

&toti.S~ZOJI Mort~liiB-•hl>lhtett.l'dtM25Siti.ttrtbtlt2011. 

·~ Amt10$1y ~I:Jona11ntomcrw$. Co ':~ S..(j,llr Oi:;lrict Sadbr Mosprlal, Bent1Jitdo!sh. 30 So-pcomb6f 201 ?; and Thalng !<eli ROI'1j:Oo 

~mp, a.a~. 29$tptombor 2011. 

flY WORlD IS FUIISHUI'" ROIIINGYAIAAOOU> IN CRII.(SAGNN$1 IIUMNilfY 1H M'lllliMAA 

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Had the destruction been carried out by the Rohingya. whO were often fleeing in haste from military 

attacks. one would expect rar more haphazard burning. It is exceedingly unlikely. IO< example. that they 

would have had time to burn down every last structure. including thoSe across natural fire txeaks. It's also 

exceedingly unlikely that the burning would have occurred over separate days in the same village. Of be so 

uniform across such a large stletch or territory. Amnesty International's research and credible media 

reJ)O(ts also indicate that burning has occurred in villages long alter the Rohingya lied them.l2S 

TARGETED BURNING 

Aerial photographs and satellite imagery also show that exuemety targeted burn1ng. allecting specillc areas 

of certain villages whtle other areas remain untouched. Witness accounts from many of these v1Uages 

corroborate that it is ovenvhelmingty the Rohingya areas that have been burned. white non·ROhingya areas 

are lefl intact 

In Inn Din and Min Gyi, for example. satellite Imagery shows that while large swaths were systematically 

burned. other areas are undamaged. These areas display a diflerent layout and quality ol structures. 

Including mO<e organized thatch and metal·rool structures, which suggest they are non·Rohingya.1" In Inn 

Din, a Buddhist temple Is visible in the unaffected area. 

m See, e.g., Amnesty fnlernatJOnal, •Myanmar: VIdeo and satellite IMdenoe shows N!IN fires st~lltorchins R~ngya villages, • 22 Septembet 

2017; AssociMed Pfess. •New Myanmar fires in empcy'o'ilage raise quesficlns,• 8 Septembef 2017. 

•• Since lhe 1990s, the Myanmar authoolle; haW! engaged tin a policy of buiJd.ng •mocfelviJiages.." often known as NaTala viltagos.. These 

Wtages are apparently aimed ell diversif)\n& and deveiopins the border area, arMS are inhabited b')' indMcfuals and fa~ w!w haW! been 

transfetred lrom other parts or the country. They are cfiSllnctwe in appeaorar101t: ....tlereas Rohingya Wlages are irregular in shape and f'Mde 

of pr~nlty wooclon WuteurO$. NaTala YilleQOS •r• much f110fo crdorod, wtlh buildinp. elton au ane;ocs .nd~WO rows. M•!i'*ry 

bet;OS and eomps. aro Slmilalty ordoftd and organi-1:od. Amnesty ln-rnal)Onal ob$o""tioos M1 intorvitw;, nott"*n R4khino ~to. 2016. 

"'MY WOitlO IS FUIISHED" ROIIINGYAINiOOro IN CRIKSNiAJNST HU>W<Il'l II !II'ANMAR 

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lnu/,W1frcm 74 s.ptemlw 101! .thaws Mo:ltfJ ol tl»kMOirt riN~ps Anlllam~llybtJ(IJ#d "''b.tlf'JUDd. A $miillf udloa r'Jt fh.r!dJMJdm«llfOIII slrlldur-, 

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~20.5110*.9'l.#U OCNCS20Jl DWtibutionAm8tJSOS 

•MY WORLD IS FIIIISHEO" 

ROKINGYA IARG[I[O r< CRIM(SAGAJNSI HUMANIIY r< MYANMAR 

Aalne$-t)' lntetut.,.al 33 
88 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


A c/ostt look 1t fmt ONimrd Inn Dift {(1$t) $1/owJ If¥ diftiltd 1iJ» _,.,nlinz tJ. blllnfld Mtd unbrttllld I!'U$. A~~ IM,." rfJJ'bt.;, fM 11m 

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strdc/lrre$ ifl 11m Dill {(M) OR 21 D«efnbN !016. Orr 74 $6¢Mtblt 2011, .,.,.flllhl strudum in bm Din~ bm11ed. AN ol IIM$Imc/rtrls 

ill kM Din lWsl) ~ppM~ riled. 

CootdinatliS: 20.5/3,., 92.58/B-. 0 2017 DigitaiGfobe. Inc. Souft:e: USG, Nextvtew Ucence 

· MYwt:IRLO IS fi•ISHEO• 

ROHINGYA lARGO ED II CRIMES AOO«SllliMAtirrY IN MYA/iMAR 

M11e$1y lnterlationat 
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FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


Witnesses from Inn Din and Min Gyl consistently said that the military did not bum non·Rohingya parts or 

the village. tn tnn Din, each of the seven residents interviewed described the non·ROhingya areas as being 

located to the north of the Rohingya areas, which matches the area that satellite imagery shows as 

untouched. m In Min Gyi, Rohingya residents described their houses as being near the river. while the ethnic 

Rakhine lived at a higher elevation, in the soothwestern part of the village.'" This, too, matches what the 

satellite imagery shows in terms of the targeted burning of Rohingya areas. 

O.V 22 ~lw 2011, ifut«y .sllow: IUllf .slntdP,_ irt 11m {}Jt r/11#f# .b~W bfM rN!ft/, A""''" S«<ictrd 1111n «tMiM tk.tu.h •ltd SHIM ro« structwu 

mnMrr uobumoct lt.l"10ut (1/ lht structWOJli!lheattbftrfJid ,,.. SOJeosltJJ.t tiNs it • """""ct/lifiD., #~ wiNdl Jr.fS htrtlw t«tcbcttmd by ttJ'tl¥$$ «:a7Vffts. 

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m ArMesty lmemationM inwviews, Thaing Kal Relugee Camp, Bangladesh. 24 September 2017. 

•:. ArMes!)' ln!ematiooa11ntetviews, outside Kutupaiong Relugee Camp, 11 September 2017: Ba!u KNII Ref1J8e0 Camp, Bangladesh, 23 

September 20 l7; and Kucupalong Refugee Camp, 26 September 2017. See aaso Oftwet Holmes, •Myanmar: satelhte imagery oonflrms 

Ret~ingy.:.'tl1lllgtQtlu~To1i~.- T,_G~n, l9Soplomb0r201?. 

MY WORLD IS fUIISMUI" I!OII~GYAI!tR«ItD IN CRit.ICSAGAINSI HIJWJtiiY IN MYA!ilMR 

Am.ReStylnternational 35 
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FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


Other villages show a similar pattern of targeted burning. In Nyaung Chaung. clOse to Maungdaw Town. 

satellite imagery from 16 September and 22 September shows through cloud covet that the western part of 

the village has been burned down, whereas a nearby area with higher-quality construction. roads. and 

O<ganiled building-which also slts clOse to two helicopter pads-remains untouched. 

/lpll.'ttCb~mJ n knt.S •djMrmt to • vm.,. Mtb • mq.o•«t.nWd ldJout, ,_. • ~ t~U risiblt •nd t...t.lit:f7pt« Plds •r.lcQtH. s.t~tit$t 

pd.Mii•f•ltiNifl()(trritb tl»mmtNY.liD 16S#ptN!Ibtr lOll.~im•pyUcwslfpcntCII•ant b10. r~lfd.lt.{l(~l#"bi!•nh~tn thtlkn 

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soutllffltprmra..IIJIIM14M4JS¥~101l. 

"'Ill WORLD IS FINISHED" ROOINGYA IARWID lfGli!&IES loCAINSf HUr.INIAY IN MYIIIMAR 

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FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


Aerial photographs from Zay Oi Pyln. In Rathedaung Township, and from the area of taung Don village tract 

(see beloW). in Maungdaw TownShip, likewise Show areas of low-quality structures burned completely, 

whereas nearby areas marked by higher-quality structures and more organized planning are untouched. 

Amnesty International has seen and analysed satellite imagery and aerial photographs that wggests at least 

a dozen more examples of villages in which burning occurred only in the Rohingya areas ot ethntcally·mixed 

village tracts or in Rohingya neighbOurhOOds or more populated areas. Together. Ulese Show a persistent 

determination across Ule norUlern part of Rakhine State to burn Rohingya-populated areas. and only those 

areas. It belies the government's explanatiOn that the Rohingya themselves set the lires. It also shows the 

level of Planning and oversight in the burning. 

An .Hti1f p/td"tl-lplt f10111IIN m~dll'fmt Dl:w.,..,.lt«< Mt M.JIIfftd•w TmmfAiA. ~ sllrcws'W'Afr-4ut6~ Jtruduta NJ M«t~ ,_. 

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In Myanmar and elsewhere. at the heart of what is orten called ·emnic cleansing." which Is not a legal 

term, is an organised deportation operation, aimed to force people to leave their homes and to ensure they 

do not return. The Myanmar security rorces· methOd ol achieving these goals has inVOlved terrorising 

Rohingya oul of Uleir hOmes. mostly through shooting, l<illing. sexual viOlenCe and Ulreats: follOWed by Ule 

burning of Ulerr homes and villages. 

International law provides lor Ule crime against humanity or "ldJeportation or forcible transfer of 

population. "129 which, as detailed in this briefing, has clearly been committed by lhe Myanmar security 

forces since 25 August. 

When the authOrities uproot people by deliberately destroying their homes and belongings, and force them 

into exile. they are committing a host of human rights violations. These include vlolatiorls of the rights to 

adequate hOusing; to an adequate slandard of living more generally: 1o educallon, particularly for Children: 

and to WQfk-all provided within the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Ri&llts. 

which Myanmar ratified In early O<:lober, even as its soldiers continued to burn ROhlngya hOmes. 

"'Ill WORLD IS FINISHED" ROOINGYA IARWID lfGII!&IES loCAINSf HUr.INIAY IN MYIIIMAR 

AmMS(JhternationaJ 37 
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FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


PRIOR WARNING IN CERTAIN VILLAGES, ADVANCED PLANNING 

The military's SC<lCChed-earth campaign appears to have been carried out in several phases. During the first 

phase. in the clays immediately folloWing the 25 August attacks, the military and BGP often caught Rohingya 

residents by surprise when surrounding their villages. opening fire, and then buming homes. During the 

second phase, beginning in early to mid-September, the military or local civilian authorities at times warned 

the Rohingya in advance that their homes would be burned. This reduced the scale of killing, but also 

demonstrates how well planned and thought through the ethnic deansing has been. 

In Auk Nan Yar. a village to the northwest or Rathedaung town. not far from Chul Pyin. several Rohingya 

residents interviewed by Amnesty International said that, soon after Eid ai·Adha on 2 September. the military 

tOld them to leave. as soldiers would be selling lire to the village. Hamid. 53. recalled: 

"Tile military had warned one 0< rwo ctays before {the} burning that we shOuklleave the village. 

They enrered tile village and lOki us to leave. beCause !hey woukl burn il all. They said. 'You people 

are providing fOOd and slteller to armed groups. • We never did that. 

Tile day before the burning the number or mililary had increased and we realiSed they might do 

somelhing and so we hid ... in the hillside. (The next day}, it was all clear to see. 1 saw my house 

burn ... Tile mililary and BGP did the burning. They used launchers mostly. £very few hOuses they 

burned. but many hOuses are close to one another so it spread qujcJ<Iy. ~ 

Amnesty International received similar accounts in two other villages in the same area of Rathedaung 

Township, near the border with Maungctaw and Bulhidaung Townships.'" Residents ol these vi la~ said 

they had seen smoke and flames in neighbouring villages. including Chut Pyin, so When they received the 

military's warnings, most residents fled to surrounding hills, from where they saw their own village burned. 

before heading on to Bangladesh.',. They said the Village Administrator had accompanied the military when 

the warning of imminent burning was issuecJ.•» 

CONSISTENT METHOD OF SETTING FIRES 

Witnesses rrom at least several dozen Rotlingya villages burned across the northern part of Rakhine State all 

desctibed similar means by which Myanmar SOldiers and other attackers set houses. mosques. schOOls. and 

other structures on fire. In satellite imagery and aerial photographs. the burning looks uniform or at least 

highly similar in villages throughout the region-d4ys and even weeks apart. 

On a government-led visit to northern Rakhine State in early Seplember. a BBC reporter witnessed the 

burning or a Rohingya village. and .. saw one empty jug reeking or petrol and another with a little fuel/eft in it 

in /he middle of the path ... ,,. At least a dozen Rohingya witnesses interviewed by Amnesty International 

described seeing soldiers and lOcal vigilantes with matchsticks and bottles or canisters or petrol, which they 

used to burn one or more structures within a cluster. then let the flames spread organically. C.B .. 15, 

described soldiers burning in this way the Min Gyi house in which she was held and raped (see page 24). 

Senouwara Begum. 35, likewise described soldiers and local vigilantes torching house after house in Chut 

Pyin with petrOl and matchsticks, during the extreme violence meted out there on 27 Augusr.u• 

In addition. d02ens or Rohingya witnesses told Amnesty International that sOldiers used a shoulder-fired 

weapon to set fire to certain structures. The descriptions given most likely indicate the use of 40mm grenade 

launchers. rocket-propelled grenades (in particular an RPG-7). or both. Amnesty International's munitions 

expert said both weapons would be capable Ol the use and destruction described. 

Zauda Khatun. 50. said that her village of Auk Nan Yar. in Ralhedaung Township. was attacked just alter Eid 

an-Adha by Myanmar soldiers and BGP. She described, .. The milrtary were using what loOked like a gun. II'S 

like a bundleoffiremovingand can cover somedistance." 1

" Oil Bahar. 36. from Chein Kar li village in 

Rathedaung Township, said likewise: M I saw with my own eyes when my house was burning. It was some 

kind or thing that jus/ shOt out and went and burned tile hOuse. 1 was just crying. I lOst my horne ... ,, 

Often, both means were employed to burn the same village. Sheik Ahmad. 22. described hOW in hiS village 

ol Maung Hnit Ma Gyi, in Maungdaw Township. he saw attackers set fire to shOrter hOuses with petrol and 

ut Amnosiy nttt~bon&l interview, CcDt's B~r Oi$trict, $angla<IO$h, 12 $eptomber 20l1. m Amnesty International interviews, Co:is Bazaar District. Bangladesh, 11·13 Sepcembet 2017. 

u: Amnesty International interviews, CcDt's Bazaar Oistricc, Ba.ngladesh, 11·13 Sepcembet 2017. 

"' Amnesty International inteMews. Cox's BaLNr Distric:c, BMgladesh, 11·13 September 2017. 

,.., SSC, •esc reporter in Raktw.e: 'AMuslmdagewas ~.· 7 September2017. 

"'Amnosiy nttt~bon&llne.M~W, KvluPflone Aofueoo C..mp, B&ne~ado$11. 23 S..Xombof 2017. 

•• Amnosiy nttt~bon&l interviow, CcDt's B~r Oi$trict, $angla<IO$h, 13 $e~mber 20l1. 

u7 Amnosiy nttt~bon&l interview, Kutupralona l?ofiJiOt temp. 8aneJaclesh, 23 Sopcembor 201 ?. 

"'MY WORlD lS nJIISHED ~ 

ROtiiNGYA fMCrnD If~ AGAIHST IIRNJillY IN MtNiWit 

Amoesl;)'lntemational 33 
93 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


matchsticks, and then use the shoulder·fired weaPOn for taller houses that could nOI be easily reached.'" 

Amir Hossain, 35, said similarly that in Chein Kar U. ·We fled to the hill and were waiting there in the rain. 

When we were on the hill. they set fire to the village. 1 could see the flames. the fire. They USed a {grenade) 

launcher in a few cases. But for most hOuses they used petrol and !set the fire manvalty). .,,. 

RECENT AND ONGOING BURNING 

Througll early October. the deliberate burning of Rohingya villages and neigllbourhOOds remained ongoing. 

UNOSAT rePOrted or> 3 October that. in U>e previous week .. its satellites had detected ·more than 160 

thousand square meters of destroyed structures ... l40 Amnesty InternatiOnal's own analysis or satellite imagery 

and data likewiSe indicates that fires have continued to be set in ROhingya villages and neighbourhOOds. 

olten forcing people who tried to stay througllout the viOlence to finally leave for Bangladesh. 

Since 1 October, fire data from remOie satellite sensing, analysed by Amnesty International. shows several 

large fires in villages in northern Rakhine State, consistent with previous fires associated with the burning of 

Rohingya villages. Cloud cover continued to affect satellite sensing across the region. Satellite data indicated, 

and satellite imagery confirmed, burning in Tin May village, Buthidaung Township, behveen 7 and I I 

October; for this specific incident Amnesty International has not yet determined whether the Myanmar 

security f(l(ces were direcHy inVOlved, or if it was only local vigilantes. 

Amnesty International has also received credible information about the ongoing burning of Rohingya villages 

from trusted contacts inside northern Rakhine State. including villages burned behveen 6-11 OctObef in 

Maungdaw and Buthidaung Townships. 

The recent burning of ROhingya villages contradicts State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi's statement during 

her 19 Septembef speech on the Rakhine crisis that the military's "clearance operatiOns" ended on 5 

September. 141 Witness accounts. satellite imagery and data. and photo and video evidence all suggest that 

dozens of Rohingya villages have been partially or completely burned since then.'" including several of 

those for which satellite imagery is presented above. 

Many Rohingya interviewed by Amnesty International rigllt after they arrived to Bangladesh in tate 

September described trying to stay in their villages. even as they knew of the violence raging around them. 

Some said they eventually fled after days or even weeks ol little to no fOOd. as the military would not allow 

them to move around, even to their rice farms; had often stolen their livestock; and, along with civilian 

authorities. had bkX:ked or severety restricted access to aid organilations.1u 

Other new arrivals in tate September said they had to llee because of the targeted burning. Abu Taher. 45. 

from Nyaung Chaung, in southern 8uthidaung Township, told Amnesty International, in words eChOed by 

manyOihers, "Our hOuses were burned. so what did we have to stay for?'"' 

SEVERE. ONGOING RESTRICTIONS ON HUMANITARIAN AID 

The Myanmar authorities have severely restricted humanitarian access to Rakhine State, and in particular to 

the violence·affected northern townships. Aid workers told Amnesty International that restrictions on their 

QPefatiOns, especially on their travel authorizations, tiglltened in the weeks priO< to the August attacks, then 

seriously intensified in the immediate aftermath. 14~ Seven weeks after the aHacks. and despite massive 

destruction and displacement. UN agencies and international humanitarian organilations have been unable 

to access affected POpulations; assess their needs; or provide shelter, fOOd, medical care and protection. 

In resPOOse to international pressure to allow aid in, the Myanmar authorities announced in earty September 

that the humanita(~an response in northern Rakhine State would be led by the Myanmar Red Cross Society. 

supPOrted by the International CommiUee of U>e Red Cross.' .. Aid workers and diplomats interviewed in 

1• Amnesty International interview, Co.<s Bauat District Sadar Hospiul, Bangladesh. 30 September 2017. 

