United States 

Institute of Pe a c e

Passing the Baton

Challenges of Statecraft 

for the New Administra t i o n

With Remarks by Samuel R. Berg e r

and Condoleezza Rice
Peaceworks No. 40. First published May 2001.

The views expressed in this report are those of the conference speakers and/or rapporteurs alone.

They do not necessarily reflect views of the United States Institute of Peace.

UN I T E D ST A T E S IN S T I T U T E O F PE A C E

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Washington, DC 20036-3011

Phone: 202-457-1700

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Web: www.usip.org
C o n t e n t s

S u m m a r y 5

P re fa c e 13

1. Managing International Conflict in the TwentyFirst Century 15

Richard H. Solomon

2. Foreign Policy in an Era of Globalization 18

Samuel R. “Sandy” Berger

3. Organizing for National Security Policy 24

Summarized by Patrick M. Cronin

4. Making Peace; Making It Stick 30

Summarized by Pamela Aall

5. Why Is Partnership with Russia So Elusive? 37

Summarized by Emily Metzgar

6. Building a Stable Balkans 42

Summarized by Kurt Bassuener

7. Securing Peace in Northeast Asia 49

Summarized by William Drennan

8. National Security Challenges for the New Administration 57

Condoleezza Rice

C o n fe rence Pa r t i c i p a n t s 63

C o n fe rence Rapporteurs 66

About the Institute 68

The Un i ted States In s ti tute of Pe ace hosted a con feren ce of l e ading officials and

s pecialists on Ja nu a ry 17, 2 0 0 1 , en ti t l ed “ Passing the Ba ton : The Ch a ll en ges of

S t a tec raft for a New Ad m i n i s tra ti on .” Key n o te speeches by both the out goi n g

and the incoming assistants to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty affairs — Sa mu el R.

“Sa n dy ” Ber ger and Con do l eezza Ri ce , re s pectively — h i gh l i gh ted the ra n ge of i n s i gh t s

pre s en ted rega rding the ex ternal and internal ch a ll en ges of prom o ting U. S .i n terests and

va lues around the gl obe in the twen ty - f i rst cen tu ry. The con feren ce program was or gan i zed around five panel discussions covering two functi onal topics (or ganizing for

n a ti onal sec u ri ty and intern a ti onal con f l i ct managem ent) and three geogra phic regi on s

of s pecial con cern to the Un i ted States (Ru s s i a , the Ba l k a n s , and Northeast As i a ) .

U. S. Fo reign Po l i cy in an Era of Globalizat i o n

F ive major points em er ged rega rding U. S . forei gn policy in an era of gl ob a l i z a ti on .F i rs t ,

de s p i te the conven ti onal wi s dom of a dec ade ago that the Un i ted States was in a peri od

of decl i n e ,t h ere was little do u bt among con feren ce participants that the Un i ted States is,

and wi ll remain for the fore s ee a ble futu re , the preem i n ent world power. But with this

power comes a re s pon s i bi l i ty, Sa n dy Ber ger averred : to serve as a “c a t a lyst of coa l i ti on s ,

a bro ker of pe ace , a guara n tor of gl obal financial stabi l i ty.”

Secon d , processes of gl ob a l i z a ti on are having a profound ef fect on Am eri c a’s de a l i n gs

with the worl d . Receptivi ty to dem oc racy and open markets has sel dom been gre a ter

than at pre s en t . At the same ti m e , h owever, t h ere is an unmistakable backlash aga i n s t

gl ob a l i z a ti on , wh i ch is som etimes equ a ted with Am erican hegem ony. Seizing the opportu n i ties of econ om i c , po l i ti c a l , and social gl ob a l i z a ti on while averting the pitf a lls of s owing anti - U. S .s en ti m ent is an inelu ct a ble ch a ll en ge for the new ad m i n i s tra ti on .

Th i rd , c ra f ting U. S . forei gn policy should begin with allies and fri en d s .In bu i l d i n g

coa l i ti on s , our all i a n ces with Eu rope and Asia are sti ll the corn ers tones of our nati on a l

s ec u ri ty, even while these must ad a pt to meet em er ging ch a ll en ge s . But the Un i ted State s

cannot ex pect to pre s erve both its interests and pe ace unless it also for ges con s tru ctive

rel a ti ons with form er advers a ri e s , e s pec i a lly Russia and Ch i n a .

Fou rt h ,a l t h o u gh the Cold War is over, and with it the threat of proxy wars eru pti n g

i n to a gl obal nu clear con tex t , l ocal con f l i cts can sti ll have gl obal con s equ en ce s . Con f l i ct s

or po ten tial con f l i cts in the Ba l k a n s , the Mi d dle East, Co l om bi a , So uth As i a , and the

Ta iwan Strait reverbera te well beyond the regi ons in wh i ch they are cen tered .

F i n a lly, ex p a n ded nati onal sec u ri ty pri ori ties are requ i red to deal with the panop ly of

old threats mixed with new dangers su ch as pro l i fera ting we a pons tech n o l ogies and

porous nati onal borders . Most of the new threats are gen eri c , su ch as state failu re ,w a rl ord i s m , mass atroc i ti e s , we a pons pro l i fera ti on , and tra n s n a ti onal crime and terrori s m .

5

S u m m a r y

by

Pa t r i ck M.

C r o n i n
O rganizing the National Security Decision-Making Pro c e s s

in the Twe n t y - F i rst Century

Three fundamental national security management questions emerged during the

conference: (1) how to organize and use presidential authority, through the vehicle

of the National Security Council (NSC) and the Executive Office of the President, in

the service of new national security strategies; (2) how to better coordinate our

diplomacy and our defenses; and (3) how to manage our dealings with the major

powers.

The U. S .n a ti onal sec u ri ty bu re a u c racy is large and divers e . The qu e s ti on is, who can

sift thro u gh excess inform a ti on and com peting bu re a u c ra tic interests to determine pri ori ties and opti ons? The answer begins with pre s i den tial leaders h i p, but the pre s i den t’s

power, pre s ti ge , and time must be pro tected and used ju d i c i o u s ly. That means pre s i dential leadership in nati onal sec u ri ty and intern a ti onal affairs should be built around the

assistant to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty affairs , who must be the ad m i n i s tra ti on’s

ch i ef policy integra tor, as well as a leader, a genda set ter, and honest bro ker and ad ju d i c ator of the intera gency proce s s . The nati onal sec u ri ty advi s or can also be cri tical as a liais on to Con gre s s . While he or she may occ a s i on a lly have to assume some opera ti on a l

a s s i gn m en t s , the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s or must not fall prey to the trap of trying to exec ute policy from the Wh i te Ho u s e . The sec ret a ry of s t a te , in con tra s t , should be the dominant voi ce of an ad m i n i s tra ti on’s forei gn po l i c y.

In an era of gl ob a l i z a ti on ,t h ere is no avoiding the need to integra te econ omic and

s ec u ri ty policy dec i s i on making. E con omic and nati onal sec u ri ty advi s ors must work

with one another to integra te the issu e s . For instance ,t h ey must dec i de how to cre a te a

m ore ef fective mechanism for re s ponding to futu re intern a ti onal financial cri s e s . Ch a rl e s

Boyd , who was exec utive director of the U. S . Com m i s s i on on Na ti onal Sec u ri ty for the

Twen ty - F i rst Cen tu ry, con ten ded that the Un i ted States can ch a n ge the ex i s ting Na ti on a l

Sec u ri ty Act of 1947 wi t h o ut cre a ting an en ti rely new legal stru ctu re . He recom m en ded

in particular establishing the sec ret a ry of the tre a su ry as a statutory mem ber of the NSC,

el i m i n a ting the Na ti onal Econ omic Council (NEC), and integra ting the NEC intern ati onal staff with the NSC staff—the latter two steps of wh i ch have since been taken by the

n ew Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on .

Making Peace and Making Peace Stick

The search for pe ace in the disorderly world of the po s t – Cold War era is espec i a lly ch a ll en ging because our times are wracked with two - to - t h ree dozen intra s t a te con f l i cts of ten invo lving sources of deep - roo ted and en du ring hosti l i ty su ch as et h n i c i ty, rel i gi on , and iden ti ty.

What have we learn ed abo ut the con tex t , ti m i n g, s tra tegi e s ,a ppropri a te actors , con s equ en ce s , and leadership of pe acemaking ef forts in tod ay ’s world? Wh en should the

Un i ted States en ga ge , and wh en should it leave pe acemaking to others? What can the

Un i ted States and other out s i de parties do to make pe ace take hold after a nego ti a ted sett l em ent? How can the Un i ted States do a bet ter job at preven ting and managing intern ati onal con f l i ct ?

One lesson that has been learn ed invo lves the evo lving con cept of s overei gn ty.

6 Summary
Summary 7

G overn m ents no lon ger have the exclu s ive powers they on ce hel d . Now, t h ere are many

n ew actors and factors ch a ll en ging trad i ti onal govern m ent dom i n a ti on of i n form a ti on ,

econ omic power, and po l i tical legi ti m ac y.As a con s equ en ce , govern m ental dom i n a n ce of

the pe acemaking process has decl i n ed .

Fu rt h erm ore ,s t a tes differ in their abi l i ty to solve their own probl em s . Le aders h i p, bo t h

dom e s tic and intern a ti on a l , is of p a ramount import a n ce in pe acem a k i n g. Ch e s ter

Crocker, ch a i rman of the boa rd of d i rectors of the Un i ted States In s ti tute of Pe ace and

James R. S ch l e s i n ger profe s s or of s tra tegic studies at Geor getown Un ivers i ty, advi s ed that

Wa s h i n g ton should take the lead for pe ace on ly wh en U.S .i n terests are affected by the

con f l i ct , wh en our rel eva n ce is clear and stron g, wh en our role is wel come and irres i s ti bl e , and wh en it is likely that we can devel op serious po l i tical tracti on in get ting a

pe ace process goi n g.

The Un i ted States can lead thro u gh stra tegic con cepts that frame a probl em and soluti on , as well as thro u gh its unriva l ed intell i gen ce asset s , d i p l om a tic re ach , pre s ti ge ,a n d

h a rd and soft power asset s .

All en Wei n s tei n , pre s i dent of the Cen ter for Dem oc racy and form er In s ti tute boa rd

m em ber, a r g u ed that not all con f l i cts that end qu i et ly end with a nego ti a ted pe ace . Som e ,

l i ke the Cold Wa r, s i m p ly en d . Moreover, com p l ex threats (e.g. , terrorism) of ten have no

clear begi n n i n g, m i d dl e , and en d . Not all pe ace nego ti a ti ons invo lve the Am erican govern m ent nor should they, wh et h er or not we want them to. Som eti m e s ,o t h ers are bet ter

p l aced to be third - p a rty med i a tors .All pe ace nego ti a ti ons with U. S .i nvo lvem ent are not

equal in import a n ce to U. S .n a ti onal sec u ri ty intere s t s . Regi onal invo lvem ent in Bo s n i a

and Ko s ovo, as well as in the Mi d dle East, can eru pt into larger regi onal con f l i ct s , wh ere a s

o t h er regi ons su ch as Ha i ti are inheren t ly more sel f - con t a i n ed .“G et ting to ye s” on term s

accept a ble to the Un i ted States may not alw ays be po s s i bl e . Pe ace nego ti a ti ons ra rely

re s pect el ectoral or any other pre s i den tial ti m et a bl e .And the Un i ted States must alw ays

bew a re of u n i n ten ded con s equ en ces of its acti ons that might sow the seeds of su b s equ en t

con f l i ct (su ch as wi t h d rawal from the Balkans or working with some allies to the exclus i on of o t h er powers ) .

Both new actors and new forces are em er ging in the sph ere of con f l i ct tra n s form a ti on .

Som eti m e s , pe ace can come from the bo t tom up ra t h er than the top down . Peter

Ackerm a n , coa ut h or of Stra tegic No nvi ol ent Co n f l i ct: The Dyn a m i cs of Pe ople Power in the

Twen ti eth Cen tu ry ( 1 9 9 4 ) ,d i s c u s s ed how to bring ch a n ge to aut h ori t a rian govern m en t s

t h ro u gh non of f i c i a l ,s tra tegic nonvi o l ent means. From Poland to So uth Af rica to Serbi a ,

n onvi o l ent mass po l i tical acti on has played a key role in ending repre s s ive regi m e s .

S tra tegic nonvi o l ent re s i s t a n ce invo lves well - p l a n n ed , orch e s tra ted dep l oym ent of su ch

s tra tegies as pro te s t s , refusals to coopera te , and direct acti on aimed spec i f i c a lly aga i n s t

repre s s ive leaders or insti tuti on s . In order for these stra tegies to work ,o t h er el em ents have

to be in place ,i n cluding a unified command com m i t ted to a nonvi o l ent stra tegy; obj ectives that wi ll en ga ge all el em ents of s oc i ety; a stra tegy for striking at the vu l n era ble spo t s

of the advers a ry; the capac i ty to deal with the ef fects of n ew repre s s i on and terror; and the

coopera ti on of i n s ti tuti ons su ch as the military and po l i ce that the advers a ry needs to stay

in power. The forei gn policy com mu n i ty has rem a i n ed ign orant or skeptical abo ut the

con cept of s tra tegic nonvi o l ent po l i tical acti on , de s p i te many su cce s s e s .
Russia: Why Is Pa r t n e rship with Russia So Elusive ?

A co h erent and su ccessful stra tegy for assisting Russia to take its place in the tra n s a t l a n ti c

com mu n i ty remains elu s ive . U. S . policies should try to avoid a Russia working to co u n ter

We s tern insti tuti ons and accept a Russia that is largely out s i de that com mu n i ty, wh i l e

working to bring it into a pe acef u l ,u n d ivi ded , and dem oc ra tic Eu rope .

S teph en J. Hadl ey, a mem ber of the In s ti tute’s boa rd of d i rectors before becom i n g

dep uty nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er in the Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on , said the “probl em wi t h

Russia is our po l i ti c s .” Am ericans like simplicity and cl a ri ty, but Russia has both important com m on yet sharp ly diver gent intere s t s . Devising policies to ad d ress the con f l i cti n g

re a l i ties of the bi l a teral rel a ti onship requ i res a soph i s ti c a ted approach .

The integra ti on of Russia into the intern a ti onal com mu n i ty should be a policy pri ori ty

for the Un i ted State s . The current dialogue to date has lacked seri o u s n e s s .

Paula Dobri a n s ky, vi ce pre s i dent and director of the Wa s h i n g ton of f i ce of the Co u n c i l

on Forei gn Rel a ti ons pri or to being tapped for the post of u n ders ec ret a ry of s t a te for

gl obal affairs ,a r g u ed that Russia is too important to gl obal stabi l i ty and U. S .s ec u ri ty to 

be all owed to su ccumb to anarchy. The Un i ted States should seek sec u ri ty coopera ti on on

both non pro l i fera ti on issues and the prom o ti on of defense tra n s p a ren c y, en co u ra ge coopera ti on on com m on interests from terrorism to regi onal instabi l i ty, and prom o te po s i tive

dem oc ra tic po l i tical trends in Russia while maintaining re a l i s tic ex pect a ti on s . While rel ati ons need to be insti tuti on a l i zed , that wi ll have to occur thro u gh many con t acts and on a

va ri ety of l evels ,i n cluding state - to - regi on rel a ti on s h i p s .

Nu rtu ring the bi l a teral Ru s s i a - U. S . rel a ti onship wi ll be a key forei gn policy ch a ll en ge

for the new ad m i n i s tra ti on . The rel a ti onship is be s et with difficulties because Ru s s i a

remains in tra n s i ti on . Al t h o u gh Boris Yeltsin laid the gro u n dwork for Ru s s i a’s evo luti on

i n to a dem oc ra tic co u n try and free - m a rket econ omy, that evo luti on at best appe a rs

s t a ll ed . Yel t s i n , for all his probl em s ,d i s m a n t l ed the command econ omy, def a n ged the

Com munist Pa rty, e s t a bl i s h ed a pattern of el ecti ons in Ru s s i a , prom o ted a free press and

c ivil soc i ety, and establ i s h ed a vo lu n t a ry assoc i a ti on with the loose-knit Com m onwe a l t h

of In depen dent States (CIS), the other form er rep u blics of the USSR.

The fundamental qu e s ti on facing the new ad m i n i s tra ti on is wh et h er Russia wi ll

evo lve into a genu i n ely plu ra l i s tic soc i ety.

If a nyone “lost Ru s s i a ,”it was Boris Yel t s i n , demu rred Ser gey Rogov, d i rector of t h e

In s ti tute of USA and Ca n ada Studies in Mo s cow. A “n ew world order ” cannot be cons tru cted wi t h o ut Ru s s i a ; yet , he asked ,h ow can the West build this order based on instituti ons to wh i ch Russia does not bel ong or is on ly a marginal participant? Th ere must be

an insti tuti on a l i zed mechanism for making joint dec i s i on s .

Rogov said both co u n tries can move beyond the stra tegic po s tu re of mutu a lly assu red

de s tru cti on (MAD), but on ly if t h ere are redu cti ons in stra tegic nu clear arms that go

deeper than those envi s i on ed in the Stra tegic Arms Redu cti on Talks (STA RT) III tre a ty

and by trad i ti onal arms con trol con cept s .

Building a Stable Balkans 

Du ring the pre s i den tial tra n s i ti on , mu ch of the forei gn policy deb a te cen tered on wh et h er

the Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on would con ti nue Pre s i dent Cl i n ton’s policy co u rse of ever- deeper

8 Summary
Un i ted States invo lvem ent in the Ba l k a n s . The answer appe a rs to be an unequ ivocal “ ye s .”

As key officials from both parties made cl e a r, the Un i ted States has important interests at

s t a ke in So ut h e a s tern Eu rope , and U. S . en ga gem ent is inex tri c a bly linked to the health of

the tra n s a t l a n tic all i a n ce . In deed , de s p i te con tra ry public percepti on s , Eu rope is su pp lyi n g

87 percent of the troops and paying 80 percent of the costs of the Stabi l i z a ti on Force

(SFOR) and Ko s ovo Force (KFOR) dep l oym ents in Bosnia and Ko s ovo.

S pe a kers foc u s ed on three topics rega rding the Ba l k a n s : (1) the du ra ti on and role of

the U. S . troop pre s en ce ; (2) the import a n ce of processes of ju s ti ce and recon c i l i a ti on to

pe ace and stabi l i ty in the regi on ; and (3) the lessons learn ed rega rding con f l i ct managem ent and po s t - con f l i ct pe acebuilding du ring the past dec ade .

No t withstanding con cerns that Pre s i dent Bush might move prec i p i to u s ly to draw

down the U. S . troop pre s en ce in the Ba l k a n s , Con do l eezza Ri ce made it clear that any

ch a n ge to the dispo s i ti on of U. S . forces would be worked out in the con text of the Nort h

At l a n tic Tre a ty Orga n i z a ti on (NATO) all i a n ce—a con text favoring a con ti nu ed U. S . pre sen ce on the gro u n d . But Ri ch a rd Perl e , a re s i dent fell ow at the Am erican Enterpri s e

In s ti tute for Pu blic Policy Re s e a rch , su gge s ted a rec a l i bra ti on of pre s en ce based on the

com p a ra tive adva n t a ges of U. S . and Eu ropean force s , with the rec a l i bra ti on favoring a

U. S . role in combat su pport su ch as logi s ti c s , tra n s port a ti on , and intell i gen ce . Si gn i f i c a n t

d i f feren ces of op i n i on su rf aced , h owever, with re s pect to the mid- to lon g - term du ra ti on

of the Am erican troop pre s en ce in the Ba l k a n s . Wh ereas top - l evel Cl i n ton ad m i n i s tra ti on

officials and advi s ors fore s aw a pro l on ged need for a troop pre s en ce , Morton

Abra m owi t z ,s en i or fell ow at the Cen tu ry Fo u n d a ti on , felt a troop pre s en ce was nece ss a ry on ly as long as the status of Mon ten egro and Ko s ovo rem a i n ed in qu e s ti on . Perl e

c a uti on ed against deferring measu res to make the situ a ti on sel f - su s t a i n i n g.

Th ere was little differen ce bet ween the two ad m i n i s tra ti ons rega rding the import a n ce

of bri n ging indicted war criminals to ju s ti ce . Wa l ter Sl ocom be , form er unders ec ret a ry of

defen s e , Perl e , and the other spe a kers agreed that the establ i s h m ent of s t a bi l i ty and

dem oc racy is hampered by the fact that major war crime indictee s — i n cluding Radova n

Ka radzic and Ra t ko Mlad i c — remain fugi tive s , and Sl obodan Mi l o s evic has not been

ex trad i ted to the In tern a ti onal Criminal Tri bunal for the form er Yu go s l avia in The Ha g u e .

The con s en sus that processes of tra n s i ti onal ju s ti ce accel era te devel opm ent and pe ace

is also one of the larger lessons learn ed from the cru c i ble of the Balkan ex peri en ce , wi t h

re s pect to po s t - con f l i ct recovery. A second gen era l i z a ti on abo ut con f l i ct managem en t

d rawn from the Balkans is that the som etimes significant con tri buti ons are made by

gra s s - roots or ga n i z a ti on s : bo t tom-up ra t h er than simply top - down pe acebu i l d i n g. Th i rd ,

the past several ye a rs have also shown the va lue of f ac i l i t a ted dialogues aimed at hel p i n g

form er advers a ries find com m on ground ac ross the con feren ce table ra t h er than on the

b a t t l ef i el d .F i n a lly, in the realm of con f l i ct preven ti on , m e a su res that are som etimes coerc ive need to be con s i dered rel a tively early and not as a last re s ort .

Securing Peace in Northeast A s i a

Northeast Asia labors under the wei ght of both two divi ded co u n tri e s , Korea and Ch i n a ,

and an abu n d a n ce of d i s tru s t . The ch a ll en ge facing U. S . officials is to ad a pt our all i a n ce s

with Japan and the Rep u blic of Korea (ROK) to ch a n ging circ u m s t a n ces while managi n g

Summary 9
difficult yet coopera tive rel a ti ons with an evo lving Ch i n a . Cl o s ely rel a ted to this ch a ll en ge

a re the ancill a ry probl ems of deciding how to deal with an em er ging North Korea and

h ow to pro tect dem oc ra tic Ta iwan from inti m i d a ti on by Beij i n g.

Perhaps nowh ere more than on the Korean pen i n sula have the pro s pects of war and

pe ace — f rom the dangerous nu clear crisis of 1994 to last ye a r ’s unpreceden ted interKorean su m m i t — been so interm i n gl ed du ring the past ei ght ye a rs . The Bush ad m i n i stra ti on inherits a situ a ti on in wh i ch ch a n ge appe a rs inevi t a ble in North Kore a , and yet

wh ere tangi ble threat redu cti on is sti ll elu s ive .

Former Sec ret a ry of Defense Wi lliam Perry, reco u n ting the nu clear crisis and its

s om eti m e s - m a l i gn ed diplom a tic produ ct , the 1994 Agreed Fra m ework , ex p l a i n ed that

the Cl i n ton ad m i n i s tra ti on faced three unpalatable ch oi ces in dealing with Nort h

Kore a : (1) issue an ulti m a tum that might lead to war, (2) ign ore North Kore a’s bu rgeoning nu clear capabi l i ty, or (3) nego ti a te with one of the last to t a l i t a rian regimes on

e a rt h .

The twin nu clear and missile crises in August 1998 thrust Perry back into the cen ter of

Korean affairs aga i n , this time as a special envoy. The re su l ting “ Perry proce s s” s o l i d i f i ed

the tri p a rti te RO K - Ja p a n - U. S .b a r gaining po s i ti on and pre s a ged a po s s i ble missile deal at

the end of the Cl i n ton era .

Perry ’s recom m en d a ti ons to the new ad m i n i s tra ti on were threefo l d : (1) sustain tri p a rti te all i a n ce coopera ti on vi s - à - vis North Kore a ; (2) su pport So uth Korean attem pts to

en ga ge the Nort h ; and (3) hew to clear pri ori ties in threat redu cti on , beginning wi t h

we a pons of mass de s tru cti on .

According to Mi ch ael Arm aco s t , form er ambassador to Japan and pre s i dent of t h e

Broo k i n gs In s ti tuti on , the Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on wi ll find rel a ti ons with Japan in good

s h a pe so long as the Un i ted States remains stron g. Th ere are do u bts abo ut how Ch i n a

wi ll use its growing power and wh et h er Japan wi ll fo ll ow thro u gh with econ omic reform

and dereg u l a ti on .

Arm acost recom m en ded re s tru ctu ring the all i a n ce—not tow a rd co ll ective sel f - defen s e

and con s ti tuti onal revi s i on , but thro u gh su s t a i n ed stra tegic dialogue and ti ght econ om i c

and diplom a tic coord i n a ti on . The two allies should revi ew military forces based in Ja p a n

to en su re that these mesh with regi onal requ i rem en t s .

If the new ad m i n i s tra ti on is ad roi t , Arm acost bel i eved it wi ll be po s s i ble both to have

s trong all i a n ces with Japan and So uth Korea and to convi n ce China and Russia to co ll a bora te with the Un i ted States in con s o l i d a ting a favora ble status qu o.

S t a p l eton Roy, form er ambassador to China and In don e s i a , form er assistant sec ret a ry

of s t a te for intell i gen ce and re s e a rch , and form er mem ber of the In s ti tute’s boa rd , advi s ed

the new ad m i n i s tra ti on to work with China to prom o te a stable and pred i ct a ble envi ronm en t . Avoiding a repo l a ri z a ti on with China is an important goa l , con s i dering Ch i n a’s

l i kely intern a ti onal prom i n en ce in 10 or 15 ye a rs .

The Un i ted States needs to see China in all its com p l ex i ty, ra t h er than focusing on a

s i n gle issue over wh i ch it may have limited influ en ce , su ch as fo s tering Ch i n a’s soc i a l

tra n s form a ti on . China wi ll ch a n ge at its own pace . This goal needs to be pursu ed alon g

with prom o ting ties with China that are con s onant with U. S .i n tere s t s , en su ring Ta iw a n’s

s ec u ri ty, and providing a co u n terwei ght to Ch i n a . The ef fective integra ti on of t h e s e

1 0 Summary
obj ectives wi ll be te s ted as the new ad m i n i s tra ti on formu l a tes policies for issues su ch as

a rms sales to Ta iw a n , missile defen s e , and World Trade Order acce s s i on .

Rel a ti ons ac ross the Ta iwan Strait are imbu ed with con trad i cti on s : China wants unific a ti on but lacks the means to ach i eve it; Ta iwan wants indepen den ce and yet po u rs

i nve s tm ent into the mainland. The Un i ted States must manage these issues wi t h o ut

denying their inherent con trad i cti on s .

N ational Security and the New A d m i n i s t rat i o n

In her capstone ad d re s s , Con do l eezza Ri ce pra i s ed Sa n dy Ber ger for his profe s s i on a l i s m

and bi p a rtisan spirit in en su ring a smooth tra n s i ti on in U. S .n a ti onal sec u ri ty leaders h i p.

“We may com pete against each other wh en we’re in races at hom e ,” Ri ce said, “but I can

tell you that wh en the Un i ted States tries to pull toget h er a forei gn policy that’s good for

Am erican interests—and I hope good for the worl d — we both have had the pleasu re of

repre s en ting ‘Team USA.’”

Ri ce unders cored the import a n ce of s t a tesmanship and statec ra f t . Du ring the Co l d

Wa r,she said,“it was statesmanship that saved the world from what could have been a

con f l a gra ti on .” Now Am erica con f ronts a different worl d , Ri ce ad ded , n o ti n g,“ you don’t

h ave to hear a band playing to signal that one era has en ded and another has beg u n .”

