JSOU Report 09-5 Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent Alexander
Joint Special Operations University

and the Strategic Studies Department

The Joint Special Operations University (JSOU) provides its publications 

to contribute toward expanding the body of knowledge about joint special 

operations. JSOU publications advance the insights and recommendations 

of national security professionals and the Special Operations Forces (SOF) 

students and leaders for consideration by the SOF community and defense 

leadership. 

JSOU is the educational component of the United States Special Operations Command (USSOCOM), MacDill Air Force Base, Florida. The JSOU 

mission is to educate SOF executive, senior, and intermediate leaders and 

selected other national and international security decision makers, both 

military and civilian, through teaching, outreach, and research in the 

science and art of joint special operations. JSOU provides education to the 

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environment. 

JSOU conducts research through its Strategic Studies Department where 

effort centers upon the USSOCOM mission and the commander’s priorities. 

Mission. Provide fully capable special operations forces to defend the 

United States and its interests. Plan and synchronize operations against 

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Priorities.	 • Deter, disrupt, and defeat terrorist threats.

	 	 • Develop and support our people and their families.

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The Strategic Studies Department also provides teaching and curriculum support to Professional Military Education institutions—the staff 

colleges and war colleges. It advances SOF strategic influence by its interaction in academic, interagency, and United States military communities.

The JSOU portal is https://jsoupublic.socom.mil. 

Joint Special Operations University

Brian A. Maher, Ed.D., SES, President

Lieutenant Colonel Michael C. McMahon, U.S. Air Force, Strategic Studies Department Director

William W. Mendel, Colonel, U.S. Army, Ret.; Jeffrey W. Nelson, Colonel, U.S. Army, Ret.; 

and William S. Wildrick, Captain, U.S. Navy, Ret—Resident Senior Fellows

Editorial Advisory Board

Alvaro de Souza Pinheiro

Major General, Brazilian Army, Ret.

JSOU Associate Fellow 

James F. Powers, Jr.

Colonel, U.S. Army, Ret.

Director of Homeland Security, 

Commonwealth of Pennsylvania and 

JSOU Associate Fellow

Richard H. Shultz, Jr.

Ph.D., Political Science

Director, International Security 

Studies Program, The Fletcher School, Tufts 

University and JSOU Senior Fellow

Stephen Sloan

Ph.D., Comparative Politics

University of Central Florida

Robert G. Spulak, Jr.

Ph.D., Physics/Nuclear Engineering

Sandia National Laboratories 

and JSOU Associate Fellow

Joseph S. Stringham

Brigadier General, U.S. Army, Ret.

Alutiiq, LLC and JSOU Associate Fellow

Graham H. Turbiville, Jr.

Ph.D., History, Courage Services, Inc. 

and JSOU Senior Fellow

Jessica Glicken Turnley

Ph.D., Cultural Anthropology/

Southeast Asian Studies

Galisteo Consulting Group 

and JSOU Senior Fellow 

Rich Yarger

Ph.D., History, Professor of National 

Security Policy, U.S. Army War College 

and JSOU Associate Fellow

John B. Alexander

Ph.D., Education, The Apollinaire Group 

and JSOU Senior Fellow

Roby C. Barrett, Ph.D., Middle 

Eastern & South Asian History 

Public Policy Center Middle East Institute 

and JSOU Senior Fellow

Joseph D. Celeski

Colonel, U.S. Army, Ret.

JSOU Senior Fellow

Chuck Cunningham

Lieutenant General, U.S. Air Force, Ret. 

Professor of Strategy, Joint Advanced 

Warfighting School and JSOU Associate Fellow

Gilbert E. Doan

Major, U.S. Army, Ret., JSOU 

Institutional Integration Division Chief

Brian H. Greenshields 

Colonel, U.S. Air Force 

SOF Chair, Naval Postgraduate School

Thomas H. Henriksen

Ph.D., History, Hoover Institution 

Stanford University and JSOU Senior Fellow

Russell D. Howard

Brigadier General, U.S. Army, Ret.

Faculty Associate, Defense Critical Language/

Culture Program, Mansfield Center, University 

of Montana and JSOU Senior Fellow

John D. Jogerst

Colonel, U.S. Air Force, Ret. 

18th USAF Special Operations School 

Commandant

James Kiras

Ph.D., History, School of Advanced Air and 

Space Studies, Air University and JSOU 

Associate Fellow 
On the cover. 22 March 2007, a U.S. Special Forces soldier instructs Malian 

troops in counterterrorism tactics through a translator. Originally published on Vanityfair.com, 10 September 2007. Photograph by Justin Bishop. 

Copyright ©2007 Condé Nast Publications. Used by permission. 

JSOU Report 09-5

The JSOU Press

Hurlburt Field, Florida

2009

Africa: Irregular 

Warfare on the 

Dark Continent

John B. Alexander
Comments about this publication are invited and should be forwarded to Director, 

Strategic Studies Department, Joint Special Operations University, 357 Tully Street, 

Alison Building, Hurlburt Field, Florida 32544. Copies of this publication may be 

obtained by calling JSOU at 850-884-1569; FAX 850-884-3917. 

*******

The JSOU Strategic Studies Department is currently accepting written works relevant 

to special operations for potential publication. For more information please contact 

Mr. Jim Anderson, JSOU Director of Research, at 850-884-1569, DSN 579-1569, 

james.d.anderson@hurlburt.af.mil. Thank you for your interest in the JSOU Press. 

*******

This work was cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited.

ISBN 1-933749-34-2
The views expressed in this publication are entirely those of 

the author and do not necessarily reflect the views, policy or 

position of the United States Government, Department of 

Defense, United States Special Operations Command, or the 

Joint Special Operations University. 
Recent Publications of the JSOU Press

Educating for Strategic Thinking in the SOF Community, January 2007, 

Harry R. Yarger

The Israeli Approach to Irregular Warfare and Implications for the U.S., 

February 2007, Thomas H. Henriksen

Psychological Operations: Learning Is Not a Defense Science Project,

March 2007, Curtis D. Boyd

2007 JSOU and NDIA SO/LIC Division Essays, April 2007

Hunting Leadership Targets in Counterinsurgency and Counterterrorist

Operations, June 2007, Graham H. Turbiville, Jr. 

Executive Report, JSOU Second Annual Symposium (30 April–3 May 2007)

A Theory of Special Operations, October 2007, Robert G. Spulak, Jr.

Block by Block: Civic Action in the Battle of Baghdad, November 2007, 

Adrian T. Bogart III

Private Security Infrastructure Abroad, November 2007, 

Graham H. Turbiville, Jr. 

Intelligence in Denied Areas, December 2007, Russell D. Howard

Is Leaving the Middle East a Viable Option, January 2008,

Thomas H. Henriksen

Retaining a Precarious Value as Special Operations Go Mainstream,

February 2008, Jessica Glicken Turnley

Disrupting Threat Finances, April 2008, Wesley J.L. Anderson

USSOCOM Research Topics 2009

India’s Northeast: The Frontier in Ferment, September 2008, Prakash Singh

What Really Happened in Nortern Ireland’s Counterinsurgency,

October 2008, Thomas H. Henriksen

Guerrilla Counterintelligence: Insurgent Approaches to Neutralizing 

Adversary Intelligence Operations, January 2009, Graham H. Turbiville, Jr. 

Policing and Law Enforcement in COIN—the Thick Blue Line,

February 2009, Joseph D. Celeski 

Contemporary Security Challenges: Irregular Warfare and Indirect 

Approaches, February 2009, Richard D. Newton, Travis L. Homiak, 

Kelly H. Smith, Isaac J. Peltier, and D. Jonathan White 

Special Operations Forces Interagency Counterterrorism Reference 

Manual, March 2009 

The Arabian Gulf and Security Policy:The Past as Present, the 

Present as Future, April 2009, Roby C. Barrett 
vii

Foreword

Dr. John Alexander’s current JSOU Press monograph provides an 

assessment of the African continent with a particular focus on 

how Special Operations Forces (SOF) may need to operate and 

how the local environment impacts these operations. He provides a strategic 

overview and assessment of current conditions on the continent, identifies 

key concerns and issues, and discusses key players. For a variety of reasons, 

Africa is, and will remain, a region of critical importance not only to the 

United States but also to other regions and countries of the world.

This monograph will be very useful for SOF planners and operators as 

well as conventional forces and interagency partners working in the region. 

Dr. Alexander provides insight into major issues concerning Africa from 

tribalism, resource competition, and political instability to terrorist and 

criminal network linkages. The author bases his assessment on a review of 

historical trends as well as the impact of current political and geostrategic 

events. His realistic assessment indicates the region is likely to remain volatile 

for the short-to-medium timeframe. 

Conflicts in the Sudan, Congo, and the Horn of Africa combined with 

instability or potential instability within other key African countries will 

require external support and assistance from the United States and its allies 

to work out a viable solution to their problems. Much of this assistance will 

not fall into the military realm. Unfortunately much of the instability will 

turn into conflict and may require multinational military intervention. This 

tension between assistance and intervention is the underlying conundrum 

facing strategists and planners—Africa is too important to the world to 

continue to ignore its significant challenges and conflicts.

Michael C. McMahon, Lt Col USAF

Director, JSOU Strategic Studies Department 

ix

About the Author

Dr. John Alexander has been a leading advocate for the development of nonlethal weapons since he created renewed interest in 

the field in 1989. In 2003 he served as a mentor to Afghan Ministry of Defense senior officials through the Office of Military Cooperation 

Afghanistan, (Coalition Forces) Kabul. He now serves as a senior fellow 

with the JSOU Strategic Studies Department. 

Entering the U.S. Army as a private in 1956, he rose through the ranks 

to sergeant first class, attended Officer Candidate School (OCS), and was 

an infantry colonel in 1988 when he retired. During his varied career, Dr. 

Alexander held many key positions in special operations, intelligence, and 

research and development. From 1966 through early 1969 he commanded 

Special Forces “A” teams in Vietnam and Thailand. His last military assignment 

was as director, Advanced System Concepts Office, U.S. Army Laboratory 

Command. After retiring from the Army, Dr. Alexander joined Los Alamos 

National Laboratory where he was instrumental in developing the concept of 

nonlethal defense. As a program manager, he conducted nonlethal warfare 

briefings at the highest levels of government including the White House 

staff, National Security Council, members of Congress, director of Central 

Intelligence, and senior defense officials. He has met with heads of industry 

and presented at academic institutions, including Columbia, Harvard, and 

the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Dr. Alexander has spoken 

on all continents, including to the German Bundestag and members of the 

Chemical Weapons Convention in The Hague. 

Dr. Alexander organized and chaired six major conferences on nonlethal 

warfare and served as a U.S. delegate to four NATO studies on the topic. As 

a member of the first Council on Foreign Relations nonlethal warfare study, 

he was instrumental in influencing the report that is credited with causing 

the DoD to create a formal nonlethal weapons policy in July 1996. He was 

a distinguished guest lecturer at the U.S. Air Force Air University. He has 

advised the Central Intelligence Agency, USSOCOM, and the National 

Intelligence Council. 

Dr. Alexander wrote the seminal material on nonlethal warfare. He has 

published articles in Harvard International Review, Jane’s International Defense 

Review, The Boston Globe, The Futurist, The Washington Post, and several 
x

other journals. Articles about him and his work can be found in The Wall 

Street Journal, The New York Times, Newsweek, The Sunday Times (London), 

Panorama (Italy), Konrad (Germany), The LA Times, Wired Magazine, GQ, 

Scientific American, and the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists. He has appeared on 

U.S. television including Dateline, Fox News, Larry King Live, CNN, MSNBC, 

Newsweek, and on international television in Australia, Denmark, France, 

Germany, Italy, Brazil, Switzerland, the Netherlands, United Kingdom, and 

Japan. His April 2006 JSOU publication was The Changing Nature of Warfare, 

the Factors Mediating Future Conflict, and Implications for SOF. 

Dr. Alexander received a B.GS. in Sociology from the University of 

Nebraska at Omaha, an M.A. in Education from Pepperdine University, 

and a Ph.D. in Education from Walden University. He later attended the 

Anderson School of Management at University of California, Los Angeles 

(UCLA), the Sloan School of Management at MIT, and the Kennedy School 

of Government general officer program “National and International Security 

for Senior Executives” at Harvard University. In addition to many military 

awards for valor and service, Aviation Week & Space Technology selected 

him as a 1993 Aerospace Laureate and in 1997 inducted him into the Hall of 

Fame at the National Air and Space Museum in Washington. He received a 

Department of Energy Award of Excellence for the Nuclear Weapons Program in 1994 and is listed in Who’s Who in America, Who’s Who in Science 

and Engineering, and American Men and Women of Science. In 2001 he was 

named to the OCS Hall of Fame at Fort Benning, Georgia. During 2001 and 

2002 he was a member of the National Research Council Committee for 

Assessment of Nonlethal Weapons Science and Technology. 

Currently Dr. Alexander serves with the Army Science Board and is a 

private consultant. His books include The Warrior’s Edge (William Morrow 

& Co, 1990); Future War with foreword by Tom Clancy (St. Martin’s Press, 

1999); and the sequel Winning the War (2003). 
1

Africa: Irregular Warfare 

on the Dark Continent

Irregular Warfare: Introduction

I

f there ever was an environment that will test irregular warfare (IW) 

concepts, it is Africa. There are protracted conflicts—some that come 

with centuries of history, intricate tribal animosities fueled by greed 

and corruption and exacerbated by outside powers. While there are countries with large armies, none boast the range of high technology found 

in other areas of the world. Most of the casualties—and the numbers are 

horrific—come from small arms, even from spears and machetes. Present in 

some areas on the continent are some artillery pieces and fighter aircraft, but 

nothing that would counter the U.S. military on a force-on-force confrontation. Yet our experience shows that even overwhelming technology may not 

win the day. Given that Africa is rising rapidly in our national interests, we 

must explore its complex environment.1

Enter Africa Command

“We didn’t just discover Africa,” a senior Joint commander told a small 

group assembled for the regional meeting following the International Special 

Operations Forces conference. The intent seemed to be to assure those present that indeed, Africa had been known to special operations for a long 

time.2

While it is true that special operations forces (SOF) have conducted 

operations in many African countries for decades, they have suffered from 

a lack of a coherent United States policy regarding that continent. Even with 

a new command dedicated to focus attention in the area, a senior Defense 

Department official described Africa as a “minor sideshow” in global counterterrorism operations. He also bluntly noted that people like him, who 

had very little understanding of the issues, would make decisions about 

U.S. policy in the region. Speaking to a large audience for a conference at 

the University of Southern California with many American and African 

ambassadors present, the DoD official stated that Africa Command was “an 
2

JSOU Report 09-5

experiment in government organization,” and the military objective was to 

“keep U.S. combat troops off the continent for at least fifty years.” 3

At the same University of Southern California conference, an ambassador assigned to AFRICOM stated that the existence of the new command 

was “an acknowledgement for the growing strategic importance of Africa.” 4

In the dinner speech it was also noted that American emphasis would be 

larger than humanitarian assistance, which frequently has been required 

for decades of both natural and human generated disasters. The American 

objective would be to support the African Union as it continues to develop. 

The oft-used buzzwords infer that we need to help African nations build 

capacitya concept never really defined. 

20° 10° 0° 10° 20° 30° 40° 50° 60°

20° 10° 0° 10° 20° 30° 40° 50° 60°

0°

10°

20°

30°

10°

20°

30°

0°

10°

20°

30°

10°

30°

Tropic

of Cancer

Equator

Tropic of Capricorn

GUINEA

MOROCCO

ALGERIA

TUNISIA

LIBYA EGYPT

CAPE VERDE

MAURITANIA MALI NIGER CHAD SUDAN

ERITREA

ETHIOPIA

DJIBOUTI

SOMALIA

SENEGAL

THE GAMBIA BURKINA GUINEA- FASO BISSAU

SIERRA LEONE

LIBERIA

CÔTE

D'IVOIRE

GHANA

TOGO BENIN

NIGERIA

CAMEROON

CENTRAL

AFRICAN REPUBLIC

UGANDA KENYA

SAO TOME

AND PRINCIPE

EQUATORIAL GUINEA

GABON REP. OF THE CONGO

DEMOCRATIC

REPUBLIC OF THE

CONGO

RWANDA

TANZANIA

BURUNDI

ANGOLA

ZAMBIA MALAWI

MOZAMBIQUE

NAMIBIA

BOTSWANA

ZIMBABWE

SOUTH

AFRICA

SWAZILAND

LESOTHO

MADAGASCAR

COMOROS

SEYCHELLES

MAURITIUS

(undetermined status)

Western

Sahara

Reunion

(Fr.)

The Canary Islands

(Sp.)

Madiera

(Port.)

0 (km) 3 000

0 (mi) 2 000

Azimuthal Equal-Area Projection

Sahel

Sahara Desert

Africa, map courtesy Wikipedia Commons.
3

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

If this discussion seems vague and convoluted, it isjust as the development of AFRICOM is vague and convoluted. Continentally homeless, 

the AFRICOM headquarters is located in Stuttgart, Germany, also home 

to European Command (EUCOM). Although several African nations were 

approached about establishing an AFRICOM headquarters, all refused. In 

reality, there is great trepidation about why the command was formed and 

what U.S. intentions are in the region. Due to some poorly constructed 

initial information releases about formation of this command, substantial 

effort has been required in attempting to make nations in Africa, as well as 

others around the world, comfortable with that decision. This is far from 

accomplished and will remain a priority mission for some time to come. 

Special Operations Considerations

This paper is not about the trials and tribulations of Africa Command. It 

is designed to provide the reader with general information about the continent, specifically as it relates to irregular warfare and the challenges for 

SOF. In fact, operations in Africa will require the full spectrum of SOF missions from direct action against Al Qaeda terrorists to internal development 

for several countries. History has shown that humanitarian assistance is 

likely to be required and often on massive scales. In fact SOF elements have 

established precedence in these operations.5 While this is not a specified 

core mission of USSOCOM, it is one that that will be assigned for a variety 

of reasons, including prior geographic orientation, experience in the area, 

ability to respond quickly and adapt to exigent circumstances, as well as the 

capabilities resident in the active duty Civil Affairs units. 

Worth considering are the factors employed by the U.S. Joint Forces 

Command when assessing the Joint Operational Environment (JOE). The 

eight factors include demographics, globalization, economics, energy, climate change and natural disasters, pandemics, and cyber and space.6

 Africa 

is unique, fragile, and vulnerable to many extraneous influences that can 

have deep impact on the future for residents and the rest of the world alike. 

Thus an attempt has been made to cover each of the areas referenced in 

JOE 2008. 

On the continent there are significant armed groups that threaten 

regional stability in several sectors. From the Sahel—the semi-arid transition zone between the Sahara to its north and the less arid, more tropical 

lands to its south—there are terrorist organizations that can and do project 
4

JSOU Report 09-5

power well beyond the African shores and have been instrumental in attacks 

in Europe. Internally there are long running conflicts, some of genocidal 

proportions, and poverty that clearly exceed the capabilities of the African 

Union to resolve. 

In another monograph addressing emerging events in South and Central 

America, I opened with a quote by a U.S. Army lieutenant colonel assigned 

to the Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations (G3). When apprized of the 

rather dire circumstance arising south of our borders, he simply stated, 

“Why should I care?” 7 For most Americans, including many military officers, that same comment would hold true for 

Africa. With the U.S. Department of Defense 

terminally focused on the Middle East, most 

of Africa is off their radar screens. They are 

far from alone and most Americans have 

only the vaguest notion of what Africa is like. Their simplistic opinions are 

often based on trite movies or television programs that frequently highlight 

the spectacular scenery and vicious interaction with dangerous wildlife. 

While travelogues are worthwhile, rarely do they convey a complete, or 

even adequate, description of the complex situations that constitute African 

realities. 

The original reference to Africa as The Dark Continent was associated 

with colonial popularization of the territories during their early exploration. 

In many ways the connotation was perceived quite negatively. Today, however, there is a more literal application of the term. In sub-Saharan Africa, 

not counting South Africa, 75 percent of the households do not have access 

to an electrical grid. That equates to 550 million people who at night, live 

in the dark. The implications for development are staggering and energy 

poverty is becoming a key factor in participation in the global economy.8

There are many compelling factors that complicate both life in, and geopolitical interactions with, most African nations. These include extreme 

poverty, rampant diseases (including an AIDS epidemic), massive political 

corruption, tribalism with historical animosities, inhospitable geographic 

environments, illogical national borders, burgeoning population growth, 

inadequate education systems, and centuries of foreign interventions. Also, 

despite the oft quoted “never again” that followed revelation of the Nazi 

death camps, Africans continue to live in a world tolerant of repeated genocidal level of casualties. 

... most Americans have 

only the vaguest notion of 

what Africa is like. 
5

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

The Continent: History and Complexities

Despite a multitude of drawbacks, the reality is that Africa is rapidly gaining in strategic significance and has attracted new, or renewed, interest in 

many sectors. In addition to the Europeans, who have traditionally viewed 

Africa as their domain, both India and China are investing heavily in many 

countries, with an eye toward the vast mineral resources that can be found 

there. As emerging industrial powers, the future needs for energy and raw 

materials are concerns for which they are planning. 

Africa is a huge continent marked by unparalleled diversity and a complex human history that literally emanates from the origin of life of our 

species. Paleontological evidence shows that humans likely originated over 

two million years ago in the Olduvai Gorge region of the Great Rift Valley, 

in what is now known as Tanzania. Tests on mitochondrial DNA suggest 

that most humans throughout the world today can trace their ancestry 

to seven females from that area. Interestingly, it appears that those early 

hominids were fiercely territorial and engaged in savage intertribal combat 

for survival. It would appear that not much has changed in the intervening 

twenty-plus millennia. 

There are many factors that combine to make Africa the enigmatic milieu 

that it has become today. While current American efforts note a desire to 

move forward, Africa’s Byzantine-like history cannot be ignored. Presently, 

over 400 tribes comprise the native population base. Centuries of invasions and external foreign domination determined the boundaries of most 

countries and contributed to introduction of other social groups. Those 

geographic delineations rarely took into account the ethnic or tribal makeup 

of the local people. As a result, social tensions abound and are constantly 

exacerbated by current political decisions made for the benefit of a dominant 

group at the expense of others. Violent outbursts continue today. Within 

the past few decades such violence has led to the death or displacement of 

many millions of people, and the conflict is far from over. 

Christopher Clapham is the editor of the Journal of Modern African 

Studies at Cambridge University. Reporting for the Royal United Services 

Institute in 2007, he stated, “Africa is an extremely difficult continent to 

govern, simply because of its huge distances, generally dispersed population, weak infrastructure, and extremely uneven distribution of resources. 

