Last updated: March 2019 www.ojjdp.gov/mpg

Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 1

Suggested Reference: Development Services Group, Inc. 2019. “Juvenile Residential Programs.” Literature review. Washington, D.C.: 

Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. https://www.ojjdp.gov/mpg/litreviews/Residential.pdf 

Prepared by Development Services Group, Inc., under cooperative agreement number 2013–JF–FX–K002. Points of view or opinions 

expressed in this document are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position or policies of OJJDP or the U.S. 

Department of Justice.

Juvenile Residential Programs 

Youth are placed into juvenile justice residential settings for many legal reasons, but primarily as either 

a disposition after being adjudicated delinquent in juvenile court or while awaiting juvenile court 

decisions such as arraignment, adjudication, disposition, or placement. There has been a reduction in 

the numbers of youth placed in residential facilities in the past couple of decades (Puzzanchera and 

Hockenberry, 2017; Sickmund et al., 2017). The latest census in 2016 counted the fewest number of 

juveniles in residential placement since 1975 (Hockenberry and Sladky, 2018). While the causes for these 

reductions are uncertain, decreases in referrals to court (Puzzanchera and Hockenberry, 2018a; 

Sickmund and Puzzanchera, 2014) and the proliferation of research showing that most youth are best 

served in the community in nonresidential placements (Lipsey, 2009; Lipsey et al., 2010; Mendel, 2014; 

Ryon et al., 2013; Seigle, Walsh, and Weber, 2014) are potential contributing factors. 

There are many different designs for residential programs, ranging from large locked facilities to 

smaller and more homelike environments. These residential programs differ in purpose and in their 

services, controls, goals, and objectives. This literature review provides information on the different 

types of residential programs available to youth in the juvenile justice system, including secure longterm facilities, residential treatment centers, wilderness camps, and shelter care. Descriptions of the 

youth who are placed in these facilities and information on the different types of facilities is provided, 

along with research findings, program outcomes, definitional challenges, and limitations of existing 

research.

Definitional Challenges 

There are three primary definitional challenges when reviewing the literature about juvenile justice 

residential settings. First, some national data sources collect information at the facility level while others 

collect information at the individual youth level. Second, some sources use a census to count individual 

youth in residential placement while others use a count of cases processed through juvenile courts that 

involve or result in residential placement. Third, the way facilities are defined differs by source.

Counting youth or counting facilities. One challenge is whether the unit of analysis is defined at 

the facility level or at the individual youth level. For example, while one data source may use facilitylevel data and note that only 5 percent of facilities hold more than 100 residents, and another may use 

individual-level data and say that 25 percent of all youth residents are housed in facilities with more 

than 100 residents (Hockenberry and Sladky, 2018; Puzzanchera et al., 2018), both of these are true.
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 2

Single-day count or case flows. The two ways that national data collection programs categorize 

youth in residential settings are 1) to count the number of juveniles in a facility at one point in time, and 

2) to count the number of cases involving detention, those resulting in out-of-home placement over the 

course of a specified period, or both. The first approach is called a 1–day population count or census, 

while the second approach is often referred to as “case flow” and includes annual counts of the number 

of cases disposed. Case flow counts are particularly useful when comparing cases involving youth who 

were placed in out-of-home settings with those in which youth were not placed. However, these counts 

do not consider the amount of time a youth’s length of stay in a certain residential placement. 

Population census counts provide a picture of who would be residing in a facility on a regular day; 

however, they do not consider the flow in and out of the facility (OJJDP, n.d.). The following are 

examples of population census counts and population flows:

 Population census counts. The Census of Juveniles in Residential Placement (CJRP) is a biennial 

survey of public and private juvenile residential facilities in the United States that provides 1-

day population counts. This census gives a picture of the standing population in facilities. It 

provides detailed information about a youth’s placement status, length of stay in placement, 

age, sex, race/ethnicity, and most serious offense. The Juvenile Residential Facility Census 

(JRFC) collects information about the facilities in which youth are held. Like the CJRP, the JRFC 

provides a 1–day population count and is conducted every 2 years. JRFC collects data on how 

facilities operate and the services they provide.1

 Case flows. The National Juvenile Court Data Archive collects, verifies, preserves, and 

processes the automated records of cases that U.S. courts with juvenile jurisdiction handle and 

annually generates national estimates regarding the handling of delinquency and status offense 

cases. This collection provides data on the number of delinquency cases involving detention, 

the number resulting in out-of-home placement, or both. These counts represent the annual 

number of cases and provide a measure of the flow of cases through the stages of the juvenile 

court system, including detention and case disposition.

One example of the difference between a census and a case flow is to look at the counts of youth who 

are detained or committed. The 2015 census count of juveniles in residential placement found that there 

were 15,816 detained youth and 31,487 committed youth in residential placement on the day of the 

count (Sickmund et al., 2017). However, counts of the flow of delinquency cases to detention and outof-home placement found that there were 237,400 cases involving detention and 67,700 cases 

adjudicated that resulted in residential placement in 2015 (Puzzanchera and Hockenberry, 2018a). Both 

of these counts are accurate, but provide slightly different information based on the unit of count to 

describe youth in residential programs.2

Categorizing residential programs. The method used to categorize facilities also differs by source. 

Although the classification system described in this literature review provides insight into the different 

types of residential facilities, there is no universal, standard definition of residential treatment 

programs (Sickmund, 2010). Reports from the General Accounting Office (GAO, 2007; GAO, 2008) 

noted the wide diversity of programs and facilities that appear under different names. Further, “[N]o 

[F]ederal laws define what constitutes a residential program, nor are there any standard, commonly

1 Source: OJJDP. n.d. Juvenile Residential Facility Census. Project Snapshot. 

https://www.ojjdp.gov/research/JRFC.html

2 The census counts include status and delinquency cases, whereas the court data described include only the 

delinquency cases.
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recognized definitions for specific types of programs” (GAO, 2008:5). For example, while residential 

treatment centers (RTCs) would seem to be more treatment-focused and long-term secure facilities 

more like youth prisons, one report (Sickmund et al., 2017) found that more than 70 percent of youth in 

RTCs are in locked facilities. And another (Puzzanchera and Hockenberry, 2018b) found that long-term 

secure facilities were more likely than RTCs to offer mental health and substance abuse services. In 

addition, a study of almost 700 RTCs found that more than 80 percent reported using seclusion or 

restraint (Green-Hennessey and Hennessey, 2015).

In 2007, the GAO suggested that the lack of standard definitions has contributed to inconsistencies and 

challenges in the oversight of these programs, as individual programs can select their own 

classification. States often regulate programs that receive public funding, but may not license or 

regulate privately run programs, and federal oversight does not extend to private facilities that receive 

no federal funds (GAO, 2007).

Characteristics of Youth in Residential Settings 

The number of youth being held in residential placement has decreased over the past couple of decades 

and reached a new low in 2015. During that year, the CJRP counted slightly more than 48,000 youth in 

residential placement on a single day, compared with more than 105,000 on a single day in 1997 

(Puzzanchera and Hockenberry, 2017; Sickmund et al., 2017). Between 2006 and 2015, nearly 9 in 10 

states had cut their juvenile residential placement rates by one half or more (Hockenberry, 2018). 