According to Ri ce , the Un i ted States needs an NSC sys tem “that unites the govern m en t

to prep a re not for total war, but for the total spectrum of policy instru m ents we can use

wh en military power is not appropri a te .” She ad ded ,“ we at the Na ti onal Sec u ri ty Co u n c i l

a re going to try to work the seams, s ti tching the con n ecti ons toget h er ti gh t ly.”

Am erican va lu e s , Ri ce op i n ed ,a re of p ivotal import a n ce in the po s t – Cold War worl d .

“ Unless you understand the specialness of the Am erican ex peri m en t , it is hard to understand what Am erica can mean in the worl d ,” Ri ce said. Am eri c a’s “c re a tivi ty and open n e s s

and . . . the wi ll i n gness to let a free people and their labor be rew a rded is re a lly the en gine of

econ omic growt h .” She ad ded that,“ i t’s an ac ademic deb a te as to wh et h er or not our va lu e s

o u ght to govern forei gn po l i c y. Our interests and our va lues have to go hand in hand.”

U.S .l e adership in the con tem pora ry world requ i res both “h a rd ” and “s of t” power, s h e

s a i d .S trong military and co h e s ive all i a n ces can but tress Am eri c a’s hard power. But 

utilizing Am eri c a’s soft power means tapping “the strength of n on govern m ental insti tuti ons in prom o ting Am erican va lu e s ,” conveying knowl ed ge thro u gh edu c a ti on a l

exch a n ge and sch o l a rs h i p, and establishing publ i c - priva te partn ers h i p s . By com bi n i n g

both kinds of power, Ri ce con clu ded ,“ we can devel op a forei gn policy that uses all of t h e

i n c red i ble strength of this co u n try . . . to proj ect Am erican influ en ce in su pport of i t s

pri n c i p l e s .”

Summary 1 1

The Un i ted States In s ti tute of Pe ace conven ed a day - l ong con feren ce on Ja nu a ry 17,

2 0 0 1 , on nati onal sec u ri ty ch a ll en ges facing the co u n try. The con feren ce lei tm otif—passing the “b a ton” of l e adership on forei gn policy issues—was made tangible in a cerem onial handof f bet ween the out going Cl i n ton ad m i n i s tra ti on and incom i n g

Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on nati onal sec u ri ty advi s ers . The su b s t a n tive aspect of the con feren ce

was the outstanding ide a s , a n d , at ti m e s , wi s dom , of the spe a kers , the essen ce of wh i ch is

c a ptu red in this publ i c a ti on .

Max Ka m pel m a n , vi ce ch a i rman of the In s ti tute’s boa rd of d i rectors , su gge s ted the

con cept for a nati onal sec u ri ty tra n s i ti on program at an In s ti tute boa rd meeting last

Ju n e . Boa rd Ch a i rman Ch e s ter A . Crocker secon ded the noti on of en co u ra ging the

In s ti tute to serve as an intell ectual bri d ge bet ween ad m i n i s tra ti ons du ring the upcom i n g

pre s i den tial tra n s i ti on ,e s pec i a lly on issues cen tral to its progra m m a tic work on con f l i ct

preven ti on and managem ent and recon c i l i a ti on .G iven the In s ti tute’s standing as an

i n depen dent nati onal or ga n i z a ti on cre a ted by Con gre s s ,we were in a good po s i ti on to

h i gh l i ght some of the best practi ces of po l i tical statec raft and to fo s ter a bi p a rti s a n

exch a n ge on nati onal sec u ri ty issu e s , while upholding the finest trad i ti on of profe s s i on a lism and ex perti s e .

In re s ponse to the boa rd ’s urgi n g, Pa tri ck Cron i n ,d i rector of the In s ti tute’s Re s e a rch

and Studies Progra m ,i n i ti a ted planning for this event by dra f ting a tra n s i ti on publ i c a ti on

that would disti ll the po l i c y - rel evant work of the In s ti tute and would high l i ght severa l

c ri tical issues likely to be the focus of n a ti onal deb a te . Co ll a bora ting cl o s ely with other

m em bers of the In s ti tute’s sen i or staff, we publ i s h ed a su cc i n ct boo k l et en ti t l ed Pol i c y

Su ppo rt in In tern a tional Co n f l i ct Preven tion and Ma n a gem ent: A Policy Bri ef for the New

Ad m i n i s tra ti o n .

In Novem ber, fo ll owing the then - i n con clu s ive outcome of the 2000 pre s i den tial el ecti on , Ta ra Son en s h i n e , an In s ti tute con su l t a n t , su gge s ted the va lue of a public event to

m a rk the end of the Cl i n ton ad m i n i s tra ti on in gen eral and the fo u r- year term of Sa n dy

Ber ger as assistant to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty affairs in parti c u l a r. In ad d i ti on ,

t h en - boa rd mem ber Steph en J. Hadl ey was able to interest Con do l eezza Ri ce in the proj ect after the el ecti on was dec i ded and her futu re po s i ti on announced .

Su b s equ en t ly, Pa tri ck Cronin and I began dra f ting a su b s t a n tive program that wo u l d

provi de a bi p a rtisan discussion of s ome of the leading nati onal sec u ri ty issues facing the

n ew ad m i n i s tra ti on . Af ter discussions with In s ti tute pers on n el , we set t l ed on a on e - d ay

a gen d a . Al t h o u gh time preven ted us from high l i gh ting some of the cri tical areas of t h e

In s ti tute’s work , or from including a second day of p a n els on a broader ra n ge of forei gn

policy top i c s , we were pleased with the po s i tive re s ponse to the program from an ex tra ord i n a ry nu m ber of s en i or of f i c i a l s , form er of f i c i a l s ,s oon - to - be of f i c i a l s , and con gre s s i on a l

l e aders on intern a ti onal issu e s . 1 3

P re fa c e
Thu s , while others cel ebra ted the holiday season , the In s ti tute or ga n i zed a team to prep a re for what became a unique “tra n s i ti on” even t . A steering group led by Ha rri et

Hen t ge s , the In s ti tute’s exec utive vi ce pre s i den t ,i n clu ded Sheryl Brown ,d i rector of t h e

O f f i ce of Com mu n i c a ti on s , and her co lleagues Suzanne Wopperer and Bu rton Edw a rd s ;

Dan Sn od derly, d i rector of the Office of Pu bl i c a ti on s , and his co lleagues Ma rie Ma rr and

Cynthia Roderi ck ; Cris de Paola in the Office of Ad m i n i s tra ti on ; my exec utive assistant,

Ma u reen Su ll iva n ; and Pa tri ck Croni n ,d i rector of Re s e a rch and Stu d i e s , and his two program assistants, Donna Ra m s ey Ma rs h a ll and Ch ri s tina Zechman Brown . Donna and

Ch ri s tina bore the bi ggest brunt of planning and con du cting this activi ty. The progra m’s

su ccess was a te s t a m ent to both their toil and the excepti onal te a mwork of the In s ti tute .

F i n a lly, with the help of Nancy Ha r grave , our director of devel opm en t , the In s ti tute

was able to of fer its more than 400 guests lu n ch eon and recepti on hospitality, thanks to

su pport from the fo ll owing corpora te spon s ors :

The Am erican In tern a ti onal Gro u p

Ci ti gro u p

The Coc a - Cola Com p a ny

The Boeing Com p a ny

Federal Ex press Corpora ti on

The Gen eral Electric Com p a ny

Nort h rop Gru m m a n

Ri ggs Ba n k

S h ell In tern a ti onal Ex p l ora ti on and Produ cti on

It’s worth noting that Am erican bu s i n e s s ,t h ro u gh its su pport of this even t , ex pre s s ed

its con cern for a stable intern a ti onal envi ron m ent in wh i ch to pursue its com m erc i a l

activi ties abroad , wh i ch have become ever more important to our co u n try ’s dom e s ti c

econ omic vi t a l i ty in a world of growing econ omic interdepen den ce .

RI C H A R D H . SO LO M O N

PR E S I D E N T

UN I T E D STAT E S IN S T I T U T EO F PE AC E

1 4 Preface
Th ro u gh o ut the 1990s, the Un i ted States has been stru ggling to deal with a worl d

very different from that of the Cold War era . It has been not a world at pe ace so

mu ch as a world in search of pe ace . It has been not a world of i n ters t a te war, but a

world incre a s i n gly bu rden ed with intra s t a te con f l i ct and tu rm oi l , perva s ive ethnic and

rel i gious con f l i ct and hu m a n i t a rian cri s e s ,f a i l ed states torn apart by civil warf a re ,t h re a t s

f rom “rog u e” regi m e s , terrori s m , and the dangers of pro l i fera ti on of we a pons of m a s s

de s tru cti on . Tod ay on five con ti n en t s ,s ome three dozen su ch con f l i cts fe s ter and ra i s e

difficult sec u ri ty probl ems for us and for the intern a ti onal com mu n i ty.

As we en ter the new mill en n iu m , what is to guide us in dealing with this ch a o s ?

Should we be dealing with it at all? Most of the threats that we see tod ay don’t put at ri s k

our very su rvival as did the Cold Wa r – era nu clear standof f bet ween the major powers .

But these con f l i cts do ch a ll en ge our sec u ri ty in a va ri ety of w ays ,t h ey ch a ll en ge our intere s t s , and they ch a ll en ge our va lu e s .

Th ere is a natu ral ten dency to look back into history for some guidance on how to

deal with tod ay ’s ch a ll en ge s . That means, most immed i a tely, l ooking back on the most

vi o l ent and de s tru ctive cen tu ry in human history. As we all know, in the twen ti eth cen tury warf a re became indu s tri a l i zed and high - tech . It came to target civilians more than sold i ers .And humankind cre a ted the capac i ty to de s troy itsel f . More than 150 mill i on

people died in the twen ti eth cen tu ry thro u gh warf a re ,revo luti on , and civil vi o l en ce . Th i s

past cen tu ry, as a Japanese co lleague of mine put it, has been one in wh i ch “man ex perim en ted on man” in the great po l i tical disasters of fascism and com mu n i s m .

The danger of l ooking to the past for guidance , of co u rs e , is that we’ ll draw lesson s

i n a ppropri a te to dealing with the futu re . If t h ere is one cen tral message that we hope to

convey thro u gh the discussions of this con feren ce , it is that we have to ad a pt our

a pproaches to managing intern a ti onal con f l i ct to the ch a ll en ges of the twen ty - f i rst cen tury. We have to cre a te po l i tical insti tuti ons and policies re s pon s ive to ch a n ged intern a ti onal circ u m s t a n ce s — i n s ti tuti ons and policies that can keep up with rapid adva n ces in

tech n o l ogies while dealing with hu m a n k i n d ’s en du ring capac i ty for sel f - de s tru ctive vi ol en ce . We can’t isolate ours elves from this ch a ll en ge ; we have to devel op ef fective

a pproaches to preven ti n g, l i m i ti n g, or re s o lving intern a ti onal con f l i ct s . We have to strive

to be pe ace bro kers as mu ch as po l i cem en .

This ch a ll en ge gets us to the ch a rter and the work of the Un i ted States In s ti tute of

Pe ace , wh i ch is to adva n ce our nati on’s understanding of the dynamics of i n tern a ti on a l

con f l i ct ; to devel op more ef fective policies for con f l i ct preven ti on ,m a n a gem en t , and re s oluti on ; and to edu c a te new gen era ti ons and the gen eral public abo ut the ch a ll en ges of conf l i ct managem en t . The In s ti tute’s work tod ay focuses on an activi ty that I think our 1 5

O n e

M a n a ging International Conflict 

in the Twe n t y - F i rst Century

by

R i chard H.

S o l o m o n
fo u n ders never re a lly anti c i p a ted : training profe s s i onals in the skills of n ego ti a ti on ,m ed i ati on , or ga n i z a ti onal coa l i ti on bu i l d i n g, and in the processes of po s tcon f l i ct recon c i l i a ti on .

We bel i eve that the new ad m i n i s tra ti on has before it a unique opportu n i ty — i n deed a

h e avy re s pon s i bi l i ty — to recast the ways we deal with intern a ti onal con f l i ct . To have an

ef fective nati onal sec u ri ty po l i c y,we must ad a pt our insti tuti ons to the world of t h e

t wen ty - f i rst cen tu ry. As well , we have to exercise gl obal leadership—as this co u n try did

a f ter World War II and at the beginning of the Cold War—in cre a ting intern a ti onal instituti ons and policies appropri a te to dealing with the ch a n ged ch a racter of i n tern a ti on a l

con f l i ct .

This new nati onal sec u ri ty agenda requ i res special em phasis on the use of po l i ti c a l

s k i lls and stra t a gem s . It can be ef fective on ly if we are able to coord i n a te our rem a rk a bl e

econ omic re s o u rces and our unique military stren g t h . It requ i res a new vi ew of d i p l om acy and new inve s tm ents in the training and use of our Forei gn Servi ce of f i cers .It requ i re s

ef forts to cre a te new intern a ti onal coa l i ti ons in su pport of our forei gn policy goa l s ,a n d

to ref u rbish and sustain our ex i s ting all i a n ce s . These are not just coa l i ti ons of n a ti on -

s t a tes and Cold Wa r – era all i a n ce s , but gro u p i n gs of i n tern a ti onal and regi onal or ga n i z ati on s ,n on govern m ental or ga n i z a ti ons (NGOs), and the business com mu n i ty. And it

requ i res a new level of i n tell i gen ce — with both a capital and small “ i ” — one that make s

use of the dra m a tic po s s i bi l i ties of the inform a ti on revo luti on .

We’re now coming to see that the In tern et , the cell ph on e , the fax mach i n e , and satell i te tel evi s i on net works are tu rning Geor ge Orwell ’s world of 1 9 8 4 u p s i de down.“ Bi g

Bro t h er ”is finding it ever more difficult to con trol his peop l e . In fact , the tra n s p a ren c y

c re a ted by these new com mu n i c a ti on veh i cl e s — t h eir capac i ty to mobi l i ze pop u l a ti on s

and to coord i n a te mass acti on in short peri ods of ti m e — h ave given new meaning to the

ph rase “people power”—as Mr. Mi l o s evic discovered not long ago, as did Su h a rto,

Ma rco s , and qu i te a few other dict a tors and corru pt leaders before them .

Making ef fective use of n ew opportu n i ties for innova ti on and leadership in managi n g

i n tern a ti onal con f l i ct requ i res pre s i den tial com m i tm en t . Th a t’s why we’ve built this conferen ce around pre s en t a ti ons by the pre s i den t’s nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er, Sa n dy Ber ger,

and his su cce s s or, Con do l eezza Ri ce . Th ro u gh their pre s en t a ti on s ,we wi ll look back at

the ex peri en ce of our co u n try in dealing with the world of the 1990s, and then look forw a rd , to the ch a ll en ges of the first dec ade of the twen ty - f i rst cen tu ry.

In the va rious secti ons of this report , you wi ll find important ideas ex pre s s ed by som e

of our co u n try ’s most outstanding and ex peri en ced forei gn affairs practi ti on ers . Th ey

ex p l ore the major nati onal sec u ri ty ch a ll en ges and opportu n i ties that wi ll con f ront the

i n coming ad m i n i s tra ti on . Am ong those ch a ll en ges are how to or ga n i ze and use pre s i dential aut h ori ty — t h ro u gh the veh i cle of the Na ti onal Sec u ri ty Council and the Exec utive

O f f i ce of the Pre s i dent—in the servi ce of devel oping new nati onal sec u ri ty stra tegies and

to bet ter coord i n a te our diplom acy and our defen s e s .

We face difficult issues in managing our de a l i n gs with the major powers . We sti ll don’t

h ave rel a ti ons with China or Russia on the ri ght track , and we’re in danger of d ri f ti n g

b ack into con f ron t a ti ons with these key powers — con f ron t a ti ons that hold many of t h e

d a n gers that we su cce s s f u lly navi ga ted du ring the Cold War ye a rs . In deed , we may be seeing the em er gen ce of n ew great power coa l i ti ons arrayed against us.

1 6 Managing International Conflict
We have to ex p l ore how to stabi l i ze vo l a tile regi ons like the Ba l k a n s , wh ere local et h n i c

h a treds are put ting at risk our de a l i n gs with both allies and form er advers a ri e s .And we

h ave to examine how to use our co u n try ’s form i d a ble po l i ti c a l , econ om i c , and military

re s o u rces more ef fectively in the servi ce of pe acem a k i n g, coa l i ti on bu i l d i n g, and the

em powerm ent of peoples around the world who seek dem oc ra tic govern m en t s .

In these and other ch a ll en ges of con tem pora ry statec ra f t , the Un i ted States In s ti tute of

Pe ace wi ll con ti nue to work to expand our body of k n owl ed ge and practical ex pertise in

su pport of m ore ef fective approaches to preven ting and managing intern a ti onal con f l i ct .

Managing International Conflict 1 7
I

n three days , I wi ll end my tenu re as nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er, gra teful for the opportun i ty Pre s i dent Cl i n ton and the Am erican people have given me to serve at this ex tra ord i n a ry mom ent in our history. I apprec i a te this forum to look back on these past ei gh t

ye a rs and, just as import a n t , to look forw a rd to the ch a ll en ges ahead .

Let me begin with the ex tra ord i n a ry year just en ded . Th ere was Ch i n a’s agreem ent to

j oin the World Trade Orga n i z a ti on (WTO ) , the vi ctory of an oppo s i ti on party in Mex i co,

the down f a ll of Sl obodan Mi l o s evi c , the pe ace we hel ped bro ker bet ween Et h i opia and

E ri tre a , the pre s i den t’s historic visits to India and Vi etn a m , our su ccess in funding debt

rel i ef and reforming the Un i ted Na ti ons dues stru ctu re so we could finally repair our

rel a ti onship with that insti tuti on .

O f co u rs e , the year past had its share of tra gedies and disappoi n tm en t s . Si t ting at the

Norfolk Naval Base with su rvivors from the USS Col e on ly rei n forced the re a l i ty that

Am erica is in a de adly stru ggle with a new breed of a n ti - We s tern jihad i s t s .And de s p i te all

the progress we have made in the Mi d dle East, it wi ll be sad if the promise of t h i s

m om ent in history slips into the abyss of vi o l en ce . But I know this: s oon er or later —

h opef u lly before too mu ch more bl ood s h ed and te a rs — Is raelis and Pa l e s tinians wi ll

retu rn to the same qu e s ti ons they con f ront tod ay and the same inescapable ch oi ce s . Th ey

can po s tpone the mom ent of trut h , but they cannot escape the re a l i ty that they must find

a way to live side by side .

The scope of events over this past year ref l ects the ra n ge of ch a ll en ges and opportu n ities for Am erica that som etimes appe a rs overwh el m i n g.It is tem pting to step back from

robust en ga gem en t , to simplify our pre s en ce in a com p l ex worl d , to limit our def i n i ti on

of what is important to Am erica to what seems most easily ach i eva bl e . That would be a

profound mistake . For the threats to Am eri c a’s interests on ly wi ll grow more dangerous if

n egl ected . More import a n t , this is a time of u n preceden ted opportu n i ty for us, as we

stand at the hei ght of our power and pro s peri ty.

Any honest assessment of h ow we’ve used that strength must begin with an ack n owl ed gm ent of what has ch a n ged since Bi ll Cl i n ton was first el ected . Con s i der the conven ti on a l

wi s dom abo ut Am erica in the fall of 1 9 9 2 : Ti m e m a ga z i n e — ref l ecting the wi de s pre ad

vi ew — a s ked :Is the Un i ted States in an irrevers i ble decline as the worl d ’s prem i er power ?

Tod ay, as Pre s i dent Cl i n ton leaves of f i ce , Am erica is by any measu re the worl d ’s

u n ch a ll en ged military, econ om i c , and po l i tical power. The world counts on us to be a

c a t a lyst of coa l i ti on s , a bro ker of pe ace , a guara n tor of gl obal financial stabi l i ty. We are

wi dely seen as the co u n try best placed to ben efit from gl ob a l i z a ti on .

Pre s i dent Cl i n ton unders tood before most the ch a ll en ge gl ob a l i z a ti on po s ed to how

1 8 we think abo ut the worl d . Let me de s c ri be just two. F i rs t , for a half-cen tu ry of Cold Wa r

Two

by 

Samuel R.

“ S a n d y ”

Be r g e r

Fo reign Po l i cy in an Era of Globalizat i o n
s tru ggl e , we vi ewed the world largely thro u gh a zero - sum pri s m . We adva n ce , t h ey

retre a t . We retre a t ,t h ey adva n ce . Tod ay, zero - sum incre a s i n gly must give way to wi n - wi n .

A stron ger Eu rope does not nece s s a ri ly mean a we a ker Un i ted State s . In deed , a stron ger

Russia and stron ger Ch i n a — i f t h ey devel op in the ri ght way — could be a lesser thre a t

than if t h ey unravel from internal stra i n s .

Secon d , while gl ob a l i z a ti on is an inexora ble fact , it is not an elixir for all the worl d ’s

probl em s . What is important is that we can harness the de s i re of most nati ons to ben ef i t

f rom gl ob a l i z a ti on in a way that adva n ces our obj ectives of dem oc rac y, s h a red pro s peri ty,

and pe ace .

Some of the most hopeful recent devel opm ents in the world have come abo ut bec a u s e

of h ow we sought to do that, not because gl ob a l i z a ti on preord a i n ed them . For ex a m p l e ,

i f China has begun to dismantle its com m a n d - a n d - con trol econ omy de s p i te the hu ge

ri s k , is it simply meeting the demands of gl obal markets? In part , ye s . But it also has

dec i ded to fulfill the terms we nego ti a ted for its en try into the WTO. If people from

Croa tia to Macedonia are rej ecting hard-line nati onalists and em bracing dem oc rac y, is it

because they ’ve re ach ed the end of h i s tory? No — but they have con clu ded that this is the

best way to join the North At l a n tic Tre a ty Orga n i z a ti on (NATO) and the Eu rope a n

Un i on (EU)—an opportu n i ty made po s s i ble by our ex p a n s i on of NATO and more

a t tractive by NATO’s vi ctory in Ko s ovo.

If the dividing line of the Cold War was the Berlin Wa ll , the dividing line of the gl ob a l

a ge is bet ween those who seek to live within the intern a ti onal com mu n i ty of n a ti on s —

re s pecting its rules and norms—and those who live out s i de of i t , ei t h er by ch oi ce or circ u m s t a n ce . We must en su re that the intern a ti onal sys tem is open to all who ad h ere to its

accepted standard s . We must defend those standards wh en they are thre a ten ed . And we

must isolate those who ch oose to live out s i de the sys tem and disru pt it.

Guiding Principles

The fo u n d a ti ons of a forei gn policy for the gl obal age are ref l ected in the principles that

h ave guided us there and hopef u lly wi ll serve as a to u ch s tone as our next pre s i dent take s

of f i ce .

The first principle is that our all i a n ces with Eu rope and Asia are sti ll the corn ers ton e

of our nati onal sec u ri ty, but they must be con s t a n t ly ad a pted to meet em er ging ch a ll en ge s .

Ei ght ye a rs ago in As i a , it was far from certain that we would maintain our military

pre s en ce at the end of the Cold Wa r, or that our allies there would con ti nue to see its

l egi ti m ac y. In Eu rope , NATO’s con ti nu ed rel eva n ce was seri o u s ly qu e s ti on ed ,i ron i c a lly at

the very same time that the sec u ri ty and the va lues it defends were thre a ten ed by an out -

of - con trol war in Bo s n i a .

So in As i a , we form a lly updated our stra tegic all i a n ce with Ja p a n . We stood with So ut h

Korea to meet nu clear and missile threats while we moved toget h er to test new opportun i ties with North Kore a . We dispatch ed naval forces to ease ten s i ons in the Ta iwan Stra i t ,

and hel ped our allies dep l oy an unpreceden ted coa l i ti on to East Ti m or.

In Eu rope , we revi t a l i zed NATO with new partn ers ,n ew mem bers and new mission s .

Af ter agonizing differen ces with our allies over Bo s n i a , we came toget h er to end a gh a s t ly

Foreign Policy in an Era of Globalization 1 9
war and later acted dec i s ively to end the carn a ge in Ko s ovo. Tod ay, we are cl o s er than ever

to building a Eu rope that is pe acef u l , dem oc ra ti c , and undivi ded for the first time in history.

So utheast Eu rope , wh i ch has been a flash point for Eu ropean con f l i ct thro u gh o ut the

t wen ti eth cen tu ry, n ow has the po ten tial to become a full partn er in a pe aceful Eu rope —

i f we don’t snatch defeat from the jaws of vi ctory. Our Eu ropean allies alre ady are carrying the overwh elming share of this bu rden : 85 percent of the pe ace keeping troops and 80

percent of the funds. But we can’t cut and ru n , or we wi ll forfeit our leadership of NATO.

NATO’s futu re , and that of Eu rope’s new dem oc rac i e s , also depends on the answer to

a n o t h er qu e s ti on : Wi ll more of Eu rope’s new dem oc racies be invi ted to walk thro u gh

NATO’s open door at its next summit in 2002? To stop at Po l a n d , Hu n ga ry and the

Czech Rep u blic would defeat the very purpose of NATO en l a r gem en t — wh i ch is to era s e

a rbi tra ry dividing lines and to use the magn et of NATO mem bership to stren g t h en the

forces of dem oc racy in Eu rope .

A second principle is that pe ace and sec u ri ty for Am erica depends on building pri n c ip l ed , con s tru ctive rel a ti ons with our form er great power advers a ri e s , Russia and Ch i n a .

With Ru s s i a , it is tem pting to focus on what this tro u bl ed co u n try has failed to do in

the last dec ade . It has not devel oped a full - fe a t h ered dem oc racy or dem on s tra ted con s i stent re s pect for the rule of l aw.It has not roo ted out corru pti on or learn ed that brute

force cannot hold an et h n i c a lly diverse co u n try toget h er. But we should not for get what it

has don e . The Russian people have rej ected a retu rn to com munism or a tu rn tow a rd fasc i s m ; in five stra i ght el ecti ons they have vo ted for a dem oc ra tic soc i ety that is part of t h e

l i fe of the modern worl d . And it is in large part for that re a s on that we have been able to

work with Russia to safeg u a rd its nu clear ars en a l , to sec u re the exit of its troops from the

Ba l tic State s , and to coopera te in the Ba l k a n s .

What do we do now? I bel i eve that Pre s i dent V l adimir Putin wants to build a modern

Russia plu gged into the gl obal econ omy, and that he re a l i zes the on ly out l et lies to the

We s t . What we don’t know yet is wh et h er he wi ll do that while to l era ting oppo s i ti on ,

re s pecting the indepen den ce of his nei gh bors , and con du cting a forei gn policy that doe s

not revert to the Sovi et - era men t a l i ty.

What can we do? If Russia seeks to exert coerc ive pre s su re against nei gh boring state s

l i ke Geor gia or Uk ra i n e , we must do all we can to stren g t h en their indepen den ce . If i t

con ti nues to provi de military tech n o l ogy to nati ons like Ira n , we must use our levera ge

to cha n ge its beh avi or. But at the same ti m e , wh en Russia seeks partn ership with the

i n tern a ti onal com mu n i ty and mem bership in intern a ti onal insti tuti on s , we should

wel come it, i n s i s ting that Russia accept the rules as well as the ben efits that go wi t h

i n tegra ti on . And wh en the Russian people work at home to build a free med i a , to start

t h eir own bu s i n e s s e s , to pro tect human ri ghts and their envi ron m en t , we must con ti nue to su pport that with do ll a rs and deed s . For little else wi ll be po s s i ble in our rel a ti onship with Russia unless it builds a plu ra l i s ti c , pro s perous soc i ety inexora bly linked to

the We s t .

With Ch i n a , our ch a ll en ge has been and wi ll remain to steer bet ween the ex tremes of

u n c ri tical en ga gem ent and unten a ble con f ron t a ti on . That balance has hel ped maintain

pe ace in the Ta iwan Strait and sec u red Ch i n a’s help in maintaining stabi l i ty on the

Korean Pen i n su l a .

