Last updated: December 2016 www.ojjdp.gov/mpg

 Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 1

Child Labor Trafficking

The Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) of 2000 defines labor trafficking as “the recruitment, 

harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for labor or services through the use of 

force or fraud or coercion for the purposes of subjection to involuntary servitude, peonage, debt 

bondage, or slavery1” (as cited in Office on Trafficking in Persons 2015a, 5). Child labor trafficking2 is 

the trafficking of individuals who are 18 or younger. According to the TVPA definition, involuntary 

servitude (or forced labor) involves forcing someone to work by using physical and/or psychological 

tactics or by abusing the legal system (U.S. Department of State 2016). Involuntary servitude3 tends to 

be associated with occupations that take place in informal workplaces (e.g., domestic workers who 

work in private residences). Unfortunately, these types of workplaces are conducive to employee abuse 

because they are often isolated and less likely to be inspected by authorities (U.S. Department of State 

2016). Another type of labor trafficking outlined in the TVPA is debt bondage, or bonded labor, which 

occurs when a trafficker demands labor as repayment for a loan or service; the value of the labor 

typically outweighs the loan/service (Office on Trafficking in Persons 2015b; U.S. Department of State 

2016). 

As stated above, child labor trafficking requires the presence of force, fraud, and/or coercion 

(Administration on Children, Youth and Families [ACYF] 2013). Force involves physically restraining 

or harming a victim; fraud intentionally deceives victims about certain aspects of their employment 

such as job duties, work conditions, and payment. The coercion aspect of labor trafficking includes 

threats of serious psychological/physical harm to the victims or their loved ones, as well as real or 

threatened abuse of the legal system (Office on Trafficking in Persons 2015a). 

One important difference between child labor trafficking and child sex trafficking is that force, fraud, 

and/or coercion is present in child labor trafficking; whereas any minor involved in a commercial sex 

act with or without the use of force is considered a sex trafficking victim (for more information, see 

the Model Programs Guide literature review on Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children/Sex 

Trafficking.) The different requirements for the two types of trafficking may be related to the ability of 

children to work legally in the United States in certain situations (Owens et al. 2014). Notably, child

1 This definition refers to eligibility for victim services, as stipulated in the TVPA [22 U.S.C. § 7102(9)-(10)]. However, the 

federal criminal definition of labor trafficking (18 U.S.C. §1589) is different from this definition. For example, only fraud, 

which is serious enough to compel a person to engage is work, is sufficient to charge a suspect with forced labor. 

2 Although not prevalent in the United States, child soldiering, or the unlawful recruitment or use of minors by armed forces 

for armed combat, labor, or sex, is also a form of involuntary servitude (Tiefenbrun 2007; U.S. Department of State 2016).

Suggested Reference: Development Services Group, Inc. 2016. “Child Labor Trafficking.” Literature review. Washington, D.C.: 

Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. https://www.ojjdp.gov/mpg/litreviews/child-labor-trafficking.pdf

Prepared by Development Services Group, Inc., under cooperative agreement number 2013–JF–FX–K002. Points of view or 

opinions expressed in this document are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position or policies of 

OJJDP or the U.S. Department of Justice.
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 2

labor trafficking can and often does overlap with child sexual exploitation and abuse (Freedom 

Network USA 2012). In fact, victims may experience labor and sex trafficking simultaneously, such as 

being forced to engage in both prostitution and burglaries (Gibbs et al. 2014; National Human 

Trafficking Resource Center [NHTRC] 2015a).

The force, fraud, or coercion requirement of labor trafficking is particularly important when 

distinguishing among legal child employment, child labor trafficking, child labor, and labor 

exploitation4 (Owens et al. 2014). Although employment laws vary by state and industry, children are 

typically allowed to work legally when they are between 14 and 16 (U.S. Department of Labor 2014). If 

children are working legally, but are denied basic legal rights (such as fair compensation), they are 

experiencing labor exploitation (Dottridge and Jordan 2012; Owens et al. 2014). In contrast, if minors 

under the legal working age are engaging in illegal work and/or work that is harmful to their health, 

development, or education, then this situation would constitute child labor (Owens et al. 2014). Child 

labor trafficking can have many of the same components as child labor and labor exploitation, but is 

only considered labor trafficking if force, fraud, or coercion is present (e.g., forcing a child to work by 

threatening harm).