Offense type. In 2015, the CJRP showed that the largest percentage of youth in residential placement 

were being held for person offenses (37.7 percent), followed by property offenses (21.7 percent), 

technical violations (17.8 percent), public order offenses (12.5 percent), drug offenses (5.4 percent), and 

status offenses (4.8 percent). Person offenses included robbery (9.8 percent), aggravated assault (8.1 

percent), simple assault (8.1 percent), sexual assault (7.1 percent), criminal homicide (1.6 percent), and 

other offenses (2.9 percent). Property offenses included burglary (8.8 percent), theft (4.9 percent), auto 

theft (3.7 percent), arson (0.7 percent), and other property offenses (3.6 percent). Since 1997, the 

percentage of youth being held in residential settings for status offenses, drug offenses, and property 

offenses has declined while the percentage being held for person offenses and technical violations has 

increased (Sickmund et al., 2017); however, the counts of youth for each offense type have declined. 

Sex. According to the CJRP, 85 percent of the youth in residential placement in 2015 were boys, and 15 

percent were girls, a trend that has been relatively stable since 1997 (Sickmund et al., 2017). Compared 

with boys, girls were slightly younger and more likely to be held for a technical violation or status 

offense (Hockenberry, 2018). Girls were also more likely than boys to be held in a private facility 

(Hockenberry, 2018). 

Race/ethnicity. In 2015, the CJRP showed that the juveniles in residential placement were 42 percent 

black; 31 percent white; 22 percent Hispanic; and 5 percent American Indian, Asian, Pacific Islander, or 

other race/ethnicity (Sickmund et al., 2017). This data suggests an overrepresentation of minority 

youth3. The racial breakdown in residential facilities has changed only slightly over the past two 

decades with small increases in the percentage of Hispanic youth and small decreases in the percentage 

of white and Asian youth (Sickmund et al., 2017).

Placement status. The CJRP categorizes a juvenile’s placement status4 according to four primary

3 For more information, see the Model Programs Guide literature review on Disproportionate Minority Contact. 

4

This literature review does not address residential placements outside of the juvenile justice system.
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types: committed, detained, diverted, and other.5 In 2015, 70 percent of the juveniles counted in the 

CJRP census were in committed status, 28 percent were in detained status, 1 percent were in diverted 

status, and less than 1 percent were in some other or an unknown status.

Committed. The committed juvenile population includes those who were placed as part of a courtordered disposition (Sickmund et al., 2017). Committed juveniles may have been adjudicated in juvenile 

court or convicted and sentenced in adult criminal court. In 2015, the CJRP showed that approximately 

25 percent of cases that were adjudicated delinquent in juvenile court resulted in out-of-home 

placement (Puzzanchera and Hockenberry, 2018a). The proportion of adjudicated delinquency cases 

that result in out-of-home placement has remained relatively stable over the past 10 years. However, 

given the reductions in youth being referred to the juvenile court, the number of committed youth in 

residential placements has also decreased. In 2015, the CJRP counted 31,487 committed youth on a 

single day, compared with more than 75,000 in 1997 (Sickmund et al., 2017). Committed youth made 

up 65.5 percent of all juveniles in residential placement in 2015 (Sickmund et al., 2017). Thirty-five 

percent of committed youth were in long-term secure facilities; 33 percent in residential treatment 

centers; 13 percent in detention centers; 12 percent in group homes; and the rest in shelters, 

reception/diagnostic centers, boot camps, wilderness camps, or other placements.

When examining the flow of cases from juvenile court adjudication to placement in a facility, the 

literature shows that the rate at which adjudicated delinquency cases result in out-of-home placement 

varies by offense, race, and gender. For example, cases adjudicated delinquent for robbery in juvenile 

court were the most likely to result in out-of-home placement, while cases adjudicated delinquent for 

drug law violations were the least likely (43.5 cases disposed per 100 adjudicated cases, compared with 

16.0, respectively).6 Regarding race, for every 100 cases adjudicated delinquent involving minority 

youth, there were 29.2 that resulted in out-of-home placement; for every 100 cases adjudicated 

delinquent involving white youth, there were 21.4 that resulted in out-of-home placement 

(Puzzanchera and Hockenberry, 2018a). In terms of commitment rates per the total youth population, 

the committed placement rate for black youth in 2015 was nearly five times the rate for white youth 

(Hockenberry, 2018). Finally, in regard to gender, the rate at which delinquency cases resulted in outof-home placement for boys in 2015 was 27.6 per 100 adjudications; for girls, it was 20.9 per 100 

adjudications (Puzzanchera and Hockenberry, 2018a).

Detained. Secure detention differs from secure commitment. Youth in the committed population have 

been adjudicated delinquent; the purpose of their residential placement is generally to address the 

factors related to offending and prevent recidivism. In contrast, the purpose of secure detention is 

generally to ensure that youth appear for all court hearings and to protect the community from future 

offending (Austin, Johnson, and Weitzer, 2005). The detained population includes juveniles being held 

while awaiting court decisions such as adjudication, disposition, or placement (Sickmund et al., 2017). 

The detained population also includes juveniles awaiting transfer to adult criminal court or awaiting a 

hearing or trial in adult criminal court (Sickmund et al., 2017). The 2015 CJRP found that 51 percent of 

the detained youth being held were awaiting juvenile court adjudication, 8 percent were awaiting a 

criminal court or transfer hearing, and 41 percent were adjudicated and awaiting disposition or 

placement (Sickmund et al., 2017). 

5

 In 2015, 0.4 percent of the youth in residential placement were in the other/unknown category, which may 

include facilities such as alternative schools and independent living. 

6 Offense categories included person offenses, robbery, aggravated assault, simple assault, property offenses, 

property crime index, burglary, larceny-theft, drug law violations, and public order offenses.
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 5

In 2015, slightly more than one in every four cases referred to juvenile court resulted in secure detention 

(Puzzanchera and Hockenberry, 2018a). This proportion has remained relatively stable over the past 10 

years. However, given the large decreases in the numbers of cases being referred to juvenile court, the 

numbers of youth in detention settings have also decreased. In 2015, the CJRP counted 15,816 detained 

youth on their 1–day count, compared with more than 28,000 detained youth in 1997 (Sickmund et al., 

2017). The 2015 CJRP 1–day count found that 87 percent of detained youth were residing in detention 

centers; 6 percent in long-term secure facilities; and the rest in shelters, group homes, residential 

treatment centers, and diagnostic centers. 

The rate at which cases involve detention at some point between referral and case disposition also varies 

by offense, race, and gender (Puzzanchera and Hockenberry, 2018a). Cases referred to juvenile court 

for robbery were the most likely to involve detention prior to case disposition, whereas cases referred 

to court for larceny-theft were the least likely (52.2 detentions per 100 referrals, compared with 14.0, 

respectively). Cases involving minority youth were more likely than those involving white youth to 

involve detention prior to case disposition: for every 100 cases referred to court involving minority 

youth, there were 27.7 cases detained, compared with a rate of 20.2 for every 100 cases involving white 

youth. When examining detention rates per the total youth population, these rates indicate even more 

disproportionality by race. In 2015, the national detained placement rate for black youth was six times 

the rate for white youth (Hockenberry, 2018). Finally, boys were more likely to be detained than girls. 

The rate at which cases involve detention prior to case disposition for boys in 2015 was 26.0 per 100 

cases referred; for girls, it was 20.3 per 100 cases referred. 

Diverted. A small proportion of juveniles are admitted voluntarily to residential placements in lieu of 

adjudication as part of a diversion agreement. In 2015, the CJRP counted 564 youth in diversion 

residential settings (Sickmund et al., 2017). This relatively small number fluctuates substantially over 

time.

