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ISSUE BRIEF

August 2016

Intergenerational Patterns 

of Child Maltreatment: 

What the Evidence Shows

WHAT’S INSIDE

Theories to explain IGM

What the research shows

Practical implications

Areas for further 

research

Conclusion

Appendix A: 

Research findings

Appendix B: Reading 

the research

References

The majority of children who experience maltreatment do 

not become adults who abuse or neglect their own children. 

Our review of nearly 3 decades of research on the topic 

reveals that intergenerational patterns of child abuse and 

neglect are far more complex and nuanced than originally 

understood. Although this research is limited, it is important 

for practitioners, administrators, and others who work with 

children, youth, and families to have an accurate understanding 

of the issue. Incorrect conclusions about the existence, extent, 

and causes of intergenerational maltreatment (IGM) could 

lead to ineffective screening tools, harmful social policies, 

worker bias, and poor outcomes for children and families.

Over time, a stronger research base will continue to 

increase our understanding of the factors that contribute 

to patterns of maltreatment within families. This will enable 

child welfare, family support, and other organizations to 

more effectively promote protective factors and address 

risk factors in ways that can benefit all families.

This issue brief explores what is currently known about 

intergenerational patterns of maltreatment, the limits 

of our current knowledge, implications of what we 

know and what we do not know (including promising 

prevention strategies), and areas for further research.
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Theories to Explain IGM

Several theories have been cited to improve our 

understanding of intergenerational patterns of 

maltreatment (Thornberry & Henry, 2013). The most 

prevalent include the following:

 Social learning theory proposes that individuals’ 

behavior is shaped through observation and imitation. 

Therefore, this theory suggests that adults’ parenting 

will be influenced by childhood experiences of their 

own parents’ behaviors. If individuals experience 

abusive or neglectful parenting, then they may 

develop beliefs that these behaviors are acceptable 

and/or effective and replicate them with their own 

children.

 Attachment theory emphasizes the importance of a 

quality, early attachment with a caregiver. If a caregiver 

is not caring and sensitive to an infant’s needs (as is 

the case when early maltreatment occurs), the affected 

individual struggles to form healthy attachments into 

adulthood. This is theorized to increase the likelihood 

of abusive behavior as an adult.

 Trauma-based models suggest that maltreatment, like 

other forms of violence, produces trauma symptoms. 

If untreated and unresolved, these symptoms may 

increase the likelihood that the individual will engage 

in violent behavior, including child maltreatment, as an 

adult.

 Ecological or transactional theories view child 

maltreatment as the result of multiple influences and 

systems, including family, community, and societal 

factors. Research grounded in these theories looks 

for specific risk factors or pathways to better explain 

intergenerational patterns.

What the Research Shows

Although many researchers have attempted to quantify and 

explain the persistence of child abuse and neglect across 

generations (see appendix A for a partial list), many in the 

field agree that the current evidence base is still woefully 

inadequate. This is due in part to the fact that sample sizes, 

measurement tools, and even the ways that key terms are 

defined vary greatly from study to study.

As appendix A shows, sample sizes range from fewer than 

100 participants to many thousands. Data about 

maltreatment experienced by parents (G2) and children (G3) 

are collected in a variety of ways, including retrospective 

self-reports by parents and/or children (sometimes, but not 

always, using validated survey instruments, such as the Child 

Trauma Questionnaire), observations of parenting behavior, 

and official reports made to child protective services (CPS) 

agencies. Some studies base their findings on either risk or 

potential for abuse, via the Child Abuse Potential Inventory 

(CAPI), rather than actual maltreatment.

Little agreement exists about how “child maltreatment” is 

defined across studies. Some studies rely on participants’ 

own perceptions of childhood experiences as abusive or 

neglectful, while others establish specific parameters about 

maltreatment type, perpetrator, and severity. Some studies 

assess maltreatment of the G3 child for as short a period as 

the first year of life, while other, longitudinal studies include 
incidents of maltreatment occurring at any time before the 

child turns 18. Finally, studies differ in how rigorously they 

control for other factors that may impact the incidence of 

IGM (e.g., parental age, race, marital status, gender, 

socioeconomic status, community factors).

