Egypt

The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom remains 

concerned about ongoing violations of the freedom of thought, 

conscience, and religion or belief in Egypt, 

including widespread problems of discrimination and intolerance against members of 

minority Muslim, Christian, and other religious communities. In the last two years, 

the Egyptian government has adopted several measures to acknowledge the religious 

pluralism of Egypt’s society, including the 

formation of a National Council for Human 

Rights, increased efforts in promoting interfaith activity, and the addition of materials 

in the public school curriculum on Coptic 

Christian contributions to Egypt’s history 

and the issuance of a Presidential decree 

designating Christmas as an official national holiday. Yet the government has not taken 

adequate steps to halt repression based on 

religion or belief, or, in many cases, to punish those responsible for violence or other 

severe violations of religious freedom. Nor 

has the government taken steps to combat 

widespread and virulent anti-Semitism in 

the media.

A Commission delegation traveled to 

Egypt in the summer of 2004 to discuss with 

Egyptians the nation’s efforts to advance 

the right to freedom of religion or belief and 

related human rights in accordance with 

the international human rights instruments 

to which Egypt is a party. During the visit, 

the delegation met with senior Egyptian 

government officials and religious leaders, 

human rights groups, women’s rights advocates, scholars, educators, legal specialists, and others active in civil society. The 

information gathered from this visit and 

through additional research and documentation has brought to light serious concerns 

that have caused the Commission to include 

Egypt on its Watch List again this year. Despite some welcome steps, as cited above, 

the situation has deteriorated in other areas 

detailed below.

The United States has a close relationship with Egypt, including cooperation on 

regional stability and the war against terrorism. With nearly $2 billion in economic and 

security assistance, Egypt is the second largest recipient of U.S. aid in the world. Beginning in 2003, and reaffirmed in the State of 

the Union Address in 2005, President Bush 

specifically has called on Egypt to “show the 

way toward democracy in the Middle East.” 

The Commission views the strength of the 

bilateral relationship and repeated calls for 

reform by the United States as an opportunity for the two countries to increase cooperation significantly to advance protection 

for the internationally recognized right to 

freedom of religion or belief and related 

human rights as an important aspect of U.S. 

policy to promote freedom and democracy 

in the greater Middle East. 

Background

Egypt has a population of approximately 

70 million, 90 percent of whom are Sunni 

Muslims. There are also minority Muslim 

communities, including Shia, Sufi, and 

other Muslim groups, which constitute less 

than 1 percent of the population. Approximately 8 to 10 percent of the population is 

Christian, the largest non-Muslim religious 

minority community in the Arab world, the 

vast majority of which belong to the Coptic 

Orthodox Church.1

 Other Christian communities numbering from the thousands 

to hundreds of thousands include Catholic, 

Protestant, Syrian and Greek Orthodox, 

and other Evangelical Christian communities. There is also a small Baha’i community 

estimated at several hundred and a Jewish 

community of less than 200.

Egypt is a self-proclaimed democratic 

republic with a branch of Sunni Islam as the 

state religion. Citizens do not have the freedom to change their government. In 1999, 

President Hosni Mubarak was reelected 

unopposed to a fourth 6-year term in a national referendum. The President appoints 

the Cabinet and the country’s 26 governors 

and may dismiss them at his discretion. The 

judiciary is not fully independent, in part 

because a 1981 State of Emergency Law (the 

Emergency Law) continues to be in force. 

Under this legislation, several categories of 

cases fall within the jurisdiction of the state 

security or military courts. The National 

Democratic Party (NDP), which has governed since 1978, has used its entrenched 

position to dominate national politics and 

has maintained an overriding majority in 

UNITED STATES COMMISSION ON

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800 North Capitol Street, NW Suite 790

Washington, DC 20002

SPRING 2005

P O L I C Y 

F O C U S

CONTINUED ON PAGE 2

Serious problems 

of discrimination, 

intolerance, and other 

human rights violations 

against members of 

religious minorities, 

including nonconforming 

Muslims, remain 

widespread in Egypt.

— 2005 USCIRF Annual Report
the People’s Assembly (lower 

house) and the Shura Council 

(upper house). In February 

2005, in a positive response 

to both domestic pressure 

and President Bush’s explicit 

calls for democratic elections 

in Egypt, President Mubarak 

called for an amendment to 

the Constitution to allow opposition candidates to run. 

However, candidates reportedly must be registered with 

officially-recognized political 

parties and be approved by 

the People’s Assembly. As of 

this writing, crucial details 

regarding the next elections 

remain unclear.