2 0 Foreign Policy in an Era of Globalization
The passage of Perm a n ent Normal Trade Rel a ti ons (PNTR) repre s ents the most cons tru ctive bre a k t h ro u gh in U. S . - China rel a ti ons since norm a l i z a ti on in 1979. For Ch i n a , it is

a decl a ra ti on of i n terdepen den ce , and a com m i tm ent to start dismantling the com m a n d -

a n d - con trol econ omy thro u gh wh i ch the Com munist Pa rty exercises mu ch of its power.

Can China manage this econ omic tra n s i ti on at a time of u n certain po l i tical tra n s i ti on ?

For a co u n try sei zed by a history of i n term i t tent disintegra ti on , wi ll China seek stabi l i ty

in gre a ter con trol over its peop l e , or in giving its people gre a ter con trol? Only China can

dec i de . But we can help it make the ri ght ch oi ce — by holding it to the com m i tm ents it

m ade to join the WTO, and by con ti nuing to make clear that we bel i eve China is more

l i kely to su cceed in this inform a ti on age by unleashing the cre a tive po ten tial of its 1.2 bi ll i on people than by trying to su ppress it.

A third principle that must guide Am erican forei gn policy is that local con f l i cts can

h ave gl obal con s equ en ce s . I don’t bel i eve any previous pre s i dent has devo ted more of h i s

pre s i dency to pe acem a k i n g — wh et h er in the Mi d dle East, the Ba l k a n s , or Nort h ern

Ireland or bet ween Tu rkey and Greece , Peru and Ecuador, India and Pa k i s t a n , or Et h i op i a

and Eri tre a .

It is more important than ever that Am erica remain an en er getic pe acem a ker—not a

m ed dl er, but a force for recon c i l i a ti on even , at ti m e s , wh ere our interests are not direct ly

i nvo lved . Why? Because the ch a ll en ge of forei gn policy in any age is to defuse con f l i ct s

before , not after, t h ey escalate and harm our vital intere s t s . Because in this gl obal age ,

wh en we wi tness distant atroc i ti e s , we can ch oose not to act , but we can no lon ger ch oo s e

not to know.

While we should never send troops into con f l i ct wh ere our nati onal interests are not

at stake , wh en our interests and va lues are ch a ll en ged , the Am erican people incre a s i n gly

ex pect their govern m ent to do what we re a s on a bly can. Those who ign ore Am eri c a’s idealism are lacking in re a l i s m . Wh a t’s more , the disproporti on a te power Am erica en j oys

tod ay is more likely to be accepted by other nati ons if we use it for som ething more than

s el f - pro tecti on . Wh en our pre s i dent goes the ex tra mile for pe ace—as he has been doi n g

in the Mi d dle East, as he did in Belfast last Decem ber, or in Af rica last August wh en he

j oi n ed a fractious con feren ce seeking pe ace in Bu rundi—it defies precon cepti ons that an

a ll - powerful Am erica is a sel f - a b s orbed Am eri c a . It earns us influ en ce that raw power

a l one cannot purch a s e .

A fo u rth principle is that, while old threats have not all disappe a red ,n ew dangers ,

accen tu a ted by tech n o l ogical adva n ces and the perm e a bi l i ty of borders ,requ i re ex p a n ded

n a ti onal sec u ri ty pri ori ti e s . In deed , I bel i eve one of the bi ggest ch a n ges we have bro u gh t

a bo ut in the way Am erica rel a tes to the world has been to expand what we con s i der

i m port a n t .

We inten s i f i ed the battle against pro l i fera ti on of we a pons of mass de s tru cti on ,f rom

the com p l ete denu cl e a ri z a ti on of Uk ra i n e , Bel a rus and Ka z a k h s t a n , to the Agreed

Fra m ework with North Kore a , wh i ch has frozen the produ cti on of p luton ium for nu cl e a r

we a pons there , to the ef fort that to this day is diverting bi ll i ons of do ll a rs in Iraqi oil 

revenues from the purchase of we a pon ry to the provi s i on of food and med i c i n e . We persu aded the Sen a te to ra tify the Ch emical We a pons Conven ti on . I hope Pre s i dent Geor ge

W. Bush wi ll work with the Sen a te to ad d ress the con cerns ra i s ed in the deb a te over the

Foreign Policy in an Era of Globalization 2 1
2 2 Foreign Policy in an Era of Globalization

Com preh en s ive Test Ban Tre a ty, as Gen eral John Shalikashvi l i , the form er ch a i rman of

the Joint Ch i efs of S t a f f , has su gge s ted .

One of the most important dec i s i ons Am erica must make is how to meet the futu re

b a ll i s tic missile threat from hostile nati on s . The em er ging threat is re a l . But Na ti on a l

Missile Defense (NMD) is a com p l ex issu e — tech n i c a lly, i n tern a ti on a lly, and stra tegi c a lly.

I hope the new ad m i n i s tra ti on wi ll not be driven by artificial de adl i n e s . And it is inconceiva ble to me that we would make a dec i s i on on NMD wi t h o ut fully ex p l oring the initi a tive with North Korea and the po ten tial of c u rbing the missile program at the lead i n g

ed ge of the threat driving the NMD ti m et a ble tod ay.

A fifth principle that should con ti nue to drive our forei gn policy is that econ omic 

i n tegra ti on adva n ces both our interests and our va lu e s , but also increases the need to 

a ll evi a te econ omic dispari ty. Du ring the last ei ght ye a rs , Am erica has led the gre a te s t

ex p a n s i on in world trade in history, with the com p l eti on of the Uru g u ay Ro u n d , the cre -

a ti on of the WTO, and the approval of the North Am erican Free Trade Agreem en t

( NA F TA) and of the PNTR with Ch i n a . Our conscious dec i s i on to keep our markets open

du ring the Asian financial crisis in no small measu re is re s pon s i ble for As i a’s recovery.

In the last two dec ade s ,m ore people than ever before have been lifted from poverty

a round the worl d .And yet ,t h ree bi ll i on people sti ll stru ggle to su rvive on less than two

do ll a rs a day. G l ob a l i z a ti on did not cre a te the gap bet ween the ri ch and poor nati on s . But

t h ere is a gap in gl ob a l i z a ti on .

To dismiss gl obal poverty and disease as “s of t” i s sues is to ign ore hard re a l i ti e s . Few

n a ti ons can su rvive the on s l a u ght of AIDS that alre ady has hit sout h ern Af ri c a , wh ere

h a l f of a ll 15 year olds are ex pected to die of the disease. And this ep i demic has no natu ral bo u n d a ri e s ; its fastest ra te of growth is now in Ru s s i a .

Working to bri d ge the gl obal divi de is not merely a matter of n a ti onal em p a t hy; it is a

m a t ter of n a ti onal intere s t . That is why we have lowered barri ers to Af rican and

Ca ri bbean import s , tri p l ed funding for gl obal AIDS preven ti on and care , and launch ed

i n tern a ti onal initi a tives to sti mu l a te vaccine re s e a rch and get ch i l d ren into sch oo l . That is

why we have led the gl obal ef fort to rel i eve the debts of poor co u n tries that invest the savi n gs in their peop l e . Keeping these issues at the top of the gl obal agenda can on ly be don e

with pre s i den tial leaders h i p.

“ F i ve Easy Pieces” for the Next A d m i n i s t rat i o n

These are basic principles (listed above) that I bel i eve must define the con to u rs of

Am eri c a’s role in a gl obal age , and some of the specific ch a ll en ges we wi ll con ti nue to

f ace . Ma ny are daunti n g. But the new ad m i n i s tra ti on takes the reins of a co u n try at the

zenith of its power, with the wind at its back , and clear obj ectives to steer tow a rd . An d

t h ere are several steps it could immed i a tely take , both to sei ze the opportu n i ties so plainly

a h e ad , and to signal the world that there wi ll be no fundamental shift in Am eri c a’s purpose as it revi ews our gl obal ro l e .

Let me re s pectf u lly men ti on just a few. You might call them “f ive easy piece s” for the

n ext ad m i n i s tra ti on :

1 .G ive our Eu ropean allies a clear sign that there wi ll be no ch a n ge in our

com m i tm ent to NATO, to its mission s , and to its next round of ex p a n s i on .
2 . Ma ke clear to our allies in Asia that we wi ll ex p l ore the opportu n i ty pre s en ted by

North Kore a’s em er gen ce from isolati on .

3 . Tell our partn ers in the Hem i s ph ere that we want to finish nego ti a ti ons on a Free

Trade Area of the Am ericans by 2003, so it can en ter into force by 2005.

4 . In prep a ring your first bu d get ,s i gnal the world that our con tri buti ons to win the

f i ght against gl obal poverty wi ll con ti nue to ri s e .

5 .F i n a lly, s ei ze the ch a n ce to work with Russia to redu ce nu clear ars enals wi t h o ut

a b a n doning nego ti a ted agreem en t s . One good way would be to move with the

Con gress to repeal legi s l a ti on that prevents us from going bel ow the STA RT I

( S tra tegic Arms Redu cti on Talks) level of 6,000 warh e ads while we bring STA RT II

i n to force and nego ti a te mu ch lower levels in STA RT III.

The overriding re a l i ty for the new team wi ll remain that Am erican leaders h i p, i n

coopera ti on with our fri ends and all i e s , is essen tial to a more sec u re , pe acef u l , and pro sperous worl d .

Our ex tra ord i n a ry strength is a bl e s s i n g. But it comes with a re s pon s i bi l i ty to carry

our wei gh t ,i n s te ad of m erely throwing it aro u n d . That means meeting our re s pon s i bi l ities to all i a n ces like NATO and insti tuti ons like the Un i ted Na ti on s . It means shaping

tre a ties from the inside , as Pre s i dent Cl i n ton recen t ly did with the In tern a ti onal Cri m i n a l

Co u rt ,i n s te ad of p acking up our marbles and going hom e . Ot h erwi s e , we wi ll find the

world re s i s ting our power inste ad of re s pecting it.

Th ere is a differen ce bet ween power and aut h ori ty. Power is the abi l i ty to com pel by

force and sancti on s , and there are times we must use it, for there wi ll alw ays be intere s t s

and va lues worth figh ting for. Aut h ori ty is the abi l i ty to lead , and we depend on it for

almost everything we try to ach i eve . Our aut h ori ty is built on qu a l i ties very differen t

f rom our power: on the attractiveness of our va lu e s , on the force of our ex a m p l e , on the

c red i bi l i ty of our com m i tm en t s , and on our wi ll i n gness to listen to and stand by others .

In the last ei ght ye a rs , I bel i eve Pre s i dent Cl i n ton’s most fundamental ach i evem ent is

that he steered Am erica into a new era of gl ob a l i z a ti on in a way that en h a n ced not on ly

our power but also our aut h ori ty in the worl d . I have been proud to be part of this journ ey. I can promise you this: as the new ad m i n i s tra ti on builds on that ach i evem en t ,

n obody wi ll work harder than its predece s s ors to tu rn com m on goals to re a l i ty.

Foreign Policy in an Era of Globalization 2 3
The Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on inherits a world marked by both low - l evel vi o l en ce and

ethnic hatred , as Ri ch a rd So l om on made cl e a r, but also a world incre a s i n gly influen ced by gl ob a l i z a ti on , as Sa n dy Ber ger em ph a s i zed . Al t h o u gh a seminal ch a ll en ge

in this brave new world is simply to determine Am eri c a’s obj ective s , its role in the worl d ,

and its policy pri ori ti e s , a vital ancill a ry qu e s ti on cen ters on the process and mod a l i ties of

or ganizing the nati onal sec u ri ty arch i tectu re for the con tem pora ry era . Modera ting the

con feren ce’s opening panel ,D avid Ab s h i re ,h e ad of the Cen ter for the Stu dy of t h e

Pre s i den c y, decl a red that the “overriding qu e s ti on” for the new ad m i n i s tra ti on is “h ow be s t

to pursue nati onal sec u ri ty in the twen ty - f i rst cen tu ry.” Pa n elists inclu ded Ch a rles G. Boyd ,

exec utive director of the Na ti onal Sec u ri ty Stu dy Gro u p, An t h ony Lake , form er nati on a l

s ec u ri ty advi s er to Pre s i dent Cl i n ton , Robert E. Ru bi n , form er sec ret a ry of the tre a su ry,

and Brent Scowc rof t , form er nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er to Pre s i dents Ford and Bu s h .

A half-cen tu ry has tra n s p i red since the last time the U. S . govern m ent ex peri en ced a

f u n d a m ental overhaul in its nati onal sec u ri ty arch i tectu re . According to Ab s h i re ,t h e

Ei s en h ower ad m i n i s tra ti on’s approach to nati onal sec u ri ty dec i s i on making remains the

to u ch s tone for how to focus the Am erican govern m ental beh emoth on stra tegic pri orities and on the exec uti on of su ccessful nati onal sec u ri ty po l i c y. But it is qu e s ti on a bl e

wh et h er it is po s s i ble to retu rn to that model in the pre s ent era in wh i ch sec u ri ty stra tegy

is as mu ch financial as it is po l i tical and military in natu re , and du ring wh i ch our discipline of s t a tec raft has arguably atroph i ed even while our military forces have rem a i n ed

preem i n en t .

This panel ad d re s s ed several rel a ted qu e s ti ons con cerning or ganizing for nati on a l

s ec u ri ty. Am ong them : What is the fundamental role of the assistant to the pre s i dent for

n a ti onal sec u ri ty affairs? What are some of the major ch a ll en ges con f ron ting the nati on a l

s ec u ri ty advi s er in guiding the intera gency process? How are econ omic and sec u ri ty

obj ectives and policies most ef fectively integra ted? Does the Un i ted States need a new

n a ti onal sec u ri ty act? Finally, h ow should the new ad m i n i s tra ti on ad a pt the stru ctu re of

n a ti onal sec u ri ty to the new era , and can it cre a te a cultu re of s tra tegic planning that perm e a tes all U. S .n a ti onal sec u ri ty insti tuti on s ?

The Role of the National Security A d v i s e r —B rent Scow c ro f t

Brent Scowc rof t , the on ly pers on to serve as the assistant to the pre s i dent for nati on a l

s ec u ri ty affairs for two different pre s i den t s , of fered a series of maxims rega rding the ro l e

of the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er. Al t h o u gh Gen eral Scowc roft did not prof fer his advi ce in

this fashion , it is easily conveyed in the form of ten axioms directed tow a rd his pro t é g é ,

2 4 Con do l eezza Ri ce .

Challenges of Stat e c ra f t :

Organizing for National Security Po l i cy

Th re e

S u m m a r i zed by

Pa t r i ck M.

C r o n i n
F i rs t , the assistant to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty affairs must rem em ber that

h er principal re s pon s i bi l i ty is to be the ad m i n i s tra ti on’s ch i ef policy integra tor, overcoming the “s tovep i pe” s tru ctu re of the Exec utive Bra n ch and wh en con s i dering diplom a ti c ,

m i l i t a ry, f i n a n c i a l ,i n form a ti onal and other instru m ents of power, to be prep a red to bri n g

the vital issues to the pre s i den t’s atten ti on at the appropri a te ti m e .

Secon d , the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er should be the leader and honest bro ker of t h e

i n tera gency proce s s , wh i ch otherwise would lapse into the parochialism of the lead or

l a r gest agen c y. But she must work the process even - h a n dedly, or else the cabi n et sec ret a ries and their su bord i n a tes wi ll even tu a lly circ u mvent a process they deem unfair.

Th i rd , the assistant to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty affairs should con cen tra te on

advising the pre s i den t , not the press and the Am erican peop l e . She should be seen occ as i on a lly, h e a rd less.

Fo u rt h , the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er should let the Sec ret a ry of S t a te be the ch i ef

ex p l i c a tor of forei gn and sec u ri ty po l i c y.

F i f t h , the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er should not attem pt to run forei gn policy from the

Wh i te Ho u s e . Pre s i dent Ni xon attem pted to do this, and it is an aberra ti on that should

not be repe a ted .

Si x t h , the assistant to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty affairs must alw ays rem em ber

h ow precious the pre s i den t’s time is. She should husband the time of the pre s i dent wi s ely

and spari n gly, l i m i ting and determining what he needs to re ad and who he meets and

u n der what con d i ti on s , and also deciding the scope and du ra ti on of dec i s i on meeti n gs .

Seven t h , the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er should limit the opera ti onal role of the Na ti on a l

Sec u ri ty Council staff, l et ting the dep a rtm ents and agencies of the Exec utive Bra n ch condu ct the studies and exec ute policy on a daily basis.

Ei gh t h , wh en the assistant to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty affairs does assume an

opera ti onal ro l e , it should be limited to excepti onal special envoy missions in wh i ch a

gre a ter degree of privacy and a direct link to the Wh i te House en h a n ces diplom ac y. At

times the advi s er may need to play host to forei gn officials at the Wh i te House in order to

u n ders core the ad m i n i s tra ti on’s com m i tm ent to a particular po s i ti on . However, in all

these cases, it is impera tive that the advi s er works in tandem with the sec ret a ry of s t a te

and other appropri a te officials to avoid undermining the vital dep a rtm ental stru ctu re .

Ni n t h , the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er should or ga n i ze the Na ti onal Sec u ri ty Co u n c i l

s t a f f to fit the pre s i den t’s habi t s ,n eed s , and procl ivi ti e s , and not the other way aro u n d . If

the pre s i dent does not find the advi s er ’s style and approach fitting his particular need s ,h e

wi ll even tu a lly seek his nati onal sec u ri ty advi ce from others .

Ten t h , the assistant to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty affairs must work in a cl o s e

p a rtn ership with the director of the Office of Ma n a gem ent and Bu d get (OMB), i n s te ad

of a ll owing OMB to make policy by default by dint of its con trol over mon ey.

The Role of the National Security A d v i s e r —A n t h o ny Lake

An t h ony Lake , the assistant to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty affairs du ring Pre s i den t

Cl i n ton’s first term ,s econ ded mu ch of S cowc rof t’s advi ce , but he foc u s ed on ch a n gi n g

el em ents in the intern a ti onal arena and some of the new ch a ll en ges facing the nati on a l

s ec u ri ty advi s er. His points can also be disti ll ed into ten top i c s .

Organizing for National Security Policy 2 5
One of the el em en t a ry ch a n ges in the worl d ’s nati onal sec u ri ty envi ron m ent is that

wro u ght by the twin revo luti ons of dem oc ra ti z a ti on and com mu n i c a ti on s .While these

trends are unden i a bly em powering a bo t tom-up approach to po l i c y, in wh i ch civil soc iety and non govern m ental actors find them s elves incre a s i n gly able to affect the po l i c y

a gen d a , t h ey are simu l t a n eo u s ly stren g t h ening the power of the official at the very top of

govern m en t . Hen ce , prime ministers and pre s i dents are more and more apt to want to

con du ct forei gn and nati onal sec u ri ty affairs at the ex pense of t h eir forei gn ministers and

o t h er sen i or of f i c i a l s . This means that the assistant to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty

a f f a i rs must re a l i ze this growing pre s su re from abroad to con du ct business direct ly wi t h

the Wh i te Ho u s e , while wari ly seeking not to undermine the sec ret a ry of s t a te or other

s en i or U. S . officials in the proce s s .

A second ch a ll en ge facing the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er is to ad ju d i c a te con f l i cting recom m en d a ti ons em er ging from the va rious dep a rtm ents and agencies of the govern m en t .

Unless the assistant to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty affairs steers the unwi el dy and

of ten ad hoc intera gency proce s s ,t h en the “s tru ctu re of govern m ent wi ll be at war wi t h

the su b s t a n ce ,” L a ke ad m on i s h ed . That means the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er must be del ega ted the formal aut h ori ty from the Pre s i dent to serve as the referee of i n ternal bu re a uc ra tic scri m m a ge s .

A third ch a ll en ge facing the assistant to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty affairs is

the never- ending demand from the media for inform a ti on ,b ack gro u n d , and ex p l a n ati on . Even though Scowc roft warn ed against becoming the “ex p l i c a tor ” of Am eri c a n

pol i c y, L a ke op i n ed that no other official could help provi de vital back ground ex p l a n ati on like the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er. “ Feeding the pre s s ,” he said, is an essen tial aspect

of the job.

A fo u rth major ch a ll en ge con f ron ting the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er is to work assidu o u s ly to for ge coopera ti on with mem bers of Con gre s s . This is as difficult as it is

e s s en ti a l ,e s pec i a lly given the high degree of p a rtisan ra n cor du ring the past few ye a rs .

One specific task of the assistant to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty affairs is to bu i l d

trust with con gre s s i onal leaders . The trust wi ll go a long way to fac i l i t a ting salut a ry

executive - l egi s l a tive rel a ti ons du ring a cri s i s . Moreover, it should be on the agenda of

the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er to persu ade Con gress that the current demand for doc um ents and ex p l a n a ti on from the Exec utive Bra n ch is stifling the po l i c ymaking proce s s .

Th ere are simply too many requests for inform a ti on , and the re su l ting work l oad is

overwh elming dec i s i on making and diplom ac y. According to Lake , it is important that

Con gress find a way to streamline its requests for myri ad details so that serious exec utive - l egi s l a tive com mu n i c a ti ons can en du re wi t h o ut overbu rdening the nati onal sec uri ty app a ra tu s .

A fifth ch a ll en ge for the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er is to rem em ber that there is and

should be a firew a ll bet ween dom e s tic and nati onal sec u ri ty po l i c y. In parti c u l a r, the assistant to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty affairs should give a wi de berth to the pre s i den t’s

dom e s tic po l i tical advi s ers , in order to avoid cre a ting a “wag the dog” percepti on that

n a ti onal sec u ri ty policy is determ i n ed by a de s i re to increase popular su pport at hom e .

A sixth ch a ll en ge for the assistant to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty affairs con cern s

e a rly warning intell i gen ce . The nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er and her staff a re in a vital 

2 6 Organizing for National Security Policy
po s i ti on to help the intell i gen ce com mu n i ty keep appri s ed of em er ging threats or po tential thre a t s , wh i ch is essen tial if the govern m ent is to su cce s s f u lly prevent con f l i ct . Bec a u s e

the NSC staff m em bers serve as policy integra tors ,t h ey should be able to forecast po tential tro u ble spots so that preven tive acti on can be pursu ed .

The demands on the pre s i dent and his staff can make it easy to for get stra tegic obj ective s , and thus a seventh ch a ll en ge for the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er is to peri od i c a lly step

aw ay from the “Au gean inbox ” and reassess the stra tegic game plan. For An t h ony Lake ,

this would be on Su n d ay morn i n g, wh en he found time to con s i der the larger flow of

events in wh i ch the ad m i n i s tra ti on found itsel f .

An ei ghth ch a ll en ge for the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er, according to Lake , is to try to make

s tra tegic sense out of Am eri c a’s po l i c i e s , even though no single con cept like “con t a i n m en t”

can any lon ger en c a p su l a te the thrust of po s t – Cold War ends and means. L a ke said he was

e s pec i a lly partial to the ph rase “dem oc racy and open market s ,” but even that does not fully

c a ptu re the stra tegy of the Un i ted States in an era in wh i ch threats are so diffuse.

It fo ll ows that a ninth ch a ll en ge for the assistant to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty affairs

is to help define nati onal sec u ri ty pri ori ti e s . Af ter all ,L a ke said, with so many issues and po l icies in play simu l t a n eo u s ly, it is important to determine wh i ch issue and wh i ch approach

n eeds pre s i den tial atten ti on and urgency within the intera gency proce s s .Bri n ging all vi t a l

i s sues to the pre s i den t’s atten ti on is a fundamental task of the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er.

F i n a lly, L a ke said, the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er must work with the pre s i den t’s top econ omic advi s er. According to Lake , he and Cl i n ton ad m i n i s tra ti on Tre a su ry Sec ret a ry

Robert Ru bin dec i ded to assign some staff m em bers to report to both the nati onal sec u rity advi s er and the head of the Na ti onal Econ omic Co u n c i l . Not on ly has Con do l eezza Ri ce

a n n o u n ced that she wants to fo ll ow this practi ce , but she has taken the ad d i ti onal step of

i n tegra ting an econ omist into each of the regi onal directora tes under her purvi ew in order

to cre a te “a seamless web” ac ross econ omic and sec u ri ty issu e s .L a ke call ed this impera tive :

to break down ex i s ting barri ers , wh i ch inhibit the ef fective integra ti on of po l i c y.

Summarizing the Roles of the National Security Adviser 

The disti ll ed advi ce of the two form er assistants to the pre s i dent for nati onal sec u ri ty

a f f a i rs could be out l i n ed as fo ll ows :

The Scowc roft Def i n i ti on :

wch i ef policy integra tor

wh onest bro ker, l e ading the intera gency proce s s

wcon f i d a n te , advising the pre s i den t , not the publ i c

wsu pporting team player, u p s t a ging nei t h er the sec ret a ry of s t a te as main ex p l i c a tor of

policy nor the Exec utive Bra n ch bu re a u c ra tic mach i n ery

ws pecial envoy, occ a s i on a lly taking on excepti onal mission s

wga te keeper, using the pre s i den t’s time wi s ely and spari n gly

wspecial assistant, t a i l oring NSC staff and rhythms to suit the pre s i den t’s habits and need s

Organizing for National Security Policy 2 7
The La ke Def i n i ti on :

w a genda set ter, defining pri ori ti e s

w a rbi ter, ad ju d i c a ting con f l i cting intera gency recom m en d a ti on s

wd i p l om a t ,s el ectively using the Wh i te House venue to en ga ge forei gn of f i c i a l s

wi n tell i gen ce of f i cer, h elping to iden tify em er gent threats and provi de early warn i n g

wm edia source , feeding media demand for ex p l a n a ti on with back ground intervi ews

wcon gre s s i onal liaison , building trust with leaders on Ca p i tol Hi ll

wn a ti onal sec u ri ty profe s s i on a l , pre s erving a firew a ll bet ween nati onal sec u ri ty and

U. S . dom e s tic po l i ti c s

I n t e g rating Economic and Security Issues

Form er Sec ret a ry of the Tre a su ry Robert Ru bin unders cored the need to integra te econ omic and sec u ri ty po l i c y, s aying that econ omic goals are incre a s i n gly shaping nati on a l

s ec u ri ty po l i c y. E con omic issues cannot afford to be su bord i n a ted to other nati onal sec uri ty issu e s , and the nati onal sec u ri ty advi s er, who has great access to the pre s i den t , mu s t

s trive to balance these issues and policies in a fair manner.

Ru bin out l i n ed the fo ll owing salient ch a ll en ges facing the new ad m i n i s tra ti on :

wTo con ti nue to prom o te trade libera l i z a ti on and open market s , wh i ch inclu des getting fast track legi s l a ti on or some ef fective altern a tive to it 

wTo co u n ter the exceed i n gly dangerous backlash against gl ob a l i z a ti on occ u rring not

on ly in this co u n try but also around the worl d

wTo increase forei gn aid to devel oping nati on s , wh i ch now account for 35 to 40 percent of our ex port s , and to su pport the World Bank and other intern a ti onal developm ent banks su ch as the In tern a ti onal Mon et a ry Fund 

wTo help Russia and other nati ons in their tra n s i ti on from com mu n i s m

wTo cre a te a more ef fective mechanism for re s ponding to futu re intern a ti onal financial cri s e s , su ch as those Cl i n ton faced in Mex i co and As i a

wTo prom o te a strong U. S . do ll a r

wTo reform the intern a ti onal financial stru ctu re

Futu re intern a ti onal financial crises are vi rtu a lly inevi t a bl e , Ru bin ad ded . To the ex ten t

po s s i bl e , we should devel op preven ti on measu re s . We should also prom o te a strong do llar and con ti nue to reform the financial stru ctu re .

Do We Need a New National Security A c t ?