•• Amnesty International inteMew, Kutupalong Refugee Camp, Bangladesh, 27 September 2017. 100 UNITARIUNOSAT, Myanmar: Mlungdaw Oistrict/ Rakhine Stato, 3 Octoblof 201 ?. 141 BBC ~ "Rohintfa elisis: Aro Sw Kyi's R~ claims CXIfroct?·, 19 $opt~bor 201?. 1

.: Amnosty lntornational, "Myanmar: VICioo and $8:-=o ow:fonce shows new liros stil torcfw18 Rohingya vllago$,· 22 Soplombol' 201 ?. 

'"'Amnesty International in!oi'Viow$out$iclo bMwoon Phaluns Kbi&ncf Tl\aina Kbli, 8af181adosh, 24 Soptombor 201?; and in TtltnM boa1 

arrival point and Ba~ prooossina eort.or, 28 So~ombor 201 ?. , ... Amnesty International inteMew, outside between Phalung Kali and Thaing Kali, Ba~. 24 Seplembef 2017. 1011 Amnesty International inteMewwittl humanitarian officials.. Ya~. Myanmar, Septembef 2017. 

'"'Amnesty International inteMews, Ya~n. Myanmar, Sep;embet 2017. See also Reu!etS, •Red Cros.s ~UN d in Myanmar's 

Wc~~onct-eorn reeion.. 9 S..Xombef 201?. 

"MY WORLD IS n NISHEO· 

ROHINGYA riiiG£TED II CRINES AGIIISl HUMA/IffY Uf MYAiiMAR 

Amnesl,ylnlemational 39 
94 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


Yangon expressed concern about the capacity of these organilations to respand to the enoonous 

humanitarian needs. 147 To date, most affected populations have not received the assistance they need. 

In early October, the Secretary General of the Norw<!gian Refugee Council said thai the organilalion "is 

standing by, waiting for the authorities to allow us to move into areas where we fear many people may be 

stranded without cle<Jn water. food. or shelter. We have supplies. "" have staff. "" have transport. The only 

thing standing between us and the people who need help is permissiOn to go.·, .. 

Humanitarian access restltCtions have had a devastating and disproportionate impact on the Rohingya. The 

community has k>ng been heavily refiant on aid for basiC survival, as a result of the severe and discriminatClfy 

reslriclioos on their freedom of movement and other rights. Since 25 August. the military's b<ulal attacks. 

burning of villages, and looting of ltvestock and other goods has made the situation even more acute. 

Movement restriCtions, the closure of markets. and the threat of further violence have also prevented 

Rohingya villagers from accessing supplies. including fOOd and other commodities. As a result. at least a dozen refugees arrtving in Bangladesh in late September described fleeing due to fears they would have 

starved in Myanmar.l49 

Government-imPOSed restrictions on humanitarian access have been exacerbated by increasing local 

tensions and hostility towards international aKI groups. Communities in Rakhine State. in particular the 

majority ethnic Rakhine. have long accused international organilations of bias towards the Rohingya, and 

these perceptions have only increased during the current crisis. International Of'ganizations still operating in 

Rakhine State have reported difficulties delivering aid, in part because their local staff fear reprisals and 

poss;ble violence from neighbouring communities. Such fears are not without foundation: on 20 September, 

a group of protesters in Sittwe blocked an ICRC convey bound fOf northern Rakhine Slate." " Ten people are 

currently in detention now facing charges in connection with the incident.1s

1 

For their part. the Myanmar authorities have fuelled local tensions and animosity towards international aid 

WOJkers. 1sa Govemment spokespeople have repeated accusations that international aid organizations in 

Rakhine Stale prOYided support to the Rohingya armed group. after WOfkl Food P1ogramme (WFP) branded 

bisCuits were found in an alleged Rohingya militant training camp in early August.'" 

Depriving people of food and other life·sustaining provisions. whether direcUy or through restrictions on 

movement. access to livelihood. and humanitarian aid violates key human (tghts such as the (lght to food. 

and potentially the right to hfe. In the case of the acts described here. they fall under the crimes against 

humanity of persecution on racial Of' ethnic grounds, 154 Of' "other inhumane acts ... intentionally causing 

great suffering, or serious injury to body or to mental or physical health." 155 

,.., ArMesty 1n1emational incerv\ews. Yaneon. Myanmat, September 2017. 

•• Notwegian Refugee Council (NRC>. •Alarming lack of ~.noe to peopae in Myarvnats Northern RakNne, • 6 October 2017, 

htiP!:Ihw.w..nrc..nc{!'lftW$12011/oc!Ohor/tl!t:rming« k,qf:M$§1:!!'1C!•Ie-DOOQ!toin-myan!M!J:nor\htrn<r!khif191. 

•• Amnesty IMornatJ:)MI in~. Cox's 8atMr ic•, 8a-"J~ ~to $optombor 2017. 

.uto $, ·Myanmar ~strytoblocllflidshiJ)f'l"'ttC IOMustim Aohingya; 2 1 Stc>ttmber 2011. 

~ TM I,•Widdy. ·ton Aec:us.td o181ocking Aid Shipmtntin SrtM 10 raco Tn.l," IOOctobet 2017. 

•.w Amnesty IMornatJon&t, · Myanll\3r: t$t ~ions on intornMional aid puttina lhousaOOs" risk,· 4 St9tfmbtr 2011. ~ Civet Hc*nes, •Aung Sa,. Suu K)'I ... S offiCe accuses aid wcxtcers d helping 'tenorists' in Myanmar: The Gwrdian, 28 ~ 2017. 

'""See Rome Statl.lle, Article 7< l)(h}. 

•• See Rome StatUie, Article 7( l)(k). See also Hwnan Rights Council, Report of the detailed findines of the oornmis.'Sion of inquiry on 

hum&n right$ in tht Otmocralic Poo~ s tpublic ol Koro., UN Ooc. AIH CJ2!)1CF'fP. , 4 r•ulU)' 2014, Po)ras. lll5ancl 1131. 

MY WORlO IS ruUSMEO" 

ROHnGYA IARGOtO IN CRIM(S A&AINSl HUIMHilY IN MYI.I\IAAR 

Amae:stylnterna«ional 40 
95 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


UNITS IMPLICAT£0 

Amnesty tntemalionars Investigations remain ongoing into the responsibility ol speciflc units and 

indivlduals inv<llved in crimes comm1lled in northern Rakhine State. However. at this stage, there os strong 

evidence !rom consistent, conobOrahng witness accounts Ulat certain unlls have been disproporliooately 

involved In some or 1he worst violations. 

In many villages where Amnesty International documented killings and other serious violations. witnesses 

consistenuy desc.ibed a patch on SOldiers' unitorms that matches the one wo<n by Western Command. 

Witnesses who offered this description of a logo I hat looked llke a star and flower, or drew a related 

picture. were lllen presented wtlh various options of Myanmar Army patches. Tiley each picked outllle 

Western Command patch, shown below. Western Command has long played a leading role in military 

operations in northern Rakhine State. and is fed by Major General Maung Maung Soe. "' 

..... <lfbb 

BtxrWCiwd ~Wit:~ tuvtl Itt lndf tbioqllllntftd•orr 

~U.20J6.0rtAJ.ItC 

THIJIAIP/IiN!1-

several wtlnesses in vrllages IMI soldiers burned described and identified 1he patch worn by the 33" Ughl 

fnlantty OMsion !LIOl. "' Many SOldiers from lhe 33" and 99• LIDs were moved lrom northern Myanmar 

to Rakhine State in mid-August. ""In June, Amnesty International publiShed a report Ulat documented war 

crimes committed by SOidlefs rrom these two units ag;~fnst c~vrllans !rom elllnlc mlnonties In northern Shan 

Stale. as part of the ongoing Internal armed conflicts In northern Myanmar.'" 

Tile commander-in-CI\iel ollhe Myanmar military, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. has. apart from two 

days. been in Myanmar since 25 AugusL On 1 septembef. he announced on his Facebook page that. •in 

the ongoing tncldenls;' the Myanmar military •11ad to gellnv<llved as the strength ol Jl()lice forces alooe 

could not detend."1 .. From 19·21 septembef, as the military's scorched-earth campaign remained 

ongoing, he mel with senior officers on the g~ound in Rakhine Stale, including tile head of Western 

Command.''' White In Rakhine State, his Facebook page Included statements indicating that he •gave 

[those commanders] instructions on getting llmely information· and on the •systematic deployment of 

security forces,• among other things: he also •honoured• the military's •bfillianl efforts to restore regional 

peace."'" People wilh intimate knowledge or the military's ongoing campatgn rn northern Rakhine Slate 

have told Amnesty tntcrnalionallhallhe Commander-In-Chief has close overstght of the operation."' 

There is no indica bon thai Senloc General Min Aung Hlalng has taken steps to ensure acoounUibihly lor hiS 

troops· violations. His official FacebOOk page has instead often Included inllammatoo-y posts, Including a 1 

septembef posl thai said. "We openly declare that 'abSOlutely. our country lias no Rohingya race .. : and a 

20 september postlllal sa1d ·collective efforts must be made to protecllhe minorrties ol 

Bulllidaung/Maungtaw regiOn such as Mro. Khamee. Tl\el and Daingnet" "'- making no mention ot 

protecting ROhlngya civilians. On 11 October. his Facebook page posted a statem<!flllhal said II was an 

·exaggerauoo to say that the number of IROhingyaJ lleeing to Bangladesh is very large• and Ulallhe 

•native place ol (lhe ROhlngyaJ Is really Bengal, Therelore, they might have fled to the oilier country with 

the same language, race and culture as lheirs by assuming thai Liley would be safer there .• , .. 

In addition to the AI my. Rohingya wtlnesses repeatedlY implicated the Border Guard Police <BGP). a rorce 

that has operated in close proximity to many ROhingya villages since il was establiShed in earty 2014. The 

BGP was often identified by llleir distinct. camouflage blue uniforms <see abOve). Witnesses I rom atleasl 

several dozen burned vrllages described 11\e BGP working wllh the Army to surround and set ablaZe 

ROhlngya houses. The SGP were alSO Identified as among the perpetrators ol killings and sexual violence 

in several villages. Major General Thura San Lwin was 1he commander in Cha1ge of the SGP from October 

2016 unhl early Oc!Obef 2017. a period marked by two rounds or highty abusive 'clearance operations" 

that follOWed ARSA attacks.'" He was then replaced by Brlg;!dier-General Myint Toe."' 

MMY WORUI IS Fl KISHEOM 

RQtR«;fA JAR<l(l(O IN CRIM£SAGAitSIJIUIMNIIY IN MYANMAR 

Mnes1y lntetl\lfional " 
96 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


Amnesty lntemalional is not aware of any disciplinary measures being taken against soldiers or 

commanders implicated in violations during the campaign, nor of efforts to relocate away from ongoing 

operations specific units that have been identified as responsible. Indeed, the Myanmar military and 

government have instead repeatedly dented responsibility for any such violations, 1

63 and justified their 

approach by implying, for example, that all Rohingya men are •terrorists .• , .. This fits a longstanding 

pattern of impunity, including after similar crimes were committed in late 2016. 

- Reutets. •Command struccure of the Mya«nat army's operation in Raokhine: 25 April 2017. w-Amnesty lnternation.ll interviews. Cox's Bazaar District.. 11·13 Septerrber 2017 . 

..,. Thfllnawaddy, •ANAL YSIS: Myarmar Army Depkly9d in MaurFaw.• II August 2017: IHS Jane's Oelence Weekty, •Myanmat Nmy 

steps up tiOop deployment in Rakhine State: 21 September 2017: Bhavan Jai~ . .-l(jll All, Sum All: The Japanese War Tactic Used on 

the Rohil'lgfa by Myanmar's Military,• Soudl a.iM Morning Post. 9 Sep¢ernber 2017. 

-Amnesty lnternation.ll, -Nilhe CM.lians Suffer": Conllict. Displ«:ement 4nd Abuse in Ntxthem Myanmar {Index: ASA 1&64291201 7}, 

14 June 2017. 140 Stnior Gontr;tl Min Aung Hlaing ~ ;teObook Pos1$.1 $op~mb(lr 20 17, 

hJfM·/i\w.w.lactbook comft.9niorgentr.almiMU!!QhiOinq!po$tsJl698j??4§1!3M'Pf{) (~ aocOSStd 12 O::tobof 201 7}. 

,.. Stnior Gontr;tl Min Aung Hlaing ~\teobook Pos1$. 19 ~omber 2017. 

h!fM·I""'w lactbook, corn.f$gojorgt(!9CIImjnaunqh!Ojnq/po$1:1/l 7J$34074Sl67073· 20 Soptombor 2017, https·fMww faceboo!s 991'Jlk&nic:nw!f!@lminaU!'!Qh!ajtsfpostyl 71§46§35lnt279· and 21 September 2017. 

httm·I'»WN fp book C9f'!l!r.tniorglmjnawshlair!s/Q0$117J 74764049535QZ {all lots! accessed 12 O::tober 201 7}. 

~e Senior General Min Auf'lg Htai~ Faocebook ~ts. 19 Sepwnber 2017. 

httm·/Mww fpbook rprnt:;aojxswwalmjoauwh!aioei'PSN I?J534Q7.15 I 67073; 20 September 2017, 

h!tos·llyrw« fat;tbgok rprnt:;aojxswwalmjrwlllQh!MneiPPStsl17164fj5351 p ! ?79 {all Ltst accessed 12 O::tober 2017}. 

MJ Amnt$ty ln!orna1;cn,1 iN.IoNiew$. Soplomtlor 2017. 

*' Senior Gontr;tl Min Aung Hlaing ~ ;teObook Pos1$.1 $op~mbor 20 17, 

hJfM·/M'o\w.lactl)ook comft.9niorgcpnor.alminaU!'!Qhlfinq!po$tJil698j??4§1!3MOOSO; ~nd 20 September 2017, 20 $optof'f\Nr, 

httos;/J'w.\wfactbook, cornf$gojorgt(!9CIImjnaunehlfinq/po$1:1/ ZJ64§M5 72 V9(boltll&sc~ 120c1obtl 2017). 

,.Stnior Gontr;tl Min Aung Hlaing f;teobook Post. 11 October 2017, https·IMWN fp book C9f'!l!r.tniorglmjPi!OOQh!ai()gleo§t&/173§74}3ft3""'2!9ft (J<tst accessed 12 O::tober 2017l. His original post used 

the v.ord •ee~lis• ~place of "'Rohingy~.· •ee~lis" is ~ deiOQ"tOtY term, used by the government. military, ~nd others in Myanmar to 

cast the Rohil'lgfa as im~nts from BaiiQiadesh ~ historical roocs in Myanmar, in spite of evidence to the contrary. 

-Major General Thura San l...Mwas appointed to head the SGP in Octobet 2016. His predeoessor w..s dismissed eartiet that month. soon 

attor tht 9 O::tobtc &rmocf attae:ks on OO.dor police posts tl\at killtd nint clf110tf$. Soo Rotnors, "Myanmar !lros bordot police chiof CMtr 

dNdly insureer·utuo::ks; 11 Oc:tobtf 2016. 

l4l ·Bordor Guard Police ~r rfPI;tcod; Front~« Mpt'IINr, 4 O::eobor 2017; Myanmar Ministry of lnforfTifbof'l, "Arak.an pi to bm 

new militia to potico bordof," I Ncwombor 2016, h!tp/tw....w moi QO¥ l'l'li'N'mc!·pnpCg !V!WJ/1/l ll2011¥1d·89ZI. 

,. OliYor HoiiDO$, "Myanmar lois UN: 'Thoro is no olfri: cloansin8 en:S no sonotide' of R~. • TM Gu.)rd~n, 29 Sec>comber 2017; 

A$$ocialod Pre:ss,. • My&nrn&r Of'f'iO'I denies~ apin$l Rohingyf Muslims," 12 Oc:tober 201? {q~ the Myanmar ~mbassador M 5a)ins. "To~ the MyanmM military conducted those ~a! acts is ootnJe and cannot be ttue"): Reuun, •Myanmar army cftef says 

Rcftngya Muslms 'not natives', numbers fleeif'lg exaggerated, • 12 October 2017. 

* In an early September inteMew, Myanmar goyemment spokesperson U law Htay said, •Those who ha-ve fled can bed two types: the 

ones~ made the tetrOt attack and escaped, and the others who are women and children." Frontier My.tnl'nM, •u l¥11 Htay: 'If they ate 

going to harm you, you can shoot them': 5 September 2017. See also 88C, "Rohingya 'extremists' trying to build strongt'dd • Myanmar 

a.my," 17 S.ptombor 20 17; F'bonce l.ooi, "Myanmar army donitS rfSXK'I$ d Rohingya atroci!ia," AI Ja.toora, 3 Soplomtor 2017. 

MMY WORUI I$ FUIISII£D- ROIIWGYA IARG[I[O IN CRIM£SAGAIISIIIJ"""ffY W MYA/i....a 

Mnes.tylntemational 
97 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


5. CONCLUSION AND 

RECOMMENDATIONS 

The Rohingya have faced decades of state-spansored perserution in Myanmar, which, during moments of 

particular tension, has escalated into targeted violence, including killings, sexual violence. enforced 

disappearances. and mass arbitrary arrests. But the scale and intensity of the Myanmar military's campaign 

after the 25 August attacks by ARSA is beyond anything in the country's recent history. More than 520.000 

Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh, in what the head of U>e Office of the UN High CommiSSioner for Human 

Rights tOHCHRl hasapf)(opriately called a •textbool< example of ethni<: cleansing."'"' 

The pattern and scale of Climes documented in this rePOrt iS similar that which has been documented by 

other human tights organitaUons and by many media outlets. The Myanmar authorities have led a campaign 

of misinformation. but there is no denying that the military has committed extensive, egregious human rights 

violations and crimes ovei the lasl two months. Witness accounts, satellite imagery and data. and photo and 

video evidence all point to the same conclusion, Myanmar's security forces unleaShed an attack against the 

Rohingya papulation in its entirety. While some Rohingya we<e involved in ARSA's coordinated attacks on 

police pasts. the overwhelming majOiily were not. Vel. the Myanmar military has made no apparent effort to 

distinguish between armed actors and (l(dinary Rohingya civilians. 

Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya women, men, and have been the victims of a widespread and 

systematic attack, constituting crimes against humanity. Specifically, Amnesty International has documented 

the follOwing crimes: 

(I) Unlawful killings ("murder"), including through the use of landmines"': 

(2) Oeportation and forcible displacement. through armed attacks, killings, rape. U>e burning ol 

buUdings, tooting and other acts threatening civilians and fOfcing them to flee: 

(3) Torture, including rape, beating, and rape and killing in front of family members: 

(4) Rape and other forms of sexual violence of comparable g,avily: 

(5) Persecution based on ethnic and religious grounds. through burning of homes. other buildings and 

whOle villages; k>Oting: and denial or severe resbictions on humanitarian aid: 

(6) Other inhumane acts, including denial of access to life-sustaining provistons.17z 

This list may not be complete. Amnesty International has concluded that other Climes against humanity have 

been committed in Rakhine State ptiof to the current crisis, and is furthef researching crimes committed 

since 25 Augusl. These are outside of the scope of the current briefing. but will be publiShed in due course. 

