About the Report

The report is based on a 2014 course presented at the U.S. Institute 

of Peace (USIP) Academy for International Conflict Management 

and Peacebuilding on UN peace operations in the Sahel. The course 

was cofacilitated by the author and representatives from the UN 

Department of Peacekeeping Operations. The report also draws from 

interviews conducted by the author at UN headquarters and with 

senior UN officials in Washington and Africa. It looks at the growing 

relevance to U.S. foreign policy and national security interests of 

UN peacekeeping in areas threatened by transnational terrorism 

and organized crime and calls for increased U.S. engagement and 

support. USIP research assistants Elizabeth Teoman, Eva Maria 

Smith, Emily Mella, and Kelly McKone contributed to the report. 

About the Author

Robert M. Perito is the executive director of the Perito Group, which 

advises governments on security sector reform, and an adviser 

to the UN Police Division on doctrine development. Formerly, 

he was the director of the Center of Innovation for Security 

Sector Governance at USIP and led the U.S. Justice Department’s 

international police assistance program. Perito was a U.S. foreign 

service officer with the State Department and served in the White 

House as deputy executive secretary of the National Security 

Staff. He was a visiting lecturer at Princeton University, diplomat 

in residence at the American University, and an adjunct professor 

at George Mason University. He is the author of Where is the 

Lone Ranger? America’s Search for a Stability Force, The American 

Experience with Police in Peace Operations, and coauthor of The 

Police in War: Fighting Insurgency, Terrorism, and Violent Crime.

2301 Constitution Ave., NW • Washington, DC 20037 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063

Special Report 365 March 2015

© 2015 by the United States Institute of Peace. 

All rights reserved.

Contents

A New Environment for UN Peace Operations 3

A New U.S. Perspective on North Africa, 2

the Sahel, and UN Peacekeeping 4

A New Set of Challenges for UN Peacekeeping 5

The UN Response to New Environments 4

and Security Challenges 7

UN Initiatives for Establishing Public 4

Safety and Justice 9

Conclusion 13

Robert M. Perito 

UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org

SPECIAL REPORT

UN Peacekeeping in 

the Sahel

Overcoming New Challenges

Summary

• In the Middle East and North Africa, the international community is confronted by a region 

in turmoil from conflicts driven by religious extremism, weapons proliferation, and organized crime. The implications of this development for UN efforts to reestablish sustainable 

security through peacekeeping have been profound. The response to this challenge has 

been a new generation of UN operations authorized under the peace enforcement provisions 

of the UN Charter. 

• In Mali, the Central African Republic, and other African countries, the United Nations has 

worked with the African Union, European Union, and France to combat terrorists and 

insurgent forces, to protect civilians, and extend the authority of national governments. UN 

military forces have more aggressive mandates and are equipped with drones and helicopter 

gunships. UN Police have new authorities to restore public order and establish the rule of law. 

• The UN involvement in the struggle against transnational terrorism and crime has enhanced 

the importance of UN peace operations, but it has revealed shortcomings in UN capabilities 

and created controversy among member states over the use of force in UN missions and UN 

involvement in the affairs of member states. 

• UN engagement in this critical region has also caused the U.S. government to reevaluate 

the importance of UN peacekeeping to U.S. foreign policy and national security interests. 

The United States has launched new programs to assist regional governments and to train 

African peacekeepers for current and future operations.

Introduction

In the Middle East, North Africa, and the Sahel, the international community is confronted 

by a region in turmoil, as peaceful democratic transitions have stalled and authoritarian 
2 USIP.ORG • SPECIAL REPORT 365

regimes and violent extremists have gone on the offensive. In the wake of the Arab Spring 

revolts, a new military leader has risen to power in Egypt; Syria’s civil war appears headed 

toward a showdown between the government and the extremist Islamic State (IS); and 

Libya’s militias, tribes, and cities have chosen sides for a civil war. Traumatic change has 

created a region with weak and dysfunctional governments, vast ungoverned spaces, porous 

borders, and jihadis, militias, and tribal forces. 

The violence has occurred at a time of indecision in world affairs, when previous models 

for foreign intervention no longer apply.1 The United Nations (UN) and the North Atlantic 

Treaty Organization (NATO) will not repeat the large-scale peace operations conducted in 

Bosnia and Kosovo during the 1990s. The United States is unlikely to engage in operations 

on the scale of Iraq and Afghanistan. These operations were born of euphoric confidence in 

the superiority of the Western democratic model after the fall of the Soviet Union and were 

paid for by growing economies.2 That confidence has vanished in a time of economic recession and Russian resurgence. At the United Nations on September 24, 2013, President Barack 

Obama said the United States now has a “hard-earned humility” about its ability to determine 

events in other countries.3

Beyond a crisis in confidence, the United States is restrained by uncertainty about how 

to deal with three new drivers of conflict that have emerged in the region: religious extremism, weapons proliferation, and organized crime. In his remarks before the Munich Security 

Conference on February 1, 2014, Secretary of State John Kerry said, “We are facing threats 

of terrorism and untamed growth in radical sectarianism and religious extremism, which 

increase the challenge of failing states and the vacuums they leave behind.” 4 The IS declaration of an Islamic caliphate in Iraq and Syria5 marked a turning point in the decade-long war 

between Iraqi Sunni and Shiite Muslims and their patrons in the Gulf States and Iran. This 

conflict is part of a historic sectarian struggle and a new scramble for power in the aftermath 

of the Arab Spring.6 Concurrently, the franchising of al-Qaeda-brand jihadis has provided 

legitimacy, license, and motivation to groups across northern Africa and the Sahel. A RAND 

study described al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) as indistinguishable from other 

criminal gangs engaged in kidnapping and cigarette smuggling before its leader announced 

his allegiance to al-Qaeda.7 In the Central African Republic (CAR), armed groups of Muslims 

and Christians engaged in murderous clashes spurred by political and economic grievances. 

The country is now divided along sectarian lines; a historic tradition of peaceful coexistence 

has been wiped away.8

The spread of religious extremism has coincided with the proliferation of weapons looted 

from Libyan arms depots and arms smuggled into Syria by the Gulf States. In Libya, weapons 

proliferation has supported the rise of rival militias, terrorists, and tribal forces that have 

coalesced into Islamist and secular armed factions backing rival governments, parliaments, 

and central bank governors, supported by foreign patrons that have intervened militarily in the 

conflict.9 Proliferation of the so-called Libyan package—a rocket-propelled grenade launcher, 

an AK-47, and a handgun—has changed the balance of power where governments have lost the 

monopoly on the use of force. Weapons proliferation also has fueled the rise of terrorist groups 

operating in northern Mali, Nigeria, and other parts of the Sahel. Boko Haram has declared an 

Islamic state in northern Nigeria, engaged in open war against the government and Christian 

communities, and poses a growing threat to neighboring states.10

Religious extremists and armed groups have been funded by the expansion of organized 

crime, particularly trafficking in drugs, weapons, and people. Historically, the Sahel was 

vulnerable to cross-border smuggling due to weak governance, endemic corruption, grinding 

poverty, and uncontrolled borders.11 Regional governments tolerated this activity, allowing 

tribes to earn a living from smuggling as an alternative to providing development assistance. 

The views expressed in this report do not necessarily 

reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace, 

which does not advocate specific policy positions.

To request permission to photocopy or reprint materials, 

e-mail: permissions@usip.org

About the Institute

The United States Institute of Peace is an independent, 

nonpartisan institution established and funded by Congress. 

Its goals are to help prevent and resolve violent conflicts, 

promote postconflict peacebuilding, and increase conflict 

management tools, capacity, and intellectual capital 

worldwide. The Institute does this by empowering others 

with knowledge, skills, and resources, as well as by its direct 

involvement in conflict zones around the globe.