The Role of the State 

Security Services

The state security services are the lead government entities responsible for dealing 

with religious affairs in Egypt. The Commission is concerned that the policies and 

actions of this agency interfere with various 

aspects of the right to freedom of religion or 

belief, including by restricting activities of 

Muslims, Christians, and others. 

According to members of religious 

minorities, interference, harassment, and 

surveillance by the state security services 

are significant problems. A high-ranking 

Egyptian government official told the Commission delegation that either Al-Azhar 

University officials, the Chief Mufti of the 

Republic, or the Coptic Patriarch are consulted, as appropriate, to assess the potential security risks of any religious activity 

that might, from the government’s point of 

view, threaten public order. This includes 

the activities of minority Muslim groups 

considered to hold “unorthodox” religious 

beliefs, as well as Baha’is, Evangelical Protestants, Mormons, and others. Over the 

past several years, dozens of individuals 

associated with some of these groups have 

been detained and tried in state security 

courts for violations of Article 98(f) of the 

Penal Code which prohibits “insulting 

heavenly religions” (Judaism, Christianity, 

and Islam). 

While acknowledging that the potential for violence is a valid matter of state 

security, several interlocutors suggested to 

the Commission during the delegation’s 

visit that removing the religion “portfolio” 

from the state security services and placing 

responsibility for religious affairs in a more 

transparent and politically accountable section of the government, such as the Office of 

the President, would be appropriate under 

current conditions. Egyptian government 

officials asserted that historically, terrorism in Egypt began in the mosques and 

therefore, tight surveillance of all mosques 

is now necessary to monitor potential extremist activity. Nevertheless, in the Commission’s view, some shift of responsibility 

could result in a more appropriate balance 

between preventative security measures 

and protecting human rights, in accordance 

with international standards, for members 

of religious groups to conduct their day-today affairs without undue interference by 

the state security services. 

The State of Emergency

Although the role of the state security services in religious affairs predates the 1981 

Emergency Law, the implementation of 

that law, renewed for another three years in 

February 2003, has undermined the protection of human rights in Egypt, including 

the right to freedom of thought, conscience, 

and religion or belief.

The security forces continue to mistreat and torture prisoners, arbitrarily arrest and detain persons, hold detainees in 

prolonged pretrial detention, and occasionally engage in mass arrests.2

 Thousands of 

persons have been detained without charge 

on suspicion of illegal terrorist or political 

activity; others are serving sentences after 

being convicted on similar charges. Others 

PREETA D. BANSAL, CHAIR

Of Counsel, Skadden, Arps, Slate, 

Meagher & Flom

FELICE D. GAER, VICE CHAIR

Director, Jacob Blaustein Institute for 

the Advancement of Human Rights, The 

American Jewish Committee 

NINA SHEA, VICE CHAIR

Director of the Center for Religious Freedom, 

Freedom House

KHALED ABOU EL FADL, 

COMMISSIONER

Professor of Law, UCLA

ARCHBISHOP CHARLES J. CHAPUT, 

COMMISSIONER

Archbishop of Denver

MICHAEL CROMARTIE, 

COMMISSIONER 

Vice President, 

Ethics and Public Policy Center

ELIZABETH H. PRODROMOU, 

COMMISSIONER

Associate Director of the Institute on 

Culture, Religion, and World Affairs 

and Assistant Professor of International 

Relations, Boston University 

BISHOP RICARDO RAMIREZ, 

COMMISSIONER

Bishop of the Diocese of Las Cruces, 

New Mexico

MICHAEL K. YOUNG, 

COMMISSIONER

President, The University Of Utah

JOHN V. HANFORD III, 

EX-OFFICIO, 

NON-VOTING COMMISSIONER

Ambassador-at-Large for International 

Religious Freedom, U.S. Department of State

JOSEPH R. CRAPA, 

EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR

P O L I C Y F O C U S

visit our web site at 

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USCIRF

CONTINUED ON PAGE 3

USCIRF delegation meets with 

Egyptian Foreign Minister Abul Gheit.
I

f reform efforts in Egypt are to make meaningful progress, the U.S. government must 

increase its pressure on President Mubarak and senior members of his government 

to uphold Egypt’s international human rights commitments to protect the right to 

freedom of thought, conscience, and religion or belief and to ensure protections for 

human rights and the rule of law in criminal proceedings. 

In the State of the Union Address in early 2005, President Bush reaffirmed his commitment of promoting democracy and freedom in the Middle East as an essential U.S. foreign 

policy goal, declaring that “the great and proud nation of Egypt, which showed the way 

toward peace in the Middle East, can now show the way toward democracy in the Middle 

East.” The Commission feels strongly that, with an increased public emphasis by President 

Bush on U.S. policy to promote democracy in Egypt, the time is ripe for the U.S. government to demand a timetable for swifter implementation of political and human rights reforms by the Egyptian government, including significant reforms and improvements in the 

right to freedom of religion or belief.