The Myanmar authorities have shOwn no signs of being willing or able to slop these viOlations and crimes. 

must less to investigate and prosecute those resPOOSible. Many of the same units. and in particular Western 

Command and the BGP, have been repeatedly implicated by witnesses in some of the worst atroctlies. 

II is time for the international community to move beyond public outcry and to take action to end U>e 

,,. lltu*$, "U.N. brands Myanmar viOion::oa 'ledbook' e:ocampleol.uw.ie doansineo · II So-poombor 201?. 111 Amnes~ ntorn&.1~1, "My&nmar Almy land mint$ *IonS bclfder Wllh &~h post~ lhi"Nt to llooine llohintrf', • 9 Stopeombor 

2017. 1r.flome Swute, Art:lcltl$ 7(UI.a), 7(1)(d), 70Xf), 7(1)(8), 7(1)(h) &neJ 7(1)(k), 1ospocciYely. 

"MY WORlO IS nNISHED .. 

ROHr«iYA IAR00£0 IN CRIM(S AGAUISl HUMAHIJY ft MYMMAR 

.Wnestylnlernationa1 
98 

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campaign of violence thai has driven more than haH the Rohingya POP<Jiation out ol Myanmar. Myanmar's 

partners should demand unfe«ered access for the Fact·f inding Mission establiShed by the UN Human 

Rights Council. to help lay the groundwork fO< individual criminal resPOnsibility. And the UN Security Council 

and multilateral institutions like the European Union and Association of Southeast Asian Nations CASEAN) 

should impose a comprehensive arms embargo as well as targeted financial saoctions on senior officials 

reasonably suspected of serious violations and crimes. A clear message must be sent that the military's 

crimes in Rakhine State. along with the grave breaches of international human rights and humanitarian law 

committed during the ongoing conflicts in Kachin and northern Shan Slates. will not be tolerated. 

Similar efforts must be made ensure the Myanmar military's ethnic cleansing is not successful. including 

through providing safe asylum to refugees; respecting the rights ol Rohingya to return safely, voluntarily and 

with dignity to their country: and tackling the systematic discrimination and other root causes of the aisis. 

RECOMMENDATIONS 

TO THE MYANMAR AUTHORITIES 

Immediately end the campaign of violence against the ROhingya population in Rakhine Slate. 

including the burning of Rohingya villages, which remains ongoing. Ensure that measures taken in 

response to armed attacks are lawful. proPOrtionate. large! only those involved in such a«acks. and 

do not involVe human rights viOlations; 

lmmediatety anow UN agencies and other international and local humanitarian organizations full and 

unfettered access to au parts of the country. and ensure that organizatiOnS whose humanitarian 

operationS are currently suspended in Rakhine State are able to resume programs at the earliest 

opPOrtunity: 

Initiate prompt, impartial, independent, and effective investigations into all credible allegations of 

violations of international human rights law and crimes under international law. Where sufficient. 

admisSible evidence is found of individuals. including those with command and other superior 

responsibility, committing offences involving violatiOns of internatiOnal human rigtlts law. and in 

particular aimes under internattonallaw, ensure that sUCh individualS are prosecuted in fair 

proceedings before independent civilian courts and without the imposition of the death penalty. 

Provide full reparation, in accordance with international law and standards, to all those who have 

suffered violations of their human rights; 

AlloW unrestricted access to the Fact·f inding Mission (FFM) establiShed by the UN Human Rights 

COuncil. so that it can fully investigate human rights viOlatiOns. abuses. and Climes under 

international law committed by all sides in Rakhine State and in other parts of the country. including 

Kachin and nO<thern Shan Slates. In particular. allow the FFM·s members full and unfettered access 

to all parts of the country. to all individuals it may wish to speak to. and to all materials it deems 

necessary for its investigation; 

Ensure that all refugees and internally displaced people are able to rel\lrn to their homes VOluntarily, 

in safety and with dignity: withOut discrimination oC any kind and in accordance with inte.national 

human rights law: and with govesnment suppc.-t in rebuilding hOmes and infrastJUcture destroyed 

during the violence; 

Take action to address the long-standing and systematic discrimination and segregation of the 

Rohingya and other Muslims in Rakhine State. including by ensuring that the rrght to a nationality is 

granted free oC any diSCfiminatiOn. not least for Children bOrn in Myanmar: and by removing arbitrary 

and discriminatory restrictions on freedom of movement as well as access to healthcare. education 

and other services; and 

C<lodemn unequivocally all advocacy of national, racial, or religious hatred that oonstitutes incitement 

to discrimination. hOstility or violence and take effective measures to tackle and counter it. 

TO THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL 

Impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar that covers the direct and indirect supply, sale 

(l( transfer, including transit and trans-shipment of all weapons. munitions, and other military and 

security equipment, including the provision of training and other military and security assistance; 

"MY WORLD IS FUUSHED ~ 

R()HINCYA IARGO(O IN CRKS AGAiiSI HIJJNIIfllY IN MYAHMAR 

Am.eslylntenaalioul .. 
99 

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Impose targeted financial sanctions against senior officials responsible for serious violations and 

crimes; 

Expl(l(e other possible avenues to bring perpetrators of crimes under international law to justice. 

unless the Myanmar authorities move swiftly to ensure justice and accountability: and 

Hold regular, open public meetings on the situation in Myanmar and adopt a joint public statement 

that sends an unambiguous message to the Myanmar Government about the need to immediately 

end the violations, allow unrestricted humanitarian access, and allow unfettered access to the FFM, 

among other issues identified in this briefing. 

TO THE EUROPEAN UNION 

Extend the exiSting arms embargo against Myanmar to include au forms of military assistance: 

Impose targeted financial sanctions against senior officials responsible for setious violations: and 

Revive the Third Committee UNGA resolution on the situatiOn of human tights in Myanmar in 

response to the gravity of the evolving human rights and humanitarian crisis in Rakhine State. as a 

means of pursuing decisive action by the UNGA and ensuring increased international scrutiny and 

monitoring of the situation. Such a resolution must be comprehensive and address the deteriorating 

human rigtlts situation in Myanmar as a whole. including related to the ongoing conflicts in Kachin 

and northetn Shan States and to resbictions on the right to freedom<>' expression. 

TO THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY AS A WHOLE AND MYANMAR'S PARTNERS IN PARTICULAR. INCLUDING 

THE UNITED STATES, AUSTRALIA, JAPAN, AND INDIA 

Immediately suspend the direct and indirect transfer to Myanmar of all weapons. munitions, and 

other military and security equipment, including the provision of training and other military and 

security assistance; 

Use all bilateral, multilateral, and regional ptanorms at yoor diSPOSal to urge the Myanmar authorities 

to immediately end the violations and crimes in northern Rakhine State. allow humanitarian agencies 

and independent investigatO<s access to Rakhine State; and the Rohingya refugees who wish to do so 

to return to their home YQiuntaril'y, in safety, and with dignity; 

Support the adoption of a comprehensive resolution on the situation of human rights in Myanmar at 

the upcO<ning UNGA Third Committee: and 

Exercise universal jurisdiction in investigating any person under the country·s jurisdiction who may 

reasonably be suspected of committing crimes against humanity or other crimes undet international 

law in Rakhine State. while ensuring that all proceedings meet international standards ot fairness and 

do not inYQive seeking or imposing the death penalty. 

TO THE ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN NATIONS (ASEANl 

Hold an emergency ASEAN Summit to facilitate discussions with Myanmar on: ending the violence. 

human rigtlts violations and crimes under internatiOnal law; ensuring humanita(&an assistance to 

ROhingya refugees and the safe and dignified return of lhOse who wish to go home: ending 

entrenched discrimination against the Rohingya; and supporting independent investigations into 

human rigtlts violations and helping to bring perpetrators to justiCe: 

Impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar that covers the direct and indirect supply, sale 

or transfer. including transit and trans·shipment of an weapons. munitions. and other military and 

security equipment. including the provision of training and other military and security assistance; and 

Impose targeted financial sanctions against seniOf o1ficials responsible for serious violations. 

"'MY WORlD rs fiNISHED" ROHlNCYA lARGO£» It alW£S AGAI«Sl tiJM.NillY IN MYMMAA 

Amnesi)'IMernational 4S 
100 

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AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL 

IS A GLOBAL MOVEMENT 

FOR HUMAN RIGHTS. 

WHEN INJUSTICE HAPPENS 

TO ONE PERSON, IT I MATTERS TO us ALL. 

CONTACT US JOIN THE CONVERSATION 

- info@amnesly.org [f) www.racebook.com/AmneslyGiobal 

~ +44 (0)20 7413 5500 ~ @Amnesly 
101 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


"MY WORLD IS FINISHED" 

ROHINGYA TARGETED IN CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY IN MYANMAR 

On 25 August 2017, members of a Rohingya armed group, the Arakan 

Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), attacked approximately 30 security force 

outposts in Myanmar's Rakhine State. In its response, the Myanmar military 

launched an attack on the Rohingya population in northern Rakhine State as 

a whole. Often working with Border Guard Police and local vigilantes, the 

military has carried out a campaign of violence that has been systematic, 

organized, and ruthless. 

Based on more than 150 interviews as well as an analysis of satellite imagery 

and data, this briefing shows that the Myanmar military has killed at least 

hundreds of Rohingya women, men, and children; raped and perpetrated 

other forms of sexual violence on Rohingya women and girls; and carried out 

organized, targeted burning of entire Rohingya villages. In seven weeks, the 

relentless human rights violations, which amount to crimes against humanity 

under international law, have forced more than 520,000 Rohingya to flee to 

neighbouring Bangladesh. 

IHOEJ(, ASA 1617ZW2017 

OCTOBER 2017 

lAHGUAGL UIGUSH 

amnesty.org 

AMNESTY 

INTERNATIONAL 
FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

(103) 

ANNEX III.—MYANMAR: NEW LANDMINE BLASTS POINT TO

DELIBERATE TARGETING OF ROHINGYA

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

104 

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AMNESTY 

INTERNATIONAL 

ASIA AND THE PACIFIC ARMED CONFLICT 

WI!WJ 

Myanmar: New landmine blasts point to deliberate targeting of 

Rohingya 

10 September 2017, 09:41 UTC 

Two new land mine incidents today, including a blast blowing off a young man's leg, bring to three the 

number of known sites where Myanmar authorities have mined border crossings used by Rohingya fleeing 

violence, Amnesty International said. 

A Bangladeshi farmer In his early 20s stepped on a landmlne near the Bangladeshi village of Baish Bari this 

morning when he was herding cattle in a buffer zone along the border with Myanmar. Witnesses told the 

organization of a Rohingya man being rushed to medical treatment in Cox's Bazar in Bangladesh today, 

after a separate land mine blast near the Bangladeshi village Am tali, another known border crossing point. 

"All indications point to the Myanmar security forces deliberately targeting locations that Rohingya refugees 

use as crossing points. This a cruel and callous way of adding to the misery of people fleeing a systematic 

campaign of persecution; said Tirana Hassan, Amnesty international's Crisis Response Director, who is 

currently on the Bangladeshi side of the border. 

"All indications point to the Myanmar security forces deliberately targeting 

locations that Rohingya refugees use as crossing points. This a cruel and 

callous way of adding to the misery of people fleeing a systematic 

campaign of persecution. " 

Tirana Hassan, Amnesty International's Crisis Response Director 

"This offers further evidence that this is not a problem that is going away on its own. Myanmar's authorities 

must immediately end this abhorrent practice and allow demining teams to access its border areas." 

The new blasts took place along a border where the United Nations estimates 290,000 Rohingya fleeing 

violence have crossed in the past two weeks. Locals say they frequently see the Myanmar security forces 

patrol the area. 
105 

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The Myanmar Army is one of only a handful of state forces worldwide, along with North Korea and Syria, to 

openly use antipersonnel landmines in recent years. The weapons were banned by an international treaty in 

1997. 

On 8 September, Amnesty International confirmed that the Myanmar security forces had planted mines 

along the northern part of its border with Bangladesh on two busy paths near Taung Pyo Let Wea (known 

locally as Tumbro] where many Rohingya fleeing violence pass through. At least three people, including two 

children, were seriously injured, with all blasts taking place along heavily travelled roads. 

"Instead of denying responsibility, Myanmar should put the safety of people in the border area at the 

forefront. There is a reason why the use of antipersonnel landmines is illegal: they kill and maim 

indiscriminately and can't distinguish between fighters and ordinary people," said Tirana Hassan. 

"Instead of denying responsibility, Myanmar should put the safety of people 

in the border area at the forefront. There is a reason why the use of 

antipersonnellandmines is illegal: they kill and maim indiscriminately and 

can't distinguish between fighters and ordinary people. " 

nrana Hassan 

"UN experts must be allowed to investigate the widespread and systematic violations that have taken place 

in Rakhine State, including Myanmar's use of banned landmines. Those responsible should be held to 

account." 

t9 Myanmar Army land mines alOng border with Bangladesh pose deadly threat to fleeing 

Rohingya 

Topics 

ASIA AND THE PACIFIC MYANMAR ARMED CONFLICT WAR CRIMES AND CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY 

REFUGEES ASYLUM 

SIGN THE PETITION 

Stop the ethnic cleansing in Myanmar 

ACT NOW 
FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

(107) 

ANNEX IV.—HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH: CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY BY

BURMESE SECURITY FORCES AGAINST THE ROGHINGYA MUSLIM

POPULATION IN NORTHERN RAKHINE STATE SINCE AUGUST 25, 

2017 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

108 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


organizational policy.• International legal jurisprudence requires that the attack be 

widespread or systematic, but need not be both.• "Widespread" refers to the scale of the 

acts or number of vi ctims and a "systematic'' attack indicates "a pattern or methodical 

plan.»• 

The "attack" does r.ot necessarily need to be a military attack as defined under 

international humanitarian law.' Because crimes against humanity may be committed 

"inside or outside the context of an armed conflict, ... the term civil ian must be understood 

within the context of war as well as relative peace."' Furthermore, "the term 'population' 

does not require that crimes against humanity be directed against the entire population of 

a geographical territory or area."' 

Crimes against humanity are crimes that fall within the jurisdiction of the International 

Criminal Court in The Hague and are crimes of universal jurisdiction, meaning they may be 

prosecuted before national courts in countries outside of Burma, even though neither 

victim nor the perpetrator is a national of that country. 

A. Burmese military attacks on the Rohingya population hove been widespread and systematic: 

The Burmese military's campaign against the Rohingya population was sparked by an 

August 25, 2017 attack by militants belonging to the armed group, the Arakan Rohingya 

' ICC Statute. art. 7(2)(a), llp, un aty.un.org cod icc statutt 99-'orr cstatute.htm. 

' Ibid .. art. 7(t); Prosecutor v. Ousko Tadic, tCTY. Case No. IT·94·1·T. Opinion and Judgment (Trial Chamber). May 7. 1997. 

para. 646. hl!p,J/www.icty.org/x/cases/tadic/tius/en/tad·tsj]OS07JT2·e.pdf. 

s See Prosecutor v. AkayeSIU. International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Case No. ICTR·96·4·T. Judgement (Trial 

Chamber 1), September 2, 1998. para. s79.1n Akayesu the Trial Chamber defined widespread as "massive, frequent. large 

scale action. carried out collectively with considerable seriousness and directed against a multiplicity of victims.· 

hl!p,//WWW1.umn.edu/humanrts/ instree/tCTR/AKA YESU_ICTR·96·4/Judgment_ICTR·96·4· T.html : see also Prosecutor v. 

Kordic and Cerkez, ICTY. Case No. IT·92·t4/ 2. Judgement (Trial Chamber Ill). February 26, :zoot. para. 179: Prosecutor v. 

Kayish~ma and Ruzindana. ICTR. Case No.ICTR·9S·t·T. Judgement (Trial Chamber II), May 2 1, 1999, para. 12); Prosecutor v. 

Dusko Tadic. ICTY. Case No.IT·94·1·T, Opinion and Judgmenr (Trial Chamber), May7, 1997. para. 648. See also Prosecutorv. 

Kunarac. Kovac and Vokovic. ICTY. Case No.IT·96·2) and IT·96·2)·tA, Judgement (Appeals Chamber). tune 12. 2002. para. 

94· In Kunarac the Appeals Chamber sra.ted that .. panerns of crimes - that is the non-accidental repetition of similar criminal 

conduct on a regular basis - are a common expression of (a I svstematic otcurrence ... 

• Rodnev OiltOn in Otto Triffterer (ed.). Commentary on the Rome Stature oftht rmerna _ rionaf Criminal Court (Baden·Baden: 

Nomos Verlagsgesellschart. t999l. p. t24. 

71CTR, Kayishema and Ruzi ndana. (Trial Chamber), May 21. 1999. paras. 121·29. 

1 1CTR, Bisengim~na, (Trial Chamber}, April t 3, l 006. para. so. 
109 

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Salvation Army (ARSA). which targeted about 30 police posts and an army base. The 

military's attacks, which include mass burning, killings, and other abuses, have caused 

more than 40o,ooo Rohingya to flee to neighboring Bangladesh. Tens or thousands more 

are internally displaced within Rakhine State. An additional 21.000 mainly ethnic Rakhine 

and other non·Muslims are also displaced in Rakhine State, as a result of ARSA attacks or 

the Burmese military operations.• 

Early satellite imagery showed the overall area in which burnings were found to be spread 

along an approximately 100·kilometer long stretch of Rakhine State, which is substantially 

larger than the approximately 20·kilometer long stretch in which burnings by Burmese 

security forces occurred from October to November 2016.•• 

Maps of the damage seen in satellite imagery analyzed by Human Rights Watch show near· 

total destruction of 284 villages, with more than 90 percent of the structures in each 

village damaged." Detailed satellite images show the destruction of tens of thousands of 

homes across Maungdaw and Rathedaung Townships." Accounts taken from 

eyewitnesses, including video obtained and veri fied by Human Rights Watch researchers, 

place the blame for the vast majority of these burnings squarely on the Burmese security 

forces and vigilante groups acting in concert with the security forces. 

' UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Myanmar: Humanitarian Bulletin. Issue z 20t71 June - 22 

September, September 22~ 2017, https://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/myanmar·humanitarian·bulletin-issue·2·2017·iune· 

2:Z september; Jurawee Klnlsl!pa, "Myanmar army chief urges internally displaced to return to Rakhine,'" Reuters, September 

21, 2017, https:/ /www .reu'ters.com/ article/us·myanmar-rohingya·commander /myanmar·army·chief·urges·internally· 

dlsplaced·to·return·to·rakhine·ldUSKCN18W1HO .. Nearty 400 Die in Rakhine State As Myanmar Army Steps Up Crackdown on 

Militants,"' Reuters. September t, 2017, https://www.irrawaddv.com/news/neartv·400·die·rak.hine·state·mvanmar·army· 

steps-crackdown-militants .html. 