A common model that is used to determine if an individual is being labor trafficked is the “ActionsMeans-Purpose” (AMP) model (Polaris Project 2012). In the AMP model, “actions” include inducing, 

recruiting, harboring, transporting, providing, or obtaining an individual. The “means” component 

involves using force, fraud, and/or coercion. Finally, the “purpose” aspect is related to the reason an 

individual is being exploited, which, in the case of trafficking, is for labor or other services (Polaris 

Project 2012).

Scope of the Problem

There is no single estimate regarding rates of child labor trafficking in the United States, and estimates 

measuring occurrences of human trafficking in the United States and internationally vary substantially 

(Gibbs et al. 2014; Goodey 2008). There are many reasons for the lack of systematic, empirical data on 

victims of trafficking (Clawson et al. 2009; Clawson, Layne, and Small 2006). First, the covert nature of 

trafficking makes it hard to study trafficking victims; traffickers tend to guard their victims closely 

and/or isolate them to their workplace (Clawson et al. 2009). Trafficking victims may also not want to 

come forward for fear of violence, or, if they are in the country illegally, deportation (Farrell, McDevitt, 

and Fahy 2008). In addition, inconsistent definitions and beliefs surrounding trafficking make it hard 

to measure; for example, a migrant, trafficked child may be labeled as an illegal immigrant rather than 

a trafficking victim (Clawson et al. 2009; Gouty 2015). Some evidence suggests that law enforcement 

and social service providers may not have the training to identify victims of child labor trafficking, 

which could limit detection of victims (Gibbs et al. 2014; Farrell et al. 2012). Despite these limitations, 

there is some available data that may provide insight into the scope of child labor trafficking.

 

4 While not explicitly related to child labor trafficking, “the Federal Labor Standards Act (FLSA) is the federal law governing

minimum wage, recordkeeping, overtime pay, and child labor in the United States” (NHTRC 2015a, 2). The FLSA prohibits 

the use of “oppressive child labor,” peddling, and any work that interferes with a child’s education or physical, social, 

psychological, and emotional well-being (Rizen 2015, 168). 
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In 2011, the U.S. Department of State (2016) began reporting on the number of labor-trafficking victims 

identified across the globe. In 2015, there were 14,262 labor-trafficking victims identified worldwide. 

According to a 2012 study by the International Labour Organization (ILO), there were about 5.5 million 

children (aged 17 and below) trafficked globally (both for sex and labor) between 2002 and 2011. 

Using state and local law enforcement data, a Bureau of Justice Statistics report (Banks and Kyckelhahn 

2011) found that 13.9 percent of trafficking investigations in the United States between 2008 and 2011 

involved labor trafficking. The report also indicated that between 2008 and 2010, there were 257 

reported cases of child trafficking in the United States; of these, 5 involved labor trafficking and 248 

involved sex trafficking (Banks and Kyckelhahn 2011). In addition, data from the National Human 

Trafficking Resource Center (NHTRC) showed that 15.8 percent of their labor-trafficking cases in 2015 

involved victims who were minors (NHTRC 2015b). 

Overall, the numbers suggest that child labor trafficking is not as prevalent as child sex trafficking. 

However, the current limitations in collecting child labor trafficking data may be masking the extent of 

the problem.

Characteristics of Child Labor Trafficking Victims 

Child labor trafficking victims have diverse sociodemographic backgrounds, and there is no standard 

typology; however, certain populations are more vulnerable to becoming victims. 

Some research suggests that women and children are more likely to be victims of labor trafficking 

because of their “relative lack of power, social marginalization, and their overall status as compared to 

men” (Office on Trafficking in Persons 2015b, 2). Other populations that are likely to experience labor 

trafficking are lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, questioning, intersex, and asexual (LGBTQIA) youth 

runaways; homeless youths; and child welfare populations (ACYF 2013; Buckley 2008; Clawson et al. 

2009). This aligns with research that trafficking perpetrators look for “youth with low self-esteem and 

minimal social support,” (ACYF 2013, 4) characteristics that are often found among foster care youths, 

youths experiencing homelessness, and runaway youths (Clawson et al. 2009). According to the Office 

for Victims of Crime (2015), juveniles with emotional vulnerabilities, those who come from 

impoverished backgrounds, and those who have been abused are vulnerable to becoming victims of 

trafficking. Growing research also indicates that Native American children, who are more likely to have 

experienced trauma, are at risk of becoming trafficking victims. Finally, children who experience child 

labor violations or labor exploitation are at risk for labor trafficking (ACYF 2013). 