To that end, the Commission makes the following recommendations.

I. Taking Most Responsibility for Religious Affairs Out of the Hands of 

the Egyptian Security Services 

Specifically, the U.S. government should urge the Egyptian government to:

• shift de facto responsibility for religious affairs from the state security services, with 

the exception of cases involving violence, and establish an entity or position (e.g., an 

ombudsman) in the office of the President to oversee religious affairs in Egypt;

• repeal the State of Emergency, in existence since 1981, in order to allow for the full consolidation of the rule of law in Egypt;

• repeal the 19th century, Ottoman-era Hamayouni Decree – which requires non-Muslims to obtain a Presidential decree to build a new place of worship – and ensure that all 

places of worship are subject to the same transparent, non-discriminatory, and efficient 

criteria and procedures for construction and maintenance; and

• allow full access to the constitutional and international guarantees of the rule of law 

and due process for those individuals charged with violating Section 98 (f) of the Penal 

Code – which “prohibits citizens from ridiculing or insulting heavenly religions or inciting sectarian strife” – instead of having those cases heard by the state security courts.

II. Implementing Additional Reforms in order to Comply with International 

Human Rights Standards

Specifically, the U.S. government should urge the Egyptian government to:

• exclude from all textbooks any language or images that promote enmity, intolerance, 

hatred, or violence toward any group of persons based on faith, gender, ethnicity, or 

nationality; and include in school curricula, in school textbooks, and in teacher training the concepts of tolerance and respect for human rights, including religious freedom. 

Textbooks should be reviewed in light of the standards for education set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights;

• cease messages of hatred and intolerance, particularly toward Jews and Baha’is, in the 

government-controlled media and take active measures to promote understanding and 

respect for members of these and other minority religious communities;

• take all appropriate steps to prevent and punish acts of anti-Semitism, including condemnation of anti-Semitic acts, and, while vigorously protecting freedom of expression, 

counteract anti-Semitic rhetoric and other organized anti-Semitic activities;

• ensure that every Egyptian is protected against discrimination in social, labor, and 

other rights by reforming the identity card, either by (a) removing religious affiliation 

from identity documents, or (b) making it optional for Egyptians to identify religious 

affiliation on identity documents; at present, individuals must identify themselves as 

adherents of one of the three recognized faiths – Islam, Christianity, or Judaism;

Commission 

R E C O M M E N D A T I O N S 

For U.S. Policy

CONTINUED ON BACK OF FLAP
• urge the Egyptian government more actively to investigate societal violence against any 

individuals or groups on the basis of their religion, particularly the targeting of Coptic 

Orthodox Christians, and bring those responsible to justice, and ensure compensation 

to those targeted;

– investigate claims of police negligence and inadequate prosecution of those involved in 

the Al-Kosheh case;

• request the National Council for Human Rights to investigate allegations of discrimination against Coptic Orthodox Christians as a human rights issue and to publish their 

findings and recommendations;

• repeal a 1960 Presidential decree banning members of the Baha’i community from 

practicing their faith; and

• implement the 2002 recommendations of the UN Committee Against Torture. 

III. Ensuring that U.S. Government Aid Promotes Prompt and Genuine 

Political and Legal Reforms and is Offered Directly to Egyptian Civil 

Society Groups 

Specifically, the U.S. government should:

• negotiate an agreement with the Egyptian government to establish a timetable and specific steps to be taken to make progress on political and legal reforms, including the 

steps described above in Parts I and II. If deadlines are met in a timely manner, then 

the U.S. government should consider, within the boundaries of its overall aid to Egypt, 

providing economic assistance to areas where significant progress has been made. If 

deadlines are not met, the U.S. government should reconsider the dimensions and direction of its economic assistance;

• offer direct support for human rights and other civil society non-governmental organizations (NGOs) without vetting by the Egyptian government;

• urge the Egyptian government to ensure that NGOs engaged in human rights work can 

pursue their activities without undue government interference. The U.S. government 

should monitor and report if this is accomplished;

• expand support of initiatives to advance human rights, promote religious tolerance, 

and foster civic education among all Egyptians, including support for:

– civic education and public awareness programs which reflect the multi-confessional nature of Egyptian society and the diversity of Egypt’s religious past;

– efforts by Egyptian and other NGOs to review Egyptian educational curricula and textbooks for messages of hatred, intolerance, and the advocacy of violence, and to monitor 

equal access to education by girls and boys regardless of religion or belief;

– preservation of Egyptian Jewish properties and antiquities in a publicly accessible site, 

such as in a museum, so that all Egyptians can better understand past and present Jewish contributions to their history and culture;

