U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE

35–894PDF WASHINGTON : 2019

MARKUP OF H.R. 2002, H.RES. 273, 

H.R. 97, H.R. 753, H.R. 1704, H.R. 

1952, H.R. 615, H.R. 526, H.RES. 106, 

H.R. 1359, H.R. 951, H.R. 2116, H.R. 

1004 AND H.R. 9 

MARKUP 

BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 

APRIL 9, 2019 

Serial No. 116–26 

Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs 

( 

Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov, 

or http://www.govinfo.gov 
(II) 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York, Chairman 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey 

GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia 

THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida 

KAREN BASS, California 

WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts 

DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island 

AMI BERA, California 

JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas 

DINA TITUS, Nevada 

ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York 

TED LIEU, California 

SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania 

DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota 

ILHAN OMAR, Minnesota 

COLIN ALLRED, Texas 

ANDY LEVIN, Michigan 

ABIGAIL SPANBERGER, Virginia 

CHRISSY HOULAHAN, Pennsylvania 

TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey 

DAVID TRONE, Maryland 

JIM COSTA, California 

JUAN VARGAS, California 

VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas 

MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas, Ranking 

Member 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

JOE WILSON, South Carolina 

SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania 

TED S. YOHO, Florida 

ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois 

LEE ZELDIN, New York 

JIM SENSENBRENNER, Wisconsin 

ANN WAGNER, Missouri 

BRIAN MAST, Florida 

FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida 

BRIAN FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania 

JOHN CURTIS, Utah 

KEN BUCK, Colorado 

RON WRIGHT, Texas 

GUY RESCHENTHALER, Pennsylvania 

TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee 

GREG PENCE, Indiana 

STEVE WATKINS, Kansas 

MIKE GUEST, Mississippi 

JASON STEINBAUM, Staff Director 

BRENDAN SHIELDS, Republican Staff Director 
(III) 

C O N T E N T S 

Page 

THE BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS EN BLOC 

H.R. 2002 .................................................................................................................. 3 

H. Res. 273 ............................................................................................................... 9 

H. R. 97 ..................................................................................................................... 15 

H. R. 753 ................................................................................................................... 18

H. R. 1704 ................................................................................................................. 25 

H. R. 1952 ................................................................................................................. 37 

H. R. amendment to 1952 ....................................................................................... 41 

H. R. 615 ................................................................................................................... 42

H. R. 526 ................................................................................................................... 44

H. Res. 106 ............................................................................................................... 54 

H. R. 1359 ................................................................................................................. 58 

H. R. 951 ................................................................................................................... 75

H. R. 2116 ................................................................................................................. 80 

AMENDMENTS OFFERED FOR THE RECORD 

Amendment offered for the record from Chairman Engel .................................... 111 

Amendment offered for the record from Representative Sherman ...................... 127 

Bill H.R. 9 offered for the record ............................................................................ 132 

Amendment offered for the record from Representative McCaul ........................ 144 

Amendment offered for the record from Representative Curtis .......................... 155 

Amendment offered for the record from Representative Wright ......................... 169 

Amendment offered for the record from Representative Buck ............................ 176 

Amendment offered for the record from Representative Zeldin .......................... 190 

APPENDIX 

Hearing Notice ......................................................................................................... 200 

Hearing Minutes ...................................................................................................... 201 

Hearing Attendance ................................................................................................. 202 

STATEMENTS FOR THE RECORD FROM COMMITTEE MEMBERS 

Statement submitted for the record from Representative Chabot ...................... 203 

Statement submitted for the record from Representative Rooney ...................... 205 

RECORD VOTE TALLIES 

Record vote tallies for H.R. 1004, Sherman Amendment #1 ................................ 206 

Record vote tallies for H.R. 9, McCaul Amendment #1 ........................................ 207 

Record vote tallies for H.R. 9, Curtis Amendment #1 .......................................... 208 

Record vote tallies for H.R. 9, Wright Amendment #1 ......................................... 209 

Record vote tallies for Table Amendment, Buck Amendment #1 ........................ 210 

Record vote tallies for H.R. 9, Zeldin Amendment #1 .......................................... 211 

Record vote tallies for H.R. 9 .................................................................................. 212 

MARKUP SUMMARY 

House Foreign Affairs Committee Markup Summary .......................................... 213 

(1) 

MARKUP OF H.R. 2002, TAIWAN ASSURANCE 

ACT OF 2019; H.RES. 273, REAFFIRMING THE 

UNITED STATES COMMITMENT TO TAIWAN 

AND TO THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE 

TAIWAN RELATIONS ACT; H.R. 97, RAWR 

ACT; H.R. 753, GLOBAL ELECTORAL EXCHANGE ACT OF 2019; H.R. 1704, CHAMPIONING AMERICAN BUSINESS THROUGH 

DIPLOMACY ACT OF 2019; H.R. 1952, INTERCOUNTRY ADOPTION INFORMATION ACT; 

H.R. 615, THE REFUGEE SANITATION FACILITY SAFETY ACT OF 2019; H.R. 526, CAMBODIA DEMOCRACY ACT; H.RES. 106, DENOUNCING FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION; 

H.R. 1359, DIGITAL GLOBAL ACCESS POLICY 

ACT OF 2019; H.R. 951, U.S.-MEXICO TOURISM 

IMPROVEMENT ACT; H.R. 2116, GLOBAL FRAGILITY ACT; H.R. 1004, PROHIBITING UNAUTHORIZED MILITARY ACTION IN VENEZUELA ACT; AND H.R. 9, CLIMATE ACTION 

NOW ACT 

Tuesday, April 9, 2019 

House of Representatives 

Committee on Foreign Affairs 

Washington, DC 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:10 p.m., in Room 

2172 Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Eliot Engel (chairman 

of the committee) presiding. 

Chairman ENGEL. We can get started. We might be able to do a 

bunch before they call the first vote, so the committee will come to 

order. 

Without objection, the chair is authorized to declare a recess of 

the committee at any point. Pursuant to Committee Rule 4, the 

chair announces that the chair may postpone further proceedings 

on any vote relating to any matter under consideration during today’s markup. Pursuant to notice, we meet today to markup 14 

measures. Without objection, all members may have 5 days to submit statements or extraneous materials on today’s business. 
2 

As members were notified yesterday, we intend to first consider 

12 bipartisan measures en bloc. Then we will move on to consider 

the ANS to H.R. 1004, and finish with consideration of H.R. 9. So 

let’s proceed to the en bloc. 

The measures are H.R. 2002, the Taiwan Assurance Act of 2019; 

H.Res. 273, Reaffirming the United States commitment to Taiwan 

and to the implementation of the Taiwan Relations Act; H.R. 97, 

Rescuing Animals with Rewards Act, RAWR; H.R. 753 Global Electoral Exchange Act of 2019; H.R. 1704, Championing American 

Business Through Diplomacy Act of 2019; H.R. 1952, Intercountry 

Adoption Information Act with a Smith amendment; H.R. 615, The 

Refugee Sanitation Facility Safety Act of 2019; H.R. 526, the Cambodia Democracy Act; H.Res.106, Denouncing female genital mutilation; H.R. 1359, Digital Global Access Policy Act of 2019; H.R. 

951, U.S.-Mexico Tourism Improvement Act; and, H.R. 2116, the 

Global Fragility Act. 

[The Bills and Resolutions en bloc follow:] 
3 

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AMENDMENT IN THE NATURE OF A SUBSTITUTE 

TO H.R. 2002 

OFFERED BY MR. McCAUL OF TEXAS 

Strike all after the enaeting clause and insert the 

following: 

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. 

2 This Act may be cited as the "'l'aiwan Assnrmwc Aet 

3 of 2019". 

4 SEC. 2. FINDINGS. 

5 Congress makes the following findings: 

6 (1) April 10, 2019, marks the 40th anuiversary 

7 of the 'l'aimm Rclatious Act of 1979 (Public lJmY 

8 9G-8). 

9 (2) Since 1949, the elosc relationship brtween 

10 the Unitrd States and 'l'aiwan has benefitted both 

11 parties and tlw broader lmlo-Paeifie region. 

12 (:3) The sPenrity of 'l'aiwan and its demoPraey 

13 are key clements of continued peace and stability of 

14 the g-reater Indo-Pacific regiou, which is in the polit15 ieal, security, and economic interests of the United 

16 States. 

17 ( 4) The People's Republie of China is eurnmtly 

18 engaged in a comprehensive military modernization 

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2 

campaign to enhance the power-projection capabili2 ties of the People's Liberation .Army and its ability 

3 to conduct joint operations, which is shifting the 

4 military balance of pmn•r aeross the 'l'ai\Yan Strait. 

5 ( 5) Taiwan and its diplomatic partners em1timw 

6 to face snstaincd pressure and eoercion from tl1e 

7 People's B.qmhlie of Chiua, which seeks to isolate 

8 'l'aiwan from the interuatioual eomnnmit~'· 

9 (G) It is t1w policy of th0 Uuited States to rein10 force its counnitmeuts to Taiwan nuder the Tai\YaJl 

11 Relations .Aet in a manner <~onsistent \Yith the "Six 

12 .Assurances" and in accordance with the U nitcd 

13 States' "One China" polic~'· 

14 (7) In th(• Taiwan 'l'raYcl Act, \Yhich became 

15 law on March 16, 2018, Congress observed that the 

16 "self-imposed restrietions that the Unite<l States 

17 maintains 011 hig·h-level visits" hetweeu the United 

18 States and Taiwan han~ resulted in insnffieient 

19 high-lew~] conmmnieation. 

20 SEC. 3. SENSE OF CONGRESS. 

21 It is the s<.'Hse of Congress that22 (1) Taiwan is a vital part of the United States' 

23 Free and Open Indo-Paeific Strategy; 

24 (2) the United States GovrmmentG:\VHLC\040419\040419.111.xml 

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(A) ~npports 'fai\nm's eontinncd pnnmit of 

2 asymmetric capabilities aml eoneepts; and 

3 (B) nrgcs rl'aiwan to incrcasP its defense 

4 spending· in order to fully resom·ee its defense 

5 strategy; and 

6 (3) the Unitc•d State~ ~honld conduct reg11lar 

7 sales awl tran~fers of ckfen~c articles to Taiwan in 

8 order to enlumee it~ ~elf-defense eapahilitie~, pm9 tieulnrl~' its effot·ts to develop and integrate as~'!n10 metric capabilitic~, inelnding nuder~ca warfare and 

1 1 air defense capabilities, into its military fol'C~c·s. 

12 SEC. 4. TAIWAN'S INCLUSION IN INTERNATIONAL ORGANI13 ZATIONS. 

14 (a) SEl'\SE OF Coxmm:ss.-It is the ~c·nsc of Con15 grc~s that the People's Repuhlie of China's attempts to 

16 dictate the term~ of rraiwan's participation in inter17 national organizations, ha~, in num~· eases, resulted in 

18 rl'aiwan's exdnsion from sneh m·g·anization~ l'YCll \YhCll 

19 statehood i~ not a requirement, and that sneh exclusion20 (1) is detrimental to global health, ciYilian air 

21 safct~·, and efforts to eonntt•r transnational crime; 

22 (2) ncgatiYely impaets the safety and seenrity 

23 of citizens glohall~'; and 

24 On negative!~· impacts the security of Taiwau 

25 and it~ dCinoerac~'· 

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(a) STATI~l\IEKT OF PoLICY.-It is the polie~· of the 

2 United States to advoeate for Taiwan's meaningful par3 tieipation in the United ;\ations, the \Vorld Health Ass(~lll4 hly, the Jntmwttional CiYil AYiation Organization, the 

5 Iutemational Criminal Poliec Organization, aml other 

6 international bodie;.;, a;.; appropriate, awl to advocate for 

7 'raiwau's membership in the Food and Agrienltnrc Org·a8 11izatiml, the United Nations Educational, Seicntifie and 

9 Cnltnral Organization, aiHl other i11temational organiza10 tions for whid1 statehood i;.; not a requirement for mem11 bcr;.;hip. 

12 SEC. 5. REVIEW OF DEPARTMENT OF STATE TAIWAN 

13 GUIDELINES. 

14 (a) IK GEXEHAL.-Xot later than 180 da~·;.; after the 

15 date of the enactment of this Aet, the Seet·ctary of State 

16 shall eondnet a re,·iew of the Departnwnt of State';.; guid17 anee that g-ovems relations "'ith Taiwan, indnding the 

18 periodic memorandum e11titkd "Guidelilles 011 Helations 

19 with Taiwan" and related doenmeuts, and reis;.;ne such 

20 g11idauce to execntiYe branch departments and agene.ies. 

21 (b) SEKI'lE OF Coxmmss.-It is the ;.;eu;.;e of Con22 gres;.; that the Department of State's g11idance regarding 

23 relations with Taiwan24 (1) should be cl'afted "ith the intent to deepen 

25 and expand United States-Taiwan relations, and he 

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based on the value, merits, and importance of the 

2 United Statm;-Taiwau relationship; 

3 (2) should be crafted giving due consideration 

4 to the fact that 'l'ai,nm is g·ovemed by a represcnta5 tive d(•mocratic gow•mme11t that is peacefhlly con6 stituted throngh free and fair elections that reflect 

7 the will of the people of Taiwan, and that Taiwan 

8 is a free and open soeil't~' that respeets universal 

9 lmman rights and democratic values; and 

10 (3) shonld ensnre that the eondnet of relations 

11 with Taiwan rcf1ects the long·standing, comprelwn12 sive, and valncs-hased relationship the United States 

13 shares with Taiwan, awl contrilmtc to the peaeefnl 

14 resolution of cross-Strait issues. 

15 (e) HEPOHTIJ\G l~EQVIHE:\IEJ\'1'8.-2'\ot later than 

16 180 days after the date of the euadmcut of this Act, the 

17 Seeretary of State shall snhmit to the Committee on For18 eig·n Helatious of the Scuate aud the Committee ou For19 eig11 Affairs of the Honse of Hepresentatives a report that 

20 inelndes a dese.ription of--

21 (1) the results of the reYiew pursuant to snb22 sectiou (a) of the Department of State's guidance on 

23 relations with Taiwan, including· a cop~' of the re24 issued "Guidelines of Helations with Taiwan" memo25 raudnm; all(] 

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(2) the implPmcntation of the Taiwan Travel 

2 Act (Public Law 115-Vl5) and Hll)' changes to guid3 anee on relations \Yith Taiwan that arc the result of 

4 such implementation. 

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G:~\1\16\ENGEL\ENGEL_035.XML 

(()rig-itml Hig:natm·p of l\I\'IHl)f'r) 

11GTIJ COXGHESS H RES 273 1 RT SERRIOl\' • • 

Ht•iiffinllillg' tht> Unitt>(] Statl•s mmmitln<>nt to 'l'aiw;m <mll to th<> 

implt•mt>ntation of Ill<> '1'11imm HPiatioHs Aet. 

IN 'l'HE HOUSE OF REPH.ESEK'l'ATIVES 

~Ir. ExnEL snlnnitted thP folhmiug- resolutitm; whi(•h \I"HS refPJ'l'Pd to the 

ConnnittPP 011 ~------------~-~,~--~~--

RESOLUTION 

Ikaffil'lning the llnited StateR commitment to 'l'aiwan and 

to the implementation of the Taiwan Relations Aet. 

\\1tcrcas the Taiwan Hdations Aet (TRA) \Yas signed into 

law on April 10, 1979, eodit~ing into law the hasiR for 

continued commercial, cnltnral, and other relations between tlw people of the United States aiHl the people of 

'l'aiwan, and sening as the foundation to presm-ve and 

promote continued bilateral bonds; 

\\l1ereas the THA enshrines the United States commitment 

to make ayailable to Taiwan such defense articles aml defense senices in such quantit~' as ma,\' he necessary to 

enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability; 

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2 

\Vhereas pursuant to seetiou 1206 of the Foreign Hclatious 

Authorization Aet, Piseal Year 2003 (Public Ijaw 107-

228; 22 U.S.C. 2i32lk note.), Taimm is to be treated as 

though it were desig'llated a major non-XATO ally for 

transfers of defense artielcs or defense se1Yiees; 

Whereas in 1982, President Honald Heagm1 fnrthel' elarified 

the importauee and resilience of the United States-Taiwan relationship "ith the issuance of the Six Assurances; 

\Yhereas the THA and the Six Assurmwes arc cornerstones 

of UnitC'd States policy with respC'et to Taimm, as was 

reaffirmed h~· the Honse of HcpresentativC's "ith the 

adoption of H. Con. Hes. 88 in 20H); 

·whereas the TRA and the Six Assurances hawc !wen essential 

components in hdping to maintain peace, security, and 

stabilit~· in the WPstern Pacific, then·b~· furthering the 

political, seenrit.y, and economic int(•rests of tlw United 

States and Taiwan; 

\\1wreas the United States awl Taiwan luwc forged ever closer economic awl security rdatious over the last fonr deeadcs hasPd on thei1· shared commitment to demoeracy, 

human rights, the rnlc of law and freP market principles, 

and tlwir willingm'ss to partner in efforts to combat global terrorism and to address other global challenges, such 

as those related to the eminmment., pnblie health, energy 

seem·ity, education, women's empmYennent, dig·ital ceouomy, poYerty, and natural disasters; 

Whereas the United States-Taiwan partnership has been further strengthened since the 2015 memorandum of understanding establishiug the Global Cooperation and Training· Frmnework (GCrfF), which has allowed the two partics to cohost mau,v \Yorkshops on critical topics, inelndG:\VHLC\0402191040219.411.xml 

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3 

ing one m Dt'Cember 2018 on lmmanitariau assistance 

and disaster relief to "·hich ten regional g·overmnents sent 

participants; 

\Vhercas 'l'aiwan has the expertise, willingness, and capability 

to engage in intematioual efforts to mitigntc global challenges related to sneh issues as public health, ayiation 

safet~-, c·rime, and terrorism, hut its participatirm in such 

efforts has bec'n constrained b~· conditions imposed by the 

People's Hqmblic of China (PHC); 

\Yhereas successive Cougn'ssc•s have called upon the exeentiw~ 

branch to develop strategies to obtain meaningful participaticm for Taiwan in international org·anizations, such as 

the ·world Health Organization C\YHO), Iltternational 

Civil Aviation Org;mization (ICAO), and Intematioual 

Criminal Police Org·anization (IKTEHPOij); 

\\1tcreas the Congn~ss most rccentl~· expressed support for 

Taiwan's participation at the \Yorlcl Health Organization's \Vorld Health Assembl~· as an obseiTer ou ,January 

22, 2019, with the adoption of II.R :i53 by the House 

of HepresentntiYes; 

\Vhereas eonmmnieation on bilateral security, cultural, am! 

eommercial inte1·ests would h0 g1·catly cnhaneed with the 

full implementation of the Tahnm 'l'rm·cl Aet (Pnblie 

Ijaw 115-185), which became law on March JG, 201H, 

awl whieh states that the United States Gow~rmncnt 

"should enc<mrage visits between officials from the 

United States aml Taiwan at all lewis"; 

\\1JCreas the United States and Taiwan have bnilt a strong 

economic partnership, \\ith the lJnited States now Taiwan's third largest trading partnel' and ''itlt 'l'aim:Ul the 

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4 

11th largest trading pm'tncr of the United States and a 

key destination for United States agricultural exports; 

·whereas strong U uited States-Taiwan economic relations 

have been a positiw factor in stimulating· economic 

grm\ih and job creatio11 for the people of both the United 

States mHl 'l'aiwan; and 

\Yhereas sncccssin\ CongTesscs luwc publicly reaffirmed 

l!nited States commitments to 'l'aimm mHll'l' the Taiw<m 

Helations Aet and Six Assurances, inelnding· mo;;t rccentl~- on Decemlwr :n, 2018, \vith the enaetment into 

Jmy of the Asia Heassmance Initiativc Act of 2018 (Publie l1mY 115-409), which stated among other things 

that-

( I) it is 1.Juited States polie)- "to support the close 

ceonomic, politieal, and secm·it~- relationship between Taiwan and the United States"; 

(2) "The President slwnld conduct rcg11lar transfers 

of <lefense artielcs to Taiwan that arc tailored to meet 

the existing and like!~- threats from the People's Hepublie 

of China, including· snpporting· tlw <'fforts of 'l'aiwan to 

develop and integrate asymmdrie eapabiliti<'S, as appropriate, including· uwhile, sm·vivnhk, aiHl eost-effeetiYe capabilities into its military fon~<'s."; alHl 

Un "'l'he President should eneonrage the trawl of 

hig·h-lewl Tiuited States offieials to 'J'aiwan, in aecordanee "·ith the 'l'aiwan Traw~l Aet.": N"m\·, therefore, be it 

Resol1•ed, That the Honse• of Heprcsentatives2 (1) reaffirms that the Taiwan Helations Aet, to3 gether with the Six Assurances, are and will remain 

4 cornerstones of United States relations with Taiwan; 

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5 

(2) encomages Uuited States officials at all leY2 els to trnYel to meet "ith their cmmtcrparts in Tai3 wan, alHl for high-leYcl Taiwan officials to enter the 

4 United States and meet with United States officials, 

5 per the Taiwan Travel Act; 

6 (il) reiterates that the President should conduct 

7 regular transfers of defense nrtieles to Tai,nm eon8 sistent with Taiwan's national Sl'lmrity n'f]uirements 

9 in aeeonlauce to prior legislation, including the Asia 

10 Heassnranee Initiatiw Aet of 2018 (Pnhlic Law 

11 115-40H); 

12 ( 4) calls on tlw Secretary of State to aetiwly 

13 engag·c internationally in support of 'l'aiwan's mean14 ingfnl participation in iutemational organizations 

15 engaged in addressing transnational threats and 

16 challenges sm·IJ as those related to health, aviation 

17 sccm·it~', awl crime aiHl terrorism; 

18 (5) reeognizes Tahnw's partnership in com19 hating global terrorism, inelndiiig as a fnll partner 

20 in tlw Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS, awl in ad21 dressing other global challenges thi'Ongh the Global 

22 Cooperatim1 awl Training Framework (GCTF) and 

23 other such initiatives; 

24 (6) underscores the importanee of the elose peo25 pie-to-people ties cultivated through initiatives sneh 

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a~'> the Fulbright Prog·ram, whieh ha~-; supported 

2 thousands of seholar and grantee exchanges hetwcrn 

3 the Unitr(l States and Taimm oyer the past 60 

4 years; and 

5 (7) admowleclg·es the important work done by 

6 the American Institute in Taiwan and the Taipei 

7 Eeonomie aiHl Cnltnral HPprcscntatiY<' Office in snp8 port of United Stntcs-rraiwan interests. 

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AUOH""'"'"9 US GOVERN".1ENl 

!NIORMAJION 

GPO 

11 G'!'II COKGRESS 

1RT SESSIOI\' H.R.97 

To Hllll'lld tlw Stntl' Depnrtme11t Basie Authorities Ar·t of 195() to authorizP 

rewanls for thwarting "ilrllife tn1ffiekiHg li11ked to trn11snatimml orgaHizerl erimP, nml for othr•r puq>osr's. 

IX THE HOUSE OF' REPRESENT A'l'IVJiJS 

JA:'\ITAHY :l, 2019 

:\lr. Bltr'IL\C\AJ\ (for himself amll\ls. 'l'ITn;) introrhlcl'd the follm\ing bill; 

whic·h \nls rpfprn•d to th<' Cmnmittl'l' 011 Fm·pig11 Affairs 

A BILL 

To amend the State Department Basic Authorities Act of 

1956 to authorize rewards for thwarting· wildlife trafficking linked to transnational organized crime, and for 

other purposes. 

Be it enacted l>y tlle Senate and House of Represcnta2 fives of the United States !?(America in Congress assembled, 

3 SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. 

4 'l'his Act may be cited as the "Rescuing Animals 

5 With Rewards Aet of 2019" or the "RAWR Act". 

6 SEC. 2. FINDINGS; SENSE OF CONGRESS. 

7 (a) l~'Il"Dll\GS.-Congress finds the following: 
16 

2 

(1) Wildlife traffieking· is a major transnational 

2 crime that is estimated to generate oyer $10 billion 

3 a ~'ear in illegal profits and which is inereasingly 

4 perpetrated by organized, sophistieated criminal enS terprises, induding known terrorist organizations. 

6 (2) ~Wildlife traffieking not on!~, threatens en7 <!angered speeies •mrldwide, hut also jeopardizes 

8 local seem·it~r, spreads disease, undermines n1le of 

9 law, fuels corruption, and damages economie deYel10 opment. 

11 (8) Combating wildlife traffieking requires a co12 ordinated and sustained approach at the global, re13 gional, national, awl local levels. 

14 (4) Congress stated in the Eliminate, .:-\eu15 tralize, and Disrupt \Vildlife rrraffieking Act of 2016 

16 that it is the polie~r of the United States to take im17 mediate ac·tions to stop the illrgal global trade in 

18 wildlife and \\·ildlife products and associated transna19 tional organized crime. 

20 (b) SEl\SE OP Col\GRESf'l.-lt 1s the sense of Con21 gress tlwt the Department of State's rewards pr06'1'Hlll is 

22 a pmYerful tool in combating sophisticated international 

23 m·imc and that the Department of State and Pederal law 

24 enforecmeut should work in concert to offer rewards that 

25 target wildlife traffickers. 

•HR 97 IH 
17 

:3 

SEC. 3. REWARDS FOR JUSTICE. 

2 Subparagraph (B) of seetion 36(k)(5) of the State 

3 Department Basie Authorities Aet of 1956 (22 U.S.C. 

4 2708(k)(5)) is amen<led by inserting "wildlife traffieking 

5 (as defined hy seetion 2(12) of the Eliminate, Neutralize, 

6 and Disrupt ·wildlife 'fraffieking Aet of 2016 (Hi U.S.C. 

7 7GOJ(l2); Pnblie l;mY 114-2:H)) and" after "iuelu<lcs". 

0 

•HR 97 IH 
18 

116TII CO~GHERS 

1ST SESS!Ol\ H.R.753 

To promott> intt'maticnwl t>xelunlgc's on hc•st c•lt'l'tioH praetiel's, C'ultiYate mm·e 

sec·m·l' demol'ratil' i11stitutim1s around thl' \\'oriel, and for othc•r pm·posc•s. 

IX THE HOUSE OF HEPRESE~'l'NriVJ.<JS 

,)Al\F,\HY 24, 201 ~) 

l\lr. C,\NTHO of Tl'xas (for himsdf alHI ~lr. i\IEADO\YN) introc1n<'ecl the 

followiug- hill; whic•l1 \YHS rc>fc•n·t'd to the• ComJnit!P<' on Pon•ig11 Affairs 

A BILL 

To promote intemntional exchanges on h<~st election practices, cultivate more seenre democratic institutions 

around the world, and f(n· oth<'r pm-poses. 

Be 1.f enacted by the 8cnale and House r!f· Rczwesenta2 fives ({/'the U11ited States (!f'Ame1·ica ·in Congress assembled, 

3 SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. 

4 'fhis Act may he cited as the "Global Electoral Ex5 ehnngeAetof2019". 

6 SEC. 2. SENSE OF CONGRESS. 

7 It is the sense of Congress that8 (1) recent elections globally have illustrated the 

9 urgent need for the promotion and exehauge of 

10 iutenwtional best eleetion praetiees, patticularl~· in 
19 

2 

the areas of c~'bersecnrity, results transmission, 

2 transparency of electoral data, election dispute rcso3 lution, and the elimination of discriminatOQ' rcg4 istration practices awl other electoral irrcg11larities; 

5 (2) the adwmcement of democracy \Yorldwide 

6 promotes 1\mcrican interests, as stable democracies 

7 JH'Ovide new market opportunities, improw global 

8 health outcomes, and promote eeonomic freedom and 

9 regional security; 

10 (3) credible elections arc the eomcrstoue of a 

11 healthy dPmocraey and enable all persons to exercise 

12 their basic human right to have a say in how they 

13 are governed; 

14 ( 4) indusive elections strengthen the credibilit~· 

15 and stahilit~· of dt'mocracies more broa<lly; 

16 (5) at the heart of a strong election cyele is the 

17 professionalism of the election management ho<ly 

18 awl an empowere(l ci\'il soeicty; 

19 ( 6) the <lPvelopnwnt of local expertise \ria peer20 to-peer learning· and exchanges promotes the inde21 pcndence of sneh bmlies from internal and external 

22 intlnenee; and 

23 (7) supporting the efforts of peoples m dcmoc24 ratizing societies to hnild more rcprcsentatiYe goY-

•HR 753 IH 
20 

;) 

ernmeuts in their respectiw~ countries 1s in the ua2 tiona! interest of the United States. 

3 SEC. 3. GLOBAL ELECTORAL EXCHANGE. 

4 (a) GLOBAL EijECTOHATj EXCIIAKGE.-'l'he Sec5 rctary of State is authorized to establish and administer 

6 a Global Electoral Exchange ProgTam to promote the ntili7 zation of sound election aclministration practices around 

8 the world. 

9 (h) Pt:HPOSE.-'l'he pm-pose of the Global Electoral 

10 Exchange Program described in snhscetion (a) shall in11 elude the promotion and exchange of international best 

12 clcetion practices, induding in the areas of13 ( 1) eyhersccurity; 

14 (2) results transmission; 

15 (3) transparcnc~' of electoral data; 

16 (4) election dispute resolution; 

17 ( 5) the elimination of diseriminator)' rcgistra18 tiou practices H!l(l eleetoral irrcgulm·ities; 

19 (G) equitable aecess to polling places, Yotcr edu20 cation information, and Yoting mechanisms (inclucl21 ing b)· persons with disabilities); all(! 

22 (7) other sound election administration prae23 tices. 

24 (c) ExcnAKGE OF ELECTOHAL ArTnomTIES.-

•HR 753 IH 
21 

4 

(1) ll\' UEJ\'ERAL.-The Seeretat')' of State may, 

2 m eonsultati<m, as appropriate, with the United 

3 States Agency for Intemational Development, make 

4 grants to any United States-based organization de5 scribed in section 50l(e)(:1) of the Internal HcYcnne 

6 Code of Hl8G a!Hl exempt from tax under Hcction 

7 50l(a) of rmeh Co<le with expericm~c in and a pri8 mar.\' foens on foreign comparative election S)'stems 

9 or snhjeet matter expertise in the administration or 

10 ink grit)' of such systems that submits an application 

11 in sneh form, and satisf~'ing sneh requirements, as 

12 the Secretary may require. 

13 (2) TYPES OF GHAJ\'Tfi.-Au organization de14 scribe<l in paragraph ( 1) may ree<'ive a grant for one 

15 o1· more of the follo\\·ing pmpos<'s: 

16 (A) To design and implement prog'rams 

17 bringing election a<lministrators and officials, 

18 im•.lmlillg gm·ernment offieials, poll \YOrkers, 

19 eiYil soeiety represent.atiYes, members of the jn20 dieiary, and others \Yho participate in the orga21 nization and administration of public elections 

22 in a forcig11 eountr~' that faeeH challenges to its 

23 cleetoral process to the United States to stud)-

24 eleetion proeednres in the United States for 

25 educational purposes. 

•HR 753 IH 
22 

5 

(B) 'l'o design and implement programs 

2 taking the United States or another eountr~''s 

3 election administrators all(] offici a Is, iuelmling 

4 govemment officials, poll workers, eiYil soeiet~' 

5 representatives, members of thP jndieiar~', and 

6 others who participate in the organization and 

7 administration of public eketions to stud~' and 

8 discuss eleetion procedures for educational pur9 poses. 

10 (3) J.JI1\IITS 01'\ AC'TIYITIER.-Aetivities adminis11 tcred under the Global Eleetoral Exdtange Program 

12 ma~' not13 CA) include obscrnttiou of au election for 

14 the purposes of asscssiug the validity or leg·it15 inu1c~, of that election; 

16 (B) facilitate any advocac~· for a certain 

17 electoral result b~· a ~rnmtee when participatiug· 

18 in the Program; or 

19 (C) he carried out without proper consulta20 tiou with State and loeal authorities in the 

21 United States that administer eleetions. 

22 ( 4) SE:'\SE OJi' COXGHESS.-It is the sense of 

23 Congress that the Secretm)· of State should estab24 lish aml maintain a network of Global Electoral Ex25 change Program alnnmi, to promote communication 

•HR 753 IH 
23 

6 

1 alHl further exchange of information l'egardiug 

2 sound eleetiou administration practices muong· cur3 rent and former program participants. 

4 (5) li'nnrmn LIJ\IITH.-A recipient of a gmnt 

5 under the Global Electoral Exchange Prognun ma~' 

6 use such grant for onl~· the purpose for· which such 

7 grant was awarded, unless otherwise authorized b)· 

8 the Secretar)' of State. 

9 (()) XoT DlTPLICA'l'IYE.-Grants made under 

10 this subsection ma)' not he duplieatiw' of an)' other 

11 grants made mH1er any other provision of law for 

12 similar or related purposes. 

13 SEC. 4. CONGRESSIONAL OVERSIGHT. 

14 Kot later than one )'Car after the date of the enact15 ment of this Act and in c<wh of the following two )•cm·s 

16 thereafter, the Secretary of State shall provide to the 

17 Committee on Foreign Affairs of the Honse of Hepresenta18 tives awl the Committee 011 Foreign Helations of the Scn19 ate a briefing on the status of any actiYities carried out 

20 pnrsuant to this Aet during the precediug )'Car, IYhich 

21 shall include, among other information, the following: 

22 ( 1) A smmnary of all exehang·es conducted 

23 under the Global Eleetoral Exchauge Program, in24 eluding information regarding grantees, participants, 

25 and the locations where prognun aetiYities were held. 

•HR 753 1H 
24 

7 

(2) A deseription of the eriteria used to select 

2 grantees under the Global Eleetoral Exchange Pro3 gram. 

4 (3) lu1~- rPeonuncmlat.ions for the improvement 

5 of the Global J~leetoral Exelumge Program, based on 

6 the purpose specified iu seetio11 3(h). 

7 SEC. 5. NO ADDITIONAL FUNDS AUTHORIZED. 

8 Xo ad(litional fnuds are authorized to he appro9 wiated to CHIT~' out the requirements of this Aet. Sueh 

10 requirements shall be earried out using amounts otherwisr 

11 authorized to l)(' appropriated. 

0 

•HR 753 1H 
25 

116TII 1 l'T COI'\GHESS SF:l'>\10:\ H R 1704 

• • 

To foster emlmlel·einl rPlntions with forpig11 eonntri''H nml support llnited 

Stnh's peonomie and lmsim'ss intPrPsts nhroml ill the <·<mdnd of foreig11 

polie_1·, Hll(l for other pnqlOses. 

IK 'rilE HOlJSJ<J OF HEPRESKI'\TATH'ES 

l\IAHCII 1 ~l, 2019 

l\lr. lii<'C,\PL (for himself, :\lr. E!'\GEL, and lilr. Yono) iHtro<hwerl tlw 

following bill; whieh 'vas rl'ft•nwl to thP Connnith>e on l<'on•ig11 Affairs 

A BILL 

To foster commercial relations with fort>ign countries and 

support United States economic and business interests 

abroad in the eowlnet of foreign policy, alHl for other 

purposes. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Repl·esenta2 fives oftlw United States ofAmeriea in Cong1·ess assembled, 

3 SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. 

4 'l'his Act may he cited as the "Championing Amer5 ican BnsiJJcss Tlmmgh Diplomaey Act of 2019". 

6 SEC. 2. FINDINGS. 

7 Congress finds the following·: 
26 

2 

(]) According to the 2017 Xational Security 

2 Strategy of the United States of America, "Hetain3 ing onr position as the world's preeminent economic 

4 actor strengthens our ability to use the tools of eeo5 nomic diplontaC)' for the good of Amerieans and oth6 ers.". 

7 (2) A NoYember 7, 2018, cable from Secretary 

8 of State l\Iichad H. Pompeo to all diplomatic and 

9 consular posts-"Boosting· Commercial DiplomaC)" 

10 i\ronml the \Yorld"-stated that "helping .American 

11 companies is a foreign polic)' priority . . . Pro12 moting broad-based, responsible, and sustainable 

13 economic growth helps to stabilize regions and cre14 ates IW\\" and growing markets for U.S. companies. 

15 A transparent and lcYcl pla)'ing field for U.S. inYcst16 mcnt in these eountries counters real and gTowing 

17 challenges such as China's Belt and Hoad iuitia18 tiw~.". 

19 (3) In the Jannar)•-F'ebrnar)' 2019 issue of The 

20 Foreign Ser\oicc Journal, Ambassador Barbara Ste21 plwnson, the Presiclent of the American Pm·eign 

22 Service Association, wrote "Foreign Service support 

23 for .American business . . . is a major reason why 

24 the U.S. Forcigu Service \\"as created.". 

•HR 1704 IH 
27 

3 

SEC. 3. ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY WITHIN THE DEPARTMENT 

2 OFSTATE. 

3 Subsection (e) of section 1 of the State Drpartment 

4 Basic Authorities Act of 1956 (22 U.S.C. 265la) is 

5 amended6 (1) by redesignating paragraph (3) as para7 graph (4); awl 

8 (2) b)' inserting after paragraph (2) the fol9 lowing ne1Y paragraph: 

10 "(;)) ASfHS'l'A:'\'l' SECHE'l'AHY FOH ECO:'\(>:\!IC 

11 Al\'D BUSINESS ;\IATTEHS.-

12 "(A) lx GEXEHAL.-Subject to tlH' nnmcr13 ical limitation speeificd in paragraph (1), there 

14 is authorized to be established in the Depart15 ment of State an Assistant Secretar~· of State 

16 IYlw shall he responsible to the Seeretar,Y of 

17 State for matters pertainiug to international ee18 onomies and lmsiucss matters in the conduct of 

19 foreign policy. 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

25 

26 

"(B) 1\L<\TTI~HS COJ\'TE;\IPijATED.-rl'lw 

matters referred to in subparah•Taph (A) inelude 

the following: 

•HR 1704 IH 

"(i) International trade and investment policy. 

"(ii) International finance, eronomic 

development, and debt policy. 
28 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

4 

"(iii) Bconomie sanctions and combating terrorist financing. 

"(iY) International transportation policy. 

"(y) Support for United States husinesses. 

"(vi) Bconomic poliey anal)·sis and 

priyate sedor outreach. 

"(Yii) International data privae)• and 

imwYation policies. 

"(Yiii) Such other related duties as 

the Secretar~· may from time to time designate.". 

14 SEC. 4. CHIEF OF MISSION RESPONSIBILITIES. 

15 Seetion 207 of the Poreign Service Act of 1980 (22 

16 U.S.C. ~i927) is amended by adding at the end the fol17 lmving new subsection: 

18 "(d) Pnoi\IOTIO;'\ OF UmTE:D STATI<;S E(K);'\0:\IIC ll\'-

19 TERERTS.-Each chief of mission to a foreign country 

20 shall haYe as a principal duty the promotion of United 

21 States economic and commercial intrrcsts in such coun22 try.". 

•HR 1704 m 
29 

5 

SEC. 5. INCREASED TRAINING IN ECONOMIC AND COMMER2 CIAL DIPLOMACY. 

3 Sedion 708 of the I~oreig·n SetTiee Aet of 1980 (22 

4 U.S.C. 4028) is amended h~' adding at the end the fol5 lmYing new subseetion: 

6 "(d) ECOXO;\II(' Al\'D C<nE\IEHCIAI~ DIPUl;\fACY.-

7 The Seeretary of State, with the assistance of other rd8 eyaut officials and the priYate sector, shall establish as 

9 part of the standard training JH'OY:itled for economic aml 

10 commercial offieers of the Poreign Seniee, ehiefs of mis11 sion, and deput~' chiefs of mission, tJ·ainiug on matters re12 late(l to economic and eommereial diplomacy, "ith par13 ticular attention to market access and other elements of 

14 an enabling frmncwork for United States businesses, cmn15 mereial atlYoeaey, and United States foreign economic pol16 iey, in addition to amm:ncss about the support of the 

17 United States Gowmment aYailablc to United States busi18 ncRscs, inclmling Rupport proYi<led by the Department of 

19 AgTieulture, the Depal'tmcnt of Conuneree, the Export20 Import Bank of the United States, the l\Iillennium Chal21 lengc Corporation, the Trade and Dewlopment Agency, 

22 the Department of the Treasury, the United States Agen23 e~' for International DeYelopment, and the United States 

24 International Development Finance Corporation.". 

•HR 1704 m 
30 

6 

SEC. 6. REPORT FROM EACH MISSION ON MATTERS OF 

2 COMMERCIAL RELATIONS. 

3 (a) Ix GEKEHAL.-Not later than one ~'ear after the 

4 date of the enaetnwnt of this Act and annually thereafter, 

5 the chief of mission at each bilateral diplomatic mission 

6 of the Unite{l States and the Direetor of th<' American 

7 Institute in Taiwan shall submit to the Seeretar~' of State 

8 the following: 

9 (1) Data and other information regarding ae10 tions taken h)' each such mission or Institute during 

11 the JH'CYious )'Car to foster commercial relations and 

12 safeguard United States economic ami business in13 terests in the country or region in \Yhich each such 

14 chief of mission and the Director se1Tes. 