G l ob a l i z a ti on has incre a s ed the impact of i n tern a ti onal econ omics on forei gn policy and

n a ti onal sec u ri ty issu e s . The Ha rt - Rudman Com m i s s i on , ch a r ged by Con gress to re a s s e s s

h ow the Un i ted States should provi de for its nati onal sec u ri ty in the twen ty - f i rst cen tu ry,

2 8 Organizing for National Security Policy
has con clu ded that econ omics have become a com pon ent of n a ti onal sec u ri ty “at least

equal to the diplom a tic or military com pon en t s ,” said Ch a rles Boyd , who was exec utive

d i rector of the U. S . Com m i s s i on on Na ti onal Sec u ri ty for the Twen ty - F i rst Cen tu ry.

“We’re not stru ctu red in su ch a way as to ei t h er give recogn i ti on to that fact or to integra te all the processes that that kind of dec i s i on implies.” Th erefore , the Ha rt - Ru d m a n

Com m i s s i on has call ed for a mod i f i c a ti on of the Na ti onal Sec u ri ty Act of 1 9 4 7 , wh i ch

c re a ted the current stru ctu re (the Na ti onal Sec u ri ty Co u n c i l , the Dep a rtm ent of Defen s e ,

the Joint Ch i efs of S t a f f , and the Cen tral In tell i gen ce Agen c y ) . The recom m en ded ch a n ge

would establish the sec ret a ry of the tre a su ry as a statutory mem ber of the Na ti on a l

Sec u ri ty Co u n c i l , would el i m i n a te the Na ti onal Econ omic Council (NEC), and wo u l d

t h en integra te the NEC intern a ti onal staff with the NSC staff and the NEC dom e s tic staff

with the Dom e s tic Policy Co u n c i l .“Th ere is no need for a new Na ti onal Sec u ri ty Act ,”

Boyd , a reti red Air Force gen eral and form er pri s on er of w a r, s a i d .“We need to ch a n ge

the one we have .”

Organizing for National Security Policy 2 9
The end of the Cold War bro u ght unex pected ch a n ges to the intern a ti onal sys tem .

In s te ad of l e ading to a wi dely anti c i p a ted pe ace , the end of the su perpower riva l ry

and the co llapse of the Sovi et Un i on coi n c i ded with an increase in vi o l ent conf l i ct . Un l i ke du ring the Cold War peri od ,h owever, these con f l i cts were not over ideo l ogy,

n or were they gen era lly bet ween state s . In s te ad ,t h ey were intra s t a te con f l i cts caused by

m a ny factors , but of ten invo lving com p l i c a ted issues long ign ored as tri ggers of h o s ti l ity — et h n i c i ty, rel i gi on ,i den ti ty, the de s i re for sel f - determ i n a ti on . In re s ponse to these

con f l i ct s , the intern a ti onal com mu n i ty en ga ged in a va s t ly incre a s ed nu m ber of pe acemaking mission s — i n ,a m ong others , An go l a , Bo s n i a , East Ti m or, El Sa lvador, Gu a tem a l a ,

Ha i ti , Ko s ovo, Moz a m bi qu e , and Somalia—and it con ti nues to play a med i a ting role in

the Mi d dle East and Nort h ern Irel a n d , and bet ween the Kore a s .

What lessons abo ut pe acemaking have these ex peri en ces taught us? What have we

l e a rn ed abo ut the con tex t , ti m i n g, s tra tegi e s , a ppropri a te actors , con s equ en ce s , and leadership of a pe acemaking ef fort? Wh en should the Un i ted States en ga ge , and wh en should

it leave the heavy lifting to others? What can the Un i ted States and other out s i de parti e s

do to make pe ace take hold after a nego ti a ted set t l em ent? Wh en the causes of con f l i ct

a bi de in the official stru ctu res of a soc i ety, h ow can po s i tive ch a n ge come abo ut? An d

what does this mean for the new ad m i n i s tra ti on and the indivi duals who wi ll manage

the Am erican re s ponse to con f l i ct? To provi de answers to these qu e s ti on s , Ch e s ter

Crocker, All en Wei n s tei n , and Peter Ackerman discussed “ Making Pe ace — Making It

S ti ck ,” in a panel modera ted by Ma rc Lel a n d .

Challenges of Modern Pe a c e m a k i n g

Crocker, a form er assistant sec ret a ry of s t a te for Af rican affairs and the ch a i rman of t h e

In s ti tute’s boa rd of d i rectors ,s et the stage for the panel discussion by assessing the ch a ll en ging envi ron m ent of m odern pe acemaking and iden ti f ying a nu m ber of its sign i f i c a n t

ch a racteri s ti c s .

wOld threats sti ll abo u n d , but new ones have joi n ed them .“While geopo l i tics is not

de ad , most of the major ch a ll en ges are gen eri c — s t a te co ll a p s e ,w a rl ord i s m ,a n ti hum a n i t a rian barb a ri s m , we a pons tech n o l ogy prof u s i on ,i n tern a ti onal criminal network s . It is worth noting that these old and new threats can interm i n gl e ,t h ereby

i n c reasing their po ten tial impact and making an ef fective re s ponse mu ch more diffic u l t .”

wNew actors — s ome good and some bad — a re active on the world stage , ch a ll en gi n g

3 0 the trad i ti onal govern m ent dom i n a ti on of i n form a ti on , its legi ti m ac y, and its 

S u m m a r i zed by

Pamela A a l l

Fo u r

Making Peace; Making It Stick
c a p ac i ty to govern .“ Ma ny of these new actors were never el ected , but they know

h ow to use a microph one and how to influ en ce public op i n i on ,” a ch a racteri s tic that

can work both for the good and the bad .

wAs a re su l t ,“t h ere has been a decline in govern m ental dom i n a n ce of the pe acem a king proce s s . With so many actors invo lved ,t h ere is a kind of n a tu ral inco h eren ce

wh i ch can be uplifting and amazing to beh o l d , but it can make it very difficult to

maintain the kind of discipline that is som etimes call ed for in pe acem a k i n g.”

wIt is also important to recogn i ze that there is a diver gen ce among states and soc i eti e s

in their abi l i ty to solve their own probl em s . The re s i l i en ce of po l i tical stru ctu re s ,t h e

vi t a l i ty of the civil sector, the social wi ll i n gness to recon c i l e — a ll affect the pe acem a ker ’s envi ron m en t . In this rega rd , Ko s ovo differs from So uth Af rica not on ly in

the causes and dynamics of the re s pective con f l i ct s , but in the two soc i eti e s’ a bi l i ti e s

to contain vi o l en ce and build on a vi a ble po l i tical stru ctu re .

wThe dom e s tic envi ron m ent of his or her own co u n try also affects the pe acem a ker.

In this co u n try, pers pectives of the exec utive bra n ch and the legi s l a tu re diver ge

s h a rp ly, d i f feren ces that are magn i f i ed or bl own out of proporti on by the med i a ,

while the gen eral public shows little interest in forei gn affairs . These atti tu des can

l e ad to official indifferen ce or para lys i s , and the re sult in a nu m ber of c ri s e s —

Bo s n i a , In don e s i a , and Rwanda among them—has been a relu ct a n ce to act . Th e

cost of i n acti on has been one of the hard lessons of the dec ade as the intern a ti on a l

com mu n i ty first cre a ted vacuums and then watch ed as they were fill ed by the be s t

a rm ed , not the most dem oc ra ti c ,p l ayers .

wF i n a lly, this ch a n ging envi ron m ent makes it yet more app a rent that leaders h i p —

both dom e s tic and intern a ti onal—is the most important el em ent of pe acem a k i n g.

Le adership is nece s s a ry to provi de discipline and co h eren ce in the intern a ti onal system and within the leading gl obal players .“G l obal and regi onal sec u ri ty con ti nu e s

to depend on the acti ons and leadership of a very few nati ons and insti tuti on s ,

wh i ch I call the ‘s ec u ri ty ex porters .’ Th ere are many ‘s ec u ri ty importers’ and therefore the few su pp l i ers of this ra re com m od i ty—and the Un i ted States is a pri n c i p a l

on e — wi ll be call ed on to help in providing gl obal and regi onal sec u ri ty, wh et h er in

the Ba l k a n s , the Great Lakes regi on of Af ri c a , the Mi d dle East, So uth As i a , We s t

Af ri c a , on the Korean pen i n su l a , or among the An dean nati on s .”

This point raises the qu e s ti on of wh en the Un i ted States should en ga ge in pe acem a ki n g. In Crocker ’s vi ew, Wa s h i n g ton should take the lead for pe ace on ly wh en “(a) our

i n terests are affected by the con f l i ct ; (b) our rel eva n ce is clear and stron g ;(c) our role is

wel com ed or irre s i s ti bl e ; and (d) it is likely that we can devel op serious po l i tical tracti on

to get pe ace goi n g.” Crocker noted that these con d i ti ons do not exist or easily arise everywh ere in every con f l i ct .“Wh en these con d i ti ons do not ex i s t , we should let others lead

and not give U. S .l e adership a bad name by pretending to en ga ge , as we did recen t ly in

Si erra Leon e .”

Tu rning to the instru m ents and tools ava i l a ble to pe acem a kers , Crocker asserted that

l e adership on a gl obal scale tod ay requ i res a bet ter understanding than the Un i ted State s

Making Peace; Making It Stick 3 1
has shown in the past of those factors that give us influ en ce and levera ge . He noted that

too of ten in recent ye a rs , the Un i ted States has acted and spo ken as if its influ en ce as the

worl d ’s leading nati on derived on ly from its abi l i ty to serm on i ze or to coerce : “We wag

our finger or stamp our feet or launch airs tri kes or wage econ omic warf a re on wh o l e

s oc i eti e s .” These capabi l i ti e s ,a l t h o u gh cen tral to our pe acemaking capac i ty, a re bo t h

blunt and imperfect . The circ u m s t a n ces that permit coerc ive diplom acy to bring pe ace

a re limited and hard to con tro l , as the Un i ted States learn ed in Ko s ovo.

Its predom i n a n ce in coerc ive power is, of co u rs e , a cen tral el em ent of the U. S . c a p ac i ty

in pe acem a k i n g, but on ly wh en it is em bed ded in a well - t h o u gh t - o ut po l i tical and stra tegic fra m ework . And there are other important instru m ents of l e adership that the Un i ted

S t a tes should ex p l oit in su pport of pe acem a k i n g. “The Un i ted States should lead thro u gh

our unique intell i gen ce asset s ,t h ro u gh our matchless diplom a tic re ach ,t h ro u gh our mili t a ry pre s ti ge and capac i ty - building po ten ti a l ,t h ro u gh our “s of t” power assets su ch as the

n ew com mu n i c a ti ons tech n o l ogi e s ,t h ro u gh our special rep ute and ex pertise as pe acem a kers , and thro u gh our unmatch ed capac i ty to or ga n i ze and sustain coa l i ti on s .” Here ,

h owever, the new Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on has some work ahead of it to stren g t h en the civi lian pe acemaking agencies so that they learn the kind of l e adership that produ ces co h eren ce , coa l i ti on s , and coord i n a ti on .

Ch e s ter Crocker en ded his rem a rks with these su gge s ti ons to the new ad m i n i s tra ti on

wh en acting as pe acem a ker: to listen more and pre ach less; to share the credit as well as

the bu rden ; to let others lead but back them to the hilt; and to build up, prep a re , rew a rd ,

hold acco u n t a bl e , and su pport the people and insti tuti ons en ga ged in pe acem a k i n g. He

n o ted that the ch a ll en ge of making pe ace sti ck — of en su ring that the nego ti a ted set t l em ent does not end in ren ewed figh ting or in a shadow world bet ween pe ace and war—

demands an amount of l e adership equal to that du ring the active pe acemaking proce s s . It

also requ i res discipline and sel f - aw a ren e s s . Pe acem a kers need to understand their stra tegic impact on the con f l i ct and then use that impact to help in the implem en t a ti on of

pe ace .“Ending civil wars is com p l ex bu s i n e s s , and it takes the same kind of rel en t l e s s

i n ten s i ty as war- f i gh ti n g. The pe acem a ker needs to remain a parent thro u gh the implem en t a ti on ph a s e . Those who are best placed to lead are those who have en o u gh intere s t

and com m i tm ent to care abo ut the re su l t , to make re s o u rces ava i l a bl e , to be prep a red to

t a ke ri s k s .”

N e g o t i ating Pe a c e

All en Wei n s tei n , fo u n der and pre s i dent of the Cen ter for Dem oc rac y, ech oed some of

these themes in his rem a rks on nego ti a ting pe ace . As an histori a n , Wei n s tein ex tracted

l e s s ons that stretch ed back over the twen ti eth cen tu ry, and in doing so em ph a s i zed that

the Un i ted States should act caref u lly and sel ectively in its role as pe acem a ker. Wei n s tei n

d rew the fo ll owing lessons from his revi ew.

w Not all con f l i cts that con clu de pe acef u lly end with a n egoti a ted pe ace . Some simply

end. The Cold Wa r, for instance ,s i m p ly con clu ded ra t h er than yi elding to a series of

n ego ti a ti on s ,a l t h o u gh this state of a f f a i rs was en co u ra ged by Am erican state s m a ns h i p. The Un i ted States did not “ wi n” this war in a trad i ti onal sense and as Wei n s tei n

n o ted , “the triu m phal ‘ we won , t h ey lost’ We s tern rh etoric that its con clu s i on

3 2 Making Peace; Making It Stick
i n s p i red ,e s pec i a lly in this co u n try, did not en co u ra ge cl e a r, l on g - term , po s t – Co l d

War stra tegic thinking.”

wMost Am ericans bel i eve that forei gn en t a n gl em ents should have a clear begi n n i n g,

m i d dl e , and en d . But , as Wei n s tein poi n ted out ,“ what con f ronts the Un i ted State s —

wi t h o ut a de s i gn a ted , s i n gle en emy state as in the past—is a com p l ex of t h re a t s ,

ch a ll en ge s , and mini-advers a ri e s , n one of fering the clear pro s pect of a vi ctori o u s

en d i n g.” It is up to the Un i ted States to ad a pt to an envi ron m ent in wh i ch con f l i ct

m ay be diffuse, a s s oc i a ted with terrori s m , econ omic instabi l i ty, or hu m a n i t a ri a n

c ri s e s , and not likely to have clear causes or vi ctory.

wNot all pe ace nego ti a ti ons invo lve the Am erican govern m en t — or should, wh et h er

or not we want them to. Wei n s tein noted that there is a disti n cti on bet ween “pre s iden tial invo lvem ent in nati onal sec u ri ty nego ti a ti ons of vital interest to the Un i ted

S t a te s — Sovi et - U. S .a rms con trol talks du ring the Cold War for ex a m p l e — a n d

third-party mediation by the Am erican Pre s i dent in pe ace nego ti a ti ons not rel a ted

to direct , pri ori ty U. S . n a ti onal sec u ri ty intere s t s” : a s , perh a p s , the cen tral role played

by Pre s i dents Ca rter and Cl i n ton in the Mi d dle East pe ace talks. This con su m i n g

i nvo lvem ent raises the issues of wh en and under what circ u m s t a n ces should an

Am erican pre s i dent take a direct part in med i a ti on , and wh en should the Un i ted

S t a tes stay out of the third - p a rty role altoget h er.

wAll pe ace nego ti a ti ons with wh i ch the Un i ted States becomes invo lved are not nece ss a ri ly equal in import a n ce to Am erican nati onal sec u ri ty. Keeping on e’s eyes fixed

on nati onal sec u ri ty, h owever, is difficult at a time wh en there is divi ded po l i ti c a l

and popular sen ti m ent abo ut how the Un i ted States should re s pond to hu m a n i t a rian crises and internal con f l i ct s . The com p l ex i ty of this issue found ex pre s s i on in the

case of Ha i ti .“Wh en the full story of the U. S . ef fort to retu rn Pre s i dent Ari s ti de to

power is wri t ten ,t h ere wi ll be a ra t h er large ch a pter or two on the import a n t , f ru stra ti n g, and of ten - con f l i cting roles of va rious NGOs and notable figures in a proce s s

whose urgency to Am erican nati onal sec u ri ty remains deb a t a bl e .” U. S . en ga gem en t

in Bo s n i a , Ko s ovo, and the Mi d dle East is ju s ti f i ed , as all have the po ten tial to eru pt

i n to gre a ter regi onal con f l i ct s , but here again are qu e s ti ons of what kind of en ga gem ent and what degree of i nvo lvem ent are appropri a te .

w“G et ting to ye s” on terms accept a ble to the Un i ted States may not alw ays be po s s i bl e

in the short term , in wh i ch case get ting no agreem ent at all may be far prefera ble to

get ting a flawed on e . It is difficult to walk aw ay from an agreem en t , but at times it is

n ece s s a ry in order to arrive at a bet ter agreem ent down the road . Max Ka m pel m a n

dem on s tra ted the import a n ce of this maxim du ring his five - year leadership of t h e

Helsinki nego ti a ti ons in the 1980s, and “t a u ght all of us lessons in the ef fectiven e s s

of c a reful prep a ra ti on ,u n ending pati en ce , and devo ti on to principle in nego ti a ti on ,

wh et h er for human ri ghts in his case or for pe ace .”

wPe ace nego ti a ti ons ra rely re s pect an el ectoral or any other pre s i den tial ti m et a bl e .

Nego ti a ti ons can last for dec ade s , as they have in the Mi d dle East, North and So ut h

Kore a , and Nort h ern Irel a n d . The proof is in the legacies of u n s et t l ed con f l i cts and

Making Peace; Making It Stick 3 3
u n f i n i s h ed nego ti a ti ons that U. S . pre s i dents have left to their su cce s s ors : Franklin D.

Roo s evelt died before the pe ace nego ti a ti ons bega n ,l e aving to Ha rry S. Truman key

dec i s i ons on ending the World War II and shaping po s t - con f l i ct rel a ti ons wi t h

Eu rope ,G erm a ny, Ja p a n , and the Sovi et Un i on . Tru m a n , in tu rn , l eft Korea to

D wi ght D. Ei s en h ower, and Ei s en h ower left Cuba and In dochina to John F.

Ken n edy. Ji m my Ca rter bequ e a t h ed Iran to his su cce s s ors , and Geor ge Bu s h

bequ e a t h ed Ira q . Al ong with these last three , Cl i n ton is leaving Ko s ovo, the Mi d dl e

E a s t , and Nort h ern Ireland to the new Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on .

wBew a re of the law of u n i n ten ded con s equ en ce s . Rem a rking that “h i s torians of c ivil i z a ti ons older than our own are well aw a re of the inexora ble manner in wh i ch the

re s o luti on of one major con f l i ct of ten sows the seeds of su b s equ ent on e s ,”Wei n s tei n

poi n ted to the example of the Sovi et - Afghan war. Du ring this peri od , the Un i ted

S t a tes su pported the Muslim oppo s i ti on — both Afghan and other—and thereby provi ded training and equ i pm ent for the current Taliban regime and for the “Osama Bi n

L adens who terrori ze We s tern interests worl dwi de .”An uninten ded con s equ en ce of

Am erican wi t h d rawal from the Balkans and the implem en t a ti on of the Na ti on a l

Missile Defense sys tem may be hei gh ten ed discord in NATO, l e ading perhaps to the

f i rst pe ace nego ti a ti ons the Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on wi ll have to undert a ke .

Wei n s tein also ex a m i n ed the role of NGOs in pe acem a k i n g, n o ting their incre a s ed

activi ty in recent ye a rs . “I remain do u btf u l ,h owever, that at least in its early ye a rs ,t h e

n ew Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on wi ll find su ch initi a tives by NGOs and disti n g u i s h ed gl obal figu res mu ch to its liking, e s pec i a lly given the idiosyncra tic indepen den ce with wh i ch su ch

priva te ef fort s — my own Cen ter for Dem oc rac y ’s inclu ded — proceed . Non et h el e s s , su ch

i n i ti a tives wi ll con ti nue to play an incre a s i n gly important role in pren ego ti a ti ons and

pe ace med i a ti ons them s elve s , wh a tever the vi ews of a particular U. S . ad m i n i s tra ti on ,i n

p a rt because of the close ties su ch groups and indivi duals of ten have with the med i a ,

i n f lu en tial mem bers of Con gress from both parti e s , and prom i n ent forei gn leaders .”

People Power and Democrat i z at i o n

Tu rning to another top i c , Peter Ackerm a n , the coa ut h or of Strategic Nonviolent Conflict

( 1 9 9 4 ) ,s po ke abo ut an approach that bri n gs both new actors and new forces into the

s ph ere of con f l i ct tra n s form a ti on . Ra t h er than con cen tra ting on pe acemaking ef forts in

on going con f l i ct s , he foc u s ed on bri n ging ch a n ge to govern m ents and aut h ori ties that are

t h em s elves sources of con f l i ct—not thro u gh vi o l ent upri s i n gs or intern a ti onal interventi on , but thro u gh non of f i c i a l ,n onvi o l ent means of opening up repre s s ive soc i eties and

c re a ting dem oc ra tic insti tuti on s . Ci ting the words of Lech Wa l e s a ,l e ader of the Po l i s h

So l i d a ri ty Movem en t , and Mkhu s eli Jack , a boycott leader in apart h eid So uth Af ri c a ,

Ackerman poi n ted out that each leader ref l ected a deep convi cti on that their nonvi o l en t

acti ons would even tu a lly bring down the repre s s ive states they oppo s ed . “What did Lech

Walesa and Mkhu s eli Jack see that made them so con f i dent? At the very least, t h eir statem ents tell us that they had a vi s i on that the nonvi o l ent we a pons they were using were

punishing their oppon en t s , and they were plotting new en ga gem ents that they bel i eved

would lead to vi ctory.”

3 4 Making Peace; Making It Stick
What con s ti tutes stra tegic nonvi o l ent con f l i ct? It is a well - p l a n n ed , orch e s tra ted

dep l oym ent of su ch tools as pro te s t s ,refusals to coopera te , and direct acti ons aimed

s pec i f i c a lly against repre s s ive leaders or insti tuti on s . Pro tests might inclu de peti ti on s ,

p a rade s ,w a l ko ut s , and mass dem on s tra ti ons that stren g t h en popular su pport . Met h od s

of n on coopera ti on en compass stri ke s , boyco t t s , re s i gn a ti on s , and civil disobed i en ce .

Nonvi o l ent acti ons or interven ti ons inclu de sit-ins, n onvi o l ent sabo t a ge , and bl ock ade s .

But in order for these tools to work ,Ackerman asserted ,o t h er el em ents need to be in

p l ace , i n clu d i n g

wA unified command com m i t ted to a nonvi o l ent stra tegy

wObj ectives that wi ll en ga ge all el em ents of s oc i ety

wA stra tegy for striking at the vu l n era ble spots of the advers a ry

wThe capac i ty to deal with the ef fects of n ew repre s s i on and terror

wThe coopera ti on of i n s ti tuti ons su ch as the military and the po l i ce that the advers a ry needs to stay in power

These el em ents can gre a t ly increase the po s s i bi l i ties that stra tegic nonvi o l ent acti on

wi ll be ef fective .“To the qu e s ti on of wh et h er a stra tegy of n onvi o l ent con f l i ct can su cceed

a gainst po l i tical tyra n ny, the answer is a resounding ‘ ye s’! However, we should not confuse the po s s i bi l i ty of a su ccessful nonvi o l ent re s i s t a n ce movem ent with the exce s s ive

claim that every nonvi o l ent re s i s t a n ce movem ent must inevi t a bly prevail because its

m et h ods are ju s t .” In ex p l oring why indivi duals become invo lved in stra tegic nonvi ol en ce ,Ackerman found that almost all examples showed one of the fo ll owing ch a racteri sti c s :t h ey had ex peri en ced a failed vi o l ent upri s i n g ; t h ey had no opti on to use the military

( a l t h o u gh they were not oppo s ed to doing so); or they had learn ed from examples of

su ccessful stra tegic nonvi o l ent campaigns el s ewh ere .“Way down on the list was the

n o ti on of a moral impera tive to remain nonvi o l ent or a bel i ef that they could convi n ce

t h eir oppon ent to stand down .L acking no illu s i ons abo ut the tyra n t’s su peri or arm ed

power, t h ey con ceived of n onvi o l ent con f l i ct as the way to fight and wi n .”

Ackerman tu rn ed to the recent case of the overt h row of Sl obodan Mi l o s evic thro u gh a

s tra tegic nonvi o l ent campaign in Serbi a . This campaign showed several ch a racteri s tics of

o t h er su ccessful campaign s : the or ga n i zers learn ed lessons from other con f l i ct s ,t h ey

m obi l i zed su pport from all el em ents of s oc i ety, and they co - opted the po l i ce—the sec u rity forces that Mi l o s evic needed to stay in power.“ Most intere s ting was how priva te

NGOs had a trem en dous impact on the outcom e . With the provi s i on of on ly tens of m i ll i ons of do ll a rs (as oppo s ed to bi ll i ons for the bom bing) the oppo s i ti on was able to bo t h

sustain an indepen dent or ga n i z a ti onal base and cre a te a com mu n i c a ti ons infra s tru ctu re ,

so that the re s i s t a n ce seem ed ubi qu i tous and unstopp a bl e . This was a significant factor in

n eutralizing the terror and invo lving a mu ch wi der slice of the Serb pop u l a ti on .”

Perhaps because the driving forces behind this and other stra tegic nonvi o l ent camp a i gns are indivi duals and NGOs ra t h er than official stru ctu re s , the forei gn policy commu n i ty has rem a i n ed ign orant or skeptical abo ut the idea of s tra tegic nonvi o l ent con f l i ct .

Su pporting Crocker ’s point abo ut understanding the va ri ety of tools ava i l a ble for affecting pe ace and dem oc ra tic ch a n ge , Ackerman noted that “trad i ti on a lly, the ph en om en on

Making Peace; Making It Stick 3 5
has been lu m ped into pe ace studies and wron gly seen as a form of con f l i ct preven ti on or

re s o luti on . Nonvi o l ent tactics have not been con s i dered rel evant wh en the fight begi n s ,

for by then on ly the correl a ti on of a rm ed forces matter. But de s p i te the skepti c i s m ,t h e

a ppeti te to learn more abo ut nonvi o l ent con f l i ct is growing dra m a ti c a lly,” as evi den ced

by inqu i ries he has received from the Fa lun Gon g, and from oppo s i ti on groups in

Bel a ru s , Ivory Coa s t , Ira n , and Zi m b a bwe . Official pe acem a kers and po l i c ym a kers should

u n derstand the power of this too l , both in bri n ging con s tru ctive ch a n ge to repre s s ive

regimes and in establishing stron ger dem oc rac i e s ,t h ereby reducing the ch a n ces of conf l i ct in the futu re .

3 6 Making Peace; Making It Stick
I

n the ye a rs since the end of the Cold Wa r, the Un i ted States and Eu rope have stru ggl ed

to fashion a clear stra tegy to assist Russia to take its place in the tra n s a t l a n tic com mun i ty.As a re su l t ,t h ree po ten tial end states for Ru s s i a’s rel a ti onship with the West are

n ow fore s ee a bl e :

wA Russia that bel on gs to a pe acef u l ,u n d ivi ded , and dem oc ra tic Eu rope

and that sees its iden ti ty as part of that com mu n i ty

wA Russia that is out s i de that com mu n i ty but non et h eless bel i eves its

f u n d a m ental interests lie in coopera ting with it

wA Russia that sees an intern a ti onal sys tem em bod i ed in We s tern insti tuti ons as

t h re a tening to its fundamental intere s t s , and therefore works actively to co u n ter it

with the assistance of o ut l i er state s

The goal of f utu re U. S . policies tow a rd Ru s s i a , most Am erican ex perts bel i eve , must be

to strive for the first scen a ri o, to be accepting of the secon d , and to em p l oy policies to

avoid the third . Al t h o u gh there is disagreem ent abo ut the su ccess of the Cl i n ton ad m i n i stra ti on’s Russia po l i c y, t h ere is con s en sus that the Un i ted States can learn from past po l icies wi t h o ut assigning bl a m e . The vi s i on of Russia as a coopera tive mem ber of t h e

broader tra n s a t l a n tic com mu n i ty is an easily agreed upon lon g - term goal in Am eri c a n

policy circl e s . But Russia must con clu de for itsel f that accepting the norms and pri n c i p l e s

of the tra n s a t l a n tic com mu n i ty and appropri a tely parti c i p a ting in its insti tuti ons is the

best way to sec u re Ru s s i a’s own lon g - term sec u ri ty and broader nati onal intere s t s .