• as mandated by section 104 of IRFA, train Foreign Service Officers at Embassy Cairo 

about universal human rights, especially the right to freedom of thought, conscience, 

and religion or belief; the history, experiences, and contributions of different religions 

to Egyptian history; and how to identify and respond to discriminatory and other 

abridgements of the rights of persons belonging to these communities; and

• in the context of the annual Congressional appropriation of U.S. assistance for Egypt, 

Congress should require the State Department to report to it annually on the extent to 

which the government of Egypt has made progress on the issues described in Parts I and 

II, as well as the progress of the U.S. government on providing, as appropriate, funding 

directly to Egyptian NGOs without prior Egyptian government approval. 

RECOMMENDATIONS CONTINUED
E G Y P T

USCIRF have been detained on charges of “unorthodox” Islamic religious beliefs, as detailed 

below. The U.S. government has taken the 

public position that if there is evidence 

against an individual, he or she should be 

tried in a court and not kept indefinitely in 

administrative detention.3

There are also widespread allegations 

by independent Egyptian human rights 

groups and others of improper use of state 

security emergency courts and military 

courts, including that the accused are not 

permitted to appeal to a higher judicial 

body, and that ensuing verdicts “can only be 

overturned or modified by the president.”4

Some non-governmental organizations 

(NGOs) have concluded that the primary 

purpose of the courts is to punish political 

activism and dissent, even when that dissent is peaceful.5

 The use of these courts to 

try individuals deemed by the state to have 

“unorthodox” or “deviant” religious beliefs 

or practices is discussed below. 

Egyptian government officials allege 

that the government does not apply the 

Emergency Law except in cases of terrorism. Other high-ranking government officials suggest that the Emergency Law could 

be abandoned if the existing criminal codes 

were improved to confront terror adequately. 

The National Council for Human Rights 

(NCHR), formed by the Egyptian government in January 2004, officially called for an 

end to the State of Emergency in April 2005.

Islam and Non-Conforming Muslims

The Egyptian government regulates and 

exerts some control over Islamic religious 

institutions and activities, control that, according to the government, is necessary to 

combat religious extremism and terrorism. 

The state appoints and pays the salaries of all 

Sunni Muslim imams, and all mosques must 

be licensed by the government. Sermons are 

monitored by the state security services. 

Under Article 98(f) of the Penal Code, 

which “prohibits citizens from ridiculing 

or insulting heavenly religions or inciting 

sectarian strife,” persons accused of “unorthodox” Islamic religious beliefs and 

practices that insult the three “heavenly religions” (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) 

continue to be prosecuted in the state security courts. While this law has not been 

used to prosecute acts of anti-Semitism or 

acts against Christianity, it has been used to 

punish those who openly disagree with the 

state-favored interpretation of Islam. These 

include “unorthodox” or non-conforming 

Muslims, such as the tiny community of 

Koranites, who are charged with practicing 

beliefs deemed to deviate from Islamic law.6

This provision also has been used to target 

religious practices that the government alleges conflict with sharia (Islamic law). 

In May 2002, a group of 21 persons 

were tried in a state security court, accused 

of “insulting religion due to unorthodox 

Islamic beliefs and practices.”7

 In 2004, 

state security courts reportedly sentenced 

six people to six months’ imprisonment for 

“contempt of religion” in connection with 

holding private religious gatherings and 

advocating modifications to basic Islamic 

rules.8

 In December 2004, 13 “unorthodox 

Muslims” were referred to trial by a state 

emergency court on “charges of insulting 

heavenly religions.”9

 As of this writing, their 

status is unknown.

In late 2003 and early 2004, state security services arrested and imprisoned 

20 Shia Muslims without charge and subsequently interrogated them about their 

religious beliefs. They reported suffering 

physical abuse. According to the State Department, 19 of the 20 Shia were released by 

August 2004. 

There are several groups in Egypt that 

believe in or seek to establish an Islamic 

state based on their political interpretation 

of Islamic law. These groups, most prominently the Muslim Brotherhood, are considered illegal organizations by the Egyptian 

government under a law prohibiting political parties based on religion. Despite these 

restrictions, the Muslim Brotherhood has 

become more visible in Egypt’s political 

landscape. At a meeting of the Commission delegation and members of the People’s 

Assembly Foreign Relations Committee, 

a Muslim Brotherhood member of Parliament was introduced openly by the Chair of 

the Committee and invited to make a statement. The delegation was informed by the 

Committee that approximately 15-16 members of Parliament belong to the Muslim 

Brotherhood, although they were technically elected on behalf of permitted parties. 