10 Human Rights Watch. ·surma: Military Burned Villages in Rakhine State ... December 13. 2016, 

https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/12/1)/burma·military·burned·villages·rakhine·state. 

u Hum.Jn Rishts Watch, '"Surma: Sat~llit~ lmasery Shows Mass Destruction ... S~ptember 19, 2017. 

https://www.hrw.org/news/20I7/09/19/burma·satellile·imagery·shows·mass·destructlon 

" Human Rights Watch, "Satellitetmagery: Myar Zin village." September t8. 2017. https://www.hrw.org/video· 

photos/ s.ateltite·imagery/ 2017/ 09/t8/ satellite·imagery myar-zin·village: Human Rights Watch, .. Satellite Imagery: NwarYon 

Taung village, • September 18. 2017. https://www.hrw.org/video·pholos/ satellite-imagery/2017/09/ 18/satellite·imagery· 

nwar·yon·taung·village. 
110 

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B. Burmese military and government statements hove indicated on intent to attock the 

Rohingyo population: 

On September 16, the Burmese army commander, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, 

linked Rohingya demands to be recognized as an ethnic group under Burmese law with the 

army's actions." Using "Bengali," a Burmese ethnic slur for Rohingya, he stated in a 

Facebook post that, "They have demanded recognition as Rohingya, which has never been 

an ethnic group in Myanmar. [The! Bengali issue is a national cause and we need to be 

united in establishi ng the truth." .. He described the ongoing operations against the 

Rohingya as "unfinished business" dating back to World War ll.'' 

On September 15, tlhe Burmese Government Information Committee of State Counselor 

Aung San Suu Kyi's office. stated that, "Those who fled the villages made their way to the 

other country (Bangladeshi for fear of being arrested as they got involved in the violent 

attacks"- implying that the several hundred thousand people who fled Burma were 

responsible for the militant attacks against the government.'' 

On September 21, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing referred to restoring destroyed villages of the 

"national races," a reference to the official list of recognized indigenous ethnic groups - a 

list that does not include the Rohingya: "Regarding the rehabilitation of villages of our 

national races, for the national races [largely ethnic Rakhinel who fled their homes, first of 

all they must go back to their places .... The important thing is to have our people in the 

region. It's necessary to have control of our region with our national races. We can't do 

anything if there are no people from our national races ... that is their rightful place."'' 

'

1 Min Aung Hlaing urges unityoverRakhine cfsis, AFP. September 17, 2017, https://frontlermyanmar.net/en/min·aung· 

hlaing·urges·unity·ovtr·rakhine-crisis. 

" Ibid. 

'

5 James Hookwav. '"Myanmar Says Clearing of Rohingya Is Unfinished Business from WWII,"' September 2, 2017, 

https://www.wsj.<.om/articles/myanmar·army·chief·defends·clearing·rohinSYa•villag:u t 5044105)0. 

''Ministry of Information, .. Local people arrive back home in peace,'" MOl Webportal Myanmar, September 17, 2017, 

https://www.facebook.com/ MO We po~aiMyanmar/post t)tt64 0255630S04. 

'

1 Jurawee Kittisilpa, .. Myanmar army chief urges internally displaced to return to Rakhine ... Reuters. September 21, 2017, 

https://www.reuters.com/.articlefus·myanmar-rohingya·,ommander/ myanmar·army·,hief·urges·internaUy·displaced·to· 

return·to·rakhine·idUSKCN t8W1HO. 
111 

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Alleged criminal! acts amounting to crimes against humanity 

A. Crime of deportation and forced population transfers 

Since August 25, the Burmese military has subjected Rohingya to both deportation and 

forced population transfers. 

Deportation is recognized as a crime against humanity in each of the major international 

criminal instruments prior to the ICC.'' Deportation and forcible transfer of population are 

distinguished by whether or not the victim was forced across an international border: 

Both deportation and forcible transfer relate to the involuntary and unlawful evacuation of 

individuals from the territory in which they reside. Yet, the two are not synonymous in 

customary international law. Deportation presumes transfer beyond State borders, 

whereas forcible transfer relates to displacements within a State.'' 

The crime of forc ible transfer of populations includes "the full range of coercive pressures 

on people to flee their homes, including death threats, destruction of their homes, and 

other acts of persecution such as depriving members of a group of employment, denying 

them access to schools, and forcing them to wear a symbol of their religious identity .... 

The requisite elements of the crime against humanity of deportation or forcible transfer 

consist of coercing movement to another location of people lawfully in the area with the 

intent of permanently relocating them . .u 

As noted, since late August, more than 40o,ooo Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh, and 

tens of thousands have been forcibly displaced within Burma, along with members of 

'

1 These included the Nuremberg Charter, the Tokyo Charter. the Allied Control Council law No. 10. and the statutes ofthe 

international criminal tribunals for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and Rwanda (ICTR). See Roy Lee (ed.), The lnttmar;onal 

Criminal Court: Elements of Crimes and Rules of Procedure and Evidence (Atdsley, NY: Transnational Publishers, 2001) , p. 86: 

M. Cherif Bassiouni and Peter Manikas. The Law of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia lNew York: 

Transnational Publishers. 1996). pp. 627·38 (arguing that the crime of '"deportation· under the Nuremberg Charter included 

·an unjustified transfers (including) internal displacement. •). 

" Prosecutorv. K1stic. (Trial Judgment) IT·98·3)·T (l August 1001), para. 511. 

2

° Christopher K. Hall in Otto Triffterer (ed.l. Commentary on the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Coun (Baden· 

Baden: Nomos Verlagsge>ellschah. 1999), p. 161. 

21 See Pros~cutorv. Milomir Stakit, Case No.IT·97 24 T, ICTY,Appeals Chamber, Judgment, paras. 686·87. 
112 

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other ethnic groups. In early September, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 50 

Rohingya refugees who had fled across the border to Bangladesh and obtained detailed 

accounts from about a dozen people. The Rohingya told Human Rights Watch that Burmese 

government security forces had carried out armed attacks on villagers, inflicting bullet and 

shrapnel injuries, a.nd burned down their homes. They described the military's use of small 

arms, mortars, and armed helicopters in the attacks. 

Satellite images corroborate accounts gathered by Human Right Watch from refugees who 

have described abuses by the Burmese military, police, and ethnic Rakhine mobs to force 

them to leave their homes." 

The Burmese military alleges that ARSA militants and Rohingya villagers have burned down 

their own homes but has provided no evidence to substantiate this claim. The scale, 

scope, and timing of the burnings, many of which occurred after hundreds of thousands of 

Rohingya had already fled, i s inconsistent with this claim. The pattern of burnings over 

time suggests government responsibility for the destruction.'' 

8. Crime of Murder 

Murder is recognized as one of the prohibited acts that may constitute a crime against 

humanity in the ICC statute and in the ad hoc criminal courts." It has been defined as "the 

death of the victim which results from an act or omission by the accused, committed with 

the intent either to kill or to cause serious bodily harm with the reasonable knowledge that 

it would likely lead to death."'' 

Human Rights Watch interviewed [a number on Rohingya refugees who had described the 

murder of relatives and neighbors by the Burmese military. 

n Human Rights Watch, "Burma: Military Torches Homes Near Border,· September tS, 2017, 

hllps://www.hrw.org/newcs/ zo 17/09/ 1 urma mililary·lorch mes near bor er. 

11 Human Rights Watch ... Arson Attacks on Villages in Rakhine State. Burma," December 12 , lOt6, 

https://www.hrw.org/video·photos/interactive/20t6/ t2/ 12/arson-auacks·villages·rakhine·state·burma. 

'

4 ICC SlaiUle. ""· 7(1)(8). 

:~s See e.g., 8/agojevic and }oleic (ICTY Trial Chamber). January 17, 2005. para. 556. 
113 

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Momena, a 32-year-old Rohingya woman from Maungdaw Township. said that she fled to 

Bangladesh on August 26, a day after security forces attacked her village. She first hid with 

her children when rhe soldiers arrived, but upon returning to the village she saw 40 to so 

villagers dead, including some children and elderly people: "All had knife wounds or bullet 

wounds, some had both. My father was among the dead; his neck had been cut open. I 

was unable to do last rites for my father - I just fled." 

Usman Goni, 20, said that he and five friends were in the hills outside their village, tending 

cattle. when they were attacked. He saw a helicopter flying overhead and then something 

fall out of it He later realized he had been hit by whatever the helicopter dropped. Four of 

his friends died from fragment injuries while villagers transported Goni to Bangladesh for 

treatment 

Hasina, a 20-year-old Rohingya woman, said that the Burmese army attacked her village of 

Tu Lar To li in late August The villagers ran when the soldiers came, but some were 

trapped on a riverbank and she saw dozens murdered on the beach. She said the soldiers 

forced her and many other women to stand waist-deep in water and watch while soldiers 

dug a pit to burn the bodies of those they had killed. She tried to hide her infant daughter 

under her shawl, but a soldier noticed the baby, snatched her away and tossed her into the 

fire. 

Hasina said that several hours later the soldiers took her, her mother-in-law and sister-inlaw, and three other relatives, all children, to a nearby house. The soldiers tried to rape the 

women. knifing her mother-in-law to death when she resisted and beating Hasina and her 

sister-in-law unconscious. They beat the young children to death with spades. She said the 

soldiers tried to bum her and her sister-in-law alive in the house; they managed to escape 

the flames, but with serious burns.'' 

Witnesses described dozens of killings in the village of Maung Nu in Buthidaung Township 

at a single house. One man said he saw soldiers kill three men; one of them while 

P~tf Soucbttt, -witness to YmJJe in Burn1's Rlkhtnt Sltte.· Hum•n Rights Watch. Se-ptem~r ;u.2017. 

tmps;//www.hrw.ore/nevwS/'2017/09/22/witness·c•rn•ae·burmas·rakhine·state. 
114 

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handcuffed and in their custody. He also saw soldiers beat two children to death with the 

butts of rifles after they were taken from their mothers. 

Another man said that while hiding in an adjacent building, he saw two soldiers execute 

his elder brother, shooting him in the back and then cutting his neck with a long knife. 

A woman said that a soldier entered the house she was hiding in, tore her to·year·old 

nephew out of her hands, dragged him into the next room, and shot the boy in the head 

with a rifle, killing him instantly. 

Witness accounts, independent reporting, and photo and video recordings also described 

Burmese soldiers in recent weeks deliberately laying antipersonnel landmines at key 

crossing points along the Burma·Bangladesh border that are used by the fleeing Rohingya 

population. Witnesses also told Human Rights Watch that Burmese military personnel also 

planted mines on roads inside northern Rakhine State prior to their attacks on 

predominantly Rohingya villages.'' 

C. Crime of Rape and Other Sexual Violence 

Rape and other acts of sexual violence are recognized as prohibited acts that may be 

prosecuted as crimes against humanity, including in the ICC statute.'' There are many 

reports of lhe military carrying out rapes, including gang rapes, of Rohingya women during 

the security crackdown in Burma in recent weeks, as well as in 2016.'' 

11 Human Rights Watch, '"Burma: tandmines Dead tv for Fleeing Rohingya," September 23, 2017, 

https://www.hrw.org/news/ 2o t7/09/ 2)/burma·landmines·deadlv·fleeing-rohingya. 

"See ICC Statute. an. 7(1) (g) 

''Claire Cozens, '"Gang rape horrors haunt Rohingya refugees," AfP. September 24,2017. 

https://au.news.yahoo.com/wortd/ a/ 37:Z04S78/gang·rape·horrors·haunt·rohingya·refugees/?cmp=st: Human Rights 

Watch, "'Burma: Security forces Raped Rohingya Women, Girls," february 6, 2017, 

hnps://YI'Mv.hrw.org/news/ 20t7/ 02/o6/burma·security·forces·raped·tohingya·women·girls. 
115 

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UN and other health workers said that after this most recent August 2017 military 

cra ckdown, they treated dozens of Rohingya women and girls who had escaped to 

Bangladesh for injuries consistent with violent sexual attacks.•• 

One woman told Human Rights Watch that she and four other women were taken to a hut, 

slashed with knives, and sexually assaulted. The soldiers then set the hut on fire. She is 

the only one to escape alive. Another woman who was raped still has injuries from the 

machete attack and beatings that accompanied the rape, and said she also barely 

managed to escape from a burning house. 

One man told Human Rights Watch that he witnessed an army soldier rape three women in 

Maung Nu village. Two other woman from the same village told Human Rights Watch that 

soldiers stripped them and several other women who were hiding from the military naked 

and that they were "touched everywhere." 

D. Crime of Persecution 

Persecution is recognized as among the offenses that can constitute a crime against 

humanity.'' The ICC statute defines persecution as "the intentional and severe deprivation 

of fundamental rights contrary to international law by reason of the identity of the group or 

collectivity."'' The crime of persecution consists of an act or omission that t) entails actual 

discrimination and denies a fundamental human right, and 2) was carried out deliberately 

with the intention of discriminating on one of the recognized grounds." These include for 

political, national, ethnic, and religious reasons.Jio Persecutory acts have been found to 

include murder, sexual assault, beatings, destruction of livelihood, and deportation and 

forced transfer, among others." 

J• Simon lewis, Tommy Wilkes, "U.N. medics see evidence or rape in Myanmar army 'cleansing' campaign, .. Reuters, 

September 24, 2017. https://www.reuters.com/article/us·mvanmar·rohingya·rape·insight/u·n·medks·see·evidence-of·rape. 

in·mvanmar-armr·deansing-c.ampaign·idUSkCNtBZo6X 

'' Ste ICC Statute. art. 7(1l(h); Nadhimana. Barayagwiza and Ngeze, ICIR APPeals Chamber. November 28. 2007. para. 985. 

'' ICC Statute. art. 7(2l(gl. 

n Prosecutorv. Krnojelac. ICTY judgment.IT·97·zsT. March ts. 2002, sec. 431. 

,.ICC statute. art. 7(1)(h). 

" See Antonio Cassese. ed. The Oxford Companion to lnt•rnational Criminal tustire. (Oxforcd: Oxford Unillersitv Press. 2009) 

p. 4S4· 
116 

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Acts of violence, restrictions on fundamental rights, and other discriminatory actions -

such as depriving members of the population access to their livelihoods or to food- might 

be considered acts of persecution that amount to crimes against humanity. 

Evidence of government intent to commit the crime of persecution against the Rohingya 

can be found in both the actions and inaction of state security forces, combined with the 

longtime discriminatory state practices against them, such as restrictions on freedom of 

movement. marriage. childbirth, education, and employment. 

For decades, the Burmese government has considered the Rohingya, most of whom live in 

northern Rakhine State, to be foreign nationals from Bangladesh. Just over one million 

Rohingya lived in Burma before August 2017, and they make up a large portion of the 

country's relatively small Muslim population. The Rohingya have long faced systematic 

discrimination in Surma based on their exclusion from citizenship under the 1982 

Citizenship Law. As a result, the Rohingya are one of the largest stateless populations in 

the world. 

Since the Rohingya lack citizenship, Burmese police. border guards. and local officials 

systematically subject them to numerous rights·abusing restrictions. Government laws, 

policies. and practices prevent Rohingya from freedom of movement to leave their villages; 

restrict their right to livelihoods; interfere with their privacy rights to marry and have 

children; and obstruct them from access to basic health services and education. 

Official restrictions and recurrent military operations against Rohingya communities have 

left the Rohingya highly dependent on food and other aid distributed by United Nations 

agencies and humanitarian aid organizations. 

Hostility against aid agencies has grown following government accusations that 

international aid workers supported the Rohingya militants because some high·energy 

biscuits distributed by the World Food Program were found in an alleged militant camp in 
117 

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July 2017." Some supply warehouses of international aid groups were reported looted in 

September. while national and international staff of the UN and international aid 

organizations have faced intimidation, according to the European Commission's 

Directorate-GeneraU for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations. 

''World Food Prosram, "World Food Programme Statement. Ausust 29, 2017, hUps://docs.wfp.org/ api/ documents/WFP· 

ooooo2 2211/ download/ ?..sa• > .166720382.1774434364 .1504902633·504753397 .1504902633 
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(119) 

ANNEX V.—SATELLITE-BASED DAMAGE ASSESSMENT OF MAUNGDAW, 

BITHIDAUNG AND RATHEDAUNG TOWNSHIPS (25 AUGUST–25 SEPTEMBER 2017) 

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(127) 

ANNEX VI.—HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH: IMAGES OF WOUNDED

ROHINGYA IN MYANMAR

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128 

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Karuma Khaltun, 25; ChuJ Pyin, Ratlredawrg 

··one bullet gra:ed my arm here and then wefll into my child. MOHAMMED ANN US [1.5 

years}. Into the stomach . ... As we were fleeing my son lcepttrying to stay ali•·e. he lcept opening 

his I!)Y!S and then they would close again. 1/cept trying to gi•·e him \l·ater. I didn ·1/cnow what to 

do . ... We buried him in Ure [•·il/age}. ·· 
129 

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Mumtaz Begum, 30; Min Gyi, Maungdaw Township 

She received bum injuries and three children killed in front of her. She and her daughter survived 

after escaping a burning house. Surviving daughtcr,7, had a wound on her head from a knife 

attack by the military. 
130 

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Mum/at Begum, JO; Min Gyi, Maungdaw Township 

She received burn injuries and three children killed in front of her. She and her daughter 

survived after escaping a burning house. Sun-iving daughter. 7. had a wound on her head from a 

/cnife auack by the military. 
131 

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Mumtat Begum, 30; Min Gyi, Maungdaw Township 

She recei1·ed burn injuries and three children killed in front of her. She and her daughter 

survi1·ed after escaping a burning hoiiSe. Surviving daughter. 7, had a II'Ound on her head from a 

knife a/lack by the military. 
132 

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Mum/at Begum, 30; Min Gyi, Maungdaw Townsllip 

She received burn injuries and three children killed in front of her. She and her daughter survived 

after escaping a burning house. Surviving daughter, 7, had a wound on her head from a knife 

auack by the military. 
133 

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Muhamedul Hassan, 18; Maung Nu, Buthidaung Township. 

Muhamedul Hassan, said that a dozen soldiers, led by Staff Sergeant Baju, took him and two 

male relatives, Mohammad Zobair and Foyas. from their house to Zahid Hossain's nearby 
134 

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courtyard. Hassan said that when they got there, there were hundreds of men and boys tied up. 

He said: 

Four soldiers took [me and my relatives] to the comer of the courtyard and shot us each 

twice in the back. I lost consciousness. When I woke up, I saw many men still tied and 

[the soldiers) were still killing people. Many were stabbed to death. When I tried to nee I 

was shot in the chest but was able to escape. 

Muhamedul showed Human Rights Watch his bullet wounds. He said that in addition to the two 

executed beside him, nearly 30 more male relatives were killed that day. 
135 

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Rashida, 25; Min Gyi, Maungdaw Township. 

Three weeks ago, the Burmese army attacked her village, trapping hundreds on the river's edge. 

The women and children were kept in the water under guard, while the soldiers systematically 

killed the men. 