Con feren ce spe a kers parti c i p a ting in the panel discussion “Why is Pa rtn ership wi t h

Russia So Elu s ive ? ”ad d re s s ed many su ch aspects of Ru s s i a’s difficult rel a ti onship with the

West over the last dec ade . S trobe Ta l bo t t , dep uty sec ret a ry of s t a te and the leading force

of Russia policy du ring the Cl i n ton ad m i n i s tra ti on , su gge s ted the Russians de s erve more

c redit for the ef forts they have made since the end of the Cold Wa r. He warn ed ,h owever,

that reform ef forts could be revers ed and that leadership matters . Ser gey Rogov, d i rector

of Mo s cow ’s influ en tial In s ti tute of USA and Ca n ada Stu d i e s , em ph a s i zed the fru s trati ons of Russian leadership as it stru ggles to combat internal probl ems over wh i ch it has

a ut h ori ty and intern a ti onal probl ems over wh i ch it has little con tro l . Poi n ting to Ru s s i a’s

trem en dous forei gn debt , po ten ti a lly cri ppling pro s pects for improved econ omic growt h ,

Rogov noted that re s tru ctu ring that debt is an issue out of Russian con tro l . Pa u l a

Dobri a n s ky, vi ce pre s i dent of the Council on Forei gn Rel a ti ons arti c u l a ted the re a s on s

why it is important to have stable and coopera tive rel a ti ons with Russia and pre s en ted

opti ons for improving those rel a ti on s .S teph en J. Hadl ey, the dep uty nati onal sec u ri ty

advi s er in the new Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on , m odera ted and parti c i p a ted in the discussion . 3 7

S u m m a r i zed by

Emily Metzgar

F i ve

Why Is Pa r t n e rship with Russia So Elusive ?
Nu rtu ring the bi l a teral rel a ti onship bet ween the Un i ted States and Russia is one of t h e

key forei gn policy ch a ll en ges facing the new ad m i n i s tra ti on . The discussion among three

ex perts on the su bj ect of Russia and its rel a ti ons with the Un i ted States indicated how difficult and com p l i c a ted the su bj ect of rel a ti ons with Russia is to Am erican forei gn po l i c y.

Dealing with Russia in Tra n s i t i o n

S trobe Ta l bott argued that wh en it comes to con ti nu i ty of govern m ent in both dom e s ti c

and intern a ti onal po l i c i e s , t h ere is less cert a i n ty in Russia than in the Un i ted State s . In

Ru s s i a , one leader ’s short - term accom p l i s h m ents should not be mistaken for a legac y. A

l egacy is properly seen as the implem en t a ti on of l a s ti n g, i n s ti tuti on a l i zed ch a n ge ; no su ch

thing was accom p l i s h ed under form er pre s i dent Boris Yel t s i n ,h owever.

Ta l bott noted that, n evert h el e s s , Yeltsin de s erves credit for starting Russia down the

path tow a rd reform . Yel t s i n’s acti ons did not su cceed in establishing a legac y, and they

c a u s ed many lingering probl em s ; n evert h el e s s , he did lay the fundamental gro u n dwork

for Ru s s i a’s evo luti on into a dem oc ra tic co u n try with a free - m a rket sys tem . The qu e s ti on

tod ay remains to what ex tent current pre s i dent V l adimir Putin wi ll build on the fundam entals Yeltsin tri ed to establish and wh et h er Putin wi ll then take the ad d i ti onal steps to

com p l ete Ru s s i a’s evo luti on .

Looking at the historical record , Ta l bott iden ti f i ed several ways in wh i ch Yeltsin hel ped

Russia take the first cri tical steps aw ay from com munism and the policies of the form er

Sovi et Un i on and tow a rd a dem oc ra tic sys tem with a market - ori en ted econ omy.

wF i rs t , as Ru s s i a’s pre s i den t , Boris Yeltsin worked to dismantle the command econ omy. It is clear now, h owever, that this was accom p l i s h ed at ex tra ord i n a ry cost to the

Russian peop l e . This initi a tive is also the ori gin of m a ny of the cri tical issues now

f acing the Russian econ omy. Fa ll o ut from “l oans for share s” and the re su l ti n g

en demic corru pti on con ti nue to ch a racteri ze Ru s s i a’s flawed tra n s i ti on even tod ay.

wDete s ting the Com munist Pa rty, Yeltsin worked aggre s s ively to “def a n g” i t , Ta l bo t t

s a i d . Yeltsin su cceeded in loo s ening the party ’s stra n gl ehold on the po l i tics of t h e

form er Sovi et Un i on and paved the way for the ex p l o s i on of s m a ll ,s pec i a l - i n tere s t

po l i tical parties that now vie for a voi ce in the Russian po l i tical sys tem .

wYeltsin also worked to establish the habit of “el ectora l i s m” in Ru s s i a . Ta l bott was

c a reful to distinguish bet ween “el ectora l i s m” and “dem oc rac y,” but he argued that

Yel t s i n’s ef forts to send people to the po lls reg u l a rly to vo te for their leaders were

f u n d a m ental in devel oping ten dencies wi t h o ut wh i ch true dem oc racy for Ru s s i a

wi ll remain an unattainable goa l .

wTa l bott also stre s s ed both Yel t s i n’s prom o ti on of a free press and his devel opm ent of

n on govern m ental or ga n i z a ti ons (NGOs), wh i ch toget h er have begun to ch a n ge the

l a n d s c a pe of s oc i ety and public policy in Ru s s i a .

wF i n a lly, Yeltsin establ i s h ed the Com m onwealth of In depen dent States (CIS), a loo s e

or ga n i z a ti on of s t a tes referred to as the Newly In depen dent States (NIS) by the U. S .

G overn m ent in recogn i ti on of the vo lu n t a ry natu re of m em bership in the loo s e

con federa ti on of n a ti ons under the Russia umbrell a . Ta l bott call ed Yel t s i n’s po l i c y

3 8 Why Is Partnership with Russia So Elusive?
tow a rd these co u n tries one of “ben i gn and con s tru ctive passivi ty.” He su gge s ted ,

h owever, that Puti n’s inten ti ons tow a rd these nati ons remain uncl e a r; the legacy of

t h eir loose affiliati on - by - ch oi ce with Russia is not yet solidified .

Al t h o u gh many steps taken by Yeltsin yi el ded po s i tive — a l beit imperm a n en t — re su l t s ,

Ta l bott ob s erved that many of Yel t s i n’s acti ons cre a ted more probl ems than they solved .

His incom p l ete econ omic reforms de s troyed the base of p u blic su pport nece s s a ry for

making futu re difficult, corrective , econ om i c - policy dec i s i on s . The failu re to insti tuti ona l i ze econ omic reforms led to the cre a ti on of a new class of po l i tical powerbro kers

oppo s ed to the policy ch a n ges thre a tening their oliga rchic intere s t s . The failu re to fully

decon s tru ct Sovi et - era sec u ri ty insti tuti ons means that an invi gora ted FSB (the su cce s s or

to the Sovi et KGB) and strong govern m ent hand sti ll pose the gre a test ch a ll en ges to

tod ay ’s nascent free press and civil soc i ety. F i n a lly, the war in Ch ech nya con ti nues to po s e

the gre a test threat to the vi a bi l i ty of Russia as a dem oc ra ti c , mu l ti ethnic state with a govern m ent depen dent on legi ti m acy as the source of its aut h ori ty. The lon g - term vi a bi l i ty

of Yel t s i n’s ef forts at reform has yet to be dem on s tra ted .

Ta l bott spo ke of a pack a ge of i s sues known in the Cl i n ton ad m i n i s tra ti on as “n orm s

and nei gh bors .” The fundamental qu e s ti on facing the new ad m i n i s tra ti on , Ta l bott said,

is wh et h er Russia wi ll evo lve into a genu i n ely plu ra l i s tic soc i ety. Tod ay there is little do u bt

of Ru s s i a’s divers i ty. E n co u ra ging Russia to see this as an asset ra t h er than a liabi l i ty is the

ch a ll en ge for U. S . po l i c ym a kers . Ta l bott recom m en ded that the new ad m i n i s tra ti on simp ly su pport Russia in its dom e s tic reforms and en co u ra ge in Russia a “l ive and let live”

forei gn - policy atti tu de tow a rd its nei gh bors .

Who “Lost” Russia?

Ser gey Rogov began by accusing Ta l bott of c a lling the Yeltsin ye a rs “the go l den age of

dem oc racy and market reform” for Ru s s i a . Rogov con te s ted this vi ew. He insisted that

with its great divers i ty, Russia needs to establish a new iden ti ty sep a ra te from what he

c a ll ed “Cz a rist com mu n i s m .” Russia must also com p l ete the tra n s i ti on from a com m a n d

to a market econ omy. Dem oc racy has not taken root in Ru s s i a . Ru s s i a’s intern a ti onal status is “s econd ra te ,” he noted ,l acking “the veto power of Lu xem bo u r g.” F i n a lly, Ru s s i a’s

defense stru ctu re must be reform ed to repre s ent more acc u ra tely the inten ti ons of t h e

Russian Federa ti on .

Rogov argued that Yeltsin failed , and now Putin faces the same tasks as his predece s s or.

Putin is not re s pon s i ble for the probl ems he inheri ted , and his term in of f i ce is the

opportu n i ty for a new start . Nei t h er the Un i ted States nor Russia “l o s t” Ru s s i a . The fact

i s , the “n ew world order ” cannot be con s tru cted wi t h o ut Ru s s i a . The probl em is that the

West dec i ded to build this new order based on We s tern insti tuti ons to wh i ch Russia doe s

not bel on g. Russia has been margi n a l i zed .

Russia en ded the Cold Wa r, Rogov noted . Should it not be rew a rded for having don e

so? Russia should not be tre a ted as a defe a ted co u n try, and yet , in the intern a ti onal aren a ,

s i n ce the end of the Sovi et Un i on , Russia has been pre s en ted with intern a ti onal deals as

faits accomplis.

Con cerning a “real stra tegic partn ers h i p,” the Un i ted States and Russia do indeed have

com m on intere s t s , but there must be a “m echanism for making com m on dec i s i on s” a n d

Why Is Partnership with Russia So Elusive? 3 9
this mechanism must be insti tuti on a l i zed , he advi s ed . Is sues in the bi l a teral rel a ti on s h i p

must not be pre s en ted to Russia as take - i t - or- l e ave-it propo s i ti on s . “We all failed to

devel op that mech a n i s m ,” he argued .“The re sult was ex treme fra gm en t a ti on of po l i c y.”

Th ere was no Ma rs h a ll Plan for Ru s s i a . The Un i ted States inste ad “bel i eved in pers ona l i ty and su pported priva te corru pti on .” Policies su pported acc u mu l a ti on of dom e s ti c

debt and a situ a ti on re su l ting in en ormous capital fligh t . The Russian govern m ent spen t

“35 percent of a ll its revenue to pay its forei gn debt , [not unlike] German rep a ra ti on s

a f ter the Wa r.”

In the meanti m e , Rogov con ti nu ed , in the first dec ade after the Cold Wa r, the Un i ted

S t a tes lost its en t husiasm for arms con tro l . It thre a ten ed to wi t h d raw from the anti - b a ll i stic missile (ABM) tre a ty and not to pursue STA RT III. Russia is unable to re s pond in reci procal fashion to these unilateral U. S .s tep s . He went on to qu e s ti on why both co u n tri e s

s ti ll opera te within the con s tru ct of mutu a lly assu red de s tru cti on (MAD). If both co u ntries are serious abo ut moving beyond MAD, Rogov cl a i m ed ,t h en redu cti ons in stra tegi c

of fen s ive we a pons are nece s s a ry.

The top pri ori ty for policy tow a rd Russia should be the econ omy, Rogov insisted .

Wi t h o ut the re s tru ctu ring of Ru s s i a’s forei gn debt , no rosy futu re scen a rio wi ll be po s s ibl e . Russia cannot do this unilatera lly, n or can it join the World Trade Orga n i z a ti on

(WTO) until this issue is set t l ed .

“ In tegra ti on of Russia into the intern a ti onal com mu n i ty ” should be a U. S . policy priori ty. As sume that in the year 2010 Russia has been su cce s s f u lly integra ted , Rogov po s i ted : h ow would that happen? Work back w a rds and devise the policies nece s s a ry to get

t h ere from here , he advi s ed . Ma ny co u n tries bel ong to the West wi t h o ut mem bership in

NATO, Rogov noted : Con s i der Japan and Is rael . The current dialogue with Russia simply

“l acks seri o u s n e s s .”

Institutionalizing Bilat e ral Relat i o n s

While not qu e s ti oning the import a n ce of i n s ti tuti onalizing rel a ti ons bet ween Russia and

the Un i ted State s , Paula Dobri a n s ky ack n owl ed ged that recognizing the need for insti tuti on a l i z a ti on raises fundamental qu e s ti on s : Why is Russia con s i dered important en o u gh

to spend time and re s o u rces on improving the rel a ti onship? What should be the fundam ental policy pri ori ties? What issues have the gre a test po ten tial for bi l a teral coopera ti on ?

What issues have gre a test po ten tial for bi l a teral fri cti on? What are the best means of i n s tituti onalizing the rel a ti onship? 

Dobri a n s ky argued that Russia is important because it is a major Eu rasian power and,

de s p i te significant econ omic probl em s , it sti ll wi elds influ en ce . In po s s e s s i on of we a pon s

of mass de s tru cti on , Russia cannot be all owed to su ccumb to anarchic force s . The Un i ted

S t a tes has a “ vital stake ,” she said, in seeing Russia stabi l i zed .

Dobri a n s ky iden ti f i ed three fundamental policy pri ori ties for the new ad m i n i s tra ti on

con cerning Ru s s i a .

wF i rs t , the Un i ted States should seek sec u ri ty coopera ti on on both non pro l i fera ti on

i s sues and the prom o ti on of h i gh er degrees of tra n s p a rency in Ru s s i a’s dom e s ti c

defense envi ron m en t .

4 0 Why Is Partnership with Russia So Elusive?
wSecon d , the Un i ted States should en co u ra ge coopera ti on on com m on interest issu e s

while pro tecting Am erican interests wh ere there is disagreem en t .E n ga gem ent on

probl ems su ch as terrorism and focusing on regi onal hotspots are good po s s i bi l i ti e s

for coopera ti on on com m on intere s t s .

wF i n a lly, the Un i ted States should prom o te po s i tive dem oc ra tic trends in Russia in

po l i tics while maintaining re a l i s tic ex pect a ti ons abo ut likely re su l t s . This wo u l d

i n clu de a shift from large-scale assistance for Russia to small er, m ore targeted aid.

With “a ppropri a te statec ra f t” the defense issues with the gre a test po ten tial for con f l i ct

in the bi l a teral rel a ti onship can be ad d re s s ed , Dobri a n s ky said. Ad d ressing Islamic fundam entalism toget h er, Russia and the Un i ted States can build their coopera tive rel a ti on s .

Na ti onal missile defense (NMD) can be a source of “ei t h er con f l i ct or coopera ti on ,” s h e

s a i d , but the Un i ted States must convey that it is serious abo ut the su bj ect . If Mo s cow

thinks Wa s h i n g ton is wavering on NMD, that becomes part of the probl em .

Dobri a n s ky warn ed that on other issu e s , while Russian su pport cannot be ex pected ,

the Russian re acti on can be tem pered . These issues inclu de NATO en l a r gem en t ,t h e

Ba l k a n s , certain Russian econ omic tren d s , and Ch ech nya .

On the su bj ect of i n s ti tuti onalizing the rel a ti on s h i p, Dobri a n s ky cauti on ed aga i n s t

relying on a “s i n gle official talk stru ctu re .” In s te ad , she urged that the Un i ted State s

“dep l oy a mu l ti tu de of con t acts on a va ri ety of l evel s ,” i n cluding devel opm ent of s t a te - to -

regi on rel a ti on s h i p s .O n going parl i a m en t a ry exch a n ges should be con ti nu ed and cont acts bet ween defense or ga n i z a ti ons should be nu rtu red . The ch a ll en ge facing the new

ad m i n i s tra ti on is to recogn i ze that while differen ces are inevi t a bl e ,t h ey cannot be

a ll owed to poi s on the overa ll bi l a teral rel a ti on s h i p.

C o n c l u s i o n

As su gge s ted by Steve Hadl ey in his com m en t a ry, “the probl em with Russia is our po l iti c s .”Am ericans like cl a ri ty in their intern a ti onal rel a ti on s , wh ere the disti n cti on bet ween

f ri end and foe or ally and advers a ry is cl e a r- c ut and provi des a fra m ework within wh i ch

it is easy to opera te . The Un i ted States does less well wh en dealing with a co u n try like

Ru s s i a , wh i ch has important interests that are both shared and sharp ly diver gen t .

Devising policies to ad d ress the re a l i ties of the U. S . - Russian bi l a teral rel a ti on s h i p

requ i res a soph i s ti c a ted approach . Po l i c ym a kers should recogn i ze the many po ten ti a l

a reas for coopera ti on and should think beyond official bi l a teral con t act s . A va ri ety of

forums can be used to iden tify po ten tial areas for co ll a bora ti on . The Un i ted States mu s t

n ow work to maximize them .

Why Is Partnership with Russia So Elusive? 4 1
Agreat deal of the discussion and spec u l a ti on abo ut the new Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on’s

forei gn policy has revo lved around the ex tent to wh i ch it wi ll con ti nue policies in

the Balkans initi a ted under the Cl i n ton ad m i n i s tra ti on . S pec i f i c a lly, the deb a te has

been on the mainten a n ce of troop dep l oym ents in Ko s ovo and Bo s n i a , wh i ch total ro u gh ly

1 1 , 0 0 0 . This overa rching qu e s ti on , as well as how the Un i ted States should best ad d ress a

ra p i dly ch a n ging situ a ti on in the Ba l k a n s , was discussed du ring the panel en ti t l ed “ Bu i l d i n g

a Stable Ba l k a n s .” In s ti tute Exec utive Vi ce Pre s i dent Ha rri et Hen t ges modera ted the panel ,

wh i ch inclu ded Morton Abra m owitz of the Cen tu ry Fo u n d a ti on , Un ders ec ret a ry of

Defense Wa l ter Sl ocom be , and Ri ch a rd Perle of the Am erican Enterprise In s ti tute .In ad d iti on to this panel , the topic of Am eri c a’s policy in the Balkans and its rel eva n ce to the U. S .

rel a ti onship with Eu rope and Russia was pre s en ted in other panels and ad d re s s ed by

Sen a tor Jo s eph Bi den and out going Na ti onal Sec u ri ty Advi s er Sa n dy Ber ger.

The Current Situat i o n

The situ a ti on in So ut h e a s tern Eu rope has sign i f i c a n t ly ch a n ged du ring the past ye a r,

wh i ch began with landmark parl i a m en t a ry and pre s i den tial el ecti ons in Croa ti a . Th o s e

el ecti ons a year ago, wh i ch fo ll owed the death of Pre s i dent Franjo Tu d j m a n , forced the

ruling nati onalist party, the Croa tian Dem oc ra tic Un i on ,f rom power for the first ti m e

s i n ce indepen den ce . Za greb’s policies tow a rd Bosnia and Her zegovi n a ,m i n ori ties in

Croa tia (most import a n t ly Serb s ) , and the In tern a ti onal Criminal Tri bunal for the form er Yu go s l avia (ICTY) ,h ave become con s i dera bly more progre s s ive . Probl ems rem a i n ,

e s pec i a lly rega rding acco u n t a bi l i ty for war crimes du ring Opera ti ons Flash and Storm in

1 9 9 5 , wh i ch cru s h ed et h n i c - Serb - dom i n a ted sece s s i onist regi ons and led to an exodus of

ethnic Serbs from Croa tia into Bosnia and Serbi a . But Croa ti a’s govern m ent has def i n itively ce a s ed to be a con f l i ct gen era tor in the regi on .

More recen t ly, the fall of the Sl obodan Mi l o s evic regime in Yu go s l avia in October 2000

h eralds the hopeful begi n n i n gs of dem oc ra tic devel opm ent there . Mi l o s evi c’s ru m p

Yu go s l avia had long been a source of con f l i ct in the form er Yu go s l avi a . Serbian Rep u bl i c

el ecti ons at the end of last year con s o l i d a ted the vi ctory of dem oc ra tic force s , t h e

Dem oc ra tic Oppo s i ti on of Serbia (DO S ) , wh i ch had won in the Septem ber el ecti ons and

h ad sec u red its vi ctory in the streets of Bel grade in October. Yu go s l avia was then qu i ck ly

ad m i t ted to the Un i ted Na ti ons and to the Orga n i z a ti on for Sec u ri ty and Coopera ti on in

Eu rope (OSCE), and has ga rn ered promises of We s tern po l i tical and financial su pport .

But the tra n s i ti on to Eu ropean norms of dem oc racy con ti nu e s . Sl obodan Mi l o s evi c’s

Socialists are margi n a l i zed , but some who have been indicted for war crimes have yet to

be ei t h er arre s ted or even rem oved from public life . This issue is fast becoming a barom e4 2 ter of Yu go s l avi a’s con cepti on of its obl i ga ti on s .

S u m m a r i zed by

Kurt Ba s s u e n e r

Building a Stable Balkans

S i x
Serbi a’s rel a ti onship with its small er federal partn er, the Rep u blic of Mon ten egro,

has not improved since October. Si n ce 1998, Mon ten egro has devel oped its dem oc ra ti c

s tru ctu res and rel a ti ons with the out s i de world at a distance from Bel grade , a distance

that incre a s ed du ring the war in Ko s ovo and NATO’s military interven ti on .

Mon ten egro under Pre s i dent Milo Dju k a n ovic and his Coa l i ti on for a Bet ter Life has

devel oped sep a ra te rel a ti onships with the We s t , has insu l a ted Mon ten egro from the

Mil o s evic regi m e’s disastrous econ omic policies by adopting the German mark ,a n d

has su b s t a n ti a lly improved interethnic rel a ti ons within the Rep u bl i c . Ch a n ges to the

federal con s ti tuti on by the Mi l o s evic govern m ent in the su m m er of 2000 led

Mon ten egro to boycott the Septem ber federal parl i a m en t a ry and pre s i den tial el ecti on s

that were won by the DO S . The con s equ ent pairing of the DOS and the Soc i a l i s t

Peop l e’s Pa rty, an ers t while Mon ten egrin ally of the Mi l o s evic regi m e , h el ped furt h er

sour rel a ti ons bet ween Mon ten egro and the new dem oc ra tic coa l i ti on in Bel grade . At

pre s en t , a propo s ed new rel a ti onship bet ween the rep u blics appe a rs to be a de ad let ter,

and Mon ten egrin parl i a m en t a ry el ecti ons have been sch edu l ed for Apri l . If the ru l i n g

coa l i ti on wi n s , a referen dum on indepen den ce is ex pected . While Yu go s l av Pre s i den t

Kos tunica has ru l ed out (federal) military interven ti on , in tra - Mon ten egrin vi o l en ce

could po s s i bly eru pt . Monten egro has not received any intern a ti onal su pport for indepen den ce .

One major re a s on for intern a ti onal relu ct a n ce tow a rd an indepen dent Mon ten egro is

the fear of what might re sult in Ko s ovo, the Serbian provi n ce into wh i ch NATO force s

were introdu ced in mid-1999. Vi o l en ce by the ethnic Albanian majori ty and by minori ty

Serb s , as well as by other minori ties su ch as Rom a , has been a major probl em since then .

The proporti on of Serbs in Ko s ovo’s pop u l a ti on has dra m a ti c a lly dec re a s ed . In ad d i ti on ,

i n tra - Albanian vi o l en ce , both criminal and po l i ti c a l , con ti nues to plague Ko s ovo. In ad d iti on , in recent months activi ty by ethnic Albanian insu r gents in the sout h ern Serbian 

d i s tri cts of Medved ja , Bu ja n ovac , and Pre s evo has hei gh ten ed ten s i ons ac ross the five -

k i l om eter “Ground Sec u ri ty Zon e” in Ko s ovo sep a ra ting NATO from Yu go s l av force s .

The status of Ko s ovo, wh i ch is def i n ed as part of Yu go s l avia (not Serbia) by UN Sec u ri ty

Council Re s o luti on 1244 (UNSC 1244), rem a i n s , in actu a l i ty, u n def i n ed . Ko s ovo

Albanians overwh el m i n gly favor indepen den ce , while the federal Yu go s l av and Serbi a n

govern m ents insist that Ko s ovo remains part of Yu go s l avia and the Rep u blic of Serbi a .

Th ere are no vocal su pporters of Ko s ovo’s indepen den ce in the intern a ti onal com mu n i ty,

wh i ch has based its con ti nuing approach in Ko s ovo on building local insti tuti ons and

deferring the final status qu e s ti on . In depen den ce for Ko s ovo, according to some analys t s ,

would de s t a bi l i ze Macedon i a , with its large ethnic Albanian minori ty. Ot h ers are of t h e

op i n i on that Ko s ovo’s con ti nu ed limbo prom o tes vi o l en ce and instabi l i ty.

While Bosnia remains at pe ace five ye a rs after the Dayton Accord s ,t h ere has been on ly

s l ow progress tow a rd building a sel f - su s t a i n i n g, f u n cti oning state . To a great ex ten t , t h i s

process has been en c u m bered by the stru ctu res cre a ted at Dayton to end the war. Th e

Bo s n i a k - Croat Federa ti on and the Rep u blika Srp s k a , the two en ti ties cre a ted at Dayton ,

hold a majori ty of powers , and ethnic nati onalist parties who were sign a tories of t h e

a greem ent maintain a strong grip on po l i tical and econ omic levers de s p i te el ectoral 

s etb acks in su cce s s ive el ecti on s . A nu m ber of m a j or indicted war cri m i n a l s , most notably

Building a Stable Balkans 4 3
4 4 Building a Stable Balkans

form er Bosnian Serb po l i tical leader Radovan Ka radzic who has been repe a tedly sigh ted

in Bo s n i a , remain at large . Ref u gee retu rn has accel era ted in 2000, but a lack of bo t h

s ec u ri ty from local nati onalist officials and econ omic assistance con ti nues to put a bra ke

on those retu rn s . A redu ced NATO military pre s en ce ,i n cluding Am erican force s , rem a i n s

on the gro u n d .

The “ Building a Stable Ba l k a n s” p a n el was assem bl ed to ad d ress the policy ch a ll en ge s

this com p l ex envi ron m ent pre s ents to the Un i ted States and the incoming Bush ad m i n i stra ti on .

P roposals on Po l i cy 

No one at the con feren ce put forw a rd the idea that the Balkans are not important to U. S .

forei gn po l i c y. Morton Abra m owitz saw nothing less than the stabi l i ty of So ut h e a s tern

Eu rope and the co h e s i on of NATO at stake in determining Am erican policy tow a rd the

Ba l k a n s .O ut going Na ti onal Sec u ri ty Advi s er Sa n dy Ber ger con n ected the Am eri c a n

en ga gem ent in the Balkans direct ly to not on ly maintaining stabi l i ty but also keeping the

promise of NATO alive for the co u n tries in the regi on . The Un i ted States “c a n’t cut and

ru n , or we wi ll forfeit the futu re of NATO,” he said in his lu n ch eon ad d re s s .