According to the Egyptian Human 

Rights Center for the Assistance of Prisoners, there are currently 12,000-15,000 

members of the Muslim Brotherhood and 

other Islamist groups in administrative 

detention who have not been brought to 

trial. The Muslim Brotherhood and some 

of these other groups have used violence 

in the past to achieve their aims, including the assassination of President Anwar 

al-Sadat in 1981 and attacks on foreign 

tourists. In addition, some factions of the 

Muslim Brotherhood have used the group’s 

ideological roots as a platform to engage 

in terrorist activity. Some Islamist groups 

persist on advocating violence. Security 

forces continue to arrest hundreds of Islamists every year and some are subjected 

to harassment, arrest, systematic torture 

and/or prolonged detention. Human rights 

groups who closely follow such cases stated 

to the Commission that the vast majority 

of these prisoners are in prison for extremist political beliefs or activities, not on the 

basis of religion. According to NGOs that 

monitor the situation of prisoners, the 

largest extremist organization operates inside the prison system.

Non-Muslim Religious Minorities

Notwithstanding the Egyptian government’s repeated claim to the Commission 

delegation that “we are all Egyptians,” many 

representatives of non-Muslim religious 

minorities told the Commission during its 

visit that there was discrimination against 

them in law, practice, and society. Christians are subject to special, restrictive rules 

on the building and repair of churches, and 

are not appointed to high government or 

ruling party posts. The government has 

failed to prosecute successfully perpetrators 

of the mass murder of 21 Christians in 2000

in the Upper Egypt village of Al-Kosheh. In 

the Commission’s view, violent attacks by 

militant Muslims are an ongoing concern, 

especially in rural Upper Egypt, and the 

government has not provided adequate protection for Christians. Persistent intolerance in the media toward Jews and Baha’is, 

3

. . . the time is ripe for the U.S. Government to demand a 

timetable for swifter implementation of political and human 

rights reforms by the Egyptian government . . . .

CONTINUED ON PAGE 4
including by government-controlled media, 

is also a serious problem. 

Representatives of non-Muslim religious minorities, particularly Christians, 

Jews, and Baha’is, report interference, harassment, and surveillance by the Egyptian 

state security services, amounting to discriminatory treatment. Although neither 

the Constitution nor the Penal Code prohibits proselytizing or conversion, the State 

Department has observed that the Egyptian 

government uses the Penal Code to discourage proselytizing by non-Muslims.10 Article 

98(f) is used frequently to prosecute alleged 

acts of proselytism by non-Muslims. Furthermore, if a religious group chooses to 

bypass the registration process for obtaining official state recognition in Egypt, “participants could be subject to detention and 

could also face prosecution under Article 

98(f) of the Penal Code.”11

CHRISTIANS

During the Commission visit, several Coptic Orthodox and other Christian leaders 

reported ongoing problems of societal intolerance and violence by Muslim extremists, 

and the failure of the government to prevent 

or respond adequately to those problems. 

Egyptian government officials confirmed 

in June 2004 that the Court of Cassation 

upheld the acquittal of 94 of 96 suspects 

who were charged with various offenses 

committed in the killing of 21 Christians 

and one Muslim in Al-Kosheh in early 2000. 

The perception of religious bias on the part 

of Egypt’s justice system was reinforced by 

the fact that the two individuals convicted 

of killing the sole Muslim victim in these 

attacks received sentences of 15 and threeand-a-half years, respectively. The decision 

has left public prosecutors and Christian 

advocates with no further legal options. At 

the same time, other Christian leaders reported fewer attacks by extremists in the 

last year against Christians, though with 

Islamic extremism still a factor in Egyptian 

society, the situation remains volatile. 

Despite claims by Egyptian government officials that Egyptian law puts 

mosques and churches on equal footing 

with regard to obtaining permits to build 

and repair places of worship, Coptic Orthodox and other Christian representatives 

report ongoing problems in building and repairing churches, stemming primarily from 

interference by the state security services 

that must approve such requests. Moreover, 

even though mosque and church repairs are 

allegedly subject to the same laws, enforcement of the laws is much more stringent for 

churches than for mosques, due to a 19th 

century Ottoman decree still in force requiring non-Muslims to obtain a Presidential decree to build a new place of worship. 

Although President Mubarak reportedly 

approves applications for new construction 

and, under new regulations, provincial governors now have the authority to approve 

applications for church repair, hundreds 

of such applications are languishing in the 

system. Even some permits that have been 

approved cannot be acted upon because of 

interference by the state security services, 

at both the local and national levels. Egyptian government officials did not respond 

adequately to Commission inquiries about 

the question of why there were different requirements for construction and repair of 

churches and mosques. 