Then, the soldiers began to take away the women and children in small groups. Rashida was 

taken to a house with 4 other women. At the house. the soldiers grabbed her 28-day-old baby 

from her and smashed it to death. Two other women had their three-month old babies killed in 

the same way. 
136 

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Mohammed Ayas, 16; Min Gyi, Maungdaw Tonnship. 

lie is the only surviving member of his famil). Ever) one else "as massacred b) Bunnesc 

sccurit) forces at Min Gyi. Mohammed was shot in the chcM. 
137 

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Zuramin Mohammed Elera; Chut Pyin, Rathcdaung. 

··t was shot in the ann I fell backwards. It was like I was unconscious, I do not know how long 

... then I woke up. my son was crawling on me, I remember he was on me. and then they 

[uniformed military] sna tched him and then they threw him into the fire of the house."' 
138 

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ANONYMOUS, 33, Female; Cbut Pyin, Ratbedaung 

"It was 6 men in total, 5 anny men raped me. The killed my brother, there was no one else in the 

house. they killed him and then they threw me to the side one man tore my trousers grabbed me 

by the mouth and held me still, he stuck a knife into my side and kept it there while the men were 

raping me, that was how they kept me in place. I was raped for 2 hours, they came one by one. I 

was bleeding in the side. I was trying to move and it was bleeding more. They were threatening 

to shoot me.'· 
139 

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Sabikttm Nahor, approximately 45; Mtumgdaw Township. 

She lost hoth of her legs he/ow the knees cifier stepping em tm cmripersonnellandmine laid inside 

Burma near the Bangladesh border. She told Human Rights Watch that the incidem occurred on 

the tiflemoon ofSeptember -1. 201 7. oftet·t!te Burmese miliwry attacked !tcrl'illage. in the 

northern part ofTmmg !'yo Let Yar. Nahor said that she was in (Ill ol/ldoor/atrine when she 

hecwd the shooting and ranto• .. ard thtt Bcmgladesh bonier nearby. She saic1that shtt had usee/the 

swne path on many occasions before when she would go to markets across the harder. Na!tor 

said she was rwming when there was a sudden explosion as slu! stepped on the ground. Shefi!ll 

and. fi'omrhe ground. saw one of her leg.~ detached .from her body. Se•·eral Rohingya picked Iter 

up and rook her across the border. and.fi·omthere she was transponed to a hospital. 
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(141) 

ANNEX VII.—STATEMENT SUBMITTED BY JOHN SIFTON, ASIA

ADVOCACY DIRECTOR, HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH

Summary 

Since August 25, 2017, Burmese security forces have carried out 

a campaign of ethnic cleansing against Rohingya Muslims in northern Rakhine State. Over half a million Rohingya have fled Burma 

to neighboring Bangladesh to escape killings, arson, and other 

mass atrocities. The Rohingya, effectively denied citizenship under 

Burmese law, have faced decades of repression and discrimination. 

Earlier waves of violence in 2012 internally displaced about 

120,000 in central Rakhine State, and small pockets of Rohingya 

remain in several townships there. Violence in late 2016 led to the 

internal displacement of tens of thousands more and some 87,000 

fled to Bangladesh prior to August 2017. Nearly all the Rohingya 

remaining in Rakhine State now face dire humanitarian conditions, 

especially in the north. Human Rights Watch staff in Bangladesh 

and Burma have been interviewing victims and witnesses to the 

abuses, gathering information from local officials and aid groups, 

and reviewing satellite data and images, and video, revealing the 

scope of destruction. The purpose of this submission is to outline 

some of the findings of that research and analysis and provide recommendations to the British government. 

Outline of the crisis 

Human Rights Watch has concluded that serious abuses amounting to crimes against humanity have been committed by Burmese 

security forces in Rakhine State. Crimes against humanity are defined under international law as acts ‘‘committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack.’’ Types of attacks can include 

deportation and forced population transfers, murder and attempted 

murder, rape and other sexual assault, and persecution. 

Human Rights Watch has documented that since August 25 such 

crimes have occurred in Rakhine State. The perpetrators were the 

Burmese military, on occasion accompanied by local security forces 

or ethnic Rakhine villagers. The victims were ethnic Rohingya 

Muslims, primarily in the three northern townships of Rakhine 

State that border Bangladesh. Specific criminal acts included largescale and widespread assault, murder and attempted murder, rape 

and other sexual violence, looting, and arson. 

The attacks occurred in the wake of a set of coordinated attacks 

on August 25 on 30 government outposts by the Arakan Rohingya 

Salvation Army (ARSA), a small group of poorly armed Rohingya. 

Since then, nearly all of the attacks Human Rights Watch has documented have involved Burmese government military operations 

using mortars, artillery, anti-personnel landmines and small arms 

against Rohinyga villagers. These troops have then assaulted men, 

women, children, and even babies, who were shot, struck, raped, 

beaten to death, or burned inside their homes. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

142 

In almost all cases, victims and witnesses told Human Rights 

Watch that there were no ARSA members in their midst, and no 

armed resistance. Witnesses frequently described whole populations of villages fleeing for their lives. 

The consequences of the Burmese military’s crimes against humanity have been devastating: hundreds and perhaps thousands of 

Rohingya killed and injured; countless women and girls suffering 

severe injuries from sexual violence; massive destruction of civilian 

property; the displacement of well over half a million people into 

Bangladesh; an unknown number internally displaced within 

Burma; and the untold human misery of hundreds of thousands of 

people who have lost family and friends and witnessed atrocities, 

and now live, displaced, in extreme vulnerability, in open camps, 

with few possessions and little shelter. 

Specific accounts of the atrocities 

It would be impossible to summarize fairly all the atrocities described to our staff in Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh in 

September and October, and the destruction observed from satellite 

images. A few accounts provided here, however, may provide a 

glimpse into the severity and scope of the violence. 

Witnesses and victims in Bangladesh-many of whom show injuries from bullets, shrapnel, knives, or fire-described Burmese military assaults on their villages. For instance, Yasin Ali, 25, said 

that Burmese security forces attacked his village of Reka Para on 

August 27. Prior to the attack, tensions had been building in Reka 

Para and neighboring Rohingya villages as local Rakhine harassed 

and abused them for months. Ali said: ‘‘They would come around 

to us and say, ‘This is not your land. Don’t cultivate this land, and 

don’t dare take the food growing on it.’ If we went near their lands, 

they would beat us with sticks.’’ 

During the August 27 attack, all the villagers went into hiding. 

Ali said the women and children were sent further away to seek 

shelter, while the men stayed close by to wait out the attack in the 

hopes that they could quickly return to the village after the soldiers left. He said he hid by the roadside, about half a kilometer 

from where the soldiers made their approach. He heard what 

sounded like mortar shells hitting the village: ‘‘I heard boom boom 

boom, and then I saw the houses just collapse.’’ After a while, he 

saw the soldiers advance toward the village, and from his vantage 

point, he saw that they were carrying small arms and what looked 

like light machine guns. He also said he saw a mortar system on 

the shoulder of a soldier, and some apparent mortar rounds the 

size of a grapefruit. 

Ali said that when the soldiers entered the village, they started 

shooting indiscriminately. He and the other men from the village 

then decided to run away into the hills for shelter. From the hills, 

he saw a helicopter painted olive green circle his village four times, 

and saw something being dropped from the helicopter after which 

the houses in the village caught fire. 

Momena, 32, fled her village of Kirgari Para on August 26 with 

two of her three children. She said that soldiers had previously attacked the village during the military operations in late 2016, but 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

143 

the situation in her village had settled down since then. She described the events that prompted her to flee: 

I heard the sounds of fighting around 4 p.m. on Friday 

[August 25]. There was a lot of noise, worse than before. 

I saw them [the soldiers] myself as they entered my village. I don’t know how many there were but it looked like 

a lot to me. I fled with the other villagers and we sheltered 

in the jungle overnight. When I returned to the village the 

next morning, after the soldiers had left, I saw about 40 

to 50 villagers dead, including some children and some elderly. All had knife wounds or bullet wounds—some had 

both. My father was among the dead; his neck had been 

cut open. I was unable to do last rites for my father, I just 

fled. 

Momena said she had to leave her husband and 10-year-old son 

behind. She has had no news of them since then. Her husband has 

no mobile phone and other villagers she is in contact with have 

heard no news of either of them. She heard that her mother is alive 

but has no idea where she is or how she is. 

From her vantage point while hiding in the jungle, Momena said 

she could see some of the houses in her village burning at night. 

She believes soldiers set fire to the houses as a warning to the villagers. 

Momena said she did not know of any armed Rohingya militants 

in the village. She had heard some youth in the village talking 

about resisting, but she never saw anyone take any action on this, 

there was just talk. She said many young Rohingya men fled into 

the jungle after the attack. 

In addition to bodies found in her village, Momena said she saw 

several bodies of children in the Naf River at one of the crossing 

points into Bangladesh. 

One of the worst atrocities Human Rights Watch has documented occurred in Maung Nu, in Buthidaung Township, after 

ARSA militants attacked a checkpoint manned by the Border 

Guard Police (BGP) on August 25 in Hpaung Taw Pyin, just north 

of Maung Nu. Human Rights Watch spoke with 14 survivors and 

witnesses from Maung Nu and surrounding villages. The witnesses, 

now refugees in Bangladesh, said that after the ARSA attack, they 

fled their villages fearing retaliation. Several hundred gathered in 

a large residential compound in Maung Nu. 

The witnesses described how several Burmese soldiers entered 

the compound and took several dozen Rohingya men and boys hiding in buildings into the courtyard, bound their hands behind their 

backs, and beat them, stabbed and slashed them with long knives, 

and shot at them with rifles. Others were killed as they tried to 

flee. The soldiers then loaded the bodies—some witnesses said a 

hundred or more—into military trucks and took them away. 

Abdul Jabar, 60, said the soldiers made some of the men kneel 

down as they struck them with the butts of their rifles and kicked 

them repeatedly before killing them: ‘‘[T]hey killed people from the 

back with machetes and they also fired on them with their guns.’’ 

Mohammad Ayas, 29, said that he managed to hide in the rafters 

of the house and saw soldiers kill numerous people: ‘‘They are 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

144 

slaughtering them just like they are clearing the jungle with their 

thin, sharp, and long knives.’’ 

Muhamedul Hassan, 18, described how a dozen soldiers took him 

and two male relatives, Mohammad Zobair and Foyas, from a 

house to a nearby courtyard. Hassan said that when they got there, 

there were hundreds of men and boys tied up. He said: 

Four soldiers took [me and my relatives] to the corner of 

the courtyard and shot us each twice in the back. I lost 

consciousness. When I woke up, I saw many men still tied 

and [the soldiers] were still killing people. Many were 

stabbed to death. When I tried to flee I was shot in the 

chest but was able to escape. 

Muhamedul showed Human Rights Watch his bullet wounds. He 

said that in addition to the two executed beside him, nearly 30 

more male relatives were killed. 

Witnesses also described seeing children executed. Khotiaz, 28, 

recounted the killing of her nephew: ‘‘When Baju entered the room, 

there was my nephew, Mohammod Tofail. He was 10 years old. He 

was a student of class two. First Baju shot him in the head, his 

skull shattered into four pieces. Then he fell down. I saw there 

were brain and blood on the floor.’’ 

Mustafa, 22, said: ‘‘There was a pit with [the bodies of] 10 to 15 

children, all under 12 years old. They were all young children 

hacked to death. I recognized four of the bodies: Hakim Ali, 9; 

Naim, 8; one child from Pondu Para, who was about 10; and Chau 

Mong, who was 7.’’ 

Witnesses said that after the killings, the soldiers gathered the 

bodies on green tarps and loaded them onto pushcarts, then 

brought the bodies to military vehicles. The removal of bodies took 

hours, several witnesses said. 

‘‘I saw outside that there were piles of dead bodies.’’ Mustafa 

said. ‘‘I could see the soldiers using carts [to move the bodies] and 

I recognized one of the carts was mine.’’ Mustafa said he heard the 

sounds of the trucks and vehicles for four hours. 

Human Rights Watch has also documented accounts of another 

massacre in the township of Tuljtoli, in which possibly hundreds of 

Rohingya were killed. 

Sexual violence and rape 

In many of the attacks and massacres Human Rights Watch documented in Rakhine State occurring in August-September 2017, we 

found numerous cases of rape and other forms of sexual violence 

against Rohingya women and girls. Reported abuses were brutal, 

humiliating, and traumatic. 

Human Rights Watch interviewed 52 Rohingya women and girls 

who had survived horrific abuses by Burmese military and other 

security personnel since August 25. Thirty of these women and 

girls were rape victims. Most of the other interviewees had been 

forced to flee in late stages of pregnancy, had given birth on their 

journey, or had witnessed their young children being killed by security forces. Human Rights Watch interviewed rape survivors from 

19 different villages, mostly in Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

145 

Human Rights Watch found that women and girls were raped 

and sexually assaulted both during major arson attacks on villages 

and in the weeks running up to these major attacks after repeated 

harassment. In every case described to us, the perpetrators were 

uniformed members of security forces, almost all military personnel. They wore either camouflage uniforms or plain green uniforms, or a mix of both. All the rapes reported to Human Rights 

Watch were gang rapes, involving two or more perpetrators, and in 

every case except for one the victim was penetrated by more than 

one attacker. In many of the cases women and girls reported being 

raped by six or more perpetrators. 

A 15-year-old from Hathi Para village in Maungdaw Township 

said she was dragged across the ground from her home, tied to a 

tree and then raped from behind by 10 soldiers. ‘‘They then left me 

where I was. When my brother and sister came to get me I was 

lying there on the ground, they thought I was dead,’’ she said. 

Six rape survivors said that they were among a group of women 

and girls who were gathered together and then raped by soldiers. 

‘‘Maybe we were some 30 women. If a woman said anything she 

was beaten. They [military] would pull women to the side and just 

rape her there so everyone could see,’’ a 20-year-old woman from 

a Buthidaung township village said. 

The gang rapes often resulted in serious genital injuries and 

bleeding which worsened as fleeing women were forced to walk for 

days, including up and down steep hills. Several of the victims reported ongoing physical and mental health problems at the time of 

the interview, including urinary tract infections, vaginal bleeding, 

pain, poor sleep, poor appetite, and intrusive thoughts. 

Victims and witnesses said that security forces often raped 

women and girls in their homes, and often in sight of their children. Other women and girls were raped as they fled villages. 

Human Rights Watch documented the particularly cruel nature of 

these attacks: women reporting rapists laughing, kicking or hitting 

them or their children, and biting or pressing the barrel of guns 

hard against their breasts. 

Although our research focused on identifying and interviewing 

rape survivors, a high proportion of those we spoke to had also witnessed killings of family members. The killings of their children 

were especially brutal and traumatic. A 30-year-old woman from 

Ta Mi village in Buthidaung township said: ‘‘I have three kids now. 

I had another one Khadija, she was 5-years-old. When we were 

running from the village she was killed in the attack. She was running last, less fast, trying to catch up with us. A soldier swung at 

her with his gun and bashed her head in, after that she fell down. 

We kept running.’’ 

Other women were forced to leave behind children. ‘‘I grabbed 

one, I left one,’’ one woman said, describing the moment her house 

caught on fire and began collapsing around her. 

Human Rights Watch interviewed other women who had lost 

their husbands, either to killings or what appear to be arbitrary arrest by security forces. Their fears included not only the intrusive 

memories of the terror they lived through but also anxiety over 

how to cope as a single parent with sometimes five or more children while in a refugee camp in Bangladesh. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

146 

Ethnic Rakhine villagers backed by the security forces often 

robbed women and girls, including in ways that were sexually abusive, for example grabbing at or fondling their breasts while 

searching for money kept in their blouses. Women described weeks 

of harassment leading up to major attacks as extremely stressful, 

they never knew whether the Rakhine villagers or security forces 

would come and what they would do. 

The Burmese government has repeatedly refused to acknowledge 

these abuses despite a strong and growing evidence base. In early 

September, Rakhine State minister for border security, Col. Phone 

Tint, denied reports of military abuses involving sexual violence. 

‘‘Where is the proof?’’ he asked. ‘‘Look at those women who are 

making these claims—would anyone want to rape them?’’ 

These types of denial are not new. In December 2016, the Burmese government contested reports of the military’s use of sexual 

violence in a press release published under the headline, ‘‘Fake 

Rape.’’ Human Rights Watch and other groups documented widespread rape and other sexual violence by security forces during the 

military operations starting in October 2016. 

What to do now 

In a world already beset with large-scale human tragedies, the 

Rohingya crisis-both the crimes against humanity committed in 

Burma and the massive new displacement into Bangladesh-comprises one of the world’s worst human catastrophes. 

While the origins and root causes of the Rohingya crisis deserve 

attention, the immediate task is to prevent further abuses and protect those still at risk, and feed, shelter, and care for the displaced. 

There is also a need to negotiate a process that would allow the 

Rohingya to safely and voluntarily return to their homes in Burma, 

and for those who cannot or will not return, determine how they 

can be settled in Bangladesh or resettled to third countries. 

In dealing with the Burmese government, two things are clear: 

First, it would be a mistake to focus criticism primarily on Burma’s de facto leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, disappointing as she has 

been in responding to the crisis. She and other government officials 

have largely denied—and are still denying—allegations of atrocities, calling them fabrications. In early September, Aung San Suu 

Kyi spoke of an ‘‘iceberg of misinformation’’ about abuses, and in 

a speech on September 19 appeared alarmingly ignorant of the 

overall situation, noting at one point: ‘‘We want to find out why 

this exodus is happening.’’ In subsequent statements, she has noticeably failed to acknowledge any wrongdoing by government 

forces. 

Yet it is Burma’s military leaders who are in charge of the forces 

committing the abuses, and are in the best position to end them. 

In debating next steps on the Rohingya crisis, concerned governments need to focus primarily on the military, and consider what 

measures might best impact its actions. 

Second, it is clear that in dealing with the Burmese military-and 

the government at large-condemnations and pleas are not enough. 

Burma’s military leaders are in a state of denial—or worse. The 

commander-in-chief of the military, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, reFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

147 

cently made statements suggesting that the Rohingya do not even 

exist, that Burma’s Rohingya population are in fact ‘‘Bengali,’’ and 

that ongoing military operations are aimed at ‘‘unfinished business’’ from the Second World War. These are divisive, unsupported 

allegations that the Rohingya, despite living in the country for generations, are foreigners. They are clear allusions to mass killings 

of Rohingya that occurred in 1942 and are reflected in the killings 

and arson that have occurred in recent years. 

In another speech on September 21, Min Aung Hlaing essentially 

embraced that the campaign had comprised ethnic cleansing, referring to ‘‘national races,’’ a term from Burmese law referring to a 

list of officially recognized indigenous ethnic groups—a list that 

does not include Rohingya. ‘‘Regarding the rehabilitation of villages 

of our national races, for the national races who fled their homes 

[mostly ethnic Rakhine Buddhists], first of all they must go back 

to their places,’’ he said. ‘‘The important thing is to have our people 

in the region. It’s necessary to have control of our region with our 

national races. We can’t do anything if there are no people from 

our national races . . . that is their rightful place.’’ 