15 (2) E~wh snch mission's and Institute's antici16 pated economic and commercial priorities for the 

17 coming .'·em·. 

18 (b) RBPowr TO Coxmmss.-The Secretary of State, 

19 after receiYiug the information required nuder subsection 

20 (a), shall Rnhmit to the Committee on Foreil-,'11 Affairs of 

21 the House of Heprescntatiw$ and the Committee on I<'or22 eign Helations of the Seuate a report, disaggregated by 

23 country or region, 011 actiYities awl initiatin•s, including' 

24 with appropriate examples, to create an enabling· environ25 ment and otherwise promote United States economic and 

26 business interests in each snch country or reg·ion, as well 

•HR 1704 IH 
31 

7 

as information about significant foreign competition to 

2 United States businesses in the relewmt country or region, 

3 including state-directed investments by foreign govern4 meuts and United States strategic competitors in such 

5 country or region. 

6 SEC. 7. REPORT ON UNIFIED INVESTMENT CLIMATE STATE7 MENT AND COUNTRY COMMERCIAL GUIDE. 

8 (a) IN GENBHAL.-'l'he Secn~tnry of State and the 

9 Seeretm)- of Commerce shall joint!~- produce and make 

10 publici~- available ou n United States Govcmment internet 

11 \Yebsite an annual country- and region-specific report re1 2 g-arding commercial relations with foreign countries and 

13 regions aud safcg1wnling United States economic and 

14 business interests abroad, including with regard to United 

15 States exports and inYestmcuts, ineludiug b~· small- and 

16 medium-size enterprises. 

17 (b) l\1ATTEH:"l 'l'o Bg INcLurmn.-Eaeh report re18 qnired nuder subsection (a) shall im~Iude the following 

19 with respect to caeh couutry or region eoYered by each 

20 such report: 

21 (1) Information about doing business m each 

22 country or region. 

23 (2) Baclq.,"l'OmHl information about each coun24 try's or rcg·ion's politieal environment. 

•HR 1704 IH 
32 

8 

(8) Information about selling· United States 

2 pro<lnc~ts and services iu each country or region. 

3 ( 4) h~<H1ing sectors for United States exports 

4 and inw:stment in each country m· region. 

5 ( 5) Information about trade reg11lations, eus6 toms, all(l stall(lards in each cmmtry or region, such 

7 

8 

as-

(A) information on import tariffs; and 

9 (B) docmnentation about which United 

10 States lnminesses should be aware when export11 ing, induding any prohibited items or tem12 porar~' entry procedures. 

13 ( 6) Investment elimate statements describing 

14 each country's or region's openness to forcig11 invcst15 mcnts, such as information relating to each eonn16 try's or rcgion's17 (A) investment policies; 

18 (B) market barriers; 

19 (C) lmsiuess risks; 

20 (D) legal awl reg11lator~' system, including 

21 dispute resolution; 

22 (E) leYel of public and private sector cor23 ruptiou; 

24 (F) level of political Yiolence and insta25 bility; 

•HR 1704 IH 
33 

9 

(G) adherence to internationall~· recognized 

2 core labor standards; and 

3 (H) proteetiou of property rights. 

4 (7) Information about trade and projec~t financ5 iug in caeh connh·~· or region, such as each eonntr~·'s 

6 or region's7 (A) banking and financial s~·stem, and hmY 

8 United Statefl lmsiiWSflCS typical!? get paid; 

9 (B) foreign exchange controlf:>; and 

10 (C) important somees of fnnding for 

11 projeet financing. 

12 (R) Helenmt business tnwd information and 

13 business cnstomfl in each emmtry or region. 

14 (9) Information about serYiet•fl and personnel of 

15 the diplomatie mi;.;sion of the United States available 

16 to United States businesses to support their activi17 ties in eaeh eonntr~· or region. 

18 (1 0) An~· significant traclc or commercial agree19 ment that exists between the United States and each 

20 country or rq.,>ion. 

21 (11) A point of contaet at the diplomatie or 

22 consular mis;.;ion of the United States in each eoun23 try or region for lJnited States bn;.;inesses. 

•HR 1704 IH 
34 

10 

SEC. 8. IMPROVING AWARENESS OF UNITED STATES GOV2 ERNMENT TOOLS AND SERVICES TO SUP3 PORT UNITED STATES BUSINESSES OVER4 SEAS. 

5 The Secretary of State and the Secretm)' of Com6 merce shall take adions to improve United States lmsi7 nesses' awareness of United States Gnw:rnment tools aiHl 

8 senriees to assist such businesses overseas, espeeially small 

9 and medium-sized enterprises, inelnding hy coordinating 

10 with State trade agencies, Export Assistanee Centers, and 

11 Small Businesses Development Centers. 

12 SEC. 9. NEGOTIATIONS TO ESTABLISH INTERNATIONAL 

13 QUALITY INFRASTRUCTURE INVESTMENT 

14 STANDARDS. 

15 (a) IN GEKEHAL.-The President, acting through the 

16 Secrctmy of State, and in coordination with other relcnmt 

17 Federal agency heads, shall initiate awl pursue uegotia18 tiom; with eountrim; to establish international stnuclnrcls 

19 for gownnnent-supported qnalit)' infrastrueture invcst20 ment overseas, inelnrling with respect to the follmv:ing: 

21 (1) Hcspect for the sovereignty of countries in 

22 which infrastructure investments arc made. 

23 (2) Anti-corruption. 

24 (3) Fiseal and debt sustainab:ility. 

25 ( 4) E1nrironmental, social and governance safe26 guards. 

•HR 1704 IH 
35 

11 

(5) Local labor. 

2 ( 6) 'J'ra llflJlai"e!lC~'. 

3 (b) HEPOHT ()I\; PHOOHEHS (W 1'\EGOTIATIO;\S.-l'\ot 

4 later than one )'Car after the date of enactment of thiH 

5 Act, the PreHidcnt Hlmll prcwide a briefing to the Com6 mittce on Foreign MfairH of the HonHe of HepresentatiYeH 

7 and the Committee on Foreign HelationH of the Senate 

8 em the progreHH of an~· uegotiations described in snbHection 

9 (a). 

10 SEC. 10. REPORT BY COMPTROLLER GENERAL OF THE 

11 UNITED STATES. 

12 (a) Ix GEKimAL.-Xot later than hYo 3'cm·s after the 

13 date of the enactment of this Act, the Comptroller G·eneral 

14 of the United States Hhall Hnhmit to the Committee on 

15 Foreign Mfairs of the Honse of HeprcseutatiYcs and the 

16 Committee ou Ii'oreign Helations of the Senate a report 

17 on United StatcH economic and commercial diplomacy. 

18 (b) l\1A'l'TEHS To BE Il'WLlTDEn.-The report re19 qnired under HnbHeetion (a) shall include au assessment 

20 of the following·: 

21 (1) V{hnt iH known about the effectiveness of 

22 United States economic nud commercial diplomacy 

23 in influencing foreign govermncntH awl supporting 

24 United States huHinesseH abroad. 

•HR 1704 m 
36 

12 

(2) Coordination between the Department of 

2 State and the Department of Conmwr<'P with respcd 

3 to U nitcd States ceouomie and eommereial diplo4 maey. 

5 ( 3) The effcetinmess of training pnwided pur6 snaut to snhseetion (d) of section 708 of the Foreig11 

7 Scrviee Aet of 1980 (as added hy section 4 of this 

8 Aet) on matters relating to eeonomie and eommcr9 eial diplomae)-. 

10 ( 4) 'l'he sta tns and effectiw~uess of actions 

11 taken by the Secretary of State nuder scetiou 7 of 

12 this Act regarding commercial relations >vith foreign 

13 countries and regions awl safeguarding United 

14 States eeonomie and business interests abroad. 

15 (5) Reeommcndations to improve United States 

16 ceonomie and eommcreial diplomae)'. 

0 

•HR 1704 IH 
37 

11 GTII COXGHERS 

] H'l' SESSIO:\ H.R.l952 

'l'o 1llltl'!Hl the Inh•n·omttr:· Adoption Ad of 2000 to r<>qnire tiH' Sec·rt'tmy 

of Statt• to report 011 itth•n·onllti',Y mloptio11s fi'Oill ('0\llltJ·ips wlti<·lt ltan• 

si:,YJtifiemttl,\· J'P<hwc·d adoption l'ilh\'-' ittYohing illlmigr<ltimt to tlw C1tited 

Stntt>s, mHl for otlwr JHB'])()Ses. 

:\L\W 'II 2S, 2019 

:\h·. CoU,T\:8 of Georgia (tin· himself Hll(l :\Ir. L,\\:UE\'T\:) illti'<HlnN•d tlw 

following hill; wltidt was refet'l'ed to tlw Cmmnittee on Fm·c>ig11 Affairs 

A BILL 

To amewl the Inter<'mmtry Adoption Aet of 2000 to reqnirc 

the Seeretnr)' of State to report on interemmtry acloptiom; fr·om emmtries \Yhieh haw~ significantly rcdneecl 

adoption rates invohing immigration to the U nit('<l 

States, and for other purposes. 

1 Be if enacted by the Senate and !louse c?f' Representa2 hues qj'llw Uniled Stales <?fAmcrica ~·n Congress assembled, 

3 SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. 

4 This Aet IDH)' be cited as the "Intereonntl')' A<loptioiJ 

5 Information Ad of 2019". 
38 

2 

3 

2 

SEC. 2. ADDITIONAL INFORMATION TO BE INCLUDED IN 

ANNUAL REPORT ON INTERCOUNTRY ADOPTIONS. 

4 (a) HEPOHT ELEi\IE::\'1':-l.-SPction 104(b) of the 

5 Inten·mmtr~- Adoption Ad of 2000 (42 r::.S.C. 14~l14(h)) 

6 is amewled hy adding at the end the following ne\Y para7 graphs: 

8 "(~l) A list of t·onntries that establislw<l or 

9 maintained a signifieant law or regulation that pre10 veute<l or prohihitP<l <Hloptious im·oh·ing immigration 

11 to the lTnited States, reg·ardless of \Yhcther :-;neh 

12 adoptions oeenrred under the Coun•ntion. 

13 "(1 0) For eath eonntry listed under paragraph 

14 (9), the date 011 whieh the law m· reg11lation \\·as ini15 tinll~- implemented. 

16 " ( 11) Infonuntim1 on efforts taken with respt'(·t 

17 to n eomlb)' listed under paragraph (9) to eneonntg·e 

18 the resumption of halted or stalkd adoption pro19 eee<liug:-; im·o]ying immigration to the United States, 

20 regardless of \Yhi'ther thP adoptions mmlcl han~ oe21 emTe<l nmlPr the CmlYention. 

22 "(12) Information on any action the Secretar~' 

23 earried out that preYente<l, prohibited, or halted ;my 

24 adoptions im·ohing immigration to the Unit eel 

25 States, reg·ardless of whether the adoptions oeemTcd 

26 nwlrr tlw Conwntiou. 

•HR 1952 IH 
39 

" i) 

"(13) For eaeh eomttry listed pm·snant to para2 graph (l2), a <leseriptiou of3 "(A) what polieies, proenlnres, resomw~s, 

4 and safeguards the eonntry lac·ks, or other 

5 shortcoming;:; m· tire1mt;:.;tmwes, that eansPd the 

6 a('tion to he c~arrie<l ont; 

7 "(B) what progn~ss tlw eonntry has macle 

8 to alJeyiate tho;:.;e sltortt·omings; awl 

9 "(C) what ;:.;teps the D<>partment of State 

10 has takPn in order to assist the' eonntry to re11 open intereonntry acloptimtR.". 

12 (h) PCBLTC AY.\IIjABlLITY OF HEl'OHT.-Seetion 104 

13 of the Intereonntr~· Acloption Ad of 2000 ( 42 U.S.C. 

14 14!11 4) is ameiHled h~- ndcliug at the end the following new 

15 suhsc•c·tion: 

16 "(e) PnlLTC AYAIL\BILITY cw HEl'OHT.-Thc• Se<'-

17 retm·)· shall make the information c~ontained in the report 

18 n•qnirecl nwlc•r snbscetion (a) aYailable to the pnhlie on 

19 the wchsitc• of the Department of State.". 

20 (e) PHI\'ACY C~OXCEH?\8.-Tn c·omplyiug· >Yith the 

21 <lllWJHlnwnt;:.; made by suhseetion;:.; (a) and (h), the See22 retm·~- shall m·oicl, to the maximum extent praetieahle, <lis23 dosing Hll)' personally icleutifiahle information rclatiHg to 

24 United States eiti:wus m· the adoptee;:; of sneh eitizens. 

•HR 1952 IH 
40 

4 

(d) CO:\FOHMii'\n J\::\IE:\D::\IE:\'1' .-Seetion ] 04( a) of 

2 the lntrreonntr~' A<loption 1\et of 2000 ( 42 U.S.C. 

3 14914(a)) is fmwwkrl h,\' striking "International Hela4 tious" and insertillg "PorPigll Affairs". 

5 (e) APPLH'ATIO:\ DATE.-Tlw <mlemlmmts nuHlP by 

6 this sedion shall appl~, with respeet to reports reqnirt>d 

7 to be submitted under sf•dion 104 of tlw Inten•om1tr~, 

8 1\doption Ad of 2000 ( 42 1T.S.C. 14914) hegiuuing on the 

9 date that is 1 year aftpr the date of enaetmcnt of this 

10 J\et. 

0 

•HR 1952 IH 
41 

G:\M\16\SMITNJ\SMITNJ_04l.XML 

AMENDMENT TO H.R. 1952 

OFFERED BY MR. SMITH OF NEW JERSEY 

Pag·e 3, after line 11, insert the following: 

"(14) 1\.11 assessment of the impact of the fee 

2 schedule of the Intercountry Adoption Accreditation 

3 aJHl lVIaintennnce Entity ou families seeking to adopt 

4 international!~', CSJ>e<•ially low-income families, fmni5 lies seeking to adopt sibling· groups, or families seek6 ing to adopt children with disabilities.". 

Page 4, line 8, strike "1 year" and insert "180 

g:\VHLC\040819\040819.120.xml 

AprilS, 2019 (12:26 p.m.) 

(72396611) 
42 

AU>H>Nncmo9 US GOVERN\..1ENT 

1NFOR"-i.:..,l!ON 

GPO 

11GTII CO~GHESS 

1ST SIM'lSIOX H.R.615 

To JH'OYid(• WOlll('ll all(] girls ;.mfe aeeess to sa11itatiou facilities i11 refngee 

c·amps. 

IN THE HOUSE OP HEPHESEXrrATIVES 

.JAl\'PAHY ] (i, ::l0] 9 

l\ls. l\IEXG (for IH•rsplf, :\lr. El\'m~r., l\ls. l\Iomm, :\Is. l\'owro:--;, l\Ir. KK.>,'l'lt\'<l, 

:\Is. !JEE: of Califoruia, :\Ir. J<}sJ>AII,Tu\T, l\lrs. DI:'\OEU,, :\Is. l L\,\LAJ\:D, 

:\!H. O~IAH, l\Is. KFSTEH of' x('\Y Illllll]>Shir<', :\I;.;. ,J.\CKSO:\ lJEE, l\Ir. 

HASKI:'\, l\Is. R\SS, ::\l1·. :\lEEKS, l\Irs. \YATSOX CoLEi\L\!'\, :\Is. l\lcCoLLlTM, l\lr. LoWE::'\TilAJ,, l\Irs. Tomms of Califomia, l\Ir. P.\'1::\E, ::\lr. 

IlASTI:'\OS, l\ls. HILL of Calit\Jmia, l\lr. Cmm:--;, ;mel l\Ir. DEITTl'II) iutro· 

ducecl the t\Jllcmi11g- bill; whieh was I'Pferred to thl' Commith•e 011 Foreig11 

Affairs 

A BILL 

rro provide women and girls safe aceess to sanitation facilities 

in refng·ee camps. 

1 Be d enacted by the Senate and House of Representa2 t·ives of the l!m'ted States ofAmerica in Con,qre~<>s assembled, 

3 SECTION I. SHORT TITLE. 

4 rrhis Act may he eited as the "Hefngee Sanitation Pa5 cility Safety Act of 2019". 
43 

2 

SEC. 2. SECURE ACCESS TO SANITATION FACILITIES FOR 

2 WOMEN AND GIRLS. 

3 Section 501 of the Foreig-n Relations Act, Fiscal 

4 Years 1994 awl 1995 (22 U.S.C. 2G01 note) is amended 

5 in subsection (a)-

6 (1) h)· striking "and" at the end of paragTaph 

7 (10); 

8 (2) b)· striking the period at the end of para9 graph (11) alHl inserting"; and"; and 

10 (3) b)· a<ldiug at the end the following: 

11 "(12) the provision of safe aiHl seenre aeeess to 

12 sanitation facilities, 1vith a spceial emphasis 011 

13 women and girls, and vulnerable populations.". 

0 

•HR 615 IH 
44 

"""'"""'"9 US GOV(RN\-ifNI 

lNfORMATI(lN 

GPO 

11 GTH CONGRESS 

1ST SESSIO!\ H.R.526 

'l'o promote tiw: and fair electiOJm, political freedonm, ami hnnum rig'hts 

in Caruhodin, and fot· other puqlOses. 

I~ THI<J HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

JAXITAHY 11, 20Hl 

Mr. Yono (for himsdf, l\lr. l\lcCAl'I., mtd l\lr. El\'om,) introduced the following bill; whielt \\·as rpferrpd to tht> Committt>e 011 Poreign Affairs, ami 

in addition to tht> Committee on the ,Tndieiary, for a period to bt> snbs\'-

qneutly determim~d b~· the Speak0r, in \'tlCh ease for consideration of such 

prmisions as fall within the jurisdietion of the co1mnitte\' concemecl 

A BILL 

To promote free and fair elections, political freedoms, and 

human rights in Cambodia, and for other purposes. 

1 Be it euacted by the Senate and House of Represeuta2 tives qf'tlw Uwited States ofAmerica in Congress assembled, 

3 SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. 

4 This Act may be cited as the "Cambodia Democracy 

5 Act of 2019". 

6 SEC. 2. FINDINGS. 

7 Congress finds the following: 

8 (1) Prime Minister Hun Sen has been in power 

9 m Cambodia since 1985 and is the longest-serving 
45 

2 

leader in Southeast Asia. Despite decades of inter2 national attention and assistauce to promote a plu3 ralistic, multi-part~· democratic system in Cambodia, 

4 the Government of Cambodia continues to be 

5 undemocratically dominated by the ruling Cambodia 

6 People's Party (CPP), "Which controls every agency 

7 and seenrity apparatus of the state. 

8 (2) In 2015, the CPP-controlled parliament 

9 passed the "IJmY on Associations and Non-Govern10 mental Organizations", which gave the government 

11 S\Yeeping powers to revoke the registration of NGOs 

12 that the government believed to be operating with a 

13 political bias iu a blatant attempt to restrict the le14 gitimate work of eivil society. On August 23, 2017, 

15 Cambodia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs ordered the 

16 closure of the Xational Democratic Institute and the 

17 expulsion of its foreign staff. On September 15, 

18 2017, Prime J\Iinistcr Hun Sen called for the with19 drawal of all volunteers fi·om the United States 

20 Peace Corps, "Which has operated in Cambodia since 

21 2006 ·with 500 United States volunteers JWOviding 

22 English language and healthcare training. 

23 (3) '!'he Government of Cambodia has taken 

24 several measures to restrict its media environment, 

25 especially through politicized ta.cx investigations 

•HR 526 lli 
46 

3 

against independent media outlets that resulted in 

2 the closure of The Cambodian Daily and Radio Pree 

3 Asia in early September 2017. Additionally, the Gov4 ermnent of Cambodia has ordered several radio sta5 tions to stop the broadcasting of Radio Pree Asia 

6 and Voice of America progTmmning. 

7 (4) On September 3, 2017, Kem Sokha, the 

8 President of the Cambodia National Rescue Party 

9 (CXRP), was arrested on politically motivated 

1 0 charges, including treason and conspiring to over11 throw the Goyernment of Cambodia, and faces np to 

12 30 years in prism!. The CNRP's Jn·eyious leader, 

13 Sam Hainsy, remains in exile. On XoYember 16, 

14 2017, Cambodia's Supreme Court dissolved the 

15 Cl'\HP, eliminating the primary opposition party. 

16 (5) Eaeh of the six elections that have taken 

17 place in Cambodia sinee 1991 were conducted in eir18 cmnstances that ·were not free and fair, and were 

19 marked by fraud, intimidation, violence, and the gov20 ermnent's misuse of legal mechanisms to weaken op21 position candidates and parties. 

22 (6) In the most recent g·eneral election in Jnly 

23 2018, following the dissolution of the CNHP, the 

24 CPP secm·ed every parliamentary seat, an eleetoral 

25 victory that a statement from the \Vhite House 

•HR 526 IH 
47 

4 

1 Press Secretary stated was "neither free nor fair 

2 and failed to represent the will of the Cambodian 

3 people". 

4 (7) The United States is committed to pro5 moting democracy, human rights, and the rule of 

6 law in Cambodia. 'l'hc United States continues to 

7 urge the GoYermncnt of Cambodia to immediately 

8 release l\Ir. Kem Sokha, reinstate the political status 

9 of the CXRP and restore its cleeted scats in the Xa10 tiona! Assembl~·, and support electoral reform efforts 

11 in Cambodia with free and fair elections monitored 

12 by international obserYcrs. 

13 SEC. 3. SANCTIONS RELATING TO UNDERMINING DEMOC14 RACYINCAMBODUl 

15 (a) DESIGNATIOX OF PEHSOKS RESPO~SIBLE FOR 

16 UKDEHi\IIl'\IKG DE:\IOCHACY ll'\ CAl\IBODIA.-Xot later 

17 than 180 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, 

18 the President Hhall appl~· the sanctions described in sub19 section (h) ou20 (1) each senior official of the government, mili21 tary, or security forces of Cambodia that the Presi22 dent dctermiues has dircetl~· and substantially un23 dermined democracy in Cambodia; 

24 (2) each senior official of the goYernment, mili25 tary, or security forces of Cambodia that the Presi-

•HR 526 IH 
48 

5 

dent determines has committed or directed serious 

2 hnman rights violations associated with undermining 

3 democracy in Cambodia; and 

4 (3) entities owned or controlled by senior offi5 cials of the government, military, or securit~' forces 

6 of Cambodia described in paragraphs (1) and (2). 

7 (b) SAJ\'CTIOKS DESC:RIBED.-

8 (1) ASSET BU)CKI:-\G.-The President shall ex9 ercisc all of the powers granted to the President 

10 under the International Emergency Economic Pow11 ers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 ct seq.) to the extent nec12 essary to block and prohibit all transactions in prop13 erty and interests in property of a person designated 

14 under subsection (a) if such property and interests 

15 in propcrt~· are in the United States, come \\'ithin 

16 the TJ nitecl States, or are or come within the posses17 sion or control of a United States person. 

18 (2) VISA HESTIUCTIOKS.-

19 (A) lK GEKERAL.-'l'he Seeretar~' of State, 

20 in consultation with the Secretary of Homeland 

21 Security, shall continue to implement the policy 

22 announced by the Department of State on De23 cemher G, 2017, to restrict entr~· into the 

24 United States of persons involved in under-

•HR 526 ffi 
49 

6 

1 mining democracy m Cambodia, including mw 

2 person desig11atc<l under subsection (a). 

3 (B) EXCEPTION FOH i\IUI"TITjATEHAIJ AC4 TI\'1TIES.-Persons otherwise restricted from 

5 entry into the United States under this section 

6 may be admitted if such admission is necessary 

7 to comply with United States obligations under 

8 the Agreemmt between the United Xatious and 

9 the United States of America regardiug the 

10 Headquarters of the United Nations, signed at 

11 lJake Success June 26, 1947, and entered into 

12 force November 21, 1947, or nuder the Conven13 tiou mt Consular Relations, done at Vie1ma 

14 April 24, 1963, and entered into force March 

15 19, 1~)67, or other applicable international obli16 gatious of the U uited States. 

17 (3) PEl\ATlrrr~s.-'l'he penalties provided for in 

18 subsections (h) and (e) of section 206 of the Inter19 national Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 

20 U.S.C. 1705) shall apply to a person that violates, 

21 attempts to Yiolate, conspires to violate, or causes a 

22 violation of paragraph (1) to the same extent that 

23 such penalties apply to a pe1·son that commits an 

24 unlawful act described in subsection (a) of such sec25 tion 20G. 

•HR 526 IH 
50 

7 

(c) I..n:;T OF DERIGXATED PEHSOXS.-

2 (1) IK' GEXEHAI,.-~ot later than 180 days 

3 after the date of the enactment of this Act, the 

4 President shall transmit to the appropriate congresS sional rommittees a list of persons designated under 

6 subsection (a). 

7 (2) UPDATEH.-rfhe President shall transmit to 

8 the appropriate eongTessional committees updated 

9 lists under paragraph ( 1) as new information be10 comes available. 

11 (d) 11\IPI,El\IEl\'TATIOX.-The President may exercise 

12 all authorities provided under sections 203 and 205 of the 

13 International Emergem~y Bconomie Powers Act (50 

14 U.S.C. 1702 and 1704) to carry out this section. 

15 (c) \VAIYER.-Thc President ma~' waive the applica16 tion of sanctions described in subsection (h) with respect 

17 to a pe1·son desig11ated under subsection (a) if the Presi18 dent determines and certifies to the appropriate' eongres19 sional committees that sneh waiver is in the national inter20 est of the United States. 

21 SEC. 4. SUSPENSION OF SANCTIONS. 

22 (a) SesPEKSTOX.-rfhe sanctions described in section 

23 3 may he suspended for np to 1-year upon certification 

24 by the President to the appropriate congressional commit-

•HR 526 IH 
51 

8 

tees that Cambodia is making meauingfill progeess toward 

2 the following: 

3 (1) Ending government efforts to undermine 

4 democrac~'· 

5 (2) Ending human rights violations associated 

6 with undermining dcmocrac3'. 

7 (3) Conducting free and fair elections which 

8 allow for the active participation of credible opposi9 tion candidates. 

10 (h) RE:\'E\YAL OF SCSPE:\'SIO:\'.-'fhe suspension dell scribed in subsection (a) may be renewed for additional, 

12 consecutive-day periods if the President certifies to the ap13 propriatc congressional committees that Cambodia is con14 tinning to make meaningful progress towards satis(v:ing 

15 the conditions described in such subsection during the pre16 vions year. 

17 SEC. 5. SUNSET. 

18 This Aet shall terminate on the date that is 5 years 

19 after the date of the enactment of this Act. 

20 SEC. 6. DEFINITIONS. 

21 In this Act: 

22 (1) APPROPRIATE COKGRESSIO:\'AI, CO~DriT23 TEES.-'l'he term "appropriate conb)'ressional com24 mittecs" means the Committee on J;'oreign .Affairs 

25 and the Committee on Financial Services of the 

•HR 526 IH 
52 

9 

1 House of Hepresentatiw~s, aud the Committee on 

2 Foreign !{elations and the Committee on Banking, 

3 Housing, and Urban ~Affairs of the Senate. 

4 (2) PEHHOJ'\.-

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

19 

20 

21 

(A) IK GE~EHAI,.-The term "person" 

means-

(i) a natural person; or 

(ii) a corporation, business association, partnership, society, trust, financial 

institution, insurer, underwriter, guarantor, and an)· other business organization, 

an)• other nongovernmental entity, organization, or group, aml any governmental entity operating as a business enterprise or 

an)· successor to any entity described in 

this elanse. 

(B) APPLICA'l'IOJ'\ TO GOYEHl'\l\IE~TAij El'\-

TITIER.-rrhc term "person" docs not inclndc a 

government or govcrmnental entity that is not 

operating as a business enterprise. 

(3) UKITfm STATES PEHSO~.-Thc term 

22 "United States person" means23 (A) a United States citizen or an alien law24 fully admitted for permanent residence to the 

25 United States; or 

•HR 526 IH 
53 

2 

3 

4 

10 

(B) an entit~' organized under the laws of 

the United States or of any jurisdietion of the 

United States, including a foreig·u hranel1 of 

sueh an entit~'· 

0 

•HR 526 IH 
54 

V AU'H'NnCAH09 S GOVtRN'YtENl 

JN~ORMAIION 

GPO 

llGTHCO::\'GHESS 1sT Sr.;ssrox H RES 106 

• • 

I\' 

Denonucing female gL'llital mntilation/t'utting ns a Yiolation of thl' lnumm 

rights of \\'Ollll'll and girls nml urging the illtPrnational ('Ollllllllllity aud 

the Ft>dt•ral Uowrmm•nt to iuen•asP efforts to t•limillalt• tlll' harlllfnl 

pnwtil'e. 

IX 'l'HE HOUSE OF REPHBSEX'l'ATIVES 

l•'EBJW,\HY G, 2019 

l\Is. FHA:\KEL (fin· ht>rself nJl(l :\Ir. l'EHHY) sublllitted the follm\ing resolution; 

whid1 wm; rdPnt•d to tlw Connnith•l• on Forl'ig11 Affairs 

RESOLUTION 

Denouncing female genital mutilation/cutting as a violation 

of the human rights of women and g-irls and urging 

the international eonummit)' and the li'erlcral Government to increase efforts to eliminate the hannfnl practice. 

\\1wreas female genital mutilation/cutting· (FGJ\VC) IS recognized internationally as a violation of the human rights 

of women and g-irls; 

\\1wrcas PGM/C comprises all procedmes that involve partial 

or total removal of the eAiernal female genitalia, or other 

injury to the female genital organs for nmmwdical reasons; 
55 

2 

\Yhereas an eBtimated 200 million girls aud women alive 

today have hePn Yietinm of FGlV[/C, with girls 14 and 

:wmnger repreBeuting· 44 million of those \Yho luwe been 

cut; 

Whereas more than 3 million girl~> are eBtimated to be at risk 

of FGl\VC annually; 

WhereaB the practice is mostl~' carried out on young girls bet\\·een infane~· and age 15; 

\VhereaB the practice iB rooted m gender inc(]nality and is 

often linked to other elements of gender-based violence 

and discrimination, such as child marriage; 

WhereaB the Worl(l Health Organization asserts that F'Gl\V 

C has no health benefits for women awl girls, and can 

have long·-term impaets on their physieal, psyelwlogieal, 

Bexual, and reproductive health; 

Whereas the impaetB of FGl\[/C on the physical health of 

women and girls ean inelude bleeding, infection, obstetric 

fistula, complications during childbirth, and death; 

Whereas, aeeordiug to U::\ICEF, I<'Gl\f/C is reported to oeeur 

in all parts of the world, but is most JH'evalent in part~> 

of Afriea, the l\iiddle Em;t, and .c\sin; 

\\lwreaB, although the practice of FGl\[/C IB highly concentrated in specific region~> and aBBociated with Sl'YCral 

cultural traditions, it is not tie(l to any one religion; 

\\1wreaB, in 2016, the Centers for Disease Control aml PreYcntion published a report estimating that 513,000 

women and girls in the United States \\'ere at risk or may 

have been subjected to FGl\VC; 

Whereas, in 2015, the United ::\atious adopted a set of 17 

Sustainable DeYelopmcnt Goals for 2030 that includes a 

•HRES 106 IH 
56 

3 

targ-et to eliminate FGl\I/C, hewing previously recognized 

in 2010 that "the abandonment of this harmful practice 

can be achieved as n result of a comprehensive mow:mrnt 

that involves all pnhlie all<l private stakeholders in soeiety"; 

\Yhereas the elimination of FGl\I/C has been called for h)' llllmerous intergovernmental organizations, including the 

African Union, the Bmopean Union, and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, as well as in B resolutions 

of the United Nations Ch~Iwral Assembl~'; 

\Vhercas the Department of State reports on FGl\I/C in its 

Annual Countr)' Reports on Human Hights Practices, including information 011 whether I1'GlVI/C is preYalent, the 

t~ve and category of genital cutting that is most cmnmon, as well as intemational and governmental efforts 

being taken to address the praetiee; 

Whereas the Federal GoYermlWllt recog·nize<l FGlVI/C as a 

form of gender-based \iolenec in the United States Strategy to Prew~ut and Hespond to Gender-Based Violence 

Globali)', released in August 2012 awl updated in June 

201G, and the United States Global Strategy to Empower 

Adokseent Girls, relensnl in J\lareh 2016; 

\Vhcreas a (hwerumeut Aeeountabilit~' Office report released 

in 201 G eouelu<lecl that "State and USAID ennently 

haw limited international assistance efforts to address 

FGJ\I/C."; and 

Whereas, in 2012, the United Nations General Assembl~' designated February G as the International Day of Zero 'roleranee for li'emale Genital l\Tntilatiou to enhance awareuess of and encourage concrete aetions by states and indiYiduals against the practice: Xow, therefore, be it 

•HRES 106 IH 
57 

4 

Reso{Ped, That the House of Heprescntatives2 ( 1) denounces female genital mutilation/cutting· 

3 as a Yiolatiou of the human right;::; of women and 

4 girls; 

5 (2) affirm;::; the importance of ending the prae6 tice of female genital mutilation/cutting globally for 

7 the safct)' and secm·it~' of \Yomen; 

8 (H) calls upon the intemational eonmnmity to 

9 increase efforts to accelerate the elimination of fe10 male genitalmutilation/cnttillg; and 

11 ( 4) mgcs the Department of State and the 

12 United States Ag·eiJe)' for International Dew:lopment 

13 in their gender prognunming to incorporate eoordi14 nated efforts to eliminate female genital mutilatio11/ 

15 cutting. 

0 

•HRES 106 IH 
58 

11GTll co"\'mmss H R 135 9 l>iT SE>iSIOX 

• • 

To Jll'OHIOte Iutt•t'Hl't ;wcess in <Jpyp]oping (•omJtril'H and npclnte foreign policy 

toward tht• lutt•mpt, tmd for othl'l'Jmrpost>s. 

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESEKTATIVES 

FmmFAHY 2G, 201 !l 

1\lr. WHIUIIT (for hi1llst'lf, :\Jr. 1\lcCAn,, :\lr. 'l'ED !Jml: of Califomia, and :\Ir. 

BEHA) iHtrodnc(•d the follo"illg' bill; whi<'h "·as rPft'l'l'l'tl to the Connnittee 

ou };\n·ei~Yil 1\ffnirs 

A BILL 

To promote Internet aeeess in rleYeloping countries and update foreign policy toward the Intemet, and for other 

purposes. 

Be a eJwcted by the Senate and House of Representa2 fives oftlw United States qj'ilmerir:a ·in Congress assembled, 

3 SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. 

4 'I'his Aet ma~- be eitcd as the "Digital Global Access 

5 Po lie~- Art of 20 19" or the "Digital GAP Aet". 

6 SEC. 2. PURPOSE. 

7 The purpose of this Act is to--

8 (1) encourage the efforts of dcYcloping coun9 tries to impruve and seenre mobile and fi.xed access 
59 

2 

to the Internet in order to catalyze innovation, spur 

2 economic grm\ih and job creation, improve health, 

3 education, and financial services, reduce poverty and 

4 ge!l(ler iueqnalit~', mitigate disasters, and promote 

5 free speed1, d<>moerae~', and good govemauee; 

6 (2) JH'Omotc lmild-ouee policies and approaches 

7 and the nmlti-stakeholder approach to Iutemet gov8 ernauce; and 

9 (8) eusnre the effectiw~ use of United States 

10 foreign assistance resources toward that end. 

11 SEC. 3. FINDINGS. 

12 CongTess makes the following findings: 

13 ( 1) Internet access has heeu a driYer of eco14 nomic aetiv:ity around the world. Bringing Internet 

15 access to the more than 4,000,000,000 people \Yho 

16 do not have it eonld increase global economic output 

17 b)' $6,700,000,000,000 and raise 500,000,000 pco18 pie out of poYcrtr. 

19 (2) 'l'he munher of Internet users has more 

20 than tripled from 1,000,000,000 to owr 

21 :3,000,000,000 since 2005, including 2,000,000,000 

22 living· in the developing world, yet more than half of 

23 the world's population remains off1in<>, living without 

24 the economic and social benefits of the Internet. B~, 

25 the end of 20Hi, oYer BO percent of households in 

•HR 1359 IH 
60 

:3 

1 the developed world had Internet acces:-;, compared 

2 with just 40 percent of households in developing 

3 countries and just 11 percent in the world's least de4 wloped countries. Of the world's offline population, 

5 an estimated 75 percent live in just 20 countries, 

6 and mral, female, elderly, illiterate, and low-income 

7 population:-; are being left behind. 

8 Un Stmlies suggest that women are dispropor9 tionatdy affected by a digital gap in developing 

10 countries, where there are on average 23 pen•ent 

11 fe\Yer women online then men. Bringing au addi12 tiona! GOO,OOO,OOO women online could contribute 

13 $13,000,000,000 to $18,000,000,000 to mmual 

14 GDP across 144 developing eountric:-;. 

15 ( 4) 'l'he United States has been a leader in pro16 moting aeees:-; to an open, secure, interoperable 

17 Iuternet around the world. Hecognizing that support 

18 for expanded Internet acces:-; further:-; United States 

19 economic and foreign polie~' interests, including ef20 forts to end e"A'trcmc global poverty and enabling re21 silicnt, <lcmocratic societies, the Department of State 

22 lauuehed a diplomatie effort called "Global Con23 11ect". 

24 ( 5) Internet aecess m developing- countries is 

25 hampered, in part, b~, a lack of infrastrueturc and 

•HR 1359 IH 
61 

4 

1 a poor reg·nlatory enYirouuwnt for investment. Build2 once policies and approaches, which seek to eoor<li3 nate public a]](l priYate sector inYestments in roa<ls 

4 and other critical infrastructure, can reduce the 

5 number and scale of excavation and construction ac6 tivities when illstalliHg teleconnmmieations infra7 structure in rights-of-wa~', thereby reducing iustalla8 tioll costs for high-speed Intemet networks and selT9 ing as a development best practice. 

10 SEC. 4. EXPANDING INTERNET ACCESS IN DEVELOPING 

11 COUNTRIES. 

12 (a) DEFIXI'I'IOKS.-ln this section: 

13 (1) APPHOPHIATE COl'\!iHESSIO:\'AL Co:\Il\IIT14 TEES.-rl'hc term "appropriate eong1·cssional cmn15 mittees" means16 (A) the Committee on Foreign Relations, 

17 the Committee on C:onnnerce, Science, and 

18 Transportation, a]J(l the CommitteP 011 Appro19 priatim1s of the Senate; awl 

20 (B) the Committee on l<'oreign Mfairs, the 

21 Committee on l<Jnerg,Y and Commerce, and the 

22 Committee on Approwiations of the House of 

23 Representatives. 

24 (2) BIWADBAl'\D.-rrhe term "broadband" 

25 means an Internet Protoeol-hased transmission selT-

•HR 1359 IH 
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5 

ice that enables users to send and reeeiw~ voice, 

2 video, data, graphics, or a combination thereof, 

3 using technologies including fiber optic, mobile, sat4 cllitc, and Wi-Fi. 

5 (3) BnoADBAXD coxm:JT.-'l'he term "broad6 baud conduit" means a conduit for fiber optic cables 

7 and other emmectivit~· teelmologie;; that support 

8 broadband or wirele;;;; facilitie;; for broadband ;;('l"V9 ice. 

10 (4) Brii,THJl'\CE POI,ICIES Al'\D APPHOACIIES.-

11 'l'hc term "lmikl-onee policie;; and approaches" 

12 means polieie;; or praetice;; that encourage the inte13 gratiou of Intcmet infrastructure into traditional in14 frastrnctnrc projects that minimize the number awl 

15 seale of excavation and construction aetivitic;; when 

16 installing tdeeonmnmication;; infra;;trneture m 

17 right;;-of-wa_v to reduce co;;t;;, sueh as by laying fiber 

18 optic cable ;;inmltaneousl~· with road con;;trnction. 

19 (5) 8TAKEIIOLDEHI'l.-The term ";stakeholder;;" 

20 means the private sector, the public sector, coopera21 tives, civil ;;ociet~·, the teclmical communit~· that de22 velops Internet technologies, standards, implementa23 tion, operations, and applications, and other groups 

24 that are working to inerea;;e Intemct aeeess or are 

•HR 1359 m 
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6 

impacted by the lack of Internet access in their cmn2 mnnities. 