Although Egyptian government officials claim that there is no law or policy that 

prevents Christians from holding senior 

positions, the Coptic Orthodox Christian 

community faces de facto discrimination 

in appointments to high-level government 

posts. There are no Coptic governors and 

none in chief executive positions in intelligence, the police, the diplomatic corps, 

the judiciary, and the military. Coptic Orthodox and other Christians have also been 

denied the right to stand for elected public office, since the ruling party refuses to 

nominate them as candidates.

JEWS AND ANTI-SEMITISM

The small Jewish community maintains and 

owns its property and performs required 

maintenance through private donations 

without excessive interference from local 

authorities. However, state security services 

continue to regulate and approve those permitted to make repairs, which, in some cases, 

has created problems and delays. During the 

Commission visit to Egypt, interlocutors 

stated that there is continued surveillance of 

synagogues by state security services. There 

is also police protection for the few existing 

synagogues that have been preserved. 

Numerous religious and human rights 

advocates have documented persistent, 

virulent anti-Semitism in the media. Material vilifying Jews – with historical and 

new anti-Semitic stereotypes – also appear 

regularly in the state-controlled and semiofficial media. Such material has included: 

Holocaust denial, anti-Semitic cartoons, 

and television programming, such as the 

24-part series based on the notorious antiSemitic “Protocols of the Elders of Zion.” 

Although Egyptian government officials 

have said that there is no official policy 

condoning anti-Semitism or other forms of 

intolerance, acts of anti-Semitism are virtually unopposed by government leaders. Several senior Egyptian government officials 

claim that a distinction needed to be made 

between attitudes toward Jews and problems related to Israeli policy, and that many 

Egyptians are not educated well enough to 

appreciate that difference. According to the 

State Department’s 2005 Report on Global 

Anti-Semitism, Egyptian government officials said that “anti-Semitic statements in 

the media are a reaction to Israeli government actions against Palestinians and do 

not reflect historical anti-Semitism; however, [the U.S. government concluded that]

there are relatively few public attempts to 

distinguish between anti-Semitism and 

anti-Israeli sentiment.”12 Indeed, in the past 

year, billboards have been displayed prominently outside a synagogue near Cairo labeling current and past leaders of the state 

of Israel as “killers.”

BAHA’IS

All Baha’i institutions and community activities have been banned since 1960 by a 

Presidential decree. Thus, Baha’is are unable 

to meet and engage in communal religious 

activities. Almost all community members 

are known to the state security services, 

and many are regularly subject to surveillance and other forms of harassment. Baha’i 

representatives also cite increased intolerP O L I C Y F O C U S

4

USCIRF

USCIRF delegation meets with leading 

human rights advocate Saad Eddin Ibrahim (center).
USCIRF

5 ance in the independent and governmentcontrolled media. Furthermore, Al-Azhar’s 

Islamic Research Center has issued fatwas 

in recent years urging the continued ban 

on the Baha’i community and condemning 

Baha’is as apostates.

During the Commission’s visit to 

Egypt, interlocutors cited an increased tendency by Muslim clerics to view Baha’is 

as a heretical sect of Islam rather than an 

independent religious movement. When 

asked why in practice the right to freedom 

of religion of the Baha’i community is not 

protected under the Egyptian Constitution, 

government officials said that Islam recognizes only Islam, Christianity, and Judaism. 

Nevertheless, Egyptian officials claimed 

that Baha’is are free to practice their religion 

in private. Various Egyptian religious leaders and government officials made spurious 

claims to the Commission, without any evidence, that Baha’is have engaged in political 

activity against the Egyptian government in 

the past and that the community practices 

immoral acts, such as “wife-swapping.” 

The absence of facts to support such authoritative denunciations apparently made 

no difference to the officials who made the 

slanderous statements. 

Mandatory Identity Cards

The Egyptian government requirement 

to include religious affiliation on the national identity card particularly affects 

members of the Baha’i community and 

Muslim converts to Christianity. The 

Egyptian government has now made it illegal to be in public without an identity 

card. The identity card is also necessary to 

engage in many basic transactions such as 

opening a bank account, buying a car, or 

obtaining a driver’s license. Furthermore, 

identity cards are necessary to verify the 

religion of a student so that he or she may 

receive religious instruction in primary 

and secondary schools – as required by 

the Egyptian Constitution – according to 

his or her beliefs.

According to human rights activists in 

Egypt, there is a written policy, in the form 

of standing orders from the Ministry of 

the Interior, not to issue new identity cards 

to Baha’is. In the past, some local government offices would allow Baha’is to write in 

“other” on the identity card. Since the identity card system has been computerized, it has 

become impossible for Baha’is to acquire one 

because “Muslim, Jew, or Christian” are the 

only allowable choices. Because the Baha’i 

faith is banned, members of the community 

also have difficulty obtaining or renewing 

passports, marriage licenses, birth certificates, or death certificates. 