These comments reveal that Burma’s military leaders are not 

communicating on the same wavelength as the rest of the international community. They are not prepared to appreciate or even 

hear its verbal denunciations and demands. So the time has come 

to impose targeted sanctions and other measures that carry a real 

practical or financial cost on Burma’s senior military command. It 

may be impossible to convince the military leadership to care about 

the Rohingya, but it might be possible to stop them from killing or 

displacing any more Rohingya—if the consequences of continuing 

such abuses create a burden that military leaders don’t want to 

bear. 

The United Nations Security Council, and concerned member 

states bilaterally, need to impose targeted sanctions on Burmese 

military leaders and key military-owned enterprises, including 

travel bans and restrictions on access to financial institutions, and 

impose a comprehensive military embargo on Burma. In many 

countries, a sanctions framework is already in place, and it was not 

that long ago that targeted sanctions were lifted in recognition of 

the country’s efforts to transition to democracy. 

The Security Council should also insist that persons responsible 

for grave abuses be held accountable for their crimes, and press 

Burmese authorities to cooperate with the U.N. Fact-Finding Mission established by the U.N. Human Rights Council and grant unfettered access to its staff to Burma, including Rakhine State. The 

council should send a clear message that it stands ready to take 

additional steps to ensure justice including through the International Criminal Court, and urge member states to pursue other 

mechanisms that might provide justice for recent abuses. 

These measures are not merely meant to deter more atrocities. 

Sanctions should be glued to demands that multinational organizations and governments have made, setting them as benchmarks the 

Burmese military needs to meet for sanctions to be relaxed: stopping abuses, allowing humanitarian access to people in need, allowing access by the U.N. Fact-Finding Mission and journalists and 

other independent monitors, allowing refugees to safely and volunFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

148 

tarily return, and prosecuting those responsible for abuses, including as a matter of command responsibility. Prior to the recent crisis, the Burmese government pledged to take other steps laid out 

in the recommendations of the recent Advisory Commission on 

Rakhine State led by Kofi Annan; the military’s cooperation on that 

should be another benchmark. 

Concerned governments shouldn’t wait for the United Nations to 

act, however. European Union member states, including the United 

Kingdom, as well as the United States, Australia, Canada, and 

ASEAN member states, should impose or re-impose bilateral sanctions on military commanders and military-owned enterprises, and 

expand existing arms embargoes to include all maintenance, assistance, training and cooperation with the Burmese army. The U.S. 

should place senior military leaders and key military-owned enterprises on the ‘‘Specially Designated Nationals’’ list that restricts 

travel to the U.S. and access to U.S. companies and financial institutions. The EU and its member states should renew their versions 

of the same restrictions. 

For those who worry that tough responses may worsen the situation or weaken the international community’s influence, one could 

ask: What influence? And how much worse can things get? What 

is the alternative plan for compelling the Burmese military to stop 

its abuses? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

(149) 

ANNEX VIII.—TESTIMONY OF WITNESSES TO CRIMES AGAINST

HUMANITY IN MYANMAR

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

150 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


that can eventually help them realize their full 

potemial. Sadly. the United Nation's emergency 

request for funding for education has fallen on deaf 

ears. even though tnorc thon 100.000 of the refugees 

arc children who should soon be in school. 

Those responsible for these crimes need 10 be held 

accountable. But for the children who have lost their 

families. experiencing some sense of nonnalcy. as 

well as justice. is essential to hcoling such deep 

wounds. 

Region I Country 

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• RctY~:ccs nod Mit:rnots 

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151 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


'Safe Zones' for Rohingya Refugees in Burma Could Be Dangerous 

Deadly Experiences in Bosnia ond Sri LDnlto Should SeNe os Woming 

By Richard Weir 

When Bangladesh's prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, spoke at the United Nations General Assembly this 

week, she focused on the humanitarian challenges of hosting 400,000 Rohingya Muslims from northern 

Rakhine State in Burma. They have arrived destitute, victims of a state-led campaign of ethnic cleansing 

that began after Rohingya m ilitants attacked some 30 police outposts on August 25. 

The situation of the Rohingya refugees is dire: they live in squalid conditions, crammed into a staggering 

sprawl of rudimentary shelters of sticks and tarps. M any lack food, medical services, and toilets. The 

rainy season makes everything worse. 

The Bangladesh government is seeking answers on dealing with the influx. In her speech, Sheikh Hasina 

offered to create • sate zon~s" inside Burma where Rohingya refugees could return. Few details of this 

proposal have emerged, other than that the UN would supervise these areas. 

It's not clear whether those governments intendmg to assist the refugees would support thos, but first a 

word of caution. "Safe zones" rarely if ever live up to their name, even with UN peacekeepers on patrol. 

In Bosnia-Herzegovina, the safe area of Srebrenica, protected by UN peacekeepers, was overrun by 

Bosnian Serb forces who promptly executed some 7,000 men and boys, and raped women and girls. In 

Sri Lanka, government-declared safe zones became kill zones: the Liberation ngers of Tamil Eelam 

refused to let civilians leave and the military shelled the areas, killing countless civilians. 

And even if such zones aren't attacked, without effective humanitarian aid supplies and freedom of 

movement for those inside, conditions within "safe zones" could be as bad, if not worse, than in refugee 

camps across the border. 

Human RtRht~ Watch has previously la1d out it~ numerou~ conct>rns for governments and organizations 

when considering creating "safe zones." Given the Burmese military's brutal and unrelenting campaign 

against the Rohingya, no one should be under any illusion that it will allow a "safe zone• to actually be 

safe. 
152 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


Burma is Playing Politi~s with the Dead 

Alleged Atrocities Need Jntemationaf lllquiry 

By Mccnakshi Ganguly 

Burma's military announced this week that it had dug up 28 bodies in a mass grave in northern 

Rakhine State. The following day. they claimed to have found another 17 bodies. While 

continui ng to block independent observers from the area, the military suggested that dozens of 

Hindu. a mi nori ty community, were ··cruelly and violently killed by extremist Bengali terrorists:· 

Those unsubstantiated claims were splashed across the local press and social media as ostensible 

proof of the threat Burma faces from the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Arnty (ARSA). 

While ARSA did allack over two dozen police outposts and an army base in late August - which 

sparked a Bunnese military campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya population, 

forcing more than 400.000 people to nee to neighboring Bangladesh - no one has been able to 

independently verify the Burmese government's most recent allegations. While Bunnesc 

authorities have put on a stage-managed tour to the llindu village in question. as well as 

Rohingya villages unaffected by the recent violence. they have denied access to independent 

monitors to the mass graves and the rest of northern Rakhine State.lfindeed ARSA 

responsibility is impartially and credibly established. those responsible should be held to 

account. 

The government's quick conclusion on ARSA 's guilt contrasts sharply with its own 

unwillingness to credibly investigate countless alleged crimes commilled by its own forces 

against Rohingya Muslims. 

Refugees in Bangladesh have described horrific accounts of soldiers conducting summary 

executions, buming people alive. and rampant sexual violence. Many Rohingya bear terrible 

injuries from attacks with spades. machetes. or guns. Human Rights Watch has concluded that 

these abuses against the Rohi ngya population arc crimes against humanity. 

The Bunmese government should care about all its citizens- llindu and Muslim. as well as 

majority Buddhists. While it has the responsibility to respond to security threats. it needs to do 

within the restraints of the law. 

Bumm·s government should stop playing politics with the dead. Beyond stopping military 

atrocities. it should allow the United Nations fact-finding mission into the coumry to investigate 

all crimes. 
153 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


Watching Burma in Flames from Bangladesh 

Rolringya Muslims Flee Burmese Army, Suk Aid Abroad 

By Tejshree Thapa 

I stood at the edge of the :Naf River on the Bangladesh border watching heavy smoke rise from a 

village on the Dunna side. Bangladeshi border guards talked of fires all along the border 

targeting villages of Rohingya Muslims. 

The fear was palpable among those I met who have recently escaped into Bangladesh. In fact. 

hundreds upon hundreds have been pouring across every border crossing. In the 20 minutes l was 

at just one of the many 'afcrossings. I counted several hundred people enter Bangladesh from 

mothers "ith babies to the elderly and infirm. One young man said that he feared a further 

violent crackdown: --:>:ow all we have arc empty villages \\ithout e,·en the men. We sent our 

\\Omen and children out. but no\\ \\e had to leave as \\ell." 

:\c" satellite data obtained and analy-'ed b) !Iuman Rights Watch show " idcsprcad burning' in 

northern parts of Bunna 's Rakhine state. 

Tcmfied Rohing)a \\ho have amved in Bangladesh said that Bum1cse soldiers. police. and 

ethnic Rnkhine mobs had earned out anned auncks on villagers and burned do\\n their homes. In 

Bangladesh. I met many in the ovcrcro\\dcd Cox's Bazar hospital suffering from bullet and 

shrapnel wounds. 

United Nations officials estimate that more than 70,000 have crossed into Bangladesh since 

IJumlcsc lorccs began operations against Rohing)'a villages following after a series of 

coordinatL-d auacks by Rohingya militants in late August. The Arakan Rohing)a Salvation Ann) 

(ARSA) rcponcdly attacked at least t\\O doren police posts and checkpoints and a military base. 

The gO\Cmmcnt reported that II sccurit) force members and many alleged militants had died. 

There arc reports that hundreds of villagers ha'e since been killed in the go,·crnmcnt operations. 

The Bunncsc government says that it is ARSA militants and Rohingya ,;llagers \\ ho arc burning 

villages. but has not provided any evidence to support these allegations. Aller similar allegations 

during the burning of Rohingya areas bet\\ccn October 2016 and December 2016. lluman Rights 

Watch and others detennined that Bunncsc sccurit} forces deliberately set those fires. 

In the nangladcsh border area. the recently arrived Rohing)•a seck space wherever they can lind 

it - on roadsides. hill slopes. and market towns. Grateful to have escaped. they worry about 

family members still in Bunna. 

llumanitarian supplies are scarce. Aid workers sa) the 3\ailablc high-energy biscuits \\On't 

cover the nc\\ am\als. Thousands of children also need schooling and the )'Oungest will need 

\"3Ccincs. 

The tragedy facing the Rohingya is multifaceted. and "ill require tremendous rcsohc to remedy. 

It demands the \\Orld's attention. and fast. 
154 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


Witness to Carnage in Burma's Rakhine State 

Burmese Soldiers Kill Her Baby, Slaughter Her Family and Neighbors 

By Peter Bouckaert 

Hasina is a soft-spoken 20-year-old Rohingya woman from Rakhine State in Burma. She asked us to use 

her picture and tell her story s.o the world knows what is happening there. 

Her village, Tula Toli, was attacked in late August by the Burmese army on a rampage of killing and arson 

after Rohingya militants carried out coordinated strikes on police posts. The villagers ran when the 

soldiers came, but some were trapped on a river bank. Dozens, Hasina said, were murdered on the 

beach in front of her eyes, but the nightmare was only beginning. 

The army forced Hasina and many other women to stand waist·deep in water and watch while soldiers 

dug a pit to burn the bodies of those they had killed. She tried to hide her infant daughter under her 

shawl, but a soldier noticed the baby, snatched her away and tossed her into the fire. 

Hours later the soldiers took Hasina, her mother·in·law, sister-in-law and three other relatives, all 

children, to a nearby house. The soldiers tried to rape the women, knifing the mother-in-law to death 

when she resisted and beating Hasina and her sister-in-law unconscious. They beat the young children 

to death with spades. 

When Hasina regained consciousness, she found herself inside the house. It was on fire, and she had 

been left locked inside by the soldiers. Her sister-in-law was alive, too. They managed to escape the 

flames, but with serious burns. Badly injured, they somehow made their way to Bangladesh. Both still 

have burn injuries. Hasina's sister-in-law, who confirmed this horrible incident, showed us a big gash on 

the back of her head from when she had been beaten unconscious, and that a doctor had stitched. 

Hasina insisted we take her picture and show her face to the world. For her, it is a brave act of defiance 

to those who sought to eliminate her and her family. 
155 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


SEPTEMBER 12. 20171:13PM EDT DISPATCHES 

Pakistan Should Back Rohingya Rights Abroad and at Home 

Longtime Refugees from Burma Denied Citizenship, ID Cards 

Saroop ljaz 

Pakistan's rortlgn minis:tCI' has e:stm=ssed ••dc;.•p unpui:sh'' Ut i he 

ongoing violence agninst Rohing)-a Muslims in Buf1'1\1. The foreign 

SC'Cn:t:ary bas s"n'nopcd 111£ Dynnrx amhas$!ldor nnd rcg ~tcml an 

otlic•al proto;t, And P:tkistan's parliament has~ 

1fP' C:WW('j)l lQ PC($_~ !hf i~SUC 00 !b( jptaDAijOoa! $J'WC. 

Like other countries nrQund the world. P~kistun has expressed 

horror at th~ Bunm-se go,emment's hnJ!al crnckdown :.gainst the 

Rohingya. which Humon Righls Walch round beaN all1hc 

h:sHmorks of an ''ctbnjc dwmsmf' vnmpaign. More than 350.0()0 

Rohingya have crossed into neighboring Bangladesh. Oeeing 

ahul!oi\'t" security oper:;uion.s by the Bum1e.se military th:n begmn 

;:..oon after a Rohingya unncd group anackcd police: a1'1d army 

se-curity posas. lniidc Durm:a ·s wt."Sh:m R:d:hinc State, vilhagc :after 

villllge is being burned do'''""· the smoke visible from tbs: skies and 

Rofl1n~:1 mm ~b ln1n; m 1-..I.I~Mt.. ~a..-t ~1onn8 an tniC"nW'\\ ••tb Rcm .. "l" .a11hnt r .. ~ .. "" 1n \ rl.m.ab.ad nde-tlh..tt\IOJ In .:.~1. P.tl.bt.m 

Stopt~.'1Tibo."''7.2UI~ 

across lhe bordt.'1". Rohingya refug .. '\$ ave~ the military·s usc ofsn1all anns. mortars. and am1ed helicopters to chase them 

out ofth~ r homes. 

Given the terrible 'iolence being visited on thc:m insidl.! llunn:~ , Pn.kistnn's conct-m for the plight of the: Rohingya is welcome. But 

anitudcs closer to home arc 1c:<oS inbpiring. 

OOicially. ~~ 000 Robjngya ljn jn Pakjswn tpday. many in the~ ncighbottlood of K~mchi. Many of these Rohin!,oya 

f-amilies. who ac-tu:.dly may number up 10 300.000 people,~ to Knrachi 3ficr a rq>f\"Ssivc military reginle took power in 

Burma in 1962. Yet h:tlfo c1.•ntury aOer arrh1ing in Pak:istM. the Rohingy.a in Karachi nrc s-tillnnahlr 10 ohrnin <·jtjtrnship. and ahose 

who tll'Tivc.·d aOer Pekisum·s 1971 ci,'il war cannot gee natiOI'IAI idC11tification cards." hich leaves them un:\biC' co enroll their children 

in public schools. use go,·cmment health raeili i~. or e\'en 0pet1 b3.!1k o.ccounts. They 3~ cffC"C1ivc1y rendeml"~" precisely 

th~: Nmc indignity tu which the Ruhingya h:s'.: b<cn :;ubjc."C'tcd in Bumm. Their un«n:llin h:b"ill M;nus 11\ollJ...O th..: Rghingya living in 

Pakistan ' ulnecable to bam~:> (!nt p(0!11QQ ypd djgnmjruujon, 
156 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


Pakistan should u~ all diplomatic channels on 1ts o" n and m concert" ith other coumtie~ 10 prC"q Burma to halt its.\ iol~n campougn 

targeting the Rvhinv,)'a. But the ll.i~uani gu' cmmcru abo ncc:d" to st:t.n treating Rohingy11 un 11s U\\ n soil better too. nnd it )hould 

stan by guamntcteng them the same basic rights :~nd con,wuuonal prot~lions other Pak•stoni" c:njoy. 

Rogion I Counlf) 

Topic 

• Refi.ur.;s,• Riwh'' 

Tags 

• Bolung>1l Con> 

More Reading 

Scpu:mb<r II. 20171\c..-> Rdeasc 

By ana· Ensure Aid Reaches Robjogya 
157 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


SEPTEMBER 11, 2017 4:38PM EDT DISPATCHES 

Where is the World Bank While Burma is Burning? 

VIO!e ~ against Rohingya Risks C<luntty's Oevelopment 

Jessica Evans 

Senior Researcher/Advocate for lntemational Financial lnstitutlons 

The World Bank eagerly rectlgaged in Burma. also known as 

yanmar. the moment lhe country began 10 open up ond miliuary 

rule was rcrtacC\1 with o militory-bada:d <:IC'Cit<J 80\Cmment 

Now the Wortd Bank in\'CSl~ more than USS2 billion in the 

rounuy, celebrating 1hat it has .. fully m;mnu:ro whh the: 

~to s:uppon n:fonns chat will benefit all of the people 

or Myanmar. including the poor Utltl Uine~tble .'' 

Bu1 the illS-ti1ution is staying wocft~lly silc:-nt i1S Bunna·~ $t'<:m'ily 

fof\."'CS are commining rnmpant mrocities against the Robin~ya 

Muslim population. in response to :ucacks by a Rohingya a.nned 

group Oil police 0Uipo$1S. The ohingyt~. h:t\'ing sullC:rcd 

dtcad<.'S of SUite repression. are one or th~ poore$1 and nlOSl 

marginnliztd ethnic groups in the Buddhis ·m:~jorily counuy. 

Moll! in~ .a rd "\}lht .: Ill r-.:~'Ch c f.~.:kl ~~~n~ ..-d ~ kx:al ni'Jlan•'·•'"' "'" 

in K11U1r-'l'ltli- ll.ut¥ ;jlt.l~ l"'~-nlb..r 9. !1ll7. 

1011 D.1n1sh i.ddiqut R4'UlC'~ 

The Unitc.-d N:uion.s rstjmnu:s l !l 000 Rohm•Tyza rrom Uurma·s wC'Stcm Rak.hinc State have sought refuge in ncighbonng 

Banglad~h in the past IWO weeks. The rcrugres have~ killings. shelling. and arson jn Jbdr giiiDVCS that ha\'C all the: 

haHmurk.s of a goYcmmcnt campaign of .. cthnic clc;msing:· New .satellite data obtained and aMiyzed by llum.an R1gh1$ \\'a1ch 

shows wjd£SJ)(t1J.d bumjngs in Rohingya ' 'illages. 

In 2012 the World Bunk downnJaved 1he yjoh;ncs: in Rakhjm; Suttc us .. loc:uliz~;."d instances of communal violence:· But s:incc 

201 S. following~. it rccognizt.-d that Bumul"l'> go' cnuucnt ha.~ k-en fusljnl' in,tj!Utjonillitrd dj:;qjmjnatjon al'''jnst h.~ 

.&ilii.nm. Now it needs 10 go even further. 