3 (b) Pm~ICY.-It is the policy of the United States to 

4 consult, partner, awl coordinate with the goYel·mnents of 

5 foreign countries, international organizations, re~-,rional 

6 economic eomnnmities, lmsinesses, eiYil society, and other 

7 stakeholders in a concerted effort to dose the digital gap 

8 by increasing public awl priYate imw;tmcnts in secure 

9 Intcmct infrastrnctnre and creating conditiom; for nni10 Ycr:o-;al Internet access and usage lrorldwide b~· pro11 moting12 (1) first-time access to fixed or mobile broad13 hand hltt>rnet hy 2027 for at least 1,500,000,000 

14 people liYing in urban and rm·al areas in dewloping 

15 countries; 

16 (2) Internet deployment and related eoordina17 tion, capacity lmilding, awl bnild-om~c policies and 

18 approaches in <lew~loping eonntries, including aetions 

19 to cncourage20 (A) standardization of build-once policies 

21 and approaches for the inelnsiou of broadband 

22 conduit in rights-of-IYa~· pr~ieets that arc fimd23 ed, eo-funded, or partially financed by the 

24 United States or any international organization 

25 that includes the United States as a member, in 

•HR 1359 IH 
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2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

7 

consultation \Yith tcleeonnnunieations providers, 

nnlc>ss a eost-benefit anal)'Sis determines that 

the cost of sneh approach outweighs the benefits; 

(B) adoption awl integration of build-once 

policies and approaches into the <kvelopmeut 

awl iuw~stment strategies of national and local 

gow~nnncnt agencies of developing countries 

and donor gowmunents and m·ganizations that 

will enhance eoor<lination with the private seetor for road building, pipe laying, major infrastruetnre projects, awl dcw~lopnwnt-related eonstrnetion such as schools, elinies, a]}(l civic 

buildings; 

(C) prm1.sion of increased financial support 

international organizations, including 

17 through grants, loans, tedmical assistance, and 

18 partnerships to expand information and emn19 nmnieations access and Internet eomweti,-it)'; 

20 and 

21 (D) avoidance of vendors and contractors 

22 likely to be subject to extrajudicial direction 

23 from a foreign government; 

24 (3) polie~' awl regulator)' approaches that pro25 mote a competitive market for inYestment aiHl inno-

•HR 1359 IH 
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8 

1 vatiou in Intemet infrastrncture and service to en2 courage first-time, affordable access to the Internet 

3 in <lcveloping countries, including actions to encour4 age, as appropriateS (A) the integration of universal and gen6 der-eqnitahle Intemet access and adoption 

7 goals, to be informed by the collection of related 

8 gender disag·gregated data and research on so9 eial norms that often limit wonwn's and girls' 

10 use of the Intemet, into national development 

11 plans and United States Gon•mment country12 level strategies; 

13 (B) effective, transparent, and efficient 

14 spectrum allocation processes and reforms of 

15 competition laws that nut~' impe(le tlw ability of 

16 companies to proYide Internet services; and 

17 (C) efforts to imp row~ JWOeurement JWOe18 csses to help attraet aud ineentivize inn~stmcut 

19 in secure Iutemet infrastructure; 

20 ( 4) the removal of tax and rcg11latory harriers 

21 to Internet aeeess, as appropriate; 

22 ( 5) the use of the Internet to increase economic 

23 growth and trade, ineluding, as appropriate-

•HR 1359 1H 
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9 

(A) polieies and strategies to remove re2 strictions to e-eommercc, cross-border informa3 tion flmYs, and eompctitiw· marketplaces; all(l 

4 (B) entrepreneurship and distance lcaming 

5 enabled h~, access to tcchnohl§.,'',Y; 

6 ( 6) the usc of the Internet to holster dcmoc7 racy, govcrmn<•nt acconntahilit?, transparency, gen8 der equity, and human rights, ineluding through the 

9 establishment of policies, initiatiw~s, and inYestments 

10 that11 (A) support the development of national 

12 broadband plans or information and commu13 nieatiou teclmolo~-,ries strategies that arc con14 sisteut with fnndmnental civil and political 

15 rights, including freedom of expression, religion, 

16 belief, assembly, and association; 

17 (B) expand online access to govcmmcnt in1 8 formation ami setTiees to enhance gnYermncnt 

19 accountabilit~' and SClTicc dPlin'l)', including for 

20 areas in which govermneut ma~' have limited 

21 presence; and 

22 (C) support expression of free speech aud 

23 enable political org·anizing and actiY:ism in sup24 port of human rights and dcmoeraey through 

25 aetiYities that expand access to :independent 

•HR 1359 IH 
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10 

sources of news and information and safegm1nl 

2 human rights and fundamental freedoms online, 

3 in compliance with international human rights 

4 standards; 

5 (7) progTams and mechanisms that aetiYcl~' pro6 mote and adYa11ee access to and adoption of Internet 

7 and other information and conmmnieatious teeh8 nologies b~' women, people with <lisabilities, minori9 ties, low-income and marg'iualiz:e<l groups, and milO derscrYcd populations, such as programs that ad11 dress soeial norms am! harriers to women's actiYe 

12 participation in the digital cconom~' or Internet pol13 icymaking; 

14 (R) mechanisms for public and priYate financing 

15 of rural broadband connectivity and digital inelusion; 

16 (9) public Intcrn0t access facilities and \Vi-Fi 

17 networks in places Hurh as libraries, goyernmcnt 

18 buildings, eommnnit~' crntcrs, and schools; 

19 (10) tlw c·rcation and support of research and 

20 educational networks; 

21 (11) cybersecurity, data protection, and priYae~', 

22 including' international nse of the latest Yersion of 

23 the National Institute of Standards and 'l'eelmology 

24 I<'ramework for Improving Critieal Infrastructure 

25 Cyberseemity; and 

•HR 1359 IH 
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11 

(12) interagcnc~' coordination and cooperation 

2 across all execntive branch agencies regarding· the 

3 promotion of Internl't iuitiatiYes as a part of United 

4 States foreign policy. 

5 (e) DEPAHTl\IE?\T OF STATE.-rrhe Secretary of 

6 State, in eoonlinatiou with other ageneies, multilateral in7 stitntions, foreign countries, and stakeholders, shall ad8 Yance the polie.y articulated in this Aet and promote ex9 panderl Internet eonneetivity worldwide, as appropriate, 

10 b~'-

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

(1) encouraging foreign emmtries to prioritize 

secure Internet eonneetiYit.'' in development plans; 

(2) promoting the formation of region-specific 

multi-sector working groups to ensure technical and 

ref,>'nlator.'' best practices; and 

(3) eneonraging the development of digital lit17 craey progTams in developing countries. 

18 (<1) US1UD.-The Administrator of the United 

19 States Agcnc~' for International Development (USAID) 

20 should adnmee the policy articnlated in this Act and sup21 port expanded Internet connectivity "'orldwide, as appro22 priate, b~'-

23 ( 1) supporting efforts to expand secure Intemet 

24 iufrastnwtnre and improve digital literac~', and other 

25 appropriate measures to improve Internet eonneetivi-

•HR 1359 IH 
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12 

ty awl usage, in close coordination \Yith the See2 retary of State; 

3 (2) encouraging public and private inn~stme11t 

4 in Internet infrastructure awl services of tlcYeloping 

5 eonntrics that takes into consideration the data se6 enrity and integrity risks attendant to the prodnets 

7 awl smTices of vendors likely to be sul~jcct to 

8 cxtrajudirial direetion from a foreigu government; 

9 (3) iutegTatiug efforts to expand lntemet ac1 0 eess, tlevelop appropriate, snstninahlc, and equitable 

11 teelmologies, and enhance digital literacy and the 

12 availability of relevant local content across deYclop13 ment sectors, such as USAID health, education, ag14 ricultnre, alHl economic development programs; 

15 ( 4) expanding the utilization of information and 

16 commlmieations tcclmologies in humanitarian aid 

17 and disaster relief responses and U nitecl States oper18 ations involving reeonstnwtion and stabilization to 

19 improve donor coordination, reduce duplication and 

20 waste, capture nnd share lessons learned, and ang21 ment disaster preparedness nncl risk mitigation 

22 strategies; 

23 ( 5) establishing and promoting guidelines for 

24 the proteetiou of personal infcJI'lnation of individuals 

25 served b~' humanitarian, disaster, and dewlopment 

•HR 1359 IH 
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13 

programs directly through the United Statl•s Gov2 ennnent, awl through eontraets funded by the 

3 United States Government aJHl by international or4 ganizations; and 

5 (G) establishing programs that direetl~, address 

6 and seek to dose gaps in aeeess, adoption, and use 

7 of the Internet and other information and conunu8 nieations technologies by women, minorities, and 

9 other marginalized g-roups. 

10 (e) PEACE Com'R.-Section ;3 of the Peace ()orps Act 

11 (22 U.S.C. 2502) is amende<l12 (1) by redesignating subsection (h) as sub13 section (c); and 

14 (2) hy adding at the end the following: 

15 "(f) It is the smsc of Congress that access to the 

16 Internet can transform agrienltnre, emmnunit~' economic 

17 development, edneation, environment, health, awl ~'outh 

18 development, which arc the seetm·s in •vhieh Peaee Corps 

19 develops positions for volunteers. 

20 "(g) In giYing atteution to the programs, projects, 

21 training, and other aetiYities referred to in subsection (f), 

22 the Peace Corps should deYelop positions for Yolnnteers 

23 that include lew~raging the Internet, as appropriate, for 

24 deYclopmcnt, education, and social alJ(l ecouomie mohil25 ity.". 

•HR 1359 IH 
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14 

(f) IJE\1mAGIKO IKTEHXATIO:\AL SGPPOHT.-In 

2 pursuing the polie~' deseribed in this Aet, the President 

3 should direct United States representatiyes to appropriate 

4 international bodies to use the influence of the United 

5 States, consistent with the broad deYelopment goals of the 

6 United States, to adwwatc that each sueh hody7 ( 1) commit to increase rfforts and coordination 

8 to promote affordable, open, and gcnder-eqnitahlc 

9 Internet accpss, in partnership with stakeholders and 

10 consistc>nt with host emmtric>s' ahsorptiw~ capacity; 

11 (2) intcgTate affordable and gender-equitable 

12 Internet access data into existing economic and husi13 ness assessments, cYalnations, and indexes such as 

14 the l\Iillcnninm Challenge Corporation constraints 

15 analysis, the Doing Business reports, International 

16 l\Ionetat";\' F'nnd Artielc IV assessments and eonutr~· 

17 reports, and the Affordahility DriYers Index; 

18 on standardize the inclusion of broadband con19 duit as part of higlnn1~· or comparable construction 

20 projects in deYclopiug countries, in commltatiou with 

21 telecommunications Jn·oyiders, nnless22 (A) such inclusion would create an undue 

23 burden; 

•HR 1359 IH 
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15 

(B) such inclusion is not necessm:v based 

2 on the <wailability of existing broadband infra3 structure; 

4 (C) sneh indnsion would require the incor5 poration of the luml\Yare, software, or mainte6 nance of vendors likel~, to he subject to 

7 <:>xtrajudieial clir<:>ction from a foreign g·ow~m8 ment; or 

9 (D) a eost -benefit anal~'sis cl<•tennines that 

10 the cost of such inclusion outweighs the hmw11 fits; 

12 (4) prmicle teclmieal assistance to the regn13 lator)' anthoritieR in developing eountricR to remove 

14 umwc~essary barriers to inn:stment and develop reg15 ulationR to Rnpport market growth awl dew:lopment; 

16 ( 5) utilize elear, accountable, and ml'tric-based 

17 targets, ineluding targdR "ith gender-disaggregated 

18 data, to measure the effcetiveness of efforts to pro19 mote Internet access; and 

20 (G) promote and protect human rights online, 

21 such as the freedoms of expresRion, religion, belief, 

22 asRembly, and association, through resolutions, pub23 lie statements, projects, and initiatives, and advo24 eating that member states of such bodies are held 

25 accountable for violations. 

•HR 1359 IH 
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Hi 

(g) HEPOHTII'\0 HEQUIHEl\!Ei\T ox ll\!I'LE:\IE:\TATIOX 

2 EFFOHTS.-Kot later than one year after the date of the 

3 enactment of thi~ Act, the Pre~idcut ~hall submit to the 

4 appropriate eongTcs~ioual committee's a report on efforts 

5 to implement the policy describe(! in this Act and, to the 

6 cxtellt practicable, de~crihc effort~ h~' the United State~ 

7 GoYernmcnt to8 ( l) JH'OYide technical and regulatory assistance 

9 to promote Intemet access in dewloping countrie~; 

10 (2) ~tJ·cngthen and support rlen~lopmcnt of rcg11 ulations that inecntivize market gr(mih that contrib12 utes to inereased Internet acee~s in developing eoml13 tries; 

14 (3) encourage public and priYate iuYestment in 

15 Iutemct infhlstrneturc, iudnding broadband net16 works awl sen-ices, in developing countries; 

17 ( 4) increase gcwler-equitahle Intemct aeecs~ 

18 and close gender gaps in Internet and other infor19 matiou awl communications technology adoption and 

20 use, especial!~, in eonntl'ics in which ~oeial norms 

21 limit sueh adoption awl use by \Yonwn and girl~, and 

22 othen\-ise eneourag-e or ~npport Internet deployment, 

23 eompetition, awl adoption; and 

•HR 1359 IH 
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17 

( 5) conduct ontreach and explore partnership 

2 opportunities with the private seetor on activities 

3 that advance the poliey described in this Act. 

4 SEC. 5. COST LIMITATION. 

5 1\o additional funds arc authorized to be appro6 priatcd to carr.'' out the provisions of this Aet. 

7 SEC. 6. RULE OF CONSTRUCTION. 

8 Kothing- in this Ad ma~· he eonstmcd to infringe 

9 upon the relatc<l functions of any Executive ag-e11e~' (as 

10 defined in section 105 of title 5, United States Code) vest11 ed in such agency under an~' other provision of law. 

0 

•HR 1359 IH 
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AUcH,NC>CATW9 US. GOVERN'-1EN 1 

IN~ORMAfiON 

GPO 

116m COXGHESS 

1sT SEssm:-.: H.R. 951 

To prmnotp hilntend tom·i~111 tln·ough eoopemtion Jwtwl'Pll tlw Cnite<i Stntl'R 

all(] l\lexieo. 

I:\ THE HOUSE OF REPRESEXTNrTVES 

}<'EBJW,\HY 4, 2019 

l\Ir. Ct'ELh\H (for himsPif and l\h-. i\ld~AlTL) introdm~Pd thP following bill; 

\\'hieh was l'<'fnred to the CmnmittPP 011 Fm·eig11 AffHirs 

A BILL 

'fo promote bilateral tourism through cooperatiou between 

the Unitcd States and l\icxico. 

Be ·if euacted by the Senate and House of Hepresenta2 foives ofilw United States r~f'America iu Congmss assembled, 

3 SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. 

4 This Act ma~- be cited as the "United States-1\Iexico 

5 'l'om·ism Improvement Act of 2019". 

6 SEC. 2. FINDINGS. 

7 CongTess finds thc follcming: 

8 (1) 'l'he United States aud l\Iexico have bene9 fitted cconomically from a bilateral, mutually bene-
76 

2 

ficial partnership focused on enhancing the tourism 

2 industry in both countries. 

3 (2) In 2016, Mexicau tourism to the United 

4 States peaked at 18,990,585 visitors, constituting 1 

5 in 4 (24.9 percent) of all tourists that :n~ar. 

6 (3) Additionall;', in 2016, spendiug b;' Mexican 

7 tonrists in the United States totaled $20.3 billion, 

8 which represcute<l a 8 percent growth from 2015. 

9 (4) Tomist activit.\' to the United States from 

10 Mexico has deelined since 2016, whid1 is in contrast 

11 to an oyerall international tourism industry increase 

12 in the United States. 

13 (5) In 2017, international tourist arrin1ls to14 taled 76,900,000, up 0.7 percent from 76,400,000 in 

15 2016. 

16 (G) 'l'he same year, 77,000,000 international 

17 visitors spent a record $251.4 billion on hotels, tnw18 el, food, all(] sonvcnirs, a 2-pereent increase ow•r 

19 2016. 

20 (7) However, also in 2017, there was a 6.1-pcr21 cent decline in \isitors to the United States from 

22 Mexico, comprising· a loss of 1,166,585 l\lexican 

23 tourists from 201G. 

24 ( 8) 'l'he Department of Commerce has not yet 

25 released 2017 spending totals h_\' Mexican tourists in 

•HR 951 lH 
77 

3 

the lJ nited States, hut a correspomling monetary de2 dine >Youl<l ])(' approximate!~· $1.24 billion in lost 

3 revenue. 

4 (9) 'l'his is a critical economic trend given that 

5 Mexico is the biggest source of international visitors 

6 to the United States after Canada. 

7 SEC. 3. STATEMENT OF POLICY. 

8 It is the policy of the United S1atcs9 (1) to continue deepening bilateral tourism 

I 0 through gowmmental c.ooperation between the 

11 United States and l\1exico; 

12 (2) to improve third-party tourism to the 

13 United States and Mexico through joint inter14 national]))'Omotional efforts; and 

15 (3) to seek to prioritize and expand the tourism 

16 industries in both countries by emphasizing ex17 changes in w1rions intematicmal economic seetors, 

18 inelnding relating to19 (A) hospitnlity and accommodation; 

20 (B) retail; 

21 (C) medical procedures; 

22 (D) dental care; and 

23 (E) cultural education. 

•HR 951 1H 
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4 

SEC. 4. STRATEGY TO EXPAND BILATERAL TOURISM 

2 THROUGH COOPERATION WITH MEXICO. 

3 (a) IK GE:-..'ERAL.-The Secretary of State shall de4 velop a strategy through the High h~Yel Economic Dia5 logne (HI~ ED) platform to earry out the bilateral tonrism 

6 policy described in section ;) and to encourage the GoYern7 ment of l\lexieo to take reciprocal aetion relating to hilat8 era! tourism. 

9 (b) ELE:\IEKTR.-The strateg:v required under sub10 section (a) 'lhall11 (1) encourage more joint tonri'lm initiatives be12 tween the U nitcd State'> and 1\lexieo, iueln<1ing eol13 lahorations betwet)n goYermnental and non-g"O\T1rn14 mental entities; 

15 (2) encourage United States and l\Iexiean non16 profit institutions and p1·iyate bn'linessPs to assist 

17 JH'OS)l<~ctiw~ and dcYeloping entrepreneurs m 

18 strengthening their hn'lincs'l skills in the U nitcd 

19 States and Mexico; aJl(l 

20 Ul) H'lSCSS the feasibilit~· of fostering partner21 ships behYcen medical and dental institutions in the 

22 United States and 1\lexieo, including hospitals, clin23 ics, medical schools, and dental programs, for the 

24 purpose of allm,ing patients gTeatcr case and sense 

25 of security when considering cro'ls-horder medical 

26 proeedurc and dental care options. 

•HR 951 IH 
79 

5 

(c) HEPOHT.-Not later than 180 da)·s after the date 

2 of the enactment of this Act, the Secretm)· of State shall 

3 submit to Congn~ss a report on the strategy required 

4 under snhseetion (a). 

0 

•HR 951 IH 
80 

l1GTII COKGH1~8::-l H R 2116 

] ST flESSIO:\ 

• • 

'l'o l'Hii<lllN' Htahilizntion of emJf1id-<lffp(•(p(] ill'!'iiN all(] pn•wnt YiO]('IWt' a11d 

fnq.rilit,l- glolwlly, a11d for otliL•t· ]mrpoRPS. 

IX 'l'HE HOUSE OF' REPlUJSE:NTA'riVES 

A PHIL R, 2019 

:\lr. ExOEJ, (f{n· him~df, l\lr. l\h'CM-L, :\In;. \YAOXEB, l\h·. HoOXEY of l•'lori<ln, :\lr. S:\IJTII of \Ynshingtoll, l\lr. l\K\TIXU, 1\Ir. TED lJ!El' of Cnlifornin, l\Ir. \YmmiT, l\lr. PITZJ>ATBH'K, nHd Mr. l\lAUXO\YSKI) itJtrodnC'Pd tilt' followi11g bill; \Yhieh was rt>fl'ITl'd to tlie Commitlt'(' 011 Pm·eig11 

Aff;Jirs 

A BILL 

'l'o enhaneP sta hilization of eonfliet-affeete<l areas and preYent Yiolenee and fragility globnll~-, alHl for other JHU'-

poses. 

1 Be it enacted by the Senate a Jl(l House of Rcpresenta2 tiues oftlw llm'tcd States ofAmerica in Co11grcss assembled, 

3 SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. 

4 'l'his Aet may be eited as the "Global li'ragilit~- Aet". 

5 SEC. 2. FINDINGS. 

6 Congress fiiHls the following: 

7 (1) Aeeord:ing to the United ?\ations, an un8 preeedeuted 68.5 million people around the worl<l, 
81 

2 

the biglw::;t len~l ewr rceonled, an' ('lllTl'lltly forcibly 

2 di:splaecd from their homes. 

3 (2) Aeeonling- to the \Yorhl Bank, Yioleuee and 

4 \ioleut eouf1iet are HOlY the leading ean::;p::; of dis5 plaecmeut and food inscenrity worl<l\Yi(lc, dri,iug 80 

6 percent of lmmauitnriau net>d:s, \Yith the snnw eon7 f1iets aeeonnting for the m;0ority of foreihl~· di:s8 phH~ed ]Wr:sons ew1·~· )Tar :siuee HHll. 

9 (:3) Aeconliug to the Institute for Eeonomie::; 

10 aml Peaee, YioklH~e eoutaimnent eo::;ts tht> global 

11 (~eonon1~· $14.7G trillion a year, or 12.4 ])('recut of 

12 tlw \\·odd's GDP. 

13 ( 4) Violem~e and >-iolent conflict nndcrpin mm1y 

14 of the Unit('ll States Gow~nmH'nt's kPy national :,;e15 emity challenges. Xotnbl)·, \iolcnt eonf1iets allmY for 

16 environuwnts in which terrorist organizations n•ernit 

17 aJHl thriw~, while the eombination of Yiolenee>, eor18 rnption, pow:rty, poor goyernancP, and mHlerdew:lop19 ment ofte>n enables transnational gangs and criminal 

20 network:-; to \\Tc>ak luwoe and commit atrocities 

21 \\·odd,,·i(le. 

22 (fi) According to research by the' Uuiwrsity of 

23 l\Im·)·land and Uniwrsit~· of Pittsbmgh, exposure to 

24 Yiolenc(' iner(•ases support for Yiolenee and violent 

25 extremism. Research increasing!~· finds c>xposm·c to 

•HR 2116 IH 
82 

q 

i) 

Yiolenee as a predictor of future pmtieipation m YlO2 l<mce, inelnding Yiolcnt C'xtrcmism. 

3 (G) 1T nitetl States foreign polie~' and asfliRtmwc 

4 efforts iu high!)' Yiolent and fn1gile states remain 

5 goYemC'd b)' an outdated patdmork of anthorities 

6 that prioritiz\~ responding to immediate needs rather 

7 than solYing the problems that eause them. 

9 umented by the 201:1 Speeial Inspector (}pueral for 

10 Iraq Ikeonstrudion Lessons lJeamecl Stnd)', the 

11 201() Fragility Stndy (}roup rl'J)(llt, awl tlw 2018 

12 Spt•einl Inspector Genernl for .Afghanistan lJl•ssons 

13 !Jeamed StlHly ou Stabilization, show that effeetin', 

14 sustained United States efforts to rednec Yiolenec 

15 and stabilize fragile and Yiolenee-affeeted states rc16 quire dearl~' <lefiucd goals and strategies, adeqnate 

17 long-term funding, rigorous and iteratiw confliet 

18 analysis, <~oordination net·oss tlw UnitPd States Gcw19 ermncnt, inelncling strong ei,il-military eool'<lination, 

20 atte11tion to the prohlem of (~OJTllption, atHl integra21 tion \\ith and lt'<Hlership from national and snh-na22 tiona! partners, indn<ling loeal ci\'il soeiety organiza23 tions, traditional jnstiee systems, and loenl goYcm24 auee structures. 

•HR 2116 m 
83 

4 

(R) Tlw "Stnhilizatiou .Assistance He,iew" n~-

2 lease<l in 201 R b~· the Departments of State and De3 fcnse awl th(• United States Ag<•Jw~- for Iuter4 nntimwl D<•Yelopment states, "'l'lw U nite<l States 

5 has strong IJational seenrit~- and ecm10mic interests 

6 in rcdnciug Jeyels of Yiolence and promoting stabilit,\' 

7 iu areas affected b~- armed eont1id.". The He,·iew 

8 fnrther states, "Stabilization is nn inhereutl~· polit9 icnl elHleaym· that n•qnires aligning U.S. Gm-em10 nwnt efforts-diplomatic engagement, foreign assist1 I ance, and dcfense--towmd supporting locally legiti12 mate authorities and s~·stems to peaeeahl)- nunwge 

13 conflict and preypnt \iolcnee. ". 

14 SEC. 3. STATEMENT OF POLICY. 

15 It is the polic~- of the United States to16 (1) cnsme that all rC'lC'Ynnt Federal depart17 ments and ageneies coonlinate to aehien~ eolwrent, 

18 long-term goals for programs <h'sigm'd to stabilize 

19 eonf1iet-affeeted areas nud prewmt Yiolence and frn20 gilit~- glohall~', iududiug wh<>u implementing the 

21 Global Fragilit~- Initiatiw C'stablished pursuant to 

22 seetion G; 

23 (2) seek to improw global, reg·ional, and loeal 

24 coordination of rC'lC'Yant intemational and multilat25 eral dewlopnwnt and donor organizations regarding 

•HR 2116 IH 
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f:i 

efforts to stabilize eonfli<·t-affede<l areas and ]H'('-

2 wut ,-iolencc and fragilit~- globally, and, "·here prae3 tieahle aml appropriate, align such efforts with mnl4 tilateral goals awl iudieators; 

5 (:l) expand and enhmwc the effcdiwness of 

6 11nited States foreign assistmJc•(• pmgrnms and ne7 ti,-ities to stabilize <•onf1int-affceted nr<>ns niHl prc8 Ycnt Yiolmee and fn•g·ilit~- global!~-; 

9 ( 4) snppol't t lw rcs,•m·eh niHl <lcYelopnlC'nt of ef10 feetiw Hpproaelws to stabilize eoni1iet-affedcd m-ens 

11 awl prewnt Yiol<•uee and fragility globall~-, nn<l data 

12 eollcetion efforts rdeYant to suel1 approadws; and 

13 ( f:i) im]ll'OYC the tools and authorities for assess14 ment, monitoring·, awl cYalnation needed to euahlc 

15 leaming and adaptation b)· snell J'<•leYant Federal <le16 partments and ageneics \Yorking to stabilize emtf1id17 affeeted areas niHl prevent Yiolenec and ti·agilit~-

18 globally. 

19 SEC. 4. AUTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATIONS. 

20 (a) RTABILI7,ATJO:\' A:\'D PHE\'E:\'1'10:\' FFI\"D.-

21 (1) ERTABTjT;-;IE\fEKT.-Tlwre is established m 

22 the Treasm·~· of the Uuite(l 8tates a fnwl to be 

23 lmmm as the "Stnhilizatio11 n11d Prewntion F'uud" 

24 (iu this snbseetio11 referred to ns the· "Pund"), to be 

25 administered b~- the Department of Rtatc and the 

•HR 2116 IH 
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() 

U uited States Agcne~· for lntemational Dcwlopment 

2 (llSAID), HlHl consisting of nmom1ts authorized to 

3 he appropriated pm·smmt to paragraph (2). 

4 (2) AlT'J'IIOIU;t;ATIOX OF "\l'l'!Wl'HL\TIOXS.-

5 '!'here is authorizer! to be approprintl'<l to the I<'nnd 

6 $200,000,000 for each of tlw fiw fiscal years lwgiu7 uing "·ith the first fi,;eal ~·ear that heg·ins after the 

8 date of the cnaetnwut of this Ad. Amounts author9 ized to be appropriated pursuant to this parngrnph 

10 are authorized to n•nu1in antilahle until expell(kd. 

ll (i3) PFHI'OSES OP THE Ft:XD.-

12 (A) lx <mXETUL.-Ammmts authorized to 

13 he approprinte<l to the I<1md shall be nsr•d for 

14 ceonomie all(l dewlopment assistance for any of 

15 the following: 

16 (i) To snppol't stabilization of eonf1iet17 affeded areas awl Jn·ewnt Yioknee awl 

18 fmgilit,\· glohall.'·, im•lnding through the 

19 Global Fragility Initiahn• <'stahlished pnr20 snant to seetion G. 

21 (ii) To provide assistanee to areas lib22 crated or at risk from, or nuder tlw eontrol 

23 of, the Islamic State of Iraq and S~Tia, 

24 other terrorist organizations, or Yiolent ex25 tremist organizations, inelnding for sta-

•HR 2116 IH 
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7 

hilization assistam~e for Ynhwrahle etlmie 

2 a]](l religions minori(\' eommnnities af3 feded by eoutlid. 

4 (B) ArmJTIO:'\.-Amonnts authorized to he 

5 appropriated to the F'nnd an• in addition to an,\' 

6 mnmmts oth<'lwise made HYailahle for the pnr7 pos<~s dcseribcrl in subparagraph (A). 

8 (4) Co:t\UHERSIO:'\AL :'\OTIFH'ATIO:'\.-:\ot later 

9 tlum l 5 da~'s before amonnts from the I<'nnd are ohIO ligatP<l, the Scen'tary of State or A<lministrator of 

11 the United States AgeJW~' for Intemntional Dewlop12 ment shall submit notification of such obligation 

13 to14 (A) the Committee on Foreign Mfairs of 

15 the HomK' of Hewescntntin:s; 

16 (B) the Committee on Appropriations of 

17 the Honse of Hepresentatives; 

18 (C) the Committee on Foreign Hdations of 

19 the Senat<~; and 

20 (D) the Committe<~ on Ap]H'O]))'iations of 

21 the Sewtte. 

22 (h) CO:.\£PLEX CHn-lES FF:'\D.-

23 (1) ESTABLli-iii:.\IEXT.-Tlwre IS ('8tablislwd ill 

24 the Treafint)' of the United States a :fund to he 

25 known as the "Complex Crises Fnnd" (in this snb-

•HR 2116 IH 
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R 

seetio11 referred to as the "Fnud"), to lw ndminis2 tered b)- USAID. 

3 (2) A1T'l'JIOHTZA'l'IO:\ 01~ "\l'I'HOI'IUATI0:\8.-

4 Tlwn~ is authorized to he <IJlJH"O]ll'intecl to the I<'nml 

5 $i10,000,000 for eneh of the fiw fiseal y(•m·s heg·ill6 ning- Yl"ith the first fisenl ~-ear that hegins after tlw 

7 date of the maetment of this Ad. Amonnts anthor8 ized to he appt·o]n·iated Jnu·snaut to this parag-raph 

9 are authorizer] to remain aYailable nntil t'XJWIHkd. 

10 (:l) PrHPORER OF THE FlT.:\D.-

1 1 (A) ll\ <lEXETL\L.-Xotwithst<~nding- an~-

12 other prmision of law, exeept seetiou 620l\I of 

13 the Foreign Assistmwe Aet of 1%1 (22 U.S.C. 

14 2:nRrl), nmonuts in the Fnwl Jrwy be nsc>d to 

15 earr.\' ont the Jll'OYisiom; of tlw l<'oreign Assist16 mwe Ad of 19()1 (22 U.fi.C. 2151 C't seq.) to 

17 support programs all(l actiYities to ]H"t'W'nt or 

18 J'espo]](l to emerg·iug m· nufon~seen fon•ig-n dud-

] 9 leng-c•s and eomplex (•rises mTrst>as, including· 

20 through the Global Fragilit~- Initiatiw estnb21 lished pursuant to seetion G. 

22 (B) ADDITJOX.-Amonuts authorized to be 

23 appropriated to the Pnnd m·e in addition to auy 

24 mnounts other"isc made wmilahlc for the pnr25 poses deseribed in snbparagntph (A). 

•HR 2116 IH 
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!l 

( 4) JJL\liTXl'IO:'\S.-

2 (.A) ll'\ OE:'\EHAL.-1\.monuts m the Fund 

3 ma~· not he expe1H1e<l fm· lethal assistmwe m· to 

4 J'Pspowl to uatnrnl disasters. 

5 (B) ATniL\'JSTHATIYE EXPE:'\RES.-Xot 

6 mm·e than fiw pen·<'llt of amounts in tl1e Fund 

7 mny he used for a<lministnttiw l'XJK'llses. 

8 (5) COXOHESSIOX,\L XOTTFWATIOX.-Xot later 

9 tlum fiYe <h1~·s before am<muts from the I•'uml an· 

10 obligated, the A<lmi11istrator of the United States 

11 Ag<•Jw~· for lntcmational J)pyrJopmcnt shnll submit 

12 uotifiention of sueh obligation to13 (A) the Committ<'<' on Foreign Relations of 

14 the Seuatc; 

15 (B) the Connnitte<' 011 Appropriations of 

16 the Senate: 

17 (C) the Committee on Foreign Affairs of 

18 the Honse of Representntiw•s; nnd 

19 (D) the Committee 011 Approp1·iations of 

20 the Honse of HepreseutntiY<'S. 

21 (G) \YAI\'EIL-Notifieation in neeonhm<·e "·ith 

22 pamgrnph (5) lll<W be wain;d if---

23 (A) llotifieation b~· the• deaclline spceified iu 

24 such paragraph >Yonld pose a substantial risk to 

25 human health or welfare; and 

•HR 2116 IH 
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10 

(B) the congressional emmnittPes speeifie<l 

2 in sueh paragraph3 (i) are notified not Inter than three 

4 da~'S after an obligntion of amonuts from 

5 the F'nud; and 

6 (ii) are provi<led with <Ill explauatiou 

7 of the enlel'g'('JW~' eircnmst.auees that Jleees8 sitatecl sneh W<tin~r. 

9 (e) OTium F'L\'DL'\G ,\:\D CosT 1\IATCIITKG.-'l'he 

10 Global l<'rng·ility lnitiatiw Pstahlished Jnn·smmt to seetion 

11 G12 (1) nul~' he supported b~, filucls other than 

13 funds authorized to he appropriated pnrsnant to this 

14 seetion; aiHl 

15 (2) shall seek to le\·erage funds fnnn sonrees 

16 other than the Unite<l States Gowmnwnt in order 

17 to promote eoonlinntion and <·.ost-mate.hing to tl1e 

18 maximum extent pmdicnhle. 

19 SEC. 5. SENSE OF CONGRESS REGARDING ASSISTANCE FOR 

20 THE GLOBAl. FRAGILITY INITIATIVE. 

21 It is tlH' sens<' of Congress that tlw Presi<knt, the 

22 Seen~tar~' of State, the A<lministrator of USAID, the See23 rl'tm·~, of Defense, and the heads of other relenut Federal 

24 departments and agencies r-;honld work with the appm-

•HR 2116 IH 
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11 

priate eongressionaleommittce:-; to JH'OYide snffieient t~llPS 

2 and leYPls of funding to3 ( 1) allow for more a<laptiYe mHl n•sponsiYe pol4 ie~' ;md program plmming, impkmentntion, awl sealS ing mHkr the Global l~'ragilit;' Initiatiw establishe<l 

6 pnnmaut to sedion G, indnding through more fkxi7 hle fnnding meehanisms mvl exemptim1s from spe8 eifie nnd minimum fimding kn~ls when snell C'xemp9 tions "·onld make sm·h p1·ogmms better nhle to n•-

10 spoud to loenl needs, the results of monitoring and 

1 I enthwtion, m· c·hanged eiremnstanees in rekYmlt 

12 eonutric•s; 

13 (2) better intq!,Tate thC' initiatin• and otlH'r eon14 t1id and Yiolenee rednetion ohjt"diYes and aetiYities 

15 into otlwr polie~· awl program areas, when• HJlJH'0-

16 priate; and 

17 (:l) support tnmspm·c•nt aiHl ;wemmtahle nmlti18 Intern! fimds, initiHtiYt~s, alHl stratq.\ies to euhmwe 

19 and better C'oordinate both priYntl' aJHl pnb]i(~ efforts 

20 to stnbilizl' eonfliet-affeeted mens and prewnt >'io21 knee HJI(l fragility glohall~'. 

22 SEC. 6. GLOBAL FRAGILITY INITIATIVE. 

23 (a) Ix GEXEHAL.-

24 (1) ESTABI;ISIDIE:\T.-The Seeretary of State, 

25 in eoorcliuation \\'ith the Administrator of the United 

•HR 2116 IH 
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12 

States Agetwy for lntenwtional Dewlopment 

2 (URAID), the 8eere1ar;' of Defense, the Atrocities 

3 Prevention Boanl (or an;' successor entit,\'), and the 

4 !wads of other rdcv;mt l<'e(lernl departments nml 

5 <tg'l'ncic>s, shall, in aeconlauee \Yith i'mbsection (h), es6 tahlish <Ill intC'ragency initiatiw, to he refern•d to as 

7 the "Global Fntgility Initintiw", to stnhilizP ('OJtf1iet8 affedPd meas and prewnt Yioknee and frag·ility 

9 globally. 

10 (2) 8TAiilliiOLimn coxsuurAno:-.:.-Tiw Gloh11 <1 l F'ragility Iuitiative reqnit·pd mHkt· this snhscetion 

12 shall be devdo1wd in r~<msnltation \\ith n'JH'l'SeJJta13 tiws of local ei,il soeiet;' and national and Joeal gov14 emam·e entities, as well as rcknmt intemational de15 wlopment orga nizatious with experience imple16 menting programs in fragile awl violenee-affected 

17 emnmnnitic~s, mnltilatet·al c))'ganizations nlHl dOilOJ's, 

18 and relevant priYnte, ncn(lemie, awl philanthropie 

19 entities, as nmn·opriate. 

20 (h) Es'L\BLTSIL\IE:\'1' P!,A:-.:.-Xot later than 1 RO 

21 rla~'s after the elate of the enactment of this Aet, th<• Ree22 retm-:-' of State, in eoonlination with the .Administrator of 

23 1J8i\ID, the 8Perdm·~, of Defense, the Atrm~itics Prew:n24 tion Board (or an~' successor entity), and the heads of 

25 other relevant Federal departments alHl agencies, shall 

•HR 2116 IH 
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submit to the appropriate eoug·1·essionnl committees an 

2 intemgciW~' plan rq;ar<ling the establishment of tlw Glolml 

3 Fragilit;' Initiatiw pnrsnaut to snhseetion (a) that in4 dudes the follmYing: 

5 (1) Identification of the nMs aJHl responsihil6 ities of eneh partieipating Federal <lepartment or 

7 ag'l'lll','l', while en:-snring that8 (A) the Jkpartmc•nt of Rtate is the OYcnlll 

9 len< l departnwnt for establishing U nitnl Stntes 

10 foreign polie~' Hll(l n<lvaneing <liplomntie awl poll litical effort:-;; 

12 (B) US1UD is the lend implementing ngcn13 ey for <lewlopnwnt, lnunanitarian, awl related 

14 non-:-;eenrit~' prognun polie~'; 

15 (C) whl'l'l' approJn·iatl>, tlw Departn1mt of 

16 lkfense ma~' support the a('tiYiti('S of tlH' De17 partment of Rtate and USAID b~, prm'i<liug 

18 twrnisiie s0cm·ity and snpport to eiYilian C'fforts 

19 with the joiut-fonnnlntion, eoonlinatiou, and 

20 emwmTCltel' of the Reerdm·y of Rtate and Arl21 ministrntm· of U81\ID; alHl 

22 (])) other Pedentl departments alHl agen23 eies :-support the aeti\'ities of tlw Department of 

24 State and USAID a:-; appropriate, with the eon-

•HR 2116 IH 
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14 

enrrellec of the Seeretm~' of State aml Adminis2 trator of US.AID. 

3 (2) l<lcntifi('ation of ~which offic·ials of the De4 pnrtment of State, USJ\1]), and the Departnwnt of 

5 Dd'eJJse, IYith a rm1k not lower than Assistant Sec·-

6 rntary or Assist<mt Administrator, as the ease may 

7 he, "ill he responsible for oYerseeing HJHI lc>ading the 

8 i11itiatiw. 

9 Ull I<lelltifieation of the nntlwrities, staffing, 

10 nJHl other n~sonree reqniremc'uts needed to rffce11 tivcly implement the iuitintin'. 

12 (4) Descriptions of the organizational steps the 

13 Seeretmy of State, tlw Administrator, the SC'eretnry 

l4 of Defense, a)](l the lwnd of cadt other rcknmt Ferl1 5 e1·al <lepartuwut m· ngem•.\' "·ill take to imJn·ove plan16 mug, eoordiuation, implenwntntion, assessment, 

17 mouitori11g, c>Ynluation, adaptiw' nwnagnn0nt, mHl 

18 ih'rntin' knnring ·with l'C'SJ)('l't to the programs ear19 ried ont nnder the initintiYc'. 

20 ( i)) ])pseriptions of the steps the Seeretur.'· of 

21 StatP, thl' Administrator, the Seeretm~· of Defense, 

22 and the head of naeh other rdeYaHt li'ederal depart23 meut or agl'Itey will take to emmre HJlJH'OJlriat(' host24 eonntr~' owm'rship all(] to improw coordination and 

25 eollaboration under the initiatiw· 1\ith intemational 

•HR 2116 IH 
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15 

den•loJmwnt organiza tiom;, international donors, 

2 mnltilat(•ral organizations, and the priYHtc· seetor. 