Board of Directors

Stephen J. Hadley, (Chair), Principal, RiceHadleyGates, LLC, 

Washington, DC • George E. Moose (Vice Chair), Adjunct 

Professor of Practice, The George Washington University, Washington, DC • Judy Ansley, Former Assistant to the President and 

Deputy National Security Advisor under George W. Bush, Washington, DC • Eric Edelman, Hertog Distinguished Practitioner 

in Residence, Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International 

Studies, Washington, DC • Joseph Eldridge, University Chaplain 

and Senior Adjunct Professorial Lecturer, School of International 

Service, American University, Washington, DC • Kerry Kennedy, 

President, Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human 

Rights, Washington, DC • Ikram U. Khan, President, Quality Care 

Consultants, LLC., Las Vegas, NV • Stephen D. Krasner, Graham 

H. Stuart Professor of International Relations at Stanford 

University, Palo Alto, CA • John A. Lancaster, Former Executive 

Director, International Council on Independent Living, Potsdam, 

NY • Jeremy A. Rabkin, Professor of Law, George Mason 

University, Fairfax, VA • J. Robinson West, Chairman, PFC 

Energy, Washington, DC • Nancy Zirkin, Executive Vice 

President, Leadership Conference on Civil and 

Human Rights, Washington, DC 

Members Ex Officio

John Kerry, Secretary of State • Ashton Carter, Secretary of 

Defense • Gregg F. Martin, Major General, U.S. Army; President, 

National Defense University • Nancy Lindborg, President, 

United States Institute of Peace (nonvoting)
USIP.ORG • SPECIAL REPORT 365 3

This changed after the Algerian civil war, the proliferation of weapons from Libya, and the 

rise of cocaine trafficking from West Africa. The mix of narcotics, weapons, and ideology created a dangerous trade in high-value commodities that generates illicit wealth and provides 

financial resources for insurgent and terrorist activities. Along the region’s porous borders, 

where guns were once a rarity and smugglers traded in gasoline, cigarettes, and old clothes, 

new heavily armed and well-financed groups now pose a serious challenge to poorly trained 

and equipped government patrols. 

A New Environment for UN Peace Operations 

The implications of the regional turmoil for UN efforts to reestablish sustainable security, 

promote effective governance, and support the rule of law are profound. The deployment of 

a UN peacekeeping mission to Mali has raised concerns about whether the United Nations 

is prepared to operate in areas threatened by transnational terrorist groups linked to alQaeda and IS. A UN Foundation–led study conducted at Princeton University noted that 

Islamist terrorist organizations pose a fundamentally different challenge than armed groups 

the United Nations has faced in the past. Their objectives, regional and global reach, and 

designation of the United Nations as a priority target make the threat to UN operations far 

more formidable.12

Extremist Islamist groups challenge the existing world order, the UN Charter, and the UN 

state-centric structure. The 1648 Peace of Westphalia, which ended the Thirty Years War, 

created an international order based on individual and sovereign nation-states. The United 

Nations is an international organization composed of member states. In contrast, IS and alQaeda seek to establish a global caliphate that would replace the existing international state 

structure.13 Extremist Islamist groups ignore national borders and can disperse and reassemble 

in vast areas like the Sahel that are beyond the control of national governments. 

Previous UN efforts to resolve international disputes involved groups with objectives 

that fell within the parameters of the existing state system. National liberation movements 

wanted to seize control of existing states or establish new ones that would join the international community. That extremist Islamist groups are driven by an alternative view of world 

order makes them reject compromise based on political concessions. Their objectives are 

irreconcilable with traditional UN approaches to negotiated solutions. 

In addition to challenging the existing world order, transnational Islamist terrorists 

reject international law and internationally recognized human rights. Instead they seek to 

impose a new moral order based upon a radical interpretation of sharia that excludes nonbelievers and imposes severe restraints on women. UN appeals based on respect for UN conventions on human rights and fundamental freedoms have no effect. Transnational terrorist 

groups also reject humanitarian law and routinely target nongovernmental organizations 

that provide relief and development assistance. These groups have proven deaf to appeals 

made on humanitarian grounds and have justified murdering prisoners and enslaving women 

based on their own interpretations of religious texts. 

That transnational Islamist terrorist organizations receive funding for providing protection for drug shipments and other services—as well as directly engaging in criminal activities, such as kidnapping international workers for ransom—acts as a conflict multiplier by 

financing spoilers, promoting corruption, and delegitimizing local government officials and 

security forces. UN Police, whose primary mission is restoring public order, cannot control 

cross-border trafficking or counter sophisticated criminal organizations based outside their 

mission area. On December 19, 2014, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 2195 

(2014) that acknowledged the threat posed to UN missions and regional states in North 

That extremist Islamist groups 

are driven by an alternative 

view of world order makes 

them reject compromise based 

on political concessions. Their 

objectives are irreconcilable with 

traditional UN approaches to 

negotiated solutions.
4 USIP.ORG • SPECIAL REPORT 365

Africa and the Sahel from illicit trafficking in arms, persons, drugs, and artifacts. The resolution called for international action to break the links between terrorists and international 

organized crime.14 

Meanwhile, Islamist extremist groups have attacked UN facilities and killed UN personnel. On October 3, 2014, nine UN peacekeepers were killed when militant gunmen ambushed 

their convoy. This incident brought the number of UN troops killed in Mali to thirty, with 

over ninety wounded since the start of the UN mission.15 Attacks on UN troops and police 

have negatively affected the willingness of troop contributing countries (TCCs) to contribute 

forces to UN missions. This has required the United Nations to rely on the African Union 

(AU) and subregional organizations such as the Economic Community of West African States 

(ECOWAS) that see threats to their national interests and are willing to engage in combat 

operations and suffer casualties. 

Terrorist attacks on the United Nations have affected the organization’s ability to recruit 

staff and interact with local counterparts. The UN response has been to restrict staff to 

heavily fortified compounds or locate them in neighboring countries and rely on short visits 

and electronic communications. The situation has required the United Nations to harden its 

sites, deploy guard forces, travel in armored vehicles, and rely on helicopter transport. This 

militarization of UN field missions contradicts the public image that the United Nations 

would like to project. It also makes it difficult for local officials and civil society to visit 

UN compounds and interact with UN advisers, an essential element in capacity building and 

development programs. 

A New U.S. Perspective on North Africa, the Sahel, and UN Peacekeeping

The emergence of North Africa and the Sahel as a nexus for transnational terrorism and organized crime has caused the United States to focus on the region and reevaluate the importance of UN peacekeeping to U.S. foreign policy and national security interests. In his May 

28, 2014, graduation speech at West Point, President Obama said the U.S. withdrawal from 

Afghanistan would enable Washington to address emerging threats in the Middle East and 

North Africa.16 On August 6, 2014, during the African Summit in Washington DC, President 

Obama announced the Security Governance Initiative (SGI), a partnership with six African 

nations—Ghana, Kenya, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, and Tunisia. The SGI would offer a comprehensive approach to countering terrorist groups and illicit trafficking in drugs, weapons, and 

people. It also would improve the capacity of security sector institutions to protect citizens 

and confront challenges with integrity and accountability.17

On the same day, the White House announced that the United States would spend $550 million to help African nations develop peacekeeping forces that could deploy rapidly as part of an 

AU or UN peacekeeping force. In partnership with Senegal, Ghana, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Tanzania, 

and Uganda, Samantha Powers, U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, said the United States 

would help the United Nations and the AU deal with threats to African countries posed by terrorist groups like al-Shabaab and Boko Haram.18 The White House press release noted that the 