Child labor trafficking victims can be found in legal industries such as construction and illegal 

industries such as the arms trade (NHTRC 2015a). The most common industries in which child labor 

trafficking occurs are agriculture, domestic work, health and beauty, restaurants/small businesses, 

gang-involved drug sales and gun carrying, traveling sales crews (e.g., magazine sales), and 

peddling/begging rings (Gibbs et al. 2014; NHTRC 2015a). This can make identifying victims of labor 

trafficking difficult, especially if a child does not appear to be experiencing any type of physical force, 

psychological pressure, or other form of coercion.
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 4

Other populations that comprise child labor trafficking victims are unaccompanied and/or 

undocumented migrant youths and children of foreigners (Buckley 2008). These youths may have come 

to the United States to escape poverty and/or violence in their home countries. Their desperation to 

support themselves and their families makes them vulnerable to traffickers (Office on Trafficking in 

Persons 2015b). Sometimes, smugglers (referred to as snakeheads and coyotes) force children into debt 

bondage by requiring them to pay off an exorbitant smuggling debt (Uehling 2008). Traffickers may 

also manipulate these youths by threatening to have them deported (Office on Trafficking in Persons 

2015b). In 2015, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services assisted 124 child victims of 

trafficking through its Unaccompanied Refugee Minors (URM) Program. This involved connecting the 

victims with the same types of resources and services that are afforded to foster children, such as 

education and housing (U.S. Department of State 2016). 

In a study of more than 142 migrant, trafficked children, about 70 percent were trafficked for sexual 

exploitation or for both sex and labor; roughly 24 percent were labor trafficked (Goździak 2012). Girls 

made up 80 percent of the sample and were more likely to experience sexual exploitation than boys. 

The youths in the sample ranged in age from 2 to 17, with 83 percent between 14 and 17. The sample 

varied greatly in socioeconomic background, ethnic/linguistic group, and the way they were trafficked 

(e.g., through strangers, family members). However, most of the youths in the study were from Mexico 

or Honduras and were trafficked by family members or friends (Goździak 2012).

Antitrafficking Legislation

Federal Legislation

The TVPA of 2000 seeks to combat trafficking by encouraging use of the “three Ps” paradigm: 

prosecution, protection, and prevention (U.S. Department of State 2016). The prosecution component 

ensures that trafficking offenders are held accountable and punished for their criminal actions. Next, 

the protection aspect involves taking a victim-centered orientation to identifying and supporting victims 

of human trafficking. Finally, prevention relates to raising awareness about human trafficking and 

offering social and economic solutions that discourage trafficking (U.S. Department of State 2011). The 

TVPA has been reauthorized four times (2003, 2005, 2008, and 2013) since its creation, with the 2005 

reauthorization expanding the focus on forced labor and child labor (Serita 2013; Zhang 2012). Since 

the passing of the TVPA in 2000, there have been over 2,200 suspects prosecuted for crimes related to 

human trafficking at the federal and state levels (Farrell et al. 2016). 

The TVPA is the only existing piece of trafficking legislation to include specific protections for 

immigrants who are victims. Specifically, the TVPA offers “permanent immigration relief and a path 

to citizenship” to victims of domestic trafficking (Goździak 2016, 47). Thus, migrant, trafficked minors 

have the option of applying for a T-Visa or Special Immigrant Juvenile (SIJ) status to obtain immigration 

protection, services connecting them to education and employment, and a path to citizenship (Goździak 

2016). This form of immigration protection is invaluable to the thousands of undocumented and/or 

unaccompanied youths who enter the United States every year and are at risk for trafficking, 

exploitation, and abuse (Administration for Children and Families 2016). 
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 5

State Legislation

At the state level, the majority of laws surrounding human trafficking mention some form of labor 

trafficking or involuntary servitude (Polaris Project 2014). Some states, such as Colorado5, offer harsher 

penalties for the labor trafficking of minors, as compared with adults. Overall, most states have some 

type of statute in place that can address child labor trafficking. 