3 (G) Deseriptiom; of pot(•ntial areas of impt·m·e(l 

4 pnblie and priYate seetor n•seareh and dew~lopment, 

5 inelndi11g ~with aeademie, philantltropie, and 6\'il so6 <'iet~· org<miz:ations, on data eoll(•dion efforts and 

7 mon• pffeetiYc apJn·oaehes to stahili;,e eonili<~t -af8 fedecl <l!'('as and Jm•w•nt Yiole1we and fragilit~· glob9 all~·. 

10 (7) Deseriptions of the proeesses for regularly 

11 eYctlnating· a1Hl npclatiug the initiatin~ on an iteratin~ 

12 basis, indncling regm<ling priority eonntr~· and rc13 gionnl phms <leserihed in snhsedion (cl). 

14 (R) 1\ list of priority eonnt1·ies and regions se15 lc•c·tecl Jnu·snaut to snhsPetion (e), im·lnding· d('Serip16 tions of the rationale for sneh seledions. 

17 ( (') 8ELECTIOX OP PIUOHITY CorXTHIER Al'\D HB18 moxR.-'rlw Reerctm·y of Rtnte, in eoonliuation with the 

19 Administ1·atm· of USAID nnd the Se('rdm·~· of Defense, 

20 nud in eonsnltntion "ith the appropriate eongressional 

21 eommittees, shall S<'leet eertain eonntries as "prim·it~· 

22 eonntries" and ecrtain regions as "priority regions" for 

23 the Global Fragility lnitiati\'e24 (1) on the hasis of-

•HR 2116 IH 
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2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

25 

16 

(A) dearl~· defined indicators of tlw leyc·ls 

of Yiokm~e or fn1gilit~, in sneh emmtry m· 1'<'-

giml, snc~h as the eonntr~· m· region's-

•HR 2116 IH 

(i) ranking on reeognizecl global fmgility lists, snell as the Organization for 

Economic· Co-opc'nlt ion awl D<'Yelopuwnt 

States of Fragilit~· report, the Fnncl f<)]' 

Pe;we Ji'ragile 8tHtes Iwlex, the \Yorld 

Bank Hannonizecl J1ist of F'ragile Situations, the lm;titutc• for Economies and 

Peace Global Peace ln<lPx, and Holoeanst 

l\lnsenm Earl~· Wnming Project Hisk Assessnwnt; 

(ii) ranking 011 selcet Unitc<1 States 

Gow~mnwnt c~ont1i<·t awl atroeity cady 

warning ~watch lists; ami 

(iii) kvels of Yiolenee, sueh as Yiolenee 

eommitte<l b~· arnwd groups, Yioleut extremist organizations, geJHlPr-hased Yioknec, nwl Yiolenee agHinst ehil<lreu awl 

~·outh; awl 

(B) au assessment of-

(i) the eapaeity awl commitment of 

national nncl sub-national g·oycrnmcnt CBtities awl c·ivil soeiet~· partners in sneh eonn-
96 

4 

6 

7 

17 

try or n•glo11 to \YOrk \Yith l-~"cdenll dep<ll'tm(•nt:-; and agen('lt•s 011 the iuitlntin\ iu-

<·luding b~· dt>moHstJ·atiHg tlw IYillingness 

and making d<•mm1strnhk <•fTorts to im-

!H'O\'P goYi'l'mi!ICl', f•nlwne(' rnlt• of lmr. and 

prot<•d lmmnu ril£hts; 1md 

(ii) tlw likPliltood thnt sPlPetion ns a 

priority ('Ollnt ry or priority l'('gion 1rould 

9 allow 1lH' initi;Jtin• to lll('HSHl'Hl>Jy stahiJjzp 

10 emlf1id-cd'ft•<·kd at'('HS or fH"('Yent \·ioknC'e 

11 ami fragility in sm·h i'Omttry or rPgion; nwl 

12 (2) inn m;um<'l' that ensnJ'PS that--

13 (_ .. \) not f<•wer than tlln•t• <·ouutries or n•-

14 {.!'ions HI'i' desiguntPd <1s "N1nbiliz<ltion Cmm15 tri<•s" or "Htnhilizatiou H~·gions", as thC' <·ast' 

16 JH<lY hP, in whiPh i'Uf!'i'JJt len•ls of Yioh•w·e ;n·p 

17 among: the highest in flw \Yorld; 

18 (B) not fpwer than 1hret• eomJtrit•:-: o1· 

19 giiHIS a!'<' dC'sig-1wkd us ''J>n'W'!ttiOJl (\mntrl('s'' 

20 m· ''PJ't'Yt'ntion H('g-ions". <1s ilH' <·ast' may· lw, 

21 in whit·h eHJT<'Ilt lt•\·els of YioleJH'f' <H't' lowt'l' 

22 tluw :->neh h•Yds in ~tnlliliz<ilion C~ouutri~.:s m· 

23 St<1hilizatiou Ht•gions hut risk fadors for vio24 lPJH'(' or fragility Hl't' siguifiennt: 

•HR 2116 Ill 
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lR 

(C) eonnt ries ami l'<'f!,lOJls :->cketcd are in 

2 the areas of n•sponsihilit,\' of at least three g-eo3 graphie lmrcans of the Departnwut of Rtnte; 

4 awl 

5 (D) regions, rather than iwli\'idnal emm6 tries, are :->eleeterl when• the thrcnt m· spillcrn~r 

7 of Yioknee, eontlid, or fragilit~- threatens mnl8 tiple eonutriPs ~within n single geographil' n•-

9 giou. 

10 (d) Coll:\'I'HY A:\D HEmO:\AT, PLA:\:-i.-::\ot later 

11 than one year after the rlate of the emwtment of this Aet, 

12 the Reeretar.'· of Rtate, in eoor<linatiou with the Arlminis13 trntor of lTRAID, the Seerehn·~· of Defense, the Atrocities 

14 Prew•ntion Boarrl (or an~· sneeessor entit~·), and the heads 

15 of other reknmt Ferleml rlc>pnrtnwnts and ageneies, shall 

16 submit to the appropriate congressional committees ten17 r(~Hl' phms to align HlHl integrate nuder the Glohal F'ra18 gil it:-· Initi:1tiw reqnil'ed nnrler snhst•t·timt (a) all rekYcmt 

19 diploma tie, rlewlopnwut, seenl'ity assistmwe awl eoopera20 tion, and other relc•ynnt aetiYities of the 1! niterl Rtates 

21 Gowmment with n•speet to c•ad1 of the eonntries alHl re22 gions selceted pm·sllmlt to snlmeeti011 (e). Eaeh sneh emm23 try and regional plan shall inelnde the following: 

•HR 2116 m 
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19 

(1) Speeifie nmlti-yenr inte1·agl'lJe~' plans fm· eo2 ordination and implementation nuder eaeh sneh 

3 plan. 

4 (2) "An np-to-dat<' hm;eline anal~'sis for eaeh 

5 snd1 <•mmtr~' or region, iw·lmling an annl~'sis of po6 litieal <l~11Hmies, impm•ts of \iolenee, and eouditim1s 

7 that eontrilmte to Yiolenee and fragilit~'· 

8 Ul) Prioritized <leseriptions of the g'Oals a]}(l oh9 jeetiws for stnbilizing eonf1iet-affeeted m·eas ~md 

10 JH'C\T~nting Yiolenee awl fmgilit~' in e<wh sneh eonn11 tJ'~' or region. 

12 ( 4) Desm·iptions of 110\Y and \Ylwu th<• releY<mt 

13 goals, ohjeetiYes, plans, HJl(l hPnehmarks for eaeh 

14 snell eonntry or region "ill he iJJeorporated into rel15 cyant 1T niil'd Statc•s emmtr,\' phms awl strategies, in16 dn<ling Depmtllwllt of State Integrated Cmmtr~' 

17 Strategies, USAID Conntr~- Dewlopnwnt Coopera18 tion Strategies, HJl(l Department of Defense Cnm19 pnign Pinus, Opt'rational Plans, mul HPgional Strat20 egies, as >H'll as an~' equintleut or sneeessor pl<ms or 

21 strategies. 

22 ( 5) lnterageney plans to ensm·e that appro23 priate loeal aetors, im~lnding g·ownmwnt awl ei,il 

24 soeiety entities all\l organizations led by \YOmen, 

25 youth, or nwler-represeuted eomnnmities, haYe an 

•HR 2116 IH 
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20 

aPJH'Opriate mYnership stake ill <kn~loping, imple2 nwnting, assc>ssing·, monitoring, eYnluating, nwl np3 dating rdeYnnt adi1ii ies nuder ea('h snell piau. 

4 ( ()) lutl•rageuey plans to integrate existing aml 

5 planned sctnrit~· assistanee nlHl eooperation pro6 grams in eaeh sneh <'omttr,,· or rcgim1 \\itll the i11itia7 tiw nwl to maximiz(' positiw~ onteomes and mitigate 

8 risks assoeiate<l \\'ith snell programs, iw~huling risks 

9 related to eormption, gowmnnee, awl human rights. 

10 (7) Assessm('nt, monitoring, awl eYnlnation 

1 1 framP\YOI'ks for diplomati(', <lcye]opment, <md seen12 rity adiYitiPs, IYhieh shall he infonnrd b~· <~Ollsulta13 tions ~with the stakeholders speeifie<l in 1-mhseetion 

14 (a)(2), 11ith dear, dnte-eertain nwtries for eaeh sneh 

15 eonutr~· OJ' reg·ion, as 1wll ns i11terngeney plans for 

16 using sneh frmneworks to adapt sneh aeti1ities on a 

17 reg-nlm· and iteratiw basis. 

18 (B) Descriptions of ;wailahle polic~· tools RlHl 

19 how sneh tools will he used to stnhilize <~outliet-Hf20 fcet<•d an•as or JH'C'Yent Yioleuec' and fragilit~· in l'Heh 

21 sneh <~onntr~· or region. 

22 (9) A <leseription of how planning and implP23 mentation for each sneh eotmt1·~· or region \\ill he eo24 ordinatcd to ensure sueh planning and implementa-

•HR 2116 IH 
100 

21 

tim1 are emHlneh'<l in partne1·Nhip between the 

2 UnitHl States Govemment nml3 (A) gowrJlllWJlts of snd1 (~mmtrie:-;; 

4 (B) international development orgaui;>;a5 tiom;; 

6 (C) relevant intenwtional donors; 

7 (D) JlmltilateJ·al orgnnizations; aud 

8 (B) the JH-i"nlte sedor. 

9 (1 0) A regional (•omponcnt outlining pinus to 

10 addn'ss rdenmt trnnsnatiom1l issues in cases in 

1 1 \Yhieh an ill(lividnnl ccnmtry is seleeted and snell 

12 emmtr~· is affected h~- or at risk of regional fragility 

13 or violence'. 

14 ( 11) A component ontlitling plans to H(l<lress 

15 national-level faetors nt the iwlividnal country lc'wl 

16 in (~ases in ,,·hich a regioll is sdeeted and snch re17 gion is affected hy m· at risk of fragility or Yiolence 

18 as a result of snell national-l0Yd fadors. 

19 (e) ll\fPLBl\fEK'l'ATIO;'\.-Tlw Sccrctm·y of State, in 

20 eoordinntion "ith th(' A<lministrator of US.AID, the See21 retary of Defense, and the heads of otlwr relcYant F'ederal 

22 departments and ageneies, aml in eonsultation with the 

23 AtJ·o(•ities Prl'wntion Board (or an~· sueeessor entity), rel24 eYant United States ambassadors, USAID mission cliree25 tors, geographic combatant eommmHlcrs, and other rel-

•HR 2116 IH 
101 

22 

enmt imlivichwl:-; with responsibility oYer aetivities in cneh 

2 priority country or region sekdcd JHu·sunnt to snhseetion 

3 (e), shall emmrc that4 ( 1) the Glohnl Frngilit~' Initiatin~ rcq11ired 

5 nwler snbseetion (a), indnding cneh of ihe c~onntr~' 

6 awl regional plans nnckr snhseetion (d), is implc•-

7 mentc•d, updntecl, nll<1 eoonlinated 011 a regular aU<1 

8 iteratin~ basis; nll<l 

9 (2) such initiatiw is nsccl to g11ick llnit<•d 

10 States Gow~rmnent polie~" at n senior level ancl im·or11 porntecl into re]eyaut strategies nncl plans neross the 

12 Unitecl States Gowmment sneh that the aetivities of 

13 all Feckrnl departments awl agc•neies are consistent 

14 with sneh initiatiw~. 

15 SEC. 7. BIENNIAL REPORTS AND CONGRESSIONAL CON16 SULTATION. 

17 (n) BmK:'\IAlj RBPOJ~T:'l.-::\ot later than two years 

18 after tlw date of the enactment of this Aet nud eYer~' hYo 

19 ~"<'Hl'S tlwn~aftPr until the elate that is ten ~Till'S after sneh 

20 date of enadment, the Seeretary of State, in eoorclinatiOII 

21 with the Administrator of US1UD, the St>eretm;, of De22 fense, the Atmeiti('s PI'CITntion Board (or au~' sneeessor 

23 entity), aiHl the heads of other relPYaut Federal dcpart24 ments ancl ngcneies, shall submit to thr appropriate eou25 gTessional eommittres nn unclassified l'<'JlOrt, ·whic·h ma~, 

•HR 2116 IH 
102 

inelnde a dassified mmcx, on progress made and lessous 

2 leanwd with respeet to the Global Fragility lnitiatiYe es3 tnhlished Jnn·suant to seetion G, iududing each country 

4 and regional plan required as part of snell iuitiatiYe, in5 elndiug tlw followiug: 

6 (1) Dese1·iptions of steps taln•n to iueorpornte 

7 ilw initiatiYe <md such eom1h;· and regional plans 

8 iuto rell'Yant strategies aJl(l plans that affeet sneh 

9 emmtrics awl regions. 

10 (2) Aeeonntiugs of all funding reeeiYnl and ob11 lig·nted to implement each sm~h country awl r(•gioual 

12 plau during the JH'(Tions two ~·ears, as \Yell as fund13 iug requester!, planned, nud projed(•d for the fol15 ( 3) Des(•riptious of progress made towards the 

16 g·oals and objertiws established for eadt snd1 eoun17 try and region, indnding progn~ss made townrds 

18 aehic,'ing S]lC'(;ifie targets, metries, and imlieators. 

19 ( 4) Deseriptions of npdntes made during the 

20 preYions two years to the goals, objeetiYes, plans of 

21 aetion, Hll(l other elements deserilH~<l in each snell 

22 eonuh;· and regional plan, as \\·dl as m1~· dmnges 

23 nuHk to programs based 011 th(• results of nss<'ss24 ment, monitoring, and eYalnation. 

•HR 2116 IH 
103 

24 

(b) CoxmmRSIOX.-\L Coxsn/l'ATiox.-Tlw Ree2 retm·~, of Ntak, tlw Administrator of U8;\1D, and thP Sec3 retar~' of Defense shall pnwi<k to all)' appmprint<· eongr<~s4 sional committee HJlOil tlw request of nn~' sneh committee 

5 n•gular briefing·s 011 t!H• implementation of this Aet. 

6 SEC. 8. GAO REVIEW. 

7 (a) I?\ GEXEHAL.-Xot later th<m hYo ~'em·s aft<or the 

8 date of the Pwwtnwnt of this 1\et awl ewry two ypm·s 

9 tlwrcaft<•r until the <late that is ten yPars after sneh <late 

10 of e1wetmettt, the Comptroller (}meral of the United 

11 States shall consnlt with the Chairman awl Hanking l\lem12 her of the Committee on l<'on•ign Hdations of th<> Renate 

13 aiHl the Committee 011 ForPig11 .Affairs of the Honse of 

14 Hepresentatives regarding opportunities for imkpendmt 

15 l'<'Yil'w of tlw aeti,'ities nwler the Global Fragility lnitia16 tiw estahlislw<l]mrsmmt to section G, indndi11g opportnni17 tiC's to18 ( 1) assess tlw (•xt<•nt to whieh flnitl•d States 

19 GoYermnent adiYitics in each eonnh·~, aml region ~('-

20 keted as pmt of the iuitiatiw~ arc heing implemmtcd 

21 in aeeonlmwe '\Yith the initiatiw awl the rdeYant 

22 eom1tr~' or regional phm nlHkr the' initiatiw; 

23 (2) assess the proeesses awl JWoceclnrcs for eo24 ordinnting- among and '\Yithin eaeh rdeYant li'ederal 

•HR 2116 IH 
104 

25 

depnrtmmt or ageney when implementing the iuitia2 tin· nud eaeh snell emmti·~- aJH! regional phm; 

3 (:3) assess the mouitoring and eYalnation effm·ts 

4 nwle1· the initiatiw~ and eneh snell emmt1·y awl re5 gionnl plan, iuelnding assessments of the progn:ss 

6 made mHl lessons h•m·1w<l ~with respeet to eaeh snell 

7 plan, as well ns au~· elwnges HHHk to ;wtiYities based 

8 ou the res11lts of sm·h monitoring and eYalnntion; 

9 ( 4) reeomnH'JHI dumges neeessm·? to better im10 pleme11t Unite<! States Gon•nmwnt adiYities in ;w11 eonlmwe with the initiatiw, as wdl as reeommenda12 tim1s for an~- ehanges to the i11itiatiw; and 

13 ( 5) assess snell othc~r matters as the Comp14 troller General detm·miues appropriate•. 

}5 (h) iWAJLABILITY OF' l\'FOIDIA'!'IOX.-'l'he heads of 

16 ~dl rekYant l''nleral <lepartmeuts aJHl agencies shall ensnn• 

17 thHt all releYant data, <loenmeuts, and other infonnaticm 

18 is made aYailahle to tlw Comptroller Gl'nernl of the United 

19 States for purposes of eonduding independent reviews 

20 pursuant to this sedion. 

21 SEC. 9. DEFINITIONS. 

22 In this Aet: 

23 (1) APPHOJ'HIATE n)xmmsBIOXAL co:\Il\II'r24 TEE8.-'rhe term "apprOJ)l'iate eong1·essional emn25 mittees" means-

•HR 2116 IH 
105 

2() 

(A) the Committe<'S on Foreig11 Hdations, 

2 J\nne<l Seniees, aml Appropriations of the Seu3 nte; and 

4 (B) th<• Committees on F'on•ig-n Affairs, 

5 Arme<l SeiTiees, and Appropriations of the 

6 Honse of Hepresentntin~s. 

7 (2) HELE\'A:\T FEDEHAL Dl~PAHT~!El'\T OH 

8 A<iE:\<'Y.-'l'he t<~rm "n•knmt Fetlcral <lepartment 

9 or agem·~·'' nwm1s tlw DepartmPnt of the Trensm·~· 

10 aml <IllY other l1

'e<lPral depnrtmeut or age11ey tlw 

11 Prc>sideut determines is l'<'leYant to <'mT~· ont the 

12 pmposes of this Ad. 

0 

•HR 2116 IH 
106 

Chairman ENGEL. I will now recognize myself to speak on the en 

bloc measures. I strongly support all of these bipartisan bills and 

resolutions in this package. Because we have limited time and a lot 

of business to get through today, I will keep my remarks brief. 

First, I was very pleased to work with Ranking Member McCaul 

on H.Res. 273 and H.R. 2002, two bipartisan measures to further 

strengthen the U.S.-Taiwan partnership. Tomorrow marks the 40th 

anniversary of the Taiwan Relations Act and it is important for 

Congress to reaffirm our commitment to Taiwan and the implementation of that landmark legislation. 

Next, we have the Global Fragility Act, another bill that I introduced along with Mr. McCaul. This legislation passed our committee and the House last Congress and I am pleased that we are 

considering it again today. It will help strengthen and coordinate 

our government’s efforts to help countries become stronger and 

more stable and thus make it harder for terrorists, criminals, and 

other violent groups to put down roots. 

I am also happy to join with Mr. McCaul on H.R. 1704, the 

Championing American Business Through Diplomacy Act, which 

prioritizes commercial diplomacy so the State Department can better support American businesses in the global market. When we 

think of the importance of diplomacy for American businesses, we 

must look at our southern border. Mexico is one of our largest trading partners, and the proximity between our two nations makes the 

U.S.-Mexico tourism industry an important economic driver. 

The U.S. tourism industry would suffer if President Trump follows through on his ill-advised desire to close the U.S.-Mexico border. The U.S.-Mexico Tourism Improvement Act, a common-sense 

bill introduced by Mr. Cuellar and Mr. McCaul would benefit both 

our countries. This legislation will increase exchange programs in 

a number of economic sectors and demonstrate the kind of mutually beneficial partnership Congress wants with Mexico. 

I am also happy to support Mr. Yoho’s Cambodia Democracy Act. 

This bill codifies existing sanctions to hold Cambodia’s leaders accountable for their crackdowns on democracy and stripping the 

Cambodian people of their rights. 

We have two other strong measures on human rights before us 

today as well, H.Res. 106 introduced by Ms. Franklin and Mr. 

Perry, rightly denounces female genital mutilation as an egregious 

violation of women’s and girls’ human rights. And Ms. Mangin and 

Mr. Zeldin’s Refugee Sanitation Facility Act will help provide 

women and girls and other vulnerable populations with safe and 

secure access to sanitation facilities in refugee camps. 

We also have a number of other good bipartisan measures that 

our committee passed last Congress. First, the Intercountry Adoption Information Act creates more transparency in the international adoption process so prospective parents are better informed about policy changes that could affect their adoptions. Next, 

the Rescuing Animals with Rewards Act, which embraces and enhances U.S. efforts to combat wildlife trafficking by authorizing rewards for information leading to the arrest or conviction of those 

engaged in the illicit wildlife trade. 

The Digital Global Access Policy Act, which passed the House 

last year, makes it a U.S. foreign policy priority to promote inter-
107 

net access in the developing world. And, finally, we have the Global 

Electoral Exchange Act which also passed the House last Congress. 

This bill introduced by Mr. Castro and Mr. Meadows would establish a program at the State Department to exchange best practices 

for elections around the world. 

I am pleased to support all of these bills and I would like to 

thank our members for their hard work. And now I will recognize 

my friend, our Ranking Member, Mr. McCaul of Texas, for any remarks he might have. 

Mr. MCCAUL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Today, our committee will markup and pass key legislation that 

will expand our economic prosperity and strengthen our national 

security. One of today’s bills is my Championing American Business Diplomacy Act which I am pleased that my friend, Chairman 

Engel, co-sponsored. The legislation makes the promotion of U.S. 

economic interest a principal duty of our missions abroad. It also 

requires economic and commercial training for our diplomats serving overseas. By creating more international opportunities for 

American businesses, we can push back on growing Russian and 

Chinese influence across the globe. 

We will also be marking up legislation that recognizes and 

strengthens our relationship with Taiwan. Taiwan is a strong, 

democratic ally and is increasingly under threat from Communist 

China. My Taiwan Assurance Act, which Chairman Engel also cosponsored, reaffirms our support for Taiwan’s defense capabilities 

and advocates for their participation in international organizations. 

As we celebrate the 40th anniversary of the Taiwan Relations Act 

it is important for our Taiwanese friends to know that our alliance 

will only grow stronger. 

Although our national security strategy has prioritized threats 

from rising nation-States, we cannot forget about threats that stem 

from weak and fragile States. These States are underdeveloped and 

often suffer from violent conflicts that are exploited by terror 

groups. Our Global Fragility Act which establishes the Global Fragility Initiative will serve as an interagency policy framework to 

better coordinate and prioritize our efforts to stabilize conflict 

areas. This will help prevent violence and extremism from spreading around the world. This is an important bipartisan bill that 

could have very positive results over time. 

We will also consider legislation to combat wildlife trafficking, 

denounce the barbaric practice of female genital mutilation, improve tourism between the United States and Mexico, strengthen 

intercountry adoption, and support democratic movements around 

the world. I believe these bills should win strong bipartisan support 

from our committee and I look forward to seeing them pass on the 

floor of the House. 

With that, Mr. Chairman, I yield back. 

Chairman ENGEL. Thank you, Mr. McCaul. 

Does anyone seek recognition for the purpose of speaking on the 

en bloc package? 

Ms. Omar? 

Ms. OMAR. Thank you, Chairman. I really appreciate the effort 

to put forth a lot of bills that I will be voting yes on, but I wanted 

to take this opportunity to speak to bills that I am co-sponsoring. 
108 

The first is H.R. 615, the Refugee Sanitation Facility Safety Act. 

I am proud to be an original co-sponsor of this bill which will provide much needed protection for girls and women in refugee camps 

around the world. 

Obviously, this issue is very personal to me. Girls and women in 

refugee camps are often unable to use sanitation facilities for fear 

of sexual assault. Ensuring that our support for refugee camps 

worldwide emphasizes the need to protect vulnerable populations is 

critically important. I want to express my support for my colleague, 

Congresswoman Meng, for introducing this important legislation 

and to my many colleagues on this committee who have co-sponsored this bill. I specifically want to thank my colleague, Mr. 

Zeldin, who is currently the only Republican co-sponsor of this bill. 

Second, I want to express my strong support for H.R. 2116, the 

Global Fragility Act. Conflict prevention and support for fragile 

States should be the forefront of our foreign policy. I am thankful 

to Chairman Engel, Ranking Member McCaul, and other members 

of this committee for introducing this bill and I am excited to be 

supporting and voting yes for it. 

Thank you so much for the bills that you have put forth and I 

look forward to this great work continuing. Thank you. 

Chairman ENGEL. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Smith? 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Chairman, I wish to convey my strong support for Congressman Collins’ Intercountry Adoption Information Act and briefly explain the amendment that I am offering today. Just parenthetically 

I have long been a strong supporter of adoption. Matter of fact, 

back in 1989, I introduced legislation with over a hundred co-sponsors to create the adoption tax credit of $5,000. That was included 

in the‘‘ Contract with America’’ and it has doubled since. And now, 

people who are faced with upfront adoption expenses can get up to 

$13,000 worth of tax credit. It is still not enough, especially for 

intercountry adoptions. 

As we all know, all too often parents who are willing to open 

their hearts and homes are met with resistance from foreign governments who hold children hostage. In the past, we saw this happen in countries such as Ethiopia and the Democratic Republic of 

Congo. And I have had hearings on the DRC and that policy that 

they had. Although with the change of leadership in both countries, 

we believe, are changing. 

Beyond external obstacles placed on foreign governments which 

we cannot control, there are ones which we can control within our 

own government. Chief among them are the onerous fees that 

adoptive parents must pay. A Senate Appropriations Committee report last year called upon the State Department to assess whether 

such fees placed, and I quote, ‘‘undue financial burden on families 

seeking to adopt internationally, especially low-income families, 

families seeking to adopt sibling groups, or families seeking to 

adopt children with disabilities.’’ 

Despite this directive, the State Department did not provide this 

information, hence the need for this amendment. I hope members 

will support it. It will require a report within 180 days of the law’s 
109 

enactment, so we do not have to wait over a year to obtain this information. I yield back and thank you. 

Chairman ENGEL. Thank you. 

Are there any other members seeking recognition on the en bloc? 

Ms. Houlahan? 

Ms. HOULAHAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I would like to take a moment to speak on the bipartisan resolution denouncing the practice of female genital mutilation. I am very 

pleased that my colleague from Pennsylvania, Mr. Perry, is co-leading this resolution and it is my honor to be a co-sponsor. Genital 

cutting harms three million girls annually, jeopardizing their 

health, their safety, and violating their right to their autonomy 

over their own bodies. 

I hope this resolution will be a starting point for a larger and bipartisan conversation about women’s health including their access 

to contraception, preventing maternal deaths, and ending child 

marriage. With that in mind, I would be remiss if I spoke to the 

importance of this resolution without mentioning the great work of 

the United Nations Population Fund. The UNFPA is a leader in 

helping communities abandon the practice of female genital mutilation and it plays a key role in addressing women’s health needs 

around the world. In spite of that, the President’s administration 

has requested in its budget that Congress de-fund this critical program. 

I urge my colleagues to support this resolution and to continue 

to support funding for programs like the UNFPA. Thank you, Mr. 

Chairman, and I yield back. 

Chairman ENGEL. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Wright? 

Mr. WRIGHT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you and 

Ranking Member McCaul for agreeing to include H.R. 1359, the 

Digital Gap Act, in today’s markup, which I introduced with Ranking Member McCaul and Representative Bera and Lieu. Today, the 

internet remains out of reach for more than half the world’s population. That means four billion people, predominantly those in developing countries and women, do not have access to the benefits 

the internet provides like the free flow of information, life-changing 

innovations in health and education, and e-commerce. 

Expanding internet access is critical to driving economic growth, 

reducing poverty, improving education and health care, empowering women, bolstering democratic principles, and advancing U.S. 

interests around the globe. The Digital Gap Act will bring us one 

step closer to universal internet access by promoting common sense 

build-once policies, by working to remove tax and regulatory barriers to investment and by increasing public-private partnerships 

in internet infrastructure partnerships. 

The United States has long been a leader in promoting expanded 

internet access and passing the Digital Gap Act today will ensure 

we continue this leadership. Thank you again, Chairman and 

Ranking Member, for including this bill and I urge my colleagues 

to support all the bills en bloc. Thank you and yield back. 

Chairman ENGEL. Thank you. Is there any other member seeking 

recognition on the en bloc? 
110 

Having heard no further requests for recognition, then, without 

objection, the committee will proceed to consider the noticed items 

en bloc. Without objection, the Smith amendment to H.R. 1952 is 

agreed to. The question occurs on the measures en bloc, as amended. 

All those in favor say aye. 

All those opposed, no. 

In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. 

The measures considered en bloc are agreed to, and, without objection, each measure in the en bloc is ordered favorably reported, 

as amended. Without objection, staff is authorized to make any 

technical and conforming changes and the chair is authorized to 

seek House consideration under suspension of the rules. 

Now onto the next item of business. We are temporarily waiting 

for bills on the floor and when that happens we will suspend, but 

I think it is probably better to just continue. 

Pursuant to notice for purposes of markup, I now call up H.R. 

1004, Prohibiting Unauthorized Action in Venezuela Act. 

The clerk will report the bill. 

Ms. STILES. H.R. 1004, to prohibit the introduction of the United 

States armed forces into hostilities with respect to Venezuela and 

for other purposes. 

Chairman ENGEL. Without objection, the first reading of the bill 

is dispensed with. Without objection, the bill shall be considered as 

read and open to amendment at any point. 

I now offer an amendment in the nature of a substitute. 

[The Amendment offered by Mr. Engel follows:] 
111 

G:\Ivi\16\CICILL\CICILL_04l.XML 

AMENDMENT IN THE NATURE OF A SUBSTITUTE 

TO H.R.1004 

OFFERED BY MR. CICILLINE OF RHODE ISLAND 

Strike all aft<•r the emwting· clause and insert the 

following: 

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. 

2 This Act may he eite<l as the "Prohibiting Unauthor3 ized l\filitar~· Action in Venezuela Aet". 

4 SEC. 2. PROHIBITION ON INTRODUCTION OF UNITED 

5 STATES ARMED FORCES INTO HOSTILITIES 

6 WITH RESPECT TO VENEZUELA. 

7 (a) FrxmxG PIWIIIBITTO?\.-Nonc of the funds au8 thorizcd to be appropriated or otherwise made ;wailahle 

9 to the DepartHWJJt of Defense or to any other I•'cdcral de10 partm<:nt or agency may he used to introdnec tlw Armed 

II Fon•es of the United States into hostilities \\·ith n•speet 

I2 to Vcucznela, or into sitnatious with rcspcet to Veneznela 

13 where imminent inYoln•nwnt in hostilities is elearl~· indi14 eated by the eirenmstanecs, except pursuant to1 5 (l) a dcelaration ohmr; 

16 (2) a specific statntor~· authorization dcserilwd 

17 in subsection (h); or 

g:\ VHLC\040419\040419 .090.xml 

April 4. 2019 (11 :57 a.m.) 

(72353711) 
112 

G:\M\16\CICILL\CICILL_04l.XML 

2 

(3) a natioual emergent~)' created by attack 

2 upon the United States, its territories or posscs3 sions, or tlw Armed Forces. 

4 (b) SPECIFIC STAT1T'l'OHY At:TJIOIUZATIO:-.: DE5 scmmm.-A speeifie statutory a11thorization described in 

6 this subsection is an authorization that7 ( l) meets the requirements of the \Yar Pom~rs 

8 Resolution (50 U.S.C. 1541 ct sPq.); and 

9 (2) is enacted aftPr the date of the enactment 

10 of this Act. 

11 (e) RnLE OF Co:-.:S'l'HUCTIOC\.-l'\othing in this Act 

12 ma~' be construed to affect or alter the requirements of 

13 the War Powers Resolution (50 U.S.C. 1541 et seq.) or 

14 any t·cstrietions or reporting rcqnircnwnts contained in 

15 such Hcsolution. 

g:\VHLC\040419\040419.090.xml 

April4, 2019 (11:57 a.m.) 

(72353711) 
113 

Chairman ENGEL. The clerk will please report the amendment. 

Ms. STILES. Amendment in the nature of a substitute to H.R. 

1004 offered by Mr. Engel and Mr. Cicilline, strike all after the enacting clause and insert the following: Section 1, short title, this act 

may be—— 

Chairman ENGEL. Without objection, the reading of the amendment will be dispensed with. Without objection, the amendment in 

the nature of a substitute will be considered base text, the purposes of further amendment, and I now recognize myself for remarks on H.R. 1004. 

First of all, I want to thank Mr. Cicilline for authoring this bipartisan bill and for his testimony before this committee last 

month. Having just returned from the Colombia-Venezuela border, 

it saddens me to see just how quickly conditions in Venezuela are 

deteriorating. I heard truly heartbreaking stories from so many migrants and refugees who have fled the country. 

And, I am pleased that in the past month, our committee advanced three key pieces of legislation all of which passed the 

House. They keep the pressure on Nicolas Maduro and support the 

Venezuelan people. Frankly, I would prefer to focus our committee’s attention solely on supporting the people of Venezuela in the 

struggle for a better future. But, unfortunately, we are forced to respond and reinforce the role of Congress under the Constitution 

and the War Powers Resolution. I do believe that it is Congress’ 

right and ability to declare war and I think for too long we have 

been abrogating our responsibility to the executive branch no matter who the President was. 

There are some who will say we should not have a debate in 

Congress over the use of force in Venezuela, instead we should wait 

and see what the President decides to do before we even have a 

conversation about the use of force. I must respectfully disagree. 

Under Article I of our Constitution it is the responsibility of Congress to decide whether America will go to war. If the President 

wants to threaten military force, the War Powers Resolution specifies that he needs to make sure Congress supports that decision 

and will be prepared to authorize it, if necessary. 

So the bill we are considering today should really be unnecessary. The President should just follow the Constitution and the 

law, but, unfortunately, we have all seen Presidents of both parties 

carry out military interventions without coming to Congress. So today’s legislation simply reasserts the legal requirement that the 

President must work with us now, not after U.S. troops are put in 

harm’s way. 

We have ceded our authority for far too long, sitting on the sidelines. If we do not take action, the executive branch will keep disregarding the law and ignoring our role in this process. I have said 

it before and I will say it again, Maduro is a kleptocratic dictator 

and the Venezuelan people deserve better. We must continue to assert pressure on the regime and provide support for the Venezuelan people. None of this effort is undermined by reminding the 

Trump Administration that they must uphold the Constitution and 

come to Congress for any military authorization. To avoid this conversation would be irresponsible and a shirking of our most solemn 

responsibility. 
114 

So I support this measure and urge all members to join me in 

doing so. And I will now recognize our Ranking Member, Mr. 

McCaul of Texas, for the purpose of his remarks on H.R. 1004. 

Mr. MCCAUL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I strongly oppose H.R. 1004 and I am gravely concerned that this 

exercise today is both dangerous and political. I understand the 

Majority wants to send a message to President Trump and, sadly, 

most Democrats will not directly recognize Juan Guaido as a legitimate interim President. But it is the Venezuelan people who are 

fighting for their freedom that this measure will hurt. Simply put, 

the ultimate winner of this markup and our division here today is 

Maduro and his failed Socialist regime. 

Colombian President Duque said this to me, and I strongly believe when he said that the credible threat of force is keeping interim President Guaido alive and deterring Maduro from further 

escalation of violence against innocent Venezuelan people we are 

trying to support. We must not underestimate this regime’s cruelty. 

And the chairman and I saw it firsthand, they are starving their 

people and refusing to let humanitarian aid into the country. 

Maduro is holding approximately 864 political prisoners as we 

markup this bill including six CITGO workers, four of which are 

from my home State of Texas. He has unleashed armed colectivos 

who murder Venezuelans with impunity. 

I had the honor of meeting Juan Guaido’s wife and she expressed 

her concern over the serious danger facing her husband. I also met 

the family of Guaido’s chief of staff, Roberto Marrero, who remains 

imprisoned after being swept up by Maduro’s Cuban-backed intelligence services. Shortly after we met, the Maduro regime revoked 

Guaido’s parliamentary immunity and is threatening to arrest him 

based on allegations of terrorism. 

Our administration has stated its commitment to a peaceful resolution and we are all supportive of this. But the conditions on the 

ground are getting worse, not better. I just visited the VenezuelaColombia border with Chairman Engel and witnessed the devastation and the humanitarian crisis. Fifty thousand Venezuelans escape every day and Maduro is solely to blame. 

The U.S. sanctions are working, but they need more time to have 

effect. The administration has made clear that more can and will 

be done to financially constrain the regime. Last week I was with 

Vice President Pence at a speech in Houston where he announced 

a new round of sanctions targeting Venezuelan oil shipments to 

Cuba. We have a coalition of 54 countries supporting the opposition. Maduro is feeling the heat. We should not give him reason to 

breathe a sigh of relief. 

We all want to see a peaceful transition in Venezuela through 

free and fair elections, and to make this happen Maduro must understand that the best outcome is to step down and leave the country peacefully. However, this legislation jeopardizes that outcome 

by appearing to take military force off the table and handing a 

propaganda win to Maduro. It also emboldens the Cubans and the 

Russians who are the real interventionists in Venezuela. 

And speaking of Cuba and Russia, I would not be surprised if 

they help create and if this bill helps create propaganda showing 

division in Washington over our policy in Venezuela during this 
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markup. Let me be clear, I am a strong supporter of the sole power 

of Congress to declare war under Article I. If the circumstance presented itself, I would be the first to push Congress to act. 

Opponents of this bill are not advocating for military action. We 

simply do not want to handcuff ourselves and limit our options to 

end this crisis. So I hope that my colleagues can recognize the dangers of passing this bill at this time and join me in voting against 

it. Any actions this Congress takes regarding Venezuela, in my 

judgment, should be bipartisan and demonstrate unity of our common values of freedom and democracy which we all stand for. The 

Venezuelan people have suffered enough. Let’s not let this bill complicate their efforts to achieve freedom from socialist tyranny, and 

put an end to this humanitarian disaster. With that I yield back. 

Chairman ENGEL. Thank you, Mr. McCaul. 

Votes on the floor have been called, so I am going to do a recess 

now. Once members have voted, I ask please that all members return as soon as possible to continue the markup and then we will 

have others who wish to speak on the bill and some members have 

amendments to offer as well. So the committee stands in recess, 

subject to the call of the chair, and we will start right after votes 

are done with on the floor. 

[Whereupon, at 2:35 p.m., the committee recessed, to reconvene 

at 3:21 p.m., the same day.] 

Chairman ENGEL. OK, the committee will come to order. I realize 

that members wish to speak on the bill, some may wish to speak 

on the bill and that some members may have amendments to offer. 

If members have general remarks on the bill we could hear those 

now and then move on to amendments. 

So, is there anyone who would like to make a general remark on 

any of the bills? 

Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Chairman. 

Chairman ENGEL. Mr. Cicilline? 

Mr. CICILLINE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I move to strike the 

last word. 

Mr. Chairman, I want to thank you for holding this markup 

today and for considering H.R. 1004, a bipartisan bill with 64 cosponsors. As the chairman noted, we are offering an amendment in 

the nature of a substitute to be considered as base text and I ask 

all of my colleagues on the committee to support this legislation. 

I wish this bill was not necessary. I would prefer we spent our 

time working to find ways to support the Venezuelan people and 

their efforts to establish democracy in Venezuela. However, because of the belligerent and irresponsible language by Trump administration officials, we have no choice as a Congress but to weigh 

in and ensure that this administration understands that it does not 

have consent to engage in war in Venezuela. 

This bill very simply restates the law as already enforced in the 

War Powers Act and laid out in our Constitution that any military 

force with respect to Venezuela must be authorized by Congress. So 

if you have a disagreement with this bill, you have a disagreement 

with the Constitution. Nicolas Maduro is a dictator whose regime 

has destroyed Venezuela’s economy, starved its people, and engaged in widespread corruption and repression. The people of Venezuela deserve a better future, a future they determine, and we all 
116 

believe the Venezuelan people have a right to pick their leaders, a 

right Maduro has denied his people by refusing to hold free and 

fair elections. 