United States was the largest financial contributor to UN peacekeeping with a fiscal year 2015 

budget request of $2.9 billion, or 28 percent of the peacekeeping budget. The new program 

would build upon the U.S. Global Peace Operations Initiative and the Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance Program that trained 248,000 African peacekeeping troops and 

the International Police Peacekeeping Operations Support program that trained and equipped 

1,100 African UN Police before their deployment to Sudan and Mali.19

On September 26, 2014, Vice President Joe Biden joined Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon 

in cohosting a summit meeting in New York on UN peacekeeping. Vice President Biden said 

Terrorist attacks on the United 

Nations have affected the 

organization’s ability to recruit 

staff and interact with local 

counterparts. The UN response 

has been to restrict staff to 

heavily fortified compounds 

or locate them in neighboring 

countries and rely on short visits 

and electronic communications.
USIP.ORG • SPECIAL REPORT 365 5

that the United States viewed UN peacekeeping as more important than ever for maintaining international peace and security and strongly supported the UN peacekeepers who 

are deployed in larger numbers and in more challenging environments than ever before.20

The secretary-general said that with 130,000 troops, police, and civilian staff deployed in 

sixteen missions, and a total budget of over $7 billion, UN peacekeeping efforts were at a 

historic high. The environments UN personnel were operating in required enhanced capacity 

for rapid deployment, air and land mobility, medical support, countering asymmetrical warfare, and improved intelligence against terrorism and organized crime. The secretary-general 

announced the appointment of a new High-Level Independent Panel on Peace Operations 

to better understand these challenges and comprehensively assess UN peacekeeping today 

and the requirements for the future. The panel will be led by Nobel Peace laureate and 

former Timor-Leste head of state José Ramos-Horta. It is to report in September 2015 

on the fifteenth anniversary of the Brahimi Report, the last comprehensive evaluation of 

UN peacekeeping.21 

A New Set of Challenges for UN Peacekeeping

Renewed U.S. interest in peacekeeping and the secretary-general’s call for an assessment 

come in response to changes that occurred in UN peacekeeping over the past decade. These 

changes have made UN peacekeeping more relevant to U.S. national security interests, 

but they have involved areas where it is more politically and practically challenging for 

the United Nations to operate. UN peace operations in North Africa and the Sahel have 

created tensions within the organization and revealed shortcomings in UN authorities and 

capabilities. In the 1990s, UN peace operations in the Balkans, Haiti, and Central America 

were conducted in small countries that were readily accessible and shared Western values. 

In most cases, the UN missions were deployed to implement peace agreements that assured 

there was a peace to keep. While these operations were challenging, their mandates were 

within the United Nations’ traditional authority and existing capability. The new generation of peacekeeping operations—missions established in Sudan, Mali, the Central African 

Republic, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)—presents political, cultural, 

and geographic challenges that have required the United Nations to push the limits of its 

authority and develop new capabilities. 

The most recent UN peace operations are taking place in large countries with harsh terrain 

and vast expanses. They are located in the interior of the African continent, where it can be 

difficult to access widely scattered, endangered populations. They present extreme logistical 

challenges for deploying multinational missions that require nearly everything, from food and 

water to housing and munitions, to be externally supplied. Away from a few metropolitan 

centers, the countries have poor internal communications, a lack of roads, few airports, and 

unmarked and porous borders. In rural areas, the countries have traditional, tribally-based 

societies with generally low levels of education and high levels of poverty. Populations are 

primarily Muslim, but with historic Christian minorities. The countries have little experience 

with democracy, free elections, and issue-based political parties. Portions of the populations 

may have distinctly different views about the best way to organize society.

Contemporary UN peacekeeping missions occur in places where there is little or no peace 

to keep and high levels of violence. The new generation of peace operations has been 

authorized under the peace enforcement provisions of the UN Charter (Chapter VII), which 

authorize the Security Council to deploy armed forces without the consent of parties in a 

conflict to restore peace and security. Previous UN peacekeeping missions were conducted 

under Chapter VI, which authorizes the United Nations to intervene with the consent of 

The most recent UN peace 

operations are taking place 

in large countries with harsh 

terrain and vast expanses. They 

are located in the interior of 

the African continent, where 

it can be difficult to access 

widely scattered, endangered 

populations. 
6 USIP.ORG • SPECIAL REPORT 365

the parties to the conflict, normally contained in a diplomatic agreement. The robust peace 

operations in Bosnia and Kosovo, which included peacebuilding, administrative, and law 

enforcement activities, were said to constitute Chapter 6.5 missions. The growing involvement of the AU and subregional organizations in African peacekeeping has involved Chapter 

VIII of the UN Charter, which enables the Security Council to authorize regional organizations to undertake peace operations.22 The charter does not contain the term peacekeeping. 

Its drafters expected future international conflicts to occur between countries; the guiding 

concept was collective defense against World War II–style aggression. No thought was given 

to UN involvement in intrastate conflict, especially involving member states. 

The United States and Western countries have promoted the aggressive interpretation of 

the UN Charter. The Russians, Chinese, and the Non-Aligned Movement have resisted it. These 

countries demand that the United Nations continue to honor the three core principles that 

have governed UN peacekeeping: consent of the parties, particularly the host government; 

impartiality; and nonuse of force except in self-defense and defense of the mandate. They 

point to the ever-widening gap between these principles, which appeared in the Security 

Council resolutions authorizing the most recent UN missions, and actual practice in the field. 

Major TCCs—India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Ethiopia—have opposed exceeding the United 

Nations’ traditional peacekeeping roles of monitoring and training. These countries accuse 

Western Security Council members and major funders, such as Japan, of placing UN forces at 

risk while being unwilling to put their own troops in harm’s way. 

While the controversy simmers, UN mandates to impose peace in conflict zones require 

military forces that are professionally competent and willing to fight in difficult terrain and 

inhospitable conditions. The troops must be equipped for asymmetrical warfare. They need 

vehicles resistant to improvised explosive devices, body armor, and modern assault rifles. 

They must have mobility, airlift, and logistic support. The missions entail unique medical 

challenges, from pandemics like the Ebola outbreak to battlefield medical evacuations 

and sophisticated care for wounds from bomb attacks. The current annual UN demand for 

130,000 uniformed personnel to staff missions worldwide creates massive requirements for 

recruitment and transport of contingents. That troops from many countries serve on sixmonth rotations exacerbates the problem. 

The United Nations has met the need for forces that can defend themselves against heavily 

armed terrorists and tribal militias in two ways. First, as mentioned above, it has relied upon 

the AU and subregional organizations such as ECOWAS to provide combat forces and conduct 

military operations, while the United Nations provides authorization, funding, administrative 

support, and training. This was the case early on in Mali and the Central African Republic and 

currently in Somalia. AU troop contributors in Somalia—Kenya, Uganda, and Burundi—have 

suffered heavy casualties in fighting against al-Shabaab, including seventy-six Burundian soldiers killed in a single incident in 2011. However, the reliance on regional organizations and 

subregional forces has brought its own problems. AU troops are generally less well trained, 

armed, and equipped than UN military units. There have also been problems with partisanship 

and deportment. In the Central African Republic, there were allegations that Chadian AU units 

sided with Muslim fighters, attacked refugees, and included child soldiers.23

Alternatively, the United Nations has partnered with European militaries—primarily 

France, which provided five thousand troops to stop the AQIM advance in northern Mali. 

French troops operated under a Security Council mandate to stabilize population centers 

in northern Mali and prevent the return of armed elements.24 After two months of fighting in early 2013, Operation Serval had driven Islamist militants from northern Mali cities, 

destroyed terrorist bases, and captured weapons and equipment. Subsequently, the French 

The current annual UN demand 

for 130,000 uniformed 

personnel to staff missions 

worldwide creates massive 

requirements for recruitment 

and transport of contingents. 