International Legislation

In addition to domestic laws that prohibit child labor trafficking, the United States has ratified the 

ILO’s Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention and the Palermo Protocol (which was adopted by the 

ILO in 1999). It defines the worst forms of child labor, which include debt bondage and forced labor, 

illegal activities such as drug production and prostitution, and any work that harms children’s health, 

safety, or morals (ILO 2016a). The Convention is supplemented by the Worst Forms of Child Labour 

Recommendation, which outlines the strategies and actions countries can take to ensure the prohibition 

and elimination of the worst forms of child labor (ILO 2016a). Further, the ILO’s International 

Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour assists nations in combating the worst forms of child 

labor by promoting capacity-building, international partnerships, and awareness about child labor 

abuses (ILO 2016b).

The United Nations also adopted The Palermo Protocol in 2000. The Palermo Protocol is similar to the 

TVPA in its approach to addressing trafficking as an international phenomenon; it aims to prevent 

trafficking, protect trafficking victims, punish trafficking offenders, and promote cooperation among 

state actors. The Palermo Protocol encourages countries to improve circumstances such as poverty, 

which make people more vulnerable to becoming victims of trafficking. It also requires the punishment 

of any individual who carries out human trafficking. Most nations, including the United States, have 

ratified and implemented the Palermo Protocol and continue to use it as a guide in antitrafficking efforts 

worldwide (U.S. Department of State 2016). 

Theoretical Foundation

Since the passage of the TVPA in 2000, child victims of labor trafficking have mostly been viewed from 

a rehabilitative lens that emphasizes their vulnerability. This view maintains that victims of child labor 

trafficking are not responsible for their involvement in criminal activity and need trauma-informed 

treatment to address their traumatic experiences (ACYF 2013). An alternative view maintains that child 

trafficking victims should be seen as survivors who, although vulnerable, have the resiliency and 

agency to successfully integrate into society (Goździak 2012).

Rehabilitative Perspective

The mainstream perception of child labor trafficking considers victims to be lacking the agency to refuse 

to consent to any trafficking activities. This is related to the United States traditionally holding youths 

to a lower criminal standard than adults, maintaining that children under 18 are cognitively 

underdeveloped and, thus, have diminished capacity to make rational decisions concerning criminal 

behavior (Bonnie et al. 2013; Rizen 2015). Further, the notion that childhood is a time of dependence 

 

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and innocence can be seen in legislation that restricts the amount children can work, emphasizing that 

children should not have the same burden of responsibilities as adults and limiting the possibility of 

child labor and exploitation (Goździak 2012). This perspective typically coincides with the belief that 

child victims of labor trafficking need protection and guidance to help them recover from their 

trafficking experience. Specifically, treatment providers often offer victims of child trafficking traumainformed services and mental health treatment intended to help them cope with their trauma and 

successfully integrate into mainstream society (ACYF 2013; Bales, Fletcher, and Stover 2004). 

The exception to this view involves juvenile gang members who participate in illegal labor activities 

(such as drug selling). These youths are rarely considered to be victims of child labor trafficking, even 

though their participation in illegal activities may be a result of coercion such as threats to harm their 

families (Gibbs et al. 2014; Rizen 2015). Despite a growing body of research that compares juvenile gang 

members with child soldiers in developing countries (Braunstein 1999; Kerig et al. 2013), there is a 

common perception that youths in gangs possess the agency to consent to join a gang and carry out 

illegal activities, while child soldiers do not (Rizen 2015). Thus, juvenile gang members tend to be held 

criminally culpable for their actions, are processed through the juvenile justice system, and are unable 

to receive the protections and services guaranteed under the TVPA (Gibbs et al. 2014; Rizen 2015). 

There is some indication that the TVPA may offer some protection to juveniles who are involved in 

labor trafficking, gang-related or otherwise, through Safe Harbor laws. Safe Harbor laws were initially 

created to ensure that youths who are victims of commercial sexual exploitation receive legal protection 

and services instead of justice system processing (Polaris Project 2015). Although Safe Harbor laws have 

yet to be applied to minors who have been forced into labor, Safe Harbor protections could be extended 

to them (Polaris Project 2015). For example, the Safe Harbor law in Illinois6 “applies to investigations 

of forced servitude and labor trafficking and specifically mentions [gang activity]” (Rizen 2015, 168). 