Nicolas Maduro is the responsible party when it comes to the 

current situation in Venezuela. We must have a policy that continues to place pressure on him and that seeks a diplomatic solution in Venezuela. But the Trump administration’s use of rhetoric 

surrounding military force in Venezuela is unfortunate and counterproductive. Not only would military intervention be illegal, it 

would also come with serious consequences that I feel would not 

only hurt the Venezuelan people, but also the prospects for democracy. 

Under the Constitution and the War Powers Act, the President 

may not take unilateral military action and must consult with and 

receive authorization from Congress. As Special Representative Elliott Abrams confirmed when he was here testifying before this 

committee, the conditions for unilateral, Presidential military action have not been met. Congress has not declared war on Venezuela. There is not any existing statutory authorization that 

would allow for military intervention in Venezuela, and Venezuela 

has not attacked the United States, its territories, or possessions, 

or its armed forces. Yet the administration continues the drumbeat 

of aggressive saber-rattling rhetoric, promoting military intervention as an option, the only country of the coalition that continues 

to make that claim. 

This administration has already shown their willingness to take 

illegal military action without consulting Congress, such as when 

they launched attacks on the Assad regime without proper authorization. I understand that some of my colleagues will say that 

while they do not support military intervention in Venezuela, they 

oppose this bill because they do not think it is necessary or they 

think it is unnecessarily partisan or that its passing could harm 

Juan Guaido. I would like to respond to this line of argument. 

First, the bill is absolutely necessary in order for Congress to be 

clear about what our expectations are surrounding military action 

in Venezuela. I would like to refer to the testimony of Deborah 

Pearlstein, a professor of law at the Cardozo School of Law and a 

witness at the hearing we held last month on this bill. 

She said, and I quote, ‘‘the President’s power waxes and wanes 

as a function of what Congress does.’’ When Congress has said 

nothing, the President is acting in, effectively, a constitutional twilight zone. She continued, ‘‘the President is in a different constitutional position when Congress has affirmatively said, ‘‘Not yet,’’ or 

‘‘No,’’ and that is the shift that this legislation would make, end 

quote. If you want to properly exercise our constitutional authority 

in light of the administration’s ongoing rhetoric, we are compelled 

to act. 

Second, to the criticism that this bill makes the issue of Venezuela partisan, I would say please join us in supporting this common-sense legislation and let’s send a clear and bipartisan message 

to the administration and to the world that Congress has decided 

to stop abrogating our constitutional role in military affairs. The 

only reason we are here considering this bill today is because the 
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administration took it upon itself to threaten a war it does not 

have an authorization to start. 

And third, to the argument that passing this legislation could 

put Mr. Guaido in danger, I have to respond by saying that I have 

the utmost respect and admiration for Mr. Guaido, but must point 

out that his security is threatened by the very nature of who he 

is and how he has chosen to stand up for the people of Venezuela. 

I admire his courage greatly, but we cannot allow the potential 

brutish actions of Nicolas Maduro to dictate American foreign policy decisions. 

Finally, to the argument that this bill would take pressure off of 

Maduro or take any options off the table, this is simply not reflected in the substance of the bill. This bill takes no options off the 

table. If the administration wanted to come to Congress tomorrow 

to discuss authorization for military action, it could do so. The U.S. 

Constitution and the War Powers Resolution have set up the 

checks and balances framework for American military action, not 

this legislation. 

I would like to finish by saying that this administration has 

shown a troubling disregard for the Constitution and for Congress. 

That is why I introduced this legislation and that is why we must 

pass it. U.S. military action with respect to Venezuela would be illegal and ill-advised. Americans do not want another endless foreign military engagement and the administration has not made 

any case based on American national security or our interests for 

intervention in Venezuela. 

Rather than threaten war, the United States must continue to 

work with the Lima Group, Europe, and the international community to use diplomatic and economic tools to pressure Maduro to 

honor the will of his people. Congress should do everything in its 

power to support a peaceful, truly democratic transition of power 

in Venezuela. I am thankful to the more than 60 bipartisan cosponsors, many of the members of this committee, who are supporting this bill and I ask my colleagues on both sides of the aisle 

to join me in voting in support of the Constitution, in support of 

Congress’s role, and in support of this bill. And with that, Mr. 

Chairman, I yield back. 

Chairman ENGEL. Mr. Yoho, did you wish to speak? 

Mr. YOHO. Yes, sir, I did. After Mr. Kinzinger. 

Chairman ENGEL. OK, Mr. Kinzinger is recognized. 

Mr. KINZINGER. Well, I thank the gentleman and thank you, 

Chairman. I am going to try to do this as professionally without 

getting upset as I can. 

I want to talk briefly about what is going on in Venezuela, a disgusting situation. People are starving to death. We are seeing firsthand the failure of autocratic rule of socialism. In the process, Mr. 

Maduro has decided that he is going to maintain power against the 

legitimately elected President, Mr. Guaido of Venezuela. If the 

United States wants to pressure Maduro out of his fake office that 

he does not have the right to have, we have what is called the 

DIME model, diplomatic, information, military, and economic 

things at our disposal. 

My friend, Mr. Cicilline, just said that, you know, we need to use 

diplomatic and economic processes to force a solution here. And the 
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thing I would make mention of that is when you are dealing with 

an enemy or an adversary, the only thing that makes diplomacy effective as well as economic is a military option on the table, is having that threat there. If you look at North Korea, what is it that 

compelled Kim Jong-un under the table? It was the threat of military force. What is it that took him away from the table? It was 

the removal of the military threat. That is the same situation in 

Venezuela. 

But let’s say if this passes what does this do? Let’s say, Mr. 

Guaido, President Guaido is held captive. Let’s say he is captured 

by Maduro. We cannot use military force to rescue him. Let’s say 

we want to put food aid in to save the people that are starving to 

death in Venezuela and we need the military to escort food to people. They would be prohibited from doing it after this. 

Let’s say the Russians build a military base in Venezuela and 

start flying fighter CAPs over the country and basically declare it 

Russian territory. This would prevent the United States from doing 

anything in—— 

Mr. CICILLINE. Would the gentleman yield for—— 

Mr. KINZINGER. No, I will not. Let me finish. I listened politely 

to you, sir. 

Let’s say that they build a military base. The United States cannot introduce any military action to push back against it. Let’s say 

a massacre occurs in Venezuela. The United States cannot use the 

military to stop it. If you look at what happened in Rwanda, one 

of the greatest regrets of the Clinton Administration is inaction because of a massacre. If this situation happens in Venezuela, which 

is not that far out to think of, we would be prevented. 

Now, sure, we could come here and have a debate. And if you 

think that this House can have a grown-up debate about this by 

taking away the power that the President legitimately has under 

Article II in the Constitution, if we are already political about Venezuela imagine what it will become at that point. Imagine the politics while a massacre is occurring. 

By the way, I actually thought about introducing an amendment 

to this to add Canada to the list and Jamaica and every other 

country, because if we are going to now pass resolutions saying we 

cannot introduce military force in Venezuela we may as well say 

the same thing about Canada or any other country that we have 

no intention at this point of going to war against. It would just 

make sense. That is about the purpose of this bill. 

And the other thing I want to say, Mr. Chairman, with all due 

respect, I have been on this committee now, I guess it is my fifth 

year. I have been in Congress for 9 years. And one of the things 

I have just loved about this committee is our ability to really come 

together in bipartisan ways. In fact, the entire time I think that 

I was on Foreign Affairs up until this year we have never taken 

a recorded vote in this committee, because everything we have 

done, we have had debates, we have had discussions, but we have 

really worked together to advance the interest of the United States 

of America. 

Even when President Obama was President, we would have 

hearings that could get a little contentious on things like Syria and 

that kind of stuff, but for the most part we would pass resolutions 
119 

that we all agreed on. But so far on this committee we have done 

something about Yemen and now we are doing something about 

Venezuela. 

Mr. Chairman, my request to you as passionately as I can ask 

it is, can we at least pick a week in the next month or when we 

come back from break where we can actually do things on a bipartisan basis again and kind of see how it feels? Because if it feels 

good, maybe we can get back to that as the way we do things on 

committee instead of bringing up bills and passing them to make 

a point about the Trump administration. 

By the way, I cannot think of crazy—I mean, look. There is rhetoric the President does that I do not always agree with, but I cannot think of that on Venezuela. He gave a really passionate speech 

in Florida about freedom in Venezuela and Cuba. He said the military action is not off the table, as he should say with any situation 

like that because it gives teeth to diplomacy. 

So this is an answer in search of a problem. There is no problem 

and I do not know why we are taking this up. I had actually 

thought we were going to have a hearing and let this go away, but 

again we are back here. So, look. I am fired up. I am passionate 

about it. I respect everybody on this committee, but this is just 

really bothersome to me and I yield back. 

Chairman ENGEL. Well, I am sorry that the gentleman thinks 

that people should not be allowed to express their opinions on the 

Foreign Affairs Committee. I have been on this committee a long 

time and I believe that we ought to have more people speaking 

their mind, not fewer. 

Anyone on this side? Mr. Sherman? 

Mr. SHERMAN. I would just like to briefly respond to the last 

speaker. There is no more bipartisan committee in Congress than 

this one. And, in fact, this very markup we have quite a number 

of pieces of bipartisan legislation that will pass. It is true that 

watching Congress does not inspire one that this is the finest decisionmaking body assembled in history, but to say for that reason 

we should leave all decisionmaking about matters of life and death 

to this administration, I think that goes a little too far, especially 

it goes too far under our Constitution which vests in Congress the 

right to send this country to war. 

This is a very reasonable proposal. It says we should not invade 

Venezuela. If there are developments that come up, the President 

can call us into special session and we can deal with them immediately. But to say that to support this bill is to ignore the genocide 

in Rwanda and the lessons that it taught us is absurd. It is far 

more likely that this administration will invade Venezuela and do 

harm than it is that we are going to see a Rwanda-style genocide 

in Venezuela that somehow the Trump administration would prevent were it not for this bill. 

With that I yield to the gentleman from Rhode Island. 

Mr. CICILLINE. I thank the gentleman for yielding. I attempted 

to ask the gentleman who was just speaking, my Republican colleague, a question. The question is, the scenarios that you describe 

for the committee that were horrific and you said this bill would 

stop us from doing anything about it, that is absolutely not true. 

Nothing in this bill would limit the ability of the Congress to au-
120 

thorize intervention in any way we see appropriate. It simply reaffirms that Congress has a role and that we be held accountable for 

those decisions. 

It is easy to say, ‘‘You know what, Mr. President, you make this 

decision. We will avoid our responsibility, because then we avoid 

the tough decisions.’’ That is what we were elected to do. That is 

what the Constitution requires, that we deliberate, that before we 

send men and women into harm’s way to risk their lives in defense 

of our country that we own that responsibility, that we debate it 

and we vote on it, because we reflect the will of the American people. 

So it is nothing in the legislation changes the Constitution. It 

does not limit the President’s power. It does not change the Constitution. It simply is a reminder in light of the rhetoric of this 

President that Congress must authorize military action. That is all 

it is. This is about reaffirming our responsibility. 

The reason we do not have Canada in the bill is I have not heard 

the President threaten military action in Canada. But we have 

heard him say repeatedly, the military option is on the table. And 

then people say, ‘‘Oh, it really is not. We do not want to do it.’’ 

Then you should vote for the bill. This is about preserving 

Congress’s role as a deliberative body in decisions of war and 

peace. That is what we were elected to do. That is what we get 

paid to do. 

I know it is easier if we avoid the tough decisions and just leave 

it up to the President. Our Constitution requires something more, 

and so all I am asking is to support this bill which just reaffirms. 

And by the way, the group, the international group, the Lima 

Group, they all manage to be playing a very productive role in a 

peaceful transition to democracy without the threat of military 

force. 

The United States is an outlier. We do not need to be in that position. This is a moment for Congress to do its job, to assert its authority as set forth by our Founding Fathers in our Constitution 

and to be responsible before we send men and women into harm’s 

way. With that—— 

Mr. SHERMAN [presiding]. I will reclaim my time. 

Mr. CICILLINE. Yes. 

Mr. SHERMAN. I think the gentleman makes an excellent point. 

And I think that if action in the future should be taken into Venezuela, this Congress can make a well-reasoned decision. I then 

yield back and then recognize the gentleman, Mr. Yoho. 

Mr. YOHO. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

And this is a very important topic obviously to go on this long. 

I just want to remind my colleagues, not just on the other side but 

all of us here, we are making a decision here in a bill form versus 

a resolution saying that the President cannot do this. And I do not 

remember the President saying he was going to go in there. He just 

said all options are on the table. 

And I think with the tinderbox that Venezuela is right now, I 

think what you are seeing play out there is it is not about Venezuela. This is a lot more than Venezuela. This is the Cuban Government that has been propping up Venezuela for years with 10– 

40,000 troops protecting Maduro, before that Chavez, and then you 
121 

have the Russians in there. And if Venezuela falls, so does Cuba. 

And so to take military option off the table, and the President like 

I said he never said he was going in there. And I truly believe that 

if he was, he would come to Congress and ask for that authority. 

But to play into the hands of the Maduro regime, the Cuban regime, the Russians who are probably watching this saying, ‘‘Look 

at the Americans, they are divided on this issue in their own 

party,’’ and we have not done anything. We are worried about, this 

is not a genocide. My colleague, Mr. Sherman, said there is no 

genocide there like Rwanda. Let’s hope there is not. There was not 

a genocide in Syria, but now there is over 500,000 people that have 

been slaughtered because Russia got in there and backed up Assad. 

Do we want that same thing in our hemisphere? And I asked my 

colleague from Rhode Island, who is a small business owner, are 

you doing this for the benefit of the Venezuelan people or is it for 

this thing for this President? 

Mr. CICILLINE. I am happy to answer if you will yield. 

Mr. YOHO. And I am not going to yield that. 

Mr. CICILLINE. But you asked the question and you are not going 

to yield to let me answer it? 

Mr. YOHO. I am not going to. I have got to yield some time to 

my colleague, here, Mr. Kinzinger. 

Mr. KINZINGER. Well, I thank the gentleman. 

And just a couple of points, the key in Venezuela right now is 

getting the military to abandon the fake regime, the Maduro fake 

regime. When you take military off the table, the military is not 

very compelled to abandon the regime because they do not see a 

threat. They see the Russians introduced there. They see, you 

know, tens of thousands Cuban people holding up the regime. The 

mere threat of force can cause the military to abandon Mr. Maduro. 

Second, to my friend, you mentioned that this really does nothing 

outside of the War Powers Act. The War Powers Act gives the 

President flexibility to move and then he has to advise Congress 

and then eventually it comes to Congress for a vote. This expressly 

prohibits the President from introducing any military force unless 

it is to rescue a U.S. citizen. 

So it expressly prohibits the U.S. from using military force to create a humanitarian corridor, to rescue Guaido, to stop a genocide. 

I am not saying a genocide is going to happen, but who knows what 

can happen in this environment, any flash kind of issue like this. 

This bill expressly prohibits that. So it would be actually pretty 

hard to say that the President can act within the War Powers Resolution when this bill, if passed and signed into law, of course it 

will not be, when this bill says the President cannot do anything 

unless it is in defense of an American who is being held hostage. 

And I also want to make one other quick point. I supported 

President Obama in his actions in Syria in 2013. I wanted the 

President to attack the regime. The President came to Congress. 

The President I do not think needed to come to Congress in 2013, 

he could have made the decision on his own like President Trump 

did in fighting back and pushing and enforcing the red line against 

chemical weapons. 

When it came to Congress, and I will blame my side as much as 

anything for this, it became political when he brought it to Con-
122 

gress and we did not give him the authority to attack. And we look 

in the Middle East and most people would agree the biggest mistake ever made in Syria was the failure to enforce the red line in 

2013. And there have been a number of mistakes since then. 

I am not playing the old what-ifs and the way-back game, but 

I am making the point that I believe a President should have the 

ability to do foreign policy on a speed-type situation like this without every little tiny action having to come to Congress, because I 

am not commander-in-chief and nobody in here is commander-inchief. And with that I will yield back to the gentleman from Florida. 

Mr. YOHO. I appreciate your comments. 

Mr. CICILLINE. Are you ready? 

Mr. YOHO. No, not right yet, but I appreciate you trying. 

We need to keep in mind that the legitimate President is President Guaido and we are weakening his hand to take over as a legitimate President of that country when they see the Americans 

saying, ‘‘Well, you know what, we are backing away from this. We 

are going to let whatever happens.’’ And I think we have seen that 

happen in Libya and other countries. 

And I think this is a time that we stay united. As we go to vote 

on this today that we stay united as the U.S. Congress and send 

a strong message that all options are on the table and I suggest 

that we vote no on this. I yield back. 

Mr. DEUTCH [presiding]. The gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. 

Malinowski, is recognized. 

Mr. MALINOWSKI. Thank you. I appreciate the comments from 

Mr. Kinzinger and others on the other side. 

Let me see if I can find some common ground here. I think there 

are two separate questions. One is, should the use of force be on 

the table, and the other is, what is the process for making these 

decisions. I appreciate the comments of Ranking Member McCaul 

that those who oppose this resolution are not necessarily in favor 

of the use of military force. I would argue the opposite is also true 

for many of us. Those who are willing to vote in favor of this resolution are not necessarily opposed to the use of force under any and 

all circumstances. 

I can imagine circumstances under which I would vote very rapidly in favor of the use of force in Venezuela. Mr. Kinzinger mentioned some of those hypothetical situations. So I do not think it 

is the case that this would automatically become politicized if 

President Trump were to come here. I support, I recognize Mr. 

Guaido as the legitimate leader of Venezuela. I think we should 

recognize that as a Congress and I would support legislation to 

that effect as well. 

But I think what this legislation is about is process. It is about 

whether in that circumstance the U.S. Congress should play a role 

in making a decision, and for that narrow reason I would vote in 

favor of it. I yield. 

Mr. DEUTCH. I am sorry. Mr. Perry is recognized for 5 minutes. 

Mr. PERRY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Members of the committee, I think the process is clear. The Constitution is clear. The President is already limited and should not 

be limited further in this case or any other case. And it seems to 
123 

me that if we want to stand with the freedom-loving people of 

America and Venezuela we have a choice here of either allowing 

the process to take its course if need be, because if any committee 

should understand this, we should understand that diplomacy 

without a strong deterrence, without a strong military response capability is like a saw without teeth. 

And the conversation we are having right now in this committee 

about this discussion, whoever is watching, I am sure the Communist Chinese are loving this. I am sure the Cuban Government 

is loving this. And I am sure the Russians are happy to collude on 

this. We either stand with the freedom-loving people of Venezuela 

or we do not. We either send a message to Maduro that America 

does not stand with him, or we do not. 

And that is what this is going to end up being. That is what this 

vote is going to be about. It is shirts and skins at this point. If you 

do not get that I think you are missing the bigger picture. The 

process is already clear. There already is a law. There already is 

a Constitution. Limiting the President to act as he should and then 

following up as we should is the process that has been outlined and 

usurping that only emboldens our enemies and Venezuela’s enemies. 

And I yield to Mr. Kinzinger. 

Mr. KINZINGER. Well, I thank the gentleman for yielding. 

And I think it is important to point out that the War Powers 

Resolution what it really does, it requires the President to notify 

Congress within 48 hours of committing armed forces to military 

action and it forbids them from remaining for more than 60 days 

without congressional approval. And it also provides a mechanism 

as we have experienced here and elsewhere for a privilege resolution to withdraw troops, and we understand that. 

So to say that this simply just reinforces the War Powers Resolution, it does not do that. The President has flexibility according to 

the War Powers Resolution to make decisions on the use of military 

action and then Congress is triggered at that point to act. But to 

preemptively say that we cannot, that we are going to take away 

the President’s ability to even threaten the use of military force because, you know, and now somehow get a diplomatic solution with 

just economic measures or to say that the President cannot commit 

military to any circumstance except rescuing U.S. hostages in Venezuela, I am all for rescuing U.S. hostages in Venezuela, but I can 

think of a thousand other things, scenarios that if I brought up we 

would probably have a hundred percent agreement that that would 

cause the introduction of U.S. troops. 

But let’s say something happens really quickly. Let’s say a humanitarian corridor issue or let’s say it has to do with the Russian 

jets and we are gone for the next 2 weeks. And if the President 

needs our vote now because this thing was just signed into law, we 

would have to come back 48 hours, probably take a couple days to 

debate and then vote. So we have now limited the President’s ability to act by 5 days, if we are lucky, if we can get everybody back 

here in that kind of a time. 

The War Powers Resolution is just fine. It is exactly what we 

need to handle a situation like this, but this I believe is being done 

because for whatever reason there is a political consideration. And 
124 

I do not mean that pejoratively to my friend, Mr. Cicilline and I 

are friends. But I do think this is unnecessary. And with that I will 

yield back to my friend from Pennsylvania. 

Mr. PERRY. Thanks, Mr. Chairman. I yield the balance. 

Mr. DEUTCH. Well, I think you want to yield the balance of your 

time to Mr. McCaul, the ranking member. 

Mr. PERRY. That is what I meant. 

Mr. MCCAUL. I thank the gentleman from Pennsylvania. 

I know this is well-intentioned, but I have to tell you I think it 

is very dangerous. And what I saw down on the border of Venezuela with the Chairman were a bunch of babies and young children and mothers and grandmothers who were leaving that country, 50,000 a day, for one reason and one reason only, and that is 

President Maduro, the illegitimate President and the humanitarian 

crises he has brought upon his own people. 

So I think it is important to look at, as Mr. Perry pointed out, 

who is for this and who is against this, because I think that is instructive. I can tell you that Ambassador Vecchio came to me trying to stop this and then the Majority agreed to, ‘‘Well, let’s just 

have a hearing and then we will stop.’’ And they broke that promise and then they came back and now they are marking this bill 

up. I have talked to the Ambassador from Venezuela. He does not 

want to see this go forward. I have talked to the Ambassador from 

Colombia. They do not want to see this go forward. 

The President of Colombia himself said the only thing keeping 

Guaido, President Guaido alive and safe is a threat of credible 

force. Who is for this? Maduro is, the Russians are, the Chinese 

are, and the Cubans. Let’s remember who our enemies are and who 

our friends are and it is the people of Venezuela, not our enemies. 

And I yield back. 

Mr. DEUTCH. The gentleman from Virginia is recognized. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I cannot imagine a more important in saying a debate than the 

one we are having. There is nothing more momentous and consequential in any vote we will ever cast than it is about war and 

peace. And for too long, frankly, the legislative branch since World 

War II have found the coward’s way out. We have criticized the executive branch for its actions, but of course we take no responsibility for it even though the Constitution is quite clear. 

Article I, in my view, could not be clearer. Only the legislative 

branch has the right to decide on war and peace. And by the way 

and to marshal the armed forces commensurate with that decision. 

If there are imputed powers to Article II for the President in his 

role as commander-in-chief, surely there are also commensurate 

imputed powers in Article I for the legislative branch of the U.S. 

Congress. 

Now I have heard some arguments from my friend from Pennsylvania that startle me. He has given us a stark choice. He says you 

are either with the people of Venezuela or you are not, and I guess 

the subtext of that challenge is if we do not vote for military intervention at some point we are not. Well, I beg to differ. I do not 

think that is the choice at all in front of us. 

I would also argue that reasonable people can reasonably disagree. But, frankly, the introduction of U.S. military could backfire. 
125 

And if it is going to happen, we need this debate. We need the regular process Mr. Cicilline is telling us we need, otherwise we might 

as well have at it. We have got troops we do not know anything 

about in Niger. We are supporting a war in Yemen Americans do 

not really want. We are contemplating intervention in South America that again Americans do not want, or at least they do not want 

without a cogent explanation coming from the elected representatives here in the Congress. 

So I hope we have more robust debate, but I hardly believe the 

choice is as stark as my friend from Pennsylvania put it, and I utterly reject the choice he has given us. That is not our choice. The 

choice in front of us is, will we ever return to regular order constitutionally? Will we take responsibility of sending young men and 

young women in harm’s way, or will we continue to take the coward’s way out as we have, frankly, since World War II? 

This resolution is a step in the right direction, is a step in restoring responsibility and taking responsibility as the separate but coequal branch we are supposed to be and commensurate with the 

powers explicit and implied in Article I of the Constitution of the 

United States. So I support Mr. Cicilline’s resolution and I thank 

him for his leadership, and I thank my colleagues on both sides for 

what I think is a vital and consequential debate about the deployment of U.S. force. I yield back the balance of my time, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. DEUTCH. Thank you. I recognize myself and yield to Mr. 

Cicilline as much time as he may need. 

Mr. CICILLINE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I want to just say at the outset that the argument that was just 

made by my friends on the other side of the aisle that the President of the United States can do whatever he wants for 60 days 

is absolutely false. The War Power Act only triggers a 60-day period once the President has engaged the military. And he can only 

do so, according to 1541(c) in four—three circumstances: the President may only exercise pursuant to a declaration of war; a specific 

statutory authorization; or a national emergency created by attack 

upon the United States, its territories, or armed—or its armed 

forces. 

So it is only if the President acts pursuant to one of those three 

conditions that the 60-day clock is triggered. So, this notion that 

the President can actually do whatever he wants is very disturbing 

to hear because Article 1 vests that responsibility in Congress. 

So I want to correct that record. That is a false assertion that 

the President is permitted and that this bill narrows in any way 

the President’s authority. 

This mirrors the exact language of the War Powers Act, this resolution. So, it does not narrow the President’s ability at all. That 

is No. 1. 

No. 2, I always am alarmed when I hear what heads of other foreign governments shaping American foreign policy. There are just 

as many people who believe that Maduro uses this threat of military action by the United States in propaganda to rally people in 

his country to his side. The threat, when you consider U.S. history 

in this region of the world. 
126 

So, there are lots of very smart military and diplomatic thinkers 

who think it is essential that Congress reassert its authority in this 

moment. 

And with respect to the question I never got to answer that Mr. 

Yoho asked, this is about fundamental question of war and peace, 

whether or not the Congress of the United States is going to fulfill 

its responsibility and have a serious debate and be accountable for 

what we decide. And all of the other countries that have been involved in this have been—have managed to play a productive 

role—the Lima Group, the Europeans—without the threat of military force. 

And you know what would be especially wonderful if the world, 

the Venezuelan people and the world watched the United States 

honor its Constitution, honor the rule of law as we are promoting 

democracy in Venezuela, act democratic here in America and not 

violate our Constitution, not surrender our responsibilities as Members of Congress. Let’s show them by example that we debate 

tough issues, that Congress in the Constitution is given this responsibility and we meet the responsibility. Let’s model really good 

behavior as a vibrant and strong democracy and not surrender the 

authority that Congress has by our Constitution, by the great people of this country. 

And so I thank the gentleman for yielding and yield back the balance of my time. 

Mr. DEUTCH. I thank, I thank the gentleman. And I yield back. 

Is there any further discussion on the bill? 

[No response.] 

Mr. DEUTCH. Seeing none, are there amendments at the desk? 

Mr. SHERMAN. I have an amendment at the desk. 

[The amendment offered by Mr. Sherman follows:] 
127 

G:\CMTE\FA\16\H1004_AI.XML 

AMENDMENT TO THE AMENDMENT IN THE 

NATURE OF A SUBSTITUTE TO H.R. 1004 

OFFERED BY MR. SHERMAN OF CALIFORNIA 

.Amend section 2(e) to read as follows: 

(e) HFLE ()}' COI\f.lTHH'TIOX.-Nothing in this Aet 

2 ma~· he construed to3 (1) affeet or alter the reqnin'ments of the \Yar 

4 Pom•rs Hcsolntion (GO U.S.C. 1541 t't seq.) or any 

5 rcstrietions or n•porting· requirements contained in 

6 snell Hesolntion; 

7 (2) proYide authorization or support for the nse 

8 of militm·~· foree with resjwet to Venezuela; or 

9 (3) prohibit the usc of the .Armed Forecs of the 

10 Uuitcd States to resene United States citizens in 

11 Veneznela. 

g:\VHLC\040819\040819.278.xml 

AprilS, 2019 (4:40p.m.) 

(72380612) 
128 

Mr. DEUTCH. Mr. Sherman is recognized. 

The Clerk will please report the amendment. 

Ms. STILES. Sherman Amendment Number 1. Amendment to the 

amendment in the nature of a substitute to H.R. 1004. Amendment 

Section 2(c) to read as follows: Rule of construction—— 

Mr. SHERMAN. I move we dispense with reading of the amendment. 

Mr. DEUTCH. Without objection. Mr. Sherman is recognized. 

Mr. SHERMAN. The bill is perhaps controversial. I think it is well 

thought out and necessary. Hopefully, this amendment will not be 

controversial. If you like the bill, this makes it better. If you do not 

like the bill, this makes it better. It just clarifies a few things. 

First, it makes a claim that nothing in this bill is an authorization or a direction to the President to send military force into Venezuela. If the President was listening to this debate, I think that 

would be apparent to him in any case. 

Second, rule of construction is it provides that this bill does not 

prevent efforts solely for the purpose of rescuing United States citizens in Venezuela. 

With that, this would be regarded as a non-controversial amendment and move forward quickly. 

I yield back. 

Mr. DEUTCH. The time of the gentleman has expired. 

Is there further debate on the amendments? 

[No response.] 

Mr. DEUTCH. The question is on the amendment. 

All those in favor, say aye. 

Aye. 

All opposed, no. 

In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. And the amendment 

is agreed to. 

Are there other amendments? 

[No response.] 

Mr. DEUTCH. Any other request for recognition? Seeing none, the 

question is on the amendment in the nature of a substitute. 

All those in favor, say aye. 

All opposed, no. 

In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. 

Mr. MCCAUL. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. DEUTCH. The gentleman is recognized. 

Mr. MCCAUL. I request a recorded vote. 

Mr. DEUTCH. A roll call vote is ordered. Clerk will please call the 

roll. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sherman? 

Mr. SHERMAN. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sherman votes aye. 

Mr. Meeks? 

[No response.] 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sires? 

Mr. SIRES. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sires votes aye. 

Mr. Connolly? 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Connolly votes aye. 
129 

Mr. Deutch? 

Mr. DEUTCH. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Deutch votes aye. 

Ms. Bass? 

[No response.] 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Keating? 

Mr. KEATING. Yes. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Keating votes aye. 

Mr. Cicilline? 

Mr. CICILLINE. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Cicilline votes aye. 

Mr. Bera? 

Mr. BERA. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Bera votes aye. 

Mr. Castro? 

Mr. CASTRO. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Castro votes aye. 

Ms. Titus? 

[No response.] 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Espaillat? 

Mr. ESPAILLAT. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Espaillat votes aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Lieu? 

Mr. LIEU. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Lieu votes aye. 

Ms. Wild? 

Ms. WILD. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Wild votes aye. 

Mr. Phillips? 

Mr. PHILLIPS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Phillips votes aye. 

Ms. Omar? 

Ms. OMAR. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Omar votes aye. 

Mr. Allred? 

Mr. ALLRED. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Allred votes aye. 

Mr. Levin? 

Mr. LEVIN. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Levin votes aye. 

Ms. Spanberger? 

Ms. SPANBERGER. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Spanberger votes aye. 

Ms. Houlahan? 

Ms. HOULAHAN. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Houlahan votes aye. 

Mr. Malinowski? 

Mr. MALINOWSKI. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Malinowski votes aye. 

Mr. Trone? 

Mr. TRONE. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Trone votes aye. 

Mr. Costa? 

[No response.] 
130 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Vargas? 

Mr. VARGAS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Vargas votes aye. 

Mr. Gonzalez? 

Mr. GONZALEZ. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Gonzalez votes aye. 

Mr. McCaul? 

Mr. MCCAUL. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. McCaul votes no. 

Mr. Smith? 

Mr. SMITH. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Smith votes no. 

Mr. Chabot? 

Mr. CHABOT. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chabot votes no. 

Mr. Wilson? 

[No response.] 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Perry? 

Mr. PERRY. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Perry votes no. 

Mr. Yoho? 

Mr. YOHO. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Yoho votes no. 

Mr. Kinzinger? 

Mr. KINZINGER. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Kinzinger votes no. 

Mr. Zeldin? 

Mr. ZELDIN. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Zeldin votes no. 

Mr. Sensenbrenner? 

[No response.] 

Ms. STILES. Mrs. Wagner? 

Mrs. WAGNER. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mrs. Wagner votes no. 

Mr. Mast? 

Mr. MAST. Mr. Mast votes no. 

Mr. Rooney? 

[No response.] 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Fitzpatrick? 

[No response.] 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Curtis? 

Mr. CURTIS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Curtis votes no. 

Mr. Buck? 

[No response.] 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wright? 

Mr. WRIGHT. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wright votes no. 

Mr. Reschenthaler? 

Mr. RESCHENTHALER. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Reschenthaler votes no. 

Mr. Burchett? 

Mr. BURCHETT. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Burchett votes no. 
131 

Mr. Pence? 

Mr. PENCE. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Pence votes no. 

Mr. Watkins? 

[No response.] 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Guest? 

Mr. GUEST. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Guest votes no. 

Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL [presiding]. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chairman votes aye. 

Chairman ENGEL. Are there any other members who have nothing recorded? 

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Meeks? 

Mr. MEEKS. Vote aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Meeks votes aye. 

Mr. Costa? 

Mr. COSTA. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Costa votes aye. 

Chairman ENGEL. Are there any other members? Ms. Titus? 

Mr. Wilson? How is Mr. Wilson recorded? 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wilson is not recorded. 

Mr. WILSON. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wilson votes no. 

Ms. TITUS. Mr. Chairman. 

Chairman ENGEL. How is Ms. Titus recorded? 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Titus is not recorded. 

Ms. TITUS. Yes. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Titus votes aye. 

Chairman ENGEL. Mr. Watkins? 

Mr. WATKINS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Watkins votes no. 

Chairman ENGEL. Anybody else? 

[No response.] 

Chairman ENGEL. The Clerk will report the tally. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chairman, on that vote there are 25 ayes, and 

17 noes. 

Chairman ENGEL. 25 ayes, and 17 noes. The amendment is 

agreed to. 

The question is to report the bill H.R. 1004, Prohibiting Unauthorized Action in Venezuela Act to the House, as amended, with 

the recommendation that the bill do pass. 

All in favor, say aye. 

All opposed, no. 

In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. 

The measure is ordered favorably reported, as amended. 

Pursuant to notice for purposes of mark-up, I now call up H.R. 

9, the Climate Action Now Act. 

The Clerk will report the bill. 

[The Bill H.R. 9 follows: ] 
132 

11 6TH CON" GRESS 

lRT RBRRIOl\' H.R.9 To din~d the Presidt•nt to dt•wlop a phm fo1· the llnitPd HtHtl's to mc<•t 

its 11atimwlly <ktl•rmincd eoutrilmtim1 nmkr tll<' Paris Agn•em<'Jit, nml 

for other purposes. 

IN THE HOUSE OI•' 1\.EPHESEN'l'ATIVES 

l\IAHC'll 27, 20] ~) 

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l'l', in e;wh t·nse fm· eonsi<kration of s1wh prmisions as fall withiu tlw jn· 

ris<li(·tiou of th<> <'OllllllittPP <·on<"<'l'll<'<l 

A BILL 

To direct the President to deyeJop a plan for the United 
133 

2 

States to meet its nationally determined contribution 

under the Paris AgTeement, and for other purposes. 

Be ,it enacted by the Senate (1/ld House of Representa2 fives oftlw United States ofAmerica in Congress assembled, 

3 SECTION I. SHORT TITLE. 

4 'l'his Aet may he eited as the "Climate Action X ow 

5 Act". 

6 SEC. 2. FINDINGS. 

7 Con(-,'1'C'ss finds the following: 

8 (1) In Paris, on December 12, 2015, parties to 

9 the United Nations Pramework Convention on Cli10 mate Change (UNPCCC) reached a landmark agTee11 ment to combat climate change and to aecclerate 

12 and intensi~v the actions awl inw~stments needed for 

13 a sustainable low carbon fntme. 

14 (2) rrhe Paris Agreement's central aim IS to 

15 strengthen the global response to the threat of eli16 mate change hy kc~t>ping a g-lobal tmnperaturc rise 

17 well below 2 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial lev18 els and to pursue efforts to limit the temperature in19 crease even further to 1. 5 degrN~s Celsius. 

20 (3) 'l'hc Paris Agreement requires all parties to 

21 put forward their best efforts through nationally de22 termined eontributions (NDCs) and to strengthen 

23 these efforts in the years ahead. 

•HR 9 IH 
134 

8 

( 4) 'l'he Paris AgTeement further requires each 

2 party to update its nationally determined eontrilm3 tiou ewry 5 )'cars, \Yith each successive nationally 

4 <k•termined contribution representing- n progTessiou 

5 beyond the pn•vious natiouall)' determined contribu6 tiou, nnd reflecting the party's highest possible am7 bition. 

8 (5) 'l'he United States <~ommm1icated its nation9 all)' determined contribution to aehicw an economy10 wide target of reducing its greenhouse gas emissions 

11 h)' 2G to 28 percent belmY its 2005 level in 2025 and 

12 to make best efforts to reduce its emissions by 28 

13 percent. 

14 (G) A nmnber of existing· laws, regulations, and 

15 other mandatory measures in the United States are 

16 relenmt to achieving this target, including the Clean 

17 Air Act (42 U.S.C. 7401 et seq.), the Energy Policy 

18 Aet of 1992 (Public Imw 102-48()), and the Energ_v 

19 Indepcwknee and Securit~· Act of 2007 (Public l.~aw 

20 110-140). 

21 (7) On ,June 1, 2017, President Trump an22 nounced his intention to IYithdrmv the United States 

23 from the Paris Agreement, 1vhieh 1vould leave the 

24 United States as the onl~' UXFCCC member state 

25 that is not a signatory to the Pnris Ag-reement. 

•HR 9 IH 
135 

4 

(8) Under the terms of the Paris Agreement, 

2 the earliest possible effective withdrawal date by the 

3 United States IS November 4, 2020. However, the 

4 United States 1s still obligated to maintain certain 

5 eonunitments UJl(1cr the Paris Agn~emcnt, such as 

6 continuing to report its emissions to the United Na7 tions. 

8 SEC. 3. PROHIBITION ON USE OF FUNDS TO ADVANCE THE 

9 WITHDRAWAL OF THE UNITED STATES FROM 

10 THE PARIS AGREEMENT. 

11 Notwithstanding any other JH"O\'ision of lmY, no f\mds 

12 arc authorized to be appropriated, obligated, or expended 

13 to take an~· action to advance the withdrawal of the United 

14 States from the Paris Agnwment. 

15 SEC. 4. PLAN FOR THE UNITED STATES TO MEET ITS NA16 TIONALLY DETERMINED CONTRIBUTION 

17 UNDER THE PARIS AGREEMENT. 

18 (a) I:\ GE:\EHAr,.-Not later than 120 dayR after the 

l 9 date of the enaetment of this Act, the President shall de20 velop awl submit to the appropriate eougressional eommit21 tees and make ayailahle to the public a plan for the United 

22 States to meet its nationally determined contribution 

23 under the Paris Agreement that clescribes24 (1) hmY the United States will aehil've an eeon25 omy-\Yide target of reducing its greenhouse gas 

•HR 9 IH 
136 

5 

emi,.sions b~· 26 to 28 percent below its 2005 level 

2 b~· 2025; and 

3 (2) how the United States will usc the Paris 

4 Agreement's transparerw~' provisions to confirm that 

5 other parties to the Agreement 1vith major ceono6 mies are fulfilling· their announced contributions to 

7 the AgTeenwHt. 

8 (b) UPDATE:'> TO PLAK-Xot later than one ~·car 

9 after the date of the enactment of this Aet, and annually 

10 thereafter, the President shall submit to the appropriate 

11 congressional eommittces and make available to the publie 

12 an updated plan under subsection (a). 

13 (c) APPHOPHIATE Co:\OHESSIOKAL CmnnTTEES DF:-

14 Fil\ED.-ln this seetion, the term "appropriate congrcs15 sional committees" means16 (1) the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the 

17 Committee on Energ~· and Commerce of the Honse 

18 of Representatives; and 

19 (2) the Committee on Foreign Helations, the 

20 Committee on EnYironmcnt and Pnblie \Yorks, and 

21 the Committee on Ener~' and Natural He,.onrccs of 

22 the Senate. 

23 SEC. 5. PARIS AGREEMENT DEFINED. 

24 In this Act, the term "Paris Agreement" means the 

25 decision b~· the United Nations Framework ConYention on 

•HR 9 IH 
137 

6 

Climate Change's 21st Conference of Parties in Paris, 

2 France, adoptt•d December 12, 2015. 

0 

•HR 9 IH 
138 

Ms. STILES. H.R. 9, To direct the President to develop a plan for 

the United States to meet its nationally determined contribution 

under the Paris Agreement, and for other purposes. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 

United States of America in Congress assembled, Section 1. Short 

title. 

This Act may be cited as the ‘‘Climate Action Now Act.’’ 

Section 2. Findings. 

Chairman ENGEL. Without objection, the first reading of the bill 

is dispensed with. Without objection, the bill shall be considered as 

read and open to amendment at any point. 