In January 2004, the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief 

concluded that “the mention of religion on 

an identity card is a controversial issue and 

appears to be somewhat at variance with the 

freedom of religion or belief that is internationally recognized and protected. Moreover, even supposing that it was acceptable 

to mention religion on an identity card, it 

could only be claimed that the practice had 

any legitimacy whatsoever if it was nondiscriminatory: to exclude any mention 

of religions other than Islam, Christianity 

or Judaism would appear to be a violation 

of international law.”13 During its visit, the 

Commission was told by a high-ranking 

Egyptian government official that religious 

affiliation needs to be included on the identity card because there are different applications of the law for the different religious 

communities. By requiring religious affiliation on the card, the Egyptian government 

prevents manipulation by the various religious groups. 

Known converts from Islam to Christianity generally receive attention from the 

state security services, and converts have 

been arrested for attempting to change their 

religious affiliation on identity documents. 

Most conversions are reportedly done quietly and privately. Egyptian government officials told the Commission delegation that 

no law prevents conversion, but some individuals have been arrested for falsifying documents. In some instances, converts, who 

fear government harassment if they officially 

register their change in religion from Islam 

to Christianity, have reportedly altered their 

own identification cards and other official 

documents to reflect their new religious affiliation. A court decision in 2004 affirmed 

that the state could not prevent a woman 

from changing the religion on her identity 

card from Muslim to Christian. Implementing this decision could help end government 

interference with the freedom of every Egyptian to adopt the religion of his or her choice. 

According to the State Department, it is not 

clear, however, if this decision will set a precedent for future cases involving conversion 

of individuals from Islam to Christianity. 

Increasing Intolerance in the 

Education System and Society

During the Commission visit, several interlocutors reported an ongoing deterioration 

in the quality of the state education system 

that is increasingly under control of fundamentalist religious or political figures. They 

also cited a decrease of government monitoring of activities inside public schools 

and content of the curriculum. Reportedly, 

school teachers do not accept girls unless 

they cover their heads starting at age 12, and 

the Koran and Islamic history are compulsory studies in all schools for all children. 

According to one interlocutor with whom 

the Commission met, all history textbooks 

present an Islamic perspective; even some 

Muslim intellectuals have begun criticizing 

the situation and asking for change to include Coptic history. 

There is a growing sense among 

human rights groups that Islamic extremism is advancing in Egypt with detrimental effects on the prospects for democratic 

reform, religious tolerance, and the human 

rights of women and girls. The government is not taking adequate measures to 

counteract this problem, especially in the 

area of public education and the media, 

where extremist influence is growing. One 

prominent interlocutor told the Commission delegation that anyone who opposes 

the government – and is not one of a small 

group of “liberals” – has sympathies with 

the Muslim Brotherhood.

E G Y P T

There is a growing sense among human rights groups 

that Islamic extremism is advancing in Egypt 

with detrimental effects on the prospects for democratic 

reform, religious tolerance, and the human rights 

of women and girls. 

CONTINUED ON PAGE 6
visit our web site at 

www.uscirf.gov

TO CONTACT THE COMMISSION:

UNITED STATES COMMISSION ON 

INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM

800 North Capitol St., NW, Suite 790

Washington, DC 20002

Web site: www.uscirf.gov

E-mail: communications@uscirf.gov

Voice: 202-523-3240 

Fax: 202-523-5020

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 5

6

USCIRF U.S. Policy

Over the last few years, as in prior Administrations, the U.S. government has 

focused its policy toward Egypt on maintaining regional stability, continuing military assistance, and since 9/11, enhancing 

cooperation in the war on terror and advocating economic and political reforms. 

Since 2003, U.S. assistance has centered on 

economic reform, education, civil society, 

and other programs supported by the Middle East Partnership Initiative. In FY 2004, 

the United States provided approximately 

$570 million in economic aid and $1.3 billion in military aid. The U.S. government 

will decrease, by approximately $40 million each year, Economic Support Funds to 

about $400 million in 2008 in keeping with 

a plan to reduce aid to Israel.14 Despite this, 

Egypt remains the second largest recipient 

of U.S. foreign aid, even though democratic and human rights reforms by President 

Mubarak’s government have been almost 

non-existent. 

Moreover, despite publicly stating 

that restrictions on religious freedom are a 

principal human rights problem in Egypt, 

the U.S. government has not adequately 

pressed the Egyptian government in numerous areas of concern to the Commission.15 The U.S. Embassy in Cairo appears 

to raise some of the less visible religious 

freedom concerns with Egyptian government officials, rather than address some 

of the deeply entrenched systematic problems, such as the interference of the state 

security services in the affairs of all religious communities. 