All of Africa’s rulers, whether pre-colonial, colonial, or post-colonial have 
6

JSOU Report 09-5

faced essentially the same problems in exerting effective control over this 

large and poor landmass and its often mobile people.” He then notes correctly that the “extremely problematic nature of many of the states artificially created by colonialism and bequeathed to the continents new rulers 

at independence.” 9

Tribes and Tribalism

Before entering this discussion of an important issue, a comment about the 

concept of tribes is prudent. The term tribe generally connotes groupings of 

people who have certain common characteristics or unifying factors. These 

may include language, culture, genetics, religion, and sometimes regional 

association. In fact, there is no agreed-upon definition of what constitutes 

a tribe as there are always exceptions to the parameters mentioned. For 

example, some groups have multiple languages and may not share a specified 

region. There is an element of academic social engineers that has attempted 

to make the use of the term tribe a racial emotive that promotes stereotyping, and is thus politically incorrect.10 Further discussion follows.11 Despite 

semantic controversy, and accepting that tribe is an imperfect word, the 

fundamental concept is useful, and possibly essential, for describing many 

of the social interactions that occur in Africa today. 

In general, the concept of tribalism is not well understood by Americans. 

Arguably, the United States has become the most homogenized society in 

the world, though that construct is experiencing considerable stress. Former 

and existing racial tensions are demarcated along large groupings such as 

black or African-Americans, Hispanic, Native American, and whites. Rarely, 

is further subdivision annotated. Most of the African slaves shipped to 

the New World landed in South America. However, a substantial number 

did come to North America and became the basis of our current AfricanAmerican population of about 40 million people. Today, few people who call 

themselves African-Americans can account for their original tribal identity. 

Once the slaves arrived, families were split apart and little attempt was made 

to track former identities. Over time, after emancipation, and especially 

since the success of the civil rights movement, most African-Americans 

have assimilated into the more generic common society. While vestiges of 

racism are acknowledged, American society as a whole has greatly evolved 

into a technologically developed nation in which advancement in all sectors 

can be sought. 
7

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

That is not true for many areas in Africa today. For a very large segment of the population currently living on the continent, tribal identity is 

still of primary importance. That designation often delineates who you are, 

with whom you can associate (especially in marriage), what jobs you can 

hold, what education is available to you, and under extreme circumstances, 

whether you live or die. 

Rwanda. A recent arrant example was the genocidal civil war that occurred 

in Rwanda in 1994. In 100 days of carnage, the minority Tutsis were systematically hunted down and exterminated by members of the Hutu majority. 

From April through mid-July hundreds of thousands of Tutsis were systematically shot, clubbed, or hacked to death, with many others burned alive. 

The number killed will never be known. Conservative estimates place the 

body count at 800,000, with other analysts taking the toll to over a million 

fatalities.12 Despite the fact that the tribes were very similar, in that they 

spoke the same language and followed the same customs, great animosity 

developed. That was primarily because of foreign interventionin this case 

the Belgians who earlier had bestowed favoritism on the Tutsis. Of specific 

concern to observers should be the vicious nature of these killings and that 

the violence seemingly erupted almost instantaneously. Death came equally 

to men, women, and children, often perpetrated with intentional, excessive 

pain. Though the provocations had been festering for decades it was single 

event, the downing of President Juvenal Habyarimana’s airplane, that triggered the slaughter. 

While 1994 Rwanda stands as a highly visible exemple of tribalism at its 

worst, it is far from a singularity. In fact, based on personal observations in 

that country in 2007, it is predictable that the civil war could reignite at any 

time with little provocation.13 Other observers also have noted that these 

issues are far from totally resolved and that the bapfuye buhagazi (walking 

dead) will never manage to forget the atrocities that took place here.14

Kenya. A more recent example of intertribal violence precipitated after the 

contested elections held in Kenya on 27 December 2007. Immediately following the election, the incumbent, President Mwai Kibaki, was declared the 

winner. Officials he had previously appointed announced the results, which 

were immediately rejected by many people. International observers supported the opposition party’s allegation that the vote had been manipulated. 

Their candidate, Raila Odinga, complained about fraudulent vote counting 
8

JSOU Report 09-5

and violence quickly ensued. The conflict was divided along tribal lines, 

which in turn mirrored the support for the respective political parties.15 In 

this case it was Kikuyu people, primarily from the Rift Valley Province and 

the Nairobi slums who were targeted. They had supported Kibaki, who is 

also a Kikuyu. These spontaneous riots led to between 800 and 1500 fatalities 

and displacement of over a half million people, many of whom had their 

homes destroyed.16 A number of prominent people, including members of 

parliament, were killed, but the worst single incident was when rioters set 

fire to a church and burned 35 Kikuyus alive.17

Nairobi, Kenya long has been noted for violent crime. The U.S. State 

Department has issued warnings to Americans traveling there about violent crime in that city.18 At one point they recommended that visitors carry 

several hundred dollars so that, if carjacked, they would have money to 

give the robbers. The warnings noted that the consequence for incomplete 

immediate compliance, or lack of money on demand, likely was death. The 

crime rate was so high that the city acquired the title Niarobia. However, that 

crime was driven by poverty and was an equal-opportunity victimization 

regardless of race or tribe. The recent politically motivated unrest is worth 

noting for two reasons: (1) it was tribally delineated and (2) the speed with 

which relative stability deteriorated. 

At the heart of Kenya’s crime is the Mungiki sect which now claims as 

many as a million members across the nation.19 The Mungiki, meaning 

“multitude” in Kikuyu, are believed to be a derivative of the fearsome Mau 

Mau that fought against British colonial government. Swearing an oath of 

secrecy—betrayal punishable by death—the gang members are comprised 

mainly of youths. They began as a hardline offshoot of the Tent of the Living 

God, which rejected Western values and wanted to return to tribal rituals. 

The Mungiki are a criminal element that is involved in murder, kidnappings, extortion, and levying protection fees against the poor in the slums 

where they dwell.20

In some slum areas of Nairobi, especially Mathare in the eastern part of 

the city, Mungiki followers “reign supreme,” and their influence is increasing 

in the central and Rift Valley provinces.21 Their tactics include extremely 

gruesome murders, sometimes leaving heads of victims placed on pikes, a 

la the Mau Mau before them. One such murder was the beheading of the 

son of Kimwatu Kinyungu, a close friend of President Kibaki. As a statement of power, the head was dumped outside the president’s home. As a 
9

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

result, there has been a major crack down on the Mungiki. Between June 

2007 and December 2008, more than 600 alleged members have been killed. 

Many others have been arrested and simply disappeared, which has raised 

concerns among some local civil libertarians. While police officials deny 

charges, they have been quoted as saying “the funerals of Mungiki youth 

would become a common occurrence.” 22

Zimbabwe. Another country generating tribal-related problems is 

Zimbabwe. Formally known as Rhodesia, there have been long standing 

tensions between the ruling party, which is predominantly Shona, and 

the southern minority Ndeble, who are ethnically related to the Zulus of 

South Africa. Morgan Tsvangirai, the opposition leader, was born in Guto 

in South Rhodesia.23 On 29 March 2008 presidential elections were held and 

it was widely believed that Tsvangirai had rightfully unseated the long-time 

incumbent, Robert Mugabe, who has held power since 1980. Emerging as 

a leader, Mugabe was as a guerilla fighter in the rebellion against the white 

rule in Rhodesia. After the rebellion, he and his Zimbabwe African National 

Union (ZANU) party, assumed power. Later, in 2002, following 2 years of 

periodic violence, Mugabe expropriated most of the white-owned farmland on relatively short notice.24 That caused nearly 3,000 of the agriculturally experienced white residents to leave the country, turned international 

opinion against him, and precipitated a downward economic spiral. His 

policies led to severe food 

and oil shortages with preelection inflation reaching 

as high as 9,000 percent and 

possibly more. In turn, this 

caused a larger number of 

citizens of Zimbabwe to flee 

the country, many moving 

to the relative stability of 

South Africa. Adding to the 

country’s woes and instability was a cholera outbreak. 

Beginning in August 2008, 

this dreaded disease spread 

across the land, exacerbated 

Robert Mugabe attends the 12th African 

Union Summit 2 February 2009 in Addis 

Ababa, Ethiopia. U.S. Navy photo by Mass 

Communication Specialist 2nd Class Jesse B. 

Awalt/Released.
10

JSOU Report 09-5

by the government’s inadequate policies. While normally cholera can be 

rapidly contained, through the end of March 2009 more than 93,000 cases 

had been reported including over 4000 fatalities.25

The elections did not determine which party would rule. Mugabe refused 

to accept the results, but did offer accommodations, such as a power-sharing 

arrangement. The opposition considered the offers. However, Mugabe’s concept of power sharing meant that ZANU retained control of all of the key 

influential elements of governance. At the time of this writing, the final 

determination of the situation is unclear. Mugabe, supported by his ZANU

party, holds a significant advantage when it comes to use of force. He commands the loyalty of the armed forces and has been successful in gaining 

assistance from China in buying new weapons. A $200 million package for 

fighter aircraft and military vehicles was concluded despite an arms embargo 

against Zimbabwe.26

The internal situation has continued to deteriorate. In June 2008 

Zimbabwe’s unemployment rate hit 80 percent while inflation was an 

astronomical 11,250,000 percent.27 That level of economic instability is 

unsustainable and dire consequences, such as armed rebellion or external 

intervention, are predictable. 

But the impact of Mugabe’s incompetent leadership did not stop at the 

country’s borders. As instability increased in Zimbabwe, pressure also 

mounted in South Africa, Mozambique, and other neighboring countries. 

Though Southern Africa recently has been relatively quiet, riots broke out 

in many of the major cities. The violence was focused against the foreigners 

who were settling in their midst. The murders and other attacks were cited as 

examples of xenophobia. Most of those foreigners were from Zimbabwe, thus 

of different tribes than the residents of Johannesburg, West Cape, KwazuluNatal, Limpopo and other cities affected. Of course, another component of 

this tense situation was competition for jobs, and outsiders are always considered suspect under such situations. The bright spot was that after dozens 

of murders, and displacement of tens of thousands foreigners, some South 

African residents did step up and protest against the violence.28

For much of Africa it is traditional tribal or clan laws, customs, and 

practices that have created and maintained some measure of manageable 

conflict. However, these strictures were altered irrevocably by colonial “civilizing” measures and detribalization initiatives which were instituted solely 

for the best interests of the occupying powers. Then there was further social 
11

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

disruption caused by the withdrawal of colonial regimes and their postcolonial involvement that still continues. The complexity is more than just 

traditional tribalism, which can be disruptive enough. Often a mutated 

tribalism has to be examined on a case-by-case basis.29

Tribalism is not exclusively African. However, it is prevalent throughout a majority of the continent. The implications run far deeper than most 

Americans can possibly imagine. It is but one factor that must be considered 

by SOF elements operating in Africa, albeit a very complex one. 

Natural Resources

The continent of Africa has abundant natural resources. However, those 

resources have proven to be both a blessing and a curse. Minerals that can 

be exported have historically brought foreign invaders and colonialists. In 

the post-colonial period, as African governments gained independence and 

became somewhat more sophisticated, they often exploited those resources 

at the expense of the local population. In some cases, even the presiding 

governments joined in the deceit with public wealth being transferred into 

the private bank accounts of the country’s leaders. Kleptocracy and other 

corruption issues are related, are discussed in the section on corruption 

(page 47), and arise several times later in this paper, as they are quite a 

significant problem for SOF operations. 

Among the best known of the exported natural resources is diamonds. 

While diamonds are not rare and are found on almost every continent, 

the discovery in South Africa in the 1870s of what became known as the 

Kimberly mines transformed the industry. As most of Africa was then under 

colonial rule, diamonds became a point of contention. Most importantly, the 

wealth from diamonds predominantly went to the white mine owners. Soon, 

diamonds were found in southwestern, central and western African countries. Today there are mines in South Africa, Lesotho, Botswana, Namibia, 

the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sierra Leone, Angola, and Liberia.

While steps have been taken to bring the authenticity of natural diamonds under control, there are still concerns about the illegal market for 

blood diamonds, also known as conflict diamonds. The mining of these 

stones in Sierra Leone, and other countries along the west coast of central 

Africa, had tragic consequences leading to open warfare. The results can 

still be seen today with over 20,000 people who had their arms chopped off 

with machetes wielded by guerillas of the Revolutionary United Front.30
12

JSOU Report 09-5

Awareness of the current status of the diamond industry, and especially 

the availability of conflict diamonds, is important as they have been a major 

source of funding for terrorism.31 Additionally, the illegal gun trade and 

those diamonds and other gems are inextricably linked. The ability to control importation of illegal weapons directly impacts the safety of the civilians in the area, as well as U.S. SOF elements working there. 

Oil is another commodity that has brought mixed blessings. As the price 

of oil has climbed on the global market, the potential revenue has increased 

dramatically. However, most of the oil currently being extracted is located 

on the west coast of Africa in an area known for instability. Thus, oil companies have become lucrative targets and a form of economically inspired 

irregular warfare has emerged. Oil is also found in Sudan, Angola, and 

several other countries. Rarely does it benefit the local population, as is 

covered in more detail later in the discussions of specific regions. 

Fluctuating prices are problematic. It should be noted that rapid decline 

in oil prices, as occurred in late 2008, can have devastating effects on developing countries. Many of these oil producing nations failed to diversify their 

economies, falsely assuming that the price would always remain high (at 

least over $100 per barrel). Unpredicted decline in oil prices leads to further 

instability almost as much as dramatically inflated prices. 

Uranium is abundant in areas of West Africa, which hold about one 

third of the earth’s supply. However, foreign companies run the mines. The 

reluctance to share wealth derived from those mines has precipitated local 

conflicts. The efficacy, including safety issues, regarding the use of nuclear 

energy will be debated academically. From a pragmatic perspective, increasing the production from nuclear reactors is probably the fastest means to 

boost overall energy output. While that will not satiate the global energy 

demand, it will help. That means that uranium mining will likely increase, 

as will profits. How the money is distributed will impact local stability in 

areas with uranium bearing ore. 

In addition, Africa has 90 percent of the world’s cobalt as well as 90 

percent of the platinum. Congo has extensive copper mines. As for chromium, 98 percent of the world’s supply is on that continent along with 50 

percent of the known gold reserves. Then, 64 percent of the world’s deposits 

of manganese are located there. As in South America, deforestation is a 

grave concern. The Congo Basin is second only to the mighty Amazon for 
13

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

tropical forests. The demand for hardwood lumber is increasing worldwide 

and over-cutting is rampant on both continents. There are predictions that 

within 50 years this source could be depleted. Of note, six of every ten trees 

cut go to China.32

Natural resources are equally necessary for domestic consumption and 

viability. Africa has extreme agricultural diversity. The countries south of 

the Sahara frequently have very fertile lands while people living in or near 

the vast deserts have been continuously 

on the margin. Because of aggressive 

population growth in many countries, 

the upper limits of ecological sustainability are rapidly approaching, and in 

some cases have been passed. While 

there are currently about 680 million people living in Africa, that number is 

predicted to double by 2050. A recent World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) 

report stated that Egypt, Libya, and Algeria are already living beyond their 

biocapacity.33

Egypt offers a classic example of the problem. For many generations the 

fertile Nile valley provided for the needs of the population. However, that 

constitutes less than 3 percent of the landmass of the country. The rest is 

consigned to the trackless Sahara desert with life supported only at a few 

sparse oases. For decades the Egyptians have worked aggressively to bring 

down their growth rate, and with some success as they transitioned from 

about 3 percent annually to the current 1.7 percent. However, the land is 

already overburdened and there is intense competition to build homes on 

agriculturally viable land while battling increasing desertification. There 

simply is not enough agricultural capacity to feed a growing population, 

even though Egypt exports a large labor force to other countries.34

A different kind of example can be seen in Rwanda. In this country the 

population growth rate is approximately 2.8 percent, which is very high.35

When one enters the country it can be seen that every available area for 

farming already has been cleared. There are a few national forests that are 

home to the remaining, but endangered, mountain gorillas. With extensive 

publicity, these gorillas attract many foreign visitors who pay for the privilege of getting close to them in their natural habitat. However, there again is 

stiff competition for the forest. The local inhabitants are cutting the trees as 

A recent World Wide Fund for 

Nature report stated that Egypt, 

Libya, and Algeria are already 

living beyond their biocapacity.
14

JSOU Report 09-5

much as possible to increase their farmland. As they do not directly benefit 

from the visitor’s exorbitant entry fees, they do not share the government’s 

concern for either protection of the land or safety of the gorillas.36

These competitive issues permeate the countries of the Lakes Region of 

Africa. Already noted was the Rwandan genocide of 1994. Despite public 

acknowledgement of gross inhumanity, the ethnic tension in the region 

today, especially outside Kigali, is palpable. The increasing population, coupled with declining food and other resources, could easily trigger another 

major outbreak of violence. 

The other countries listed in the WWF report as pushing their limit on 

biocapacity include Morocco, Tunisia, Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, Senegal, 

Nigeria, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. Note that these countries are not 

concentrated in a single area but represent all sections of the continent.

As can be seen in these examples, Africa is a continent rich in natural 

resources, yet poverty is epidemic. To most Westerners, that situation is 

counterintuitive. For SOF operators it is important that they understand 

the realities of these situations, and the underlying principles that seem to 

cause frequent conflict. When intertribal conflict occurs, there is often a 

causal relationship to competition for natural resources. 

Global Tolerance for Extreme Casualties

One of the most disturbing aspects of conflict in Africa is the tolerance 

for extreme levels of casualties exhibited by both African nations and the 

external world. At the end of World War II, when the extent of The Holocaust

perpetrated by Nazi Germany became fully recognized, there was a collective hue and cry that stated NEVER AGAIN. Unfortunately, that sonorous 

commentary was specious and the world has repeatedly turned a blind eye 

toward genocide. Rwanda already has been discussed, but it is not the only 

example of when the world watched and waited. Starting in 17 April 1975, 

Pol Pot’s Communist regime took over power in Cambodia and systematically executed or starved to death an estimated 2 million of its own citizens. 

People were killed for any reason, and ethnic/tribal differences were among 

them.37 The United States, having just withdrawn from Vietnam, chose not 

to reengage in the region. 

As the former Yugoslavia disintegrated into chaos there were widespread 

reports of ethnic cleansing and mass murders. The UN was slow to intervene 
15

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

and, even once troops were committed and observed atrocities, they were 

unable to halt the killings of thousands of people. Though debated by some 

sources, the international courts upheld the term of genocide. Estimates of 

fatalities range as high as 200,000 with two million refugees created.38 Worth 

noting was how long it took any of the Western nations to intervene, even 

though atrocities were being widely documented. 

The 1994 rampage in Rwanda that led to hundreds of thousands of deaths 

is not an isolated incident. In more than two decades of civil war between 

northern and southern Sudan, more than two million people died from 

violence, famine, and disease associated with that conflict. In addition more 

than 600,000 people from southern Sudan sought refuge in neighboring 

countries and one to two million more were internally displaced.39

Among the ongoing tragedies in Sudan is the conflict in the western 

region of that country known as Darfur. The problems were decades in the 

making. Prolonged drought, desertification, and overpopulation are among 

the primary reasons for the fighting, which breaks down along ethnic and 

tribal lines. The search for water pits the nomadic camel-herding Arab 

Abbala and Baggara tribes against the black African farmers. 

Journalist, photographer, and former U.S. Marine, Brian Steidle valiantly 

documented the extent and nature of this disaster with his camera. He then 

presented his material to anyone who would listen, including members of 

the U.S. Congress.40 While the U.S. has labeled the casualties as genocide, 

other governmental bodies choose to debate semantics but do little else. The 

United Nations estimates that since the conflict’s inception in 2003, over 

400,000 people have died either from attacks by the Janjaweed partisans who 

come from Arab-speaking tribes of northern Darfur, disease, or starvation. 

An additional 2.5 million people have been displaced. In response, the UN

sent in 7,000 peacekeepers from the African Union, but they have proven 

to be ineffective at preventing continuation of the violence in Sudan and 

Chad. More peacekeepers have been authorized but have not been made 

available. The plight of Darfur has received some attention from various 

Hollywood personalities, but even their protestations have had only marginal effect. The complexities of this conflict are discussed in more detail 

starting on page 20. 

Between South Sudan and Darfur the combined number of internally 

displaced persons in that country was greater than found anywhere else 

since World War II. Due to those conflicts, over four million people were 
16

JSOU Report 09-5

forced from their homes. Some in South Sudan have returned home. That 

situation is still tenuous and is also addressed in the section on Sudan/

Darfur-Chad starting on page 20. In response to these crises the U.S. has 

provided more than $4 billion in humanitarian, development, peacekeeping, 

and reconstruction assistance.

With over five million fatalities, the worst recent situation due to conflict is in the Democratic Republic of Congo. That too is covered later, in 

the section on the Congo starting on page 27. The point at this juncture is 

that it is possible for the world to ignore horrific casualties if they occur 

out of sight. Even if they are known, massive insults to humanity in poor 

countries with little political clout may continue for long periods with little 

outside intervention or support. Rarely have fatalities come from significant 

force-on-force combat. Most of these situations happen based on irregular 

warfare and the byproducts of those conflicts. 

To this day tolerance for extreme casualties in Africa exists especially 

by the Western world. As SOF elements participate in operations on the 

continent, they may well encounter cognitive dissonance between their 

established American values and the situations in which they may find 

themselves. Therefore, it is essential that missions be chosen wisely, and 

troops prepared for the potential outcomes that are beyond their control. 

Examples of Irregular Warfare In Africa

In many regions of Africa, conflict is a norm with historical precedence 

dating back for centuries. It is impossible to cover all of those conflicts, 

or to even address the current ones in complete detail. This section will 

acquaint the reader with some of the salient facts about ongoing and emerging violence, especially as they relate to American interests. Even cursory 

analysis of these situations clearly indicates that conventional U.S. military 

intervention would have extremely limited utility, except in very isolated 

cases. However, the missions for SOF elements abound, albeit they should 

be undertaken only with careful consideration and deliberations about the 

desired outcomes. 

For any forces, including SOF elements, with assigned missions in Africa, 

it is important that they have a realistic understanding of the history and 

severity of the problems they may face. They, and their leadership, should 

know that even catastrophic levels of human suffering may not be sufficient 
17

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

to garner the external support necessary to resolve, or even mitigate, those 

circumstances. As demonstrated, Africans, and most of the people of rest 

of the world, are prepared to tolerate or ignore almost unimaginable levels 

of massive inhumanity. This certainly suggests that expectations must be 

carefully managed, including those of the troops involved. There are other 

examples of delays and denials in responding to conflicts and humanitarian 

crises. In fact, the worst example in modern history is ongoing in Africa 

today. 