That troops from many countries 

serve on six-month rotations 

exacerbates the problem.
USIP.ORG • SPECIAL REPORT 365 7

redistributed their forces to other Sahel countries, but a residual force of sixteen hundred 

conducted operations with the Malian army to prevent the terrorists’ return.25 On December 

11, 2014, French troops killed the military commander and cofounder of the Islamist Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa, a major blow to the group’s operations.26

The UN Response to New Environments and Security Challenges

Beyond the reliance on regional and European troop contributors, the United Nations has 

introduced several innovations to deal with the challenges of the new peacekeeping environment, including a UN combat brigade, unarmed drones, and helicopter gunships. The 

United Nations has also sought out force enablers, such as engineer and medical units, 

communications and logistics capabilities, strategic and tactical intelligence units, special 

operations forces, formed police units, and women peacekeepers. 

Force Intervention Brigade

In November 2013, the Security Council authorized the first UN offensive combat force to defeat 

rebel militias that had paralyzed the eastern Congo and preyed on civilians. The Force Intervention Brigade (FIB) was composed of three thousand soldiers from South Africa, Malawi, and 

Tanzania and was led by Brazilian Lieutenant General Carlos Alberto dos Santos Cruz, who had 

used UN military forces to pacify the slums of Haiti in 2007. Regional states that had a national 

security interest in pacifying areas on their borders provided troop contingents for combat operations. In its first test, operating in support of DRC government troops, the FIB was credited with 

quickly defeating the M23 Movement, a militia regarded as the most powerful rebel force. The 

participation of South African special forces armed with sophisticated, high-powered weapons 

quickly reversed the military equation that previously had favored the rebels.27

The FIB’s success sparked a UN debate about the use of combat forces in peace operations. Supporters argued that the FIB amounted to a model for defeating armed groups 

that threatened civilians and UN personnel that could apply in other missions. Opponents 

complained that the FIB endangered other UN military forces in the DRC that operated under 

a traditional peacekeeping mandate and were unprepared for combat. Humanitarian groups 

voiced concerns that the FIB’s combatant status would make foreign assistance workers 

potential targets. Russia questioned whether the FIB violated the core peacekeeping principles of impartiality and nonuse of force. International law experts argued that the FIB 

made the United Nations a party to the conflict, undercutting the legal protection afforded 

peacekeepers based on their neutrality.28

Unmanned Aerial Vehicles

In the DRC, Mali, and Central African Republic, the United Nations introduced unmanned 

aerial vehicles (UAVs)—that is, drones—to track militias, provide forward intelligence to UN 

patrols operating in hostile environments, and document refugee movements. In the DRC, 

drones enabled UN forces to conduct surveillance over mountainous jungle regions that were 

inaccessible to ground reconnaissance but provided safe havens for rebel forces. UAVs freed 

scarce piloted air assets for other duties. They also deterred armed groups, which curtailed 

operations to avoid discovery. In Mali, UN, French, and Dutch forces benefited from U.S. 

drones that operated from bases in neighboring Chad. Unarmed drones could patrol vast 

desert stretches to detect terrorist movements and monitor illicit trafficking.29 
8 USIP.ORG • SPECIAL REPORT 365

Helicopter Gunships

In spring 2014, the Netherlands sent four AH-64D Apache attack helicopter gunships and 

three CH-47 Chinook transport helicopters to Mali. The aircraft provided the UN mission with 

reconnaissance capability, fire support, transportation, and medical evacuation. The Dutch 

also sent 378 troops, including special forces, crew members, and intelligence analysts, to 

protect, operate, and maintain the helicopters and to process information obtained from 

surveillance missions.30 UN operations in Africa are critically short of helicopters, a significant disadvantage for peacekeepers operating without situational awareness and fire support. The United Nations hoped other NATO nations would follow the Dutch lead and transfer 

equipment and personnel from Afghanistan. For the Netherlands, the Mali mission enabled 

the Dutch military to maintain the capability to deploy military units abroad, a capacity that 

might be lost after the Afghanistan withdrawal. On January 21, 2015, UN Dutch helicopter 

gunships carried out their first airstrikes in Mali, attacking Tuareg rebels who had shelled 

peacekeepers in the town of Tabankort. The United Nations said the action was consistent 

with the mandate of the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali to 

protect civilians and UN personnel.31

Intelligence Collection

Historically, member states have balked at providing the United Nations with an intelligencecollection mandate at either the strategic (headquarters) or operational (field) level. However, the increased size, length, and complexity of peacekeeping operations, compounded 

by the severe security threats to UN personnel, made a stronger UN intelligence capability 

necessary and increasingly acceptable. In 2005, the United Nations created a new multidisciplinary structure, the Joint Mission Analysis Centre (JMAC), with a mandate to produce 

mission-wide integrated intelligence for the senior management of peacekeeping missions. 

The model is unique in that JMAC teams are composed of military, police, and civilian team 

members, who share the same physical office space and exchange information. They give UN 

forces integrated and finished intelligence as a basis for their operations. 

Women Peacekeepers

There is no question that women peacekeepers enhance the effectiveness of UN peace 

operations. The presence of women in UN military and police forces improves situational 

awareness and the acceptance of and access to local communities. Women peacekeepers can 

undertake sensitive security roles, such as conducting body searches that are off-limits to 

men in traditional societies. They are also more effective at working with victims of genderbased violence and with women combatants, prisoners, and war victims. The all-women 

formed police units from India and Bangladesh serving in Liberia and the DRC are perhaps 

the most visible examples of women in peacekeeping.32 

Case Study: Mali 

The military challenges and innovations that characterize the new generations of UN peace 

operations are exemplified in UN involvement in Mali. On December 20, 2012, the Security 

Council adopted Resolution 2085,33 authorizing deployment of the AU-led International 

Support Mission in Mali (AFISMA) to assist Malian defense forces in stabilizing the country. 

At that point, Islamist terrorists and Tuareg insurgents had seized control in northern Mali, 

and a military coup had toppled the government in Bamako. Almost immediately, however, 

Islamist terrorist forces began moving south, capturing the city of Konna and prompting 

Mali’s interim president, Dioncounda Traoré, to request French military intervention.34 On 

The increased size, length, and 

complexity of peacekeeping 

operations, compounded by the 

severe security threats to UN 

personnel, made a stronger UN 

intelligence capability necessary 

and increasingly acceptable.
USIP.ORG • SPECIAL REPORT 365 9

January 11, 2013, French president François Hollande launched Operation Serval to repel the 

terrorist advance. Some eighteen hundred French troops deployed from Burkina Faso, Chad, 

and the Ivory Coast. On January 29, AFISMA forces deployed from Niger to meet French and 

Malian forces in Kidal. Between January 26 and mid-February, the combined force recaptured 

the principal northern cities of Gao, Timbuktu, Kidal, and Tessalit. The terrorists and insurgents retreated into the mountains and switched to guerilla tactics. The French-led coalition continued to launch air strikes and by April started rebuilding the Malian military and 

reinstating government control. The European Union sent two hundred trainers to enhance 

the capabilities of the Malian police and armed forces. 

Given the successes of the French and AFISMA forces, interim president Traoré on February 

12, 2013, requested the United Nations transform AFISMA into a UN peacekeeping operation.35 

On April 25, 2013, the Security Council passed Resolution 2100, authorizing the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), a Chapter VII peace enforcement mission that would assist the Malian government in implementing its plans for national 

reconciliation.36 On July 1, 2013, MINUSMA took over AFISMA’s operations, retaining many of 

its personnel. The new mission would have 11,200 troops and 1,440 police; most of its personnel would be stationed in the north with the mission headquarters in Bamako. 