Characteristics of Residential Facilities

Juvenile residential facilities vary considerably. The JRFC and CJRP classify the facilities serving 

committed, detained, and diverted youth as follows: detention center, shelter, reception/diagnostic 

center/assessment center, group home, ranch/wilderness camp, boot camp, residential treatment 

center, and long-term secure facility (Puzzanchera et al., 2018; Sickmund et al., 2017). While some 

facilities specialize in only one type of referral (e.g., a residential treatment center that only serves 

committed youth), the CJRP found that, in the aggregate, each of these facility types housed youth for 

a variety of purposes, such as a detention center that housed both detained and committed youth 

(Puzzanchera et al., 2018). As noted above, because these definitions of residential programs are fluid, 

their characteristics may vary from state to state. 

Although there is no consistent definition of residential programs, there are important distinctions that 

can help differentiate across program types, including program goals, security features, physical 

environment, facility size, length of stay, treatment services, and targeted population. For instance, 

some residential facilities may resemble adult prisons or jails in setting and structure. Other programs 

may resemble campuses or houses, and others, such as wilderness camps, operate in outdoor settings 

(Sedlak and McPherson, 2010). Theoretical frameworks also provide an important distinction. For 

example, some residential programs, such as wilderness camps, are grounded in an experiential 

learning process (Russell, 2000). Others, such as boot camps, rely on a military model (Parent, 2003). 

There are also major differences between detention and secure confinement in terms of why a youth is 

being held and the range and intensity of programs available (Austin, Johnson, and Weitzer, 2005).
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Size of facility. In 2016, 5 percent of residential facilities were large (greater than 100 beds) and served 

25 percent of youth in placement. Forty percent of facilities had 21–100 beds and served 57 percent of 

youth in placement, and 56 percent of facilities had fewer than 20 beds and served 18 percent of the 

youth in placement (Puzzanchera et al., 2018). The percentage of residents being held in large facilities 

has steadily decreased: from 51 percent in 2000 to 25 percent in 2016. 

Overcrowding. In the early 1990s, a national survey of juvenile detention and correction facilities 

found that more than 75 percent of youth incarcerated nationwide were housed in facilities that violated 

federal standards related to living space, and such crowded conditions were associated with high rates 

of injury and suicidal acts (Parent and Abt Associates, 1994).

In 2000, the JRFC began to collect data on overcrowding in facilities that housed youth. Based on the 

JRFC, in 2000, 20 percent of youth were housed in a facility that was overcrowded; however, by 2016, 

only 4 percent were in an overcrowded facility (Puzzanchera et al., 2018). In addition, the percentage 

of youth in a facility that was under capacity increased from 55 percent in 2000 to 80 percent in 2016.

Operation of facility. In 2016, 55 percent of the facilities were public, and 45 percent were private. 

Seventy-one percent of the juveniles were held in public facilities, and 29 percent were held in private 

facilities (Puzzanchera et al., 2018).

Levels of security. Most of the youth in residential placement in 2015 (89.2 percent) were in facilities 

that indicated that juveniles were restricted within the facility or its grounds by locked doors, gates, or 

fences for some or all of the time. Only 10.8 percent of youth were in facilities where no locks were 

indicated; these facilities are known as “staff secure.” The percentage of youth in residential placement 

in locked facilities has increased over the past 10 years. 

Classification of Residential Programs 

The classification system used by the JRFC provides a guide to understanding the unique characteristics 

of juvenile residential facilities. The research described below provides more detailed information 

about long-term secure facilities, residential treatment centers, detention centers, shelters, and 

wilderness camps.

Long-Term Secure Facilities 

Long-term secure facilities (also called reformatories, training schools, and juvenile correctional 

facilities) provide strict confinement and have construction fixtures or staffing models designed to 

restrict the movements and activities of those placed in the facility. Some have external gates, fences, or 

walls with razor wire (Puzzanchera et al., 2018; Sickmund and Puzzanchera, 2014). In 2016, 11 percent 

of the juvenile residential facilities in the United States classified themselves as long-term secure 

facilities. The number of long-term secure facilities reported to JRFC has decreased from 322 in 2000 to 

189 in 2016 (Puzzanchera et al., 2018). 

Characteristics of long-term secure facilities. In 2016, the JRFC showed that 5 percent of long-term 

secure facilities (also referred to as training schools) held 1–10 residents, 10 percent held 11–20 residents, 

39 percent held 21–50 residents, 30 percent held 51–100 residents, 14 percent held 101–200 residents, 

and 3 percent held more than 200 residents. Regarding operation, 20 percent were private facilities, 56 

percent were state-run facilities, and 24 percent were locally run (Hockenberry and Sladky, 2018). In 

terms of facility security, 95 percent reported one or more confinement features such as secure day 

rooms that are locked by staff, security doors, or external walls with razor wire; 52 percent reported
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 7

using mechanical restraints such as handcuffs or restraining chairs; and 40 percent reported locking a 

youth alone in some type of seclusion for 4 hours or more to regain control of unruly behavior. 

Additionally, in 2016, 92 percent of the long-term secure facilities reported that they provided onsite 

mental health services, and the same proportion reported providing substance abuse services 

(Puzzanchera and Hockenberry, 2018b). These types of facilities were more likely than others, such as 

detention centers or group homes, to offer these services.

Youth served in long-term secure facilities. Juveniles housed in secure correctional facilities are 

typically serious, violent, or chronic offenders who present with multiple psychological, social, 

behavioral, and intellectual needs (Committee on Adolescence, 2011; Fazel, Doll, and Långström, 2008; 

Quinn et al., 2005). These needs place them at a high risk for reoffense and involvement in the adult 

criminal justice system and increase their susceptibility to other risks such as suicidal ideation, 

homelessness, poor educational and employment outcomes, and other health problems (Aizer and 

Doyle, 2015; Barnert et al., 2017; Pilnik, 2016; Stokes et al., 2015). In 2015, 87.3 percent of the residents 

in long-term secure facilities were boys, and 12.7 percent were girls. Compared with youth in other 

facility types, youth in long-term secure facilities tend to be older: in 2015, 57 percent were ages 17 to 

20. In terms of placement status, 92.1 percent were committed, 7.4 percent were being detained, and 

less than 1 percent were being diverted (Sickmund et al., 2017). 

Residential Treatment Centers

Residential treatment centers (RTCs) are facilities that focus on providing individually planned 

treatment programs for youth, such as substance abuse, mental health, or sex offender treatment, in 

conjunction with residential care (Puzzanchera et al., 2018). RTCs provide “intensive, multidisciplinary 

treatment for severe behaviorally and emotionally troubled youth ... with treatments available to meet 

many varied youth needs” (Mallett and Boitel, 2016:158). The biennial JRFC found that 678 facilities 

identified themselves as RTCs in 2016, the largest of the seven facility categories7 (Puzzanchera et al., 

2018).

Characteristics of RTCs. RTCs frequently offer a combination of psychiatric assessment; 

psychological testing; medication management; milieu therapy; social work services; special education 

services; and individual, group, and family therapy, counseling, and treatment, along with 24-hour 

supervision in a highly-structured environment (Bettman and Jasperson, 2009; Mallett and Boitel, 2016). 

For example, in 2016, 87 percent of facilities that reported being RTCs said that they provided mental 

health services, and 75 percent reported providing substance abuse services (Puzzanchera and 

Hockenberry, 2018b). 