The Horn of Africa

The Horn of Africa is no stranger to war, and since the 16th Century the area 

now known as Somalia has experienced more than its fair share. Somalia 

was created from territory formerly dominated by the British and French 

colonialists and gained independence in 1960. At the same time the land 

previously controlled by Italy became Djibouti. A coup led by Major General 

Muhammad Siad Barre established a socialist government. However, continual fighting ensued, and in 1991 the central government of Somalia ceased 

to function. Civil war raged. In addition to tens of thousands of direct casualties, the scorched earth polices of the feuding factions brought hundreds 

of thousands of people to the brink of starvation, and many succumbed. 

Despite televised reports showing listless and dying children, the world 

simply watched and waited. Later that year the UN, supported by American 

forces, entered the country on what was designed to be a humanitarian 

mission.41 What followed is well known in the annals of SOF history and 

heroism. The important lesson about events in Somalia at this juncture is 

how long the U.S. and the rest of the world waited before responding to the 

humanitarian crisis evolving before their eyes. 

In 1994, without restoring stability, the United Nations Forces withdrew 

from Somalia, leaving local warlords ruling in a power-sharing agreement. 

In addition to internal instability, Somalia faced threats from Ethiopia, based 

partially on the existence of an ethnic Somali organization, the Oromo 

Liberation Front (OLF) that attempted secession of the Ogaden region in 

southern Ethiopia. Two major factions emerged in Somalia: the Transitional 

Federal Government (TFG), comprised of warlords, and the nonaligned 

Supreme Islamic Courts Union (ICU), comprised of 11 clans—many of which 

were former members of al-Ittihad al-Islamiya. Previously those members of 

the ICU had fought alongside of the OLF in support of their efforts to return 
18

JSOU Report 09-5

the Ogaden to Somalia. While always restive, in June 2006, full-scale civil 

war had broken out and the ICU seized control of the capital, Mogadishu, 

and much of southern Somalia. 

On 20 July 2006 thousands of Ethiopian troops entered Somalia to assist 

the TFG. By December the TFG forces were successful in regaining control 

of Mogadishu. Of concern to the U.S. was that the indigenous ICU forces 

reportedly had a substantial number of foreign mujahideen fighters assisting 

them. Some of these were believed to be members of Al Qaeda. In January 

2007, based on intelligence reports that gave specific locations for Al Qaeda 

operatives, SOF AC-130 gunships joined the fight and conducted attacks.42

As the TFG, backed by Ethiopian troops, could win pitched battles, 

the mobile ICU adopted insurgency-based hit and run tactics. Collocating 

with their opponent, the insurgents would quickly launch mortar attacks, 

or ambush vehicles, and then melt back into the civilian population. The 

response led to cordoning off areas and returning fire, often with heavy 

weapons. This resulted in the deaths of many innocent civilians and the 

destruction of parts of Mogadishu. Even the introduction of African Union 

Mission peacekeepers did not stem the insurgency. 

The fighting continued in 2008. Another U.S. missile strike on Dhusamareb 

was successful in eliminating senior insurgent leaders. Among them was 

Aden Hashi Ayro, a notorious Islamist terrorist.43 However, the insurgency 

did not stop and there are increased reports of violence against civilians by 

all warring factions. By November Al Shabaab, a radical Islamist group with 

close ties to Al Qaeda, had taken over much of southern Somalia and threatened Mogadishu. Despite intervention by Ethiopia to stop the emergence of 

the hard-line Islamist courts, Al Shabaab is reported to be getting stronger, 

more sophisticated, and importing fighters from other parts of Africa.44

What has emerged from the continued violence is described as a “growing 

humanitarian crisis.” All factions have vowed to continue fighting which is 

leading to deprivation for hundreds of thousands of civilians. No one knows 

how many people have already died as a direct or indirect consequence of 

this conflict. Low estimates place the number at 350,000 victims.45

Oil will be a recurring theme in this paper. Though not known as an 

oil producing country, exploration has begun in northern Somalia. The 

insurgents are concerned that if the Ethiopians are successful in finding 

oil, they will annex the land. High oil prices are making it worth the risk 

to conduct this exploration.46
19

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

Another international problem is a surge in piracy on the high seas just 

off the coast of Somalia. In 2008 there were numerous reports of pirates 

taking ships in the area and by fall, 

more than 120 ships had been attacked 

and at least 40 seized. Some of the 

more daring assaults catapulted the 

issue of piracy from relative obscurity onto the front pages of the news. Among those notable hijackings was 

the Ukrainian ship MV Faina with a cargo containing 33 Russian-built 

T-72 tanks and depleted uranium rounds destined for the Kenyan port of 

Mombasa. Probably the most audacious raid was the seizure of the 330 foot 

Saudi supertanker, Sirius Star, loaded with two million barrels of crude oil 

for which the pirates demanded $25 million ransom.47

The East African Seafarers’ Assistance Program reported that “the 

pirates are making millions of dollars” by raiding ships and holding them 

for ransom. They indicated that this money is going to fund the conflict 

by both the insurgents and the opposing warlords.48 Reports indicate that 

some of the pirates come on fast boats and are armed with modern weapons and that they use satellite phones and GPS equipment. The negotiation 

process can take months, and the Foreign Minister of Kenya estimated that 

these ventures net about $150 million annually, though some counterpiracy 

experts believe that number to be greatly inflated.49

In late 2008 and early 2009 the international news media placed considerable emphasis on the piracy problems in the Horn of Africa. In response, 

several nations deployed naval vessels to the area, which resulted in a sharp 

decrease in attacks. However, the respite was short-lived. By April the pirates 

had adapted to the patrols.50 While maintaining their basic tactics, they 

merely expanded their area of operation. These pirates now were reported 

to be operating over 1000 kilometers from the coast of Somalia.51

There is little doubt that the conflict in Somalia will continue, probably indefinitely. American SOF elements have already been involved both 

as advisors and in limited direct action missions. The participants in the 

conflict come from many countries, and no one is immune from attack. 

Unfortunately, that includes aid workers who only come to attempt to ameliorate an already desperate situation. Somalia provides an easel on which 

is portrayed the complexities of irregular warfare and just how adaptable 

the adversary will be.

Another international problem is 

a surge in piracy on the high seas 

just off the coast of Somalia. 
20

JSOU Report 09-5

Sudan/Darfur and Chad

Sudan is a vast country that covers more that one million square miles. In 

recent years, the world’s relationship with Sudan has largely focus on one 

area, Darfur. The plight of Darfur, and the ongoing genocide there, was 

mentioned earlier. In reality, that conflict is far broader and more complex 

than just the Janjaweed bandits’ attacks on civilians. Darfur is in the western 

region of Sudan; the conflict is again between ethnic and tribal groups that 

live in the area. Like many African conflicts, there are centuries of contentious history leading up to the current situation. As with the Tuaregs in the 

western Sahel, tensions often arose between nomadic and stationary people, 

especially when water was scarce. 

The current rebellion began in 2003 when two rebel groups, the Sudanese 

Liberation Army/Movement (SLA/M) and the Justice and Equality Movement 

(JEM), accused the government of Sudan of favoring Arabs and oppressing non-Arabs (sometimes identified as Africans). While supported by the 

Army of Sudan, the primary counterinsurgency forces used against the 

rebels were the Janjaweed, an armed group of partisans from Arab-speaking 

tribes of northern Darfur. The Janjaweed are known locally as “the devils 

on horseback,” though these highly mobile forces also ride camels and have 

access to pickup trucks. 

While attempting to counter the SLA/M and JEM forces, the tactics 

employed by the Janjaweed have been extremely brutal. They are known 

for surrounding villages, then killing everyone they can capture and burning the huts to the ground. These attacks were sometimes supported by 

aerial bombardment by Sudanese aircraft. It has been alleged that Russian 

pilots have flown at least some of those missions.52,53 That claim is refuted by 

Russia, along with their denial of breaking the arms embargo by supplying 

weapons to Sudan. China is a major weapons supplier to Sudan. In addition, 

they have been involved in training fighter pilots for A5 Fantan fighter jets 

that were delivered before the embargo was enacted.54

As indicated earlier, the estimated number of fatalities runs as high as 

400,000, though the Sudanese government places the number much lower. 

In addition to the deaths, an estimated 2.5 million people have been displaced.55 Despite repeated denials of his active support for the Janjaweed, 

in July 2008 the International Criminal Court (ICC) filed genocide charges 

against the President of Sudan, Omar al-Bashir. The ten counts include 
21

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

charges of organizing a campaign of murder, rape, and deportation against 

the civilians living in Darfur. Al-Bashir has hidden these crimes under the 

guise of “a counterinsurgency strategy and unrelated intertribal clashes.” 

The prosecutor noted that al-Bashir’s intention was “to end the history of 

the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa people.” 56

On 4 March 2009, after much deliberation, the ICC took the next step and 

issued an arrest warrant for al-Bashir.57 This is the first such warrant issued 

for a sitting head of state and it has complicated the situation throughout 

the region. One of al-Bashir’s immediate responses was to expel many of 

the non-governmental organization (NGO) aid workers who were providing 

assistance to the victims of violence in Sudan.58 In addition, Arab leaders 

have failed to enforce the warrant as al-Bashir has traveled to several countries in the region. At the 21st Arab League summit those leaders issued a 

communiqué stating they believe the warrant to be a violation of the Vienna 

agreement of 1961.59 This snub of the ICC is a problematic precedent for 

future criminal indictments they might attempt in the region or elsewhere 

in the world. 

The attacks have not stopped. Even after people have been displaced and 

are living in refugee camps, they remain in danger. In June 2008 the police 

commissioner of UNAMID, the inadequate United Nations peacekeeping 

force, stated that some of “the biggest issues are the rapes and crimes against 

women and children.” The Janjaweed have used extremely brutal rape as a 

systematic weapon in ethnic cleansing of the area. There are female victims 

as young as four years of age who have been reported. The female victims 

have indicated that the Janjaweed make no attempt to hide their rapes, 

which often occur in front of family members. Male relatives rarely object 

as they are instantly killed for interfering. Gang rape is prevalent and sometimes leads to pregnancy. In fact, there is now a problem of babies from these 

rapes being abandoned by the mothers.60

More foreign aid workers are aware of the problems, but state they fear 

making reports, as the Sudanese Government will have them deported. 

On the record, Mohammad Hassan Awad, a Sudanese Humanitarian 

Aid Commissioner for West Darfur, stated, “There is no rape in Darfur.” 

Contrary to overwhelming physical evidence, he claims that the foreign aid 

workers make up these stories. 

For several years there were camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) 

in Sudan that were run by humanitarian groups. While there was agreement 
22

JSOU Report 09-5

that the refugees would be secure when in those camps, that turned out not 

to be the case and raids continued. In many cases, civilians were forced 

from their villages into IDP camps, only to be chased from the camps into 

the bush where many of them died.61

This conflict is not confined to the Darfur region of Sudan. In order to 

escape from the terror of the Janjaweed, hundreds of thousands of refugees 

crossed the border into Chad where camps were set up. While once believed 

immune to attack, raids into Chad became commonplace, and neither refugees nor aid workers were safe.

Again, there is a long history involved in this episode. There was a lengthy 

conflict between Chad and Libya in the 1970s and 1980s. The latter part was 

known as the Toyota War memorializing the seemingly ubiquitous pickup 

trucks driven across the desert carrying missiles. The war finally ended 

when the Chadian Army, backed by the U.S. and France, stopped Qadaffi’s 

forces. However, during that conflict, Qadaffi had armed rebel forces in 

Chad. Some of these armed rebels later became known as the Janjaweed. 

In 2005, incited by a questionable change in the constitution of Chad 

that altered term limits for the president, armed resistance groups began 

another insurgency. In addition to the Sudanese-backed Janjaweed, there 

were native insurgents from Chad as well. These included a number of senior 

officers who defected from the Chadian Army and took some heavy weapons 

with them. 

Significant fighting occurred in the towns that bordered Sudan. In 2005 

through 2007 despite a truce, there were incursions by all of the parties 

involved in the conflict. Caught in the middle were the refugees and their 

humanitarian aid workers. There were frequent reports of humanitarian aid 

vehicles being ambushed and the contents stolen in both Darfur and Chad, 

making a difficult situation far worse. The World Food Program reported 

that 130 of their trucks were hijacked en route to the refugee camps in 2007. 

In 2008, that number of hijacked trucks was exceeded by June.62

In February 2008, despite the presence of some European Union (EU) 

peacekeepers, the native rebels, with support from Khartoum, began a major 

attack against Chad. Until this time, irregular warfare, with hit and run tactics, had been the norm. This attack saw thousands of fighters in hundreds 

of vehicles sweeping across Chad. In three days they had entered the capitol 

city of N’Djamena, located in the southwest corner of Chad, over 500 miles 

from the Sudanese border.63
23

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

This operation demonstrated how quickly irregular warfare can be transformed into a larger context. The presence of 3700 EU soldiers did not halt 

the attack, as their mission was to protect the refugees. It also indicates 

how little regard for the presence of the EU was shown by the Khartoum 

government. Despite historic security relationships between France and 

the countries of North Africa, Sudan assumed that they would sit on the 

sidelines unless directly confronted. In fact, the main mission of the French 

soldiers was to protect foreigners in N’Djamena, and prepare to evacuate 

them if necessary.64

Although the rebel forces withdrew from N’Djamena, they have continued fighting in other sections of the country. Of the 26,000 peacekeepers authorized by the United Nations, only about 7,000 have entered the 

area. The EU contingent is relatively well-equipped, organized and led. The 

remainder of the troops come from the African Union (AU) and are poorly 

equipped and trained. Most importantly, the number of peacekeepers is 

totally inadequate to maintain control over the vast areas of Chad and 

Darfur that are being contested. In addition, even the peacekeepers have 

not been immune from attacks and robberies. As an example, in September 

2007, rebels attacked an AU peacekeeping camp in central Darfur. They 

killed 10 soldiers and stole heavy weapons. The peacekeepers usually do not 

fight back when attacked. Major General Martin Luther Agwai of Nigeria, 

the senior mission commander of the hybrid force, indicated that any use 

of force would be seen as taking sides and he might lose cooperation from 

the Sudanese Government. He stated, “I’m not here to stop bullets.” 65

There are other problems with the peacekeeping units from the African 

Union. The quality of troops is very inconsistent. Equipment often comes 

without necessary logistical support to keep it running. In addition, it may be 

an item that the troops have never been trained to use. Weapons are poorly 

maintained. Even pay can be a problem. A Norwegian major, on assignment 

as a UN staff officer, noted that some AU peacekeepers he observed had not 

been paid in as long as 10 months while he was there in 2007.66

Besides intertribal and interracial tensions, there are several issues at 

the heart of the Sudan-Chad situation. Oil is a key factor, as both countries 

have oil. Sudan has established relationships with Russia and China that 

include shipment of oil. In return, both China and Russia have provided 

arms to Sudan, in spite of the UN embargo. In addition, both countries have 
24

JSOU Report 09-5

blocked measures designed to sanction Sudan when they have been brought 

before the Security Council. 

Chad also has recently discovered oil. It is moved via pipeline to 

Cameroon and then offshore to waiting tankers en route to the U.S. Chad 

is one of the five poorest countries in the world with about 78 percent of its 

people living on less than one dollar a day. However, the profits from oil 

have not benefited them, but rather go into the external bank accounts of 

the power elite of the country, and to foreign oil companies.67

The current Sudan/Darfur-Chad predicament represents irregular warfare at its worst and most complex. The situation is likened to the Wild 

West days in American history. 

Banditry is widespread and there 

are dozens of rebel factions competing for the spoils. The rebel 

groups are complemented by 

militias comprised of tribe members and former government soldiers. The 

UN has been unable to fulfill the authorization for 26,000 peacekeepers, 

which is probably the bare minimum necessary, given the size of the territory and number of IDPs. 

The president of Sudan, al-Bashir, has gone on record stating there “is an 

influential power that does not want peace in Darfur.” 68 China is the most 

likely suspect as they are benefiting greatly from their trade agreements and 

illegal sale of weapons. Another complicating factor is the economic relationship between United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Sudan. After China, the 

UAE is the second largest investor in Sudan with a total of about $7 billion. 

While the relations between the U.S and Sudan are strained, the UAE is considered a close ally of America in global counterterrorism operations.69

Further, all of the conflicts in Sudan are not located in the Darfur region. 

As indicated earlier, a civil war raged in Sudan for over 20 years resulting 

in over 2 million deaths, and millions of displaced persons. At war were 

the Government of Sudan, based in Khartoum, and the southern forces 

known as the Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM) and 

located in Juba. Finally, in 2005 the two sides signed the Comprehensive 

Peace Agreement (CPA) that called for power sharing, but included a 

provision under which southern Sudan would have a referendum on its 

independence.70

The current Sudan/Darfur-Chad 

predicament represents irregular 

warfare at its worst and most complex.
25

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

Unfortunately, many of the provisions of the CPA have not been implemented. For a while, the SPLM withdrew from the agreement because of 

these issues, which include a lack of money promised for oil production. 

There are few guarantees that the CPA commitments will be met and indicators for continued peace are not good. There is high risk of renewed fighting 

in the oil-production region of Abyei, which is in southern Sudan.71 While 

China is supplying Khartoum with weapons, the SPLM in Juba is arming 

and training for war as well. An anonymous Canadian UN observer is 

quoted in the Christian Science Monitor as saying; “It’s a lull in which both 

sides are regrouping for the new war.” 72

Andrew Natsios, who served as a U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan in 2006–

2007, has recently written about an impending crisis. In a lengthy and compelling article in Foreign Affairs, he stated, “Trends more ominous than even 

the carnage in Darfur could bring the country far more bloodshed soon.” 73

The referendum on independence is guaranteed by 2011. Polls indicate that 

over 90 percent of the population of southern Sudan is in favor of separation. Both sides have relatively large armies but more frequently employ 

partisans, like the Janjaweed, as a counterinsurgency strategy. Neither side 

has strong control over the forces that work for them. Natsios also quotes 

an unnamed, highly respected African diplomat saying, “If the north and 

south (Sudan) return to war, it will unlock the gates of hell.” 74

The government in Khartoum is not given credit for strategic thinking. 

Natsios states, “They are prepared to kill anyone, suffer massive civilian 

casualties, and violate every international norm of human rights to stay in 

power, no matter the international pressure, because they worry (correctly) 

that if they are removed from power, they will face retaliation at home and 

war crimes trials abroad.” 75 Talks are underway by the SPLM to unite 27 

rebel groups in Darfur, and other marginalized groups, against the Sudanese 

government. If the CPA collapses, it is likely that Africa will experience 

irregular warfare on an unparalleled scale. 

Natsios persuasively argues that no Western country, including the U.S., 

is likely to invade Sudan, even if casualties mount. There is however, another 

element that will have emotional impact of such decisions. While we are a 

secular nation, religion does matter in political decisions. While there are 

animists in South Sudan, the majority of the population are Christians. The 

forces of the north are comprised of Islamic Arabs. While religion has often 
26

JSOU Report 09-5

been a factor in conflicts in Africa, the emerging situation represents that 

worst of all possibilities—a racial and religious war that determines who 

controls the oil fields. 

In early 2009, this complex perfect storm for conflict became even worse. 

As noted earlier, the Chinese are already deeply involved in the affairs of 

Sudan—oil being their primary interest. Then, rather unexpectedly, Israel 

entered the equation bringing the Middle East problems directly to this 

region. On 27 December 2008, Israel had initiated an attack against Gaza. 

The stated intent of the incursion was to stop the missile attacks that had 

been launched repeatedly from that Palestinian territory. One of the primary complaints of Israel was that significant amounts of arms were being 

smuggled into Gaza through their border with Egypt. 

Israeli intelligence indicated that Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards 

were sending arms through Sudan and they had specific knowledge of a 

shipment.76 The 23-truck convoy was struck by dozens of fighters in two 

bombing runs as they crossed the Sudanese desert headed for the Egyptian 

border. Arabic newspaper sources reported that U.S. officials previously had 

warned Sudan to stop allowing Hamas to conduct smuggling though their 

territory.77 Sudan did not act on the advice. 

Farther to the south there is Uganda, and another set of issues that are 

sometimes related to those across their northern border. 

Uganda

Southern Uganda, along the northern edge of Lake Victoria, has made significant advances since the vicious dictatorial reign of Idi Amin. The capital 

city of Kampala is relatively modern and the road system is qualitatively 

better than that of neighboring Kenya. Stability is such that many Europeans 

vacation in the area and Entebbe is a tourist site. However, there is another 

area in Uganda that remains restive. 

Among the little-known conflicts is the long-enduring fight in northern 

Uganda. There, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) has been attacking the 

Ugandan Army since 1987. Paradoxically, this group, known for extreme 

violence including killing, rape and large-scale child abductions, claims it 

wishes to establish a theocracy based on the Biblical Ten Commandments. 

Despite repeated peace agreements, the fighting has continued albeit at 

lower levels.
27

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

Most rebels are members of the Acholi tribe, which populates both 

northern Uganda and southern Sudan. Though called a civil war, several 

international boundaries are involved, and the LRA was believed to have 

been supported by bases located in Sudan for many years. Since an agreement between Uganda and Sudan in 1999, violence has eased. However, the 

LRA also operates from the nearby Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). 

Joseph Kony, the LRA leader, is a war criminal wanted by the International 

Criminal Court.78 The numbers of victims of this war are not clear. There 

are estimates that over 20,000 people have been killed, and up to 2 million 

displaced. Most of those came from the Gulu and Kitgum districts. It is 

believed that the LRA is still holding at least 3,000 kidnapped children, 

many of whom they force into combat.79

While the Ugandan military has put pressure on the LRA, the rebels 

have proven to be a resilient force. Reports indicate that resupply sometimes is being accomplished via air drops in the mountainous regions of 

Karago. The conflict in Uganda is tied to the Sudanese conflict previously 

discussed. The southern Sudan leadership believes that the LRA logistical 

support originates in Khartoum. The LRA operations are not restricted to 

Uganda and continue to displace large numbers of civilians in both Congo 

and Sudan.80

There have been periodic peace negotiations between the Ugandan 

Government and the LRA yielding many promising news releases of imminent accords. Yet, they never quite get signed. In June 2008, multinational 

plans to attempt to crush the LRA were drafted by the armies of Uganda, 

Sudan, and the DRC. In August it seemed resumption of the hostilities was 

likely.81 Late in 2008 a multinational effort chased Kony and his forces. The 

result became known as the Christmas Massacre. United Nations sources 

claim between 200 and 400 people were hacked to death by the retreating 

LRA.

82 This is an example of irregular warfare conducted by a relatively small 

force causing greatly disproportional consequences to innocent inhabitants 

of the area. Illogical borders and ethnic strife exacerbate the situation. 