The United States Agency for International Development’s (USAID) Mission 

in Cairo focuses on six objectives, with 

its primary goal of accelerating economic 

growth.16 Two objectives emphasize the creation of private sector jobs: strengthening 

the trade and investment environment and 

increasing access to sustainable utility services. Four objectives target the enhancement of the human and natural resource 

base: improving basic education, strengthening governance and participation, providing health services, and upgrading 

natural resource management. According 

to USAID Mission staff, the Egyptian government recently asked USAID to focus on 

curriculum development, primarily the 

“non-controversial set of issues,” but not 

to interfere with the religious education 

curriculum, which the Commission found 

contributes to intolerant and extremist 

views. For FY 2005, the USAID Mission 

in Cairo has approximately $61 million 

for education and democracy and governance programs, which include very few 

programs on promoting religious freedom, 

tolerance, and interfaith activity.17

Almost all NGOs are controlled by 

the Egyptian government, despite the existence of USAID’s NGO Service Center that 

helps Egyptian NGOs establish themselves. 

According to the Egyptian government, 

NGOs requesting assistance from USAID 

are vetted by the government of Egypt to 

ensure that no group has any “radical tendencies.” The Commission found that this 

mechanism also is used by the Egyptian 

government to prevent pro-democracy 

Egyptian NGOs from receiving U.S. government assistance. õ

USCIRF delegation meets with the Grand Imam 

of Al-Azhar, Sheikh Tantawi

For further information on this issue, contact:

DWIGHT N. BASHIR, SENIOR POLICY ANALYST

202-523-2340, ext. 22 • dbashir@uscirf.gov

1

 CIA World Fact Book; U.S. Department of State, International 

Religious Freedom Report, “Egypt” September 2004 

(http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2004/35496.htm, accessed 

March 2, 2005).

2

 U.S. Department of State, 2004 Country Report on Human Rights 

Practices, “Egypt” February 2005 (http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/

hrrpt/2004/41720.htm, accessed March 4, 2005).

3

 U.S. Department of State, Supporting Human Rights and 

Democracy: The U.S. Record 2003-2004, “Egypt” May 2004 

(http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/shrd/2003/31022.htm, accessed 

March 4, 2005).

4

 Human Rights Watch, “Egypt: Government Contempt for Basic 

Political Rights,” August 28, 2003 (http://hrw.org/press/2003/08/

egypt082803.htm, accessed March 15, 2005).

5

 Human Rights Watch, “Egypt: Repeal Emergency Law, Abolish 

Emergency State Security Courts,” August 28, 2003, (http://www.

hrw.org/press/2003/08/egypt082803-ltr2.htm, accessed March 

16, 2005).

6

 Koranites do not accept hadith, oral traditions of the life of the 

Prophet Muhammad, or Sunna, the way the Prophet Muhammad 

lived his life. Their source of guidance comes only from the Koran.

7

 Several of those charged were ultimately convicted and 

sentenced to jail terms. U.S. Department of State, International 

Religious Freedom Report 2003, (http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/

irf/2003/24448.htm). 

8

 Amnesty International, Annual Report 2004.

9

 2004 Country Reports, “Egypt” (Internet).

10 U.S. Department of State, 2003 Country Reports on Human 

Rights Practices, “Egypt” February 2004 (http://www.state.

gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2003/27926.htm). 

11 Department of State, 2003 International Religious Freedom 

Report. For a religious denomination to be officially recognized 

by the state, a request must be submitted to the Religious Affairs 

Department at the Ministry of Interior, which assesses whether 

the proposed religion would pose a threat or upset national 

unity or social peace. The department also consults the leading 

religious figures recognized in the country, particularly the Pope 

of the Coptic Orthodox Church and the Sheikh of Al-Azhar. The 

registration is then referred to the President, who issues a decree 

recognizing the new religion.

12 U.S. Department of State, Report on Global Anti-Semitism, 

January 2005 (http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/40258.htm, 

accessed March 14, 2005).

13 Para. 42, Report Submitted by Abdelfattah Amor to the 

Commission on Human Rights, 60th session, January 16, 2004, 

E/CN.4/2004/63.

14 See “CRS Issue Brief for Congress,” Egypt-United States 

Relations. Congressional Research Service, January 11, 2005.

15 See Supporting Human Rights and Democracy: The U.S. Record 

2003-2004

16 USAID Budget: Egypt, (http://www.usaid.gov/policy/budget/

cbj2005/ane/eg.html, accessed March 11, 2005).

17 Ibid.