At U.S. and French insistence, Mali held presidential elections at the end of July 2013 

despite indications that the country was ill prepared.37 Many Tuareg boycotted the election 

because of poor security and their aspirations for an independent state. After failing to 

achieve a majority on the initial ballot, former prime minister Ibrahim Boubacar Keita won 

an August 2013 runoff. In May 2014, the situation in the north took a negative turn when 

rebels attacked Kidal during a visit by Mali’s vice president and the Malian army withdrew 

with heavy losses after failing to recapture the city. May also marked the beginning of a 

series of targeted attacks on UN forces. The drawdown of French forces at the end of Operation Serval contributed to increased instability. 

On June 25, 2014, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 2164, which extended 

MINUSMA and expanded its mandate, but the mission encountered difficulties.38 There was 

a three-month gap in leadership between the departure of Bert Koenders and the appointment of former Tunisian foreign minister Mongi Hamdi.39 Military and police deployments 

lagged, creating a shortfall of 3,100 uniformed personnel.40 Mali experienced an Ebola scare 

that affected operations and recruiting. A Guinea-formed police unit was delayed because 

Senegalese trainers were afraid of contacting the disease. In November, the fourth round of 

Algerian-mediated peace talks resulted in a draft peace and reconciliation agreement, but 

the sides remained far apart on the fundamental issues of federalism and allowing greater 

autonomy for the North.41 Meanwhile armed clashes occurred between the pro-government 

Imghad and Allies Tuareg Self-Defense Group (GATIA) militia and Tuareg rebels and between 

French troops and Islamist insurgents. On December 11, French troops killed the leader of 

the jihadist Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa; on February 3, a French operation 

reportedly killed twelve extremists. UN helicopter gunships were in action against Tuareg 

fighters attempting to retake the town of Tabankort from the GATIA.42

UN Initiatives for Establishing Public Safety and Justice 

Of all the areas in which the United Nations has achieved progress in organizing and conducting peace operations, the increased capacity to protect civilians and provide justice 

stands out. This has involved the reorganization of the UN Secretariat, adoption of new 

UN principles and doctrines, expansion of Security Council mandates, and deployment of 

UN armed police units and experts on courts and prisons. In the aftermath of conflict and 
10 USIP.ORG • SPECIAL REPORT 365

violent regime change, the goal for both new governments and the United Nations is to 

provide security and justice for local citizens by establishing police, courts, and prisons. The 

immediate need is to make it possible for people to go about their daily affairs without fear 

and to create judicial institutions that can resolve disputes peacefully. If these basic needs 

are not met, combatants may refuse to relinquish their arms, and people may not trust the 

new government institutions. Extremist groups may impose summary justice. In Libya, as 

militias refuse to disarm and the public distrusts the national government, UN-led peace 

talks are the last chance of avoiding civil war.43 

In 2000, the landmark Brahimi Report recommended that the United Nations take an 

integrated, holistic approach to establishing the rule of law in peace operations.44 In 2007, 

the new Department of Peacekeeping Operations’ Office of the Rule of Law and Security 

Institutions (OROLSI) brought together the UN Police Division; the Criminal Law and Judicial 

Advisory Service; the Security Sector Reform Unit; the Disarmament, Demobilization, and 

Reintegration Section; and the Mine Action Service.45 OROLSI colocated UN practitioners 

concerned with police, courts, and prisons, the three parts of the criminal justice system. 

Including the Security Sector Reform Unit provided capacity to take a comprehensive view 

of restoring the civilian security institutions in postconflict states. In 2012, the secretarygeneral combined the relevant parts of OROLSI with their counterparts in the UN Development Program to create the Global Focal Point (GFP), a one-stop shop for rule of law issues. 

At UN headquarters, the GFP provided rapid, unified responses to requests from the field for 

police and justice programs.46

Innovations in the UN Secretariat were accompanied by improvements in field operations. 

Over the past two decades, UN Police have become a standard feature of UN peacekeeping 

missions, second in numbers only to UN military forces. Currently, 12,513 UN Police are serving in sixteen UN peace operations, compared with only 1,677 police twenty years ago. With 

greater numbers there has been a growth in responsibilities. The era when UN Police simply 

monitored local police and served as role models is over. Today UN Police have three primary 

missions: interim policing and law enforcement; operational support, that is, maintaining 

public order, riot control, and citizen protection; and reform, reconstruction, and rebuilding 

entire police services. UN Police missions operate in more complex political, cultural, and social 

environments. UN Police confront an unprecedented set of security challenges. The emergence 

of transnational terrorism and organized crime has required UN Police to work with INTERPOL 

and the UN Office on Drugs and Crime and to collect and use police intelligence in conducting 

operations. UN Police forces now include specialists in counterterrorism and organized crime, 

forensics, cybercrime, gender-based violence, and human trafficking.47

Despite progress, UN policing faces challenges. Member states cannot provide enough 

police officers who meet UN standards, leaving over three thousand positions authorized 

by the Security Council unfilled. This shortfall has meant that more than half of UN Police 

now serve in armed, formed police units (gendarmes), as only unit commanders must satisfy recruiting requirements—primarily the ability to speak the mission language (usually 

English or French). While responsibilities have increased, the capability of UN Police forces 

has declined over the past decade due to a sharp drop in the number of U.S. and European 

personnel and a surge in numbers from South Asia, the Middle East, and Africa.48 To help correct these problems, on February 2, 2014, the UN Police Division published the first doctrine 

on “UN Police in Peacekeeping Operations and Special Political Missions” to make clear to 

police-contributing states the roles and missions that UN Police should be able to perform.49

On November 20, 2014, the Security Council adopted its first resolution on UN policing, 

which called upon member states to contribute “professional police with the necessary skills, 

equipment, and experience to implement mission mandates,” including language.50 

The era when UN Police simply 

monitored local police and 

served as role models is over. 

Today UN Police have three 

primary missions: interim 

policing and law enforcement; 

operational support, that is, 

maintaining public order, riot 

control, and citizen protection; 

and reform, reconstruction, and 

rebuilding entire police services. 
USIP.ORG • SPECIAL REPORT 365 11

Beyond the need to counter transnational terrorism and crime, the expansion of UN Police 

responsibilities has reflected the international community’s decision to protect civilians in 

conflict states even from their own governments. The Rwandan genocide; the massacre at 

Srebrenica, Bosnia; and the mass killings in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge resulted in a 

series of initiatives in response. In 2004, the AU Peace and Security Council decided to replace 

the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of sovereign states with the principle 

of nonindifference to the suffering of civilians. In turn, the UN High-Level Panel on Threats, 

Challenges, and Change endorsed the norm of a responsibility to protect (R2P) in the event 

of large-scale killing that a sovereign government was unable or unwilling to stop. In 2005, 

the UN World Summit accepted R2P, authorizing the Security Council to conduct military 

intervention against any government that failed to protect its people against genocide, war 

crimes, and crimes against humanity. In addition to adopting the R2P principle, the Security 

Council has given increased attention to the responsibility to protect civilians in conflict, 

a well-established concept of international law. Beginning with resolutions authorizing 

interventions in Darfur and Libya, the Security Council authorized member states to take “all 

necessary measures” to protect civilians. Within hours of adopting Security Council Resolution 

1973 (3/27/2011) authorizing military intervention in Libya, NATO aircraft destroyed Muammar 

Gaddafi’s tank columns that were poised to attack the city of Benghazi.51 

Case Study: Central African Republic 

The UN responsibility to protect civilians in conflict and the enhanced role of police in peace 

operations have been central factors in the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA). In 2012, a coalition of Muslim rebel factions, 

called the Séléka, united over frustrations with President François Bozizé’s failure to improve 

development and security in the northern part of the country. They argued that the central 

government discriminated against and excluded them and accused Bozizé of failing to honor 

a 2007 peace agreement that promised aid and jobs for former rebels.52 Joined by fighters 

from Chad, Sudan, and Uganda, the group seized the capital of Bangui and ousted Bozizé in 

March 2013. A Séléka leader, Michel Djotodia, declared himself president. With no centralized 

command structure or ideology, the Séléka regime quickly fractured, and combatants engaged 

in waves of violence and human rights violations against the country’s Christian majority. 