Congo

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC, also DR Congo) has a very complex social milieu consisting of over 200 ethnic groups spread over a vast 

area that is about one-quarter the landmass of the United States. There is no 

majority group and there are many distinctly different languages spoken. 
28

JSOU Report 09-5

The largest ethnic groups include the Luba, Kongo, and Anamongo. Both 

Tutsis and Hutus have a significant presence as well. As a former Belgian 

colony, French is the official language used by the government. Four indigenous languages are officially sanctioned, Kiswahili, Lingala, Kikongo, and 

Tshiluba. Throughout its history, social discrimination based on ethnicity 

has been widely practiced and accepted.83

The area is rich in natural resources, which have been at the core of 

several conflicts. Congo has some of the largest gold, copper, diamond, and 

tin deposits in the world. Also of concern are the uranium deposits. It was 

the Shinkolobwe mine in Congo that provided the uranium for the Atomic 

bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.84 More recently, illegal mining 

has taken place there with allegations that the ore was provided to Iran.85

The borders are ill-defined and, like many other African countries, were 

imposed by European occupiers long ago. The natural resources available 

in Eastern Congo have caused near-constant conflicts as various groups vie 

for control of the area.86

Flying below the world’s political radar has been the long enduring, and 

ongoing, war in Congo, which for a short time was called Zaire. Recent estimates claim that as many as 5.4 million people have died in the past decade 

as a direct, or indirect, result of that conflict. The fighting, formally known 

as the Second Congo War, involved eight nations (DR Congo, Namibia, 

Zimbabwe, Angola, Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi) and about 25 separate 

armed groups and militias. While the war officially ended in July 2003, 

hostilities still continue.87

Ignobly, the Second Congo War holds the highest death toll of any conflict since World War II. It is estimated that about 45,000 people still die 

every month from violence, disease, and malnutrition, all of which are 

attributable to this conflict.88 With the possible exception of periodic television specials, this tragedy goes almost unnoticed by the media organizations 

of the world. The number of victims and the scope of brutality are staggering. Use of ethnic cleansing was pervasive. There are claims that not only 

were a minority group, the Pygmies, being systematically exterminated, they 

were actually being cannibalized as well. Many Congolese see the Pygmies 

as subhuman and believe their flesh contains magical powers.89

Especially hard hit of all of the Congo War victims are children under 

five years of age. While they comprise 19 percent of the population, they 

account for 50 percent of the deaths. The leading causes of these juvenile 
29

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

deaths are preventable diseases and malnourishment. However, a substantial 

number have fallen victim to machetes.

While rape in warfare is not new, the application of systematic gender-based violence in the Great Lakes region of Africa has been especially 

vicious. Not only are women repeatedly 

gang raped, they are often mutilated as 

well. The attackers are quite aware that 

the damage inflicted goes far beyond 

just the female victim. It encompasses 

the entire village. Social mores of most 

Congolese cultures dictate that a woman who has been violated becomes 

an outcast to the community, even though she is a victim of a heinous 

crime. Amnesty International reported in 2004 that, “All the armed forces 

in the DRC conflict have committed rape and sexual violence, including 

the government armed forces of DRC, Rwanda, Burundi, and Uganda.” 90

Some soldiers boldly state that they believe raping women will lead them to 

success on the battlefield. There are at least 200,000 known rape victims in 

Congo and recent reports indicate that these attacks are continuing.91 Use 

of these tactics, especially when condoned by government military forces, 

is a major impediment to restoration of stability. The devastating effects of 

the crime can never be overcome.92

In 2007, the first survey was conducted in an attempt to understand the 

magnitude of the problem. It was found that the civilians feared government soldiers as much as the rampant militias. A huge number, 55 percent, 

reported they had either been forced to work or been enslaved by armed 

groups. At least 34 percent had been abducted for more than a week, and 

23 percent stated they had seen acts of sexual violence. In fact, 16 percent 

indicated they had been the victims of a sexual attack.93

The conflicts in Congo, and the rest of the Great Lakes region, represent 

the complexities of irregular warfare. The adversaries are ill defined and 

often morph from one loosely-knit coalition to another based on current 

exigencies. Support sometimes includes accessing assistance from military 

units in neighboring countries. Tribal affiliations play a role is such interventions. In general, there are rarely pitched battles or front lines. Rather, 

militias engage in periodic confrontations that minimize the possibility of 

their forces being pinned down and wiped out. Military units are located to 

protect key facilities, resources and infrastructure including airfields, ports, 

... the application of systematic 

gender-based violence in the 

Great Lakes region of Africa 

has been especially vicious. 
30

JSOU Report 09-5

and mines. Troop discipline, even among formal armies, is poor. All elements, including members of the armed forces, engaged in the conflict have 

been accused of rape, pillage, looting, and random murders. These actions 

are often premeditated actions for ethnic cleansing. Even the foreign UN

peacekeepers have been accused of sexual exploitation and abuse.94

In recent years, Congo has maintained only a fragile stability through 

intervention of 17,000 UN peacekeepers. While an election has been held, 

there is no guarantee that the country can be held together. In January 2008 

CBS News reported that, “Fighting has broken out once again in eastern 

Congo and the region threatens to slip into all-out war.” 95 One of the key 

personalities is a renegade Congolese Tutsi, General Laurent Nkunda. The 

minority Tutsis claim to be Congolese, but are often excluded because of 

ethnicity. As a remnant of the Rwandan crisis, conflict with militias is nearly 

constant and Nkunda’s forces often clash with the Army.96 In late August 

2008 the UN peacekeeping mission confirmed that fighting between the 

Army and Nkunda was continuing.97

During editing of this monograph the situation in Congo deteriorated 

even further and the fierce fighting was characterized as a “human catastrophe” by the International Red Cross.98 Ceasefires came and went. In 

November, General Nkunda’s forces occupied several key towns in Eastern 

Congo and fear of increased foreign intervention from Angola, Zimbabwe 

and Rwanda fueled an already impossible situation. In addition to an escalation in civilian casualties, tens of thousands of people were again displaced with aid workers reporting extreme difficulty in providing assistance 

because the routes are often cut off. The aid workers reported that over 

100,000 refugees north of the key city of Goma were without support.99

On 22 January 2009 General Nkunda was arrested after crossing into 

Rwanda. This was partially brought about by rapidly changing political 

considerations between Rwanda and DR Congo and the conduct of relatively successful joint operations. Given the prior support General Nkunda 

received from Rwanda, many observers are still concerned about the real 

implications of the arrest. There are many troops in the area who remain 

loyal to him.100 Almost predictably, once the operations ended and some of 

the troops withdrawn, the militias reemerged and were again terrorizing the 

local population.101 Unfortunately, the situation in Congo, and throughout 

the Great Lakes Region, is not likely to get better in the foreseeable future. 
31

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

The Niger Delta and MEND

The Niger Delta, with an average rainfall of 157 inches along the coast, in 

one of the wettest places in Africa. It is an oil-rich region with a complicated 

history of violence and exploitation. The Niger River Delta is comprised 

of about 5,600 square miles of mangrove swamps and dense vegetation 

crisscrossed by small streams and creeks, making travel by land almost 

impossible near the coast. However, the major rivers, the Niger, Benin, and 

Imo, are navigable by fairly large vessels. Throughout the area, small boats 

are the normal means of transportation.102

There are an estimated 34 billion barrels of oil beneath this region, which 

is populated by some of the poorest people in Africa. While some efforts 

to steal oil are professional and organized, many Nigerian people are so 

poor that they are willing to risk their lives to pilfer a bucket of oil from the 

pipelines. Drilling small holes to extract oil has caused fatal explosions on 

several occasions. Despite the risks, the people return.103

The post-colonial history of Nigeria has been quite tumultuous. From 

the time of independence from the United Kingdom on 1 October 1960, the 

political parties largely broke down along tribal and religious lines. For the 

next 5 years the members of the Igbo and Yorubas jockeyed for power resulting in weak governance. Disequilibrium and corruption led to a series of 

military coups beginning in 1966. In May 1967 the Eastern Region declared 

independence calling the country Biafra. That action led to a 30-month civil 

war.104 The consequences of that conflict were disastrous, with between one 

and three million people starving to death, and it ended when Biafra surrendered. Charges of genocide were leveled, but not substantiated due to 

the legal determination that the deaths were simply from famine, and not 

intentional extermination based on ethnicity. 

Nigeria joined OPEC in the early 1970s as oil became increasingly profitable. While the military-led governments received large amounts of money 

for the oil, much of that was siphoned off because of epidemic corruption. 

Unfortunately, the government allowed the foreign oil companies a relatively 

free hand in drilling and failed to manage the process effectively. They 

also failed to diversify the economy and concentrated all of their efforts on 

the lucrative petroleum industry to the detriment of establishing domestic 

stability. 
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JSOU Report 09-5

Since 1956 foreign oil companies have been drilling in the Niger Delta 

area. The reserves were nationalized in 1971 and placed under the state-owned 

Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation. By 2005, profits to that company 

had grown to over $60 billion. However, there are estimates that over 70 percent of the oil money has been stolen, in a country that ranks 142 of 163 on 

the Corruption Perception Index maintained by Transparency International. 

Major Brian Lionberger, in his master’s thesis at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, 

explored in depth the requirements for counterinsurgency in the Niger River 

Delta. Among the prominent issues of concern, he noted that corruption is 

so rampant that “it extends to every aspect of Nigerian political and social 

life, with every process of determination, selection, equity, and justice being 

compromised by influence and intimidation.” 105

Despite immense wealth from natural resources, most of the 30 million 

people living in the Niger Delta do not benefit from it. It is estimated that the 

vast majority of the population exist on less than one dollar a day.106 Making 

matters worse is that the drilling operations showed little concern for preserving the local environment, and the oil industry infrastructure seriously 

disrupted the meager means for the local inhabitants to fish these waters. 

Nigeria, a member of OPEC, is the United States’ fifth leading supplier of 

oil, and in 2002 the U.S. State Department declared the area to be a strategic 

national interest.107 Royal Dutch Shell has thousands of wells in 90 oil fields. 

In addition, the pipelines required to transport the oil extend over 3,700 

miles and safeguarding facilities is problematic. The Nigerian military is 

ill prepared to provide the protection necessary to keep the oil fields at full 

production. Not only are they are inadequately trained and equipped, the 

epidemic corruption includes members at all ranks. The same is true for 

the police forces of the country.108

Early in 2006, out of the intractable milieu of poverty, corruption, and 

violence emerged a loose-knit, but determined, confederation of indigenous 

people who would challenge both the government and foreign industrial 

giants. Known as the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, or 

MEND, they ostensibly dedicated themselves in an armed struggle against 

the exploitation of the local population. One of the MEND leaders with a 

nom de guerre, Major General Godswill Tamuno, told the BBC that their 

goal was to obtain total control of the Niger Delta’s oil wealth.109

The actual make-up of MEND remains unknown. At least one analyst 

describes MEND as more of an “idea” than an established organization. At 
33

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

best MEND is comprised of several subelements, and can change names 

whenever that is advantageous.110 This type of functioning was predicted 

and is consistent with the superorganism concept of terrorist and insurgent 

organizations put forth by the author in the first JSOU paper for the National 

Intelligence Council.111

The number of active insurgents ranges from a few hundred to several thousand. They are estimated to have over 100 boats and thousands of 

small arms. Their tactics include destruction of pipelines, kidnappings, and 

raids conducted at the time and place of their choosing. They have demonstrated the capability to conduct multiple coordinated attacks as shown on 

28 January 2007 when, operating from speedboats, they successfully freed an 

imprisoned leader, Sobomabo George, in the center of the principal city of 

Port Harcourt. At the same time, the force of over 50 insurgents conducted 

diversionary attacks that resulted in the release of 125 other prisoners.112

The damage to the oil infrastructure resulted in a reduction in oil output 

of approximately 500,000 barrels per day.

On 20 June 2008 MEND was able to shut down 10 percent of Nigeria’s oil 

production with a single attack. This took place on the Shell-operated Bonga 

oil platform which was assumed to be out of reach of the MEND forces. 

Attacking this platform located 120 kilometers off shore demonstrated 

sophistication not previously observed and proved that all of Nigeria’s oil 

production is within range of MEND.

113

It is important to note that although the number of active insurgents in 

MEND is relatively small, they have the ability to cause global consequences. 

Due to the fragility and sensitivity of the petroleum market to all adverse 

events, even isolated attacks on platforms in the Niger Delta will cause the 

price of oil to increase substantially, often several dollars per barrel in a 

single day. The impact on Nigeria has been to decrease revenue from oil 

exports by about $1 billion a month.114

By some accounts, MEND is becoming increasingly sophisticated in its 

political activities. In addition to demanding access to the oil revenue, they 

have also demanded Shell pay $1.5 billion in compensation for polluting 

the Niger Delta. There are also indications that MEND may envision itself 

as a legitimate political party, and thus able to negotiate with the Nigerian 

government directly. Another of their demands is that the Nigerian military 

forces be withdrawn from this area. The ability of local forces to conduct 

counterinsurgency operations in the Niger River Delta is at best marginal. 
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JSOU Report 09-5

The physical and political infrastructure is weak. The widespread perception by the indigenous people that the government is corrupt at all levels 

has provided substantial support for the MEND agenda. 

Turmoil continues in this oil-rich area. In the first three months of 2009 

nearly 130 people were kidnapped. These included both Nigerian citizens 

and foreign workers. While most victims have been released alive, this is 

a constant threat for the oil companies.115 At the same time Chevron has 

confirmed continued attacks against their production facilities which caused 

them to stop pumping significant amounts of oil.116

In addition to the attacks, a great amount of oil is being stolen. One 

estimate 2009 put the thefts at about 680,000 barrels per day. While some 

thefts are by individuals willing to risk tapping a pipeline for a few buckets, 

there are also thefts on a wholesale level. Of deep concern is that some of this 

allegedly has been traced to retired senior general officers. This appears to be 

sufficiently blatant that militants were surprised that security officials even 

asked about their relationship to these criminal activities.117 The amount 

of money lost because of oil thefts, shutdowns, and spillage in 2008 was 

estimated at $20.7 billion.118

The Niger River Delta will continue to be a vital interest of the United 

States. However, the U.S. is far from alone in these concerns. It has been 

predominantly European companies that have extracted the Nigerian oil. 

The Chinese have been investing in the industry, and like the Western companies, they too have been warned by MEND about the dangers that exist 

for all foreign workers. Support for counterinsurgency by U.S. SOF elements 

will be at best, extremely difficult.

The Tuaregs

Nigeria has other insurgency problems, in addition to those in the Niger 

River Delta. In the arid Sahel to the north, and also spanning parts of Mali, 

Niger, Algeria, Libya, and Burkina Faso, live the nomadic Tuaregs, known 

popularly as the blue men of the desert for the often blue-colored veils worn 

by the men. An ethnic offshoot of the Berbers, the Tuaregs have been fiercely 

independent for centuries and thus have come into periodic conflict with 

various governments. Somewhat victims of the boundaries established long 

ago by Europeans, the Tuaregs have been reduced to minority status and 

marginalized in every country in which they currently reside.119
35

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

The territory they cover is vast, yet extremely sparsely populated, and 

generally inhospitable to human habitation. Life for the Tuaregs has always 

been tough, and yet many still prefer to live in tents in the desert. As I 

observed in Timbuktu, Mali, poverty is at such a level that it is only the 

middle class that can move up to mud huts. Negotiations with the Tuaregs 

can be formidable, and they go to lengths to differentiate themselves from 

other indigenous people.120

General repression of the Tuaregs 

was exacerbated by repeated droughts 

in the 1970s and 1980s, which forced 

changes in traditional migration 

routes. Those changes brought the 

Tuaregs into conflict with other 

groups that lived in more stationary, even urbanized, settings. Those 

droughts also weakened the central 

governments of several countries. 

Barely able to cope with local economic problems, the governments 

did little to assist in the plight of the 

Tuaregs. This led to a movement by 

some Tuareg leaders to call for autonomy. To that end, the Popular front 

for the Liberation of Niger (FPLN) 

was formed. In May 1990, with grievances escalating, the FPLN attacked 

a police station in Tchin-Tabaradene. 

In response the Nigerien military 

arrested, tortured, and killed several hundred Tuareg civilians there 

and in nearby cities in what became 

known as the Tchin-Tabaradene 

massacre and led to more than five 

years of open conflict.121 The conflict 

expanded to Mali and continued 

until peace accords were signed in 

1995.122

Above, a Tuareg on the move; 

below, close-up of a Tuareg guide. 

Photos courtesy Lt Col Rudy 

Atallah, U.S. Air Force.
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JSOU Report 09-5

Despite the ceremonial burning of weapons at Timbuktu in 1996, the 

peace was an uneasy one, punctuated periodically by isolated raids. Then, 

in February 2007, the Second Tuareg Rebellion began with attacks by the 

Niger Movement for Justice (NMJ) with the intention of gaining greater 

economic development. Like MEND, the Tuaregs feel that they have been 

left out of the benefits of natural resources in their territory, specifically 

uranium. In fact, the generally impoverished Niger holds some of the richest uranium deposits in the world and amounts to about 72 percent of their 

national export income. Like oil in the Niger River Delta, very little of the 

substantial profits from the mines go to the local inhabitants.

Any attack in the uranium-mining region has immediate international 

impact. The French nuclear power industry is dependent on the Arlit mines. 

The Chinese company, China Nuclear International Uranium Corporation 

(SinoU), also has a deal to mine uranium at Teguida, which is in a territory 

used for grazing in the winter months. 

By September 2007, much of the fighting shifted from Niger to Mali. 

At the end of August there were several attacks against both military and 

civilian targets. In September it was reported that the Tuareg fired on, and 

hit, a U.S. Air Force C-130 that was dropping supplies to a Malian Army 

unit near Tin-Zaouatene.123

In 2008, despite efforts to negotiate a peaceful settlement, attacks continued. During July rebels attacked a remote paramilitary outpost near Tessalit, 

in the Kidal region of northeast Mali, capturing the entire contingent.124 In 

late August in northern Mali, Tuareg insurgents seized a military supply 

convoy and took 23 soldiers hostage. The following day there was a second 

attack involving an ambush and a gun battle that lasted several hours. Again, 

large quantities of munitions were reported taken in the raid.125

For several years, members of U.S. Army Special Forces Groups have 

been conducting training missions in the region. The effectiveness of that 

training is not known, but they were clearly hampered by lack of adequate 

linguistic capability.126 Of some concern is the loyalty of those forces trained 

by U.S. SOF units. In August 2007, the NMJ claimed that the entire Niger 

Rapid Intervention Company, recently trained to conduct counterterror 

operations by U.S. Special Forces, had defected to them en masse. While 

that report was uncorroborated, it is known that Major Kindo Zada, a close 

associate of the murdered former president, did defect and arrived with 
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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

twenty vehicles full of soldiers.127 Such actions raise a significant issue for 

SOF trainers. What are the loyalties of troops sent to them, and are they ever 

vetted before training? There will be no perfect answer, but such defections 

raise serious questions. 

In March 2009 Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi sponsored a peace 

agreement between the Tuaregs and the and the government of Niger. 

Following negotiations, a comprehensive peace settlement was announced. 

There have been several such agreements in the past, and they have proven 

to hold only temporarily. One unresolved issue at the time of publication has 

been Europeans who were kidnapped and are still being held hostage. Many 

believe they were taken by the Tuaregs but later turned over to elements of 

Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb that operate in the same areas.128

Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb

In recent years another transnational terrorist organization has emerged 

in the Sahel. In January 2007, from the shadows of earlier insurgent organizations, came Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). Elements of 

A Malian boy watches 

incoming AFSOC CV-22 

Ospreys carrying troops 

from Mali and Senegal 

during Exercise Flintlock 

‘08. The exercise provides 

USSOCOM forces the 

opportunity to work with 

African and European 

partner nations in the effort 

to build bonds of trust and 

confidence. U.S. Air Force 

photo/Capt. Bryan Purtell. 
38

JSOU Report 09-5

AQIM have been active in several countries in Northern Africa including 

Algeria, Mali, Niger, Mauritania, Libya, Tunisia, Morocco, Senegal, and 

Chad. The complex history of the development of terrorist activities in the 

North Africa Maghreb countries of Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia are discussed comprehensively in the book, Terrorism in the Maghreb, by Anneli 

Botha, a counterterrorism expert from South Africa. She notes that there 

are important differences in how each country has responded.129 We agree 

that this is a growing threat and not limited to this area, as these terrorists 

have exported their craft to Europe, and that this is a topic of grave concern 

throughout that continent. 

Prior to assuming the AQIM name, this Sunni Muslim jihadist group 

was known as the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC) and had 

taken responsibility for numerous terrorist attacks in the region. However, 

some analysts believe that more than a name change was made and that 

inclusion of the Al Qaeda brand signaled widening ambitions. With formal 

cooperation with Al Qaeda, AQIM acquired better financing, became more 

sophisticated, and was able to pursue global objectives in addition to their 

local attacks.130

Arab recruitment of jihadists in North Africa can be traced to the late 

1970s. Hundreds of volunteers went to Afghanistan to fight against the 

Soviets. At the conclusion of the conflict they returned to their homes, 

bringing their fighting skills and experience with them. Historically, AQIM

is related to other previous groups including, the Armed Islamic Group, 

known by the French acronym GIA. During the 1990s GIA vowed to destroy 

the secular government controlling Algeria. They employed violent terrorist 

tactics, which included beheadings, against intellectuals and journalists. 

Showing their animosity towards the media, their leaders were quoted as 

stating “those who fight against us by the pen will die by the sword.” The 

GIA also targeted foreigners in Algeria and killed at least 120 of them. Since 

the French supported the Algerian Government, France was also targeted 

with attacks taking place in Paris in 1995.131

In the 2008 Annual Threat Assessment of the Intellegence Community for 

the Senate Armed Services Committee, AQIM is called a “robust affiliate” of 

Al Qaeda and, as the most active terrorist group in northwest Africa, it poses 

a significant threat to U.S. and European interests in the area. There are also 

indications from Al Qaeda’s central command in Southwest Asia that the 
39

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

Libyan Islamic Fighting Group has united with Al Qaeda and accepted their 

leadership. The use of improvised explosive devices (IEDs) has been a staple 

tool of these terrorist groups. However, 

AQIM’s use of advanced IEDs suggests 

that information on weapons technology 

is being imported from Iraq.132 Following 

the Madrid bombing on 11 March 2004, 

and the formal transformation of AQIM, 

some analysts believe that this insurgency must be evaluated in the context 

of international Islamist militancy. Emily Hunt stated that the “expanding 

operations throughout Sahelian Africa, funneling African volunteers to fight 

in the Iraq insurgency, connections in Europe, and increasingly sophisticated internet propaganda strategy are of particular concern.”133

While many of the attacks take place in urban areas, the operational 

area of AQIM is vast, desolate, and extremely hard to control. Much of 

the population of the southern Sahel is nomadic, constantly moving in 

search of water and meager grazing land for their herds. Unless one has 

traveled in these remote areas, it is difficult to conceptualize the immensity 

and barrenness that prevails. Imagine crossing areas in which there are no 

way stations or major landmarks for several hundred miles.134 Given that 

complex environment, the potential for the establishment of new training 

areas for AQIM should be of concern to all of the countries of the region. 