In 2016, the JRFC showed that two thirds of RTCs were private facilities, 20 percent were state-run 

facilities, and 14 percent were run by local government. As for capacity, 26 percent held 1–10 residents, 

22 percent held 11–20 residents, 32 percent held 21–50 residents, 16 percent held 51–100 residents, and 

4 percent held more than 100 residents. In terms of facility security, 48 percent reported one or more 

confinement features, and 14 percent reported using mechanical restraints (Hockenberry and Sladky, 

2018). In addition, a study of 693 licensed and/or accredited child and adolescent RTCs in the United 

States found that 82 percent of the facilities reported using seclusion or restraint in the prior year 

(Green-Hennessey and Hennessey, 2015).

Youth served in RTCs. RTCs generally house youth with significant psychiatric, psychological,

7

 Residential facilities are asked to self-report on which type of facility they are.
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behavioral, or substance abuse problems who have been unsuccessful in outpatient treatment or have 

proved too ill or unruly to be housed in foster care or served in day treatment programs and other 

nonsecure environments, but who do not yet require commitment to a psychiatric hospital or long-term 

secure facility (Bettmann and Jasperson, 2009). The 2000 American Association of Children’s 

Residential Centers National Survey identified four main reasons for admission into an RTC: 1) severe 

emotional disturbance, 2) aggressive/violent behaviors, 3) family/school/community problems, and 

4) abuse (Foltz, 2004). In 2015, 83.8 percent of the youth in RTCs were boys, and 16.2 percent were girls. 

In terms of placement status, 94.7 percent were committed, 3.4 were being detained, and 1.7 percent 

were being diverted8 (Sickmund et al., 2017). There appears to be a general acceptance that the youth 

being sent to RTCs present increasingly intense and severe behavioral and emotional problems, 

academic problems, and substance use problems (Baker, Fulmore, and Collins, 2008; Baker, Ashare, 

and Charvat, 2009; Lyons et al., 2009). However, there is almost no research on the best target 

population for this type of facility and treatment. Mental health and substance abuse professionals have 

repeatedly called for clearer admission criteria for RTCs, to avoid incarcerating youth in inappropriate 

settings or with inappropriate and potentially dangerous peer groups (Whitaker, 2004).

Secure Detention 

Detention centers are physically restricting facilities designed to provide short-term care for juveniles 

in custody pending court adjudication, disposition, placement, or transfer to another jurisdiction or to 

adult court (Puzzanchera et al., 2018). Youth can receive a placement in detention as a juvenile court 

disposition, which is sometimes called “juvenile hall.” While other facility types may offer treatment or 

other approaches to address the contributing mechanisms to a youth’s delinquency, the primary 

purpose of detention centers is to ensure appearance in court and protect the community while the 

youth is awaiting court appearance. 

Characteristics of detention centers. In 2016, the JRFC showed that almost three quarters of 

detention centers were run by local government, 21 percent were state-run, and 8 percent were privately 

run. Almost all were locked facilities. Facility size ranged as follows: 26 percent held 1–10 residents, 23 

percent held 11–20 residents, one third held 21–50 residents, 12 percent held 51–100 residents, and 5 

percent held more than 100 residents. 

Detention centers were the most likely of the facility types to use mechanical restraints and the most 

likely to report locking youth in their rooms for 4 or more hours to regain control of their unruly 

behavior, as found in 2016 (Hockenberry and Sladky, 2018).

Youth served in detention centers. The CJRP’s 1-day snapshot of youth in detention centers in 2015 

showed that 76.4 percent were detained, 22 percent were committed, and 2 percent were being diverted 

or were in other/unknown status (Sickmund et al., 2017). The average length of stay in detention 

nationally is about 20 days, and many youth spend only a few nights in these facilities (Mendel, 2014). 

Others may spend up to a year or more despite these facilities not being designed for long lengths of 

stay. 

Shelter Care 

A shelter provides temporary care, like that of a detention center, but is a physically unrestricting 

environment (Puzzanchera et al., 2018). However, the term “shelter care” points to another example of 

the definitional challenges in categorizing residential placement types. While some define shelter care 

as a nonsecure residential placement (Leon et al., 2016), the CJRP found that in 2015, 72.5 percent of

8

0.2 percent were “other/unknown.”
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 9

sheltered youth were restricted within the facility or its grounds by locked doors, gates, or fences for 

some or all of the time (Sickmund et al., 2017). Youth can be placed in shelter care if they are awaiting 

adjudication, if they are unable to return home immediately, or if they are waiting to be placed in a 

more structured residential home. In general, youth are placed in shelter care when they are in some 

form of a crisis or transition. Many youth are placed in shelter care when they first enter the foster care 

system (Leon et al., 2016). According to a 1999 evaluation of a short-term shelter for adolescents whose 

families were in crisis, the majority (62 percent) were eventually reunited with their families, while 35 

percent went to live in other noninstitutional settings (Teare, 1999).

Communities throughout the United States vary on how they use shelter care. Some use shelters almost 

exclusively for children who are first entering the system (Leon et al., 2016). The JRFC counted 131 

shelters serving system-involved youth in 2016, which is a decrease of 48 percent from 2000.

Characteristics of shelter care. Shelters vary in terms of the services they provide and the residents 

they serve. For example, some long-term shelters may hold a youth for 1 year or longer, while 

emergency shelters limit stays to 30 days or fewer (Koehn et al., 2001). Depending on the shelter, a 

youth may receive a service plan and assessment, medical screenings, individual and group counseling, 

in-house education, and access to food and recreational programming (Hicks–Coolick, Burnside–Eaton, 

and Peters, 2003). Some youth may receive follow-up aftercare or job training/placement services. 

Shelters generally provide a structured daily schedule and intense staff-resident interaction and allow 

a limited number of outside visitors. Research shows that most stays in shelters last 1 week or less (Van 

Hook, 1994; Wattenberg, Luke, and Cornelius, 2004). Length of stay is related to several factors, 

including age; race; developmental disabilities; being part of a large sibling group; and having 

emotional, behavioral, or substance abuse problems (Leon et al., 2016). However, there is no association 

between prior entries into the system (e.g., arrest history or psychiatric hospitalizations) and time spent 

in the shelter (Leon et al., 2016).

In addition, the JRFC showed that in 2016, 64 percent of shelters were privately run, 2 percent were 

state-run, and 34 percent were run by local government (Hockenberry and Sladky, 2018). 

Youth served in shelter care. Most youth who enter shelter care are more likely to be older (12–17 

years old), member of a racial/ethnic minority, and have health problems (Oakes and Freundlich, 2005). 

Some locales use shelter care to hold preadjudicated youth as an alternative to more secure detention 

(Mogulescu and Caro, 2008). This is common cases of youth who have committed status offenses and 

is also in line with the Juvenile Justice Delinquency Prevention Act’s Deinstitutionalization of Status 

Offenders requirement.9 Youth who enter a shelter may be suffering from abuse, neglect, or mental 

health disorders or have prior involvement with the criminal justice system (Litrownik, 1999). Thus, 

many youth in shelters are likely to have emotional and behavioral problems and other special needs 

and concerns (Votta and Manion, 2003). While shelters may provide some form of stability and 

assistance to youth, they may also have problems such as bullying, theft of private property, and 

overcrowding (Dalton and Pakenham, 2002).

Ranch/Wilderness Camps

Wilderness camps are long-term residential facilities for youth, which are less strictly confined than 

long-term secure facilities, often allowing them greater contact with the community. Wilderness camps 

include ranches, forestry camps, wilderness or marine programs, or farms (Puzzanchera et al., 2018).