It is worth noting that none of the three panel i s t s , or indeed any other spe a kers at the

con feren ce ,m ade mu ch men ti on of Croa tia as a probl em for Am erican po l i c i e s . Th e

a pp a rent percepti on is that great stri des have been made in the past year since Pre s i den t

S ti pe Mesic and Prime Mi n i s ter Ivica Racan have come to power, and that the co u n try

has ce a s ed to be a probl em . While there remain unre s o lved the issues of war crimes and

the retu rn of ethnic Serb ref u gees from Yu go s l avia and Bo s n i a , coopera ti on with the

ICTY has markedly improved , and Bosnian Croats who incre a s i n gly call for ethnic sep ara ti on can no lon ger look to Za greb for su pport from Croa ti a’s leaders h i p.

What remains of Yu go s l avi a — Serbi a , Mon ten egro, and Ko s ovo — pre s ents a nu m ber

of policy qu e s ti ons to the incoming Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on . The rel a ti onship among these

com pon ent parts remains as yet undef i n ed under the new dem oc ra tic federal governm ent in Bel grade , wh i ch de facto has no writ out s i de the borders of Serbi a . In ad d i ti on ,

n o ted Un ders ec ret a ry of Defense Walt Sl ocom be ,t h ere is the issue of the unrest in the

Pre s evo Va ll ey. In his pre s en t a ti on , Morton Abra m owitz laid out what he saw as the current Am erican policy approach ,u n ders coring the need for a sys tem a tic approach to the

regi on in order to recogn i ze interrel a ti onships while avoiding uninten ded policy con s equ en ce s . He noted that Ko s ovo has been ef fectively a hostage of the Dayton fra m ework ,

f rom wh i ch it had been exclu ded ; promises of coopera ti on from Pre s i dent Mi l o s evic on

Bosnia have led to a sof t - pedaling of the probl ems in Ko s ovo. With both Mi l o s evic and

Croa tian Pre s i dent Franjo Tudjman no lon ger occ u pying their po s t s ,n ew qu e s ti ons have

em er ged rega rding the status of terri tori e s . The role and acti ons of Serbia are cen tra l .

Abra m owitz saw no likel i h ood that NATO forces could be wi t h d rawn until these statu s

qu e s ti ons in Mon ten egro and Ko s ovo are re s o lved .

Abra m owitz saw current We s tern po l i c i e s , i n cluding those of the Un i ted State s , as giving pri ori ty to devel opm ents in Serbi a , and therefore tow a rd su pporting the Federa l

Rep u blic of Yu go s l avia (FRY) remaining intact . This approach is manife s ted in the active

d i s co u ra gem ent of Mon ten egro’s moves tow a rd indepen den ce and in the disrega rd of t h e
po s s i bi l i ty of Ko s ovo’s indepen den ce . The overa rching aim, in his vi ew, is to prom o te the

i n tegra ti on of these com pon ents into the regi on as a wh o l e . This sch ool of t h o u ght holds

that econ omic devel opm ent in all three parts wi ll ei t h er preclu de Ko s ovo’s dep a rtu re

f rom the FRY altoget h er, or make su ch a dep a rtu re less difficult. A com peting vi ewpoi n t

i den ti f i ed by Abra m owitz is that the current policy of su pporting the status quo merely

pro l on gs the agony and po s tpones what is, e s s en ti a lly, the inevi t a ble sep a ra ti on of Ko s ovo

and Mon ten egro from Serbi a . This sch ool of t h o u ght would not act to disall ow

Mon ten egro’s dep a rtu re from the FRY, and would call for UNSC 1244 to be su pers eded ,

wh i ch would leave Serbia to face the limits of the Rep u bl i c’s borders . UN Sec u ri ty

Council mem bers Russia and China cert a i n ly are not in favor of this approach . It is integral to this vi ew that the approach to the new dem oc ra tic govern m ent in Bel grade should

be pred i c a ted on the pre su m ed obl i ga ti on that it com p ly with ICTY demands that

Sl obodan Mi l o s evic and others be ex trad i ted for trial at The Ha g u e , and that there

should be en forcem ent of con d i ti on a l i ties to en co u ra ge this re su l t .

Abra m owitz then po s i ted his pers onal vi ew that the Un i ted States and its allies were in

no po s i ti on to “do anything rad i c a l ,” n o ting that this approach in itsel f h ad con s equ en ce s .

All owing Mon ten egro to leave , should it dec i de to do so, would help put Serbi a’s foc u s

b ack on itsel f . As for Ko s ovo, he advoc a ted a functi onal approach of e s t a blishing a con s tituti on and el ecting a Ko s ovo - wi de govern a n ce body, and he saw no need to force the 

s t a tus issue at pre s en t .

Un ders ec ret a ry Sl ocom be con c u rred in this vi ew: that the “s t a rk ch oi ce” of Ko s ovo’s

s t a tus could be deferred in favor of building insti tuti ons and making other progress on

the gro u n d . Even this approach is seen by some as a predeterm i n a ti on of an outcome in

f avor of even tual indepen den ce , and it would be oppo s ed not on ly in Bel grade , but also

in Eu rope and the Un i ted Na ti on s .

Form er Assistant Sec ret a ry of Defense Ri ch a rd Perle open ed his talk by stating that the

qu e s ti on of ju s ti ce is cen tral to the stabi l i z a ti on and dem oc ra ti z a ti on of the Ba l k a n s . He

n o ted that “big fish” war crimes indictees (pers ons indicted for war cri m e s , or “ PI F WC s ,”

as def i n ed by Sl ocom be) su ch as Radovan Ka radzic and form er Bosnian Serb military

com m a n der Ra t ko Mladic remain at large . Perle stated that appreh en s i on and trial of

these men is import a n t , and that Mi l o s evi c’s remaining at liberty at that time pre s en ted a

b a rri er to a needed catharsis in the regi on as well as to dem oc racy in Serbia wh ere he

con ti nu ed to wi eld influ en ce . Un ders ec ret a ry Sl ocom be agreed that the most sen i or

i n d i ctees would remain an issu e , t h o u gh he noted that ro u gh ly two - t h i rds of those publ i cly indicted have been arre s ted , h ave su rren dered ,h ave died , or have had their indictm ents dropped .L a ter in the day, Na ti onal Sec u ri ty Advi s er – de s i gn a te Con do l eezza Ri ce ,

in re s ponse to a qu e s ti on from the audien ce ,s t a ted that she ex pected U. S . policy to

remain foc u s ed on seeing those indicted bro u ght to ju s ti ce , but she did not po s tu l a te 

on how this would be ach i eved .

U. S. Fo rces in the Balkans 

A cen tral issue of d i s c u s s i on at the con feren ce was the role of Am erican forces in the

regi on .As Sa n dy Ber ger noted in his lu n ch eon ad d re s s , the proporti on of Am eri c a n

forces serving in Bosnia (the Stabi l i z a ti on Force or SFOR) and Ko s ovo (the Ko s ovo Force

Building a Stable Balkans 4 5
or KFOR) is small ; Eu rope provi des 87 percent of the troops and abo ut 80 percent of t h e

funds devo ted to these regi on s . The qu e s ti on wh et h er a U. S . pre s en ce is essen tial there

was a topic not on ly at the con feren ce , but also du ring the pre s i den tial campaign , du ri n g

wh i ch the Bush campaign was reported to have advoc a ted an Am erican wi t h d rawal in

con su l t a ti on with our NATO all i e s . In his introdu cti on of Ber ger, Sen a tor Bi den , com i n g

f rom the con f i rm a ti on heari n gs of n ow – Sec ret a ry of S t a te Colin Powell ,n o ted that he

was pleased to hear what he con s i dered a sof tening of this campaign stance by the

i n coming Bush te a m . His vi ew, bo l s tered by a recent trip to the Ba l k a n s , was that con ti nu ed Am erican parti c i p a ti on in SFOR and KFOR is essen tial to maintaining both these

m i s s i ons and Am eri c a’s “s i n gle most important all i a n ce” : NATO. He noted that were the

Un i ted States to wi t h d raw its forces from these mission s , the all i a n ce would be put under

a heavy stra i n . In her ad d re s s , Con do l eezza Ri ce noted that maintaining this all i a n ce ,

a m ong others , is important to the mainten a n ce of Am eri c a’s “h a rd ” power. Wh en qu e sti on ed after her speech , Ri ce said that the Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on bel i eves it is important to

revi ew U. S . dep l oym ents abroad , in the con text of con su l ting with our allies and in keeping with standing com m i tm en t s .

Pa n elists had a va ri ety of vi ews on the nece s s i ty of Am erican forces remaining on the

ground in the Ba l k a n s . Both Abra m owitz and Sl ocom be said that Am erican forces were

e s s en tial to keeping the all i ed missions toget h er and would have to be stati on ed in the

Balkans for the fore s ee a ble futu re . Abra m owitz cl o s ed his speech by saying that the “on ly

su ccessful exit stra tegy . . . is All i a n ce su cce s s . Th a t’s a long way of f .” Un ders ec ret a ry

Sl ocom be said that while some redu cti on of Am erican troop levels over time would be

“ i n evi t a ble and ju s t ,” the Un i ted States should be re s i gn ed to some military pre s en ce on

the ground for a long ti m e . He also said that it would be a mistake to establish wi t h d rawal as an obj ective , as oppo s ed to dep a rting wh en the time was ri gh t . Ri ch a rd Perle too k

d i rect issue with this vi ewpoi n t ,s aying that accepting a lon g - du ra ti on dep l oym ent is bad

s tra tegy that would become sel f - f u l f i lling and del ay the impetus to take the nece s s a ry

m e a su res to make the situ a ti on sel f - su s t a i n i n g. Am ong the sec u ri ty measu res he though t

u s eful to bring this abo ut is making su re Bosnia is capable of s el f - defen s e , and he referred

po s i tively to the Train and Equip Program the Un i ted States has pursu ed with the

Bosnian Federa ti on arm ed force s .

Perle also said that he thought the Bush team has been misinterpreted as advoc a ti n g

prec i p i tous wi t h d rawal or disen ga gem en t , and he furt h er op i n ed that the Un i ted State s

“ wi ll remain deep ly invo lved ” in the Balkans under a Bush pre s i den c y. His vi ew was that

the Un i ted States should devo te assets and capabi l i ti e s — l ogi s ti c s , tra n s port , and intell igen ce—in wh i ch it has a com p a ra tive adva n t a ge vi s - à - vis its NATO partn ers . His vi ew

was that su ch a “rec a l i bra ti on”would be a more ra ti onal divi s i on of re s pon s i bi l i ty. He

ad ded that the missions in Bosnia and Ko s ovo have moved beyond the need for massive

m i l i t a ry pre s en ce , and that now more “ad m i n i s tra tive” s tru ctu res ge a red to law and order

a re needed . In this con tex t , he bel i eved that it is appropri a te to have a “ra ti onal su b s ti tuti on” of Eu ropean infantry troops for the Am ericans curren t ly invo lved in this ro l e .

Sl ocom be stated that the lack of gen d a rm erie capac i ty is the “bl ack hole” in intern a ti on a l

s ec u ri ty, but that the U. S . role in these forces as “the meanest dogs on the bl ock” is 

i n ti m i d a ting to those who might want to disru pt the fra gile pe ace and is therefore 

4 6 Building a Stable Balkans
i m portant to maintain. Abra m owitz con c u rred that the absen ce of the instru m en t a l i ti e s

of ju s ti ce is a major failu re , but in an envi ron m ent with painful probl ems that co u l d

s p a rk vi o l en ce , these force s’ deterrent va lue is cru c i a l : that the abi l i ty to wi eld overwh el ming force is wi t h o ut su b s ti tute . He also ad ded that maintaining U. S .m i l i t a ry pre s en ce is

an “ i m portant ch i t” in dealing with Eu rope , and that the va lue of “boots on the gro u n d ”

could not simply be redu ced to bu rden shari n g. In his speech , Ber ger noted that NATO’s

rel eva n ce has been call ed into qu e s ti on with the divi s i on bet ween Eu rope and the Un i ted

S t a tes over the war in Bo s n i a , but that the com m on a l i ty of p u rpose since the Dayton

Accords has been a major stabilizing factor in So ut h e a s tern Eu rope : one that gives hope

to the ideal of a “pe aceful and undivi ded Eu rope .”

The ef fect of U. S . policy tow a rd con f l i cts in the Balkans also received atten ti on on a

s ep a ra te panel devo ted to U. S . - Russian rel a ti on s .O ut going Dep uty Sec ret a ry of S t a te

S trobe Ta l bott noted that the Un i ted States has repe a tedly en co u n tered difficulties wi t h

Russia over the use of force , not on ly in the Balkans rega rding interven ti ons in Bo s n i a

and later Ko s ovo, but even more so in rega rd to Ira q . He ad ded that this would likely be

the case in the futu re , and that the issue before the Un i ted States and Russia is how to

maintain a good rel a ti onship in spite of these differen ce s . He noted that Russia had an

i m portant role in ending the Ko s ovo war. Paula Dobri a n s ky, h e ad of the Council on

Forei gn Rel a ti ons Wa s h i n g ton of f i ce ,n o ted that both Am eri c a’s Balkan policies and

NATO en l a r gem ent are pers i s tent “f ri cti on are a s” with Mo s cow. She ad ded that the rel ati onship is com p l i c a ted , and that it should be built upon mu l tiple stru ctu res and layers

on different issues and should find com m on ground wh ere po s s i bl e . Ser gey Rogov of

Mo s cow ’s In s ti tute of USA and Ca n ada Studies cited the example of the NATO interventi on over Ko s ovo, wh i ch Mo s cow veh em en t ly oppo s ed , as an example of Ru s s i a’s exclus i on from the intern a ti onal state sys tem . Dobri a n s ky rep l i ed that Russia has indeed been

i n clu ded both in the process of both the first round of po s t – Cold War NATO en l a r gem ent and in the attem pts to end vi o l en ce in Ko s ovo.

Lessons Learned

A nu m ber of s pe a kers com m en ted on what they vi ewed as lessons to be drawn from

Am erican invo lvem ent in the Balkans over the past dec ade . Balkans panel chair Ha rri et

Hen t ges open ed the discussion with some of the lessons of the In s ti tute’s Ba l k a n s

In i ti a tive ,m a ny of wh i ch were ech oed on the panel or at other events of the day.

wThe first of these was the important link bet ween ju s ti ce and con f l i ct re s o luti on ,i n clu ding the need to ad d ress the needs of vi ctims of vi o l en ce . To this en d , the In s ti tute , prim a ri ly thro u gh its pion eering work on tra n s i ti onal ju s ti ce , as well as thro u gh its

Balkans In i ti a tive and Grant Progra m , has devo ted a great deal of ef fort to prom o te 

and sheph erd the cre a ti on of a Truth Com m i s s i on for Bosnia and Her zegovi n a .

wA second lesson was the import a n ce of t a pping into a bo t tom-up and not simply

top - down approach , because gra s s - roots movem ents can play a pivotal role in

pe acebu i l d i n g. Thu s , Hen t ges noted , key players in ad d ressing and trying to re s o lve

con f l i ct wi ll not nece s s a ri ly be sen i or of f i c i a l s .

Building a Stable Balkans 4 7
4 8 Building a Stable Balkans

wTh i rd , in the ri ght circ u m s t a n ces with the ri ght ex perti s e , a fac i l i t a ted dialogue can

h ave a salut a ry ef fect on healing wounds and preven ting con f l i ct . The In s ti tute has

found that dialogues can begi n — even wh en wounds are fresh—in the appropri a te

envi ron m ent and with the nece s s a ry sen s i tivi ty. Just as the In s ti tute has in other

regi on s , it played su ch a role in Ju ly 2000 du ring an Ai rlie House meeting bet ween

Ko s ovo Albanian and Ko s ovo Serb leaders . This ef fort , the first of its kind since the

Ko s ovo war and perhaps ever, is being fo ll owed by an ef fort to maintain and ex p a n d

con n ecti ons made at Ai rlie thro u gh a cyber- d i a l ogue among the participants in

Ko s ovo, m ade po s s i ble by a don a ti on of l a ptop com p uters by the Waitt Fa m i ly

Fo u n d a ti on .

wRi ch a rd Perle noted a fo u rth lesson du ring his panel pre s en t a ti on . He said that the

ex peri en ce of the Balkans over the past dec ade has illu s tra ted that diplom acy is

occ a s i on a lly not the appropri a te tool for ad d ressing some probl em s . He noted that

the insisten ce that force be used on ly as a last re s ort redu ces option s ,t h ereby making the use of force more co s t ly. In the case of the form er Yu go s l avi a ,s a n cti on s

m erely del ayed the even tual app l i c a ti on of force , and had little ch a n ce of su cceed i n g

f rom the out s et in altering Bel grade’s beh avi or. In fact , the arms em b a r go pen a l i zed

the Bosnian govern m en t , wh i ch as a re sult was unable to ef fectively exercise its intern a ti on a lly recogn i zed ri ght to sel f - defense by the Un i ted Na ti on s , wh i ch also ref u s ed

to defend it. In that case, force was even tu a lly app l i ed , but at a far gre a ter cost than

would have been the case had it been used earl i er. Wa l ter Sl ocom be noted that wh i l e

opti ons should not be ru l ed out wh en force is to be em p l oyed , su ch a stance can

s train rel a ti onships with all i e s .In ad d i ti on , he ad ded , the use of force is war by any

n a m e , and it invo lves inherent ri s k s . Ri s k - f ree and co s t - f ree wars do not ex i s t .

C o n c l u s i o n

The discussion of Am eri c a’s con ti nu ed role in prom o ting pe ace ,s t a bi l i ty, and dem oc ra ti c

devel opm ent in the Balkans perm e a ted a nu m ber of the panel s ,s peech e s , and discussion s

at the con feren ce ,i llu s tra ting the level of both public and po l i c ym a ker interest in the su bj ect . The Un i ted States In s ti tute of Pe ace ,t h ro u gh its va rious programs—the Ba l k a n s ,

Rule of L aw, Fell ows h i p s , Tra i n i n g, E du c a ti on , and Gra n t s — wi ll remain en ga ged in

ef forts to prom o te innova ti ons in pe aceful con f l i ct re s o luti on in the Ba l k a n s .

It is as yet unclear what policies the Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on wi ll adopt , or con ti nu e ,

tow a rd the Ba l k a n s ,t h o u gh initial indicati ons point tow a rd gre a ter con ti nu i ty than som e

h ad ex pected . However, “ Passing the Ba ton” of fered policy ex perts and others con cern ed

with nati onal sec u ri ty policy a unique opportu n i ty to hear the vi ews of the ex i ti n g

n a ti onal sec u ri ty advi s er and the incoming one on a regi on that no do u bt wi ll remain a

focal point for Am eri c a’s interacti on with Eu rope ,e s pec i a lly within NATO.
4 9

The ch a ll en ge for Am erican leaders of s ec u ring pe ace in Northeast Asia at the 

d awn of the twen ty - f i rst cen tu ry is to formu l a te policies that sustain our ex i s ti n g

a ll i a n ces while pursuing po l i tical approaches to for ge coopera ti on with Ch i n a . To

ad d ress these ch a ll en ge s , Pa tri ck Cron i n , the In s ti tute’s director of re s e a rch and stu d i e s ,

m odera ted a panel of t h ree sen i or Am erican state s m en with long ex peri en ce in the

regi on : Wi lliam Perry, form er sec ret a ry of defen s e , Mi ch ael Arm aco s t , form er U. S .

a m b a s s ador to Ja p a n , and J. S t a p l eton Roy, form er U. S .a m b a s s ador to Ch i n a , Si n ga pore ,

and In don e s i a .

The Ko rean Pe n i n s u l a

L i ke every ad m i n i s tra ti on since Tru m a n’s , the Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on must gra pple with the

i s sue of Kore a . The good news for the incoming ad m i n i s tra ti on is that, a f ter fifty ye a rs of

con f l i ct and con f ron t a ti on on the pen i n su l a ,t h ere may now be an unpreceden ted opportu n i ty for pe ace and stabi l i ty on the pen i n sula and in the regi on . Am ong other things ,t h e

w a rming of rel a ti ons bet ween So uth and North Kore a , ep i tom i zed by the firs t - ever su mmit meeting bet ween the two antagonists last Ju n e , su ggests the po s s i bi l i ty that the

Arm i s ti ce Agreem ent could at last be rep l aced by a perm a n ent pe ace mech a n i s m . Th e

b ad news is that ach i eving pe ace and stabi l i ty is by no means assu red . To date ,t h ere has

been little progress on con c rete issues in the aftermath of the high ly sym bolic su m m i t ;

i n deed ,t h ere has been no movem ent wh a t s oever on ten s i on - redu cti on and con f i den ce -

building measu re s . The dem i l i t a ri zed zone sep a ra ting the two Koreas remains the most

h e avi ly defen ded border in the worl d . Ot h er than the overa rching goal of en su ring the

su rvival of the Kim Jong Il regi m e , North Kore a’s inten ti ons are not cl e a r, and no one can

be su re how mu ch room among the el i te ,e s pec i a lly the military, Kim Jong Il has to

m a n euver.

One need look back no furt h er than June 1994 to apprec i a te how dangerous the

Korean con f ron t a ti on remains and how profo u n dly difficult the probl ems assoc i a ted

with Korea are . By the spring of that ye a r, it became incre a s i n gly clear that North Kore a

was determ i n ed to acqu i re a nu clear we a pons capabi l i ty, a devel opm ent unaccept a ble to

the Un i ted States and its all i e s . Pyon gya n g’s announcem ent of its inten ti on to wi t h d raw

f rom the Nu clear Non - Pro l i fera ti on Tre a ty, fo ll owed by moves to ref u el its gra ph i te -

m odera ted re actors at Yon g byon (wh i ch would have produ ced en o u gh pluton ium for

a bo ut half a dozen nu clear we a pon s ) , convi n ced Wa s h i n g ton , Seo u l , and To kyo that this

would severely we a ken deterren ce on the pen i n su l a . At a minimu m , the allies agreed that

en h a n ced sancti ons would soon be nece s s a ry, a step that Pyon gyang decl a red would be

an act of w a r. In the event of w a r, North Korea thre a ten ed to tu rn Seoul into a “sea of

S eve n

S u m m a r i zed by

Wi l l i a m

D r e n n a n

Securing Peace in Northeast A s i a
5 0 Securing Peace in Northeast Asia

f i re .” The spring of 1994 was, according to then - Sec ret a ry of Defense Wi lliam Perry, t h e

most dangerous crisis of his time in of f i ce , and the closest the Un i ted States came to war.

As the crisis bu i l t , Sec ret a ry Perry and the uniform ed leadership of the military condu cted a com preh en s ive revi ew of war plans for Kore a . At the con clu s i on of the revi ew,

U. S . defense officials were convi n ced that Un i ted States and the Rep u blic of Korea (RO K )

forces would win a dec i s ive vi ctory, but at the cost of very high casu a l ti e s . In the words of

the form er sec ret a ry of defen s e ,“This would not have been another De s ert Storm .”

The revi ew also su gge s ted that rei n forcing the U. S . - ROK Com bi n ed Forces Com m a n d

pri or to the start of combat opera ti ons could redu ce all i ed casu a l ti e s . Sec ret a ry of

Defense Perry therefore recom m en ded that the pre s i dent approve the dispatching of ten s

of thousands of rei n forcem ents to Kore a . For his part , the U. S . a m b a s s ador in Seoul was

prep a red to order the evac u a ti on of n on e s s en tial U. S .c ivilians from the RO K . The pre s ident was, according to Sec ret a ry Perry, within hours of a ut h orizing the rei n forcem ent of

So uth Korea wh en word came that, fo ll owing the el eventh-hour interven ti on of form er

Pre s i dent Ji m my Ca rter, the leader of North Kore a , Kim Il Su n g, was wi lling to free ze

activi ties at Yon g byon and en ter into nego ti a ti ons to end the cri s i s .

Less than a month later, Kim Il Sung was de ad , but the nego ti a ti ons proceeded under

his son and su cce s s or, Kim Jong Il , and on October 21, 1 9 9 4 , the two sides sign ed the

Agreed Fra m ework wh erein North Korea agreed to free ze , and even tu a lly dismantle, i t s

nu clear fac i l i ties at Yon g byon in exch a n ge for pro l i fera ti on - resistant light water re actors

( LW R ) . The Un i ted States agreed to cre a te an intern a ti onal con s ortium to fund and cons tru ct the LWRs and to provi de heavy fuel oil to com pen s a te for the loss in el ectrical genera ti on capabi l i ty re su l ting from the shutdown of the gra ph i te re actors .

The Agreed Fra m ework has been su bj ected to severe cri ticism and second guessing,

and it wi ll likely be revi ewed by the new ad m i n i s tra ti on . But the Cl i n ton ad m i n i s tra ti on

con clu ded it had on ly a few ch oi ces rega rding the Nort h’s push to acqu i re nu cl e a r

we a pon s . Those ch oi ces were to

wi s sue an ulti m a tu m ,b acked by rei n forcem ents (wh i ch could have led to war);

wi gn ore North Kore a’s nu clear processing fac i l i ties(running the risk of h aving to conf ront a mu ch more dangerous North Korea in any futu re cri s i s ) ; or

wen ga ge the North Korean regime diplom a ti c a lly.

The ad m i n i s tra ti on , Bi ll Perry said, chose to en ga ge Pyon gyang diplom a ti c a lly. Th e

re su l ting Agreed Fra m ework has kept the Nort h’s nu clear program frozen and under

In tern a ti onal Atomic Ener gy Agency (IAEA) mon i toring while con s tru cti on of the LW R s

has proceeded . Were this not the case, Pyon gyang by now could have ex tracted en o u gh

p luton ium for approx i m a tely 50 we a pon s , with no end in sigh t . However, the dismantling of North Kore a’s gra ph i te - m odera ted re actors is sti ll a few ye a rs aw ay, as is a full

acco u n ting of the amount and dispo s i ti on of p luton ium ex tracted from a pre - Agreed

Fra m ework ref u eling of the Yon g byon re actors . Ad d i ti on a lly, North Korea could con ceiva bly re s t a rt the re actors (and hen ce the produ cti on of p luton ium) in a matter of m on t h s

i f the Agreed Fra m ework were term i n a ted .

In the absen ce of h a rd evi den ce of North Kore a’s ch e a ting on its obl i ga ti ons under the

Agreed Fra m ework , the peri od 1994–98 was marked by an uneasy tru ce bet ween the
Securing Peace in Northeast Asia 5 1

ad m i n i s tra ti on and its cri ti c s . That tru ce was shattered in August 1998 with publ i s h ed

a ll ega ti ons of a su s pected under ground nu clear we a pons fac i l i ty at Ku m ch a n g - ri , fo ll owed by the Nort h’s su rprise launch of a three - s t a ge ball i s tic missile in a test flight over

Ja p a n . Amid calls for an immed i a te cutof f of funding for the Agreed Fra m ework in bo t h

To kyo and Wa s h i n g ton , Con gress passed legi s l a ti on requ i ring the appoi n tm ent of a

North Korea Policy Coord i n a tor. The coord i n a tor was ch a r ged with con du cting a thoro u gh revi ew of U. S . policy tow a rd North Korea and reporting the findings and recomm en d a ti ons to the ad m i n i s tra ti on and the Con gre s s . At the Pre s i den t’s requ e s t , Perry

retu rn ed to govern m ent servi ce to con du ct the revi ew.

Perry ’s first task was to resist calls within both Japan and the Un i ted States to term in a te the Agreed Fra m ework ,i m pose new sancti on s , and rei n force U. S . forces in Kore a .