Counterinsurgency operations in the Maghreb would require continuous vigilance, including airborne and space-based sensors, to monitor the 

remote areas. Such advanced technical capabilities are beyond reach of local 

governments and would necessitate Western support. Even their resources 

would be stretched. 

The number of insurgents involved with AQIM is not known. Estimates 

run from several hundred to a few thousand fighters. The nature of the 

organization is such that there may well be splinter groups, with no formal 

affiliation with the central organization, that on occasion use the name. 

In addition, there are many people who are supportive of the countergovernment political aims of the Islamic movements. It is known that the 

extreme and often indiscriminant violence of earlier insurgent organizations 

did disenfranchise many civilians. Despite their relatively small numbers, 

AQIM demonstrates the problems of irregular warfare in which an isolated 

... AQIM’s use of advanced 

IEDs suggests that information 

on weapons technology is 

being imported from Iraq.
40

JSOU Report 09-5

organization has a major impact on the societies in which they operate and 

exert influence far beyond those borders.

In several countries, there are however, many young people who are 

attracted to the notion or ideology of jihad. Many areas of Morocco are 

seriously underdeveloped and many young people feel the government has 

not kept its promises of social and economic development.135 Thus recruitment for jihad is easy and their focus is both anti-secular-government and 

anti-Western. This support for jihad is an expanding trend that is disturbing 

to local officials.136 The combination of ideological appeal and social disenfranchisement offers AQIM a larger pool from which to recruit those who 

would transition from transient supporter to full-fledged terrorist. 

Algeria has suffered the brunt of the AQIM attacks, as well as those 

from its predecessor organizations. In February 2007 they conducted seven 

coordinated bombing attacks in different cities within a 6-hour period. In 

April 2007 insurgents set off two car bombs in different locations, including a governmental palace at about the same time. These killed 33 people 

and wounded an additional 222. A third bomb was discovered and defused 

before it could detonate. That month the bombings were characterized as a 

“major escalation aimed at raising the group’s profile.” 137 On 9 September a 

suicide bomber in Batna, Algeria killed 19 people who were waiting to greet 

Algerian President Bouteflika and injured 97 others. There have been four 

such attempts on his life. 

On 11 December two car bombs were detonated in Algiers. One struck 

the Algerian Supreme Court building. The other targeted the United Nations 

High Commissioner of Refugees killing 17 UN employees and 25 civilians, 

and wounding 158 others. These bombings continued into 2008, proving 

that the Algerian government was not capable of stopping them. In August 

an attack against police officers in Tizi Ouzou seemed specifically designed 

to demonstrate the limitations of the government.138 Later in August 2008 

multiple bombings targeting civilians resulted in 60 deaths. In these attacks, 

AQIM announced responsibility.139

The Kingdom of Morocco has long been considered one of the most 

moderate and peaceful states in North Africa. There have, however, been a 

number of attacks that have taken place in recent years. Moroccan officials 

are worried about the influence of jihadists that have been coming from the 

Gulf states. Long before the emergence of AQIM, they began moving into 

the area and intermingling with the local population. Some of them have 
41

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

married into Moroccan families and are raising families. There is concern 

that many of these foreign jihadists are in sleeper cells. Being more sophisticated than their Algerian counterparts, the Moroccan cells are using money 

from the Gulf countries to provide social services not available from the 

government to build a positive image. They are also working to enter into the 

political system and have obtained a small number of seats in parliament. 

In May 2003 a major coordinated attack took place in Casablanca. Five 

suicide bombs were detonated within thirty minutes at different locations 

around Morocco’s largest city. With the exception of a Jewish center, all 

of the targets were spots frequented by European foreigners. A total of 41 

people were killed and over 100 injured in those bombings and ties between 

those attacks and Al Qaeda were suspected at the time.140

In the spring of 2007, three more bombings took place in Casablanca. On 

March 11th there was an event at an Internet café where the terrorists appeared 

to be searching for instructions on explosives. Some analysts believe this was 

an accidental detonation, and that they were preparing to attack another 

target at a later time. That notion was substantiated in early April when 

another counterterrorist operation ended with additional suicide detonations. One of those killed was a brother of the 11 March bombing suspect. 

Then, on 14 April another suicide attack took place, this one apparently targeting the U.S. consulate and cultural center. These events, and others like 

them, are indications that a threat is close to the surface in Morocco.141

Morocco is extremely vulnerable as any successful terrorist attacks could 

seriously jeopardize the thriving tourist industry that contributes greatly 

to the Moroccan economy. It is estimated that over 14 million foreign visitors, mostly European, came to that country last year and the government 

is actively pursuing even more. Those travelers contributed to about 19 percent of the country’s GDP. Moroccan security efforts are considerable and 

largely effective.142 However, a single attack against a tourist site, such as was 

initiated by Al-Gama’a al-Islamiyya at Luxor Egypt on 17 November 1997, 

would have devastating implications.

Worth noting is that the tactics of AQIM seem to be paralleling those 

used by Al Qaeda in Iraq during 2004 and 2005. That is, when they experience trouble striking hard targets such as U.S. troops, they began attacking 

soft targets that included extensive civilian casualties. At least four of their 

attacks in Algeria were aimed at the president of that country. Protection of 

key installations in Morocco has been effective. Thus, most of the casualties 
42

JSOU Report 09-5

in AQIM attacks throughout the region have been innocent civilians. In 

Iraq, inflicting civilian casualties proved to be a strategic mistake as the 

local populace felt compelled to accept security measures from the U.S.143 It 

is too soon to determine whether AQIM will continue with indiscriminate 

attacks in the Maghreb. It is clear that they will employ these measures in 

other areas of the world with no regard for innocent civilians.

There are other conflicts and terrorist affiliations in areas that complicate matters further. In addition to AQIM activities, there are reports that 

Hezbollah has some support in Northern Africa. That would bring other 

actors of the Middle East into play. While best known for their activities 

in Lebanon and Israel, Hezbollah has a global reach including the Western 

Hemisphere.144 Conversely, fighters from the Maghreb have joined in battles 

in many other countries. In particular, Algerians have been involved in 

combat in Afghanistan, Lebanon, Iraq, Bosnia, Chechnya, and other locations around the world.145

Another long-running feud exists. For several decades much of Western 

Sahara has been occupied by Morocco. At odds are the Saharawi Liberation 

Front, known as the Polisario, and the Moroccan government, which sees 

the area as part of their territory. While a United Nations-brokered ceasefire 

is in effect, there are periodic outbreaks of hostilities between these factions. 

The Polisario wants full independence while Morocco adamantly opposes 

the idea. Resolution in the near-term is unlikely. 

While not directly involved with the AQIM struggle, Western Sahara 

has been influenced by the U.S. aid provided to Morocco in that conflict. 

That assistance has bolstered Morocco’s ability to maintain control of the 

territory. The issues are complicated and adversely impact the counterterrorism efforts against AQIM. 

The European Connection 

What happens in Africa doesn’t always stay in Africa. Because of the prior 

colonial relationships, and current policies for political asylum, many 

Western European countries have experienced substantial immigration 

from Africa. Northern African countries have a geographical proximity 

that contributed extensively to the south to north migration. As might be 

expected, concomitant with these demographic shifts have come exportation of terrorism and the roots of the insurgencies emerging in the Sahel. 
43

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

This is entirely consistent with the global objectives of Al Qaeda and their 

relationship to AQIM. 

On 11 March 2004 terrorist struck the railroad system in Madrid Spain. 

The detonation of 10 IEDs on 4 trains resulted in the deaths of 191 people 

and wounding of more than 1,800 other commuters. This attack is on record 

as one of the major terrorist strikes this century. The perpetrators came 

from Morocco, Syria, and Algeria. The alleged mastermind, known as 

Mohammed the Egyptian, was arrested and later acquitted at trial. Extensive 

investigation revealed that while Al Qaeda was not directly involved in the 

bombing, they inspired it.146 The concept of the superorganism has been 

previously discussed, but has direct bearing on this event. For an insurgent organization to be dangerous does not require a formal command and 

control system.

Al Qaeda’s second in command, Ayman al-Zawahiri, has articulated the 

need for exportation of the insurgency from Northern Africa to Southern 

Europe. In a video released on 19 September 2007 he directed that a mission 

of AQIM was to restore al-Andalus, most of the Iberian Peninsula, to Muslim 

control. He specifically addressed conflict in Spain and France. Over the past 

few years several hundred suspected Islamic militants have been detained 

in France and Spain. Some of those have had ties to the organizations that 

were the forerunners of AQIM.

147

It is known that AQIM is actively recruiting members in Europe to be 

trained for terrorist missions. Concerned U.S. and European officials note 

that they are looking for people who are second or third generation citizens 

and can easily blend in with people from the target countries.148 Following 

the modus operandi of bin Laden in the 9/11 attacks, they are giving training 

to clean-shaven young men who dress in Western clothing. Arms smuggling from Europe to the Maghreb is also a problem. There is a report of an 

attempt to ship weapons worth €5million (Euros) from Belgium, Germany, 

and the Netherlands to Morocco.149

French authorities have reported a strengthening of the AQIM offshoot in 

France, Germany, and Italy. Spain has indicated active recruiting is occurring 

for training in North Africa along with collection of funds to support insurgent efforts. In August 2007 analysis by the Jamestown Foundation concluded 

that, “the globalization of the Algerian struggle merger between GSPC and Al 

Qaeda represents an increased threat for France in particular and Europe in 

general. AQIM has set up the means and motive: funding stream established 
44

JSOU Report 09-5

throughout Europe; increased availability of (experienced) foot soldiers; and 

a renovated ideological framework able to inspire a new generation of fighters. The only element missing in the puzzle is opportunity.” 150

To address the AQIM insurgent threat in North Africa requires a broader 

perspective than the Maghreb terrain. The relationship between Al Qaeda 

and AQIM takes the earlier conflicts aimed at destabilizing the governments 

in North African countries to a new, more global level. Al Qaeda’s objectives 

have always been to attack European and American interests wherever they 

can find them. Sympathetic immigrant populations in Europe, and a growing insurgency in North Africa, are a perfect combination to achieve their 

objectives.151 It is also a situation that begs for American SOF intervention 

on many levels, but only with careful consideration of the desired outcomes 

and potential for unintended consequences.

Worth noting is that other areas of Africa are also exporting and importing their conflicts from abroad, and the U.S. is not immune from the problem. Somali diaspora in the United States and Canada appear to continue to 

support the discord. For example, Minneapolis, Minnesota has experienced 

a number of murders that may be related to old grievances.152 Similarly 

Edmonton, Alberta, Canada has experienced an exceptionally high homicide rate among young Somali males who have immigrated there.153 There 

are also concerns about the number of Somali immigrants who seem to be 

missing from their prior locations in North America. There are indications 

that some may have been recruited to become suicide bombers, returning to 

their home country.154 While most violence is concentrated in specific geographic areas, IW clearly transcends all borders. Countering these threats 

requires synchronization of SOF elements of all combatant commands. 

This effort will extend beyond the Department of Defense to other national 

agencies and even state and local law enforcement cooperation. 

China: The Other Elephant in the Room

Although this monograph is devoted to irregular warfare in Africa, there 

are many external participants that directly, or indirectly, influence those 

conflicts. It is impossible to ignore the elephant in the roomChina. In 

recent decades China has slowly interjected itself into African affairs. As 

a technologically developing country, China recognized that it eventually 

would need to import both mineral and energy resources (oil).
45

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

In fact, this strategic maneuver has been executed adroitly. Initially, 

China provided African countries of interest with foreign aid and asked 

little in return. In Kenya, I was informed that the Africans preferred to get 

assistance from China rather than the United States. The quote regarding 

acceptance of assistance was, “They don’t tell us what to do.” That comment 

referred to the caveats that often come with American aid that attempts 

to dictate sexual practices and acceptable birth control techniques (antiabortion rules). 

The scope of China’s intervention in Africa has become the focus of 

numerous scholarly articles, plus frequent items in the press. At the 

University of Southern California conference on public diplomacy in Africa, 

it was noted that contrary to some rumors, the U.S. Africa Command was 

not specifically created to counter growing Chinese involvement there. 

However, the growth of the Chinese relations with African countries has 

attracted considerable attention at the U.S. State Department. It even evoked 

comments from then-President Bush who noted that the U.S. does “not see 

a ‘zero-sum’ competition with China for influence in Africa.” 155 Carrying 

that thought a step further, Deputy Secretary of State Negroponte noted “our 

goal is to engage China to try and define and expand a common agenda for 

Africa that ultimately will serve both our national interests...” 155

While the State Department addresses a common agenda, other U.S.

policy makers are becoming increasingly concerned about China’s projection of soft power and the effect it has on America’s economic and strategic 

interests. They note that the deep pockets of Chinese industry has advantages 

in that it has no shareholders and can afford short-term losses for strategic 

gain.156 When this is viewed in light of the support for irregular warfare in 

Sudan, the practices of unrestricted loans and provision of weapons take 

on both tactical and strategic significance. 

The State Department recognizes that China does not place restrictions 

on their foreign aid but raises a concern about that practice. In testimony 

before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, State Department officials 

“warned China’s assistance efforts in Africa, which emphasize ‘no strings’ 

are not predicated on the same kinds of conditionality as other countries’ 

aid program, could endanger progress in promoting good governance and 

market reform in Africa.” 157 This has direct bearing on irregular warfare, 

as these practices allow or enhance less competent governance, which in 

turn is likely to foster instability and rebellions. 
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JSOU Report 09-5

The migration from China to Africa has involved tens of thousands of 

people over the past decade. There are now an estimated 750,000 Chinese 

in various African countries. In addition, over 900 Chinese companies 

are doing business there.158 They are engaged in many large engineering 

projects, including dam building, road construction, laying railroad lines, 

and oil pipelines. For these projects Chinese companies insist on bringing 

in their own labor force, most of which remains isolated from the local 

population. 

Rapidly developing, China has had double-digit economic growth 

for the past decade. To keep momentum, that requires increased energy. 

Unfortunately, China’s domestic oil production is declining and there is 

insufficient coal output to meet demands.159 In 2006 China’s net oil imports 

were 3.5 million barrels a day. That is expected to rise to 13.1 million barrels 

per day by 2030, and the Chinese are already laying the groundwork for that 

increase. China now receives one-third of its oil from Africa.160 They have 

already built a 500-mile highway and railroad from Khartoum to the Red 

Sea. That runs alongside the pipeline that carries the oil directly to waiting 

Chinese tankers.161 Five countries in Africa account for 85 percent of the oil 

exports to China. Of those, three, Nigeria, Congo, and Sudan, have serious 

instability problems.162

Across Africa, China is involved in development of the infrastructure. 

According to the Council on Foreign Relations, “Experts say the roads, 

bridges, and dams built by the Chinese firms are low cost, good quality, and 

completed in a fraction of the time such projects usually take in Africa.” In 

addition, they contributed peacekeepers, sent doctors, and have cancelled 

$10 billion in bilateral debts. However, they are also willing to pay bribes 

and underbid local companies on projects.163 In the long run, accepting the 

lowest bid is not always the best move for African countries as their indigenous workforce often pays the price. 

In addition to peacekeepers, China is 

providing arms and military advisors to 

several of its African allies. The serious 

weapons for oil deals in Sudan have already 

been addressed. However, there are several other countries that receive military 

assistance including Ethiopia, Eritrea, Burundi, Tanzania, Nigeria, and 

Zimbabwe.164 Given the instability in some of these countries, delivery of 

In addition to peacekeepers, 

China is providing arms and 

military advisors to several 

of its African allies.
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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

additional weapons should be of concern to all with interests in the area. 

That is especially true for Zimbabwe, considering the extreme volatility 

since the failed election in June 2008. 

While trade with China is rapidly increasing, there are intra-continental 

issues that are slowing that process. The transportation systems are poor 

as are the ports. High tariffs are placed on manufactured goods entering 

each country.165 That leads to very inefficient border crossings where it is not 

uncommon for truck drivers to wait days for passage. That is particularly 

problematic with perishable foods that spoil before delivery.166 Not only are 

these practices wasteful and time consuming, they increase corruption that 

goes beyond bribery to let goods pass. It also enhances the criminal network 

that smuggles weapons to insurgent groups in several countries. 

The Heritage Foundation bluntly notes that China provides ideological support that gives despots international legitimacy and influence in 

the United Nations. The Chinese efforts help blunt Western pressures for 

democratic principles, economic openness, and human rights. They state, 

“Beijing succors would-be junta leaders and illiberal rebels who want power 

and would roll back political reforms in immature democracies. These rebels 

seem to believe that if they want to overthrow a legitimate government, 

China will work to bolster their international legitimacy in the United 

Nations and other international fora.” 167 It is important to comprehend 

this influence in order to understand the full scope of irregular warfare in 

Africa. 

Additional Factors Influencing Irregular Warfare in Africa

Corruption

Corruption is epidemic in many African countries. Angola and Zimbabwe 

rank among the worst on the continent, with Zambia, Madagascar, 

Mozambique, and Malawi not far behind.168 Angola held its first election 

in 18 years in September 2008. Not much is likely to change, however, as this 

country can be classified as a kleptocracy. Angola is rich in natural resources 

and is the newest member of OPEC. Despite an annual economic growth 

rate averaging over 15 percent, the United Nations Development Program 

ranks Angola as 162nd out of 177 countries in human development. It is 

China’s biggest supplier of oil, and is the second largest diamond producer 
48

JSOU Report 09-5

in Africa. Yet, 70 percent of the people live below the poverty line and only 

1 percent of the population enjoys the wealth from the mineral resources. It 

is claimed that 70 percent of the country’s oil revenue is unaccounted for (at 

least $4 billion) and about 25 percent of the government’s income “simply 

disappears.” 169

Following independence in 1975, after nearly 500 years of Portuguese 

presence and rule, Angola became embroiled in a civil war that lasted until 

2002. The casualty figures vary, but at least half a million died, and several 

million were displaced.170 Elections were held in 1992, but that devolved into 

continuation of the civil war that ended when Jonas Savimbi, the leader of 

National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), was killed 

in combat. It should come as no surprise that the combatants in the civil 

war broke down along tribal and ethnic lines. 

Of current concern is the political future of the exclave of Cabinda, sometimes known as “the Kuwait of Africa.” This tiny disconnected northern 

province contains an estimated 65 percent of the oil in Angola. However, 

under the current central government, only 10 percent of the revenues from 

that oil stay in the province, which is geographically closer to Congo than 

it is to the rest of Angola. The possibility of a Nigerian-style oil insurgency 

has been raised as a means for gaining independence. Separatist insurgent 

forces have contested the area ever since 1975, and even earlier.171

It is noted that some analysts do not like the use of the word kleptocracy, 

but it is included as it accurately describes a concentration of wealth in the 

hands of the governing party. This acquisition is sustained only because 

of the government’s ability to set policies and control all aspects of the 

economy. The definition of corruption, however, is a much broader term 

and may exist at any level of government or within the civilian business 

sector. Bribery, for instance, can occur within the confines of a legitimate 

government that is neither aware of the practice nor approves of it. 

While not condoning corruption per se, Dr. Margaret Polski of George 

Mason University, and a former State Department official with extensive 

experience in Africa, noted that “Corruption is relatively harmless when an 

economy is consistently growing, increasing numbers of people are benefiting from activity in the domestic economy, and the perception that property 

rights are expanding to include more people over time.” To support this 

claim she points to U.S. political and economic development over the past 

three centuries during which there was significant corruption and yet we 
49

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

eventually grew into a thriving democracy. The point was made to counter 

arguments that “Africa is a basket case,” when significant progress has been 

made in many countries.172

However, generally the experience of corruption in Africa has been concentration of wealth in the hands of a very few, with nepotism and tribalism 

as key factors. When corruption is widespread and affects the daily lives 

of ordinary citizens, such as bribing bureaucrats for doing their job, or law 

enforcement officials to prevent arrests, there is a commensurate degradation in trust for all government institutions. Taken to extremes, as does 

occur, organized crime, with the complicity of police and courts, can make 

normal life nearly impossible. The long-term negative impact on government 

legitimacy is extraordinary.173

Unfortunately, the disparity between the wealthy and the poor is increasing and likely to exacerbate conflict in the future. From a SOF perspective, 

acceptance of corruption by foreign officials can lead to potential missionrelated problems. U.S. laws tend to be intolerant of any corrupt practices 

and provide stiff penalties for any American, including both government 

employees and business persons, who attempt to circumvent them. While 

that may be idealistically attractive to academicians and politicians, it is 

often not realistic in foreign cultures that have centuries of history in which 

bribery was not only tolerated as a means of accomplishing tasks; it was and 

often is mandatory. 

Drugs and Terrorism

Drugs and terrorism are inextricably related. Around the world, drugs are 

the number one funding source that supports terrorism. Africa is no exception to the influence that extensive drug money can bring. Due to increased 

enforcement pressure by the U.S. in the Caribbean in recent years, there have 

been substantial changes in the drug routes from South America to Europe. 

Major shipments flow from the Andean region, south through Paraguay, 

and into the Atlantic Ocean via ports in Argentina and Uruguay.174

These new routes bring the bulk shipments of narcotics across the South 

Atlantic to be transshipped from small countries in West Africa such as 

Sierra Leone, Liberia, Ivory Coast, Ghana, and Guinea-Bissau. As most 

of these countries are just coming out of extended periods of civil strife, 

narcotics smuggling, as a destabilizing factor, is extremely dangerous to 

fledgling governments. It is estimated that one quarter of the illegal drugs 
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JSOU Report 09-5

headed for Europe pass through the area. While exact figures are not known, 

one educated guess by the UN Office for Coordination on Humanitarian 

Affairs suggested 40 tons of cocaine was coming through Africa each year. 

The narcotics smuggling in West Africa is believed to account for 99 percent 

of the illicit drugs on the continent. Of further concern is that organized 

crime smuggling routes, once established, move other commodities including weapons and human trafficking.175

Observers believe that Guinea-Bissau, a failed state, has been taken over 

by drug lords and is the first narco-state. While ranking as the fifth poorest 

country in the world, the flamboyance of Colombian drug barons there 

readily stands out, and the value of their drugs exceeds the entire national 

income. The drug lords simply buy the necessary government services. The 

country’s airspace is unpatrolled, and it does not have enough money to provide the police with radios, phones, or even gas for their vehicles. The drug 

lords come equipped with high-tech tools, and they have even developed 

unmanned submarines that can be programmed to make the trans-Atlantic 

runs with no risk to their personnel. 