World Bank President Jim Yong Kim should &..-nounce the Dunnest govemmtnt's abuses. l it should highlight how this a.u:tck on 

the Rohingya population runs roughshod O\'tr the govcmmcnl"s conm1ilmt:nls 10 advanc.-e soc:ial nnd economic development. 

puulng the bank·~ ilw'-"stments ~u ri:;k and undt:mlinlng its twin go.,. Is of elfmillating extreme pcwerty and bc,)()sting shared 

prosperity. The bank sllould also publicly offer 10 assist implementing I be rrs;ommendmjons of the AdyjSQQ' Commjisjon on 
158 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


Rpkhjnc S!ah•.led by tOm1cr UN·sccrcnary genernl Koti Annan, Ironically. the bank's sileoc~ on 1hc Rohingya is h;~ppcning as the 

World Bank and UN prcpurc 1'0 launch their nagship rcpon on development and the prc,cntion of \'iolcnt <.'Onnicl 

Jim Yong Kim has emphasized how jnsJjNtjona!izcd dis;rimjntujon i;~; had for !'M.:s'lpls: socicrjrs and 'l'ODQDlj(S, His integnuion of 

non.-discriminatiOil imo the bonk's work can be hi,s legacy for the instinnion - but only if he taekii.!S the most .s<rious abuses as 

they ::~rise . H~: should stan by Spt"3king out ngainst the horrifying situOttion unlbldjng in Bumlll. 

Region I Country 

To pi< 

lllWnw 

Wudd Bjlnk IME 

Tngs 

Robjngya Crisis 

More Reading 

September II. 2017 News Release 

Burma· Ensyre Aid Beaches Rohjngya 
159 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


SEPTEMBER 6, 2017 1:17PM EDT DISPATCHES 

Why Britain is Still Getting it Wrong on Burma 

UK Government Should Stop Deferring to Aung San Suu Kyl 

David Mepham 

UK Director 

mephamd 

For far 100 long, Brili;h policy lowurd Bum1a hos 

deferred heavily to the views of its de facto leader. 

Aung San Suu Kyi. UK Foreign Sccrelllry Boris 

Johnson W3$ a1 j1 agnjn a1 the weekend. suggt..-sting 

she use her "remarkable qualilics' 10 unite her 

country and stop the 'iolcncc in Bunna ·s western 

Rakhinc S1a1c. which. he said. nmic1s "bolh Muslims 

and other communities ... This after a fortnight in 

which hundn:ds ofRohingya Mu~lims ha\'C been 

reponed killed. !heir homes bum I 10 I he ground. ond 

more lhnn I 20.000 desper.uc J>I.'Ople have fled for 

!heir li"es 10 neighbouring Bangladesh 10 escape 1hc 

vicious brullllity of lhc Burmese security forces. This 

followed a coordina1cd anack by Rohingya milil:uus 

on two dozen police and border posts in late Augu..;;t. 

Unt1un' .. Pnmc: Mim)C""", Tho.~ Mit)' t.l'l."'ct:" tlw Dun~ I..:';W..--r and St;,l~ 

Couru.c:IWr.D:m 1\ Uft$ San Sut.1 K)t 1n l\ 10 ()o..,.nu~ ~r\'"llft London. 

llnt:un 13 Sq-MI."mbcr :!Oif\. 

1. !Ol6 tu ~:I'S 

Security force operntioll.~ in rusponse to the attacks lase ye:ar were described by the Unitc.:d N:.uions as \'Cry 1ikdy 

crimes UK3jost hum;mjt)'. 

Faced with these appalling devclopmenls, Suu Kyi has uttered nor o word of condcmnarion. On the contrary. her oftice 

has added fuel 10 lhe fore by s:lll.in:li.oll- wilh brenlhtnking irresponsibility- 1hu1 in1en>a1ional nid groups are supponi\'e 

of 1errorisrn. Her pusillanimous >lance has 1riggcrcd widc.prcad trilicism. including from the fellow Nobel Peace 

laurca1c. Malala Yousafmi. 

So. what should 1he British go\'ennmenl do? 
160 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


First, it nc~..-d~ 10 addre~s the dire hum:miwrian :,itu;llion on the ground. b01h in Bangladc~h and inside Bunna. Mall)' 

refugees have not eaten properly for days. and 1\."quin: spccinlilcd nll!'dical help. The Oum1csc gO\'cmmcm is 

disgracefully hindering international relief eiTons. and should face additional pressure from I he UK and other counlrics 

10 cnsur-: unimpeded :lCC'\."$S. 

Second, there should be much greater pressure on the llum1csc go\cmmcnl to pcm1it an intemalional in\'Cstigation of 

the many egregious abuses so tha1 1hosc rc~ponsiblc can be held to account. It·~ outragcou:- that the Bunncsc 

gO\'cmment says i1 will bar the UN-mandatcd intcmntional fuct-finding mission tasked with ill\ ~tigat ng abuses in 

Bunna. \\hich was establisht.-d in t\larch 2017 \\ ith the :<~ttppon ofthl! UK gowmment. 

Third. the UK and others should press Bum10 to address the underlying causes of this crisis. most ob' iousl)•. the denial 

of na1ionali1y and legal staiUs of nearly one million Rohin¥ya who have lh cd in Burma for ~cncrntions. 

More of the same is not an option. The gra\ ity of this crisis requires a major shift in Bri1ish gO\ emmcn1 policy. Aung 

San Suu Kyi's reputa1ion lie-s in mners. and it's unconsciomlble 1h:u UK policy should continue to follow her 1!..-ad. 

Region I Countr~· 

• <lliil 

• .llJinna 

a~:s 

• Robjni'>"' Crjsjs 

More Reading 
161 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


SEPTEMBER 6, 2017 6:14PM EDT DISPATCHES 

Burma's Rohingya Need the World's Attention 

UN Securily Council Should Break liS SUe nee 

Akshaya Kumar 

Ooputy Unitod Nations Oirec:tor 

t.I,Air.1.hayaSay• 

h's aw,:.to see the United ~alion's top d1pk>m1u lake the 

uocornr1:trutblc ~h:p oftdling the Security Council. the world's 

most powerful polhieal body. what to do. But. that's exactly wh;u 

UN Sttrel3ry..(}enei"'JI Antonio Gutct'tc~ did this we<k, by a:okinQ: 

the council to step up its rc~nse 10 e~ $Wc.:cping Bumw. 

also k1'0", u Myanmar. 

(n a public li:w:l. Guttrres made it clear dut he thinks the 

"1ntero:uional (."ommunity has u r..-spon.;,.ibility to undcrtal.e 

concerted cfTons to prevent a funhcr ~lalion of the crisis." In 

res:ponl!C to u tJUS:;Stjop OO$Nl h>• rs I JN reponcr yesterday. Gute~Tts 

olso warned ''we're facing a risk" of ethnic cleansing in the 

country. 

Tht' nwnbcrs UJldetlying tht' cns[s arc: staggering. Uungry and 

\l.t'.a.k. about 146.000ethnic Rohing)'D refugees~ 

koh.11'1g).a tt'l·u"'"'" \lo.al\ nn • n'~ fDib .. , od1~ lnt\d 'm a bo\lllllllt'f 

t."nK.~I~ ~ &an,bJN!-\l>11nm;ar hnr\kt.ln T~-\no~l . lh~bdcilt. 

Wpc,·tnbc.'f'f..~OI" 

~in the )lXID of I J da)'$. Human Rights Watch Bnllly~:ed satellite imJgcry showing the wjdgsno:ad byminv of21 di.stin(."t 

part$ oraunnn"s RllkhiM St"li:, including OI'H: Rohingya villcg~: \\here~ l>f :ill StnJ(IUJ'd \\~~rated. Gutcm:s warned the 

S«urity Coundlthat he is .. d4.-cply ronccmcd"" 3bout the ri,sks of the situation '"dcgcnernting into a hunmnitarian cataslrophc .. tlut 

expands far bc)'Ond Burmo 's borders. 

This \\'Ouldn"c be the firs• time these kinds of crimes 1'10:1\'C bc(.'1l c:ocnmittt."<< therc. In lQJ"'.I yjgls;pcs ag::tin.;;t Rohin.gya and Kaman 

~lus ims in Rakhme S1:11e resullcd in uh:u t-lum:tn Rights \\'Btch round to be t,•thnjr c!can:sjm• ond crimes pgaipg hum;mjJy, :~ck 

then. Buddhist monks and ethnic Rakhjnc villagers canicd out the killings with help from the ate security fore"~· This ti ~. I he 

military. inuiolly respondmg to a scnes of nuacks by a Rohingya am\e'd group. ap~rs 10 n ch:trgt of opcnnions. 

So far. the &."Curity Council has ~id nothin.g publidy about a sit\J:uion th,:u the UN spcci:tl advisor (or the pre\'Ctnion of genocide Ius 

~'"can be the preeurs.or io call the cgregiou!t c-rinws aOO I mcotm g\!nocick." 
162 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


l-or years. the Security Council has tiptoed around the pr...-catiou.s situ:uion in Rakhme State. 13unna·s n:uional ~"Curity ndvisor has 

e\·cn ~ th:.t he can count on po\\Crful pcrman~:m S«urit)' Council members China and RuS$ia to prcvc,nt :an open discussion of 

the crisis. In the past two \\'«ks.. the ~uri y Council ha.~ met just once to discuss tht situation in a shon meeting held behind closed 

doors. 

The ba.ll is no"' in the Security Council"s courc. Council members should <:411 for a rub lie briefing by the secrct:try-gcncrnl on th~ 

sitWJtion in Burm3... demand authorities allow humanitarian aid to now freely to th~ population at risk. and wnm that a failure to 

cooptonue v. itb the UN-backed fact·Cinding mission will result in international sanccions. Most imponnntly. the Securi1y Council 

needs to c:all on the Bunncsc government to immcdi:udy enU atrocities agninst the Rohingya pi.."'plc. E''en powerful allies should nut 

be: shielding Bunna rrom 1ht world's scru1iny. 

R('gion I Country 

Topic 

• Refuge~; Rjgh1s 

Tags 

• Robjngw C'cisjs 

More Reading 

September 6, 201 7 Dispatches 

Wh)' Britain js Still Gettjng jt Wrong on Burma 
(163) 

ANNEX IX.—MISSION REPORT OF OHCHR RAPID RESPONSE MISSION

TO COX’S BAZAR, BANGLADESH (13–24 SEPTEMBER 2017) 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

164 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


1. Summary of findings 

Credible information gathered indicates that the destruction of Rohingya villages in northern 

Rakhine State, and other serious human rights violations committed in the aftermath of the 25 

August attacks, we1·e executed in a well·organised, coordinated, and systematic manner. The 

infonnation reveals that these human rights violations were co1mnitted against the Rohingya 

population in northern Rakhine State by the Myanmar security forces often in concert with 

anned Rakhine Buddhist individuals. 

The manner in which the villages, home and property of the Rohingya across northern 

Rakhine State has been destroyed points to it being well-organised and coordinated, thereby 

challenging the assertion that it was merely collateral damage of the military security 

operations following the alleged attack against police outposts and on a regimental 

headquarters across locations in northern Rakhine State, allegedly by the Arakan Rohingya 

Salvation Army (ARSA). 

Credible infonnation indicates that the Myanmar security forces purposely destroyed the 

property of the Rohingyas, scorched their dwellings and entire villages in northern Rakhine 

State, not only to drive the population out in droves but also to prevent the fleeing Rohingya 

victims from returning to their homes. The destruction by the Tatmadaw of houses, fields, 

food-stocks, crops, livestock and even trees, render the possibility of the Rohingya returning 

to nonnal lives and livelihoods in the future in northern Rakhine almost impossible. It also 

indicates an effort tQ effectively erase aU signs of memorable landmarks in the geography of 

the Rohingya landscape and memory in such a way that a return to their lands would yield 

nothing but a desolate and unrecognizable terrain. Information received also indicates that the 

Myanmar security forces targeted teachers, the cultural and religious leadership, and other 

people of influence in the Rohingya community in an effort to diminish Rohingya history, 

culture and knowledge. 

This report also higl1lights that prior to the incidents and crackdown of 25 August, a strategy 

was pursued to: I) Arrest and arbitrarily detain male Rohingyas between the ages of 15-40 

years; 2) Arrest and arbitrarily detain Rohingya opinion-makers, leaders and culnlfal and 

religious personalities; 3) Initiate acts to deprive Rohingya villagers of access to food, 

livelihoods and other means of conducting daily activities and life; 4) Commit repeated acts 

of humiliation and violence prior to, during and after 25 August, to drive out Rohingya 

villagers en masse through incitement to hatred, violence and killings, including by declaring 

the Rohingyas as Bengalis and illegal settlers in Myanmar; 5) Instil deep and widespread fear 

and trauma - physical, emotional and psychological, in the Rohingya victims via acts of 

brutality, namely killings, disappearances, tornue, and rape and other forms of sexual 

violence. 

2. Introduction 

In the framework of OHCHR's rapid response capacity, three OHCHR staff ("the Team") 

were deployed to Bangladesh from 13 to 24 September 20 17. The mandate of the Team was 

to monitor the situation of the newly arrived Rohingya population as well as to establish the 

facts and circumstances in northern Rakhine in the aftermath of the 25 August 2017 attacks, 

with a specific focus on the Buthidaung, Rathedaung and Maungdaw townships, reportedly 

the most affected by the emption of violence. 
165 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


As of 8 October, an estimated 519,000 new Rohingya arrivals have been reported since 25 

August 20 17. 

The Team met witb victims and eyewitnesses to collect reliable infonnation on allegations of 

human rights violations committed in northern Rakhine State, Myanmar in the following 

locations in Cox's Bazar District, Bangladesh, where the greater part of newly arrived 

Robingya took shelter: 

1. Kutupalong and Nayapara registered refugee camp sites. 

11 . Balukhali, Kutupalong, Leda and Unchipmng makeshift settlements. 

111. The two boat landing sites in Sabrang and Shamlapur. 

1v. In host communities located in the areas ofBalukhali, Kutupalong, Leda, and Teknaf. 

The 25 August attacks occurred after the reported killing of six ethnic Mro Buddhist villagers 

in Rakhine State in the weeks prior to 25 August, which caused an increased level of 

incitement of hostility and violence towards the Rohingya population. Calls were reportedly 

made for the local Rakhine population to take up arn1S. On II August, the Special 

Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar expressed alarm over reports that an 

anny battalion had flown into Rakhine State in western Myanmar to help local authorities 

boost security in the region2 

On II September 20 17, following the continuation of "clearance operations" by the Myanmar 

military, non-cessation of violence against the Rohingya, and their flight into Bangladesh, the 

High Commissioner for Human Rights in his opening statement to the 36th session of the 

Human Ri hts Council stated that the situation seems to be a "textbook example of ethnic 

cleansing". He noted that the current situation was not fully assessed since Myanmar had 

refused access to human rights investigators. He called on the Government of Mya1m1ar to 

end its current cmel military operations, with accountability for all violations that have 

occurred and to reverse the pattern of severe and widespread discrimination against the 

Rohingya population. The Secretary-General of the United Nations echoed these words a few 

days later. 

3. Methodology 

This report is based on infom1ation gathered from approximately 65 interviews with 

Rohingya refugees in Cox's Bazar, both with individuals and with groups. 

The interviews with individual eyewitnesses and victims, including with key groups, were 

conducted in challenging situations. Group interviews were conducted with groups 

comprising 15-40 individuals. The Team adhered to the principal of confidentiality, and 

relevant information is only released with consent of the respondents concerned. All 

individuals interviewed bad fled northern Rakhine after 25 August 2017. Additionally, 

infonnation was corroborated by a host of respondents including members of UN agencies, 

local Bangladeshi authorities, the media, international NGOs, medical personnel, CSOs, aid 

organisations, and individual charities.4 

1 A/72/382, report of 1be Special Rapporteur on 1be siiUalion of human rigbls in Myamnar, p.l6. 

' hnp:l/www.obcbr.org/eo/NewsEvenlsiPagesiDisplayNews.aspx?NewsiD=21968&LangiD=E. 3 hllp :l/www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents!Pages!Disp ayNews.aspx?NewsiD-22044&LangiD E. 4 The Team have received considerable amount of dala from other lrusled sources, both photos and videos, 

including geographical tagging (localion and date). 
166 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


The Team would like to express its sincere gratitude to the Government of Bangladesh, in 

particular the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, for the extraordinary support provided before, 

during and after the mission. Particular thanks is due to the Resident Coordinator/Resident 

Representative UNDP in Bangladesh and the UN Country Team in Dhaka as well as UN 

agencies in Cox's Bazar. The Team also met with the Deputy Commissioner and District 

Magistrate of Cox's Bazar, the Director of the Cox's Bazar Sadar District Hospital, 

representatives of the Bangladesh Border Guards and the Police. 

4. Key findings of patterns a nd tr·ends of huma n t·ights violations 

Forced displacement of Rohingyas, and destruction of property, lh•elihoods and futures 

An analysis of the iofom1ation received indicates a well-organised, coordinated and 

systematic pattem of destruction by the Myanmar security forces (sometimes with the 

support of individual Rakhine Buddhist villagers) of the villages, homes and property 

belonging to Rohingya and the forced displacement of lm·ge sections of the Rohingya 

population from their dwellings and villages in northern Rakhine State from 25 August 

onwards. 

The Team documented consistent accounts of the Myamnar security forces sun·ounding or 

entering villages or settlements, sometimes accompanied by Rakhine Buddhist individuals,) 

' In several cases it was indicated that Rakhine Buddhist individuals were issued with uniforms and weapons. In 

these cases they were identified as the people they bad been living side by side with- people they reportedly 

regularly met at the local market. 
167 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


firing indiscriminately at Rohingya villagers, injuring some and killing other innocent 

victims, setting houses on fire, and announcing in other villages that the same would befall 

them if they did not comply with the order to immediately abandon their homes. In other 

instances, information collected indicates that houses were set on fire, after the Rohingya 

inhabitants fled out of fear. 

A majority of the people interviewed by the Team reported the burning or destruction of their 

property and livelihood options by the Myanmar anny. Several interviewees have indicated 

that a "law1cher" (most probably a rocker propelled grenade launcher)6 was used to set 

houses on fire. Based on their statements, the fire sometimes rapidly spread from house to 

house destroying entire settlements. 

In a statement made on 19 September 2017, the Myanmar State Counsellor Ms. Aung San 

Suu Kyi claimed that the Myanmar security forces have not conducted any further "clearance 

operations" since 5 September 2017.

7 However, on 17 September 2017, tbe Team was able to 

identify colunms of smoke rising across tbe Naf River in northern Rak11ine State. 

Furthermore, satellite imagery indicates that the burning of villages continued weeks after 5 

September 20 17. Statements from the Bangladeshi Border Guards representatives and other 

actors present close to the border also indicate that explosions, shootings and burnings were 

heard and seen after 5 September 20 17. 

The Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Minister has been quoted as saying that 

following the 25 August attacks, the re-development of Maungdaw region will be 

implemented according to the country's Natural Disaster Management Law.

8 He stated that 

"according to the law, burnt land becomes govenunent-managed land". 1l1is law has been 

relied upon in the past by the Govenunent of Myanmar to prevent the return of internally 

displaced people who were dislocated following the 20 12 violence. 

ln addition to the destruction of property, homes and livelihoods, other human rights 

violations were committed against the Rohingya that contributed to their forced displacement 

through the establishment of a climate of intimidation and fear. Information received 

indicated that, a few days before 25 August, the Myanmar security forces imposed further 

restrictions on access to markets, medical clinics, schools and religious sites. Furthermore, 

Rohingya men aged between 15-40 years were reportedly arrested by the Myanmar Police 

sometimes as long as a month before the 25 August attack, without charges or arrest 

warrants, and several of those detained have reportedly not been heard from since. 