9 The requirement states that holding a youth in secure custody for a status offense (e.g., truancy, running away) 

is generally against federal statutes (with some exceptions).
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 10

Wilderness therapy was developed in the 1950s and 1960s in response to an increasing number of atrisk youth and the need for rehabilitation programs (Kelly and Baer, 1968). Wilderness camps are 

attended by more than 5,000 U.S. youth every year (Gass et al., 2012). The CJRP found there were 985 

youth residing in a ranch or wilderness camp on a single day in 2015, which is the lowest number since 

the census started counting in 1997, when 7,338 youth were counted as residents of a ranch or 

wilderness camp (Sickmund et al., 2017)

Historically, wilderness therapy has been linked with delinquent youth; however, there are other 

populations that wilderness therapy programs may serve. These include private-pay clients and 

nonclinical, clinical, and adjudicated populations (Bettman et al., 2016; Carson and Gillis, 1994). 

Delinquent adolescents may especially benefit from wilderness therapy for a few reasons. First, 

engaging adolescents in verbal therapy may be difficult, but combining it with dynamic physical 

aspects may encourage adolescents to become more involved (Williams, 2000). Second, the outdoor 

environment provides adolescents with a feeling of freedom and may diminish opposition to therapy 

(Williams, 2000). Lastly, delinquent adolescents often have a history of insecure attachments and poor 

relationships with adults. The amount of contact between therapists and adolescents and the duration 

of wilderness therapy programs may establish a more trusting therapeutic relationship (Williams, 

2000).

Characteristics of wilderness camps. Wilderness camps provide participants with a series of 

physically challenging outdoor activities designed to prevent or reduce delinquent behavior and 

recidivism as an alternative to traditional locked residential settings (Tarolla et al., 2002). These 

programs seek to remove youth from the distractions of their everyday lives, so they can concentrate 

on themselves while in the program. Although these programs vary in terms of settings, eligibility 

criteria, types of activities, duration, involvement of family members, and therapeutic goals, key 

components typically include therapeutic camping, rock climbing, wagon train trips, overnight solo 

experiences, alternative schools, individual and group therapy sessions, and family counseling 

(Roberts, 2004). Youth also learn and apply survival skills like food preparation, shelter building, fire 

making, and rural travel (Russell and Phillips-Miller, 2002). Youth are taught and learn through natural 

consequences: for instance, learning that they may become wet and cold if they fail to set up a shelter 

or will not have dinner if they fail to build a fire (Bettmann et al., 2016; Jones, Lowe, and Risler, 2004).

The three types of wilderness therapy programs are continuous trekking, short-term residential, and 

long-term residential (Hagan, 2002). These programs differ in both the length of stay and the use of a 

base camp versus continuous backpacking. Short-term programs typically last from 6 to 12 weeks, and 

long-term programs can last from 9 to 24 months (Hagan, 2002). An important component of wilderness 

therapy is that youth receive both individual and group therapy (Gass et al., 2012). Most programs host 

about 6 to 10 juveniles at a time (Vissell, 2004). Many of the survival skills needed for wilderness therapy 

also require group cooperation and teamwork to be successful (Russell, 1999).

Youth served in wilderness camps. In 2015, the CJRP found that, 95 percent of the youth served at 

ranches or wilderness camps were boys, and only 5 percent were girls. The percentage of residents 

whose most serious offense was a property crime (31.5 percent) was higher at wilderness camps than 

at any of the other facility types (Sickmund et al., 2017). In 2015, wilderness camps also had a larger 

Hispanic population (44.4 percent) than the other facility types.

Common Features of Residential Programs 

As noted above, there are no standard definitions and no single oversight for all residential programs 

in juvenile justice. However, researchers, court rulings, and policies have indicated that residential
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 11

programs are generally responsible for residents’ safety10, education,11 and health12 (Austin, Johnson, 

and Gregoriou, 2000; Estrada, 2006; Twomey, 2008). Additionally, there has been an increased focus on 

addressing the needs of the large numbers of system-involved youth with traumatic histories (Abram 

et al., 2004; Burrell, 2013; Ford, 2016; Kerig, Ford, and Olafson, 2014; Romaine et al., 2011; Rosenberg et 

al., 2014).

Safety. While there has not been extensive research on the subject of safety, a Performance-based 

Standards (PbS) survey suggests that the ability of juveniles to adjust to confinement and other new 

residential settings and to be receptive to treatment and learning opportunities depends on them feeling 

safe, which can lead directly to reductions in their antisocial activity and future system involvement 

(PbS Learning Institute, 2016). Additionally, some studies of both adults and juveniles have found that 

individuals who perceive facilities as less safe have higher levels of institutional misconduct (Gover, 

Perez, and Jennings, 2008; Lujan, 2017). In 2016, a PbS13 survey of juveniles in more than 150 residential 

facilities in 36 states found that 17 percent reported that they feared for their safety inside the facility, 

and 2 percent reported that someone at the facility had forced them to engage in sexual activity (PbS 

Learning Institute, 2016). Numerous laws, standards, and guidelines exist for juvenile facilities, 

including the Prison Rape Elimination Act Juvenile Facility Standards.14 Two of the most commonly 

referenced national standards for certifying or auditing conditions of confinement of juveniles are the 

American Correctional Association (ACA) standards and the Council for Juvenile Correctional 

Administrators (CJCA) performance-based standards (Clark, 2014).

Education. In 2016, 88 percent of juvenile residential facilities screened all youth for education needs, 

an increase from 78 percent in 2000 (Puzzanchera and Hockenberry, 2018b). The rights of juveniles in 

residential programs to receive a free adequate public education (FAPE) is addressed by federal and 

state laws and regulations, including the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, the No Child Left 

Behind Act of 2001/Every Student Succeeds Act of 2015, and the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Act 

of 2002 (ED/DOJ, 2014; Leone and Weinberg, 2012). There are ongoing litigations focused on the limited 

compliance with the requirement to provide a FAPE15 (Gagnon, Read, and Gonsoulin, 2015). The PbS 

survey of juveniles in more than 150 residential facilities in 36 states found that 64 percent of residents

10 Examples of Supreme Court cases related to safety while youth are in custody include: Guidry v. Rapides Parish 

School Board, 560 So.2d 125 (La. Ct. App. 1990); C.J.W. by and through L.W. v. State, 853 P.2d 4 (Kan. 1993); 

Youngberg v. Romeo, 457 U.S. 307, 102 S.Ct. 2452 (1982); Jackson v. Fort Stanton State Hospital & Training School, 757 

F. Supp. 1243 (D. N.M. 1990); Smith v. Wade, 461 U.S. 30, 103 S.Ct. 1625 (1983); Farmer v. Brennan, 511 U.S. 825, 

114 S.Ct. 1970 (1994); Ramos v. Lamm, 639 F.2d 559, 575 (10th Cir. 1980), 450 U.S. 1041, 99 S.Ct. 1861 (1981); Harris 

v. Maynard, 843 F.2d 414 (10th Cir. 1988); Alexander S., 876 F. Supp. 773, 782 (D.S.C. 1995); Ahrens v. Thomas, 434 

F. Supp. 873 (W.D. Mo. 1977), 570 F.2d 286 (8th Cir. 1978). 

11 Examples of Supreme Court cases related to education while youth are in custody include: Individuals with 

Disabilities Education Act, 20 U.S.C. §§ 1400–1482 (2000); No Child Left Behind Act, 20 U.S.C. §§ 6301–7941 

(Supp. V 2005) and Id. § 6315(b)(2)(D); Donnell C. v. Illinois State Board of Education, 829 F. Supp. 1016 (N.D. Ill. 

1993); Green v. Johnson, 513 F. Supp. 965 (D. Mass. 1981). 