Reenergizing the ancient slave-trade routes seems logical. It is the shortest route from South America to Europe. Once in Guinea-Bissau, the drugs 

move through Morocco on the old cannabis trail, or sometimes via air. One 

flight to Amsterdam in 2006 was found to be carrying 32 human mules. An 

indication of what makes this so lucrative is that the UN Office on Drugs 

and Crime now estimates that the UK and Spain have overtaken the U.S.

in cocaine consumption on a per head basis.176

The bad political situation deteriorated even further in March 2009. On 

Sunday, the 1st of the month, the army chief of staff, General Batista Tagme 

Na Waie was killed by a powerful bomb blast at his headquarters in Bissau. 

Less than a day later military personnel attacked and killed President Joao 

Bernardo “Nino” Vieira as he tried to flee his home.177

It is because of such violence that there has been little Western diplomatic 

presence in Guinea-Bissau. In 1998, as violence increased, both the U.S. and 

the United Kingdom shut their doors and moved their governmental activities to Senegal. In July 2007, in response to the growing narcotics trade, the 

U.S. finally restored a diplomatic office. 

Also believed lurking in Côte d’Ivoire are militias that were never disarmed after the peace process of 2002–2003 between the rebel-held north 

and government-run south. The peace deal actually was not signed until 
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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

2007 and calls for elections in which both the government and former rebels 

can participate. While it is believed that security has improved, the farmers 

in west Côte d’Ivoire, the world’s largest cocoa producers, are concerned 

about a reemergence of the murders and violence that took place a short time 

ago. The northern farmers, known as Burinabes, indicate they just want to 

get on with their agriculture.178

Cracks are already appearing in this recent truce. Part of the agreement 

includes providing national identity cards that become part of the voter 

registration process. Unfortunately there are significant differences between 

the sides as to how many people will be counted. The proximity of illegal 

drugs, guns, and money, coupled with questioned election procedures is 

worth watching. 

While there has been a dramatic increase in drug smuggling in Western 

Africa, it is not the only region on the continent affected. As with other more 

affluent places in the world, South Africa has also experienced an increase in 

drug use as orchestrated by organized crime.179 The country is both a user of 

drugs and a transit point for cocaine from South America and heroin from 

the Far East. Mandrex (methaqualone), which provides a quick euphoric 

state when smoked, is reportedly the preferred drug of abuse, and South 

Aficans are the fourth largest producer of cannabis in the world.180

Human Trafficking/Slavery

Slavery is making a comeback. A global issue with special concern for Africa 

is the rise of human trafficking to the third most lucrative enterprise for 

organized crime. The average price for each slave is now about $12,500. It is 

estimated that there are between 600,000 and 800,000 people trafficked each 

year, resulting in a profit to slave runners of a low-estimated $10 billion.181 The 

Council of Europe states the profit is much higher at $42.5 billion, and noted 

it is easier to smuggle people than drugs.182 Importantly, there is a correlation 

between irregular warfare and human trafficking that bears examination.

According to U.S. State Department definitions, there are several forms 

of trafficking in persons. These categories include child soldiers, forced 

labor, bonded labor, debt bondage and involuntary servitude among migrant 

laborers, involuntary domestic servitude, forced child labor, and sex trafficking and prostitution. They include two other child sex related crimes 

as well.183 Examples of several of these categories have been mentioned in 

this paper, including child soldiers and forced labor. Also alleged has been 
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JSOU Report 09-5

sexual slavery, accompanied by some of the most egregious rapes and crimes 

against women imaginable. The U.S. State Department uses a three-tier 

system to evaluate whether or not countries are attempting to eliminate 

human trafficking. Tier 1 implies the countries fully comply with the minimum standards. Only one African country, Madagascar, is in that category. 

The vast majority of African countries are in Tier 2, meaning they appear 

to be making an effort to improve. However, 17 of those countries are questionable and on a watch list. Two African countries, Algeria and Sudan, are 

listed in Tier 3 meaning they are not even attempting to improve. Finally, 

there is a Special Watch List, which contains five African countries.184

Human trafficking is well documented in Western Africa. Less is known 

about the problem in the East and Horn of Africa, but there is significant 

trade. The biggest issue regarding the slaves was lack of governmental 

acknowledgement. The regional contributing factors include extreme poverty, lack of female education, poor data, and armed conflict.185

Use of children as soldiers is continuing and is not restricted to insurgents. In several cases, governments are involved in recruiting youngsters to 

fill the ranks. Chad was named in September 2005 as violating a UN Security 

Council admonishment pressuring them to stop using 

child soldiers.186 The Coalition 

to Stop the Use of Child 

Soldiers recently reported 

that children were engaged 

in armed conflict in 19 countries. The African countries 

listed were Burundi, Central 

African Republic, Chad, Côte 

d’Ivoire, the Democratic 

Republic of Congo, Somalia, 

Sudan, and Uganda. In addition to combat, these children 

are also used as spies, informants, and messengers. The 

group also noted that in Kenya and Nigeria criminal organizations use 

children for political purposes.187

A child soldier of the DR Congo. Photo 

courtesy Lt Col Rudy Atallah, U.S. Air Force.
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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

There is no doubt that human trafficking is expanding globally and 

African countries contribute greatly to the problem. From an irregular warfare perspective kidnapping children has proven to be a cheap and efficient 

means of recruiting foot soldiers who are considered expendable to the 

insurgent leadership. Of course the psychological effects are devastating, 

but that is of no consequence to their commanders. Similarly, thousands 

of people have been forced to work as laborers to provide logistical support 

to the insurgents. The alternative to refusal to comply is death. Women are 

pressed into service and used as sex slaves for troops that stay in remote 

areas. For some groups, the slave trade is a profitable method to raise funds 

to support their movement. 

Democratization/Elections 

Recent years have seen a number of elections around the continent. The 

results have been far from perfect, and some offer reason for concern. The 

violent response to close elections in Kenya has already been discussed and 

offers one example of the potential volatility these events can bring. 

Similarly, the elections in Zimbabwe evoked another crisis. There the 

incumbent simply refused to accept the vote and refused to leave office. 

Holding the loyalty of the military, he was able to offer the winning opposition a weakened position in a power-sharing arrangement. These negotiations are likely to drag on for an extended period, possibly years. While 

violent confrontations have been minimized, Zimbabwe is in an economic 

disaster from which it will take a long time to recover. 

Neighboring Zambia also held elections in which the acting incumbent 

president, Rupiah Banda won by about a 2 percent plurality. These elections were held due to the unexpected death from a stroke of President Levi 

Mwanawasa, and the rival, Michael Sata, was widely expected to win. Despite 

allegations of vote rigging, and while the opposition contested the election in 

court, they did not resort to a violent confrontation as they had previously.188

Considering the experiences in Zimbabwe and Kenya, this election can be 

taken as a positive sign in the move toward true democratic processes. 

In late November 2008 elections were held in Nigeria. In the city of Jos 

in the center of the country, rumors emerged that Christians had won all of 

the seats in a predominantly Muslim section of the city. This led to rioting 

resulting in about 400 fatalities from intra-communal violence.189
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JSOU Report 09-5

For the purposes of this paper, the important issue is not just the casualties in this city that has been the scene of repeated religious conflicts this 

past decade. The point is that more people died in Jos, Nigeria than were 

killed during the exact same time as the terrorist attacks in Mumbai, India, 

and yet the incident went almost unreported by the international press. 

While it is certainly true that the terrorist attacks in Mumbai had unique 

characteristics worthy of significant attention, even there the Western media 

placed great emphasis on the relatively few European and American fatalities. There is little doubt that the incidents in Jos were very ugly. However, 

expectations of election violence, and strong media bias against concentrated reporting such incidents in Africa, suggest that most of the world will 

not be made aware of election-related violence unless the situation devolves 

into a conflagration. 

For SOF operators, there should be an awareness of increased cultural 

sensitivities in both pre and post election periods. There is increased danger 

to personnel assigned on missions in those countries. As indicated in these 

examples, the concept of peaceful transition of power from one group to 

another is not fully integrated. This also allows for the potential for SOF

members to become unexpectedly embroiled in local or regional politics 

without any intention of so doing. 

Challenges and Opportunities

Many factors complicate involvement in Africa. For one, corruption is epidemic. While this can be opposed, corruption at all levels of governments 

will remain a problem for the foreseeable future. The issue of tribalism will 

not subside in the near term. As noted, in several countries, this is and will 

remain the most fundamental factor that determines relationships, economics, and especially governance. Probably the best that can be hoped for is 

some improvement in basic human rights and equality of opportunity for 

all citizens.

Other interrelated factors that will impact the future of Africa include 

poverty, disease, and population. Many difficult issues are related to poverty. 

Several countries have population growth rates that are unsustainable based 

on resources available. As noted, despite wealth from natural resources, 

the general population of these countries rarely benefits. Rather, there is 

a concentration of wealth in a relatively small sector, and often much of 
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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

that is foreign controlled. It is an unfortunate fact that while overall global 

wealth is increasing, so is poverty. Africa and South America offer extreme 

examples. 

Except in selected metropolitan areas, the education systems are substandard when compared to Western schools. This means that there are 

not enough skilled workers to create a vibrant industrial infrastructure. 

Throughout the continent, it is not uncommon to find foreign senior managers operating a variety of industries in which the African laborers perform 

low-skill, manual tasks, and at minimal wages. There may also be tribal 

or ethnic disparity between managers and workers. Tribal affiliation may 

determine the amount and type of education that is available to an individual. When perceived as unjust, this situation can be a breeding ground 

for discontent and even insurgency. 

In many areas of Africa, literacy is relatively low. That will impact the 

types of training materials that can be used. Written manuals, the standard 

for American forces, may be of little value. Training aids must be designed 

to meet the skill level of the trainees. That content extends beyond troops 

being trained to civilians in the operational area. Of course, experienced 

SOF personnel know that literacy does not necessarily correlate with intelligence. Indigenous people usually understand their environment exceedingly well as it is imperative to their survival. We can learn a lot from them 

if we just listen. 

Part and parcel with poverty are diseases that have already been controlled in the developed world. Noted has been that millions of children die 

every year from preventable diseases. Of special consideration is the AIDS

epidemic that has devastated several countries. While this does decrease the 

population, it has also eliminated much of the experienced workforce in the 

affected countries. From a SOF perspective, operating in these conditions is 

challenging and entails considerable risks. 

Because of the historic delineations, border disputes will continue to 

plague African international relations and impact the foreign policies of 

external nations. When tribalism is interjected into the equation, no simple 

resolutions are readily available. This presents difficult considerations for 

determination of what aid should be provided and to whom. 

There are no simple explanations that can be used to describe the problems found in Africa. This diverse and complex continent will offer extreme 

challenges in foreign policy for all future U.S. administrations. There is little 
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doubt that our national interests are involved in many areas of the continent. 

However, every major power on earth also has recognized the importance 

of Africa and the resources it can provide. For the coming decades, complex 

international juxtapositions will be a norm, and the stakes very high. 

Here, possibly more than in other areas of the world, the chess metaphor for engagement of competitors is inappropriate. In fact, chess, with 

its moves and countermoves, would be relatively simple compared to the 

realities at hand. More useful might be the ancient Asian game of Go, in 

which opponents seek to surround and isolate each other’s positions. To win, 

one must have strategic awareness of the entire situation yet respond tactically to current situations. Part of the strategic difficulty of the game stems 

from finding a balance between such conflicting interests. Players strive to 

serve both defensive and offensive purposes and choose between tactical 

urgency and strategic plans. Thus it is in Africa. There is a need to directly 

confront and combat terrorists and insurgents, yet simultaneously develop 

the long-term relationships that will insure continued access to resources 

and support of mutually beneficial objectives.

Specifically, the interests and involvement of China in African affairs 

infers a strategic move designed to provide them access to energy including 

oil, natural gas, and uranium. In addition, many other natural raw materials will be aggressively sought after as global industrialization continues 

to grow. The U.S., Europe, and India will all be competing for those same 

resources. 

Consideration must be given to the entire constituency of groups deemed 

as adversaries. As indicated in the section on Darfur, despite disclaimers, 

there is strong evidence that Russian pilots were flying bombing missions for 

Sudan. Whether these were active-duty air force or contract employees is in 

question. While the U.S. does not currently have armed forces deployed in 

the Darfur region, more active involvement is not implausible. A situation 

such as that could bring U.S. forces into direct confrontation with Russians, 

or other nationalities with whom we are currently in a state of peace (or 

at least not engaged in war). The massive proliferation of contractors may 

well complicate future operations and all possibilities must be taken into 

account. 

To operate effectively across this continent will require a highly skilled, 

extremely flexible force. Operations, especially those designed to increase 

internal stability, cannot be done in an ad hoc basis by units on reprieve 
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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

from combat duties in the Middle East. It will take a truly professional and 

dedicated effort if real success is contemplated.

The environment in which they will operate is as complex as any on 

earth. In many areas of Africa, SOF elements 

will encounter social, ethical, and even legal 

challenges to their operations. They must be 

able to work within constraints that are fundamentally different from their own social 

structures and values. Nationally and for 

senior leadership there will be tough choices regarding which values take 

priority.

As examples of these tough choices, When working within tribally-based 

cultures, which groups do you train and support? Is it possible, through 

the development of military professionalism, to instill in our partners the 

concepts of equality among all people? What level of corruption in foreign 

establishments can be tolerated in order to accomplish specific missions, 

such as elimination of terrorist elements? Do we support certain countries, 

or groups, when border disputes arise? What are acceptable environmental 

risks when access to minerals is desirable? Do we contribute to maintaining 

poverty in large groups for the sake of gaining those materials? Will support 

to current military leaders be used to suppress political opposition? 

The simple answer is to accept no tolerance. However, our foreign competitors in Africa have demonstrated that they will play by different rules 

and values. If the strict moral code is maintained, do we accept that the 

result may be to concede territory or resources to countries that are willing 

to overlook even major indiscretions? Conversely, if lower ethical standards 

are applied, the leadership we are attempting to raise to the higher standards 

will see us as hypocritical. What emerges is a moral dilemma with no easy 

answers. 

Implications for SOF

At the beginning of this monograph irregular warfare was defined “as a violent struggle among state and non-state actors for legitimacy and influence 

over relevant populations.” The significance of IW has moved it to a frontburner strategic issue within the Department of Defense, which resulted 

in a directive putting these efforts on par with conventional warfare and 

... SOF elements will 

encounter social, ethical, 

and even legal challenges 

to their operations. 
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JSOU Report 09-5

direction to USSOCOM to develop SOF capabilities for extending U.S. reach, 

operating with and through indigenous foreign forces.190 In addressing 

strategic SOF roles, Colonel Joe Celeski, U.S. Army (Retired), noted efforts 

for preventing conflict by supporting regional engagement and insuring 

stability and security when possible.191 As indicated in the following paragraphs, Africa offers significant challenges and opportunities for strategic 

SOF interventions. 

By now the reader should know that conflict in Africa represents the 

epitome of IW. With the notable exception of the World War II traditional 

battles between the German and Allied forces, IW has been embodied in 

every hostility that has occurred there in the past century. Nearly every 

scenario in which SOF forces might engage in conflict on that continent will 

be IW. Even the training missions are designed to counter IW and enable 

African nations to establish and maintain security. 

Much of the African continent is in turmoil, and is likely to remain so 

for the foreseeable future. With the creation of Africa Command, the United 

States unified our efforts and went on record as upgrading our national interests in the area. The mission statement is: “United States Africa Command, 

in concert with other U.S. Government agencies and international partners, conducts sustained security engagement through military-to-military 

programs, military-sponsored activities, and other military operations as 

directed to promote a stable and secure African environment in support of 

U.S. foreign policy.” 192

As connoted in the mission statement, the efforts in Africa will be 

interagency in nature, more so than any other combatant command. The 

issues elucidated in this report suggest that many of the military operations in Africa will be SOF oriented. That will be especially true for the 

development and strengthening of stability of existing military forces. 

However, recent evaluations of counterterrorism efforts have not been glowing. A Government Accounting Office (GAO) report on the Trans-Sahara 

Counterterrorism Partnership notes that the State Department-led, multiagency program suffered because three agencies developed separate plans 

related to their perspective partnership activities. While the plans show 

some collaboration, “they do not provide an integrated, comprehensive 

approach to guide the program overall.” 193

There are many challenges facing SOF operators on missions to African 

countries. From prior colonial rule there are two dominant languages, 
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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

English and French. In the areas previously occupied by the French and 

Belgians, the most prominent official language is French, often to the relative 

exclusion of English-speaking natives. In addition, there are hundreds of 

indigenous languages and dialects, and some people speak them exclusively. 

While some effort is made to have Special Forces linguistically qualified, 

they are far short of the numbers necessary to be conversant with host nation 

soldiers. Adding to the problems of providing written training materials, in 

some areas literacy of enlisted soldiers and civilians is very low. 

While SOF operators may not have much choice in who they train, there 

are strategic issues that senior leadership will need to address at several 

levels. Stated U.S. national interests speak to supporting national governments if democratically elected. In reality, determination of legitimacy of 

governments may not be as simple as it sounds. There have been elections, 

such as during 2008 in Zimbabwe in which the outcome was simply stolen 

by incumbent Robert Mugabe. Other elections, such as during 2007 in 

Kenya were harder to determine and did devolve into the massive riots 

previously described. It should be noted that one of our allies in North 

Africa, Morocco, is still a kingdom even though it does have a functioning 

parliament. 

As an example of the problems that can arise with military cooperation, 

in August 2008 a military coup in Mauritania, led by General Mohamed 

Ould Abdel Aziz, replaced President Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdallahi, who was 

elected just the year prior. It was the firing of several senior generals that 

prompted the coup. In recent years the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism 

Partnership provided training to troops in that country.194

The pervasiveness of tribalism has been noted repeatedly in this paper. 

Since ethnic or tribal relationships often determine employment, it is inevitable that majority groups are usually going to dominate the military ranks, 

and especially the senior officer corps. Therefore, by training those soldiers, 

it may well be that we are ensuring the capability of the majority ethnic 

group to more handily exert control over subordinate or minority groups 

that live in their country. Professionalism is not as easily taught as is marksmanship or fire and maneuver drills. After all, it has only been a few decades 

since U.S. military units were racially integrated, and that was not without 

substantial pain and effort. 

At the heart of this issue is the ultimate loyalty of the military. Many 

countries in Africa have histories of military coups. Some of those leaders, 
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such as Mohmmar Qadaffi and Robert Mugabe, have been successful in 

retaining power for a long period of time. American Special Forces trained 

some coup leaders, including Sergeant Samuel Doe, who led the 1980 overthrow in Liberia. A decade later he was also deposed and brutally executed. 

It is difficult to determine the loyalties and intent of the troops provided for 

training. The only thing that can be done is to choose as wisely as possible, 

remembering that not all troops who seem friendly, and are willing to be 

trained, share common values with our soldiers. 

Unfortunately, many SOF Mobile Training Teams are deployed on rather 

short duration missions, thus yielding limited exposure to the cultural environment. Given the complexity of the history and sociology of most indigenous areas of the world, it is impossible for team members to understand 

the environment in which they must conduct training or to develop the 

desired interpersonal relationships that are borne out of mutual trust. 

This is far from a new problem, and has resurfaced in nearly every conflict in which the U.S. has participated. While SOF elements often pride 

themselves on regional knowledge, it would take more than a lifetime to 

fully understand the intricacies and ambagiousness of Africa’s indigenous 

societies. The best that can be done is to comprehend the basic social constructs and their histories, and to be aware that you don’t understand everything there is to know about the situation. It is the nature of Americans to 

want to make friends. Other cultures view these situations differently. A 

quote worth remembering is that countries do not have friends; they have 

interests. That sensitivity will minimize the probability of becoming involved 

in adverse situations that could harm our national interests. 

The ongoing war in Iraq and Afghanistan further exacerbates the 

problem of in-depth understanding for foreign societies. The omnipresent 

operational tempo of those operations has seriously degraded the foreign 

area capability for every other region of the world. Attempts are made at 

retaining socially sensitive skills related to other areas, but life and death 

exigencies of combat appropriately take top priority. Cultural awareness 

and interpersonal relationships are perishable and retained only through 

repetitive engagement. The appropriate balance of assignments represents 

tough choices. 

An emerging SOF element that will play increasingly important roles in 

Africa is the Marine Special Operations Command (MARSOC). Historically 

the U.S. Marines have been called upon to execute many missions in 
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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

Africa. Some of the best known have been the evacuation of American and 

European civilians when hostilities threatened all foreigners. In particular, 

the Marine Special Operations Advisory Groups (MSOAGs) are suited for 

foreign internal development missions, much like their U.S. Army Special 

Forces counterparts. Also expanding are the Marine Special Operations 

Battalions that will be involved in direct action and special reconnaissance 

missions in Africa.195

Many of the physical environments in which SOF must operate in Africa 

are extraordinarily harsh and inhospitable. Troops operating in Sahara or 

the Kalahari often find themselves facing extreme heat, lack of access to 

water, and occasional gale-force winds with blowing sand that can penetrate 

most any piece of equipment and make life miserable. Much of Central 

Africa provides a totally different, but equally difficult environment. In this 

tropical region the dense forests and extensive rainfall can greatly inhibit 

cross-country travel and extract a physical toll on all non-indigenous personnel attempting to operate there. The people residing in these remote 

areas and with whom SOF units may work often live on the margins of 

civilization. Therefore, long-duration assignments, especially if repetition 

is anticipated, are generally infeasible. 

Disease is another significant concern. The extreme environmental 

conditions of Central Africa have spawned some of the deadliest diseases 

known to man including Ebola, Hemorrhagic Fever, and Marburg virus. 

Scientists believe that some of these rare but often fatal illnesses first evolved 

in monkeys and then migrated to humans through close contact between 

the species. While controversial, AIDS may have been passed to humans by 

the same means. Whatever the origin, the AIDS pandemic kills about two 

million people each year in Africa. Other common diseases that are nearly 

unheard of in the developed world include sleeping sickness, yellow fever, 

cholera, river blindness, and tick bite fever.196 Polio, once thought eliminated, 

is making a comeback in Africa and a resurgence of malaria accounts for 

about one million deaths, many of which are children under five years of 

age.197 West Africa also spawns illnesses rarely seen in other areas of the 

world. Among them is Lassa disease, an arenavirus which is generally borne 

by rodents and transmitted to humans who come in close proximity. 