In response to the attacks, Christians in the north formed armed militias to fight the 

Séléka. These groups called themselves the anti-Balaka, the word meaning machete in 

Sango, the local lingua franca. Violence spread as anti-Balaka forces began targeting Muslims generally, rather than just Séléka fighters.53 While combatants divided along sectarian 

lines, the conflict, which was fought between marauding disorganized bands, was more 

the result of longstanding economic and political grievances than religious differences. 

In January 2014, President Djotodia bowed to international and domestic pressure and 

stepped down. A transitional assembly elected Catherine Samba-Panza as interim president 

until elections could be organized.54 The former mayor of Bangui, Samba-Panza appointed 

a technocrat cabinet, but the government largely ceased to function and could not stop 

the violence.55 Between 2013 and 2014 the country’s military, police, and court system 

collapsed; fighters from all factions operated with impunity.

In December 2013, the UN Security Council adopted a resolution authorizing the AUled Mission Internationale de Soutien à la Centrafrique sous Conduite Africaine (MISCA) to 

stabilize the country. The resolution allowed MISCA and French troops already stationed in 

the country to “use all necessary means” to restore security, protect civilians, and enable 

humanitarian assistance.56 The European Union also launched a peacekeeping force of 

one thousand troops, authorized to stay for six months.57 In April 2014, there were five 
12 USIP.ORG • SPECIAL REPORT 365

thousand AU troops, one thousand European Union troops, and two thousand French troops 

operating in the country, but they were unable to stop the fighting and stem the country’s 

humanitarian crisis.58 MISCA lacked not only adequate military and police forces but also the 

civilian components required to address the crisis.

On September 15, 2014, MINUSCA took over MISCA’s responsibilities with a mandate 

to protect civilians and stabilize the country and an authorized strength of ten thousand 

military and two thousand police personnel.59 The mission’s mandate emphasized supporting 

transitional authorities in policing the country and rebuilding the national judicial system 

to restore the rule of law.60 In a letter to the Security Council on April 8, 2014, interim 

president Samba-Panza requested this emphasis on police and justice, inviting the United 

Nations to accept temporary authority to maintain law and order by arresting and detaining 

criminals.61 The Security Council rejected the offer to take sole responsibility for law enforcement, but it did provide MINUSCA with the authority to take “urgent temporary measures” 

to maintain law and order and fight impunity. As the country lacked operational police, 

courts, and prisons, it was clear the UN mission needed to re-create these institutions to 

restore stability. UN Police were authorized to “monitor, help investigate and report publicly 

and to the Security Council on violations of international humanitarian law and on abuses 

and violations of human rights committed throughout CAR.” Strict limitations were placed 

on this authority. It applied only when national forces were not present or operational, on 

a temporary and exceptional basis, without creating a precedent, and without prejudice to 

the established principles of peace operations.62 

 The application of Security Council authority in practice highlighted the new importance 

and capacity of UN Police but also the limits of the United Nations’ ability to assist the entire 

criminal justice system. When MINUSCA became fully operational on September 15, 2014, a 

continuing cycle of provocations and reprisals by sectarian and criminal groups required the 

deployment of most UN military forces to rural areas. In the capital, the United Nations created 

the Bangui Task Force, assigning primacy for maintaining security to the UN Police and taking 

the unusual step of placing remaining military units under police command. From October 7 

to 16, the task force was tested by an outbreak of anti-Balaka attacks on Muslims that also 

targeted UN, European Union, and French personnel. The violence left twelve dead, including 

two UN peacekeepers, and 230 injured. In MINUSCA’s first ninety days, UN Police focused on 

arresting so-called high-value suspects that were responsible for organizing violence, but they 

also made over two hundred arrests for a range of crimes from murder to weapons possession. Those arrested were turned over to Central African Republic authorities, but the United 

Nations remained responsible for ensuring their safety. On October 20, 2014, a Central African 

Republic judicial official requested that MINUSCA arrest a list of fifty-five persons for inciting 

the October violence. This action raised the issue of the relationship between the UN Police 

and the Central African Republic judiciary that is yet to be resolved.63 

The arrest of offenders highlighted the fact that effective law enforcement requires 

all three parts of the justice system—police, courts, and prisons. In the Central African 

Republic, local police scattered, courts were in ruins, and only four of the country’s thirtyeight prisons were intact; even these were insecure and in deplorable condition. MINUSCA 

established a working group with the justice ministry to develop the legislation required to 

create a special criminal court composed of local and internationally recruited magistrates 

that would be selected by the Central African Republic but funded by the United Nations 

from donor contributions. To assist the court, the working group was tasked to develop legislation to create a national special investigative cell to investigate and prosecute serious 

crimes under national law. At the same time, MINUSCA began the task of reconstituting the 

local police, rehabilitating eight police stations and three gendarme brigades in Bangui with 
USIP.ORG • SPECIAL REPORT 365 13

the assistance of the European Union. Work on these initiatives has proceeded slowly, while 

there has been a blurring of the line between ongoing criminal and political violence. This 

has increased the burden on the UN Police, which at year’s end had only 60 percent of their 

authorized complement of eighteen hundred officers.64 Establishing the rule of law in the 

Central African Republic remains a work in progress. 

Conclusion

The implications of the growing involvement of the United Nations and United States in North 

Africa and the Sahel are profound. New UN peace operations have involved the United Nations 

directly in the struggle against transnational Islamist terrorism, weapons proliferation, and 

illicit trafficking by international organized crime. The U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan has 

brought a shift of attention to emerging challenges in an area that previously received little 

attention. The convergence of interests in establishing sustainable security, promoting effective governance, and instituting the rule of law has created new opportunities for cooperation 

but also new challenges. As a permanent member of the Security Council and the largest 

contributor to UN peace operations, the United States is critically positioned to provide policy 

guidance and material support to UN operations. The United States will be required to respond 

to political challenges from member states that oppose expanded UN mandates and to lend 

its expertise and practical capabilities to UN forces that are operating in harsh and dangerous 

environments. Initially the United States should focus on the work of the new High-Level Independent Panel on UN Peace Operations, which will determine the direction and capabilities of 

UN peacekeeping for the future. The United States should help shape the report’s content and 

recommendations. At the same time, it must ensure that ongoing peace operations set useful 

precedents and can accomplish their objectives. 

Notes

1. Roger Cohen, “A Dangerous Interregnum,” New York Times, November 18, 2013, available at www.nytimes.

com/2013/11/19/opinion/cohen-a-dangerous-interregnum.html (accessed February 27, 2015).

2. Michael Ignatieff, “Bosnia and Syria: Intervention Then and Now,” in The Syria Dilemma, ed. Nader Hashemi and 

Danny Postel (Cambridge, MA: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 2013), 51–52.

3. “Text of Obama’s Speech at the U.N.” New York Times, September 24, 2013, available at www.nytimes.

com/2013/09/25/us/politics/text-of-obamas-speech-at-the-un.html (accessed February 27, 2015).