And at this time I recognize myself to speak on the legislation. 

I will keep my remarks brief. 

Just last week we had an impressive panel of military, defense, 

and international development experts testify about how climate 

change is a direct threat to the national security of the United 

States. This is not news. We have known it for decades. 

Climate change is a grave threat that transcends borders. And 

when we face pressing global security issues. The United States is 

strongest when we work shoulder to shoulder with our friends and 

partners around the world. That is why the Paris Agreement was 

such a defining moment for the future of our planet. The countries 

of the world came together to face this global crisis. 

At times like these, the world usually looks to the United States 

for leadership. So, when President Trump announced his intention 

to withdraw from this landmark agreement, it showed the world 

that America is on retreat. I think it was wrong. Every nation in 

the world has signed on to this agreement. If we withdraw, we will 

be the only country unwilling to step up to this challenge. What 

does that say about America’s role in the world? 

So we can, we must do better because we already are seeing the 

consequences of our inaction: natural disasters, famines, instability, human suffering. The time for action to avoid the worst effects of climate change is rapidly closing. We must demonstrate to 

the rest of the world and to future generations that we are still 

committed to taking on this fight. 

So, today our committee is considering legislation to address this 

issue and reassert American leadership on the world stage. The 

‘‘Climate Action Now Act’’ keeps the United States in the Paris Climate Accord, renewing our country’s pledge to address climate 

change head on. The Paris Agreement allows every country to determine its own emission reduction targets and to develop a public 

plan for how to meet these targets. 

This bill follows that same model. It gives the Administration 

total flexibility to decide what approach we need to follow, and 

what kind of technology we need to use to reach our national targets. H.R. 9 gives all of us an opportunity to show Americans that 

we hear them, that we take their concerns seriously, and that we 

are taking action to ensure a healthier, safer, and more sustainable 

future. This should not be a partisan issue. 

I strongly support this measure. And I urge my colleagues to do 

the same. 

And I will now recognize our Ranking Member, Mr. McCaul of 

Texas, for any remarks he might have. 
139 

Mr. MCCAUL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

We can all agree the climate is changing, as Secretary Pompeo 

testified to, and that we need to take positive steps to address it. 

However, I oppose H.R. 9 because, among other problems, it attempts to codify President Obama’s greenhouse gas reduction 

pledge under the Paris Agreement. 

During last week’s hearing on climate change I was encouraged 

that both sides of the political aisle expressed a shared understanding of the national security threat of climate change. Witnesses invited by both Democrats and Republicans testified to the 

importance of technology and innovation to address the challenge. 

However, the bill before us does nothing to bolster research or 

promote innovation. Instead, it recommits the United States to 

President Obama’s pledge under the Paris Agreement, which was 

submitted on behalf of the United States without any role of the 

Congress. We were not even so much as consulted about his pledge 

to cut greenhouse gases by 26 to 28 percent below 2005 levels by 

2025. 

The private sector was also not meaningfully consulted. And not 

only that but, as Mr. Worthington, Executive Director of the U.S. 

Energy Association, testified to, the Administration provided no 

cost-benefit analysis or economic justification to rationalize its 

pledge. All we have to rely on are third party analyses, one of 

which found that his commitments would cost the economy $250 

billion in gross domestic product and 2.7 million jobs by 2025. 

Furthermore, when asked by Mr. Zeldin at last week’s hearing 

whether President Obama should have submitted the Paris Agreement to the Senate for ratification, all four witnesses unanimously, 

including the three invited by the Democrat Majority, agreed that 

he should have. 

Meanwhile China, the world’s largest greenhouse gas emitter, 

will continue to increase its emissions through 2030 under its Paris 

Agreement pledge. The United States, on the other hand, saw a 14 

percent reduction from 2005 to 2017. 

So, instead of doubling down on a pledge that Congress had no 

role in setting, it will have an unknown and potentially catastrophic impact on the United States’ economy, and which will do 

nothing to address China’s growing emissions. I believe that we 

should work on a bipartisan bill to boost research, advance technology, promote innovation, and develop some real solutions. 

With that, Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time. 

Chairman ENGEL. Thank you, Mr. McCaul. The gentleman yields 

back. 

I realize members wish to speak on the bill and that some members have amendments to offer. If members have general remarks 

on the bill first, we should hear those now and then move on to 

amendments. 

Is there anyone who has general remarks on the bill? Mr. 

Espaillat. 

Mr. ESPAILLAT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The effects of climate change are evident today in more extreme 

temperatures, and more frequent and more intense natural disasters. Many studies and reports affirm a simple fact: both the causes 

and effects of climate change have been impacting already vulner-
140 

able communities at greater and disproportionate level. Lower income communities, indigenous people, communities of color, agrarian and other marginalized communities not only are bearing the 

brunt of the impacts of climate change, but these communities also 

have lower capacity to prepare for and cope with extreme weather 

and climate-related events endangering their health and wellbeing. 

The people of the Caribbean have faced year-long drought and 

catastrophic hurricanes that are decimating agriculture. The 

Northern Triangle faces an extreme dry corridor, causing food 

shortages and further affecting migration trends. 

Across Asia rising sea levels threaten island communities. And 

in Southern Africa shifts in rain patterns strain agriculture production, leading to malnutrition, and multiplying the threat of armed 

conflict and extremism. 

But it is not just happening to other countries. In my district, 

Mr. Chairman, black and brown children are experiencing worsening asthma because of increased heat and pollution. Parents 

come to my office looking for help for their health care, and cannot 

afford—and they cannot afford it. This is a local and global issue. 

And I am glad that the Foreign Affairs Committee today is demonstrating that we understand the need to address climate change 

with global solutions. 

We must incorporate climate justice into all of our policies as we 

move forward. Every piece of legislation on climate change considered by this House, in every bill we pass, and in every hearing we 

hold we must ensure that climate justice is addressed, and we 

proactively work to protect the most vulnerable among us. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I yield back the remaining part 

of my time. 

Chairman ENGEL. The gentleman yields back. Is there anyone 

else who wishes to speak on the bill? 

Ms. WILD. 

Ms. WILD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Ghandi once said that a breach of a promise is a surrender of 

truth. The United States abandoning the Paris Agreement is nothing short of a surrender. Our allies are watching, our adversaries 

are watching. 

We have an opportunity here to fulfill a promise, a promise that 

nearly 200 other countries have made and honored. 

We also have an opportunity to resurrect the truth about climate 

change, that it is based on objective scientific evidence, and that 

the United States’ carbon footprint has contributed to this crisis. 

We can seize those opportunities by voting in favor of H.R. 9 today. 

On December 12th, 2015, the United States joined nearly 200 

countries in signing the Paris Agreement to combat climate change. 

As part of that agreement, the United States adopted a plan to reduce its carbon pollution by 26 to 28 percent below 2005 levels by 

2025. Today we stand as the only country that has withdrawn from 

that global pact. The only country. 

And even as some refuse to acknowledge the reality of the climate crisis, our country continues to pay the price of extreme natural disasters that grow in force and frequency which cause loss of 
141 

life, destruction of infrastructure, and damage to our economy. It 

should not take one more—— 

Ms. WILD [continuing]. Breaking flood or wildfire or hurricane or 

drought to do what is right. 

Enough is enough. In order to make good on our commitment, it 

is imperative that we prohibit Federal funds from being used to 

take any action to advance the withdrawal of the United States 

from the Paris Agreement. 

It is also imperative that we call on the administration to develop and make public a concrete plan for how the United States 

will meet the pollution reduction goals submitted to the world in 

2015. 

Anything short of passing H.R. 9 is a signal to our allies that we 

are unreliable, a signal to our adversaries that we ceded this space 

to them, and an abdication of our most solemn duty to keep our 

constituents safe. 

Thank you. I yield back. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Would my friend yield for a question? Behind 

you. 

Ms. WILD. Yes. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. I thank the gentlelady from Pennsylvania. 

I was listening intently to what she had to say and it thought 

you said we are the only nation now not a party to the Paris Climate Accord. Is that correct? 

Ms. WILD. That is correct. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. So when President Trump pulled us out, we at 

least had company in Nicaragua and Syria. 

Ms. WILD. That is correct. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. And now you tell me that they have both joined? 

So we do not even have Nicaragua and Syria to keep us company. Is that correct? 

Ms. WILD. My esteemed colleague, I do not know when Nicaragua decided to rejoin. But Syria ended its holdout in 2017. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Wow. What a lonely place to be. 

I thank my friend. 

Ms. WILD. Thank you. I yield back. 

Mr. YOHO. Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. Are there any other members? 

Mr. Yoho? 

Mr. YOHO. Yes. I am in opposition to this. And, you know, again, 

I think politics are being played on this. 

The United States, thank God, is the only country that pulled 

out of this because they did show leadership. As Chairman McCaul, 

or Ranking Member McCaul, pointed out, from 2005 to 2017, carbon emissions in the United States of America has gone down 14 

percent. Our production in manufacturing has gone up. Our energy 

consumption went down 2 percent. That is leadership. 

China’s commitment to this was, ‘‘We will try.’’ Yet, it is going 

to tie the hands of the American consumers to pay for China trying 

as they pollute? 

They are putting on coal plant after coal plant after coal plant 

around the world, not just in China but in other countries, increasing the CO2 footprint. 
142 

You know, we have got LNG coming out of this country that is 

leading an energy revolution, driving down the CO2 cost and, you 

know, this whole discussion over climate change nobody is in denial 

that it is happening. But it is the cause of why it is happening. 

And if you look at the anthropogenic effect, yes, I am sure humans have contributed to it. But if you look at the natural causes, 

over 51 percent of it, according to science, since we are so hell bent 

on science, is coming from solar activity. I do not believe you are 

going to stop that. 

And so to have a bill coming out basically attacking the president 

for pulling out of the climate deal I think is pure politics and it is 

below the bipartisanship of this committee. 

And I yield back. 

Chairman ENGEL. The gentleman yields back. Is there any other 

member that wishes to speak on either side? 

Yes, Mr. Mast? 

Mr. MAST. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

You know, I would just also want to point out as we discuss this 

that many of the members of this committee were not present 

when we had Secretary Tillerson here discussing the Paris Climate 

Accord, discussing how the United States of America does not simply contribute billions of dollars to a program and just leave the 

conversation, just give up those resources and say, no, we are not 

going to play a role in this—we are not going to see what happens 

to those dollars—go off and do with it whatever you like. 

That is not what occurs with this. In fact, we are still present 

at every conversation having to do with the Paris Climate Accord. 

We are still actively engaged in this. 

We have just made it a point to say, listen, you are not going to 

get our money and our resources and give us no more say than the 

people—the countries that are the least contributors to these programs, very, very specifically pointed out by Secretary Tillerson at 

the time that he came here. 

And I would point out that many were not present for that conversation. With that, I yield back to our Ranking Member. 

Chairman ENGEL. Are there any other members? Mr. Wright, did 

you have your hand up? 

Mr. WRIGHT. I did have a comment on the bill, Mr. Chairman, 

and that is I sense an incongruity from my friends on the other 

side. 

We just finished a markup on a bill because Democrats are 

afraid of what President Trump might do unilaterally but it did not 

seem to bother you when President Obama did things unilaterally 

like this Paris Accord without submitting it to the Senate. 

And the reason there was Republican opposition to it then and 

now is it placed the United States of America at a distinct economic disadvantage vis-a-vis other countries in the world. 

Now, why any president or any Congress would want to place 

our own country at an economic disadvantage is mind-boggling and 

that is why we—that is why I will certainly be voting no on this. 

Thank you. 

Chairman ENGEL. Thank you. The gentleman yields back. 

Anyone else? 
143 

Let us now move to amendments. Is there anyone that wishes to 

submit an amendment? 

Mr. MCCAUL. Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. Mr. McCaul? 

Mr. MCCAUL. I have an amendment in the nature of a substitute 

at the desk and I ask for its consideration at this time. 

Chairman ENGEL. The clerk will please report the amendment. 

Ms. STILES. McCaul Amendment Number 1, amendment in the 

nature of a substitute to H.R. 9, offered by Mr. McCaul. Strike all 

after the enacting clause and—— 

[The amendment offered by Mr. McCaul follows:] 
144 

G:\M\16\MCCAUL\MCCAUL_020J(ML 

AMENDMENT IN THE NATURE OF A SUBSTITUTE 

TO H.R. 9 

OFFERED BY MR. MCCAUL OF TExAS 

Strike all after the enacting clause and insert the 

following: 

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. 

2 This Act ma~' be cited as the "Climate Action Now 

3 Act". 

4 SEC. 2. FINDINGS. 

5 Congt·css finds the following: 

6 (1) Despite claims by the pt·opmteilts of the 

7 Paris Agt·eement of its historic nature, the 2019 

8 Worldwide 'l'hreat Assessment of the United States 

9 Intelligence Community states "Global em-iron10 mental and ecological dcgt·adation, as well as climate 

11 change, arc likclr to fuel competition for rcsom·ccs, 

12 economic distress, and social discontent through 

13 2019 and beyond.". 

14 (2) As a part~· to the Patis Agt·ecmeut, United 

15 States Gm·ermnent actions taken to address the 

16 challenge of climate change pursuant to such agt·ee17 ment should enjo~· broad, bipartisan support, iucludg:\VHLCI040919\040919.086.xml 

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G:\M\16\MCCAUL\MCCAUL_020.XML 

2 

1 ing policies that promote private sector-led innova2 tion and technological aclYancement. 

3 (3) Whether the United States remains a patty 

4 to the Paris Agt·eement or not, climate change reS quit·es au international effort, which the United 

6 States should lead as a role model for other conn7 tries. 

8 (4) The United States Encrg:\' Information Ad9 ministration estimates that United States energy-rc10 lated carbon dioxide emissions declined by 14 pcr11 cent fi·om 2005 to 2017, stmting well before the 

12 United States became a patt,\· to the Paris Agt·ec13 mcut. This impressh·e decline brought gt·eeuhouse 

14 gas emissions to their lowest lcYcls since 1992. 

15 (5) In 20l(j, President Ohama sigtted an instru16 mcut of acceptance of the Paris Agt·ecment ou he17 half of the United States without submitting the 

18 agt·cemcnt to the Senate for its advice and consent 

19 to ratification. When asked at a congt·essional hem·-

20 ing on April 2, 20Hl, whether President Obama 

21 should have submitted the Paris Agt·ccment to the 

22 Senate, all four witnesses concm·t·cd that the Presi23 dent should h<we submitted the Paris Agreement to 

24 the ~enate. 

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3 

1 (6) According to an analysis by the World He2 sources Institute of the top 100 greenhouse g-as 

3 emitters, the United States is just one of twelve 

4 countries to adopt the Paris Agreement through uni5 lateral action by the President, without any role for 

6 the legislature. 

7 (7) Pursuaut to the Paris Agreement, in 2016 

8 the United States communicated its nationally deter9 mined contribution (NDC) to achieve au econonw10 wide tat·get of ,·educing its greenhonse gas emissions 

11 by 26 to 28 percent below its 2005 level in 2025 and 

12 to make best eff01ts to reduce its emissions by 28 

13 percent. China, the world's largest emitter of green14 house gases, plans to continue to increase emissions 

15 through 2030, according to its NDC. 

16 (8) Congress had no formal input on the NDC 

17 submitted by the United l::!tates and President 

18 Obama did not provide any economic justification or 

19 cost-benefit analysis to rationalize the greenhouse 

20 g-as reduction targets pledged by the United States. 

21 (9) A repmt prepared by NERA Economic Con22 suiting in 2017 found that meeting the commitments 

23 President Obama made as pa1t of the Paris Agree24 ment could cost United States gross domestic prod25 uct $250 billion and 2.7 million jobs b,v 2025. 

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G:\M\16\MCCAUL\MCCAUL_020.XML 

4 

(10) On June 1, 2017, Pt·esident Trump an2 nounced his intent to withdraw the United States 

3 from the agreement "but begin negotiations to reen4 ter either the Paris Accord or a reall~· entirely new 

5 transaction on terms that are fair to the United 

6 States, its-businesses, its workers, its people, its tax7 payers". 

8 SEC. 3. ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF 2016 UNITED STATES NA. 

9 TIONALLY DETERMINED CONTRIBUTION 

10 UNDER THE PARIS AGREEMENT. 

11 (a) PLA:'\.-

12 (1) I:-; GE:'\ERAL.-Not later than 120 day·s 

13 after the date of the enactment of this Act, the 

14 President shall develop and submit to the appro15 priatc eong1·essional committees and make m·ailable 

16 to the public, along "ith a detailed economic and 

17 cost-benefit analysis, a plan for the United States to 

18 meet its nationally determined contribution under 

19 the Paris Agreement that describes ho\\' the United 

20 States "ill achieve Hn economy-"idc target of rcduc21 ing its greenhouse g'dS emissions by 26 to 28 percent 

22 below its 2005 lm·el by 2025. 

23 (2) HULE OF l'OX!:lTHl'CTION'.-The plan re24 quired mH.lcr parag~·aph (1) may not he constmcd to 

25 constitute a nationall~· determined contribution of 

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G:\M\16\MCCAUL\MCCAUL_020JCML 

5 

the United States pursuant to Article 4 of the Paris 

2 Agreement. 

3 (h) HEPORT.-Not later than one year after the date 

4 of the enactment of this Act, and annually thereafter, the 

5 President shall submit to the appropriate congressional 

6 committees a report on the progress of an;r international 

7 negotiations to address climate change. 

8 (c) APPROPRIATE COXUREl:>SIOXAL Co:.\Il.\IITTEES DE9 FIXED.-In this section, the term "appropriate eongres10 sional committees" means11 (1) the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the 

12 Committee on Energy and Commerce of the Honse 

13 of Heprescntativcs; and 

14 (2) the Committee on Ii'orcign Helations, the 

15 Committee 011 l<~mironment and Public \Yorks, and 

16 the Committee on Energy and Natural Uesonrees of 

17 the Senate. 

18 SEC. 4. CONGRESSIONAL NOTIFICATION WITH RESPECT TO 

19 THE PARIS AGREEMENT. 

20 (a) Ix GEXERAL.- Notwithstanding any other provi21 sion of law, the President shall noti(v Congress not less 

22 than 30 da~·s prior to submitting a new nationally deter23 mined contribution (NDC) on behalf of the United States 

24 pursuant to Article 4 of the Paris AgTeement. 

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G:\M\16\MCCAUL\MCCAUL_020.XML 

6 

(b) 1\fATTERS TO BE l~CLUDED.-Thc notification 

2 required by subsection (a) shall include the following: 

3 (1) A detailed economic justification of the 

4 NDC. 

5 (2) A cost-benefit analysis of the NDC. 

6 (3) A description of how the NDC will promote 

7 aYailability of diversified energy supplies and a wc11-

8 ftmctioning global nuwkct for energy resources, tcch9 nologics, and c::q1ettise for the benefit of the United 

10 State:; and United States a1lies and trading part11 nCI'S. 

12 ( 4) A description of how the NDC will suppmt 

13 United States intemational efforts to alleviate en14 ergy povCity. 

15 (5) A description of how the NDC \\ill impact 

16 United States global economic competitiveness. 

17 (6) A description of how the NDC will impact 

18 United States national security interests. 

19 SEC. 5. PARIS AGREEMENT DEFINED. 

20 In this Act, the term "Paris Agreement" means the 

21 decision by the United Nations Framework Convention on 

22 Climate Change's 21st Conference of Pa1tics in Paris, 

23 France, adopted December 12, 2015. 

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150 

Mr. MCCAUL. Mr. Chairman, I would dispense with the reading 

request. 

Chairman ENGEL. Without objection, a further reading of the 

amendment will be dispensed with. A point of order is reserved. 

The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes in support of the 

amendment. 

Mr. MCCAUL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I want to say from the outset, echoing what Mr. Mast indicated, 

and that is that we never pulled out of the Paris Agreement. We 

are still under the Paris Agreement. 

The president just signaled his intention to possibly pull out in 

the future if it was not fixed. My amendment simply requires any 

new U.S. commitments under Paris come to Congress along with 

an economic analysis. 

It recognizes a government policy that enjoys broad bipartisan 

support is needed to address the challenge of climate change, including policies that promote private sector-led innovation and 

technological advancement. 

It requires that President Obama’s pledge to cut greenhouse gas 

emissions by 26 to 28 percent below 2005 levels by 2025 be accomplished by an economic justification and cost-benefit analysis, 

which his administration never provided to the Congress. 

It also requires any future commitments by the United States to 

be subjected to congressional notification and include detailed information about the economic impact of such commitments, including what it will mean for the poor, for world energy markets, for 

our economic competitiveness, and for the United States national 

security interests. 

Under the Paris Agreement, the United States is just one of 12 

countries out of the top 100 emitters to have no meaningful role for 

its legislature to provide input on our pledges. 

The president alone should not have that power to unilaterally 

reduce our emissions by 2025 when China, the world’s top emitter, 

will not do the same until 2030. 

In short, my amendment calls for a bipartisan approach to addressing climate change including technology and innovation that 

adds a role for Congress and ensures that our commitments are 

based on economic reality. 

I urge support, and with that, I yield back. 

Chairman ENGEL. The gentleman yields back. 

Is there further debate on the amendment? 

Mr. KEATING. Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. Mr. Keating? The gentleman is recognized for 

5 minutes to speak on the amendment. 

Mr. KEATING. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I speak in opposition to this amendment. The principal purpose 

of the Climate Action Now Act is to keep the United States in the 

Paris Climate Accord. This amendment fails to accomplish this 

most basic task, and for that reason alone, I oppose it. 

As you know, the Paris Agreement is the first truly universal 

agreement among nations to tackle climate change. Rarely is there 

consensus among nearly all nations on any topic. 

But with the Paris Agreement, leaders from around the world 

collectively agreed that climate change is driven by human behav-
151 

ior, that it is a threat to the environment and all of humanity, and 

that global action is needed to stop it. It has also created a clear 

framework for all countries to make emission reduction commitments. 

At present, 197 countries—every nation on the Earth, with the 

last signatory being war-torn Syria—have adopted the Paris Agreement. If we follow through, as the president has announced, we 

will be the only country on Earth unwilling to step up to this challenge. 

The U.S. has retreated from leadership positions. With this 

amendment, we are retreating from even followership positions. It 

would be a terrible shame if we followed this president, ignored the 

threats of climate change, and ceded our role in the global stage 

to other countries. 

I urge my colleagues to oppose this amendment and I yield back. 

Chairman ENGEL. The gentleman yields back. Is there further 

debate on the amendment? 

Seeing none, the question is on the amendment. 

All those on Mr. McCaul’s amendment—all those in favor say 

aye. 

All opposed, say no. 

In the opinion of the chair, the noes have it and the amendment 

is not agreed to. 

Mr. MCCAUL. Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. Mr. McCaul? 

Mr. MCCAUL. I request a recorded vote. 

Chairman ENGEL. A roll call vote is ordered and the clerk will 

please call the roll. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sherman? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Meeks? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Sires? 

[No response.] 

Mr. SIRES. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sires votes no. 

Mr. Connolly? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Deutch? 

[No response.] 

Ms. Bass? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Keating? 

[No response.] 

Mr. KEATING. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Keating votes no. 

Mr. Cicilline? 

Mr. CICILLINE. No. 

. Mr. Cicilline votes no. 

Mr. Bera? 

Mr. BERA. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Bera votes no. 

Mr. Castro? 

[No response.] 
152 

Ms. Titus? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Espaillat? 

Mr. ESPAILLAT. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Espaillat votes no. 

Mr. Lieu? 

Mr. LIEU. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Lieu votes no. 

Ms. Wild? 

Ms. WILD. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Wild votes no. 

Mr. Phillips? 

Mr. PHILLIPS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Phillips votes no. 

Ms. Omar? 

Ms. OMAR. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Omar votes no. 

Mr. Allred? 

Mr. ALLRED. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Allred votes no. 

Mr. Levin? 

Mr. LEVIN. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Levin votes no. 

Ms. Spanberger? 

Ms. SPANBERGER. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Spanberger votes no. 

Ms. Houlahan? 

Ms. HOULAHAN. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Houlahan votes no. 

Mr. Malinowski? 

Mr. MALINOWSKI. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Malinowski votes no. 

Mr. Trone? 

Mr. TRONE. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Trone votes no. 

Mr. Costa? 

Mr. COSTA. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Costa votes no. 

Mr. Vargas? 

Mr. VARGAS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Vargas votes no. 

Mr. Gonzalez? 

Mr. GONZALEZ. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Gonzalez votes no. 

Mr. McCaul? 

Mr. MCCAUL. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. McCaul votes aye. 

Mr. Smith? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Chabot? 

Mr. CHABOT. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chabot votes aye. 

Mr. Wilson? 

[No response.] 
153 

Mr. Perry? 

Mr. PERRY. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Perry votes aye. 

Mr. Yoho? 

Mr. YOHO. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Yoho votes aye. 

Mr. Kinzinger? 

Mr. KINZINGER. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Kinzinger votes aye. 

Mr. Zeldin? 

Mr. ZELDIN. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Zeldin votes aye. 

Mr. Sensenbrenner? 

[No response.] 

Mrs. Wagner? 

Mrs. WAGNER. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mrs. Wagner votes aye. 

Mr. Mast? 

Mr. MAST. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Mast votes aye. 

Mr. Rooney? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Fitzpatrick? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Curtis? 

Mr. CURTIS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Curtis votes aye. 

Mr. Buck? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Wright? 

Mr. WRIGHT. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wright votes aye. 

Mr. Reschenthaler? 

Mr. RESCHENTHALER. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Reschenthaler votes aye. 

Mr. Burchett? 

Mr. BURCHETT. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Burchett votes aye. 

Mr. Pence? 

Mr. PENCE. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Pence votes aye. 

Mr. Watkins? 

Mr. WATKINS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Watkins votes aye. 

Mr. Guest? 

Mr. GUEST. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Guest votes aye. 

Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chairman votes no. 

Chairman ENGEL. Is there anyone who has not been recorded 

who would like to do so? 

How is Mr. Connolly recorded? 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Connolly is not recorded. 
154 

Mr. CONNOLLY. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Connolly votes no. 

Chairman ENGEL. Mr. Deutch—how was Mr. Deutch recorded? 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Deutch is not recorded. 

Mr. DEUTCH. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Deutch votes no. 

Chairman ENGEL. Anybody else? Mr. Wilson? 

Mr. WILSON. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wilson votes aye. 

Chairman ENGEL. OK. If there are no other votes, the clerk will 

report the tally. 

[Pause.] 

Chairman ENGEL. Clerk will report the tally. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chairman, on that vote there were 16 ayes and 

21 noes. 

Chairman ENGEL. 16 ayes and 21 noes. The amendment is not 

agreed to. 

Do other members seek recognition? 

Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk 

and I ask for its consideration at this time. 

Chairman ENGEL. Mr. Curtis? 

The gentleman has 5 minutes. 

The clerk will report the amendment. 

Ms. STILES. Curtis Amendment Number 1, page four after line 

23 insert the following paragraph. 

[The amendment offered by Mr. Curtis follows:] 
155 

G:\CMTE\FA\16\H9_A6.XML 

AMENDMENT TO H.R. 9 

OFFERED BY Mr. J!v.d::is _ 

Pagt> 4, after line 2:3, insert the follo\\ing paragraph: 

(1) how the United States' national!~· deter2 mined contribution compares to the nationally dcter3 mined contributions of other nations, induding 

4 China which is allowed to inm·easc emissions for au 

5 additional 13 yeat·s under the Paris Agreement; 

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April 5, 2019 (3:00p.m.) 

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156 

Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Chairman, I move that we dispense with the 

reading of the amendment. 

Chairman ENGEL. Without objection, further reading of the 

amendment will be dispensed with. A point of order is reserved. 

Mr. Curtis? 

Mr. CURTIS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

My amendment would simply note the nationally determined 

contributions like greenhouse gas emissions of the United States 

compared with those of other countries. 

This includes China, which in the 2015 Paris Agreement has actually been permitted to increase emissions to the year 2013. As we 

engage in the debate about climate change, I believe it is important 

to note that over the past decade the U.S. has decreased annual 

carbon dioxide emissions by hundreds of millions of tons while in 

the last 20 years China has tripled its carbon dioxide emissions. 

Without a level playing field and accountability from high-emissions countries like China, the United States’ efforts to reduce 

emissions will have little if any effect on the planet overall. 

I urge my colleagues to adopt this common sense amendment to 

improve transparency, and I yield my time. 

Chairman ENGEL. The gentleman yields back his time. 

Is there further debate on the amendment? 

Mr. Malinowski? 

Mr. MALINOWSKI. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I will speak in opposition to the amendment. It sounds to me as 

if all of us here or most of us recognize that climate change is a 

serious issue, a serious threat to our economy, our national security, to our well being. 

The vast Majority of Americans believe that and believe that we 

need to do something about it. In many States, including my own— 

New Jersey—State governments have set very ambitious goals to 

reduce greenhouse gas emissions. 

I think we also all agree that there is absolutely nothing that the 

United States can do alone to meet this threat if large developing 

economies like China do not do their part. 

So would not it be great if there were an international agreement 

that imposed no requirements on the United States apart from 

those that we voluntarily commit to while also requiring large developing economies like China to, for the very first time, make commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions themselves? 

Wait a second. We have that. It is the Paris Accords. That is the 

function of the Paris Accords. It is not to require anything of the 

United States other than what we have committed to because the 

commitments are strictly voluntary but for the very, very first time 

China has said what it plans to do, and it is entirely transparent 

because we know exactly what commitments they have made. 

And, in fact, China has committed that by 2030 it will reduce 

carbon emissions per unit of GDP by 60 to 65 percent from 2005 

levels to 2030, and despite being the world’s largest greenhouse gas 

emitter, China has created the world’s largest carbon market, 

pumped three times as much money into renewables as the United 

States, surpassed us in terms of both the number of electric vehicles on the road, the number of available charging stations. 
157 

So my worry is not that we are somehow letting China off the 

hook, because we are not. My worry is that China is actually poised 

to beat us in the race to a clean energy future with all of the economic implications that will have—that China is taking advantage 

of our inexplicable decision to withdraw from Paris to seize the 

mantle of global leadership on this issue. 

And so this bill simply says we do not cede leadership to anybody. We are not going to be the only country that pulls out of the 

Paris Accord and allow China to basically lord it over us in the 

international community to say, we are doing something and the 

Americans are not, and it very simply asks the president to tell us 

how we are going to meet the commitments and it allows him to 

do it in whatever way he chooses. 

Let us keep this bill simple. Let us remain a global leader. I am 

opposed to this amendment for that reason, and I yield. 

Chairman ENGEL. Is there any further comments on the amendment? 

Mr. ZELDIN. Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. Yes, Mr. Zeldin? 

Mr. ZELDIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I would like to speak in support of the gentleman’s amendment. 

I think we have some different takes with regards to exactly what 

China and some other countries are agreeing to. 

My concern with the Paris Agreement was with the reality that 

China is the world’s largest greenhouse gas emitter but for the first 

13 years of the deal they are agreeing to continue to increase emissions and you can actually give China more credit than India. 

But just to recap, each nation under the Paris Agreement can do 

whatever they want to reach a long-term goal. The only thing India 

and China are committed to at the international level is to issue 

a report to the U.N. on their climate mitigation efforts next year 

and to keep up the reporting every 5 years. 

There is no enforcement mechanism. Both nations have issued 

carbon mitigation plans to reach the vague targets of the Paris Accords that require them to drastically take coal-fired power plants 

offline. 

And since China has an authoritarian centrally planned economy, they are making some progress. India is not, and it is an election year. So any efforts to rework their reliance on coal are on 

pause until at least their election is over later this year. 

With regards to the other countries around the world, they are 

not stepping up to the plate and we have a concern with that. I 

would love to see the United States be in a position to enter into 

a deal where other countries contributing to this issue are stepping 

up like we are. 

And we have seen a significant reduction in emissions over the 

course of about a dozen years, if you look at the numbers between 

about 2005 and 2017. That is why I was grateful of, I believe, Republican Mr. McCaul’s amendment as well. 

I think it is important to be engaging the private sector and technology and let us do it on an international level. Let us talk about 

economic concerns in our Nation just like they can talk about economic concerns in theirs. 
158 

As we are setting our own commitment concerned about our 

country, concerned about—we need to be concerned about energy 

costs. But this bill does not make any reference to the costs that 

are going to go up on my constituents, and I wish that it had and 

that is why I was grateful for Mr. McCaul’s amendment. 

But I just feel like as far as the agreement in total, that these 

other nations that are doing so much to contribute to this problem 

really should have stepped up more than they did. And additionally, I think it is greatly concerning that Congress did not have a 

role to play in this process. 

You had other countries—the EU and—I mean, other nations 

and in their legislatures they would have debates over this. Some 

would have votes. Some of them would involve their nation’s population. 

Here, President Obama unilaterally agreed to a deal where 

China was agreeing to increase emissions for the next 13 years. I 

believe that China should have done more. 

I believe that India should have been committed to do more. 

There are other nations that should have been committing to do 

more and actually some made commitments that they are not going 

to attain that were unreasonable. Now, what about that? 

I mean, with a straight face when you look at, you know, a commitment being made by the EU where we know that there is no 

way that they are going to meet that target—that is also something 

that should be debated here in Congress. I also believe it should 

have been submitted as a treaty. But I would like to yield to Mr. 

Yoho. 

Mr. YOHO. And I just want to remind people that China has 

made a lot of commitments. If we look at the commitment of not 

militarizing the Spratly or Parsley Islands while they were in the 

Rose Garden with President Obama—committed not to do that at 

the same time they were doing it. 

They committed to allow Hong Kong to remain an autonomous 

region for 50 years. But 22 years into it, Xi Jinping says as far as 

he is concerned it is null and void. 

And so I am not concerned with that China is doing. I look at 

America’s leadership and what we are doing in reducing footprint— 

the footprint of CO2. 

I yield back to the gentleman. Thank you for—— 

Mr. ZELDIN. Yes, and I think it is—I think it is very important 

for us to be able to enter into a good deal for the United States. 

That should be our goal—what is the best deal that we can get for 

the United States—and I would argue that we could have gotten 

a better deal. 

And I would encourage whoever the president is now, whoever 

the next president is, whoever else is serving here in Congress that 

this is an important topic for, you know, us and future Congresses 

and future presidents to be debating. 

We should just try to get more results from the countries that 

are contributing the most to the issue. 

The United States has been leading and we should continue to 

lead. Other nations need to do their part. 

I yield back. 
159 

Mr. SIRES [presiding]. Does the gentleman yield back? Is there 

further debate? 

Mr. Connolly for 5 minutes. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. I thank the chair. I got to say, my head is spinning. First we have a Republican Party here in the Congress that, 

by and large, has consistently denied climate change. 

We were looking at the international affairs section of the president’s budget and in 140 pages he makes reference to climate 

change once. Once. 

Now we hear from our friend from New York. His criticism is not 

that we are doing something about climate change but that others 

are not doing enough. 

And I wonder if the irony of that position strikes anyone else. It 

certainly struck me. If that is your critique, we are happy to join 

in. 

And my friend from New York ended his remarks by saying the 

United States is doing its share—others ought to follow. Well, actually as the gentlewoman from Pennsylvania pointed out, the United 

States is the only country of 197 that is not a member—a signatory—to the Paris Climate Accord. 

So you cannot have it both ways. If you want to really toughen 

things up we are happy to join you. But first, we got to participate 

in the Paris Climate Accord or we give away all moral authority, 

as President Trump did. 

My friend from Florida, Mr. Yoho, brought up a lot of issues regarding China and I would probably join him in most of those 

issues. But they have very little to do with the bill in front of us 

at the moment. 

I guess when we cannot make the argument about the substance 

of climate change we revert to other behavior we do not like. But 

the fact of the matter is our own military, the IPCC, an intergovernmental committee of this administration, are unanimous in 

looking at the threats of global warming and the very alarming 

rise, unprecedented in 800,000 years, of CO2. 

It is going to affect our way of life, our children, and our grandchildren, and at some point maybe we can get off the talking 

points. Maybe we can get off the ideological precepts that bind us 

in straitjackets and think about future generations and our obligation to them. 

I oppose the amendment on those grounds. I yield back, Mr. 

Chairman. 

Mr. SIRES. Congressman Perry wants to be heard. 

Mr. PERRY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

It is my understanding that our friends Turkey and Russia have 

not ratified the agreement either. But with that, I will turn my 

time over to or yield to the gentleman from New York, Mr. Zeldin. 

Mr. ZELDIN. Thank you, and I appreciate the gentleman from 

Virginia’s attempt to put words in my mouth and to speak for me 

and for other members on our side of the aisle. 

We think for ourselves over here. We are not sheep just to do 

whatever others in our party State. We have difference of opinion 

and we debate them. 
160 

We share our ideas in certain things that we have a problem 

with—that I, speaking for myself, have a problem with is that 

these other nations are not stepping up and doing their part. 

I have a problem of what the economic consequence is going to 

be for a constituent of mine who is really struggling to be able to 

pay their bills. We should be talking about the economics of the 

proposal. 

I think that is a—it is a fair point. As Members of Congress we 

just had a debate on an amendment with regards to the use of 

force in Venezuela and the gentleman from Virginia was passionately talking about how Congress should take back their Article I 

powers and how important it is for Congress to step up and not 

cede our power to the executive branch. 

And then the next bill that comes up the gentleman from Virginia is here passionately talking about how important it is for this 

chamber to cede our power to the executive branch. 

There is no concern at all that Congress has no role to play 

whatsoever with the negotiation and entry into this agreement 

without coming to Congress, without consulting us? 

Well, what about us as Republicans and Democrats working together? Chairman Engel has stated for years of being able to serve 

on this committee, Chairman Royce before him, Mike McCaul— 

members on both sides of the aisle wanted to talk, Republicans and 

Democrats, about how we can move forward with our Nation’s foreign policy. There are so many issues that are before our country 

that are so important. 

This is one that there is a valid amendment being offered. You 

can oppose it. You can support it. But do not put words in my 

mouth. We have important concerns with regards to the Paris 

Agreement. I believe that we can enter into a better deal. 

I have a district that is almost completely surrounded by water 

on the east end of Long Island. I would encourage the gentleman 

from Virginia to come visit. We have great wineries on the North 

Fork. It is a great place to come, especially between Memorial Day 

and Labor Day. 

We could talk about rising sea levels. We could talk about what 

we can do to improve water quality, to improve air quality. We 

might not agree on all the solutions but let us talk about it. 

But, you know, right now with this particular debate this conversation, whether this amendment, the bill at large, Mr. McCaul’s 

amendment, I do not think that we should be insulted for not all 

agreeing with each other in this committee. Having a difference of 

opinion between the legislative branch and the executive branch— 

I think that disagreement is healthy. 

But let us not put words into each other’s mouth and instead let 

us talk about solutions. I think that there are—that there are companies that have new technologies where we can figure out ways 

to reduce emissions without the executive branch or maybe without 

even the legislative branch forcing that company to make that 

change. 

We should have a conversation as to why emissions went down 

between 2005 and 2017. What went right? What are some companies doing better? 
161 

I appreciate—I look forward to an opportunity to work with the 

gentleman from Virginia as opposed to just debating him here, and 

I am not going to attempt to put words in this mouth. 

But, you know, you want to talk about irony, using the words 

that came out of his mouth from one speech to the next, from one 

bill to the next about whether or not we should be ceding our 

power or taking advantage of our Article 1 powers. 

This agreement should have been submitted to the Senate as a 

treaty and when I posed that question to all four witnesses including the three Democratic witnesses who were here, they all agreed 

that this should have been submitted to the Senate as a treaty. 

But there was a philosophy of the last administration. When we 

asked them about the Iran nuclear deal, if you remember, there 

were a few members here who asked Secretary Kerry why was this 

not submitted to Congress? 

Why was it not submitted to the Senate as a treaty? And his answer was that he would not—that they would not have been able 

to get it passed, and I do not think that is a good excuse. 

Whether it is the last administration, the current administration 

or the next. There is a lot of debate to be had over the course of 

the next 2 years and whoever the next—you know, what the American people decide who the president is going to be for the next 4 

years, the next 4 years after that. 

And whether it is a Republican or a Democrat, this is an issue 

that is going to outlast every single one of us at this—in this chamber and I think a lot of people at home and across this country 

would appreciate it if we could find a way to do a better job working together on this important issue of climate change. 

Mr. SIRES. Congressman Levin is recognized for 5 minutes. 

Mr. LEVIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I just want to say a few things about the situation about China 

and some of these arguments. 

First of all, the main thing that happened between 2005 and 

2012 is called the Great Recession, and that is the main reason 

why our green gas emissions went down. 

Also, some of us in the States moved forward on energy efficiency 

and renewable standards while this body did not do much to advance the ball. So we had some leadership from the States. 

In terms of China, first of all, we have to look at the history of 

carbon emissions. Even in 2100, even with China’s growing economy—and I agree over reliance on coal—20 percent of cumulative 

greenhouse gas emissions will come from this country and have 

come from this country in 2100, 17 percent from the European 

Union and 12 percent from China, even then. 

So we have contributed much more of the problem. We will have 

even many years hence. 