Based on the presence of these virulent diseases, careful medical planning, preparation, and monitoring for all SOF operators deploying to these 

areas is imperative. That monitoring must continue well after they return 
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home or transition to another theater. Some of the exotic neurodegenerative African diseases can be introduced into the soldier’s body and remain 

dormant for extended periods of time before onset of symptoms. 

In addition, these diseases also impact the soldiers being trained in 

affected areas. One of the common problems with troops in underdeveloped areas of the world is marksmanship. Poor diet often leads to impaired 

eyesight. Rarely do they have access to competent optometry services and 

do not get the glasses that would easily correct the vision problems.

It is acknowledged that there is a direct linkage between terrorism and 

organized crime. In both Southern Africa and Western Africa this has 

become a significant problem as some areas have become transit points for 

drugs shipped from South American en route to Europe. Weapons smuggling is also a serious problem. One issue that has emerged between the 

U.S. and our African allies is differentiation between criminal and terrorist 

activities. It is argued that some governments label all adverse activities as 

terrorism with the anticipation that the U.S. will provide funds to them from 

our counterterrorism initiatives. 

Unlike NATO allies or other countries that have been supplied with 

U.S. weapons, many African countries have acquired materiel from other 

sources. Therefore equipment compatibility can be a challenge. SOF trainers 

must know the foreign systems and be able to understand how to integrate 

disparate equipment and make it all functional. Under such circumstances, 

maintenance and logistics are particularly difficult.

Finally, there is the issue of race. As a fully integrated military, the United 

States assigns people based on skill and merit. Race is rarely considered as 

a qualification. Except for restricted skill sets, even gender is not a major 

factor in determination of assignments. However, when superimposed on 

societies that take these issues very seriously, the introduction of a person 

with the wrong background could affect acceptance of the unit’s advice. 

There are, of course, tradeoffs that may be made based on how urgently 

the recipient believes that they need the resources provided by the U.S. SOF

element. Examples abound indicating that these issues can be overcome 

in many cases. For example, American units in predominantly Muslim 

countries have assigned women as advisors to men, a custom not easily 

accommodated. For isolated SOF elements, it may be efficacious to take 

race, gender, and even religion into account when making sensitive assignments. If access and acceptance is key to success, consideration of these 
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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

factors may be necessary whether or not they comply with established DoD 

policies. For much of the world, mix and match does not apply to personal 

relationships.

There is little doubt that SOF elements will play key roles in support of 

African military development. They are by far the best suited for missions 

ranging from foreign internal development, to stability operations, and 

when necessary small scale direct action operations. 

Summary

Comprised of 53 separate and disparate countries, Africa offers complex 

challenges to U.S. foreign policies, especially those related to defense. Clearly, 

there are national interests involving security and availability of energy 

resources and in countering terrorism that manifests global latitude. Only 

a few short decades out of colonial rule, many of the countries suffer from 

weak governance. Corruption, a global problem, is epidemic in many of 

these fledgling democracies and threatens social evolution into a more 

stable form of management. The concentration of wealth, derived by a governing few who exploit the country’s natural resources, has been labeled 

kleptocracy. 

While reduced in numbers, there are several ongoing conflicts based on 

historical grievances exacerbated by artificially created states with boundary delineation designed long ago for the convenience and self-interests 

of extra-continental powers. With more than 400 indigenous tribes, plus 

genetic infusion from Europe and Asia, the population of the continent 

evinces extreme heterogeneity.198 As indicated, fierce intertribal rivalries 

have led to horrendous casualties. Disconcerting is that even evidence of 

genocide can be ignored both intra-continentally, and by culturally astute 

people in the more technically developed Western world. 

Prior to the opening of the Suez Canal, Africa was strategically located 

on European naval routes for passage to Asia, thus attracting people to 

the port cities. In addition, Africa is rich in natural resources, proven to 

be both a blessing and a curse. While the lure of gold and diamonds once 

brought Europeans in their search for wealth, oil has become the principal 

commodity that attracts foreign interest and investment. The continuously 

increasing demand for energy has produced global competition, and the U.S.

has specifically designated security of some African petroleum as a national 
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interest. Oil has been located in several areas of the continent, but that is 

usually followed by regional instability.

With 22 percent of the world’s landmass, Africa has other large mineral 

deposits including uranium, chromium, manganese, bauxite, cobalt, platinum, copper, and gold. In addition, the hardwood forests of the Congo basin 

provide lumber for a voracious global market, but bring worry about depletion of this critical, oxygen producing resource. In parts of Africa reside 

unique, sometimes endangered, species of animals that require protection 

in order that the lucrative, burgeoning tourism industry can flourish. 

Problematic, however, is that despite the abundance of these resources, 

poverty among the common people is growing, and Africa holds several 

countries with the poorest people on the planet. In addition to government corruption, population growth, environmental changes (including 

desertification), rampant debilitating (and often fatal) diseases, inadequate 

communication and transportation systems, and limited educational opportunities contribute to the impoverishment. Of course, all of those factors 

become amplified when juxtaposed with widespread armed conflicts, which 

in recent years have displaced tens of millions of people from their homes, 

and directly contributed to the deaths of millions more. Certainly these 

conditions can easily lead to disenfranchisement and a propensity to join 

or support an insurgency.

While Europeans have historically viewed Africa as their exclusive 

domain, China has emerged as a global economic player with concerted 

interests there. As seen throughout this paper, the influence of China is felt 

in many areas and ranges from providing no strings economic assistance 

and development of infrastructure to circumventing arms embargos while 

supporting despots via its actions in UN Security Council. While the United 

States has participated in many projects, recent policy objectives indicate 

that involvement will increase and that our relations with China vis-à-vis 

Africa will be one of mutual cooperation. Their actions in Sudan put that 

notion to a severe test. 

Across the continent irregular warfare is a norm, and there are several 

conflicts worth attention. The crisis in Darfur and Chad still rages with 

no end in sight. American assistance has focused on providing substantial 

food supplies for refugees, while EU and AU allies provide minimal peacekeeping forces that are at risk in the area. On the horizon is a renewed civil 

war between northern and southern Sudan, probably precipitated by the 
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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

mandatory elections regarding independence of the south. Some experts 

believe that the situation could become worse than Darfur. The conflict in 

Congo remains unresolved and tens of thousands of people die each month 

from both direct and indirect results of that civil war. The situation in the 

Horn of Africa is still volatile and will not subside soon. In the Niger River 

Delta, MEND threatens oil production while in northern Niger the Tuaregs 

impact the uranium mining operations. Across the Maghreb AQIM continues to recruit, train and cause problems for governments in the region. It 

also exports terror to Europe and other destinations around the world.

While there are two current wars generating genocidal levels of casualties, Darfur and Congo, it is highly probable a third will reignite within 

the next two years. The UN-brokered peace treaty for the civil war between 

northern and southern Sudan called for multi-party elections and a referendum on separation. That civil war provides another nightmare scenario 

combining historic indigenous racial, ethnic, religious, and tribal issues 

juxtaposed with external competition for energy resources and infusion of 

modern weapons. Nearly forgotten is that the T-72 tanks on the hijacked 

ship, while initially headed for Mombasa, were really destined for delivery 

in South Sudan in preparation for the next round of warfare. 

The new illegal-drug routes from South America are a destabilizing factor 

in West Africa as the narcotics money overwhelms the local economies. The 

increased drug smuggling is also adversely impacting South Africa. Coups 

and failed elections plague both Mauritania and Zimbabwe. Angola held 

open elections that resulted in the incumbent being returned to power even 

though the country is a kleptocracy. The outcome was never really in doubt 

as all of the media was controlled by the government. Of concern is what 

happens in the oil-rich exclave of Cabinda, and what role Angola may choose 

to play in supporting the current government of Congo as that fight drags 

on. The ethnic-based strife that followed Kenya’s 2008 election is a reminder 

of just how quickly relative stability can devolve. It demonstrates that tribal 

tension, always close to the surface, can turn deadly almost instantaneously. 

Across all of these conflicts, gender related atrocities play a significant role 

in perpetuating violence. 

While many SOF training missions have been conducted in African 

countries, most were for relatively short durations. American response to 

repeated social and environmental catastrophes has been hindered by lack 

of adequate bases from which to operate or provide large-scale logistical 
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support. Given the significant concerns by many African governments about 

the ultimate intent of U.S. Government policies, that situation is unlikely to 

change. Therefore, many missions requiring immediate intervention will 

probably be relegated to MARSOC units operating from, or supported by, 

the U.S. Navy. 

However, it will be more important for SOF to move beyond crisis intervention and rescue missions. Gaining and maintaining confidence is an 

arduous process that demands constant attention. High on the AFRICOM

priority list of operations should be increased and sustained foreign internal 

development training missions with militaries that are considered relatively 

stable. Whenever possible repeated face to face contact should be initiated 

to both instill the values of a professional forces and to provide for early 

indications of impending danger and conduits for mitigating outbreaks of 

violence.

Another critical instrument for gaining trust and confidence will continue to be civil support missions such as medical civil action programs 

(MEDCAPs) and engineering projects. With burgeoning desertification 

providing a well is invaluable and goes a long way in demonstrating the 

utility of American presence and support of our values. On a continent 

with 11 percent of the world’s people, and 1 percent of the medical care, SOF

medical elements are worth their weight in gold.

The Horn of Africa provides a special set of problems with global implications, and the potential for SOF intervention. Specifically, the recent increase 

in high-value ship hijackings has caused the shipping industry to reconsider 

transiting the Suez Canal and avoiding the Gulf of Aden in favor of the far 

longer voyage around the treacherous waters of the Cape of South Africa. 

While not exclusively an American problem, the U.S. Navy SEALS are specifically trained for ship boarding and counterpiracy missions. 

Given the history of American interventions, and sometimes lack thereof 

(Rwanda), in Africa, the Middle East, and elsewhere, development of better 

relations between the U.S. and most African countries will be painstakingly 

slow. It remains unlikely that Africa Command will be able to secure a permanent headquarters anywhere on the continent, and will be consigned to 

frequent trips to meet with leaders of the countries. However, SOF elements 

have already established relationships in many countries and offer the best 

hope for expanded contacts, especially as junior leaders from African militaries mature and move into increasingly responsible positions. Building 
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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

on the personal relationships our SOF personnel create through repeated 

deployments can have strategic value in obtaining the goals and objectives 

of the United States in general and Africa Command in particular. 

If the U.S. is going to increase its engagement in Africa, then competent 

strategic thought is required. Assisting in capacity building and support 

for emerging democracies, is at best tricky. Given the level of operational 

commitment in Iraq and Afghanistan, there are few combat troops left to 

respond to other crises. The guidance of the AFRICOM objective “to keep 

American combat troops off the continent for fifty years” leaves limited 

options. There seems to be little doubt that Africa provides a full spectrum 

SOF operational environment. Great care and planning is required, but SOF

offer the best toolkit for the job. 

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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

Endnotes

1. While the formal definition of irregular warfare is relatively new, the concepts 

are not. However, the asymmetric nature of recent battles has brought new light 

onto the topic as U.S. military forces evolved their countermeasures, sometimes 

by trial and error. In September 2007 the Department of Defense published the 

Irregular Warfare Joint Operating Concept. It defined irregular warfare (IW) “as 

a violent struggle among state and non-state actors for legitimacy and influence 

over relevant populations.” They note that IW is inherently protracted and favors 

the indirect and asymmetric approaches. It also acknowledges that the challenges 

will require application “of all available instruments of national power.” The concept notes that IW is about people, not about which side has the biggest guns, or 

most advanced technology. Success depends on understanding social dynamics, 

tribal politics, religious influences and cultural mores. In December 2008, a new 

DoD directive further codified the importance of IW. 

2. Senior joint commander, addressing the SOC Africa Command regional meeting 

held at MacDill Air Force Base, 23 May 2008. 

3. Former principal Deputy Undersecretary of Defense for Policy, conference entitled 

AFRICOM: The American Military and Public Diplomacy in Africa, University of 

Southern California, 8 February 2008. 

4. An ambassador assigned to AFRICOM, conference entitled AFRICOM: The 

American Military and Public Diplomacy in Africa, University of Southern 

California, 8 February 2008.

5. Mike Bottoms, “USSOCOM celebrates its 20th Anniversary,” USSOCOM Public 

Affairs Office press release, May, 2007, http:/socom.mil/Release/May/20thAnniv/

USSOCOM%celebrates%20its20%2020thAnniversary.pdf. 

6. U.S. Forces Command, Joint Operational Environment (JOE 2008), http://jfcom.

mil/about/facts_joe2008.html. 

7. John B. Alexander, Ph.D., “Intelligence Scotomas in Central and South America,” 

The Proteus Management Series, Vol 1, Issue 4, March 2008.

8. Thomas L. Friedman, Hot, Flat and Crowded: Why We Need A Green Revolution 

– And How It Can Renew America, (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2008), p.155. 

9. Christopher Clapham, “The Challenges of Peacekeeping in Africa.” The African 

Military in the 21st Century, Report of the 2007 Tswalu Dialogue, The Royal United 

Service Institute, May 2007

10. Chris Lowe, et. al, “talking about ‘Tribe’ - Moving from Stereotypes to Analysis,” 

Africa Action, February 2008, http://www.africaaction.org/bp/documents/

TalkingaboutTribeFeb2008Update_001.pdf.

11. There will undoubtedly be controversy concerning the use of the word tribe. I 

have chosen to include it as a topic as my experience in Africa, and that of many 

others, finds that tribal identity is extremely important in many areas on the 

continent. It is used by many Africans to describe themselves. As everyone is 

aware, it is a term that is frequently used in European and American media. The 
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social revisionists who argue against the use of the word claim that it promotes 

racial distortions and by fiat portrays “ethnicities as primitive and savage.” They 

rightfully point out that other factors, such economics and politics, are integrally 

juxtaposed in current conflicts. However, they ignore that many of the economic 

and governance issues, in fact brake down along tribal affiliations. It is anachronistic to regard all tribes as “primitive.” Despite the controversy, it must be noted 

that even, “African leaders see tribalism as a major problem in their countries.” 

For reference see note 12. 

12. “Rwanda: How the genocide happened,” BBC News, updated 1 April 2004, http://

news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1288230.stm.

13. John B. Alexander, discussions and observations made during personal travel in 

Rwanda in November 2007.

14. Gerard Prunier, “Rwanda’s ghosts refuse to be buried,” BBC News, 6 April 2009, 

http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7981964.stm.

15. Jeffrey Gettleman, “Disputed Vote Plunges Kenya into Bloodshed,” The New York 

Times, 31 Dec 2007.

16. “U.N.: 600,000 Displaced in Kenya Unrest,” CBS News, 11 Feb 2008, http/:www.

cbsnews.com/stories/2008/02/11/world/main3815702.shtml.

17. “Kenya diplomatic push for peace,” BBC News, 2 January 2008, http:/news.bbc.

co.uk/2/hi/Africa/7167363.stm.

18. U.S. State Department, Bureau of Consular Affairs, “Travel Warning-Kenya,” 21 

March 2008, http:/www.travel.state.gov/travel/cis_pa_tw/tw/tw_923.html.

19. “Kenya: Mungiki Claims 1,000,000 Members,” Nairobi Star, 17 December, 2008, 

http://allafrica.com/stories/2008/12160756.html.

20. “FACTBOX_ Key facts about Kenya’s Mungiki gang,” Reuters, 5 June 2007, http://

www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L05868431.htm.

21. “Profile: Kenya’s secretive Mungiki sect,” BBC News, 24 May 2007, http://news.

bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/africa/6685393.stm.

22. “More killings feared as Kibaki vows new Mungiki war,” Nairobi 

Chronicle, 7 December 2008, http://nairobichronicle.wordpress.com/2008 

/12/07/%ef%bb%bfmore-killings-feared-as-kibaki-vows-new-mungiki-war/.

23. “Morgan Tsvangirai,” Biography of, Answers.com, www.answers.com/topic/

morgan-tsvangirai.

24. “”Mugabe orders white farmers to leave,” BBC News, 12 August 2002, http://news.

bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/2187453.stm.

25. Martin Ngwenya, “Keep Reinforcing Zimbabwean Capacities to End Cholera 

Epidemic - WHO,” Voice of America, 31 March 2009, http://www.voanews.com/

english/Africa/Zimbabwe/2009-03-31-voa59.cfm.

26. Peter Brookes and Ji Hye Shin, “China’s Influence in Africa: Implications for the 

United States,” The Heritage Foundation, Backgrounder, 22 February 2006 http://

www.heritage.org/research/asiaandthepacific/bg1916.cfm.

27. “Zimbabwe inflation rockets higher,” BBC News, 19 August 2008, http://news.

bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/hi/business/7569894.stm.
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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

28. “South Africa protests anti-immigrant violence,” Reuters, 24 May 2008 http://

www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24804749/.

29. The basis for this paragraph came from the comments provided by an unidentified, but obviously knowledgeable, double-blind review of the original manuscript 

at JSOU. I have modified the comments slightly. 

30. Greg Campbell, “‘Blood Diamond’ shows how industry leaders turned a blind 

eye to the atrocities funded by their policies.” The Christian Science Monitor, 11 

Dec 2006. http://www.csmonitor.com/2006/1211/p09s01-coop.htm.

31. John B. Alexander, Winning The War: Advanced Strategies, and Concepts for the 

Post-9/11 World, (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2003).

32. Jon Swain, “Africa, China’s new frontier,” The Sunday Times, 10 February 2008, 

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/africa/article3319909.ece.

33. “Africa Fast Running Down Resources – WWF Report,” World Environmental 

News, 10 June 2008, http:/www.planetark.com/avantgo/dailynewsstory.

cfm?newsid=48713.

34. Central Intelligence Agency, The World Factbook, updated 10 June 2008, https://

www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/eg.html.

35. Ibid.

36. John B. Alexander, personal observation in Rwanda, November 2007.

37. Dith Pran, “The Cambodian Killing Fields,” http://www.dithpran.org/killingfields.htm.

38. “Genocide in the 20th Century,” The History Place, http://www.historyplace.com/

worldhistory/genocide/bosnia.htm.

39. U.S. Department of State, Bureau of African Affairs, Background Note: Sudan, 

July 2008, http:///www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5424.htm.

40. Brian Steidle, The Devil Came on Horseback, (New York: PublicAffairs, March 

2007).

41. “Somalia: No Mercy in Mogadishu,” Africa Watch, Physicians for Human Rights, 

26 March 1992 http://www.hrw.org/reports/1992/somalia/. 

42. Pauline Jelinek, “U.S. Special Forces in Somalia,” The Associated Press, 10 January 

2007, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/01/10/

AR2007011000438.

43. Alex Perry, “U.S. Kills Bin Laden’s Man in Somalia, Time, 1 May 2008, http://

www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1736736,00.htm.

44. Shashank Bengali, “Islamist rise in Somalia is latest worry for U.S.’” Miami Herald, 

23 November 2008, http://www.miamiherald.com/news/world/story/783915.

html.

45. David Montero, “War-torn Somalia braces for fresh violence amid shaky peace 

accord,” The Christian Science Monitor, 20 August 2008, http://www.csmonitor.

com/2008/0819/p99s01-duts.html.
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JSOU Report 09-5

46. Jason McLure, “Somalia Islamist Says Ethiopia, Oil Exploration Deepening 

Crisis,” Bloomberg, 27 August 2008, http://www.garoweonline.com/artman2/

publish/Features_34.

47. “Pirates push for ransom bonanza,” Independent Online, http://www.int.iol.co.za/

general/newsprint.php?art_id=nw20081125175054912C360530.

48. Rob Crilly, Pirates help fund Somali warlords,” The Christian Science Monitor, 27 

August 2008, http://www.csmonitor.com/2008/0827/p06s01-woaf.html.

49. Brianna Blake, “Kenya Puts $150 Million Estimate on Payments to Somalia’s 

Pirates,” Voice of America, 21 November 2008, http://www.voanews.com/

specialenglish/2008-11-21-voa1.

50. “Somali pirates seize more vessels,” BBC News, 6 April 2009, http://news.bbc.

co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7985374.stm.

51. Alisha Ryu, “Pirates Reaching Farther Out to Sea to Hijack Vessels,” 7 April 2009, 

Voice of America, http://www.voanews.com/english/2009-04-07-voa32.cfm. 

52. Brian Steidle, In private conversation with the author in Las Vegas, 9 June 2007, 

Steidle, a former USMC officer, served as a UN observer in Sudan. He reported 

that they were aware that Russian pilots were flying the bombing missions and 

targeting the remote villages.

53. “Russian pilots fly Sudan MIGs in Darfur missions,” World Tribune, 29 May 2008, 

http://www.worldtribune.com/worldtribune/WTARC/2008/af_suda0189_05_29.

asp.

54. Hilary Andersson, “China ‘is fueling war in Darfur’” BBC News, 13 July 2008, 

http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/hi/africa/7503428.stm.

55. Kristina Nwazota, “The Darfur Crisis,” PBS, The Online NewsHour, 16 July 2008, 

http://www.pbs.org/newshour/indepthcoverage/africa/darfur/origins.html.

56. “ICC Prosecutor presents case against Sudanese President, Hassan Ahmad 

Al Bashir, for genocide. Crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur,” 

International Criminal Court, The Hague, 14 July 2008, http://www.icc-cpi.wt/

press/pressreleases/406.html.

57. “Warrant issued for Sudan’s leader, “ BBC News, 4 March 2009, http://news.bbc.

co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7923102.stm.

58. “Sudan: NGO Expulsions Fact Sheet #5 (FY2009),” U.S. Agency for International 

Development, 2 April 2009, http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/db900SID/

MUMA-7QV33J?OpenDocument.

59. “Arab leaders snub a-Bashir warrant,” Al Jazeera, 31 March 2009, http://english.

aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2009/03/2009330175846714662.html.

60. Nick Robertson, “Rape as a way of life for Darfur’s women,” CNN, 19June 2008, 

http://edition,cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/06/19/darfur.rape.

61. Abra Pollock, “Sudan: Civilians Driven Into Camps, Then The Bush,” Inter Press 

Service, 16 November 2007.
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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

62. Stephanie McCrummen, “A Wide-Open Battle For Power in Darfur,” Washington 

Post, 4 July 2008, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/07/03/AR2008070303915.html.

63. “Nightmare in Africa: the crisis in Darfur has spread to Chad,” Sunday Herald, 

2 February 2008, http://sundayherald.com/misc/print.php?artid=2014806.

64. Lydia Polgreen, “Chad Shuts Down Capital as 1,000 Rebels March In,” The New 

York Times, 3 February 2008, http://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/03/world/

africa/03chad.html.

65. Stephanie McCrummen, “Peacekeepers in Darfur Hobbled by Need,” Washington 

Post, 20 June 2008, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/06/19/AR2008061903552.html.