4. John Kerry, “Remarks at Munich Security Conference,” February 1, 2014, Department of State, available at www.

state.gov/secretary/remarks/2014/02/221134.htm (accessed February 27, 2015).

5. Matthew Weaver, “ISIS Declares Caliphate in Iraq and Syria,” The Guardian, June 30 2014, available at www.

theguardian.com/world/middle-east-live/2014/jun/30/isis-declares-caliphate-in-iraq-and-syria-live-updates 

(accessed February 27, 2015).

6. David Kirkpatrick, “Power Struggles in Middle East Exploit Islam’s Ancient Sectarian Rift,” New York Times, July 

5, 2014, available at www.nytimes.com/2014/07/06/world/middleeast/power-struggles-in-middle-east-exploitislams-ancient-sectarian-rift.html (accessed February 27, 2015).

7. Christopher Chivvis and Andrew Liepman, “North Africa’s Menace: AQIM’s Evolution and the U.S. Policy Response,” 

Research Report no. 415, RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, CA, 2013, available at www.rand.org/pubs/research_

reports/RR415.html (accessed February 27, 2015); Michael Gordon and Helene Cooper, “U.S. General Says Raiding 

Syria is Key to Halting ISIS,” New York Times, August 21, 2014.

8. International Crisis Group, “The Central African Republic’s Hidden Conflict,” Africa Briefing no. 105, December 12, 

2014, available at www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/central-africa/central-african-republic.aspx (accessed 

February 27, 2015).

9. “Libya’s Civil War: That it Should Come to This,” The Economist, January 10, 2015, 21– 23.

10. “Cameroon Repels Boko Haram Attack, Killing 143 Militant Fighters,” ABC News, January 12, 2015, available at 

www.abc.net.au/news/2015-01-13/cameroon-repels-boko-haram-attack/6014014 (accessed February 27, 2015).

11. International Peace Institute, “A Dangerous Nexus: Crime, Conflict, and Terrorism in Failing States,” Report of 

the Vienna Seminar 2013, November 2013, available at www.ipinst.org/publication/meeting-notes/detail/416-adangerous-nexus-crime-conflict-and-terrorism-in-failing-states.html (accessed February 27, 2015).
14 USIP.ORG • SPECIAL REPORT 365

12. Mauricio Artiñano, Peter Blair, Nicolas Collin, Beatrice Godefroy, Conor Godfrey, Brieana Marticorena, Daphne 

McCurdy, Owen McDougall, and Steve Ross, “Adapting and Evolving: The Implications of Transnational Terrorism for 

UN Field Missions,” Woodrow Wilson School Graduate Policy Workshop, Princeton University, April 2014, available 

at wws.princeton.edu/sites/default/files/content/docs/591c_Adapting_and_Evolving_The_Implications_of_

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13. Henry Kissinger, World Order (New York: Penguin Press, 2014). 

14. United Nations, “Security Council, Adopting Resolution 2195 (2014), Urges International Action to Break Links 

between Terrorists, Transnational Organized Crime,” Meetings Coverage and Press Releases, December 19, 2014, 

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15. Adama Diarra and David Lewis, “Nine UN Troops Killed in Worst Attack Yet on Mali Force,” Reuters, October 3, 

2014, available at www.reuters.com/article/2014/10/03/us-mali-un-peacekeepers-idUSKCN0HS0ZH20141003 

(accessed February 27, 2015).

16. The White House, “Remarks by the President at the United States Military Academy Commencement Ceremony,” 

Office of the Press Secretary, May 28, 2014, available at www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2014/05/28/

remarks-president-united-states-military-academy-commencement-ceremony (accessed February 27, 2015).

17. The White House, “Fact Sheet: Security Governance Initiative,” Office of the Press Secretary, August 6, 

2014, available at www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2014/08/06/fact-sheet-security-governance-initiative 

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18. Phil Stewart, “Exclusive: U.S. to Spend Up To $550 Million on African Rapid Response Forces,” Reuters, August 

6, 2014, available at www.reuters.com/article/2014/08/06/us-africa-summit-military-idUSKBN0G623J20140806 

(accessed February 27, 2015).

19. White House, “Fact Sheet: U.S. Support for Peacekeeping in Africa,” Office of the Press Secretary, August 6, 

2014, available at www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2014/08/06/fact-sheet-us-support-peacekeeping-africa 

(accessed February 27, 2015).

20. J.C. Finley, “Joe Biden Convenes UN Summit on Peacekeeping,” United Press International, September 

26, 2014, available at www.upi.com/Top_News/World-News/2014/09/26/Joe-Biden-convenes-UN-summit-onpeacekeeping/6871411738701/ (accessed February 27, 2015).

21. United Nations, “Secretary-General’s Remarks at the Summit on UN Peacekeeping,” September 26, 2014, available 

at www.un.org/sg/statements/index.asp?nid=8060 (accessed February 27, 2015).

22. Glenn Bowens, Legal Guide to Peace Operations (Carlisle, PA: U.S. Army Peacekeeping Institute, 1998), 27–29. 

23. Somini Sengupta, and Alan Cowell, “Chad, Amid Criticism, Will Pull Troops from Force in Central Africa,” New York 

Times, April 3, 2014, available at www.nytimes.com/2014/04/04/world/africa/as-leaders-meet-report-describeschaos-in-central-african-republic.html (accessed February 27, 2015).

24. United Nations Security Council, Resolution 2100 (2013), April 25, 2013, available at www.un.org/en/

peacekeeping/missions/minusma/documents/mali%20_2100_E_.pdf (accessed February 27, 2015).

25. Nathalie Guibert, “Military France Planning to Reduce Troops in Mali Despite Latest Joint Mission,” The Guardian, 

November 5, 2013, available at www.theguardian.com/world/2013/nov/05/mali-france-military-terrorists-alqaida (accessed February 27, 2015).

26. Greg Botelho and Laura Akhoun, “Military: French Troops Kill Jihadist Leader in Northern Mali,” CNN, December 

11, 2014, available at www.cnn.com/2014/12/11/world/africa/jihadist-leader-killed-mali/ (accessed February 

27, 2015).

27. Sudarsan Raghavan, “In Volatile Congo, a New U.N. Force with Teeth,” Washington Post, November 2, 2013, available 

at www.washingtonpost.com/world/africa/in-volatile-congo-a-new-un-force-with-teeth/2013/11/01/0cda650c423f-11e3-b028-de922d7a3f47_story.html (accessed February 27, 2015).

28. Institute for Strategic Studies Africa, “Is the Force Intervention Brigade Neutral?” Institute for Strategic Studies 

Today, November 27, 2014, available at www.issafrica.org/iss-today/is-the-force-intervention-brigade-neutral 

(accessed February 27, 2015).

29. Somini Sengupta, “Unarmed Drones Aid UN Peacekeeping Missions in Africa,” New York Times, July 2, 2014, 

available at www.nytimes.com/2014/07/03/world/africa/unarmed-drones-aid-un-peacekeepers-in-africa.html 

(accessed February 27, 2015).

30. “Dutch Apaches on Their Way to Mali,” AirHeadFly.com, March 28, 2014, available at airheadsfly.com/2014/01/07/

dutch-apaches-on-their-way-to-mali/ (accessed February 27, 2015).

31. David Lewis and Emma Farge, “Dutch UN Attack Helicopters Strike Mali Rebels in North,” Reuters, January 21, 

2015, available at in.reuters.com/article/2015/01/21/mali-fighting-un-idINKBN0KU04920150121 (accessed 

February 27, 2015).

32. Paul Williams, “Peace Operations in Africa: Lessons Learned Since 2000,” Africa Security Brief no. 25, Africa 

Center for Strategic Studies, available at africacenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/AfricaBriefFinal_25.pdf 

(accessed February 27, 2015).