12 Examples of Supreme Court cases related to health while youth are in custody include: Estelle v. Gamble, 429 

U.S. 97 (1976); Jackson v. Johnson,118 F. Supp. 2d 278 at 289; Alexander S., 876 F. Supp. at 788; A.M., 372 F.3d at 

787.

13 Performance-based Standards (PbS) is a data-driven improvement model that provides a set of standards 

related to operations, programs, and services for juvenile justice agencies, facilities, and residential care 

providers. PbS provides a uniform data collection and reporting tool to measure the impact of services on 

youth, staff, and families to member juvenile justice facilities. Members join voluntarily. 14 28 C.F.R. Part 115 Docket No. OAG-131 RIN 1105-AB34. 

15 For more information, see the Model Programs Guide literature review on Education for Juvenile JusticeInvolved Youth.
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 12

rated school as “very helpful” or “helpful” in 2016, compared with 57 percent of residents in 2010 (PbS 

Learning Institute, 2016).

Mental and physical health. Several studies have found that youth in residential placements are 

more likely to have unmet physical, developmental, and mental health needs, and many have had 

inconsistent or nonexistent care in their home communities (Braverman and Murry, 2011; Schubert and 

Mulvey, 2014; Sedlak and McPherson, 2010; Shufelt and Cocozza, 2006). Youth in residential facilities 

also have the right to receive adequate health care16. Diagnoses such as suicidal ideation and behavior 

were identified as prevalent among a sample of system-involved youth in one county, and this behavior 

increases as involvement in the system increases (Teplin et al., 2015). Depression, sexual abuse, and 

trauma were the most commonly identified predictors of suicidal ideation and behavior. In 2016, 93 

percent of facilities screened all youth for suicide risk, 74 percent for substance abuse, and 60 percent 

for mental health needs (Puzzanchera and Hockenberry, 2018b). These percentages have increased 

substantially since 2000.17

Punitive versus rehabilitative models. Research suggests that therapeutic techniques focused on 

behavior change, such as restorative programs, skill building, counseling, and service coordination, 

have larger impacts on recidivism than external control techniques and punitive models that use 

discipline, deterrence, and surveillance (Evans-Chase and Zhou, 2014; Lipsey et al., 2010). Therapeutic 

techniques can be used in any kind of residential setting. A review of systematic reviews on the 

effectiveness of correctional rehabilitation for adults and juveniles (Lipsey and Cullen, 2007) concluded 

that rehabilitation treatment can reduce recidivism and that it has greater capability for doing so than 

correctional sanctions. Similarly, a meta-analytic examination of the difference between therapeutic and 

control interventions for juvenile offenders (Lipsey et al., 2010) found programs that used restorative 

approaches, skill building, counseling, and multiple coordinated services were more successful than 

programs oriented toward instilling discipline (e.g., boot camps), programs focusing on deterrence 

though fear of the consequences of bad behavior (e.g., Scared Straight), and programs emphasizing 

surveillance (intensive probation or parole). 

Trauma-informed approaches. Studies of detained and committed youth report multiple forms of 

victimization and exposure to at least one potentially traumatic event before their confinement (Abram 

et al., 2004; Burrell, 2013; Ford, 2016; Kerig, Ford, and Olafson, 2014; Romaine et al., 2011; Rosenberg et 

al., 2014). One study found that individuals who were abused or neglected as children were more likely 

to be arrested for delinquency and adult crime (Widom, 1989). Another study examining delinquent 

youth in Florida found that each adverse traumatic experience increased the likelihood of a youth 

becoming a chronic offender, even after controlling for other risk factors for criminal behavior (Fox et 

al., 2015). 

Some studies have suggested that incarceration itself can be traumatic for youth, and it can be more 

difficult to address past trauma while incarcerated than while living in the community (Burrell, 2013; 

Dierkhising, Lan, and Natsuaki, 2013; Powel, 2014). Other studies have found that complex trauma can 

pose significant challenges to treating youth in secure settings and that greater exposure to early-life 

trauma is related to negative outcomes within residential facilities, including increased sexual 

misconduct, suicidal activity, and total misconduct (DeLisi et al., 2010; Ford et al., 2012). However, 

another study (Lujan, 2017) did not find an association between posttraumatic stress symptoms and

16 Estelle v. Gamble, 429 U.S. 97 (1976).

17 For more information, see the Model Programs Guide literature review on the Intersection between Mental 

Health and the Juvenile Justice System.
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 13

institutional misconduct. Finally, youth with traumatic backgrounds may have different needs than 

youth without a history of trauma (Ford et al., 2012; Gover and MacKenzie, 2003; Ko et al., 2008). For 

example, a study of more than 500 confined juveniles in 48 facilities in 20 states (Gover and MacKenzie, 

2003) found that, while controlling for other individual and institutional factors, juveniles who had 

experienced greater levels of child maltreatment had higher levels of anxiety and depression. 

Some studies have explored the impact of providing trauma-informed care in residential programs 

(Bartlett et al., 2015; Elwyn, Esaki, and Smith, 2015; Hummer et al., 2010; Ko et al., 2008). For example, 

one study examined the effect of the Sanctuary Model, a trauma-informed operating system for human 

services organizations, on staff and youth in a secure juvenile justice facility (Elwyn, Esaki, and Smith, 

2015). That research suggested that the facility was a safer place for both residents and staff after 

implementation of the model. After the intervention, the facility experienced improvement in 8 of the 

12 measured variables, including youth misconduct rates, physical restraint and isolation rates, youthon-youth assaults and fights, youth-on-staff assaults, youth and staff grievance complaints filed, and 

youth perceptions of safety. 

Another study examined the impact of the Trauma Affect Regulation: Guide for Education and Therapy 

(TARGET) group for youth in combination with environmental modifications and staff training 

(Marrow et al., 2012). Findings indicated that the intervention was related to statistically significant 

reductions in depression, youth threats toward staff, use of physical restraints, and seclusion rates for 

youth incarcerated for felony-level offenses. The youth involved in the intervention program also 

reported greater hope and optimism.

Outcome Evidence

One meta-analysis of interventions with juvenile offenders in both residential and nonresidential 

settings (Lipsey, 2009) found no significant relationship between recidivism and the level of juvenile 

justice supervision. For juveniles of similar characteristics and similar intervention approaches, there 

was no difference in recidivism whether they were treated in the community, after diversion, while on 

probation or parole, or while incarcerated. The meta-analysis also concluded that three factors emerged 

as major correlates of program effectiveness: 1) serving high-risk offenders, 2) a “therapeutic” 

intervention philosophy, and 3) quality of intervention (Lipsey, 2009). Similarly, a review of systematic 

reviews of studies comparing juvenile and adult offenders who received rehabilitation treatment with 

those who did not, found lower mean recidivism for those in the treatment conditions (Lipsey and 

Cullen, 2007). In addition to the three factors mentioned above, researchers have identified additional 

practices that correlate with better outcomes for youth in residential settings, including a strong 

assessment system (Baird et al., 2013; Vincent et al., 2012; Young et al., 2006) and the use of cognitivebehavioral therapy (Genovés, Morales, and Sanchez-Meca, 2006).

Another study (Morehouse and Tobler, 2000) examined the effect of the Residential Student Assistance 

Program (RSAP), which is a substance abuse intervention program developed for high-risk adolescents 

living in residential facilities. The study authors looked at a sample of youth in a treatment center, in a 

locked county corrections facility, in a nonsecure facility for adjudicated juvenile offenders, and in three 

foster care facilities. The results indicated a statistically significant between-group difference in that 

youth who participated in RSAP were less likely to use alcohol and marijuana and reported less other 

drug use, compared with those who did not participate. 