Empowerment Perspective

An evolving view of trafficking urges policymakers to consider child victims of human trafficking as 

resilient individuals who are survivors; they are vulnerable, but not necessarily helpless (Freedom 

Network USA 2012; Goździak 2012). This perspective also recognizes that victims of child trafficking

have different needs based on age, gender, and socioeconomic background. To account for these 

differences and promote resiliency, services should be individualized, incorporate indigenous/cultural 

healing practices, and emphasize empowerment (Gouty 2015; President’s Interagency Task Force to 

Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons 2014). 

In the Goździak (2012) study, many of the migrant, trafficked children were connected with a foster 

family, education, mental health treatment, and other universal services. While many children were 

successful in the programs, some of the children found the services to be more detrimental than helpful 

to their integration into society and rehabilitation. For example, many of the older children in the 

sample (16 and 17 year olds), who were exploited for labor, wanted to find legal employment rather 

than attend school or therapy (Goździak and Bump 2008). Despite having been trafficked, they did not 

 

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identify as victims and wanted to pursue opportunities that aligned with their cultural values such as 

independence and economic stability. 

Outcome Evidence

There has been very limited research on the prevention, prosecution, and treatment of child labor–

trafficking victims. Further, most evaluations on the legal and social services available to trafficked 

minors are on victims of sex trafficking (ACYF 2013). However, some studies analyzing the outcomes 

of child trafficking cases may shed light on the current responses by policymakers and social service 

agencies to victims of child labor trafficking.

Human Trafficking Legislation

Bouche, Farrell, and Wittmer (2015) conducted a three-part study to evaluate the effectiveness of 

legislative, legal, and civic responses to human trafficking. Specifically, they examined state trafficking 

laws and public awareness efforts about trafficking (such as creating human- trafficking hotlines). In 

the first part of their study, the authors created and analyzed a database of 3,255 human-trafficking 

suspects across all states from 2003 to 2012 and coded all state human-trafficking laws enacted during 

this period. Bouche and colleagues (2015) found that the state human-trafficking penalties for the labor 

trafficking of a minor have increased from 2003 to 2012, with the average penalty for child labor 

trafficking increasing from about 2 to about 20 years. The harsher punishment may indicate a growing 

awareness among lawmakers about child labor trafficking. 

In the second part of their study, Bouche and colleagues (2015) analyzed 479 state human- trafficking 

prosecutions that took place between 2003 and 2012. The authors reported that only 8 percent of the 

suspects arrested for labor trafficking were charged with a state human- trafficking offense. The low 

application of state human-trafficking laws to labor-trafficking cases may indicate that lawmakers have 

a limited understanding of labor trafficking and how to properly apply state-trafficking statutes. The 

authors also found labor-trafficking suspects were less likely to be convicted of a trafficking crime or 

any state crime than sex-trafficking suspects. This may be a result of the increased awareness 

surrounding sex trafficking, compared with labor trafficking (Bouche, Farrell, and Wittmer 2015). 

Farrell and colleagues (2016) examined the prosecution of human-trafficking suspects at the state level 

across 12 U.S. counties. They discovered that many state prosecutors were not familiar with their state 

trafficking laws, and none of the prosecutors in the sample had charged a labor-trafficking case. This 

was often due to labor-trafficking cases requiring different legal elements than sex-trafficking cases. 

This evidence suggests that state and county prosecutors need more education regarding humantrafficking laws and their application to labor trafficking (Farrell et al. 2016). 

Overall, these findings indicate that lawmakers may need more education related to labor-trafficking 

legislation. However, awareness seems to be improving with more targeted and comprehensive 

antitrafficking efforts (Bouche, Farrell, and Wittmer 2015).

President’s Interagency Task Force to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 8

The President’s Interagency Task Force to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons (PITF) was 

created in 2012 and includes the White House, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, U.S. 

Department of Justice, U.S. Department of State, U.S. Department of Labor, U.S. Department of 

Homeland Security, and the U.S. Department of Defense. The PITF seeks to achieve the following four 

major goals: 1) align efforts across agencies to promote a strategic, coordinated approach to the 

provision of services for victims of human trafficking; 2) improve knowledge about human trafficking 

through research, data collection, and evaluation of evidence-based practices in victim services; 3) 

expand victims’ access to services and improve victim identification; and 4) improve the outcomes of 

victims’ services so that they are effective, culturally appropriate, and trauma-informed (President’s 

Interagency Task Force to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons 2014). The group created an 

action plan, which spans 2013–2017, to implement these goals. However, while the PITF initiatives are 

shaping the foundation for sustainable trafficking victims’ programs and services, they have yet to be 

evaluated. 