But on another level, I do not care what China does. I care about 

American leadership, and as Mr. Malinowski says, I care about our 

leadership in the economy. 

We are being left behind on high-speed rail, on electrification of 

vehicles, on the employment of solar and wind and offshore wind 

and on energy storage and on micro grids and so many other 

fronts. 
162 

This is going to be the next 50 years of fortunes in global capitalism. We are being left behind because we are scared. We are 

scared to lead. We are scared to just admit the reality of science. 

There is no debate over how much of greenhouse gas emissions 

are caused by human activity. There is no real scientific debate 

over this. 

Let us go. Let us reestablish American leadership. The Paris Accords are a faint first step of what we need to do and my kids, for 

one, are not going to let us sit around here and debate endlessly. 

They want action. We need to get on with passing this and then 

we need to take a lot of concrete steps to reduce our carbon emissions and show American leadership on the new sustainable economy that is to come. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Will my friend yield? 

Mr. LEVIN. My brother, I yield to you. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. I thank—I thank the gentleman from Michigan. 

You know, the gentleman from New York accuses people of putting words in his mouth. That is not what happened. 

The accusation was not that he spoke words that in fact he did 

not. It was that one’s head was spinning over trying to follow the 

logic on the other side of the aisle. 

Does anyone here really believe that the amendments we are 

going to consider and have considered to this bill are designed to 

improve it? They are, in fact, designed to derail the bill. 

They are designed to slow this down and that is a consistent pattern of our friends on the other side of the aisle when it comes to 

this subject. 

I do not remember my friend from New York complaining when 

the president of the United States denied climate change. Denied 

the recommendation of his own intergovernmental panel. Denied 

the findings of the IPCC. 

It is not putting words in your mouth. It is holding you to account for a very sorry record of empirical denial about a subject 

that is going to affect every person and every living thing on this 

planet. 

It is consequential to withdraw from an international agreement 

we helped spearhead. Yes, maybe it should have been a treaty. I 

hardly believe that is a dispositive issue. You got to begin somewhere. Why not begin as an agreement? 

And I find it ironic that the charge was made that the previous 

administration left out the Congress. I seem to recall a delegation 

of us getting ready to go on an airplane to Paris to celebrate the 

signing of the agreement that was blocked by the Republican 

Speaker of the House of Representatives so that no one from Congress on the House side was able to go and celebrate that moment. 

It has been a deliberate consistent pattern of science denial and 

deflection rather than deal with the subject, and one wonders why. 

I thank my friend from Michigan for yielding. 

Chairman ENGEL [presiding]. The gentleman’s time has expired. 

Are there any other members who wish to be heard? 

Mr. DEUTCH. Mr. Chairman? Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. Mr. Deutch? 

Mr. DEUTCH. I move to strike the last word. 
163 

Mr. Chairman, I just wanted to respond to one thing that we 

heard, which is this idea that this is an issue that we can debate 

today but whatever we do today we are going to be debating it 

through the end of this administration and the next administration 

and administrations that come after that. 

Where is the urgency from my colleagues on this issue? This is 

not an issue that can wait 2 years and 4 years and 8 years and 

12 years. It will be too late. That is why it is so important for us 

to move forward. 

I support the Climate Action Now Act. I applaud the work of 

Representative Castor, the chair of the Select Committee on the 

Climate Crisis. 

As Floridians, Representative Castor and I know the impact of 

climate change because it is happening right now. That is why we 

need action right now. Not next year, not after the next election, 

not after four more Presidential elections. 

It will be too late. When will we sense the urgency? How many 

warmest years on record do we have to endure before there is finally some acknowledgment that this is a crisis? 

The whole world came together in Paris to make commitments 

that would respond to the threat of climate change. Under this administration, America has now turned its back on those commitments, turned its back on the world, and turned its back on the future generations who will not have the luxury of a decision point. 

That is where we are now. It is our decision that we are making 

for them and we have got to get it right. 

So I support Representative Castor’s work as the chair of the select committee. I support her strong legislation to bring us back to 

the global stage, to bring us back to our commitments to take action on climate change and to do it right now. 

And I would also like to take this moment to extend an invitation. I would like to invite my Republican colleagues to join the bipartisan Climate Solutions Caucus. We have got to move climate 

change beyond politics. 

I agree with that, and I thank the 45 Republicans who joined 

this bipartisan dialog on the real threats and possible solutions last 

Congress, and I invite all of my Republican colleagues to join me 

and my co-chair, Francis Rooney, in this Congress to move forward. 

It is important to have bipartisan conversations. The fact is that 

alternative energy companies that will secure our energy future 

need to be part of those conversations. So do energy companies who 

are working hard on sustainability, and military experts who have 

warned of the threats of climate migration and famine and 

drought, scientists who have measured the impact on local economies from regional impacts that are happening today across the 

country. 

Fortune 500 companies who are already doing their part to reduce their carbon footprint. Last year several caucus members and 

I drafted a legislative tool to help reduce carbon emissions and I 

am going to take advantage of this moment to encourage my colleagues to look at the Energy Innovation and Carbon Dividend Act, 

which is a companion—should be a companion to this Climate Action Now Act because it would reduce carbon pollution by 45 percent by 2030 with an over 90 percent reduction by 2050 and it 
164 

would create over 2 million new jobs in a decade and it would prevent 13,000 pollution—related deaths in the United States annually. 

The Energy Innovation and Carbon Dividend Act would put a 

price on pollution and the fees collected would go back to the American people to ease the transition to a clean carbon-neutral economy that would be felt by lower income and middle income families. That is how we address those concerns. 

I applaud the committee here for taking up H.R. 9 and I invite 

my colleagues to join the Climate Solutions Caucus and I ask them 

to look at real efforts that would address this crisis right now. That 

it what our legislation will do, and I go back to where I started. 

If we do not act now, we are nearing a point of no return when 

it comes to our retirement, when it comes to our health, when it 

comes to our economy. 

I strongly support H.R. 9 to recommit us to leadership and to climate action and to doing it right now. 

I thank the chairman. I yield back the balance of my time. 

Chairman ENGEL. The gentleman yields back. 

Is there anyone else who wishes to be heard on this amendment? 

Mr. Mast? 

Mr. MAST. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I find it amazing that we 

are having a debate about this without anybody really on either 

side bringing up a whole lot of the facts on reductions of emissions—where the U.S. stands, where China stands, where India 

stands, where the EU stands, what has gone on per capita, how 

many metric tons, what has gone on in the energy sector. 

So let us talk a little bit about some of the facts that exist out 

there. U.S.—highest decline in CO2 emissions, you know, really in 

modern history. 

Now, we still have higher emissions per capita than most others. 

I am not going to deny that. That is a fact as well. So per capita 

we do use more. But highest decline in emissions from any country 

out there, 758 million metric tons between 2005 and 2017. 

At the same period of time, China up 50 percent. Their emissions 

grew by 3 billion metric tons at the same time as ours fell by 758 

million metric tons. India up 88 percent at the exact same time. 

So I think we should talk about some of these, talk about where 

this has occurred in the U.S. energy sector. Largely in the U.S. energy sector, this has occurred as a result of the growing or, rather, 

really beginning with the growth in the shale industry in the 

United States. 

That is really when that time began, contributing to what happened in our energy sector going to natural gas. That is what has 

precipitated most of that decline in the United States. 

I think as we debate this and we talk about this on both sides 

it is important that we throw out some of the numbers related to 

what the U.S. has actually been going out there and achieving. 

Not that we should ever sit there and rest on our laurels to date 

or simply boast of the past. That is not our job to do. But it is important to bring it up as we have this debate. 

And I yield back. 

Mr. CURTIS. Will the gentleman yield? 
165 

Mr. MAST. Who asked for that? Absolutely, Mr. Curtis, I will 

yield the remainder of my time to you. 

Mr. CURTIS. Thank you. 

Mr. Chairman, as the author of this amendment, I would like to 

point out that very little of our discussion has actually had to do 

with my amendment. I suspect it has been good therapy for all of 

us. And with that in mind, I would like to indulge in just a little 

bit of therapy and then perhaps—— 

Chairman ENGEL. Welcome to the Congress, Mr. Curtis. 

Mr. CURTIS. You know, I feel much like the last bill. There is actually a lot that we agree on here and we get caught up on some 

partisan issues. 

I would like to remind everybody that the intent of this bill is 

to measure performance. Those of us who have worked to increase 

performance in business, in athletics, anything, know that what we 

measure improves, and that is simply all this amendment is doing 

is asked to measure performance and to compare how we are doing. 

The one gentleman that did actually refer to my amendment discussed competition between China and United States. I actually 

think this would introduce a healthy competition between countries. 

And so with that in mind, Mr. Chairman, I yield my time and 

hope we can soon vote on my amendment. 

Chairman ENGEL. The gentleman yields back his time. 

Anybody else wish to speak? 

Mr. Phillips? 

Mr. PHILLIPS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I feel compelled to set the record straight as we talk about our 

country’s performance relative to emissions. 

The truth is that in 2018 our emissions are projected to increase 

by 3.4 percent—an increase, not a decrease, as some on the other 

side have noted. And at a time when the world desperately needs 

to decrease emissions, ours are increasing. 

In a year where more dirty coal plants closed in our country than 

any other year in history, our emissions are increasing and that 

means vast declined in coal use were not enough to offset the other 

harms that are being caused by this administration, like efforts to 

weaken standards for ozone pollution, repeal the clean power plan, 

repeal the waters of the United States rule, withdraw the mercury 

effluent rule, eliminate the lead risk reduction program, repeal the 

rule regulating coal ash, weaken emission standards for brick and 

tile manufacturers, rollback of vehicle emission standards, withdraw a proposed rule reducing air pollutants at sewage treatment 

plants, and yes, withdraw from the Paris climate agreement. 

So for us to pretend that we are a model actor here, in my estimation, is inappropriate. We should not pretend that there is no 

problem and I think it is time that we fulfill our responsibilities 

to work with our friends and partners around the world to combat 

this threat. 

Therefore, I urge my fellow members to vote no on this amendment. 

I yield back. 

Chairman ENGEL. The gentleman yields. 

Any further comments? 
166 

Seeing none, the question is on the amendment. 

All those in favor, say aye. 

All those opposed, no. 

In the opinion of the chair, the noes have it and the amendment 

is not agreed to. 

Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Chairman, may I ask for a recorded vote? 

Chairman ENGEL. A roll call vote is ordered and the clerk will 

please call the roll. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sherman? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Meeks? 

Mr. MEEKS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Meeks votes no. 

Mr. Sires? 

Mr. SIRES. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sires votes no. 

Mr. Connolly? 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Nay. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Connolly votes no. 

Mr. Deutch? 

[No response.] 

Ms. Bass? 

Ms. BASS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Bass votes no. 

Mr. Keating? 

Mr. KEATING. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Keating votes no. 

Mr. Cicilline? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Bera? 

Mr. BERA. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Bera votes no. 

Mr. Castro? 

Mr. CASTRO. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Castro votes no. 

Ms. Titus? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Espaillat? 

Mr. ESPAILLAT. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Espaillat votes no. 

Mr. Lieu? 

Mr. LIEU. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Lieu votes no. 

Ms. Wild? 

Ms. WILD. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Wild votes no. 

Mr. Phillips? 

Mr. PHILLIPS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Phillips votes no. 

Ms. Omar? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Allred? 

Mr. ALLRED. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Allred votes no. 
167 

Mr. Levin? 

Mr. LEVIN. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Levin votes no. 

Ms. Spanberger? 

Ms. SPANBERGER. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Spanberger votes no. 

Ms. Houlahan? 

Ms. HOULAHAN. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Houlahan votes no. 

Mr. Malinowski? 

Mr. MALINOWSKI. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Malinowski votes no. 

Mr. Trone? 

Mr. TRONE. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Trone votes no. 

Mr. Costa? 

Mr. COSTA. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Costa votes no. 

Mr. Vargas? 

Mr. VARGAS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Vargas votes no. 

Mr. Gonzalez? 

Mr. GONZALEZ. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Gonzalez votes no. 

Mr. McCaul? 

Mr. MCCAUL. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. McCaul votes aye. 

Mr. Smith? 

Mr. SMITH. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Smith votes aye. 

Mr. Chabot? 

Mr. CHABOT. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chabot votes aye. 

Mr. Wilson? 

Mr. WILSON. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wilson votes aye. 

Mr. Perry? 

Mr. PERRY. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Perry votes aye. 

Mr. Yoho? 

Mr. YOHO. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Yoho votes aye. 

Mr. Kinzinger? 

Mr. KINZINGER. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Kinzinger votes aye. 

Mr. Zeldin? 

Mr. ZELDIN. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Zeldin votes aye. 

Mr. Sensenbrenner? 

[No response.] 

Mrs. Wagner? 

Mrs. WAGNER. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mrs. Wagner votes aye. 

Mr. Mast? 
168 

Mr. MAST. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Mast votes aye. 

Mr. Rooney? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Fitzpatrick? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Curtis? 

Mr. CURTIS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Curtis votes aye. 

Mr. Buck? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Wright? 

Mr. WRIGHT. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wright votes aye. 

Mr. Reschenthaler? 

Mr. RESCHENTHALER. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Reschenthaler votes aye. 

Mr. Burchett? 

Mr. BURCHETT. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Burchett votes aye. 

Mr. Pence? 

Mr. PENCE. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Pence votes aye. 

Mr. Watkins? 

Mr. WATKINS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Watkins votes aye. 

Mr. Guest? 

Mr. GUEST. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Guest votes aye. 

Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chairman votes no. 

Chairman ENGEL. Are there any others who seek to vote who 

have not voted? 

Mr. Deutch? 

Mr. DEUTCH. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Deutch votes no. 

Chairman ENGEL. Anybody else? 

The clerk will tally the vote. 

[Pause.] 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chairman, on that vote, there are 17 ayes and 

22 noes. 

Chairman ENGEL. 17 ayes and 22 noes. The amendment is not 

agreed to. 

Do other members seek recognition? 

Mr. Wright? 

Mr. WRIGHT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have an amendment 

at the desk. 

Chairman ENGEL. Clerk will please report the amendment. 

Ms. STILES. Wright Amendment Number 1, at the end of the bill 

add the following new section: Section 6 effective date. This act 

takes effect on the date—— 

[The amendment offered by Mr. Wright follows:] 
169 

G:\CMTE\FA\16\H9_A18.XML 

AMENDMENT TO H.R. 9 

OFFERED BY M.[_ . ..\&1rak+ 

At the end of the bill, add the following new section: 

1 SEC. 6. EFFECTIVE DATE. 

2 This Act.takes effect on the date that the Secretmy 

3 of State certifies that China and Hussia ha,·c each com4 mitted to emissions reductions that are equiYaleut to the 

5 emissions reductions commitments of the United States. 

g:\VHLC\0405191040519.158.xml 

AprtiS, 2019 (3:05p.m.) 

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170 

Chairman ENGEL. Without objection, further reading of the 

amendment will be dispensed with. A point of order is reserved. 

The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes in support of amendment. 

Mr. WRIGHT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

My amendment is very simple and it changes the effective date 

of H.R. 9 to whenever the secretary of State can certify that China 

and Russia are making emission reduction commitments equivalent 

to those made by the United States. 

President Obama unilaterally committed us to reducing our 

emissions by 25 to 28 percent, below 2005 levels by 2025. Fulfilling 

this commitment has the potential, as our Ranking Member has 

noted, to reduce U.S. gross domestic product by $250 billion and 

eliminate 2.7 million American jobs. 

This makes no sense, however, when you consider that in 2017 

when emissions in the rest of the world were increasing, U.S. carbon emissions were the lowest since 1992. 

Why would we commit to further reducing our emissions at such 

great cost to our economy and the prosperity of the American people when other countries like Russia, India, and China continue to 

pollute the Earth at unprecedented levels? 

Before we make additional economic sacrifices to reduce our 

emissions, we need to see comparable action from the worst greenhouse gas offenders. Otherwise, it is all for nothing. 

This amendment is not a pull out. It is a delay. Let us stop putting the United States at an economic disadvantage vis-a-vis the 

rest of the world, and I urge my colleagues to support this amendment and I yield back. 

Chairman ENGEL. The gentleman yields back. Is there further 

debate on the amendment? 

Ms. Wild? 

Ms. WILD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I rise in opposition to this 

amendment, which requires China and Russia commit to emissions 

reductions that are equivalent to the emissions reductions commitments of the United States. But the amendment does not define 

what equivalent means. 

Equivalent to what? It is not clear what exactly we are binding 

ourselves to or expecting from other countries with this amendment. 

Second, the language appears to suggest that the United States 

to wait to act until other countries, specifically China and Russia, 

commit to reduce emissions. Yet, those countries have already committed to climate action. 

This amendment delays the effective date of the bill, wrongly 

uses China and Russia as excuses for inaction, and risks ceding 

global leadership on this issue. 

However, the amendment serves as a reminder that the whole 

world, including the United States, China, and Russia, need to do 

more if we are to be spared from the worst impacts of climate 

change. 

The Chinese government acknowledged in its most recent comprehensive assessment of climate change that it is already affected 

by worsening floods, more extreme droughts, diminished fishery 

productivity, and other ecological changes. 
171 

It recognizes that a warming climate will threaten the country’s 

agricultural production, make economically important cities vulnerable to flooding, and eventually dry out many of the country’s rivers. 

Under the Paris Agreement, China committed to leveling off its 

carbon emissions no later than 2030 and reducing carbon emissions 

per unit of gross domestic product by 60 to 65 percent from 2005 

levels by 2030. 

Those targets are not as ambitious as ours. Remember, each nation gets to submit its own. But Beijing is acting quite aggressively 

to reduce emissions and deploy clean energy technologies. 

Despite being the world’s largest greenhouse gas emitter since 

2005, China has created the world’s largest carbon market, pumped 

approximately three times as much money into renewables as the 

United States, and surpassed the United States in terms of both 

the number of electric vehicles on the road and the number of publicly available charging stations. 

China is also embracing the nexus between climate and security. 

In 2017, China signed on to a joint statement with the European 

Union, terming rising global temperatures a root cause of instability. 

And on the global stage, the Trump administration’s effective 

withdrawal from the Paris Agreement has created a global leadership void that China has been keen to exploit. 

And Russia—Russia is the world’s fifth largest greenhouse gas 

emitter and is one of 13 nations that signed the Paris Agreement 

but still has not formally ratified it. 

Under the Paris Agreement, Russia proposed to reduce emissions 

25 percent to 30 percent below 1990 levels by 2030. Russia said for 

years that it would delay ratification until the parties agreed on 

rules for implementation, which just happened at the 24th Conference of Parties in Poland in December 2018. 

And now, according to the Los Angeles Times, Russia is moving 

closer to ratifying the Paris climate agreement later this year. In 

January, the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs 

said its members supported ratification, citing concerns over economic restrictions and competitiveness. 

Russia also recognizes that future trade deals with the EU could 

be in jeopardy without ratification. The European Commission has 

said it prefers to deal with countries that back the Paris Accord. 

A 2017 deal between Japan and the EU specifically referred to 

implementation of the climate accord. It takes courage to experiment with new ways of doing things and to leave old habits behind. 

The U.S. has always led on big global challenges and now we 

must seize on the commitments from around the world and apply 

the unmatched strength and ingenuity of the American government 

and private sector to the problem of combating climate change. 

This amendment wrongly uses China and Russia as excuses for 

inaction and that I why I stand in firm opposition to it. 

Thank you. I yield back. 

Chairman ENGEL. The gentlewoman yields back. 

Is there further debate on the amendment? 

Seeing none, the question is on the amendment. 

All those in favor say aye. 
172 

All those opposed, no. 

In the opinion of the chair, the noes have it, and the amendment 

is not agreed to. 

Mr. WRIGHT. Mr. Chairman, I request a recorded vote. 

Chairman ENGEL. A roll call vote is ordered, and the clerk will 

please call the roll. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sherman? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Meeks? 

Mr. MEEKS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Meeks votes no. 

Mr. Sires? 

Mr. SIRES. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sires votes no. 

Mr. Connolly? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Deutch? 

[No response.] 

Ms. Bass? 

Ms. BASS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Bass votes no. 

Mr. Keating? 

Mr. KEATING. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Keating votes no. 

Mr. Cicilline? 

Mr. CICILLINE. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Cicilline votes no. 

Mr. Bera? 

Mr. BERA. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Bera votes no. 

Mr. Castro? 

Mr. CASTRO. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Castro votes no. 

Ms. Titus? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Espaillat? 

Mr. ESPAILLAT. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Espaillat votes no. 

Mr. Lieu? 

Mr. LIEU. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Lieu votes no. 

Ms. Wild? 

Ms. WILD. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Wild votes no. 

Mr. Phillips? 

Mr. PHILLIPS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Phillips votes no. 

Ms. Omar? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Allred? 

Mr. ALLRED. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Allred votes no. 

Mr. Levin? 

Mr. LEVIN. No. 
173 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Levin votes no. 

Ms. Spanberger? 

Ms. SPANBERGER. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Spanberger votes no. 

Ms. Houlahan? 

Ms. HOULAHAN. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Houlahan votes no. 

Mr. Malinowski? 

Mr. MALINOWSKI. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Malinowski votes no. 

Mr. Trone? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Costa? 

Mr. COSTA. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Costa votes no. 

Mr. Vargas? 

Mr. VARGAS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Vargas votes no. 

Mr. Gonzalez? 

Mr. GONZALEZ. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Gonzalez votes no. 

Mr. McCaul? 

Mr. MCCAUL. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. McCaul votes aye. 

Mr. Smith? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Chabot? 

Mr. CHABOT. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chabot votes aye. 

Mr. Wilson? 

Mr. WILSON. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wilson votes aye. 

Mr. Perry? 

Mr. PERRY. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Perry votes aye. 

Mr. Yoho? 

Mr. YOHO. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Yoho votes aye. 

Mr. Kinzinger? 

Mr. KINZINGER. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Kinzinger votes aye. 

Mr. Zeldin? 

Mr. ZELDIN. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Zeldin votes aye. 

Mr. Sensenbrenner? 

[No response.] 

Mrs. Wagner? 

Mrs. WAGNER. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mrs. Wagner votes aye. 

Mr. Mast? 

Mr. MAST. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Mast votes aye. 

Mr. Rooney? 

[No response.] 
174 

Mr. Fitzpatrick? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Curtis? 

Mr. CURTIS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Curtis votes aye. 

Mr. Buck? 

Mr. BUCK. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Buck votes aye. 

Mr. Wright? 

Mr. WRIGHT. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wright votes aye. 

Mr. Reschenthaler? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Burchett? 

Mr. BURCHETT. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Burchett votes aye. 

Mr. Pence? 

Mr. PENCE. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Pence votes aye. 

Mr. Watkins? 

Mr. WATKINS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Watkins votes aye. 

Mr. Guest? 

Mr. GUEST. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Guest votes aye. 

Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chairman votes no. 

Chairman ENGEL. Are there any other members that wish to be 

recorded? 

Mr. Deutch? 

Mr. DEUTCH. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Deutch votes no. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. Mr. Connolly? 

Mr. CONNOLLY. I vote nay. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Connolly votes no. 

Chairman ENGEL. Anybody else? 

The clerk will report the tally. 

Let’s hold. Mr. Trone? 

Ms. STILES. You are not recorded, sir. 

Mr. TRONE. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Trone votes no. 

Mr. Chairman, on that vote, there were 16 ayes and 23 noes. 

Chairman ENGEL. 16 ayes and 23 noes. The amendment is not 

agreed to. 

Do other members seek recognition? 

Mr. BUCK. Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. Yes? 

Mr. BUCK. I have an amendment at the desk. 

Chairman ENGEL. Mr. Buck. The clerk will please report the 

amendment. 

Ms. STILES. ‘‘Buck Amendment No. 1. 

At the end of the bill, add the following new section. 
175 

Section 6. Recognizing the duty of the Federal Government to 

create a Green New Deal. 

(a) Findings. Congress finds the following: 

The October 2018 report entitled, ‘Special Report on Global 

Warming of 1.5 Celsius’ by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and the November 2018 Fourth National Climate Assessment Report found that human activity’’—— 

Chairman ENGEL. Without objection, further reading of the 

amendment will be dispensed with. 

[The amendment offered by Mr. Buck follows:] 
176 

G:\M\16\BUCK\BUCK_031JCML 

AMENDMENT TO H.R. 9 

OFFERED BY MR. BUCK OF COLORADO 

At the end of the hill, add the following new section: 

1 SEC. 6. RECOGNIZING THE DUTY OF THE FEDERAL GOV· 

2 ERNMENT TO CREATE A GREEN NEW DEAL. 

3 (a) FI!>.'DIXG8.-Congr·ess finds the following: 

4 (1) 'l'he October 2018 repmt entitled "Special 

5 Report on Global Warming of 1.5 oC" by the Intcr6 goYernmcntal Panel on Climate Change and the No7 vemher 2018 Fomth National Climate Ac;sessment 

8 repmt found that9 (A) human activit~· is the dominant cause 

10 of observed climate change ove1· the past ccn11 tm:v; 

12 (B) a changing climate is causing sea lcv13 els to rise and an increase in \\ildfires, severe 

14 storms, droughts, and other e).."treme weather 

15 events that threaten human life, healthy com16 muni.ties, and critical infrastructure; 

17 (C) global wat·ming at or aboye 2 degr·ces 

18 Celsius beyond preindustrializcd levels will 

19 cause--

g:\VHLCI040319\040319.310.xml 

April 3, 2019 (5:40 p.m.) 

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177 

G:\M\16\BUCK\BUCK_031.XML 

3 

1 (i) global reductions in greenhouse gas 

2 emissions from human sources of 40 to 60 

3 percent from 2010 levels by 2030; and 

4 (ii) net-zero global emissions by 2050. 

5 (2) Because the United States has historically 

6 been responsible for a disproportionate amount of 

7 greenhouse gas emissions, having emitted 20 percent 

8 of global greenhouse gas emissions thi'Ongh 2014, 

9 and has a high technological capacity, the United 

10 States must take a leading role in reducing cmis11 sions through economic transformation. 

12 (3) The United States is currently experiencing 

13 several related crises, with14 (A) life eallectanc~· declining while basic 

15 needs, such as clean air, clean· water, healthy 

16 food, and adequate health care, housing, trans17 }10itation, and education, are inaccessible to a 

18 significant pottion of the United States popu19 lation; 

20 (B) a 4-decade trend of wage stagnation, 

21 dcindustrialization, and antilabor policies that 

22 has led to23 {i) houl'l~' wages 0\'erall stagnating 

24 since the Hl70s despite increased worker 

25 productiYity; 

g:\VHLC\040319\040319.31 O.xml 

AprilS, 2019 (5:40p.m.) 

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G:\M\16\BUCK\BUCK_031 XML 

5 

regional, social, environmental, and economic injus2 tices (refe11·ed to in this section as "systemic injus3 tices") by disproportionately affecting indigenous 

4 peoples, communities of color, migrant communities, 

5 deiudustrialized communities, depopulated rural 

6 communities, the poor, low-income workers, women, 

7 the elderly, the unhoused, people with disabilities, 

8 and youth (referred to in this section as "frontline 

9 and vulnerable communities"). 

10 (5) Climate change constitutes a direct threat 

11 to the national security of the United States12 (A) h~· impacting the economic, cnviron13 mental, and social stability of countries and 

14 communities around the world; and 

15 (B) b~· acting as a threat multiplier. 

16 (6) The Federal Govemment-Ied mobilizations 

17 during World War II and the New Deal created the 

18 greatest middle class that the United States has ever 

19 seen, but man~· members of frontline and mlnerable 

20 communities were excluded from many of the eco21 nomic and societal benefits of those mobilizations. 

22 (7) Congress recognizes that a new national, so23 cial, industrial, and economic mobilization on a scale 

24 not seen since World War II and the New Deal era 

25 is a historic opportuuit~·-

g:IVHLC\040319\040319.310.xml 

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G:\M\16\BUCK\BUCK_031JCML 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

7 

(v) a sustainable endronment; and 

(E) to promote justice and equity by stopping current, preventing future, and repairing 

historic oppression of indigenous peoples, communities of color, migrant communities, 

6 deindustrialized communities, depopulated rural 

7 conummitics, the poor, low-income workm·s, 

8 women, the elderly, the unhoused, people with 

9 disabilities, and youth; 

10 (2) the goals described in subparagraphs (A) 

11 through (E) of paragraph (1) (referred to in this 

12 section as the "Green New Deal goals") should be 

13 accomplished through a 10-~·ear national mobiliza14 tion (refetTed to in this section as the "Green New 

15 Deal mobilization") that will require the following 

16 goals and pr~jeets17 (A) building resiliency against climate 

18 

19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

g:\VHLC\040319\040319.310.xml 

Aprll3, 2019 (5:40p.m.) 

change-related disasters, such as e:ll.i.t·eme 

weather, including by leYeraging funding and 

providing investments for community-defined 

projects and stt·ategies; 

(B) repairing and upgt·ading the infrastructure in the United States, including-

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G:\M\16\BUCK\BUCK....OJI.XML 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

g:\VHLC\040319\040319.31 O.xml 

April3, 2019 (5:40p.m.) 

9 

{F) splll1'ing massive growth in clean manufacturing in the United States and removing 

pollution and gteenhouse gas emissions from 

manufacturing and industty as much as is technologically feasible, including by expanding t"enewable energy manufacturing and investing in 

existing manufacturing and industty; 

(G) working collaboratively with farmers 

and ranchers in the United States to remove 

pollution and greenhouse g-ets emissions from 

the agricultural sector as much as is technologically feasible, including-

(i) by suppmting family farming; 

(ii) by inve&ting in sustainable farming and land usc practices that increase 

soil health; and 

(iii) by building a more sustainable 

food system that ensures unh·ersal access 

to healthy food; 

(II) overhauling transpottation systems in 

the United States to remove pollution and 

greenhouse gas emissions from the transportation sector as much as is technologically feasible, including through investment in-

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181 

G:\M\16\BUCK\BUCK_031.xML 

11 

(M) identizying other emission and pollu2 tion sources and creating solutions to remove 

3 them; and 

4 (N) promoting the international exchange 

5 of technology, e:li.TlCTtise, products, funding, and 

6 services, with the aim of making the United 

7 States the intel'llational leader on climate ac8 tion, and to help other countries achieve a 

9 Green New Deal; 

10 {3) a Green New Deal must be developed 

11 through transparent and inclusive consultation, col12 lahoration, and partnership with frontline and vul13 nerablc communities, labor unions, worker coopcra14 tives, civil society groups, academia, and businesses; 

15 and 

16 (4) to achieve the Green New Deal goals and 

17 mobilization, a Green New Deal will require the fol18 lowing goals and projects19 (A) ) providing and leveraging, in a way 

20 that ensures that the public t·eceives appro21 priate mmership stakes and returns ou inYest22 ment, adequate capital (including through com23 munity gt·ants, public banks, and other public 

24 financing), technical e:ll.lJeitise, supp01ting poli25 cies, and other forms of assistance to commng:WHLC\040319\040319.310.xml 

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G:\M\16\BUCK\BUCK_031 JCML 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

g:\VHLC\040319\040319.310.xml 

Aplil3, 2019 (5:40 p.m.) 

13 

huild wealth and community ownership, while 

prioritizing high-quality job creation and economic, social, and environmental benefits in 

frontline and vulnerable communities, and 

deindustrializcd communities, that may otherwise .stmggle with the transition away from 

greenhouse gas intensive industries; 

(F) ensuring the use of democratic and 

participatory processes that are inclusive of and 

led by frontline and vulnerable communities ami 

workers to plan, implement, and administer the 

Green New Deal mobilization at the local level; 

(G) ensuring that the Green New Deal mobilization creates high-qualit.'· union johs that 

pay prevailing wages, hires local workers, offers 

training and advancement oppmtuuities, and 

guarantees wage and benefit parity for workers 

affected by the transition; 

(II) guaranteeing a job with a famil.''-sustaining wage, adequate famil.'· and medical 

leave, paid vacations, and retirement security to 

all people of the United States; 

(I) strengthening and protecting the right 

of all workers to org-anize, unionize, and collec-

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G:\M\16\BUCK\BUCK_03l.XML 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

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Aplil3, 2019 (5:40p.m.) 

15 

(N) ensuring a commercial environment 

where evety businessperson is free from unfair 

competition and domination by domestic or 

intemational monopolies; and 

(0) providing all people of the United 

States "ith-

{i) high-quality health care; 

{ii) affordable, safe, and adequate 

housing; 

(iii) economic security; and 

(iv) clean water, cleau air, healthy and 

affordable food, and access to nature. 

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184 

Chairman ENGEL. A point of order is reserved. 

The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes in support of his 

amendment. 

Mr. BUCK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

We are here to discuss a serious problem, the socialist takeover 

of the Democratic Party. The idea that Washington knows best is 

just oozing from every pore of the People’s House these days. This 

bill is no different. 

The underlying bill, the Climate Action Now Act, is nothing more 

than a progressive temper tantrum after President Trump wisely 

withdrew us from the flawed Paris Climate Agreement. I ask my 

colleagues, what did this sage and sensible climate deal that President Obama did not even bother submitting as a treaty offer us as 

a nation? I will tell you exactly what we got from the deal. 

A big stocking full of coal, coal that is completely useless because 

we cannot use it to heat our homes. We have an empty agreement 

that makes people feel good about how the U.S. is, quote, ‘‘doing 

something,’’ quote, while China and Russia are able to continue 

emitting greenhouse gases with impunity for another 13 years. 

We are being asked to spend billions, if not trillions, of dollars 

to meet these emissions goals. And Democrats’ schemes will kill 

jobs, raise America’s energy bills, kick more people from the middle 

class, and limit our country’s global leadership capabilities, just so 

we can feel good about ourselves. That does not sound like global 

leadership. It sounds like the Democrats’ fantasy to remove our private sector’s power and remake America into a government-controlled socialist state. 

This brings me to another socialist climate fantasy of the Democratic Party, the Green New Deal. Speaker Pelosi said this 

fantasyland plan is, quote, ‘‘about jobs. It is about good-paying 

green jobs. It is about public health, clean air, and clean water for 

our children. It is about defending national security.’’ End of quote. 

Even Newsweek, which is not exactly a bastion of conservative 

thought, commented that, quote, ‘‘The Climate Action Now Act 

would fall far short of instilling the broad, sweeping reforms that 

the Green New Deal calls for.’’ 

This plan that Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and 

Senator Ed Markey introduced is transformational, transformational in that it will turn America into the socialist state that 

Bernie Sanders has cried for since he spent his honeymoon on Soviet Russia. 

The Green New Deal is a government takeover of our Nation’s 

economy that puts Washington’s social planners in control. While 

some on the left have argued that it is the only way to stop our 

world from ending in a decade, I do not believe killing all the cows 

and making my colleagues from Hawaii and Puerto Rico take a 

boat to work every day will really save the world. 

Among other highlights from the Green New Deal, we will replace every building in the United States; we will completely cut 

out all fossil fuels in 10 years; we will outlaw combustion engines, 

and guarantee a job for every person, whether or not they want to 

work. 

An analysis Chairman Burr recently released from Senate consideration showed that the Green New Deal will raise an average 
185 

American family’s power bill by $3,800 per year. And even worse, 

we will be asking our kids and grandkids to foot the astounding 

$93 trillion bill to realize this punch-drunk fantasy. 

This plan will do nothing to help our economy. It will only serve 

to halt profitable industries, hurt American families, and burden us 

with such a great debt that we will not be able to defend ourselves 

if we are attacked by a foreign adversary. 

No wonder my Democratic colleagues are nervous about being 

held accountable for their plan. Their political courage was on display when the Senate voted 0 in favor, 57 opposed, and 43—that 

is right 43—present votes. In fact, a sponsor of this legislation, 

Congresswoman Castor, did not commit to bring the Green New 

Deal up for a vote. 

My amendment gives my colleagues exactly that opportunity. 

Adopt my amendment and give the House the opportunity to stand 

and be counted on this measure. 

Mr. Chairman, I yield back. 

Chairman ENGEL. I raise a point of order that the amendment 

is not germane. 

Does any member wish to be heard on the point of order? 

Mr. BUCK. Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. Yes? 

Mr. BUCK. I do not understand why it would not be germane. It 

is an environmental bill in front of the committee right now, and 

this is an environmental amendment to the bill. 

Chairman ENGEL. The amendment relates to a subject to which 

there is no reference in the text before us. The objective of the 

amendment is unrelated to the objective of H.R. 9. 

Mr. BUCK. Mr. Chairman, may I be heard? 

Chairman ENGEL. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes. 

Mr. BUCK. Mr. Chairman, I think the clean air and clean water 

are in both pieces of legislation. I think that the intent is the same. 

I am sure that my Democratic colleagues understand the financial 

burdens that their current legislation places on us, and I am sure 

they understand that the Green New Deal, while it would go further, no doubt, it would still place huge burdens on us. And I believe that the relevance, the germaneness is clear. 

If this were a piece of legislation solely dealing with jobs and 

solely dealing with some non-related issue, I would agree with the 

chair. But I would ask the chair to reconsider his ruling. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Parliamentary inquiry, Mr. Chairman. 

Chairman ENGEL. Well, let me rule again. The chair finds that 

the amendment is not germane. 

Mr. BUCK. Mr. Chairman, I ask for a vote on that, please. 

Chairman ENGEL. State your parliamentary inquiry. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. My parliamentary inquiry was—you have just 

answered it—has the chair made a ruling? 

Chairman ENGEL. Yes. 

Mr. CONNOLLY. I thank the chair. 

Chairman ENGEL. Who else seeks recognition? 

Mr. BUCK. Mr. Chairman, I asked for a vote on that. 

Mr. CICILLINE. Point of order, Mr. Chairman. There is no vote on 

a—there is nothing pending to request a vote on. The ruling has 

been made. 
186 

Mr. BUCK. Mr. Chairman, I appeal the ruling of the chair. 

Chairman ENGEL. The gentleman is appealing the rule of the 

chair. 

Mr. CICILLINE. Move to table. Mr. Chairman, I vote to table. 

Chairman ENGEL. The vote is on the motion to table. 

All those in favor say aye. 

All those opposed say no. 

In my opinion, the ayes have it. 

Mr. BUCK. Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. Yes? 

Mr. BUCK. I ask for the yeas and nays on that, please. 

Chairman ENGEL. The yeas and nays have been asked for and 

are ordered. 

The clerk will call the roll. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sherman? 

[No response.] 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Meeks? 

Mr. MEEKS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Meeks votes aye. 

Mr. Sires? 

Mr. SIRES. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sires votes aye. 

Mr. Connolly? 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Connolly votes aye. 

Mr. Deutch? 

Mr. DEUTCH. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Deutch votes aye. 

Ms. Bass? 

[No response.] 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Keating? 

Mr. KEATING. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Keating votes aye. 

Mr. Cicilline? 

Mr. CICILLINE. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Cicilline votes aye. 

Mr. Bera? 

Mr. BERA. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Bera votes aye. 

Mr. Castro? 

Mr. CASTRO. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Castro votes aye. 

Ms. Titus? 

Ms. TITUS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Titus votes aye. 

Mr. Espaillat? 

Mr. ESPAILLAT. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Espaillat votes aye. 

Mr. Lieu? 

Mr. LIEU. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Lieu votes aye. 

Ms. Wild? 

Ms. WILD. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Wild votes aye. 
187 

Mr. Phillips? 

Mr. PHILLIPS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Phillips votes aye. 

Ms. Omar? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Allred? 

Mr. ALLRED. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Allred votes aye. 

Mr. Levin? 

Mr. LEVIN. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Levin votes aye. 

Ms. Spanberger? Ms. Spanberger? 

[No response.] 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Houlahan? 

Ms. HOULAHAN. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Houlahan votes aye. 

Mr. Malinowski? 

Mr. MALINOWSKI. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Malinowski votes aye. 

Mr. Trone? 

Mr. TRONE. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Trone votes aye. 

Mr. Costa? Mr. Costa? Mr. Costa? 

Mr. COSTA. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Costa votes aye. 

Mr. Vargas? 

Mr. VARGAS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Vargas votes aye. 

Mr. Gonzalez? 

Mr. GONZALEZ. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Gonzalez votes aye. 

Mr. McCaul? 

Mr. MCCAUL. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. McCaul votes no. 

Mr. Smith? 

Mr. SMITH. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Smith votes no. 

Mr. Chabot? 

Mr. CHABOT. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chabot votes no. 

Mr. Wilson? 

Mr. WILSON. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wilson votes no. 

Mr. Perry? 

Mr. PERRY. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Perry votes no. 

Mr. Yoho? 

Mr. YOHO. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Yoho votes no. 

Mr. Kinzinger? 

Mr. KINZINGER. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Kinzinger votes no. 

Mr. Zeldin? 

Mr. ZELDIN. No. 
188 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Zeldin votes no. 

Mr. Sensenbrenner? 

[No response.] 

Mrs. Wagner? 

Mrs. WAGNER. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mrs. Wagner votes no. 

Mr. Mast? 

Mr. MAST. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Mast votes no. 