A 60-year old woman from Buthidaung township, who recently arrived in the camp stated, 

"The day of the big attack, the Myanmar army came and surrounded our house. They started 

to scream that we do not belong in Myanmar and that it is not our counfly. Then they started 

to shoot. We tried to hide in our house, but we could not escape the bullets that were 

everywhere. I took my family and we ran as fast as we could to the hills. We saw many dead 

bodies on the road - it was terrible. Women were raped in front of our eyes - some were even 

young female children- and sometimes they were hurt by several men in uniform. Men were 

severely beaten with rifle bulls, knifes, and machetes. At night from the hill side we saw ow· 

villages burning - one house after another". 

6 lnlerviewees provided drawings or described lhe look oflhe weapons allegedly used by lhe secmily forces. 7 bllp://www.presidenl-office.gov.uu n/en/?q• liveslream/speech-sc-govenuuels-effo•1s·regard-nalionalrcconcilialion-and-pcace-19-9-20 17. 8 bllp://www.globah•ewlighlofmyaumar.com/will·pe•fonn-<lul ies-accord·law-puuing-mle-law-forward-<lr-winmyal-aye/. 
168 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


Several statements indicated that Rohingya victims ran to hide in the hills and subsequently 

found their houses burnt to the ground, and that, in some cases, the Myanmar security forces 

were attacking villagers who returned to their villages. Rohingya interviewees indicated that 

their family members were beaten up, even killed while attempting to retrieve personal 

belongings. 

In some cases, before and during the attacks, megaphones were used to announce: "You do 

not belong here - go to Bangladesh. If you do not leave, we will torch your houses and kill 

you" . 

A 12-year-old girl from Rathedaung township infom1ed the Team that, "the [Myanmar 

security forces and Rakhine Buddhist individuals] surrounded our house and started to shoot. 

It was a situation of panic - they shot my sister in front of me, she was only seven years old. 

She cried and told me to run. I tried to protect her and care for her, but we had no medical 

assistance on the hillside and she was bleeding so much that after one day she died. I buried 

her myself There were helicopters in the air - and they used "launchers " to tty to attack us 

when we were in the hills. My mother was outside the house with my four brothers. I do not 

know where they are now. My father was jailed a month before this. We do not !.:now why and 

we don 't even know whether he is dead or alive". 

A large number of the interviewees confinned that they witnessed the buming of their homes 

and villages and some confmned that the Myanmar am1y set their houses oo ftre. As the 

houses were set alight witness statements report the chanting of phrases such as "You are 

Bengali! This is no1 your home, you do not belong here''. 

Additional information received indicated that local authorities in some cases warned the 

Rohiogya in advance that their homes would be attacked and burnt to the grouod indicating 

that the attacks were planned. As a result, people fled out of fear for their life and many 

families were separated from each other. 

A 35-year old Rohingya woman from Maungdaw township said, "The Myanmar security 

forces came in the middle of the night. They were using megaphones announcing that we are 

"Bengalis " and ordered us to leave, and if we didn't they will burn our houses. My husband 

was in the hills thai day to collect wood so I was alone when they came. They started to shoot 

and then a bomb blast occurred, following which our house started to burn. Many people 

were running away. I saw many people killed or badly hurt (by gunfire and knives). The 

people who accompanied the Myanmar security forces were Buddhist people from 

neighbouring villages. I have seen them several times in the market". 

A few witnesses mentioned that some Rohingya individuals a few days prior to 25 August 

were taken to town halls and questioned about their engagement with the ARSA regarding 

allegations of providing shelter to these "fighters", and that if they did not tell the tmth, there 

would be serious consequences. 

A 60-year old father of four children from Buthidaung township stated that, "They wanted to 

get information but we did not know anything. We tried to tel/them so blll they got more and 

more angty and started to shoot bullets which went flying in all directions. Why do they hold 

us responsible for something that we have no knowledge of? Myanmar is our birthplace. We 

did not do anything wrong. We are not criminals. What crime have we committed? The 

Myanmar authorities have denied us the right to live in peace; they order us to leave our land 

- the same land generations of our families have called home. The big issues started with the 

ID cards: the Myanmar government through the Myanmar army wanted us to hand in our old 
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ID cards and accept ID cards for us the "Muslims" - it means that we would agree that we 

are not ji·om Myanmar, that instead we come ji-om Bangladesh, but this is not true. Why 

should we accept this?" 

It was also highlighted that specific attacks particularly targeted the educated in the Rohingya 

society such as teachers, business men, religious and community leaders - people with 

influence. They were reportedly arrested and transferred to unknown places. Several 

eyewitnesses stated that people were completely taken by surprise when the attack on their 

villages occurred and that the operations often started after midnight or just after lunch time. 

A 26-year old mother mentioned, "/ woke up 3 a.m. and my house was on fire. There was 

chaos, eve1yone was running eve1ywhere, they were shooting to kill us, they took women and 

dragged them away to rape them. They did not spare anyone - even children were beaten and 

tortured. I fled ji-om my house with my seven children and my husband, before they could 

a flack us. I have tried for a long time to live in peace, even during difficult times, but this 

a flack was horrible. The Myanmar army were telling us "you are not the people of Myanmar 

- you are the people of Bangladesh. If you do not leave your home now, we will torch your 

houses. Before this day, the Myanmar army have made our lives difficult. They blocked us 

fi·om buying and selling property. We could not go to the markets without permission and we 

could not conduct any business. They were screaming that we are Muslims, we do not belong 

on their soil, and we should go to Bangladesh". 

5. Othea· a·eported human a·ights violations 

Extrajudicial and summary executions 

Several victims reported the killing of close family members by random gunfire or referred to 

the Myanmar security forces surrounding villages at some distance and then shooting 

indiscriminately at houses and individuals alike. Wl1ile describing the situation, several 

witnesses recalled the presence of the Myanmar security forces accompanied by mobs of 

Rakhine Buddhist individuals, sometimes in groups of up to 100-150 individuals. In some 

cases, prior to being killed, victims were reportedly accused of supporting "terrorists". 

Almost all testimonies indicated that people were shot at close range and in the back while 

they tried to flee in panic. 

Eyewitnesses reported to the Team that Rakhine Buddhist individuals wielded knives or 

machetes as they entered Rohingya settlements. The Team collected personal details of the 

victims allegedly killed. In some cases victims were allegedly deliberately targeted and while 

in other cases they were killed through explosions, fire and stray bullets. The data gathered 

by the Team from local government and clinics in the different camp sites and makeshift 

settlements in Cox's Bazar, and from intemational and domestic NGOs, corroborates the 

findings related to injuries sustained by guo shots. 

Witness accounts attest to Rohingya victims, including children and elderly people, bumt to 

death inside their houses. The Team heard several accounts of elderly Rohingya being left 

behind by their families as the latter fled in panic. In one case it was highlighted that a victim 

was deliberately trapped inside a house by the Myanmar security forces and burnt alive. 

Children were not spared by the security forces, nor by Rakbine Buddhist individuals. There 

were accounts of severe beatings, stabbings or killings during the attacks. 

The Team received infonnation from the Bangladesh Police of 100 bodies of Rohingya 

victims (20 male, 38 female and 42 children) that were collected floating down the Naf River 
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from Myanmar intto Bangladesh territory in the period 31 August to 20 September 2017. 

Several of the bodies recovered had signs of gunshot wounds on different parts of their 

bodies. Several Rohingyas mentioned buryit1g their loved ones at the border as they bad died 

of the injuries suffered either during the anned attacks on their villages or during the joumey 

to the border with Bangladesh. 

Disappearances 

A woman, aged 50 years from Maungdaw township stated, "My son was imprisoned by the 

Myanmar army. The army came to our house and a1Tes/ed him bill we do not/mow why - they 

just arrested him and took him away. They visited our house earlier and issued threats saying 

that we do not belong to Myanmar, bill this time it was different, this situation was e:areme -

they were extreme. I am so worried about my son, we do not h10w if he is dead or alive. I am 

nor worried about my property bur I only want my son back. I want to know if he is dead or 

nor. I cannot tolerate this anymo1·e - the pain is too much. It is bette1-jor him to die then to be 

tortured". 

It was further alleged that the "most beautiful girls" in the village who were unmarried were 

rounded up, separated from their families and taken away to unknown destinations. A 

majority of the interviewees believed that those who were handpicked by the security forces 

are no longer alive. The Team collected information related to the names and age of the 

disappeared females. 

Rape and other forms of sexual violence 

Well into the course of the mission, more and more infonnation began to be shared both by 

girls and women who had survived rape or other fonns of sexual violence. Information was 

collected related to girls as young as five to seven years of age who had been raped, often in 

front of their relatives, and sometimes by three to five men taking tums, all dressed in anny 

uniforms. 

Witness statements indicated that some previously abducted girls returned with vaginal 

bleeding, which continued for days. One statement indicated that a knife was used during a 

gang rape of a female victim. Another statement, received by an extremely credible source, 

refered to a woman whose stomach was slit open after she was raped. Witnesses stated that 

her "unborn baby" was killed by the alleged perpetrator with a knife and her nipples were cut 

off. Personnel in community clinics in registered camps and makeshift settlements, in a clinic 

run by an international NGO, as well as personnel at the Bazar Sadaar District Hospital in 

Cox's Bazar corroborated the information that female Rohingya victims were being treated by 

their medical staff for injuries received through sexual and gender-based violence. 

A young woman of25 from Buthidaung township stated, " I came here [to the camp] 12 days 

ago. I came by foot through the hills, and we walked for five days. We did not have any water 

or food; we left all our belongings in the house as we ran ji-om the fire, and the shooting. It 

was a massacre. Women were collected and taken away - they were raped in ji-ont of us - in 

ji-onr of theirfamifies. The Uour men] in uniform took my sister when we were hiding in the 

hills; they raped her in ji-onl of us as we were hiding behind the trees. She was c1ying but my 

father could not help he1~ as we had to be quiet so they did not notice us. It was horrible and 

she had pain and was bleeding for many days. Now in Bangladesh, she has received medical 

care but her dignity is destroyed". 
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Testimonies also indicate that many women, even ones who were pregnant, were raped. In 

several cases, women and girls were reportedly raped in their homes and at police stations, 

and at other times in full view of family members, including children; anyone trying to protect 

their female kin was dealt with severely by the perpetrators. 

Torture and other cruel, inhuman or degradi11g treatment or punishment 

Testimonies collected from victims and witnesses revealed that physical assault, including 

beatings, by Myanmar security forces, was widespread following the outbreak of violence on 

25 August. Victims reportedly included Rohingya men, women and children of all ages, 

sometimes as young as four to five years old. Rifle butts were allegedly used to hit sensitive 

areas of the human body such as stomach and head. Several testimonies mentioned that male 

members of the household were targeted by the military, sometimes jointly with Rakhine 

Buddhists individuals, as they tried to flee. Collected testimonies refer to broken legs, arms 

and ribs. The Myanmar security forces and supporting Rakhine Buddhist individuals 

reportedly forced victims, including small children, to watch as torture was inflicted on their 

loved ones. In certain cases, individuals were allegedly severely beaten, raped or otherwise 

sexually abused, and even killed in front of their relatives, which had the effect of inflicting 

often severe mental anguish, and instilling fear. 

Attacks on places of worship and religious intolerance 

Information received by the Team refers to the burning of mosques and the destruction of the 

Holy Quran, which was burnt and tom apart in front of villagers. 

A 55-year old man from Buthidaung township mentioned an attack on their local mosque a 

few days before the 25 August, " The Myanmar security forces came during pmyer rime. They 

set the mosque on fire, took our holy books and tore them apart infi'ont of us, yelling "Where 

is your Allah now, will he come and save you? You are Muslims and you do not belong here. 

We want a state only for us ". 

6. The flight to Bangladesh 

A 20-year old woman from Rathcdaung township said, "ljledfi'om my village 8-10 days ago 

and arrived in the camp two days ago. We walkedforjive days to get to Bangladesh, without 

any food or water. 1 walked for days in the hills while in an advanced stage of pregnancy and 

delivered my child on the hill side without any medical support - he is vety sick but we are 

safe". 

Several of the statements collected indicate that once the Myanmar security forces entered 

villages, chaos broke out and family members were separated due to panic. Often families 

fled with their Jives, without any personal belongings or identification documents other than 

what they were able to hastily collect and carry. 

One 12-year old girl from Buthidaung township said that, "evetyone lost someone, many 

children were looking for their family members - it was total chaos, and !thought we were 

safe rhe moment we reached the border bw then [rhe Myanmar army] came fi'om all 

directions and starling shooting at us - many people ran into the nearby jungle but some old 

people died in fi'onl of my eyes". 

The Team estimates that the journey from the villages to the border with Bangladesh took 

from 2-16 days, and that most people were forced to pay between 5,000-10,000 Taka per 
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person to cross the river by boat. Many without any means had to walk across to the border. 

In several repo11ed cases, people who did not have cash bartered jewellery, such as gold 

bracelets, earrings and nose pins to pay for the crossing. Several who could not afford to pay 

were left behind, and in some cases, boatmen took pity and allowed unaccompanied minors in 

particular to board the boat without payment. In Sabrang, the Team was infom1ed that faithbased organisations pay for transportation of some Rohingyas from a transit island (Shapori 

Island) in Bangladesh to mainland Bangladesh. During the visit, the Team witnessed the 

arrival of a boat with 26 Rohingyas on board, mainly women and children. The passengers 

were received by men carrying stacks of cash which was offered to the arriving Rohingya 

(100-500 Taka/person). Furthem10re, Rohingyas received a voucher each for staple food and 

basic personal items by representatives of faith-based organisations including a local mosque. 

Arriving by boat was an 11 year-old boy, with a gunshot wound on his thigh, who said, "/ 

belonged to a group of 25 people attempting to cross the border. Myanmar militmy started to 

shoot at us and 8 people got injured. My father was killed earlier during Olll')oumey from our 

village to the border, and I was separated jiwn my mother". 

A 34-year old woman from Buthidaung township found her sister's children abandoned at the 

border in Myanmar: "/ managed to escape with my two children. I do not know how I 

managed to reach the border. I was so scared. I lost eve1ything. My husband was killed in 

Ji'ont of me. We had no water orfood but people helped me and they cared for my children. 

For eight days we were hiding in the jungle - when we came to the border !found my sister's 

{12-year old} daughter. She was shot three times, once in the back and twice in her leg. My 

sister's [4-year-old] son had a gun injwy on the right side of this leg. Eve1y time he hears the 

word 'militmy, ' he cries. 1 care for these children because if I don 't, who will?" 

Fleeing Rohingyas hid along the hillsides during day time and walked towards the border with 

Bangladesh at nightfall out of fear of detection and assault. Individuals indicated that they 

went to abandoned villages to find food and water before they finally fled the country for 

safety. Several testimonies referred to ongoing attacks in the border area with Bangladesh 

while waiting for transportation. 

A single mother of six children from Buthidaung township arrived on the shore in 

Bangladesh: "/have nothing, I was so scared for my life, the only thing that I focused on was 

to save the lives of my children, I do not know where to go, I do not have a plan, and I don't 

know what the future will bring. Please help me". 

In one of the group interviews with 42 new arrivals in Shamlapur originating from Maungdaw 

township in Myanmar, a majority of whom were women (including five women with 23 

children) described how the Myanmar security forces had entered their homes telling them to 

look outside their windows where neighbouring villages were on fire, and warned that if they 

did not leave they would all be burnt inside their houses. 

A recently arrived 19-year old girl from Buthidaung township, whose father was allegedly 

killed by the Myanmar security forces in front of her and her mother, and who was lost in the 

crowd said: "/am alone; I do know where to go, or what to do. I have my four siblings [they 

are 6, 9, 12, 13 years of age] and I don't know how to feed them or how to comfort them. I c1y 

at night so they cannot see. 1 hide my face so they cannot see the pain or the fear 1 feel ". 
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Use oflandmines 

Tite Team received credible infomtation that an estimated 11 Rohingya victims had suffered 

severe injuries including missing limbs following mine incidents. The defused landmines 

have been identified as anti-personnel mines. 

The Team was informed that until 23 August 2017, the Myanmar and Bangladesh border 

guards conducted joint patrols along the international border between Bangladesh and 

Myarnnar and that it was therefore highly unlikely that mines were planted before 23 August 

due to the likelihood of real danger for anny persorn1el of both sides that they would step onto 

such an explosive device. 

On the basis of the information received, the Team believe that the mines were deliberately 

planted by the Myanmar security forces after 23 August 20 17 along the border in an attempt 

to prevent the Rohtingya refugees from returning to Myanmar. Information received by the 

Team referred to the use of landmines and to incidents of people stepping on mines whilst 

fleeing, or attempting to return to Myanmar to check on other missing family members from 

25 August onwards. Titey were either killed instantly, or suffered serious injuries. The Cox's 

Bazar District Hospital and other medical facilities confirmed the treatment of mine injuries. 

7. Conclusions and upcoming risks/cha llenges 

l11e vast majority of those interviewed suffered multiple human rights violations. Many 

reported having been first internally displaced, sometimes moving between several villages, 

before trying to cross the border into Bangladesh (attacked by the Myanmar security forces in 

the abandoned villages or on hillsides). The majority of eyewitness accounts referred to 

violations allegedly perpetrated by the Myanmar security forces often through joint operations 

with Rakhine Buddhist individuals. Testimonies referred to apparently well-organised and 

coordinated action, where first the Myanmar security forces came into a village followed by 

the Rakhine Buddhists individuals using knives or machetes to inflict death, injury or damage. 

Tite "clearance operations" started before 25 August 2017, and as early as the begirnling of 

August. The apparently well-organised, coordinated and systematic nature of the attacks 

carried out by the Myanmar security forces against the entire Rohingya population across 

northern Rakhine State has led to a mass exodus of more than 500,000 people fleeing to 

Bangladesh. 

l11e testimonies gathered by OHCHR indicate that the attacks against Rohingya villages 

constitute serious human rights violations. As recalled by many victims, the security forces 

and the Rakhine Buddhist individuals incited hatred, violence and killings against the 

Rohingya population within northern Rakhine State through extremely derogatory abuse 

based on their religion, language and culture and ethnic identity. 

l11ere are indications that violence is still ongoing at the time of writing this report. Several 

Rohingyas expressed fear for their life and grave reservations over the possibility of return to 

their homeland in Myanmar. The information gathered also indicates however that some 

sections of the Rohingya population currently present in Bangladesh might be willing to 

return to their villa,ges despite widespread destruction, provided the following conditions are 

met by the Government of Myanmar: 1) Provision of Myanmar citizenship; 2) Respect for 

civil, political, economic, cultural and social rights; 3) Compensation for loss of livelihood; 4) 

Accountability for !human rights violations suffered; and 5) Deployment of UN peacekeeping 

operations to ensure the safety of the Rohingya people in Myanmar. A few interviewees also 
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