Research has also been done on the use of risk/needs assessments in the placement of youth and in
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 14

determining the appropriate types and levels of programming.18

While researchers have found some positive outcomes resulting from residential programs with 

comprehensive assessment systems and a treatment or therapeutic focus, other researchers have found 

potential risks associated with removing youth from their homes and communities and placing them 

with other delinquent peers in a residential facility (Barnert et al., 2017; Bettman and Jasperson, 2009; 

Burrell, 2013; Leiber, Brubaker, and Fox, 2009; Leiber and Fox, 2005; Lipsey and Cullen, 2007; Mendel, 

2014; Rodriguez, 2010; Schwalbe, Hatcher, and Maschi, 2009; Steiner, 2009; McGuire, 2002).

Below are descriptions of the empirical evidence available on programming options by type of 

residential program.

Programs in Long-Term Secure Facilities

While there may be some short-term reductions in offending during confinement, much of the literature 

suggests that there are often long-term, negative outcomes associated with long-term secure facilities 

(and secure detention). These include high recidivism, high costs, lower levels of educational 

attainment, and other risks related to separating youth from their families and communities and placing 

them with other delinquent youth (e.g., Aizer and Doyle, 2015; Dishion and Dodge, 2005; Mallet and 

Boitel, 2016; Mendel, 2014; Barnert et al., 2017). For example, a meta-analysis of nine studies conducted 

in the United States and Australia, (Black, 2016) found that incarceration increased recidivism by 8 

percent, and recidivism decreased by 6 percent for non-incarceration sanctions. One study, which 

analyzed data across 10 years on judges randomly assigned to cases in Chicago, found that, after 

controlling for demographic characteristics and crime severity, juvenile incarceration reduced youth 

high school graduation rates by 13 percent and increased adult incarceration rates by 22 percent (Aizer 

and Doyle, 2015). And an assessment of comparable probation and residential placements found that 

probationers had statistically significant lower recidivism rates than those placed in commitment 

programs (Ryon et al., 2013).

Nevertheless, meta-analyses have found that quality programs can lead to reductions in recidivism in 

institutional environments such as long-term secure facilities. A meta-analysis of 83 programs for 

institutionalized serious juvenile offenders19 found that interpersonal skills programs (involving 

training in social skills and anger control) and teaching family homes (community-based, family-style 

group homes) showed large, statistically significant mean effect sizes (Lipsey, Wilson, and Cothern, 

2000). Findings showed consistently null results for milieu therapy, and no statistically significant or 

consistent mean effects for drug abstinence programs, wilderness/challenge programs, and 

employment-related programs. Another meta-analysis, on the effectiveness of treatment programs for 

serious juvenile offenders ages 12–21, in secure correctional settings, found that treatment programs 

can be effective in reducing recidivism and that the most effective methods were cognitive-behavioral 

(Genovés, Morales, and Sanchez-Meca, 2006).

The Violent Offender Treatment Program (VOTP) seeks to reduce recidivism among youth convicted 

of violent offenses and capital crimes. The program offers 6 months of intensive, therapeutic treatment 

to juveniles in residential facilities before they are released. Youth in the program have received 

blended sentences, which means that they begin serving their sentences in juvenile correctional facilities

18 For more information, please see the Model Program Guide literature review on Risk/Needs Assessments for 

Youths. 

19 Seventy-four were in juvenile justice institutions, and nine were in residential facilities under private or 

mental health administration.
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 15

and can then serve the remainder under parole supervision if they successfully complete the VOTP. A 

study of incarcerated older male juveniles in a southern state found a statistically significant reduction 

in recidivism rates for juveniles who participated in the program, compared with those who did not 

participate (Haerle, 2016). 

Equipping Youth to Help One Another (EQUIP) is a multicomponent treatment program administered 

in juvenile correctional facilities with males, ages 15 to 18, who have committed less serious felonies 

(e.g., breaking and entering, burglary) and violations of parole. It seeks to establish a “climate for 

change” where youth can turn antisocial and self-destructive behavior into positive behavior that helps 

them and others around them. A study at a medium-security correctional facility for juveniles in a 

midwestern state found that participants in EQUIP demonstrated statistically significant larger gains 

in social skills, lower levels of institutional misconduct, and were less likely to recidivate than 

nonparticipants (Leeman, Gibbs, and Fuller, 1993). 

Programs in Residential Treatment Centers

Diversity in the type and quality of services being offered and in the literature regarding the 

effectiveness of residential treatment centers (RTCs) shows mixed results. For example, a review of the 

outcome literature on adolescent residential treatment programs, including RTCs, which examined 13 

studies, concluded that these therapeutic settings provide effective interventions for many clients 

(Bettmann and Jasperson, 2009). However, the findings also indicated the following deficits in the 

existing literature that limit any definitive conclusions about the effectiveness of residential treatment 

programs: 1) lack of research that assesses the effectiveness of specific program elements, 2) no 

consensus in the research on a definition of residential treatment and little agreement on what 

constitutes treatment success, 3) insufficient details and descriptions in evaluation studies that look at 

the effectiveness of specific programs (making it difficult to replicate a particular treatment approach), 

and 4) a need for outcome research to examine the cultural sensitivity of child and adolescent residential 

treatment (Bettman and Jasperson, 2009). 

An evaluation of the Mendota Juvenile Treatment Center (MJTC), an intensive treatment program 

designed for serious and violent juvenile offenders, found positive effects on youth who received 

treatment in the program (Caldwell and Rybroeck, 2005). The study compared 101 youth who were 

treated through MJTC with 147 youth who were briefly assessed at MJTC, but who then returned to a 

secure correctional institution. Results showed that youth treated at MJTC were one sixth as likely to 

commit felony violent offenses as the comparison group, which is a statistically significant difference. 

Programs in Secure Detention 

In the short term, secure detention presumably makes it more likely that a youth appears in court and 

may temporarily prevent offending in the community. However, secure detention may also affect longterm public safety because research suggests that detention can have a negative impact on a youth’s 

mental and physical well-being, education, and future employment while interrupting positive family, 

peer, and school relationships and promoting a negative peer culture (Abram et al., 2017; Dishion and 

Dodge, 2005; Austin, Johnson, and Weitzer, 2005; Koyama, 2012), which are risk factors for offending. 

Many studies have also shown that once youth are detained, even when controlling for their current 

offenses, offending histories, and other variables, they are more likely than non-detained youth to end 

up going deeper into the juvenile justice system (Leiber, Brubaker, and Fox, 2009; Leiber and Fox, 2005; 

Mendel, 2014; Rodriguez, 2010; Schwalbe, Hatcher, and Maschi, 2009). A study of longitudinal data in 

a large southern state found that length of stay in detention increased the odds of a formal disposition 

by a margin of between 9 and 20 percent for each additional day of detention (Caudill et al., 2013). The
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 16

researchers controlled for gender, race, age, gang membership, household status, history of abuse, and 

offense. Also, a study of juvenile courts in Missouri, which controlled for age, race, offense severity, 

concurrent delinquency, and prior record, found that being held in detention before adjudication was 

the largest predictor of whether a juvenile was adjudicated both delinquent and committed (McGuire, 

2002). Pretrial detention placement can also negatively affect outcomes outside of the juvenile court. 

One study (Steiner, 2009) found that pretrial detention increased the likelihood that a convicted juvenile 

who was transferred to adult court would be sentenced to prison, even after controlling for legal factors 

such as offense type, offense severity, and relationship with court; extralegal factors such as sex and 

race; and other factors such as whether the juvenile had a public defender and whether there was a 

bench trial or jury trial.