Given this diversity in approaches, it is not surprising that 

some studies find associations between parents’ and 

children’s experiences of maltreatment, while others do not 

(e.g., Altemeier, O’Connor, Sherrod, Tucker, & Vietze, 1986; 

Renner & Slack, 2006). In the majority of studies that find 

evidence of IGM, estimated rates of maltreatment vary 

widely and range between 7 percent and 70 percent 

(Berzenski, Yates, & Egeland, 2014).

For additional information about how to assess the strength 

and applicability of individual studies, refer to appendix B.

Key Research Findings

 Not all parents who experienced childhood 

maltreatment will perpetrate child abuse or 

neglect. In fact, nearly all studies on the subject 

agree that most parents who experienced 

maltreatment will not abuse or neglect their own 

children.

 Many (but not all) studies on the topic have 

found that parents who experienced childhood 

maltreatment are, as a group, more likely than 

non-abused parents to have children who are 

abused or neglected. It is not yet clear why this is 

true or what factors make the greatest difference 

for families.

 Findings vary greatly depending on how the study 

is constructed and the types of maltreatment 

studied.

 Even when intergenerational patterns are found, 

the adults who experienced maltreatment in one 

generation are not necessarily perpetrators in the 

next. In other words, the children of parents who 

experienced childhood maltreatment may be at 

increased risk of being maltreated either by that 

parent or by another caregiver.

Understanding Why: Findings About 

Pathways

Some research looks specifically for factors that explain or 

account for the apparent association between a parent’s 

experience of childhood maltreatment and the 

maltreatment experienced by his or her own children. 

These factors (referred to as “mediators” in the research) 

can be thought of as pathways for IGM. Identifying these 

pathways can help practitioners develop and select the 

most effective prevention strategies.

There is much more research needed in this area, but 

some of the stronger studies identified the following 

factors that may partially account for intergenerational 

patterns:

 Mothers’ social isolation and tendency to respond to 

minor provocations with verbal or physical aggression 

(Berlin, Appleyard, & Dodge, 2011)

 Maternal substance use (Appleyard, Berlin, Rosanbalm, 

& Dodge, 2011)

 Young parental age, parents’ history of mental illness 

or depression, and parents living with another violent 

adult (Dixon, Browne, & Hamilton-Giachritsis, 2005)

 Parental age, educational achievement, psychiatric 

history, and poverty (Sidebotham, Heron, & ALSPAC 

Study Team, 2006)

 Mothers’ marital status, depressive symptoms, and 

adult experiences of victimization (Thompson, 2006)

 Mothers’ life stress, anxiety, and depression (Egeland, 

Jacobvitz, & Sroufe, 1988)

 Parents’ experience of intimate partner violence 

(Renner & Slack, 2006)

It should be noted that many of these risk factors are 

found in a wide variety of families, not just those in which 

parents experienced childhood maltreatment. Future 

research may reveal that these factors play a far more 

significant role in a child’s overall risk for maltreatment 

than parental history.

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Intervening Effectively: Findings 

on Protective Factors

Identifying protective factors is integral to prevention 

efforts. This requires studies that look closely at the high 

percentage of families in which there is intergenerational 

resilience (i.e., cases in which adults who experienced 

childhood maltreatment do not abuse or neglect their 

own children) to understand what factors help promote 

healthier interactions within families. 

Caring and supportive relationships, in various forms, 

have emerged in the literature as a potential protective 

factor: 

 Several studies published in a special issue of the 

Journal of Adolescent Health examined the role of 

safe, stable, and nurturing relationships (SSNRs) 

in interrupting the intergenerational transmission of 

parenting practices, including child maltreatment. 

All but one of the studies found positive effects of 

SSNRs, including caregivers’ nurturing romantic 

relationships and caring parent-child attachments

in both generations (Conger, Schofield, Neppl, & 

Merrick, 2013; Herrenkohl, Klika, Brown, Herrenkohl, & 

Leeb, 2013; Jaffee et al., 2013; Thornberry et al., 2013). 

 One study found that mothers who broke the cycle 

of severe physical abuse were more likely to receive 

emotional support from a nonabusive adult during 

childhood, participate in therapy1

1 A later study by Egeland and Susman-Stillman (1996) found that 

mothers who perpetuated a cycle of maltreatment were more likely to 

engage in idealization, inconsistency, and escapism when describing 

childhood experiences. Mothers who broke the cycle displayed a greater 

ability to integrate their abusive experiences into a more coherent view of 

self, a process that may be aided by professional therapy.

 at some point 

in their lives, and have a stable and nonabusive 

relationship with a mate than mothers who were 

unable to break the cycle of abuse (Egeland et al., 

1988).