Perry re a s on ed that su ch an approach was a pre s c ri pti on for failu re , for two re a s on s :

wMa n i fe s ting our con cerns with the missile threat by abandoning the Agreed

Fra m ework would have com po u n ded the danger by inducing North Korea to

reopen its gra ph i te re actors and begin again to produ ce pluton iu m .

wAb a n doning the Agreed Fra m ework would have split the Un i ted States from its

ROK ally, whose pre s i den t , Kim Dae Ju n g,was com m i t ted to his “sunshine po l i c y ”

of opening up to and pe acef u lly coex i s ting with the Nort h .

Perry recogn i zed the need for con certed , coord i n a ted acti on by Wa s h i n g ton , Seo u l ,

and To kyo. He was able to ach i eve con s en sus among the allies for a com preh en s ive and

i n tegra ted policy fo u n ded on the precepts of Seo u l ’s policy of en ga gem en t , while hed gi n g

a gainst North Korean rec a l c i tra n ce . The Perry revi ew re su l ted in a new U. S . po l i c y, on e

that em ph a s i zed moving beyond en ga gem ent tow a rd norm a l i z a ti on of rel a ti ons bet ween

Wa s h i n g ton and Pyon gyang and the establ i s h m ent of a perm a n ent pe ace , in exch a n ge for

a halt to North Kore a’s missile programs and the stren g t h ening of the Agreed

Fra m ework . Should the North prove unwi lling or unable to accept the of fer of n orm a li z a ti on and pe ace in exch a n ge for renouncing nu clear we a pons and del ivery sys tem s ,

h owever, the allies were prep a red to implem ent a policy of en h a n ced con t a i n m ent of t h e

Nort h . The “ Perry Proce s s” h ad the ad d i ti onal ben efit of pre s en ting North Korea with a

u n i ted fron t ,n eutralizing Pyon gya n g’s divi de - a n d - con qu er stra tegy tow a rd the all i e s .

Ad d i ti on a lly, the high ly ef fective tri l a teral coord i n a ti on and overs i ght process con ti nu e s

to serve as the principal com mu n i c a ti on and policy coord i n a ti on mech a n i s m .

Pyon gya n g, i n i ti a lly fe a rful of the con s equ en ces of opening up, f i n a lly sign a l ed its wi lli n gness to ex p l ore the ra m i f i c a ti ons of the Perry proposals by agreeing in Septem ber

1999 to su s pend furt h er missile tests while con ti nuing nego ti a ti ons on improving rel ati ons with the Un i ted State s , beginning with the partial lifting of s a n cti on s . By the spri n g

of 2 0 0 0 , and with the app a rent bl e s s i n gs of Beij i n g, Kim Jong Il felt su f f i c i en t ly sec u re to

host ROK Pre s i dent Kim Dae Jung for the first ever intra - Korea su m m i t . The second half

of 2000 saw unpreceden ted diplom a tic activi ty bet ween Wa s h i n g ton and Pyon gyang as

well , i n cluding the visit of the secon d - h i ghest official in North Kore a’s military to

Wa s h i n g ton , a rec i procal visit to Pyon gyang by the sec ret a ry of s t a te , and ef forts to cra f t

an agreem ent halting the te s ti n g, dep l oym en t , and ex port of North Korean missiles: a n

a greem ent com preh en s ive en o u gh to ju s tify a visit by Pre s i dent Cl i n ton to Pyon gya n g.
Time ran out on those ef fort s ,h owever, and a new U. S . ad m i n i s tra ti on must now gra s p

the baton of m a n a ging the “ Korea Probl em .”

Perry of fered the fo ll owing su gge s ti ons to the incoming ad m i n i s tra ti on :

wSustain robust con su l t a ti on with Seoul and To kyo. Ide a lly, re s pon s i bi l i ty for this

should be ve s ted in a sen i or envoy ch a r ged by the pre s i dent with the difficult miss i on of reconciling the diver gent interests of the three all i e s . The ROK govern m ent is

ti ed , for em o ti onal as well as pra gm a tic re a s on s , to the “sunshine po l i c y ” of ra pproch em ent with Pyon gya n g ; Ja p a n’s govern m ent must re s o lve the issue of Ja p a n e s e

c i ti zens kidnapped by North Kore a ; and the Un i ted State s , as the guara n tor of So ut h

Kore a’s sec u ri ty, must remain foc u s ed on North Korean nu clear we a pons and missiles as the principal obj ective .

wWork cl o s ely with the ROK govern m ent as it attem pts to build tru s t ,e s pec i a lly econ omic coopera ti on , with North Kore a . North Korea must be convi n ced to el i m i n a te

reg u l a ti ons that ef fectively bar businesses from assisting in rebuilding the Nort h’s

d i l a p i d a ted infra s tru ctu re .

wE s t a blish pri ori ties for dealing with the North Korean thre a t . Nu clear we a pons and

missiles must come firs t , fo ll owed by other we a pons of mass de s tru cti on progra m s ,

and finally conven ti onal force s . The Agreed Fra m ework must be su s t a i n ed if t h e

nu clear we a pons porti on of this approach is to su cceed . Work to finish the ef forts of

the Cl i n ton ad m i n i s tra ti on on Pyon gya n g’s missile programs to inclu de bri n gi n g

North Korea into com p l i a n ce with the Missile Tech n o l ogy Con trol Regi m e .O n ly 

t h en should the ef fort shift to conven ti onal threat redu cti on measu re s .Ach i eving these

obj ectives would cre a te con d i ti ons for a perm a n ent pe ace on the pen i n su l a .O n ly then

should con s i dera ti on be given to reducing the U. S . force pre s en ce in the RO K .

Ja p a n

The U. S . - Japan all i a n ce is the pivot of our geopo l i tical po s i ti on in Northeast As i a . Ten

ye a rs after the Cold Wa r, Japan remains cri tical to U. S .i n tere s t s . Pro s pects for the con ti nu ed pe ace and stabi l i ty of the As i a - Pacific regi on are gre a t ly en h a n ced wh en the two

giants—the Un i ted States and Ja p a n — coopera te .In ad d i ti on , the allies gain ad ded sec uri ty at lower cost thro u gh defense coopera ti on .In that rega rd , Japanese sel f - defense force s

that com p l em ent the Am erican military are a source of re a s su ra n ce to the Japanese and

to others who fear a “n orm a l ” Ja p a n .F i n a lly, the U. S . - Japan sec u ri ty all i a n ce is a key el em ent in non pro l i fera ti on ef fort s . In deed , Japan is our most important non pro l i fera ti on

su ccess story.

In the vi ew of form er ambassador to Japan Mi ch ael Arm aco s t , the new ad m i n i s tra ti on

wi ll find rel a ti ons with Japan in good overa ll shape for three re a s on s .

F i rs t , the dawn of the twen ty - f i rst cen tu ry finds the Un i ted States ex peri encing a ren a i ss a n ce of power. This is import a n t , given Ja p a n’s trad i ti on in the last hu n d red ye a rs of a l i gning itsel f with the dominant We s tern power. Secon d , the rise of China has rem i n ded

Am ericans and Japanese alike of the va lue of the all i a n ce as an insu ra n ce policy for wh i ch

the prem iums are mode s t . Th i rd , Japan is beginning to em brace the ad m i n i s tra tive reform s

and econ omic dereg u l a ti on nece s s a ry to the dismantling of trade barri ers , a movem en t

5 2 Securing Peace in Northeast Asia
wh i ch ,i f con ti nu ed , wi ll redu ce the econ omic fri cti on bet ween To kyo and Wa s h i n g ton ,

making managem ent of the rel a ti onship easier.

U. S . - Japan sec u ri ty ties have stabi l i zed since the 1995 Okinawa ra pe inciden t , and bo t h

s i des have re a f f i rm ed the va lue of the all i a n ce . We are opera ting under new defen s e

g u i del i n e s , and en a bling legi s l a ti on has been passed . Japan is coopera ting with the Un i ted

S t a tes on anti - b a ll i s tic missile tech n o l ogy, and cl o s ely coord i n a ting its policies tow a rd

North Kore a . And the allies have made some progress in defusing the issue of U. S .b a s e s

in Okinaw a . In ad d i ti on ,t h ere is a new mood of re a l i s m ,e s pec i a lly among yo u n ger

Japanese po l i ti c i a n s , on how to ad d ress sec u ri ty issu e s . The form erly taboo su bj ect of

con s ti tuti onal revi s i on is now open for deb a te . Progress is being made on defense acqu is i ti on matters .And Japan is beginning to recogn i ze that forei gn aid can be a powerf u l

tool in managing rel a ti ons with China and North Kore a .

The sec u ri ty envi ron m ent in East Asia is curren t ly ben i gn , and there is little likel i h ood

of m a j or power cl a s h e s . To kyo is working ste ad i ly to improve rel a ti ons with its nei gh bors .

While there are do u bts abo ut how China wi ll ulti m a tely use the military power that it is

s te ad i ly acc u mu l a ti n g, at pre s ent China poses no immed i a te military threat to Ja p a n , a n d

t h ere is noti ce a bly less saber- rattling ac ross the Ta iwan Stra i t .

Not all the news in the East As i a - Pacific regi on is good ,h owever. The U. S . - Japan high -

l evel sec u ri ty dialog u e , so ef fective in the mid-1990s in updating the rel a ti on s h i p, h a s

a troph i ed on all fronts save that of the North Korean issu e . Du ring the Asian financial

c risis and the uproar caused by the 1998 North Korean missile test over Ja p a n , the Un i ted

S t a tes did not re s pond with as co ll a bora tive a spirit as it might have . Japanese of f i c i a l s

complain abo ut U. S .i n a t ten tiveness (“Japan passing”) as Wa s h i n g ton focuses on Ch i n a .

Am ericans con ti nue to complain abo ut Ja p a n’s indec i s iveness rega rding the con ti nu ed

s t a gn a ti on of its econ omy. Overa ll , the Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on is faced with an all i a n ce that,

in Japanese eye s , is dri f ti n g.

The new ad m i n i s tra ti on ,t h erefore ,n eeds to re s tru ctu re the all i a n ce to make it ste ad i er.

That is not to say that a fundamental altera ti on along the lines of a NATO - l i ke stru ctu re ,

or thro u gh a push tow a rd co ll ective sel f - defen s e , is nece s s a ry. Movem ent tow a rd pe ace in

Korea is too ten t a tive , pro s pects for cro s s - S trait dialogue too spec u l a tive , and rel a ti on s

bet ween the great powers are too unset t l ed for su ch measu re s . Ra t h er, the ad m i n i s tra ti on

should start more mode s t ly by get ting econ omic and diplom a tic rel a ti ons back on the

ri ght trend line and by rei nvi gora ting a serious sec u ri ty dialog u e . The coord i n a ti on of

policies rega rding North Korea is an example of ef fective all i a n ce managem en t , but the

Un i ted States should not ex pect immed i a te or qu i ck re s ponses from the Japanese sys tem .

De s p i te con troversies over U. S . forces in Ja p a n , the Japanese public wi ll con ti nue to

su pport an Am erican military pre s en ce if the two govern m ents pre s ent a com pelling case,

one but tre s s ed by the retu rn of u n n eeded fac i l i ti e s ,e s pec i a lly on Okinaw a , wh i ch host the

bulk of the U. S . forces stati on ed in Ja p a n . The early months of the Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on

a re not the time to make dra m a tic ch a n ges to our forw a rd dep l oym ents in the regi on .

But the ad m i n i s tra ti on should rei n i ti a te , in very close con su l t a ti on with our all i e s ,t h e

peri odic revi ew of overa ll troop levels that was begun in 1989 (and later interru pted by

the North Korean nu clear cri s i s ) , and tailor our force stru ctu re to the regi on’s ch a n gi n g

s ec u ri ty requ i rem en t s .

Securing Peace in Northeast Asia 5 3
The Japanese bu re a u c rac y, wh i ch for dec ades has run the govern m ent and managed

the econ omy in the absen ce of s trong po l i tical insti tuti ons and leaders h i p, is dem ora l i zed

a f ter a dec ade of econ omic stagn a ti on and rec u rrent scandal. These probl ems tend to

ob s c u re the fact that Japan is ex peri encing mom en tous ch a n ge s . In deed , the curren t

trend tow a rd gl ob a l i z a ti on repre s ents the third major tu rning point for Japan since it was

“open ed ” to the out s i de world a cen tu ry and a half a go (the other two were the Meij i

Re s tora ti on and the Un i ted States occ u p a ti on fo ll owing World War II).

Reform ,h owever, is proceeding in fits and start s . The po l i tical class has not yet

ach i eved the strength to fill the void cre a ted by the dem ora l i z a ti on of the bu re a u c rac y, s o

it seems likely that drift wi ll con ti nu e . But while con s en sus is slow to form in Ja p a n , on ce

it has form ed ,Japan moves qu i ck ly.And there has been progress in some are a s ,m o s t

n o t a bly in defen s e , wh ere Japan has begun to take a more assertive stand de s p i te we a k

po l i tical leaders h i p. The Un i ted State s ,t h erefore ,n eeds to be atten tive for signs of ch a n ge

and to have re a l i s tic ex pect a ti on s .

Arm acost poi n ted out that du ring the Cold Wa r, the Un i ted States had the (rel a tively )

simple task of a ll i a n ce managem ent in the face of a fixed advers a ry. Tod ay, with its prepon dera n ce of power, the Un i ted States faces new opportu n i ties as well as probl em s ,

i n cluding the po ten tial for the cre a ti on of a balance of power against an overa rch i n g

Un i ted States if we mismanage rel a ti ons with other key state s .E f fective managem ent of

the regi on inclu des solidifying our most cri tical all i a n ces in Eu rope and Northeast As i a ,

and en ticing Russia and China to band with us in con s o l i d a ting what is gen era lly seen as

a favora ble status qu o. The new ad m i n i s tra ti on can do that best if it con du cts itsel f wi t h

cl a ri ty of p u rpo s e ,a t ten tiveness to close fri en d s , a certain hu m i l i ty in providing advi ce to

form er foe s , and a re adiness to con ti nue shouldering a disproporti on a te share of the bu rden of com m on goods wh i ch are requ i red to augm ent any sec u ri ty or po l i tical com mun i ty in East As i a . If we can do these things , we wi ll reap ben efits to U. S .s ec u ri ty.

C h i n a

Both the new U. S . ad m i n i s tra ti on and the Chinese govern m ent face the same ch a ll en ge s ,

in the vi ew of form er Am erican ambassador to China Stapleton Roy: h ow to prom o te a

s t a ble and pred i ct a ble envi ron m ent that can permit the very po s i tive aspects of devel opm ent that have occ u rred over the last qu a rter cen tu ry to con ti nu e , and how to avoid getting of f on the wrong foot with each other.

And we alw ays seem to get of f on the wrong foo t , causing us to waste en orm o u s

re s o u rces in trying to regain our balance . Roy points out that “ It is almost a truism that,

while new ad m i n i s tra ti ons all start with differing po s i ti ons on Ch i n a , t h ey all end up

with similar China po l i c i e s . If t h ere is merit to this ob s erva ti on , the new ad m i n i s tra ti on

m i ght want to con s i der beginning wh ere it is going to end up.”

China is ch a n ging very ra p i dly, and there is an ex pect a ti on wi dely shared in East As i a

that China is likely to dom i n a te the regi on in the next ten to fifteen ye a rs . None of t h e

regi onal states wants to “con t a i n”China because no one ben efits from the repo l a ri z a ti on

of As i a . The miracle of the last 25 ye a rs is that we did aw ay with the po l a ri z a ti on of t h e

e a rl i er peri od . It has been the total en ga gem ent of East Asia that has open ed up the

opportu n i ties for regi onal econ omic growth and for the easing of po l i tical ten s i on s .

5 4 Securing Peace in Northeast Asia
Th ere are four core el em ents to the China policy of the Un i ted State s , in no parti c u l a r

order: (1) en su ring Ta iw a n’s sec u ri ty; (2) prom o ting ties with China that en h a n ce U. S .

i n tere s t s ; (3) providing a co u n terwei ght to Ch i n a ; and (4) fo s tering po s i tive ch a n ge in

Ch i n a .

The last area is wh ere the Un i ted States has the least influ en ce ; yet that el em ent ten d s

to be the one that we use rh etori c a lly to ju s tify China policy dom e s ti c a lly, and that is the

one that cre a tes probl em s . Missing the to t a l i ty of China policy plagues ef fective po l i c y

i m p l em en t a ti on . The new ad m i n i s tra ti on should avoid falling into that rut .

The next four ye a rs wi ll be mom en tous for the Bush ad m i n i s tra ti on in dealing wi t h

Ch i n a . The ad m i n i s tra ti on faces immed i a te ch a ll en ges rega rding a dec i s i on on nati on a l

missile defen s e , on the Ta iwan Sec u ri ty Enhancem ent Act that is being con s i dered by

Con gre s s , and on arms sales to Ta iw a n . The new ad m i n i s tra ti on wi ll have to come to

grips with these qu i ck ly, but hopef u lly not so qu i ck ly that it wi ll not understand the full

i m p l i c a ti ons of its dec i s i on s .

Lon ger term , the issue of World Trade Orga n i z a ti on en try for both China and Ta iw a n

wi ll have an en ormous impact on cro s s - S trait rel a ti on s , and should be factored into U. S .

po l i c y. In ad d i ti on , the Si x teenth Pa rty Con gre s s , coming up in less than two ye a rs , wi ll

m a rk a very important leadership tra n s i ti on in Ch i n a , one that wi ll influ en ce the futu re

of Asia and the futu re of U. S . rel a ti ons with Ch i n a .

Cro s s - S trait rel a ti ons are marked by con trad i cti on s , and the Am erican mind does not

l i ke to deal with con trad i cti on s . Th ey exist non et h el e s s . China wants reu n i f i c a ti on , but it

l acks the military means to accomplish it, while also lacking the dom e s tic situ a ti on and a

po l i tical sys tem that would lend cred i bi l i ty to a more persu a s ive approach . For its part ,

Ta iwan finds of fers to reunify from the mainland easy to ref u s e . Ta iwan wants independen ce , but its geogra phic circ u m s t a n ces make this too co s t ly, and it also lacks the

requ i red intern a ti onal su pport . Ta iwan also does not want to abandon its econ om i c

i n terests in dealing with a ra p i dly growing Chinese econ omy. So, Ta iwan pursues the contrad i ctory obj ectives of maximizing Beij i n g’s distrust of its motives while po u ring inve s tm ent into the mainland. Ta iwan must also try to keep the com m on interests that are

ra p i dly devel oping from exceeding a level that would com promise its freedom of po l i ti c a l

m a n euver. The key to U. S . policy in managing Ch i n a ,t h erefore , is to understand these

con trad i cti ons and find the ri ght way to deal with them , not to deny their ex i s ten ce .

E f fective U. S . policy formu l a ti on and implem en t a ti on is com p l i c a ted by a ten dency to

s ee the issue in moral term s , to see dem oc racy and freedom in Ta iwan and repre s s i on

and aut h ori t a rian govern m ent in the mainland. This is not the ri ght fra m ework for the

adopti on of a su btle approach to the managem ent of con trad i cti on s , and it makes the

Un i ted States vu l n era ble to manipulati on by the other players .

For a wh i l e , U. S . policy was roo ted in a rel a tively stable fra m ework . The “One Ch i n a”

policy put re s traints on arms sales to Ta iw a n . The policy was en dors ed by both Ta iw a n

and the mainland, and it cre a ted an envi ron m ent in wh i ch both the mainland and

Ta iwan had incen tives to open a po l i tical dialog u e .

And it worked ,u n til Ti a n a n m en . The vi o l en ce in June 1989 de s troyed Ch i n a’s image

in the Un i ted State s . Fu rt h erm ore , the F-16 sale in 1992 nega ted the cred i bi l i ty of t h e

August 17th Com mu n i qué of 1 9 8 2 , wh i ch was su ppo s ed to govern arms sales to Ta iw a n .

Securing Peace in Northeast Asia 5 5
Losing con f i den ce in Ta iw a n’s inten ti ons and in the U. S .a bi l i ty to re s train Ta iw a n , Ch i n a

rei n trodu ced the overt threat of force as a means of trying to con s train Ta iwan from

breaking aw ay. Beijing is now devel oping more cred i ble military capabi l i ties that can be

u s ed against Ta iw a n .

The cro s s - S trait rel a ti onship has become mu ch more com p l i c a ted , and could re sult in

a dangerous arms race driven by a cycle of acti on then re s ponse that would divert

re s o u rces aw ay from econ omic devel opm en t , and have en ormous reperc u s s i ons for the

o t h er states of the regi on .

Old approaches cl e a rly wi ll not work . However, n ei t h er wi ll a pen chant for U. S . i n trus i ons to “f i x ” the situ a ti on in an atm o s ph ere of h ei gh ten ed ri s k s ; i n deed , U. S . i n terventi on of ten makes things wors e , in Roy ’s vi ew. For the new ad m i n i s tra ti on’s policy tow a rd

China to be ef fective , it must talk sen s i bly to both Con gress and the Am erican publ i c . In

doing so, it should avoid labels like “p a rtn ers h i p” and “en em i e s .” To be ef fective ,t h e

Un i ted States should avoid making rel a ti ons con ti n gent upon certain particular ch a n ge s

within Ch i n a . China will ch a n ge , but at its own pace . On the big issu e s , the Un i ted State s

wi ll lose the abi l i ty to con trol its own policy if it makes the abi l i ty to do things that mu s t

be done depen dent on the other side doing things firs t . ( For ex a m p l e , to tie good rel ati ons with China to dem oc ra ti z a ti on may be sel f - defe a ti n g. Dem oc racy may well com e

sooner i f the Un i ted States has good rel a ti ons with Beij i n g. )

China is torn bet ween , on the one hand, impulses that its nati onalism impels it tow a rd

on issues like terri torial integri ty and, on the other hand, an en ormous de s i re for good

rel a ti ons with the Un i ted States and the West (wh i ch in tu rn is driven by its de s i re for

m odern i z a ti on ) . If the Un i ted States understands this dy n a m i c , it can en co u ra ge the po si tive aspect that works to our ben ef i t .And if we handle China appropri a tely, we wi ll not

h ave to worry abo ut Ru s s i a - China rel a ti on s . We must try to avoid squ eezing China in the

east and Russia in the we s t , and thereby jeop a rdizing the en ti re Eu rasian landmass.

The ch a ll en ges rega rding China are manage a bl e , but requ i re the Un i ted States to be

su bt l e , and wh et h er the Un i ted States has the capabi l i ty of being su btle is an open 

qu e s ti on .

5 6 Securing Peace in Northeast Asia
I

am very mu ch looking forw a rd to joining the fra tern i ty of n a ti onal sec u ri ty advi s ers .

I don’t know if t h ey ’re going to have to ch a n ge the rules of ad m i s s i on or not, but it is

del i gh tful to fo ll ow in the foo t s teps of a great group of people who have served the

co u n try sel f l e s s ly. I just want to add that no one has served more sel f l e s s ly than my form er bo s s , Brent Scowc rof t , who I ex pect wi ll sti ll be on the other end of the ph one to tell

me how to re a lly do the job. I ’m also very gl ad to be here with all of yo u . I see a lot of

f ri ends in the audien ce , a lot of people whose wise co u n s el I’ve had over the ye a rs and

whose wise co u n s el I hope I wi ll have over the coming ye a rs .And I am espec i a lly gl ad to

p a rti c i p a te in a con feren ce that is or ga n i zed by the Un i ted States In s ti tute of Pe ace . Th i s

is cl e a rly one of our co u n try ’s most su ccessful new publ i c - priva te partn ers h i p s .I ’m gra teful to the In s ti tute for its work . I am gra teful to its vi s i on a ry director, Ri ch a rd So l om on ,

with wh om I’ve had many, m a ny intere s ting and important discussions abo ut forei gn

policy and abo ut Asia in parti c u l a r.

I am very gra teful to you for giving me the opportu n i ty to speak abo ut “ Passing the

Ba ton .” Now that’s an image I parti c u l a rly like , because passing the baton evo kes an

i m a ge of a rel ay race run by a te a m .And indeed I like that image because Sa n dy Ber ger

and I are te a m m a tes in important ways . We may com pete against each other wh en we’re

in races at hom e , but I can tell you that wh en the Un i ted States tries to pull toget h er a

forei gn policy that is good for Am erican intere s t s , and I hope good for the worl d , that we

h ave both had the pleasu re of repre s en ting “Team USA.” This has been , as most of yo u

k n ow, a very hu rri ed tra n s i ti on for re a s ons that we all know. But Sa n dy has done everything po s s i ble to make this tra n s i ti on a smooth on e , and I want to take this opportu n i ty

to publ i cly thank him because wh en we get of f to a start on Sa tu rd ay — i f we get of f to a

good start—it wi ll be in large part because Sa n dy has perform ed that task so well , and I

would like you all to know that.

I think that dialogue is a part of the trad i ti on here at the Un i ted States In s ti tute of

Pe ace . But I want to of fer some thoughts abo ut the ch a ll en ges that we face and a little bi t

a bo ut how I think the Na ti onal Sec u ri ty Council staff and its advi s er need to think abo ut

those ch a ll en ges as we face them over the next several ye a rs . Now, as you all know, I had

the hon or of s erving in govern m ent for the Un i ted States at the end of the Cold Wa r, a n d

in 1990 I saw events that I never thought I would beh o l d .I ,l i ke most specialists in intern a ti onal po l i ti c s , went into govern m ent ex pecting to retu rn to Stanford Un ivers i ty with a

Eu rope divi ded , with a Sovi et Un i on intact , with a Germ a ny divi ded , and with a worl d

that had been pret ty stati c ; s i n ce 1945 largely unch a n ged . Well , to my great su rpri s e — a n d

i n deed my great hon or—I had a ch a n ce inste ad to parti c i p a te in the unraveling of t h e

Cold Wa r.A largely pe aceful unraveling of the Cold War that came abo ut because of

N ational Security Challenges 

for the New A d m i n i s t ration 

Eight

by

C o n d o l e e z z a

R i c e

5 7
great statesmanship on all sides—and I re a lly do want to say on all side s , on the side of

the Un i ted States and the Eu rope a n s , but also on the side of the Sovi et Un i on . It was

s t a tesmanship that saved the world from what could have been a con f l a gra ti on . It was

also a time wh en va lues mattered , wh en va lues of i n d ivi dual liberty and freedom that had

been su ppre s s ed in one part of Eu rope for almost 50 ye a rs em er ged unscathed because it

tu rns out that they are incred i bly powerful va lues that can, rega rdless of the circ u ms t a n ce s , en du re . I rem em ber parti c u l a rly one mom ent wh en I stood in Mo s cow at the

O k tya brs k aya Ho tel and wi tn e s s ed the signing of the doc u m ent that reu n i f i ed Germ a ny.

And it stru ck me that it was rem a rk a ble that it was done re a lly with very little cerem ony,

qu i te unlike the scores of a rms con trol agreem ents that had been atten ded by major

summits and great fanfare . This mom ent took place in a hotel in Mo s cow, the on ly head

of s t a te who was there was Sovi et pre s i dent Gorb ach ev. In some ways it was as if t h e

worl d , ti red of the Cold Wa r, h ad finally dec i ded that it should end with a wh i m per, not a

b a n g. To that we should be very gra tef u l , but in thinking abo ut that mom ent we should

not undere s ti m a te how rem a rk a ble it was. You don’t have to hear a band playing to sign a l

that one era has en ded and another has beg u n .