Mr. Rooney? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Fitzpatrick? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Curtis? 

Mr. CURTIS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Curtis votes no. 

Mr. Buck? 

Mr. BUCK. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Buck votes no. 

Mr. Wright? 

Mr. WRIGHT. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wright votes no. 

Mr. Reschenthaler? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Burchett? 

Mr. BURCHETT. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Burchett votes no. 

Mr. Pence? 

Mr. PENCE. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Pence votes no. 

Mr. Watkins? 

Mr. WATKINS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Watkins votes no. 

Mr. Guest? 

Mr. GUEST. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Guest votes no. 

Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chairman votes aye. 

Chairman ENGEL. Are there any others who seek to vote? 

Ms. SPANBERGER. How did I vote? 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Spanberger, you are not recorded yet. 

Ms. SPANBERGER. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Spanberger votes aye. 

Chairman ENGEL. Anyone else who has not voted who would like 

to vote at this time? 

The clerk will report the results. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chairman, on that vote, there are 23 ayes and 

17 noes. 

Chairman ENGEL. 23 ayes and 17 noes. The ruling of—the motion to table is agreed to. The ruling of the chair that the amendment is not germane is sustained. 

Is there further debate or amendment? 
189 

Mr. ZELDIN. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk 

and ask for its immediate consideration at this time. 

Chairman ENGEL. For what purpose does the gentleman from 

New York seek recognition? 

Mr. ZELDIN. I have an amendment at the desk and I would ask 

for immediate consideration. 

Chairman ENGEL. The gentleman from New York has 5 minutes. 

Mr. ZELDIN. This amendment would require that the Paris 

Agreement obtain ratification from the Senate. The Paris Climate 

Agreement was a treaty—— 

Chairman ENGEL. Will the gentleman suspend? I just want to 

make sure the clerk will report the amendment before the gentleman speaks. 

Ms. STILES. ‘‘Zeldin Amendment No. 1. 

At the end of the bill, add the following section: 

Section 6. Effective date. This Act shall take effect’’—— 

Chairman ENGEL. Without objection, further reading of the 

amendment will be dispensed with. 

[The amendment offered by Mr. Zeldin follows:] 
190 

G:\CMTE\FA\I6\H9_AIOXML 

AMENDMENT TO H.R. 9 

OFFERED BYM.~. Zq td,~Q 

At the end of the bill, add the follo\\;ng section: 

SEC. 6. EFFECTIVE DATE. 

2 This Act shall take effect on the date that the Senate 

3 approves a resolution of advice and consent to ratification 

4 of the Paris Agt-eement. 

g:\VHLC\0405191040519.147.xml 

AprilS, 2019 (3:02p.m.) 

(72377311) 
191 

Chairman ENGEL. A point of order is reserved. 

The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes in support of his 

amendment. 

Mr. ZELDIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

This amendment would require that the Paris Agreement obtain 

ratification from the Senate. The Paris Climate Agreement was a 

treaty in every sense of the term. The United States Constitution 

says that treaties must obtain the advice and consent of the Senate 

before the United States may lawfully enter into the agreement. 

President Obama deemed the Paris Agreement to not be a treaty 

in order to evade constitutional review. While the duly elected legislatures in other nations like Canada and the European Union 

posted hearings, debates, and, ultimately, voted on the Paris Accord, President Obama chose to bypass the Constitution and entered into this sweeping international agreement without seeking 

congressional approval. 

These types of agreements should be agreed to in a transparent 

manner that follows the Constitution and the law. I support many 

overall goals here, but the United States approached this entire 

Paris Climate Agreement all wrong. Other nations made modest 

commitments pegged to their GDP growth, while President Obama 

made a unilateral pledge to bring emissions 25 to 28 percent below 

2005 levels by 2025. There are some very important practical 

issues with that pledge regarding feasibility which especially include unmanageable time constraints and energy cost increases for 

our constituents. 

Last week, we held a hearing on this issue, and every single witness agreed that the Senate should ratify any future Paris Climate 

Agreement. Any international deal going forward needs congressional input in a vote that lays out the negotiating goals and a ratification vote after the fact. 

That is why I am offering this amendment today and encourage 

every member to support it. 

I yield back the rest of my time. 

Chairman ENGEL. The gentleman yields back. 

The gentleman from Michigan, Mr. Levin, is recognized for 5 

minutes. 

Mr. LEVIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I rise in opposition to this amendment. My friend from New York 

earlier in the day was saying, let’s have discussions about how we 

can achieve these objectives and approve, you know, and tackle climate change. But this amendment is simply a delay tactic. 

The amendment would delay the effective date of this bill until 

the Senate ratifies the Paris Agreement. But the Paris Agreement 

does not require Senate ratification. The President had authority 

to enter into the Paris Agreement, derived from the Constitution. 

The Senate approved the United Nations Framework Convention 

on Climate Change and Domestic Law. The United States enters 

into international agreements all the time without Senate ratification. 

This language indefinitely delays the effective date of this bill. 

The gentleman knows very well the Senate has no intention of ratifying this. It is a pure delay tactic, and I urge my colleagues to vote 

no. 
192 

Thank you. 

Chairman ENGEL. I thank the gentleman. 

Anyone else seek recognition? 

Mr. Perry, you are recognized for 5 minutes. 

Mr. PERRY. Mr. Chairman, I yield to my friend, Mr. Zeldin. 

Mr. ZELDIN. Thank you, Mr. Perry. 

And to my colleague who has just spoken, there have been a lot 

of speeches today where we are putting words into the mouths of 

Republicans. This is a genuine concern that was expressed last 

week. We had Democratic witnesses and one Republican witness, 

and all four agreed that this should have been submitted as a treaty. 

And I had an exchange with one of my other colleagues on the 

other side aisle to an earlier amendment, and that colleague on 

your side of the aisle also acknowledged the fact. Now I do not 

know, I have not spoken to every single member on your side of 

the aisle as to whether or not you believe the Paris Agreement 

should have been submitted as a treaty. I am not going to attempt 

to try to speak for anyone I have not spoken to on the other side 

of the aisle. 

But it is a genuine belief that the Paris Agreement should have 

been submitted as a treaty. It was a genuine belief that the Iran 

nuclear deal should have been submitted as a treaty. It is OK if 

you want to disagree with us, but where we request a treaty to be 

submitted to the Senate for ratification, just to make the claim that 

it is simply a delaying tactic, with all due respect, I mean, just understand that there are people who believe that the Paris Agreement was a treaty that should have been submitted. There are people who believe that there should have been hearings, that there 

should have been public debate and votes, and input by Congress. 

If you disagree that Congress should have a role to play in agreeing to the Paris Agreement, you can have that position, but it is 

our position on our side of the aisle at least—I am speaking for myself—that the Paris Agreement should have been treated as a treaty. 

But, with all due respect to Mr. Levin, we have not had a chance 

really to meet in person. Just understand that we genuinely have 

that position on our side of the aisle. 

Mr. LEVIN. Will the gentleman yield? Will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. ZELDIN. Yes, sir. 

Mr. LEVIN. Yes, thank you so much, and I really appreciate your 

comments. And I really do take your concern to be genuine. 

Last week, we had no one here from the State Department. It is 

the State Department that makes the determination about whether 

something like this needs to go to the Senate. The State Department made that determination at the time. 

But, in any event, I and my colleagues—and I wish it were more 

bipartisan—feel strongly that the Paris Accord is a modest first 

step in a long, urgent, urgent road to move much faster to tackle 

climate change. I have not heard, honestly, I do not think, a single 

word from that side of the room today about concrete ideas that 

you wish to put forward to move our country faster to tackle climate change or our world. And in fact, in all the time that you 

were in total control of this Congress, not a single thing happened. 
193 

So, I do appreciate the genuineness of your concern. I look forward to working with you on so many matters, but I have to oppose 

the amendment. 

Thank you so much. 

Mr. ZELDIN. I appreciate the gentleman for his remarks. Earlier 

he was speaking about actions that were taken by the States of 

New York and in California, and crediting the States for the reduction in emissions over the course of the last 10 or 15 years. There 

are others who have a different take. They believe that market 

forces contributed to the reduction of emissions. And we could debate it. Maybe we will have a disagreement. 

But, with regards to the last point that the gentleman just stated 

as far as what we feel on our side of the aisle, many of my colleagues who I have spoken to believe that market forces and new 

technology and companies making the right decisions, that the 

economy, that a lot of positive progress with regards to the environment can be done, not by the governmental intervention of New 

York and California as much as the use of technology and new 

ways to be able to provide—— 

Mr. LEVIN. I know your time is expiring. 

Let me just say that for the last 7 years before I joined the Congress, I ran a private company that drove climate change in the 

State—I was not referring to New York and California. I was 

proudly, although silently, referring to Michigan. And it was government policy, but also market forces. I am all for market forces, 

but they need clear signals from the government. 

And I so appreciate the discussion. 

Mr. ZELDIN. Thank you. I yield back. 

Chairman ENGEL. The gentleman’s time has expired. 

Any other members who wish to speak? 

Seeing none, the question is on the amendment. 

All those in favor say aye. 

All those opposed say no. 

In the opinion of the chair, the noes have it, and the amendment 

is not agreed to. 

Mr. ZELDIN. Mr. Chair, I request a recorded vote. 

Chairman ENGEL. There has been a request for a recorded vote, 

and the clerk will please call the role. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sherman? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Meeks? 

Mr. MEEKS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Meeks votes no. 

Mr. Sires? 

Mr. SIRES. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sires votes no. 

Mr. Connolly? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Deutch? 

[No response.] 

Ms. Bass? 

Ms. BASS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Bass votes no. 

Mr. Keating? 
194 

Mr. KEATING. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Keating votes no. 

Mr. Cicilline? 

Mr. CICILLINE. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Cicilline votes no. 

Mr. Bera? 

Mr. BERA. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Bera votes no. 

Mr. Castro? 

Mr. CASTRO. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Castro votes no. 

Ms. Titus? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Espaillat? 

Mr. ESPAILLAT. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Espaillat votes no. 

Mr. Lieu? 

Mr. LIEU. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Lieu votes no. 

Ms. Wild? 

Ms. WILD. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Wild votes no. 

Mr. Phillips? 

Mr. PHILLIPS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Phillips votes no. 

Ms. Omar? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Allred? 

Mr. ALLRED. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Allred votes no. 

Mr. Levin? 

Mr. LEVIN. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Levin votes no. 

Ms. Spanberger? 

Ms. SPANBERGER. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Spanberger votes no. 

Ms. Houlahan? 

Ms. HOULAHAN. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Houlahan votes no. 

Mr. Malinowski? 

Mr. MALINOWSKI. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Malinowski votes no. 

Mr. Trone? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Costa? 

Mr. COSTA. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Costa votes no. 

Mr. Vargas? 

Mr. VARGAS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Vargas votes no. 

Mr. Gonzalez? 

Mr. GONZALEZ. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Gonzalez votes no. 

Mr. McCaul? 
195 

Mr. MCCAUL. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. McCaul votes aye. 

Mr. Smith? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Chabot? 

Mr. CHABOT. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chabot votes aye. 

Mr. Wilson? 

Mr. WILSON. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wilson votes aye. 

Mr. Perry? 

Mr. PERRY. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Perry votes aye. 

Mr. Yoho? 

Mr. YOHO. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Yoho votes aye. 

Mr. Kinzinger? 

Mr. KINZINGER. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Kinzinger votes aye. 

Mr. Zeldin? 

Mr. ZELDIN. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Zeldin votes aye. 

Mr. Sensenbrenner? 

[No response.] 

Mrs. Wagner? 

Mrs. WAGNER. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mrs. Wagner votes aye. 

Mr. Mast? 

Mr. MAST. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Mast votes aye. 

Mr. Rooney? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Fitzpatrick? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Curtis? 

Mr. CURTIS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Curtis votes aye. 

Mr. Buck? 

Mr. BUCK. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Buck votes aye. 

Mr. Wright? 

Mr. WRIGHT. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wright votes aye. 

Mr. Reschenthaler? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Burchett? 

Mr. BURCHETT. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Burchett votes aye. 

Mr. Pence? 

Mr. PENCE. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Pence votes aye. 

Mr. Watkins? 

Mr. WATKINS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Watkins votes aye. 
196 

Mr. Guest? 

Mr. GUEST. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Guest votes aye. 

Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chairman votes no. 

Chairman ENGEL. Mr. Costa? 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Costa? 

Mr. COSTA. Votes no. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Costa votes no. 

Chairman ENGEL. Ms. Spanberger? 

Ms. SPANBERGER. No. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Spanberger votes no. 

Chairman ENGEL. Anyone who has not voted who would like to 

do so? 

Mr. Sherman? 

Mr. SHERMAN. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sherman votes no. 

Chairman ENGEL. The clerk shall tally and call the roll. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chairman, on that vote, there were 17 ayes and 

24 noes. 

Chairman ENGEL. 17 ayes and 24 noes. The amendment is not 

agreed to. 

Are there any other requests for recognition? 

Hearing none, we then move on to final passage. 

Hearing no further requests for recognition, the question is to report H.R. 9, the Climate Action Now Act, to the House with the 

recommendation that the bill do pass. 

All those in favor say aye. 

All opposed, no. 

In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. 

Mr. MCCAUL. Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. Mr. McCaul? 

Mr. MCCAUL. I request a recorded vote. 

Chairman ENGEL. The Ranking Member requests a recorded 

vote. 

The question is to report H.R. 9, the Climate Action Now Act, to 

the House with the recommendation that the bill do pass. 

The clerk will please call the roll. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sherman? 

Mr. SHERMAN. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sherman votes aye. 

Mr. Meeks? 

Mr. MEEKS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Meeks votes aye. 

Mr. Sires? 

Mr. SIRES. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Sires votes aye. 

Mr. Connolly? 

Mr. CONNOLLY. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Connolly votes aye. 

Mr. Deutch? 

Mr. DEUTCH. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Deutch votes aye. 
197 

Ms. Bass? 

[No response.] 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Keating? 

Mr. KEATING. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Keating votes aye. 

Mr. Cicilline? 

Mr. CICILLINE. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Cicilline votes aye. 

Mr. Bera? 

Mr. BERA. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Bera votes aye. 

Mr. Castro? 

Mr. CASTRO. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Castro votes aye. 

Ms. Titus? 

Ms. TITUS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Titus votes aye. 

Mr. Espaillat? 

Mr. ESPAILLAT. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Espaillat votes aye. 

Mr. Lieu? 

Mr. LIEU. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Lieu votes aye. 

Ms. Wild? 

Ms. WILD. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Wild votes aye. 

Mr. Phillips? 

Mr. PHILLIPS. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Phillips votes aye. 

Ms. Omar? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Allred? 

Mr. ALLRED. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Allred votes aye. 

Mr. Levin? 

Mr. LEVIN. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Levin votes aye. 

Ms. Spanberger? 

Ms. SPANBERGER. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Spanberger votes aye. 

Ms. Houlahan? 

Ms. HOULAHAN. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Ms. Houlahan votes aye. 

Mr. Malinowski? 

Mr. MALINOWSKI. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Malinowski votes aye. 

Mr. Trone? 

Mr. TRONE. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Trone votes aye. 

Mr. Costa? Mr. Costa? 

Mr. COSTA. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Costa votes aye. 

Mr. Vargas? 

Mr. VARGAS. Aye. 
198 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Vargas votes aye. 

Mr. Gonzalez? 

Mr. GONZALEZ. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Gonzalez votes aye. 

Mr. McCaul? 

Mr. MCCAUL. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. McCaul votes no. 

Mr. Smith? 

[No response.] 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chabot? 

Mr. CHABOT. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chabot votes no. 

Mr. Wilson? 

Mr. WILSON. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wilson votes no. 

Mr. Perry? 

Mr. PERRY. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Perry votes no. 

Mr. Yoho? 

Mr. YOHO. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Yoho votes no. 

Mr. Kinzinger? 

Mr. KINZINGER. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Kinzinger votes no. 

Mr. Zeldin? 

Mr. ZELDIN. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Zeldin votes no. 

Mr. Sensenbrenner? 

[No response.] 

Mrs. Wagner? 

Mrs. WAGNER. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mrs. Wagner votes no. 

Mr. Mast? 

Mr. MAST. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Mast votes no. 

Mr. Rooney? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Fitzpatrick? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Curtis? 

Mr. CURTIS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Curtis votes no. 

Mr. Buck? 

Mr. BUCK. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Buck votes no. 

Mr. Wright? 

Mr. WRIGHT. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Wright votes no. 

Mr. Reschenthaler? 

[No response.] 

Mr. Burchett? 

Mr. BURCHETT. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Burchett votes no. 

Mr. Pence? 
199 

Mr. PENCE. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Pence votes no. 

Mr. Watkins? 

Mr. WATKINS. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Watkins votes no. 

Mr. Guest? 

Mr. GUEST. No. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Guest votes no. 

Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. Aye. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chairman votes aye. 

Chairman ENGEL. Have all members been recorded? 

The clerk will report. 

Ms. STILES. Mr. Chairman, on that vote, there are 24 ayes and 

16 noes. 

Chairman ENGEL. 24 ayes and 16 noes. The ayes have it. The 

measure is ordered favorably reported. 

Mr. MCCAUL. Mr. Chairman? 

Chairman ENGEL. Yes, Mr. McCaul. 

Mr. MCCAUL. Pursuant to House rules, I request that members 

have the opportunity to submit views for any committee report that 

may be produced on any of today’s measures. 

Chairman ENGEL. Without objection. 

Without objection, the staff is authorized to make necessary technical and conforming changes for all the measures considered 

today. 

So, this concludes our business. I want to thank Ranking Member McCaul and all of the committee members for their contributions and assistance with today’s markup. 

The committee stands adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 5:50 p.m., the committee was adjourned.] 
200 

APPENDIX 

FULL COMMITTEE MARKUP NOTICE 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

WASHINGTON, DC 20515-6128 

Eliot L. Engel (D-NY), Chairman 

April9, 2019 

TO: MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

You are respectfully requested to attend an OPEN markup of the Committee on Foreign Affairs to be held 

in Room 2172 of the Rayburn House Office Building (and available live on the Committee website 

htlps://foreignaffairs.house.gov[): 

DATE: 

TIME: 

MARKUP OF: 

Tuesday, April 9, 2019 

2:00p.m. 

H.R. 9, Climate Action Now Act 

H.R. 2002, Taiwan Assurance Act of2019 

ll. Res. 273, Reaffirming the United States commitment to Taiwan and to the 

implementation of the Taiwan Relations Act 

H.R. 97. RA WR Act 

ll.R. 753, Global Electoral Exchange Act of2019 

H.R. 1704, Championing American Business Through Diplomacy Act of2019 

H.R. 1004, Prohibiting Unauthorized Military Action in Venezuela Act 

H.R. 1952, Intercountry Adoption Information Act 

H.R. 615, The Refugee Sanitation Facility Safety Act of2019 

H.R. 526, Cambodia Democracy Act 

H.Res. l 06, Denouncing female genital mutilation 

ll.R. 1359, Digital Global Access Policy Act of2019 

H.R. 951, U.S-Mexico Tourism Improvement Act 

H.R. 2116, Global Fragility Act 

By Direction of the Chairman 
201 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

MINUTES OF FULL COMMITTEE MARKUP 

Day _ ___..7i_,u_.,es,d,.ayz__Date, __ ___,0""'4/0:=9/"'1..<;.9 ___ ,Room _ ___.::c21,_,7'-=2"'RB=O::.:B=--

Starting Time 2:10p.m. Ending Time 5:50p.m. 

Recesses _.1_ <.l:ll.to .i:2.L) L_to __) L_to __) L_to __) L_to __) L_to __) 

Presiding Member(s) 

Chairman Eliot L. Engel, Rep. Brad Sherman, Rep. Ted Deutch, Rep. Albio Sires 

Check all of the foUowing that apply: 

Open Session 0 

Executive (closed) Session 0 

Televised 0 

Electronically Record~taped) 0 

Stenographic Record 0 

BILLS FOR MARKUP: (Include bill number(s) and tit/e(s) of legislation.) H.R. 9, Cll.mtltt At:tldn Now Act, H.R. ZIJ02, Tlliwa Anurtmu Act of2019, H. Rn. 271, Ruffirmlng tM Unltd SIJII6s £OlfUfJihntmt to T11iwtm tmd to th~ 

JmplttmotttldDtr oftlu T11lwsn Rdlliions A.:(. If.R. 97, RA.WR Act, H.R. 753, GIHfll Electtmll Excltt~ngeAct of2D19, R.lt 1104, Cluwplonhtg AmeriCim Bu1/1tus 

TIJrough Diplomacy Act o/2019, H.R. liJIU, Problbltbtg Unt~flthorlutl MHittuy Action In J"me;#.dfl Act. B.R. 1952,1ntocounf1'y Atlopthmln/Dtmtltioll A~ H.R. 615, The Rtfu.gee S~mlhrtlon Ftu:iUty Saftty Act of1019, H.R. 526, Ctunlmtlia Dl!1flocrt~cy Act.. H.Jlu. 106, Dtnoltnclngftmak pniiDIMutihrtion, H.R. 1319, 

DlgltrA GhJbgJ Acuss Pt~licy Act ofZOI9, H.R. 9SJ, U.S-Malco TIHirblft lmprovemtnt Act, H.R. 2116, Globlll Frqillty Act 

COMMITTEE MEMBERS PRESENT: 

See attached. 

NON-COMMITTEE MEMBERS PRESENT: 

N/A 

sr~:c:h:..:.r,~~ystatement~ submitted for the record.) 

ACTIONS TAKEN DURING THE MARKUP: (Attach copies of legislation and amendments.) 

See markup summary. 

RECORDED VOTES TAKEN (FOR MARKUP): (Attach final vote tally sheet listing each member.) 

TIME SC ULED TO RECONVENE----

or 

TIME ADJOURNED 5:50p.m. 

~ 

17 

21 

22 

2J 

... 

l(a 

~ 

0 

0 

0 

0 

b 

0 
202 

HOUSE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

FULL COMMITTEE MARKUP 

PRESEA7 A1f:MBEH. PRE:>ENT MEMBER 

X Eliot L. Engel, NY X Michael T. McCauL TX 

X Brad Sherman. CA X Christopher H. Smith, NJ 

X Gregory W. Meeks, NY X Steve Chabot, OH 

X Albio Sires. NJ X Joe Wilson, SC 

X Scott Perry. P A 1----c-·- -- X Ted Yoho, FL 

X Gerald E. Connolly, VA 

-x_--· Theodore E. Deutch, FL 

X Adam Kinzingcr, IL r-- X Lee Zeldin, NY 

'"""'"'"X- ~~~cP. _______ _ 

X William Keating, MA ·-·-

X David Cicilline, Rl James Sensenbrenner, Jr., WI 

X Ami Bera, CA X Ann Wagner, MO 

X TX X Brian J Mast, FL 

X Dina Titus, NV Francis Rooney, FL 

X Adriano Espaillat, NY X Brian K. Fitzpatrick, PA 

X John Curtis, UT 

X Ken Buck, CO 

X Dean Phillips, MN X Ron Wright, TX 

X llhan Omar, MN X Guy Reschenthaler, PA 

X Colin Allred, TX X Tim Burchett, TN 

X Andy Levin, Ml X Greg Pence, IN 

X Abigail Span berger, VA X Steve Watkins, KS 

X Michael Guest, MS --------- X Chrissy Houl=alc:la:cn:.:, P'-'A-'-------i 

X Tom Malinowski, NJ 

X David Trone, MD r--~x-~-+~Ji~m~C~o~st:.:a,~C A~~----------i 

X Juan Vargas, CA 

X Vicente Gonzalez, TX 
203 

STATEMENTS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD FROM 

COMMITTEE MEMBERS 
204 

practice in strong enough terms. There is no place for it anywhere in the world, and no cultural 

norms can excuse it. 

Finally, as a Co-Chair of the Congressional Cambodia Caucus and a cosponsor of l-I.R. 526, the 

Cambodia Democracy Act, I want to thank Mr. Y oho for his work on this important legislation. 

This bill imposes sanctions on those who participated in Prime Minister llun Sen's illegal, 

arbitrary crackdown on democracy. This bill is complimented by the Cambodia Trade Actlegislation Congressman Alan Lowenthal and I introduced to review Cambodia's trade privileges 

under GSP, and by the European Union's ongoing review of its trade preferences for Cambodia. 

This past Sunday, I had the privilege to visit members of the Cambodian-American community 

in my district. They were very supportive of the work we are doing here to help Cambodians 

control the destiny of their country. lts high time that llun Sen allows for free and fair elections 

and the more we can do to encourage him to do so, the better. 

Thank you, I yield back. 
205 

Statement for the Record from Representative Francis Rooney 

Markup of Various Measures 

April9, 2019 

1 strongly oppose H.R. 1004, which would embolden the Maduro regime and threaten the safety 

of interim President Juan Guaido and the rest of the National Assembly. The United States 

should use all diplomatic tools, including the possibility of military intervention, to hasten the 

end ofMaduro's failed socialist regime. 

A credible threat of force keeps interim President Juan Guaido alive and provides a strong 

deterrence against the escalation of violence against the Venezuelan civilians we are supporting. 

Further, the reliance on colectivos, foreign intelligence operatives and military advisors highlight 

the Maduro regime's willingness to challenge peaceful political demonstration with force. 

The Trump Administration and Congress have continued to express a commitment to a peaceful 

resolution and we must continue to work with our allies to enforce the strong sanctions we have 

imposed against the Maduro regime. While 1 oppose this bill, I am not presently advocating for 

military action, I just do not want to limit our options when dealing with this crisis. Taking an 

option off the table, especially the credible threat of military force, only increases the chance of 

us having to use it in the future. I encourage my colleagues to oppose this bill, keep all options 

for dealing with the Maduro regime on the table, and continue supporting the Venezuelan people 

in their struggle for freedom. 
206 

RECORD VOTE TALLIES 

Date: 

Committee on Foreign Affairs 

U.S. House of Representatives 

116th Congress 

Record Vote Descrip1ion: 

Clerk's initials 

ThoodoroE.Doo!ch,O·FL 

OavldN.CicHfioo,[).RI 

Ami Sera, D-CA 

SusanWII<I,D-PA 

QQanPhil!!ps,D-MN 

llhan omar, D·MN 

CollnAIIred,D-TX 

ChrlssyHoulahan,D-PA 

Oavk.1TroJI$,0·MD 

Juan Vargas, D-CA 

.,. Aye No 

1/ ChrlsSm!lh, A·NJ 1/ StaveChabotR·OH I/ JooWIJson,R.SC 1./ Scoi!Peny,R·PA I/ TudVoho,R.fl v 

17 

I/ v 

v 

I/ 

I/ 

I/ 

I/ 

I/ RonWrigi'II,R-TX 

1/ Tlm&m::h«t.IHN 

1/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

7 

I/ 
207 

Committee on Foreign Affairs 

U.S. House of Representatives 

116111 Congress 

Date: Q 1{/()Cffl't Record Vote Description: 

Clerk's initials 

Aye No Prasent 

! EllotL.Eogel,D-NY.Cllalrman 

1 Brad Sherman, D·CA 

AlbloSires,D-NJ 

Gerald E, Connolly, D·VA 

Kar&nBIISS,O.CA 

WllliamR.!Watlng,D·MA / OavidN.CiciHine,o.Rl 

AdrlaooEspaillat,O-NY 

TedUeu,D·CA v SusanWik!,D-f'A v DaanPhlltlps,D-MN v tlhar!Omllr,D·MN v 

v AndyUMn,O·Ml v Abiga~Spanbefger,D-VA 

ChrlssyHoulahan,O.PA 

/ OavidTrone,D-MD ·/ 

~ces~a.D-CA-----+--""v'--,f---1 

\ Vicente GormUez. D·TX / 

Mlchool T. McCaul. R·TX / 

SleveCilaboi,R-OH / JoeWIISon,R·SC / Scot!Peii)',R·PA v ,e(!YohQ,R-Fl / Adam Klm:!nger, R·IL / LooZeldin,R-NY 7 JlmSensertlfflnnor,R-WI 

AnnWagoer,FI-MO / 

v FrancisRooney,R·Fl 

Br!anFillpalrk.:k,R-f'A 

JollnCurt!s,A-UT / Ken Buell, R-eO 

Ron Wnght, R·TX [7 Guy Raschenltlak!(, R-PA v TII'IIBUreN!tt,R-TN 1_/ 

GregPenca,R--!N v 

Mk:haeiGuest,R-MS './ 

TOTAL 

l(o 
208 

Committee on Foreign Affairs 

U.S. House of Representatives 

116u. Congress 

Date: Q "! /O't /I q Record Vote Description: 

Clerk's initials 

.,. Ebot L. Engel, 0-NY, Chairman 

Bradstlerman,O.CA 

GragoryW. Meeks, D-NY 

Gerald e. Connolly, o-vA 

TheodoreE.Deuteh.P.FL 

Kar&nSass,D·CA 

WH!iam R. Keating, 0-MA 

David N. Clr::i!~ne. O·R! 

.!QaqulnCastm,P.TX 

DinaTI!U$,0·NV 

AdrianoEspail!at,O-NY 

SU$anWIId,D-PA 

Dean Pt1illlpS, D-MN 

!!han Omar, 0-MN 

Allfttlevin,O-MI 

Ablga~ Spa.nbel"gar, O-VA 

ChrissyHOI.Jiah.an,O..PA 

TomMal!nowskl,D-NJ 

JlmCosta,D-CA 

Juan Vargas, D-CA 

Vloon!eoGorualez, D·TX 

No Pret~ent 

/ 

[7 

j 

1/ 

17 

/ 

/ 

7 

1/ 

1/ 

I/ 

I/ 

17 

l/ 

I/ 

17 

v 

1/ 

T7 

17 

1/ 

[./ 

')_1... 

.... 

Cl'lrlsSmith,R-NJ 

"'I/ 

I/ 

1/ JoeW!fson,A..SC v ScottPBny, A·PA v TedYoho,A·fL / AdamKinl.inger,R-IL / 

1/ JimSe!"IS!Iflbrenr1er.A·W! 

Bnan.F~rldt,A-PA 

v KenBuck,R·CO 

Ron Wrigbt, A·TX I/ 

TlmSurchett,R·TN l/ Greg Pence, A·IN 1./ Steve Watkins, R-KS / 

Michael Guest, A-MS 1/ 
209 

Committee on Foreign Affairs Aye Aye 

U.S. House of Representatives E~ol L. Engo~ 0-NY, Ctlamnan / MlchaeiT.MI::Caui,R·TX / BradSherman,O..CA ChrisSm~h,RoNJ 

116th Congress GregoryW.Meeks.O.NY / 7 All:ioSires,Q.tiL.J i/ JooWi!son,R·SC / Date: I.DY{Q'tfrq GeralciE.COrmolly,O..VA !/ SColtPetry,R·PA / . 

Record Vote Description: Th!!OdOI"J.tE.Deutch,D-FL 1/ TO<IYoho.A·FL 7 Karen8ass,O..CA v -- AdamKlnzinger,R·IL 7 

-\'\~·~ Wmiam A. Kaa!iog, O.MA 1/ LooZaldin,R..NY 1/ Oaw:IN.Cictl!ille,O·Al 1/ JlrnSenserofef!llei",R•WI 

'V'J("\~ AmiSata,O-CA 1/ AnnWagner,R-MO I/ Jooq~n Castro. 0. TX 1/ ;7 

~M.VI.d~*i OinaTltus,P.NV Franc!sRooney,R-Fl 

Aclriano&pall!at,P.NY 1/ BnanFlt;qw!rick..R-PA 

T!ldli$1.1,D-CA 1/ v 

I/ Ken&ck,R-CO I/ ~n Pl"linlp$, O·MN I/ RoriWnght.R·TX 1.7 I 

HhanOmar,D-MN GuyResctlcnttmlef,R·PA I 

ColinAII~,O-TX v TimBun:heti,R-TN / An¢-llevln,O·MI 1/ GregPeooo,R-IN v Abiga!ISpanberger,D-VA 1/ SteveWal.kins,R-KS / ChtissyHoolallan,().PA / MictwalGuest,R-MS 1/ TomMatinowski,D-NJ 1/ Dav!dTrone,D·MO 1/ 

1/. Juanvargas,D-CA v 

_fj3_ Vtcanle Gormila'l, D·TX v SUBTOTAL 1 

SUBTOTAL2 

Clerk's Initials 1--7 
210 

Committee on Foreign Affairs 

U.S. House of Representatives 

11&1h Congress 

Date Qlf/M/J ~ 

Record Vote Description: 

-1~\t ~~sS) 1;Joc.I.A do 

~w...vl\;~ ~ 1. 

Clerk's initials 

Mom'" 

E~otLEngei,O--NY,Chamnan 

SnidSh6111lan,D-CA 

GragoryW.Maeks,D-NY 

A!bloSires.,O-NJ 

Thaodom E. Oeutdl, O-Ft. 

KarenSass,O-CA 

WlntamR.t<eating,O.MA 

OavidN.Cicillill!l,D-RI 

AmiBem,D-CA 

Joaquin Castro, D-TX 

OinaTltus,O-NV 

AdnanoE.,paillat.O-NY 

Tedlleu,D-CA 

SusanWiki,D-PA. 

I DeanPhiUips.O-MN 

, tlhan omar. O·MN 

• ColinAIIrad,O-TX 

AndyLevm,D-MI 

AblgaiiSpanberger,D·VA 

ChnssyHOI.I!ahan,O·PA 

TomMaHnov.'Ski,O.NJ 

081/ldTrone,D-MO 

JmCosta,O-CA 

Juan Vargas, D-CA 

VlcenteGorwuez.O-rX 

/ 

I/ 

1/ 

v 

1/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

~ Vi 

7-) 

,,. "" Mtchool T. McCaul, R-TX / 

/ SteveChabot,R·OH v J00Wllson,R-SC 

S<:ot~Perry,R-PA 

I TedVoho,R-fL 

Ad:amKmzingar,R-IL 

LeaZeldln,R-NY 

Jim$ell$~ner,R-WI 

AnnWagoor,R·MO / BrlanMest,R-FL / F!W!CisRooney,R-FL 

SrlanF!Upatrick,R-PA 

JohnCwtis, R-UT / l<enBuck,R.CO '/ , flonWright,R-TX '7 Guy R~halef, R·PA 

Tim8un::helt,R·TN 

GregPence,R·IN / S!eveWalkins,R·KS / 

7 

- TOTAL 

,-:r 
211 

Committee on Foreign Affairs Aye No ,_,. .,. u.s. House of Representatives EliOt L. Engel, 0-NY, Chalmlan 1/ Michael T. McCaul, R·TX 1/ BradSilerrnan,D-CA. / ChriSSmilh,R·NJ I/ 116tt. Congress Gregory W. Meeks, P..NY / SteveChabol,R..QH / AlbioSires,o..NJ 1/ JoeWIIson,R·SC / Date: Q4[Q~b'\ Gertlld E. Connolly, O-VA / seottPerry,R·PA / 

Record Vote Description: Theodore E. Datkh, O·f'L v / AdamKin:dnger,R-IL I/ .\-\~.0\ William A. Keatlog, 0-MA v LOOZeldm,R-NY / David N. Ciefi~ne. D·RI I/ JimSensootm:mner,R-W! 

~~d\{\ AmiBers,D-cA 1/ AonWagner,R-MO I/ 

~'IVt(.N\-\- *1. JoaquinCMtro,Q..TX 1/ Brian Mas~ R·FL / D!nairtus.O..NV / FrallCisRoonay,R-Fl 

AdrianoEspalll!lt.D·NY 1/ Brtanf'itzpstllck,R-PA I 

1./ John CW"II$, R·UT 1/ SUsanW!Id,O.PA 1/ KenBuek,R·CO 17 

I/ RonWriglli,R·TX 1/ GuyRescfleMha~r.R-PA 

/ TimBurchet1,R·TN 1/ Andyl.avin,D-MI I/ GregPenee,R-!N I/ At~~ganSpanOOrger,O.VA I/ SteveWa!klns,R·KS 17 Cllriu}'H<:tulallan,D-PA 1/ Michae1Gt.l65t,R-MS v TomMaUnowskl, D-NJ 

OavidTrone,O.MO tt 11- Jim Costa. D-CA - Juanva~g<~S,D-CA -

25_ Vicenle GO!dlez, 0-TX 1/ 

Clerk's initials 

7-,"\ 
212 

Committee on Foreign Affairs 

U.S. House of Representatives 

1161h Congress 

Date: O'i/fJ't/10( Record Vote Description: 

Clerk's initials 

Eliot L Engel, D·NY. Chairman 

Brnd ~'tterman, O·CA 

Gregory W. Maaks, D·NY 

A!bloS!res,D-NJ 

GmldE.Conno!ly,O.YA 

TheoctoreE.Deutetl,D-FL 

Katen Baas, D-CA 

WilHam A. Kaallng, O·MA 

oavidN.Ck:illine,D-RI 

Ami8ara,O.CA 

JoaqulnCastro,D·TX 

DinaTM,D-NV 

Adl'iallOEspaUiat,D-NY 

Ted lieu, D-CA 

SusanWIId,O-PA 

D,eanPMiips,D-MN 

ColinAilrOO,O-TX 

Andylevln,D-MI 

i'lblgaliSpanOoryor,D..VA 

ChrissyH<ll.dahal'\,o.f>A 

TomMalli'IOWSid, D-NJ 

DavidTrone,Q.MO 

JrnCosUI,O.CA 

~VargaS~ D-CA 

Vicente GonU!el. 0-TX 

... 

/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

1/ 

1/ 

I/' 

1/. 

v i 

v 

/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

,Q'L\ 

No Present . .,. Michael T. McCaul, R·TX / ChrisSmilt!.R-NJ 

Stevectulbot,R-OH 

JoeW'!Isoo,R-SC 

ScotlPerry,R-PA 

TMYoM,R-fL 

AdamK!tU.ingef,R·IL 

LooZaldin,R·NY v Jimsan~.R·WI 

Ann Wagner, R·MO / 8rtaoMa..,I,R·FL 7 Francis ROOMy, R-FL 

~tridi,R·PA 

JohnCurtiS,R·UT f7 Ken Suck, A-CO 1/ RonWrlghi,R·TX 1/ • GLIYReschel'!lhaler,R..PA 

I Tl!llSurchett,fHN )" i Grt~gPen<:$,R·IN / SteveWatkins,R-KS 7 MletlaeiGues!,R-MS / 
213 

MARKUP SUMMARY 

04/09/2019 House Foreign Affairs Committee Markup Summary 

By unanimous consent, the Chair called up the following bipartisan measures and amendment, previously 

provided to Members, to be considered en bloc: 

(I) H.R. 2002, Taiwan Assurance Act of2019, (McCaul) 

(2) H. Res. 273, Reaffirming the United States commitment to Taiwan and to the implementation of 

the Taiwan Relations Act (Engel) 

(3) H.R. 97, Rescuing Animals with Rewards Act (RA WR), (Titus) 

(4) H.R. 753, Global Electoral Exchange Act of2019, (Castro) 

(5) H.R. 1704, Championing American Business Through Diplomacy Act of2019, (McCaul) 

(6) H.R. 1952, Intercountry Adoption Information Act (Collins) 

Smith Amendment 

(7) H.R. 615, The Refugee Sanitation Facility Safety Act of2019 (Meng) 

(8) II.R. 526, Cambodia Democracy Act, (Yoho) 

(9) H. Res. I 06, Denouncing female genital mutilation, (Frankel) 

(10) H.R. 1359, Digital Global Access Policy Act of2019, (Wright) 

(II) H.R. 951, U.S.-Mexico Tourism Improvement Act, (Cuellar) 

(12) H.R. 2116, The Global Fragility Act, (Engel) 

The measures considered en bloc were agreed to by voice vote. 

By unanimous consent, the measures were ordered favorably reported, as amended, to the House, and the 

Chairman was authorized to seek House consideration under suspension of the rules. 

The Chair called up the following measures to be considered: 

H.R. 1004 Prohibiting Unauthorized Action in Venezuela Act (Cicilline) 

Engel amendment in the nature of a substitute was adopted as base text by unanimous consent. 

Sherman amendment, an amendment to the amendment in the nature of a substitute, was agreed 

to by voice vote. 

H.R. 1004 ordered reported to the House, as amended, with a favorable recommendation by a roll call 

vote of25 ayes and 17 noes. 

H.R. 9 the Climate Action Now Act 

McCaul amendment in the nature of a substitute. NOT AGREED to by a roll call vote of 16 ayes 

and 21 noes. 

Curtis amendment. NOT AGREED to by a roll call vote of 17 ayes and 22 noes. 
214 

Æ 

Wright amendment. NOT AGREED to by a roll call vote of 16 ayes and 23 noes. 

Buck amendment. RULED NON-GERMANE, appeal tabled by a roll call vote of23 ayes and 17 

noes. 

Zeldin amendment. NOT AGREED to by a roll call vote of 17 ayes and 24 noes. 

H.R. 9 ordered reported to the House with a favorable recommendation by a roll call vote of24 ayes and 

16 noes. 

The Committee adjourned. 

***All measures can be found here.