The two main purposes for placing youth in secure detention are to ensure appearance for court 

hearings and to protect the community while the youth is detained (Austin, Johnson, and Weitzer, 

2005). While youth are in detention centers, these two goals are almost always realized; therefore, most 

research on effectiveness focuses on outcomes after youth leave temporary placement, as in the 

examples below. 

Project BUILD is a violence prevention curriculum designed to assist youth in detention to overcome 

obstacles such as gangs, violence, crime, and substance abuse. A study of youth in a detention center in 

Cook County, Illinois, found that youth who participated in the program had statistically significant, 

lower rates of recidivism than nonparticipants (Lurigio et al., 2000).

Similarly, Behavior Intervention at Cook County (Ill.) Juvenile Temporary Detention Center (JTDC)

targeted high-risk juveniles in a detention center in Chicago. The program focused on correcting 

automatic or reactive behaviors, with the goal of reducing both the probability and number of 

readmissions. Findings indicated a statistically significant reduction in likelihood to be readmitted and 

in readmissions to the detention center for participants, compared with nonparticipants (Heller et al., 

2015).

Programs in Shelter Care

According to a 2002 study of 11 agencies across the Midwest, youth tend to show improvement on 

outcomes that are critical for runaway and homeless youth 6 weeks after discharge. These include 

feelings of support from family, employment, self-esteem, days on the run, school suspensions and 

expulsions, being fired from employment, and sexual behavior (Thompson et al., 2002). A 2006 study 

of homeless and runaway youth showed that emergency shelter services can be useful in preventing 

future substance use (alcohol and illegal drugs) in residents post-discharge. Youth using emergency 

shelter and crisis services in the Missouri, Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas Runaway and Youth Services 

Network were found to have decreased substance use 6 weeks and 3 and 6 months after their discharge 

date (Pollio, 2006).

Specific programming inside shelters can also produce positive outcomes, as shown in an examination 

(Nugent, Bruley, and Allen, 1998) of the effectiveness of a condensed version of the Aggression 

Replacement Training (ART) for Adolescents in a Runaway Shelter on the antisocial behavior of 

adolescents living in a runaway shelter. The program combines anger-control training, social skills 

training, and moral reasoning. Participation in the program was associated with a statistically 

significant 20 percent reduction in the rate of antisocial behavior incidents per client every week and a 

statistically significant reduction of 1.1 antisocial behavior incidents per day.
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 17

Programs in Wilderness Camps

A meta-analysis of 29 studies of wilderness programs (Wilson and Lipsey, 2000), which involved more 

than 3,000 juvenile offenders, found that program participants experience recidivism rates that are 

about 8 percentage points lower than comparison subjects (29 percent and 37 percent, respectively). 

Although these moderately positive results reflect a statistically significant program effect, they do not 

reflect the inconsistencies in individual program results. The results from the meta-analysis also show 

that programs involving a combination of relatively intense physical activity and therapeutic 

enhancement, such as individual counseling, family therapy, and therapeutic group sessions, were 

especially effective. Those that involved less physically challenging activities and little or no therapeutic 

content had a less significant impact.

Another meta-analysis (Bedard, Rosen, and Vacha-Haase, 2003) found that wilderness therapy 

programs had a positive effect on several variables, including behavior change, interpersonal skills, 

self-esteem, and recidivism. These findings indicated that wilderness therapy programs may be more 

effective than incarceration or probation in decreasing recidivism and increasing self-worth and 

behavioral skills. A meta-analysis of wilderness therapy outcomes for private-pay clients also found a 

medium effect size for each of the constructs assessed, including self-esteem, locus of control, 

behavioral observations, personal effectiveness, clinical measures, and interpersonal measures 

(Bettman et al., 2016).

Limitations of Research 

There are limitations to the research on residential programs. First, there is a lack of a standardized 

definition among federal, state, and local practitioners and researchers in terms of the different types 

of programs. Second, there are different ideas of which outcomes should be measured. While recidivism 

is often used as a measure of success for residential programs, this measure may not sufficient for some 

types of interventions. Third, there are differences in short- and long-term outcomes. For example, 

evaluation research on the effect of RTCs stems in part from the varying needs of referral and 

reimbursement organizations. Psychiatric accrediting bodies expect evaluations to concentrate on 

symptom reduction on the basis of psychiatric diagnostic categories, while social service agencies are 

more interested in outcome measures of individual and family functioning (Bettmann and Jasperson, 

2009). Fourth, positive outcomes in detention centers may focus more closely on reductions in negative 

consequences of this placement type. Finally, numerous methodological problems have characterized 

much of the evaluation research, including the use of idiosyncratic measures, poor samples, the lack of 

comparison groups, retrospective designs, and the lack of information in the evaluation studies about 

reliability, validity, demographics, and other important components of rigorous research (Bettmann 

and Jasperson, 2009; Behrens and Satterfield, 2006).

Conclusion

The number of youth being held in residential placement has decreased over time. For example, while 

there were 105,000 youth in residential placements on a single day in 1997, there were 48,000 youth in 

placement (Sickmund et al., 2017) on a single day in 2015. Boys and youth of color comprise the largest 

portions of the residential population.

There are many different types of residential programs, ranging from small, homelike environments to 

large, secure environments. Various types of programs, facility models, and approaches have 

demonstrated positive outcomes in residential facilities. Researchers have found that factors associated 

with program effectiveness include targeting high-risk offenders, using a strong assessment system, 

employing a rehabilitative or therapeutic intervention philosophy, incorporating cognitive-behavioral
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 18

therapy, and implementing high-quality interventions. In addition, some experts have suggested 

incorporating trauma-informed care (Branson et al., 2017; Miller and Najavits, 2012; Skowyra and 

Cocozza, 2007), engagement of families, and involvement of other service agencies while youth are in 

residential placement and or reentering the community.20 However, more rigorous research is needed 

to evaluate these approaches.

Researchers have found that out-of-home placement can predict negative outcomes for youth related 

to their mental and physical well-being, education, deeper system involvement, future employment, 

and recidivism (Barnert et al., 2017; Bettman and Jasperson, 2009; Burrell, 2013; Leiber, Brubaker, and 

Fox, 2009; Leiber and Fox, 2005; Mendel, 2014; Rodriguez, 2010; Schwalbe, Hatcher, and Maschi, 2009; 

Steiner, 2009; McGuire, 2002). They have also found that several specific programs have been able to 

produce positive outcomes for youth in residential facilities. For example, implementation of the 

Aggression Replacement Training (ART) program was associated with reductions in antisocial 

behavior in a sample of youth living in a shelter (Nugent, Bruley, and Allen, 1998), implementation of 

the Violent Offender Treatment Program (VOTP) resulted in reductions in recidivism among 

incarcerated older male juveniles in a southern state (Haerle, 2016), and implementation of Project 

BUILD resulted in lower rates of recidivism among youth in a detention center (Lurigio et al., 2000).

References

Abram, K.M., Stokes, M.L., Welty, L.J., Aaby, D.A., and Teplin, L.A. 2017. Disparities in HIV/AIDS risk 

behaviors after youth leave detention: A 14–year longitudinal study. Pediatrics 139(2).

Abram, K.M., Teplin, L.A., Charles, D.R., Longworth, S.L., McClelland, G.M., and Dulcan, M.K. 2004. 

Posttraumatic stress disorder and trauma in youth in juvenile detention. Archives of General 

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