33. United Nations Security Council, Resolution 2085 (2012), December 20, 2012, available at unscr.com/en/

resolutions/doc/2085 (accessed February 27, 2015).

34. Alexander Thurston, “A Handbook on Mali’s 2012-2013 Crisis,” Working Paper no. 13-001, Institute for the Study 

of Islamic Thought in Africa, September 2, 2013.

35. “Letter Dated 25 February 2013 from the Secretary-General,” UN News Center, November 21, 2014, available at 

www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2013/113 (accessed February 27, 2015).

36. “MINUSMA Background—United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA),” 

UN News Center, November 21, 2014, available at www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/minusma (accessed 

February 27, 2015).

37. Adam Nossiter and Peter Tinti, “Mali Holds Elections After Year of Turmoil,” New York Times, July 29, 

2013, available at www.nytimes.com/2013/07/29/world/africa/mali-holds-elections-after-year-of-turmoil.html 

(accessed February 27, 2015).

38. “United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA).” UN News Center, 

November 13, 2014, available at www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions (accessed February 27, 2015).
USIP.ORG • SPECIAL REPORT 365 15

39. Safa Ben Said, “Mongi Hamdi Appointed Special UN Representative for Mali,” Tunisialive, December 15, 

2014, available at www.tunisia-live.net/2014/12/15/mongi-hamdi-appointed-special-un-representative-for-mali/ 

(accessed February 27, 2015).

40. United Nations, “Peacekeeping Fact Sheet,” December 31, 2014, available at www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/

resources/statistics/factsheet.shtml (accessed February 27, 2015).

41. United Nations Security Council, “Report of the Secretary-General on the Situation in Mali,” UN Doc. 

S/2014/943, December 23, 2014, available at www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/s_2014_943.pdf (accessed February 27, 2015).

42. “Mali Armed Groups Clash Near Timbuktu-Security Sources,” Reuters, February 1, 2015, available at www.trust.

org/item/20150201132920-y5nkn (accessed February 27, 2015); Baba Ahmed, “12 Extremists Killed in French 

Operation in Mali,” Associated Press, February 3, 2015, available at www.washingtonpost.com/world/africa/12-

extremists-killed-in-french-operation-in-mali/2015/02/03/c744807c-ab88-11e4-8876-460b1144cbc1_story.html 

(accessed February 27, 2015).

43. Nick Cumming-Bruce, “Fearing “Total Chaos” in Libya, the U.N. Plans New Peace Talks,” New York Times, 

January 14, 2015, available at www.nytimes.com/2015/01/15/world/africa/un-announces-new-talks-on-libya.

html?smid=nytcore-ipad-share&smprod=nytcore-ipad (accessed February 27, 2015).

44. United Nations, “Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations,” UN Doc. A/55/305-S/2000/809, 

August 21, 2000, available at www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/55/305 (accessed February 

27, 2015).

45. United Nations, “Office of Rule of Law and Security Institutions,” April 27, 2011, available at www.un.org/en/

peacekeeping/sites/police/orolsi.shtml (accessed February 27, 2015).

46. United Nations Development Program, “Fact Sheet: Global Focal Point of Police, Justice and Corrections,” 

December 7, 2012, available at www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/crisis-prevention-andrecovery/fact-sheet--global-focal-point-for-police--justice-and-correctio/ (accessed February 27, 2015).

47. United Nations Secretariat, Report of the Secretary-General on United Nations Police, UN Doc. A/66/615, 

December 15, 2011. 

48. Ibid.

49. United Nations Police Division, “United Nations Police in Peacekeeping Operations and Special Political 

Missions,” Reference no. 2014.01, February 1, 2014, available at www.challengesforum.org/Global/Forum%20

Documents/2014_SGF_Oslo/000358-AH-and-HL(1).pdf (accessed February 27, 2015).

50. United Nations Security Council Resolution 2185, November 20, 2014, available at www.un.org/press/en/2014/

sc11661.doc.htm (accessed February 27, 2015).

51. United Nations, “Background Information on the Responsibility to Protect,” April 14, 2014, available at www.

un.org/en/preventgenocide/rwanda/about/bgresponsibility.shtml (accessed February 27, 2015).

52. Cecily Hilleary, “Seleka Rebellion in CAR Sparks Cycle of Violence,” Voice of America, February 12, 2014, available 

at www.voanews.com/content/seleka-rebellion-in-car-sparks-cycle-of-violence/1850183.html (accessed February 

27, 2015).

53. Peter Bouckaert, “We Live and Die Here Like Animals,” Foreign Policy, November 13, 2013, available at www.

foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/11/13/we_live_and_die_here_like_animals_central_african_republic_muslim_

christian_violence (accessed February 27, 2015).

54. Adam Nossiter, “Woman Chosen to Lead Central African Republic Out of Mayhem,” New York Times, January 20, 

2014, available at www.nytimes.com/2014/01/21/world/africa/un-body-set-to-appoint-a-monitor-for-centralafrican-republic.html (accessed February 27, 2015).

55. Joe DeCapua, “UNICEF Re-Establishing Basic Services in CAR,” Voice of America, April 8, 2014, available at www.

voanews.com/content/car-unicef-8apr14/1888975.html (accessed February 27, 2015).

56. United Nations Security Council, “Security Council, Unanimously Adopting Resolution 2127 (2013), Mandates 

Mission in Central African Republic to Protect Civilians, Restore State Authority,” December 5, 2013, available at 

www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2013/sc11200.doc.htm (accessed February 27, 2015).

57. “EU Launches Peacekeeping Force for Central African Republic,” Voice of America, April 1, 2014, available at www.

voanews.com/content/eu-launches-peacekeeping-force-for-central-african-republic/1884180.html (accessed 

February 27, 2015).

58. Louis Charbonneau, “U.N. Proposes Central African Republic Peacekeeping Force,” Reuters, March 3, 2014, 

available at www.reuters.com/article/2014/03/03/us-centralafrican-un-idUSBREA221UL20140303 (accessed 

February 27, 2015).

59. UN News Centre, “Security Council Establishes UN Peacekeeping Mission in Central African Republic,” April 

10, 2014, available at www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=47541&Cr=Central+African+Republic&Cr1=#.

U0lyo6hdUng (accessed February 27, 2015).

60. United Nations Security Council, Resolution 2149 (2014), April 10, 2014, available at http://www.un.org/en/ga/

search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/2149(2014) (accessed February 27, 2015).

61. “Resolution Establishing UN Peacekeeping Mission in CAR,” What’s In Blue, April 9, 2014, available at www.

whatsinblue.org/2014/04/resolution-establishing-un-peacekeeping-mission-in-car.php (accessed February 27, 

2015).

62. United Nations Security Council, Resolution 2149.

63. United Nations Secretariat, “Report of the Secretary-General on the Situation in the Central African Republic,” 

UN Doc. S/2014/857, November 28, 2014, available at www.securitycouncilreport.org/un-documents/document/

s2014857.php (accessed February 27, 2015); interviews with UN officials attending the UN Thematic Meeting on 

Police Command, Sheraton Hotel, Pretoria, South Africa, October 21–22, 2014. 

64. Ibid. 
ISBN: 978-1-60127-288-1

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• Former U.N. Peacekeepers: Agents of Cultural Change in Pakistan’s Police by Muhammad Quraish 

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• Police Transition in Afghanistan by Donald J. Planty and Robert M. Perito (Special Report, 

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• Afghanistan’s Civil Order Police by Robert M. Perito (Special Report, May 2012)

• Security Sector Transformation in North Africa and the Middle East by Mark Sedra (Special 

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