Screening Tools

There are a variety of screening tools available to identify victims of human trafficking. In their review 

of nine human-trafficking screening tools, Bespalova, Morgan, and Coverdale (2016) found that only 

the Vera Institute’s Human Trafficking Identification Tool had been assessed for validity and reliability. 

The Vera Institute’s screening tool includes a 30-topic questionnaire that can distinguish between 

victims of labor trafficking and sex trafficking (Simich 2014; Simich et al. 2014). To test the instrument, 

Simich and colleagues (2014) interviewed 180 potential trafficking victims associated with 11 victim 

service providers across five states. Results indicated that 71 percent of the questions were significant 

predictors of labor trafficking, and 60 percent of the participants were identified as labor-trafficking 

victims (Simich 2014; Simich et al. 2014). While the instrument showed promise, the study was limited 

in that its sample mainly comprised adults and foreign-born individuals. To date, there is no validated 

instrument that focuses solely on victims of child labor trafficking.

Treatment Programs for Victims

There are not many programs that focus exclusively on child labor trafficking. Further, many of the 

organizations and agencies that assist victims of human trafficking do not always provide 

comprehensive services to labor-trafficking victims, and labor-trafficking victims face more difficulty 

than other populations in accessing victims’ services (U.S. Department of State 2016). Although child 

labor–trafficking victims are a challenging population to identify for treatment, there are some 

programs available that can address their needs.

Both the Salvation Army Trafficking Outreach Program and Intervention Techniques (STOP-IT) in 

Illinois and Safe Horizon’s Streetwork in New York offer services to minors who are victims of both sex 

and labor trafficking. STOP-IT is an antitrafficking organization that features a drop-in center and 

individualized case-management services to connect clients with basic needs such as housing, 

education, and employment. Similarly, Streetwork serves street-involved youths, including those who 

may have been trafficked, by offering a drop-in center and access to housing, food, and other 

necessities. While these programs have not been rigorously evaluated, they have been made more 

accessible to child labor–trafficking victims through targeted outreach (Gibbs et al. 2014).
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 9

Another program that may be appropriate for child labor–trafficking victims is Trauma-Focused 

Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (TF–CBT). TF–CBT is an evidence-based treatment program that targets 

children ages 3 to 18 who have witnessed or experienced trauma. These children may have symptoms 

related to posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), stress, anxiety, fear, and/or sexual abuse. During TF–

CBT, children and their parents are taught skills and coping mechanisms to process the negative 

emotions that are a product of physical, sexual, or emotional abuse. Eventually, children are 

encouraged to share their trauma narratives in a safe, supported environment. 

Evaluations on TF–CBT (Deblinger, Lippman, and Steer 1996; Cohen and Mannarino 1996; Cohen, 

Deblinger, Mannarino, and Steer 2004) indicate that sexually abused children who received the 

treatment had improved symptoms, compared with counterparts who did not receive TF–CBT. 

Specifically, the children receiving TF–CBT scored significantly lower on measures of PTSD, 

depression, problem behaviors, sexualized behaviors, and externalizing behaviors. According to 

Deblinger and colleagues (1996), the effects of TF–CBT on externalizing behaviors, depression, and 

PTSD were sustained at the 2-year follow-up period. Although the study populations consisted of 

children who had experienced sexual abuse rather than forced labor, TF–CBT may be an effective 

treatment for child labor–trafficking victims because of their similar experience with trauma. 

More information on this program can be found at the following site:

Trauma-Focused Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (TF–CBT)

Conclusion 

Child labor trafficking is an often overlooked and misunderstood form of human trafficking (Freedom 

Network USA 2012; NHTRC 2015a). One of the main recommendations in the U.S. Department of 

State’s Trafficking in Persons Report (2016) emphasizes “[increasing] efforts to identify child victims of 

labor trafficking” (388). To achieve this goal, more training and education about child labor trafficking 

could be given to the public, law enforcement, and policymakers (Bouche, Farrell, and Wittmer 2015). 

Further, more resources could be put into developing and implementing evidence-based programs and 

treatments for victims of child labor trafficking. Finally, data collection on child labor trafficking would 

inform the scope of the phenomenon and assist in developing coordinated responses to prosecute 

traffickers and connect victims to services (Clawson, Layne, and Small 2006). 

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