For the first ye a rs of the new era , a f ter leaving the govern m en t , I had the privi l ege of

h elping to manage one of the worl d ’s great edu c a ti onal insti tuti on s ,S t a n ford Un ivers i ty,

p a rked ri ght in the heart of the Si l i con Va ll ey. In fact ,S t a n ford Un ivers i ty and the Si l i con

Va ll ey are sym bi o ti c . This last week one of the last remaining fathers of the Si l i con Va ll ey,

Bi ll Hewl et t , d i ed . Bi ll Hewl ett and David Pack a rd built a little com p a ny call ed Hewl et t -

Pack a rd with a $500 loan from the dean of en gi n eering at Stanford Un ivers i ty, Fred

Term a n . Fred som eh ow bel i eved that these two young gradu a te stu dents of his had a

good ide a , that cre a tivi ty ought to be rew a rded , and that they ought to go out and give it

a try. Well ,I ’m going to tell yo u ,t h a t’s sti ll the story of not just the Si l i con Va ll ey but the

s tory of Ro ute 128 and of Au s ti n , Tex a s , and of m a ny, m a ny places wh ere knowl ed ge and

s m a rt people that come out of the great Am erican univers i ties go on to cre a te whole new

realms of k n owl ed ge that become whole new areas of the econ omy. I can tell you that

du ring that time the su bj ects that were familiar and of great love to me, Kremlin deb a te s

and nu clear throw wei ghts to name two, were displaced by some new top i c s . Bel i eve me,

wh en you talk abo ut the riva l ry of the great powers in the Si l i con Va ll ey they don’t mean

East and We s t ; t h ey look tow a rd Red m on d , Wa s h i n g ton . Now, no forei gn vi s i tor to my

of f i ce ever wanted to talk abo ut nu clear throw wei ghts or Kremlin deb a tes du ring my

time as provo s t . Th ey wanted inste ad to talk abo ut how to become the Si l i con Va ll ey, h ow

to use the cre a tivi ty and innova tiveness of t h eir people to cre a te whole new areas of

k n owl ed ge , and to spur the kind of econ omic miracle we have seen in this co u n try.

I am gra teful for the opportu n i ty of h aving had that ex peri en ce because it taught me

s om ething very special abo ut the Un i ted States of Am eri c a . Unless you understand the

s pecialness of the Am erican ex peri m ent it is hard to understand what Am erica can mean

in the worl d .F i rst of a ll , it taught me that cre a tivi ty and openness and risk taking—the

wi ll i n gness to let a free people and their labor be rew a rded—is re a lly the en gine of econ omic growt h . It taught me, too, that we are one Am erica out of m a ny back grounds and

ethnic heri t a ges because Ca l i forn i a , and the Si l i con Va ll ey in parti c u l a r, is as et h n i c a lly

d iverse a place as you wi ll ever find. In fact , one of Am eri c a’s great strengths has been that

5 8 National Security Challenges
it has been open to wave after wave of i m m i gra ti on con s t a n t ly rejuven a ti n g, con s t a n t ly

s tren g t h en i n g, the pool of people alre ady here , and that is som ething that if we ever lose,

we lose som ething that is very vital to the Un i ted State s . It taught me, too, in Am erica it

does not matter wh ere you come from ; it matters wh ere you are goi n g. It matters

trem en do u s ly that our edu c a ti onal sys tem su pports upw a rd mobi l i ty, that it su pports the

bel i ef that you can be the child of an iti n erant farm worker or the child of a fo u rt h - genera ti on lega tee and you can sti ll sit in the same cl a s s room at Stanford or Ha rva rd

Un ivers i ty. It can matter not wh ere you came from but wh ere you are goi n g. Those va lues and the bel i ef that merit and hard work can help you get ahead , that class and background should not be imped i m ents to the good life ,a re part of the promise that peop l e

h ave come to Am erica seeking for the two - a n d - a - h a l f cen tu ries of our ex i s ten ce . So, i n

s ome ways it is a different world from the world that we con f ron ted in the Cold Wa r. But

we need to rem em ber alw ays that these core va lues have not ch a n ged and that they are

i n deed the core va lues that sustain us at home and make us a different kind of power

a broad .

Pre s i den t - el ect Bush and I had the opportu n i ty many, m a ny times to talk abo ut these

va lu e s . As govern or of Texas he practi ced them , and I think it is one of the re a s ons that

he has been so fundamen t a lly devo ted to edu c a ti on as the most important pri ori ty as

pre s i den t . But they are va lues that he understands and it is for that re a s on that he wi ll be

a ble to lead Am ericans as we play our important role in the worl d .

Now it is absolutely true that Am eri c a’s nati onal interests requ i re a kind of con s i s ten c y

and a kind of constancy abo ut certain el em ents of what my fri end Joe Nye would call

“h a rd ” power. That constancy entails a devo ti on to keeping the military stron g, so that

we can keep the pe ace . It means a devo ti on to fri ends and all i e s , making certain that our

a ll i a n ces are stron g, that our coord i n a ti on and con su l t a ti on with our allies is com p l ete ,s o

that we have fri ends and partn ers in the world wh en we need them .And it is absolutely

the case that you cannot simply call your fri ends wh en you need them ; you have to call

t h em before .And so I think that you wi ll see a strong em phasis on the role of a ll i e s . It is

also true that Am eri c a’s interests are served by devo ti on to open econ omies and to free

trade , and that the pre s i dent of the Un i ted States has to pay atten ti on to the great powers .

Powers like Russia and China and incre a s i n gly powers like India are , as my kids at

S t a n ford would put it, so large and so con s equ en tial that they can “ruin your whole day.”

The de s i re is that those great powers can devel op rel a ti ons with the Un i ted States that wi ll

not ruin our whole day but that wi ll inste ad be coopera tive . We wi ll have our disagreem en t s . Th ere are disagreem ents that are qu i te seri o u s . But there is no re a s on to bel i eve

that fru i tful rel a ti onships with other great powers with important interests cannot be

nu rtu red and su s t a i n ed in a way that is good for all con cern ed . Now, t h a t’s the kind of

“h a rd ” power (and since most of you may know from re ading abo ut me that I am a re a li s t , or so people say) to wh i ch I app a ren t ly pay a lot of a t ten ti on .

I want to assu re you of one thing: i t’s an ac ademic deb a te as to wh et h er or not our

i n terests or our va lues ought to govern forei gn po l i c y. Our interests and our va lues have

to go hand in hand. In fact , our interests are rei n forced by our va lues and vi ce vers a .

Th ere is no do u bt that Am erican interests are bet ter adva n ced tod ay in a world in wh i ch

m ore co u n tries share our va lues of i n d ivi dual liberty, of f reedom , of the bel i ef that the

National Security Challenges 5 9
ru l ed ought to be able to ch oose those who wi ll rule them , of f reedom of the pre s s , of

human ri gh t s , and of human dign i ty. Th ere is no do u bt that those interests and those

va lues go hand in hand. In that rega rd there are two instru m ents of Am erican power that

I think are som etimes underva lu ed in understanding our best road tow a rd a co h eren t

forei gn po l i c y, and I want to talk just bri ef ly abo ut those two.

One instru m ent of Am erica power is to bet ter understand and to bet ter use the

s trength of n on govern m ental insti tuti ons in prom o ting Am erican va lues and intere s t s

a broad . In fact , I would call these “u n iversal va lu e s ,” because these are not simply

Am erican va lu e s . It tu rns out that wh en you ask peop l e ,“ Do you want to speak freely ?

Do you wish to be able to en j oy the fruits of your labor? Do you wish to be able to be free

f rom arbi tra ry power ? ”a ll people say, ye s ,t h ey do. These are universal va lu e s . Now, n ongovern m ental insti tuti ons of m a ny types play important ro l e s . We can think abo ut the

trem en dous role of i n s ti tuti ons that are doing the hard hu m a n i t a rian work abroad , or we

m i ght think abo ut a set of i n s ti tuti ons that I’m ex trem ely intere s ted in—our great edu c ati onal insti tuti on s .

At Stanford I watch ed as more and more stu den t s ,p a rti c u l a rly at the gradu a te level ,

f rom around the world sought their high er edu c a ti on here . And those people go back not

just with a bet ter edu c a ti on , but I think with a bet ter sense of who we are . Now there’s

been a lot of talk abo ut how to build nati ons and there’s of ten referen ce to the Ma rs h a ll

Plan in doing so. But I would of fer to you that as important as the Ma rs h a ll Plan was to

the rebuilding of Eu rope—and it was—one of the most lasting ef fects of that peri od was

actu a lly thro u gh Fu l bri ght Sch o l a rships and Ma rs h a ll Sch o l a rs h i p s . Th ey bro u ght score s

of Eu ropeans here and scores of Am ericans there .S cores of Asians here and scores of

Am ericans there . To understand each other bet ter and to come to a com m on vi s i on of

human dign i ty. At Stanford I was fortu n a te to en ga ge with some of my co lleagues in the

c re a ti on of s om ething call ed “ New Dem oc racy Fell ows .”These fell owships bro u ght outstanding sch o l a rs from Eastern Eu rope to Stanford . We hel ped them to stu dy trad i ti on a l

ac ademic disciplines wh ere top - f l i ght sch o l a rship in the form er com munist states had

re a lly been sti f l ed . Disciplines like history and soc i o l ogy and anthropo l ogy and po l i ti c a l

s c i en ce . Wh en these fell ows went back home I’m su re that they were not pre aching the

vi rtues of the Rep u blican Pa rty—the Stanford fac u l ty made certain of t h a t . But I can

a s su re you that they were ex peri encing free sch o l a rly exch a n ge and free sch o l a rly ide a s .

You know at the to u gh e s t , most difficult times co u n tries that were cut of f f rom on e

a n o t h er could som etimes find a way to break down barri ers thro u gh sch o l a rly exch a n ge .

Kn owl ed ge tru ly knows no borders . And if we ever for get that knowl ed ge knows no borders , we again wi ll take one of the most important arrows out of the qu iver of the forw a rd march of dem oc rac y.

An o t h er instru m ent of power is of co u rse this public partn ership with the Un i ted

S t a tes In s ti tute of Pe ace . The In s ti tute has pion eered a new Vi rtual Di p l om acy progra m

that applies inform a ti on and com mu n i c a ti ons tech n o l ogies to preven t ,m a n a ge ,a n d

re s o lve intern a ti onal con f l i ct s . The progra m’s spon s ors wri te abo ut a revo luti on in diplom a tic affairs that can para ll el the revo luti on in military affairs .And I think the In s ti tute is

on to som ething bec a u s e , wh ere power lies in knowl ed ge and ide a s , su rely the new inform a ti on tech n o l ogy has become an astonishing force mu l ti p l i er.

6 0 National Security Challenges
Now, as I give these examples of p u bl i c - priva te and priva te insti tuti on s ,l et me assu re

you that I think that there are many things that the U. S . govern m ent can also do to furt h er va lu e s , to furt h er the prom o ti on of i de a s , and to cre a te a world in wh i ch there is a

com m on ,s h a red ex peri en ce and thereby a com m on understanding of human dign i ty.

Now it’s a real ch a ll en ge for the way in wh i ch our govern m ent does its work ,p a rti c u l a rly

in nati onal sec u ri ty affairs , and that leads me to the su bj ect of the Na ti onal Sec u ri ty

Council sys tem .

The Na ti onal Sec u ri ty Council sys tem was, of co u rs e ,c re a ted by the Na ti onal Sec u ri ty

Act of 1 9 4 7 . It was cre a ted to help unite the great dep a rtm ents and agencies of the governm ent to prep a re for the dangers of total war. One of the statutory mem bers of the co u n c i l

u n der the act was the director of defense mobi l i z a ti on . Now, s i n ce he doe s n’t come to the

m eeti n gs any more , I think we may ask the qu e s ti on ,“ How rel evant is this particular instituti on to the world that we face now ? ” What we need tod ay is an NSC sys tem that unite s

the govern m ent to prep a re not for total war, but for the total spectrum of policy instrum ents we can use wh en military power is not appropri a te . We’ve go t ten ours elves into a

qu i te bi polar discussion : we ei t h er intervene militari ly, or we’re isolati onist and we don’t

i n tervene at all . In fact ,t h ere are a whole host of i n s tru m ents in bet ween that need to be

f i n e - tu n ed for the times wh en military power is cl e a rly not appropri a te . In 1947 the ch a ll en ge was to tame the clashing interests of the State , Wa r, and Navy Dep a rtm en t s . In 2001

the ch a ll en ge is to unite the far- f lung con cerns of a ll the agencies that are working ac ro s s

our real and vi rtual borders ,f rom the Dep a rtm ent of Defense to the Pu blic He a l t h

Servi ce ,f rom the ad m i n i s tra tor of NASA to the Federal Com mu n i c a ti ons Com m i s s i on .

Let me com m en t , t h en , on how I see my own role as assistant to the pre s i dent for

n a ti onal sec u ri ty affairs in this com p l ex worl d . These many agencies have to perform in

con cert ,s triving tow a rd a com m on purpo s e . Prec i s ely because our policies now invo lve

so many players , we have to have a cl e a rly wri t ten sheet of music (you may know I’m a

mu s i c i a n , so pardon the referen ce ) , so that everyone knows what tune to play. Th e

Na ti onal Sec u ri ty Council sys tem , with the pre s i dent at its top, is the instru m ent we use.

Now, i t’s not my job to make people “toe the line” ; i n s te ad , the ch a ll en ge and the gre a t

opportu n i ty is to sense the po s s i bi l i ties of this new era and to make con n ecti on s , to work

as a team tow a rd an Am erican forei gn policy that is co h erent and su cce s s f u l . We can no

l on ger afford “s tovep i pe s .”

Wh en we talk abo ut Am eri c a’s com m i tm ents with our Eu ropean all i e s , we should

think abo ut how our com m on ideals help us to see ways to work toget h er on issues of

the new econ omy wi t h o ut being mired in probl ems of the past. Wh en we talk abo ut free

en terprise with our Latin Am erican trading partn ers , we should make the con n ecti ons to

our po l i tical insti tuti on s . Wh en we think abo ut the new dangers of tra n s n a ti onal terrori s m , we must make the con n ecti ons bet ween law en forcem ent and nati onal sec u ri ty.

Wh en we think abo ut tra n s forming defen s e , we must make the con n ecti on bet ween

defense agencies and the way business and soc i ety are alre ady ad a pting to the new inform a ti on tech n o l ogy.

So my con cepti on and my hope for this job is overwh el m i n gly po s i tive . We at the

Na ti onal Sec u ri ty Council are going to try to work the seams, s ti tching the con n ecti on s

toget h er ti gh t ly. If we can do that, i f we can provi de glue for the many, m a ny agen c i e s

National Security Challenges 6 1
and the many, m a ny instru m ents the Un i ted States is now dep l oying around the worl d , I

think we wi ll have done our job on beh a l f of the pre s i dent of the Un i ted State s . Th en we

can devel op a forei gn policy that uses all of the incred i ble strength of this co u n try and is

a ble then to proj ect Am erican influ en ce in su pport of its pri n c i p l e s .

6 2 National Security Challenges
Morton Abramowitz is a senior fellow at the Century Foundation. He retired in 1997 as president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and has served as assistant secretary of

state for intelligence and research and as U.S. ambassador to Thailand.

David Abshire is president of the Center for the Study of the Presidency and vice chairman of the

board of the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), which he cofounded in 1962.

He has also been ambassador to NATO and assistant secretary of state for congressional relations.

Peter Ackerman is the managing director of Crown Capital Group Incorporated, a private investment firm, and coauthor of Strategic Nonviolent Conflict and the series editor of a related documentary that appeared on PBS, A Force More Powerful: A Century of Nonviolent Conflict.

Michael H. Armacost has been president of the Brookings Institution since October 1995. He has

served as U.S. ambassador to Japan, U.S. ambassador to the Philippines, and undersecretary of

state for political affairs, and occupied senior policy positions in the National Security Council

and Department of Defense.

Samuel R. Berger is assistant to the president for national security affairs. He previously served as

deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs during President Clinton’s first term

in office, and deputy director of the policy planning staff, U.S. Department of State. 

Joseph R. Biden, Jr. has served as U.S. senator from Delaware since 1973 and is the senior

Democrat on the Foreign Relations Committee and a member of the Judiciary Committee. He is

cochairman of the Senate NATO Observer Group and cochairman of the Senate National

Security Working Group. 

Charles G. Boyd, a retired Air Force general, is executive director of the National Security Study

Group, a two and one-half year review chartered and funded by the secretary of defense examining U.S. national security objectives and strategy for the first quarter of the twenty-first century. 

Chester A. Crocker is the James R. Schlesinger professor of strategic studies at Georgetown

University’s School of Foreign Service and serves on the board of its Institute for the Study of

Diplomacy. He has served as assistant secretary of state and is currently chairman of the board of

directors of the United States Institute of Peace. 

Patrick M. Cronin directs the Research and Studies Program of the United States Institute of

Peace and currently leads a study on coercive diplomacy. He also manages major projects on

cross-cultural negotiation, political violence and terrorism, integrated civilian-military planning,

and human rights. 

Paula J. Dobriansky is vice president and director of the Washington office of the Council on

Foreign Relations. She is also the council’s first George F. Kennan senior fellow for Russian and

Eurasian studies. She has served as deputy assistant secretary of state for human rights and

humanitarian affairs.

Stephen J. Hadley is President-elect Bush’s deputy national security adviser–designate. He previously served as assistant secretary of defense for international security policy. He is a member of

the Department of Defense policy board and the national security advisory panel to the director

of central intelligence.

Tom Harkin was elected U.S. senator from Iowa in 1984, having previously served in the U.S.

House of Representatives for ten years. He serves on the Senate education funding subcommittee,

the Rural Health Caucus, and the Agriculture Nutrition and Forestry Committee. He authored

the 1990 Americans with Disabilities Act.

Rita E. Hauseris president of the Hauser Foundation. She is an international lawyer and of counsel to the New York City law firm Stroock & Stroock & Lavan. Hauser chairs the International 6 3

Conference Participants
Peace Academy, as well as the advisory board of the RAND Center for Middle East Public Policy. 

Harriet Hentges is the executive vice president and chief operating officer of the United States

Institute of Peace. She created the Institute’s Balkans Initiative in 1996. She has also served as

international economist on the policy planning staff of the U.S. Department of State and in the

office of the U.S. Special Trade Representative.

Max M. Kampelman was counselor of the U.S. Department of State and ambassador and head of

the U.S. delegation to the negotiations with the Soviet Union on nuclear and space arms in

Geneva, before rejoining the law firm of Fried, Frank, Harris, Shriver & Jacobson. He is vice chairman of the board of directors of the United States Institute of Peace. 

Anthony Lake is distinguished professor in the practice of diplomacy at the Edmund A. Walsh

School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University and chairman of INTELLIBRIDGE, an information services company. He served during 1993–97 as assistant to the president for national

security affairs.

Marc E. Leland has been president of Marc E. Leland and Associates, an investment advisory

firm, since 1984. He previously served as the assistant secretary of the treasury for international

affairs, senior adviser to the Mutual Balanced Force Reduction Negotiations in Vienna, Austria,

and general counsel of the Peace Corps. 

Seymour Martin Lipset is the Hazel Professor of Public Policy at the Institute of Public Policy,

George Mason University, and senior fellow at the Hoover Institution. He is also a member of the

United States Institute of Peace board of directors and a senior scholar of the Progressive Policy

Institute and the Woodrow Wilson Center. 

Richard N. Perle has been a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy

Research (AEI) since 1987, where he has directed the Commission on Future Defenses, and is a

member of the Department of Defense policy board. Prior to joining AEI, he was assistant secretary of defense for international security policy.

William J. Perry is the Michael and Barbara Berberian professor at Stanford University, with a

joint appointment in the School of Engineering and the Institute for International Studies. He

previously served as secretary of defense, and as North Korea policy coordinator and special

adviser to the president and the secretary of state.

Condoleezza Rice is President-elect Bush’s national security adviser–designate. Previous positions

include the Thomas and Barbara Stephenson senior fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover

Institution, provost of Stanford University, and senior director for Soviet affairs at the National

Security Council. 

Sergey Rogov has been director of the Institute of USA and Canada Studies in Moscow since

1995. He serves on the Russian Federation Economic Council and on the advisory board of the

Security Council. He is also a member of the advisory councils of the Foreign Ministry and the

State Duma. 

J. Stapleton Roy has recently taken a position at Kissinger Associates, having retired from a distinguished career in the United States Foreign Service. He previously served as assistant secretary of

state for intelligence and research and U.S. ambassador to Indonesia, the People’s Republic of

China, and Singapore.

Robert E. Rubin, a director, chairman of the Executive Committee, and member of the office of

the chairman of Citigroup, Inc., has been involved with financial markets and public policy

debate throughout his professional life. He previously served as assistant to the president for 

economic policy and as the 70th secretary of the treasury.

Brent Scowcroft, a retired Air Force general, is president of the Scowcroft Group, an international

business consulting firm. He is also the founder and president of the Forum for International

Policy. General Scowcroft served as assistant to the president for national security affairs to

Presidents Ford and Bush. 

6 4 Conference Participants
Walter B. Slocombe has been undersecretary of defense for policy since 1994. He previously

served as principal deputy undersecretary of defense for policy, deputy undersecretary of defense

for policy planning, and as principal deputy assistant secretary of defense, international security

a f f a i r s .

Richard H. Solomon has been president of the United States Institute of Peace since 1993. He

previously served as assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, U.S. ambassador

to the Philippines, director of policy planning at the U.S. Department of State, and senior staff

member of the National Security Council.

Strobe Talbott has been deputy secretary of state since 1994. He previously served as ambassadorat-large and special adviser to the secretary of state on the newly independent states. He entered

government after twenty-one years as a journalist for Time, where he was the magazine’s editorat-large and foreign affairs columnist.

Allen Weinstein is founder and president of the Center for Democracy, a nonprofit foundation

created in 1985 to promote and strengthen the democratic process, based in Washington, D.C.

He is also a member of the United States Institute of Peace board of directors.

Conference Participants 6 5
Pamela R. Aall is director of the United States Institute of Peace’s Education Program. With

Chester A. Crocker and Fen Osler Hampson, she edited Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of

Managing International Conflict (2001), Herding Cats: Multiparty Mediation in a Complex

World (1999), and Managing Global Chaos: Sources of and Responses to International Conflict

(1996). She is also coauthor of Guide to IGOs, NGOs, and the Military in Peace and Relief

Operations ( 2 0 0 0 ) .

Kurt Bassuener is a program officer in the United States Institute of Peace’s Balkans Initiative. A

Central and Eastern Europe specialist, he has written extensively to advocate an assertive and

proactive American policy toward the crises in the former Yugoslavia, as well as encouraging

active American engagement in Europe in general.

Patrick M. Cronin directs the Research and Studies Program of the United States Institute of

Peace and currently leads a study on coercive diplomacy. He also manages major projects on

cross-cultural negotiation, political violence and terrorism, integrated civilian-military planning,

and human rights. 

William M. Drennan is a program officer in the Institute of Peace’s Research and Studies

Program specializing in Northeast Asia and Korean Peninsula security issues, as well as South

Korean politics.

Emily T. Metzgar is a program officer in the Institute of Peace’s Research and Studies Program.

Her work includes U.S.-Russian relations, Northeast Asian and African issues, and general

American foreign policy. Metzgar coordinates the Institute’s future of Europe project and Russia

working group as part of the Institute’s ongoing examination of post–Cold War relations between

Europe and the United States. 

6 6

Conference Rapporteurs
OTHER TITLES IN THE PEACEWORKS SERIES

From Revolutionary Internationalism to Conservative Nationalism: The Chinese Military’s Discourse on

National Security and Identity in the Post-Mao Era, by Nan Li (No. 39, May 2001)

El Salvador: Implementation of the Peace Accords, edited by Margarita S. Studemeister (No. 38, January

2 0 0 1 )

The News Media and Peace Processes: The Middle East and Northern Ireland, by Gadi Wolfsfeld (No. 37,

January 2001)

Conflict Management Training: Advancing Best Practices, by Robert M. Schoenhaus (No. 36, January

2 0 0 1 )

Coercive Prevention: Normative, Political, and Policy Dilemmas, by Bruce W. Jentleson (No. 35, October

2 0 0 0 )

Women in War and Peace: Grassroots Peacebuilding, by Donna Ramsey Marshall (No. 34, August 2000)

Grappling with Peace Education in Serbia, by Ruzica Rozandic (No. 33, April 2000)

Three Dimensions of Peacebuilding in Bosnia: Findings from USIP-Sponsored Research and Field Projects,

edited by Steven M. Riskin (No. 32, December 1999)

Building Security in Post–Cold War Eurasia: The OSCE and U.S. Foreign Policy, by P. Terrence

Hopmann (No. 31, September 1999)

New Approaches to International Negotiation and Mediation: Findings from USIP-Sponsored Research,

edited by Timothy D. Sisk (No. 30, August 1999)

Training to Promote Conflict Management: USIP-Assisted Training Projects, edited by David Smock (No.

29, July 1999)

The Challenge of Regional Cooperation in Central Asia: Preventing Conflict in the Ferghana Valley, b y

Anara Tabyshalieva (No. 28, June 1999)

Territorial Conflicts and Their Resolution: The Case of Ecuador and Peru, by Beth A. Simmons (No. 27,

April 1999)

The Quest for Democratic Security: The Role of the Council of Europe and U.S. Foreign Policy, by Heinrich

Klebes (No. 26, January 1999)

Nagorno-Karabakh: Searching for a Solution, by Patricia Carley (No. 25, December 1998)

Removing Barricades in Somalia: Options for Peace and Rehabilitation, by Hussein Adam and Richard

Ford, with Ali Jimale Ahmed, Abdinasir Osman Isse, Nur Weheliye, and David Smock (No. 24,

October 1998)

Muddling toward Democracy: Political Change in Grassroots China, by Anne F. Thurston (No. 23,

August 1998)

Preventing Genocide in Burundi: Lessons from International Diplomacy, by Stephen R. Weissman (No.

22, July 1998)

The China Challenge in the Twenty-First Century: Implications for U.S. Foreign Policy, by Chen Jian (No.

21, June 1998)

Private Peacemaking: USIP-Assisted Peacemaking Projects of Nonprofit Organizations, edited by David R.

Smock (No. 20, June 1998)

Sovereignty after Empire: Self-Determination Movements in the Former Soviet Union, by Galina

Starovoitova (No. 19, October 1997)
Pe a c ewo rks 40

United Stat e s

Institute of Pe a c e

1200 17th Street NW

Washington, DC 20036

The United States Institute of Peace is an independent, nonpartisan federal institution

created by Congress to promote research, education, and training on the peaceful management and

resolution of international conflicts. Established in 1984, the Institute meets its congressional mandate

through an array of programs, including research grants, fellowships, professional training, education

programs from high school through graduate school, conferences and workshops, library services, and

publications. The Institute’s Board of Directors is appointed by the President of the United States and

confirmed by the Senate.

Chairman of the Board: Chester A. Crocker

Vice Chairman: Seymour Martin Lipset

P r e s i d e n t : Richard H. Solomon

Executive Vice President: Harriet Hentges

Board of Directors

Chester A. Crocker ( C h a i r m a n ) , James R. Schlesinger Professor of Strategic Studies, School of Foreign 

Service, Georgetown University

Seymour Martin Lipset(Vice Chairman), Hazel Professor of Public Policy, George Mason University

Betty F. Bumpers, President, Peace Links, Washington, D.C.

Holly J. Burkhalter, Advocacy Director, Physicians for Human Rights, Washington, D.C.

Zalmay Khalilzad, RAND Corporation, Washington, D.C.

Marc E. Leland, E s q . , President, Marc E. Leland & Associates, Arlington, Va.

Mora L. McLean, Esq., President, Africa-America Institute, New York, N.Y.

María Otero, President, ACCION International, Somerville, Mass.

Barbara W. Snelling, State Senator and former Lieutenant Governor, Shelburne, Vt.

Shibley Telhami, Anwar Sadat Chair for Peace and Development, University of Maryland

Harriet Zimmerman, Vice President, American Israel Public Affairs Committee, Washington, D.C.

Members ex officio

Paul G. Gaffney II, Vice Admiral, U.S. Navy; President, National Defense University

Colin L. Powell, Secretary of State

Donald H. Rumsfeld, Secretary of Defense

Richard H. Solomon, President, United States Institute of Peace (nonvoting)

About the Institute