66. Mons Stava, Major in Norwegian Army, private conversation with the author 

about his experience while assigned as a UN staff officer on the peacekeeping 

mission in Darfur in 2007, Paris, France, 16 June 2008.

67. Sunday Herald, 2 February 2008.

68. “Influential power against Darfur Peace” Sunday Nation, 31August 2008, http://

www.nation/co/ke/News/africa/-/1066/465024/-/149gf19z/-/index.html.

69. Moushumi Das Chaudhury, “UAE’s total investment in Sudan hit Dhs25b,” 

The Bor Globe Network, 30 August 2008, http://www.borglobe.com/business/

business/12-business/957-uaes-total-investment-in-sudan-hits-dhs25b.

70. United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, “Southern 

Sudan: A Path To ‘Indivisible Peace’ In The Country,” in Ten Stories the World 

Should Hear More About, 2007, http://www.un.org/events/tenstories/07/sudan/

shtml.

71. “Beyond The Latest North-South Crisis,” International Crisis Group, Brussels, 13 

March 2008, http://allafrica.com/stories/200803130746.htm.

72. Danna Harman, “How China’s support of Sudan shields a regime called ‘genocidal.’” The Christian Science Monitor, 26 June 2007, http://www.csmonitor.

com/2007/0626/p01s08-woaf.html.

73. Andrew S. Natsios, “Beyond Darfur: Sudan’s Slide Toward Civil War,” Foreign 

Affairs, May/June 2008, http://www.foreignaffairs.org/20080501faessay87306/

andrew-s-natsios/beyond-darfur.htm.

74. Ibid.

75. Ibid.

76. Michael Gordon and Jeffrey Gettleman, “U.S. Officials Say Israel Struck in Sudan,” 

The New York Times, 27 March 2009, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/03/27/world/

africa/27sudan.html.

77. “How Israel Foiled an Arms Convoy Bound for Hamas,” Time, 30 March 2009, 

http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1888352,00.html.

78. Alexis Okeowo, “Forgiving the Lord’s Resistance Army,” Time, 10 November 2007 

http://www.time.com/time/world/article.0,8599,1682747,00.html.
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79. David Smook, “Uganda/Lord’s Resistance Army Peace Negotiations,” United States 

Peace Institute, Feb 2008, http://www.usip.org/pubs/usipeace briefings/2008/0204 

uganda.html.

80. “Who is re-supplying the LRA?” BBC News, 4 April 2009, http://news.bbc.co.uk/

go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7983143.stm.

81. “Uganda rejects more rebel talks,” BBC News, 19 August 2008, http://news.bbc.

co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/hi/africa/7571139.stm.

82. Jeffery Gettleman, “Rebels Kill Nearly 200 in Congo, U.N. Says,” The New 

York Times, 30 December 2008, http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/30/world/

africa/30ugganda.html?em.

83. “Congo Civil War,” Global Security, http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/

war/congo.html, accessed 25 August 2008.

84. “DR Congo uranium mine collapses, BBC News, 12 June 2004, http://www.bbc.

co.uk/2/hi/africa/3887373.stm.

85. “IAEA probes DR Congo ‘uranium smuggling,” ABC News (Australia) 9 March 

2007, http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2007/03/09/1867218.htm.

86. Michael Gavshon and Drew Magratten, “War Against Women,” 60 Minutes, CBS 

News, 13 January 2008, http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2008/01/11/60minutes/

3701249.shtml.

87. Craig Timberg, “Report: Congo’s War and Aftermath Have Killed 5.4 Million,” 

Washington Post, 23 January 2008, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/

content/article/2008/01/22/AR2008012203340_pf.html.

88. Joe Bavier, “Congo war-driven crisis kills 45,000 q month-study,” Reuters, 22 

January 2008, http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L22080212.htm.

89. “DR Congo pygmies ‘exterminated,’” BBC News, 6 July 2004, http://news.bbc.

co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi.africa/3869489.stm.

90. “Democratic Republic of Congo: Mass rape – time for remedies,” Amnesty 

International, http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR62/081/2004/

en.ba62821f-a3b8-11dc-9d08fi45a8145d2b/afr620182004en.pdf.

91. Robert Lloyd, “Rape in the Congo won’t go unheard,” Los Angeles Times, 8 April 

2008, http://articles.latimes.com/2008/apr/08/entertainment/et-congo8.

92. Olivia Ward, “Sexual Violence ‘a tactic of war.’ UN Council says,” The Toronto 

Star, 20 June 2008, http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2008/06/20/9759/.

93. Patrick Vinck, et al. “Living With Fear: A Population-Based Survey on Attitudes 

About Peace, Justice, and Social Reconstruction in Eastern Democratic Republic 

of Congo,” International Center for Transitional Justice, August 2008 http://allafrica.com/peaceafrica/Resources/view/00011604.pdf.

94. Louis Charbonneau, “Peacekeepers may have committed sex abuse in Congo,” 

Reuters, 13 August 2008, http://africa.reuters.com/top/news/usnBAN325952.

html.

95. Michael Gavshon and Drew Magratten, “War Against Women,” 13 January 

2008. 
75

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

96. Lydia Polgreen, “Fighting in Congo Rekindles Ethnic Hatreds,” New York Times, 

10 January 2002, http://www.nytimes.com/2008/01/10/world/africa/10congo.

html.

97. “Rebels and army clash in DR Congo,” BBC News, 28 August 2008, http://news.

bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7586617.stm.

98. “’Human Catastrophe’ Grips Congo,” BBC News, 31 October 2008, http://news.

bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/world/africa/7701269.stm.

99. “Reports: Angola promises troops as Congo peace fades,” CNN.com, 12 November 

2008, http://www.edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/11.12/congo.fighting.

100. “Rwanda arrests Congo rebel leader,” BBC News, 23 January 2009, http://news.

bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7846339.stm.

101. “Congolese flee widespread unrest,” BBC News, 1 April 2009, http://news.bbc.

co.uk.go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7977493.stm.

102. Brian Lionberger, Major, U.S. Army, “Emerging Requirements for U.S. 

Counterinsurgency: An Examination of the Insurgency in the Niger River 

Delta Region,” Thesis for the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, Ft. 

Leavenworth, Kansas, 2007 http://stinet.dtci.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA4

71380&Location=U2&doc=GetTRDoc.pdf.

103. Simon Robinson, “Nigeria’s Deadly Days” Time, 14 May 2006, http://www.time.

com/time/printout/0,8816,1193987,00.html.

104. “Biafra War,” Global Security, http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/

biafra.htm accessed December 2008.

105. Brian Lionberger, p. 49.

106. Tom O’Neill, “Curse of the Black Gold: Hope and Betrayal in the Niger River 

Delta” National Geographic, Feb 2007, http://ngm.nationalgeographic.com/

ngm/0702/indea.html.

107. Stephanie Hanson, “MEND: The Niger River Delta’s Umbrella Militant 

Group,” The Council on Foreign Relations, 22 March 2007, http://www.cfr.org/

publication12920/.

108. Sebastian Junger, “Blood Oil: Politics & Power,” Vanity Fair, February 2007, http://

www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2007/02/junger200702.

109. “Nigeria’s Shadowy Oil Rebels” BBC News, 20 April 2006, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/

hi/world/africa/4732210.stm.

110. Stephanie Hanson, 22 March 2007.

111. John Alexander, “The Evolution of Conflict Through 2020: Demands on Personnel, 

Machines, and Missions,” Global Trends 2020 Project , National Intelligence 

Council, Alexandria, VA 25 May 2004. Superorganisms are comprised of many 

smaller parts but act in a manner that is greater than the sum of those parts. 

However, instead of complex command and control systems, each part responds 

to simple, often binary, instructions that facilitate complex actions. This concept runs counter to the traditional notion of centralized command and control 

and suggests a more complex target set when attempting to eliminate terrorist 

networks.
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112. Brian Lionberger, op cit pp 78-80.

113. “Nigerian attack closes oilfield,” BBC News, 20 June 2008, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/

hi/world/africa/7463288.stm.

114. Sebastian Junger, Vanity Fair.

115. Chindu Offor, “Nigeria’s Niger Delta Kidnappings Total Nearly 130 Since 2008,” 

Voice of America, 6 April 2009, http://www.voanews.com/english/Africa/2009-

04-06-voa42.cfm.

116. “Nigeria Rebels Attack Pipelines.” BBC News, 17 March 2009, http://news.bbc.

co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7947997.stm.

117. Hector Igbikiowubo, “Ex-Generals fingered as crude theft worsens: 680,000 barrels stolen per day,” Vanguard, 27 March 2009, http://www.vanguardngr.com/

context/view/32093/41/.

118. “Nigeria lost $20.7 bln in Niger delta unrest,” Agence France-Presse, 10 April 2009, 

http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20090410/wl_africa_afp/nigeriaoilunrest/.

119. “Q&A: Tuareg Unrest,” BBC News, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6982266.

stm.

120. John Alexander, personal observations throughout southern Mali, including 

Timbuktu, in February and March 2006.

121. Bram Posthumus, “Niger: Along History. A Brief Conflict, an Open Future,” 

Searching for Peace in Africa, 2000 The European Centre for Conflict Prevention, 

http://www.conflict-prevention.net/page.php?id=40&formid=73&action=show&

surveyid=37.

122. Kalifa Keita, Lt. Col. Army of Mali, “Conflict and Conflict Resolution in the Sahel: 

The Tuareg Insurgency in Mali,” U.S. Army Strategic Studies Institute, 1 May 1998, 

http://www.strategicstudiesinsitute.army.mil/pdffiles/PUB200.pdf.

123. Tiemoko Diallo, “Tuareg Rebels in Mali Besiege Northern Garrison,” Reuters, 14 

September 2007, http://www.alertnews.org/thenews/newsdesk/L14864903.htm.

124. Tiemoko Diallo, “Gunmen attack Mali outpost, seize soldiers, weapons,” Reuters, 

19 July 2008, http://www.alertnews.org/thenews/newsdesk/L1981053.htm.

125. Tiemoko Diallo, “Suspected Tuareg rebels ambush Mali military convoy,” Reuters, 

28 August 2008, http://www.alertnews.org/thenews/newsdesk/L28877955.htm.

126. John Alexander, In February 2006, while in Timbuktu I met with the A-Team 

commander that was then training the Mali Army at that remote cite. The heavily 

dominant language of Mali is French. The commander indicated that there were 

two members of his team that could speak French, and only two members of the 

Mali unit that could speak English.

127. “A field officer of Niger’s armed forces (FAN) Major Kindo Zada on Tuesday 

defected to the rebels,” African Press, 22 July 2007, http://africanpress.wordpress.

com/2007/07/22/a-field-officer-of-nigers-armed-forces-fan-major-kindo-zada-onTuesday-defected-to-the-rebels/.

128. “Niger’s government, Tuareg rebels pledge peace, “ Reuters, 7 April 2009, http://

uk.reuters.com/article/homepagecrisis/id=UKL789895._CH_.2420.
77

Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

129. Anneli Botha, Terrorism in the Maghreb: The Transnationalisation of Domestic 

Terrorism, Institute for Security Studies, June 2008.

130. Andrew Hansen and Lauren Vriens, “Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb 

(AQIM) of L’Organizsation Al-Qaїda au Maghreb Islamique (Formerly Salafist 

Group for Preaching and Combat or Groupe Salafiste pour la Prédiction et 

le Combat)” Council on Foreign Relations, 31 July 2008, http://www.cfr.org/

publications/12717/.

131. Lauren Vriens, “Armed Islamic Group (Algeria, Islamists) (a.k.a. GIA, Groupe 

Islamique Armé, or al-Jama’ah al-Islamiyah al-Musallaha), Council on Foreign 

Relations, 22 June 2008, http://www.cfr.org/publications/9154/armed_group_

algeria_islamists.html.

132. J. Michael McConnell, “Annual Threat Assessment of the Intelligence Community 

for the Senate Armed Services Committee,” Director of National Intelligence, 27 

February 2008, http:www.dni.gov/testimonies/20080227_testimony.pdf.

133. Emily Hunt, “Islamist Terrorism in North West Africa: A ‘Thorn in the Neck’ of 

the United States,” Policy Focus 65, Washington Institute, February 2007, http://

www.washingtoninsitute.org/templateC04.php?CID=266.

134. John Alexander, personal understanding from trekking in Mali, and motoring 

across the desert in Morocco convinced me that the notion of vastness can only 

be experienced, it cannot adequately be described.

135. Thomas Omestad, “The Casbah Connection: Why Morocco is producing some of 

world’s most feared terrorists,” U.S. News and World Report, 1 May 2005, http://

www.usnews.com/usnews/news/articles/050509/9morocco.

136. John Alexander, private discussions with Commissioner Abdelali Zerrad, deputy 

chief of police, Rabat, Morocco concerning the evolution of AQIM and the current 

stability situation in that country, December 2007.

137. Eben Kaplan, “North Africa’s Rising Radicals,” Daily Analysis, Council on Foreign 

Relations, 16 April 2007, http://www.cfr.org/publications/13102/north_africa_

rising_radicals.html.

138. Liam Stack, “Bombing Suggests Al Qaeda Remains a Threat in Algeria,” The 

Christian Science Monitor, 6 August 2008, http://www.csmonitor.com/2008/0805/

p99s04-duts.html.

139. “Al-Qaeda ‘claims Algeria bombs,’” BBC News, 22 August 2008, http://news.bbc.

co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7576478.stm.

140. “Terror blasts rock Casablanca,” BBC News, 17 May 2003, http://news.bbc.co.uk/

go/pr/fr/-/hi/world/africa/3035803.stm.

141. “Morocco: The Unusual ‘Bombing’ in Casablanca,” STRATFOR, 12 March 2007, 

http://www.stratfor.com/morocco_unusual_bombing_casablanca.

142. John Alexander, while traveling in Morocco in December 2007 and January 2008, 

the security measures were noticeable to a trained observer. Foreign groups were 

continuously shadowed by security personnel who always were advised of group 

itineraries.
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143. “Algeria: AQIM and the Perils of Soft Targets,” STRATFOR, 19 August 2008, 

http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/algeria_aqim_and_perils_soft_targets.

144. John Alexander, Proteus 2008.

145. John Alexander, The Changing Nature of Warfare, the Factors Mediating Future 

Conflict, and Implications for SOF, JSOU Monograph April,2006, p. 13. This 

international involvement in jihad is commensurate with the description of a 

philosophical model of war 

146. “The accused in Spain’s bombing trial,” MSNBC News Service, 31 October 2007, 

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/2155905.

147. J. Peter Pham, “Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb: An Evolving Challenge in the 

War on Terror,” World Defense Review, 8 May 2008, http://worlddefensereview.

com/pham050808.shtml.

148. “New Al Qaeda Cell A Growing Threat to U.S.” CBS News, 26 May 2008, http://

www.cbsnews.com/2008/05/26/eveningnews/4127487.shtml.

149. “AQIM Tries To Set Up Operations in Morocco,” CBS News, 7 August 2008, http”//

www.cbsnews.com/blogs/2008/08/07/monitor/entry4327995.shtml.

150. Pascale Combelles Siegel, “AQIM Renews its Threats Against France,” Terrorism 

Focus, Vol. 4, Issue 26, 7 August 2007, http://www.jamestown.org/terrorism/news/

article.php?articleid=2373602.

151. Amir Taheri, “Al-Qaeda’s sinister creep into North Africa” The Times, UK, 30 

July 2008, http://timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/columnists/guest_contributers/

article4425820.ece.

152. Erin Carlyle, “Minneapolis Somali community facing a dark web of murders,” 

City Pages, 12 November 2008, http://www.citypages.com/content/2008/11/12.

news/minneaplois-somali-community-facing-dark-web-murders&page1.

153. Richard Liebrecht, “Somali community frustrated by deaths, language barriers,” Edmonton Sun, 7 December 2008, http://edmontonsun.com/News/

Alberta/2008/12/07/pf-7659381.html.

154. Sara A. Carter, “Somalis in the U.S. draw FBI attention,” Washington Times, 29 

December 2008, http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2008/dec/29/somalisin-us-draw-fbi-attention/.

155. Thomas J. Christensen and James Swan, Deputy Assistant Secretaries of State, 

“China in Africa: Implications for U.S. Policy,” Statement Before the Subcommittee 

on African Affairs of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Washington, D.C. 

5 June 2008, http://www.state.gov/p/eap/rls/2008/06/105556.htm.

156. Kerry Dumbaugh, “China’s Foreign Policy: What Does It Mean for U.S. Global 

Interests?” Congressional Research Service, RL34588, 18 July 2008, http://www.

fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL34588.pdf.

157. Christensen, op cit.

158. Jon Swain, “Africa, China’s new frontier,” The Sunday Times, 10 February 2008, 

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/africa/article3319909.ece.
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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

159. Peter Brookes and Ji Hye Shin, “China’s Influence in Africa: Implications for the 

United States,” The Heritage Foundation, Backgrounder, 22 February 2006 http://

www.heritage.org/research/asiaandthepacific/bg1916.cfm.

160. Stephanie Hanson, “China, Africa, and Oil,” Council on Foreign Relations, 

Backgrounder, 6 June 2008, http://www.cfr.org/publications/9557/.

161. Swain, op cit.

162. Harry G. Broadman, “China and India Go to Africa,” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 87 

No.2, March/April 2008.

163. Hansen, op cit.

164. Ibid.

165. Broadman, op cit.

166. John Alexander, based on personal observation of multiple border crossing sites 

in Africa from 2006-2007.

167. Brookes, op cit.

168. “Zimbabwe: Corruption increasing, Transparency International,” UN Office for 

the Coordination of Human Affairs, 8 October 2002, http://Irinnews.org/Report.

aspx?Reportid=46595.

169. Peter Goodspeed, “Angola vote likely won’t end corruption,” Financial Post, 

5 September 2008 http://financialpost.com/trading_desk/energy/story.

html?id=770458.

170. “Angola’s 25 Year Civil War” UN Security Council, http://www.globalpolicy.org/

security/sanction/angola/001109.htm.

171. “Cabinda: Prospects for an Oil Insurgency in the Angolan Exclave,” The Oil Drum,

13 May 2007, http://theoildrum.com/node/2536.

172. Margaret Polski, Ph.D., Private communication derived from review of an early 

draft of this monograph, 30 September 2008.

173. Also (see endnote 29) taken from the comments provided in a double-blind review 

of the original manuscript at JSOU. 

174. Alexander, 2008.

175. “U.N.: Growing W. African drug trade may increase violence,” CNN, 31 July 2008, 

http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/31/africa.drugs.trade.ap/index.

html.

176. Ed Vulliamy, “How a tiny West African country became the world’s first narco 

state,” The Observer, 9 March 2009, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/

mar/09/drugstrade.

177. Gwynne Dyer, “Shoot-Out in Guinea-Bissau: Africa’s ‘narco-state’ spins into violence as the result of its burgeoning drug trade,” Egypt Today, April 2009, http://

www.egypttoday.com/aspx?ArticleID=8465.

178. Ange Aboa Duekoue, “Security Better But Fear of Militias Lingers,” The Nation, 

17 August 2008, http://allafrica.com/stories/200808180105.html.

179. Anneli Botha, private conversations with this counterterrorism expert took place 

in Washington, D.C, 1 October 2008.
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180. “ International Narcotics Control Strategy Report,” U.S. Department of State, 

March 2007, http/www.state.gov/p/inl/rls/nrcrpt/2007/vol1/html/80861.htm.

181. Ethan Kapstein, “Slavery Goes Global,” Policy Innovations, of the Carnegie 

Council, November 2006, http://www.rolicyinnovations.org/ideas/commentary/

data/slavery/.

182. “Council of Europe says human trafficking has reached ‘epidemic proportions,’” The Associated Press, 5 December 2006, http://www.iht.com/articles/

ap/2006/12/05/europe/EU_GEN_Greece_Trafficking.php.

183. “Major Forms of Trafficking in Persons,” U.S. State Department Trafficking in 

Persons Report, 4 June 2008, http://www.state.gov/g/tip/rls/tiprpt/2008/105377.

htm.

184. “”Tier Placements,” U.S. State Department Trafficking in Persons Report, 4 June 

2008, http://www.state.gov/g/tip/rls/tiprpt/2008/105383.htm.

185. “Report of the Eastern and Horn of Africa Conference on Human Trafficking 

and Forced Labor,” African Network for Prevention and Protection against Child 

Abuse and Neglect, Nairobi Safari Club, 5-7 July 2005, http://www.antislavery.

org/homepage/resources/PDF/PDFtraffick.htm.

186. “Chad still using child soldiers – rights group,” The Irish Times, 5 September 2008, 

http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/world/2008/0905/1220544891830.html.

187. “Child Soldier Global Report – Facts & Figures on Child Soldiers,” The Coalition 

to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, August 2008, http://www.childsoldierglobal 

report.org/files_country_pdfs/Facts%20and%20Figures.pdf.

188. “Banda sworn in as Zambian leader,” BBC News, 2 November 2008, http://news.

bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7704859.stm.

189. “Nigerian city tense after riots,” BBC News, 30 November 2008, http://news.bbc.

co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7757398.stm.

190. Gordon England, Deputy Secretary of Defense, Department of Defense Directive 

3000.07, 1 December 2008.

191. COL Joseph D. Celeski, U.S. Army (Ret.) “Strategic Employment of SOF in a UW 

Environment,” Special Warfare, July-August 2008, p. 23.

192. GEN Kip Ward, Command Briefing, Partnership, Security, and Stability, United 

States Africa Command, 2008.

193. Katherine McIntyre Peters, “U.S. counterterrorism efforts flounder in North 

Africa, GAO says,” Government Executive, 5 August 2008, http://www.govexec.

com/dailyfed/08/08/080805kpl.htm.

194. “Troops stage coup in Mauritania,” BBC News, 6 August 2008, http://news.bbc.

co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7544834.stm.

195. Matt Hilburn, “A Work in Progress: Marines continue to hone Special Operations 

role in SOCOM,” Seapower, February 2008, http://seapower-digital.com/

seapower/200802/pg=23.

196. Jason Beaubien, “AIDS, Other Diseases Create Poverty Trap in Africa,” National 

Public Radio, 26 August 2006.
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Alexander, Africa: Irregular Warfare on the Dark Continent

197. Thomas Nchinda, “Malaria: A Reemergence in Africa,” World Heath Organization, 

Geneva, http://www.cdc.gov/ncidod/eid/vol4no3/nchinda.htm.

198. No one knows how many tribes there are in Africa, and some estimates place the 

figure over 1000. As indicated in prior notes, the definition of tribe is vague but 

the concept, as it applies to internal conflict, is a primary factor, and not a sign 

of intellectual laziness..