 One small study suggests that receiving nurturing 

during childhood, even from an abusive parent, 

can mitigate the effects of severe physical abuse on 

the likelihood of child neglect in the next generation 

(Bartlett & Easterbrooks, 2012).

Findings from a large study of 4,351 families identified other 

potential protective factors by distinguishing between 

families who maintained and those who broke the 

intergenerational cycle of maltreatment during an infant’s 

first year of life. “Cycle breakers” were found to have 

fewer serious financial difficulties and higher levels of 

perceived social support compared to “maintainers,” 

suggesting that these factors may help interrupt the cycle 

for parents who experienced childhood physical or sexual 

abuse (Dixon, Browne, & Hamilton-Giachritsis, 2009).

Parenting practices also may play a role. One study found 

that “parents who experienced high levels of abusive acts 

and injuries, but who were consistent in their discipline, 

were less abusive than abused parents who were 

inconsistent disciplinarians” (Pears and Capaldi, 2001). 

Teaching parents skills to increase their effectiveness and 

consistency may be a prevention pathway worth exploring.

Practical Implications

Although the current body of research provides some 

evidence to support an association between parents’ 

childhood experiences of maltreatment and the likelihood 

that their children also will experience abuse or neglect, 

much more research is needed. Again, one of the most 

well-supported findings is that most parents who were 

maltreated will not abuse or neglect their own children. 

This fact should be reflected in agency policy governing 

screening and family casework practices.

Screening Considerations

In a worst-case scenario, giving theories of IGM too much 

weight in a screening process could create a surveillance 

bias (i.e., when one population is followed more closely 

than another and therefore appears to have higher rates of 

incidence) that submits already-traumatized parents and 

their children to unwarranted scrutiny and intervention. The 

same bias could cause workers to overlook other families in 

which a history of abuse is absent, but where real and 

present danger exists.

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At least one study has uncovered evidence of such a bias. 

Among children who self-reported being abused or 

neglected, those whose parents had documented histories 

of childhood maltreatment were twice as likely to have 

been the subject of a CPS report as compared to children 

whose parents had no such history (29 percent to 

15 percent) (Widom, Czaja, & DuMont, 2015).

Another study found that child maltreatment “initiators” 

(i.e., parents who had not themselves experienced 

maltreatment but who did abuse or neglect their own 

children) had similar risk profiles to maltreated parents who 

both perpetuated and broke the intergenerational cycle of 

maltreatment (Dixon et al., 2009). Therefore, caseworkers 

should not use a general checklist of risk factors to 

distinguish between parents who will and who will not 

maltreat their children. 

Already, the identification of a number of specific factors 

that play a role in IGM indicates that, although it may make 

sense to include a history of childhood abuse in screening 

for risk factors (and even, potentially, prioritize parents with 

such a history for some prevention services), this approach 

must be accompanied by screening for a number of other 

risk and protective factors that, taken together, provide a 

richer and more complex view of family functioning, 

potential for harm, and sources of resilience. 

(The National Council on Crime and Delinquency’s 

Structured Decision Making model is one such approach. 

To learn more, visit http://www.nccdglobal.org/assessment/

structured-decision-making-sdm-model.)

According to the current body of research, some significant 

factors might include the quality of parenting and 

attachment, substance use, intimate partner violence, 

trauma symptoms, financial and other life stressors, and 

the presence of nurturing adult relationships and social 

support. However, more research is needed to confirm 

these factors and identify others.

If there is one thing the present body of research 

shows, it is that this issue is complicated and that 

context is important, as illustrated by the following. 

 Several studies have shown depression and 

trauma symptoms to be potential pathways for 

intergenerational maltreatment (see Understanding 

Why: Findings About Pathways earlier in this 

brief). However, at least one study found that, in 

the case of child physical abuse, depression and 

posttraumatic stress disorder reduced the likelihood of 

intergenerational abuse (Pears & Capaldi, 2001). This 

shows that more type-specific research is needed to 

deepen our understanding of the complex interactions 

between risk and protective factors (Berzenski et al., 

2014).

 Similarly, another study found that parents with 

histories of neglect were at increased risk for IGM, 

but parents with histories of physical abuse were not 

(Widom et al., 2015).

 In one small study, researchers found that authoritarian 

parenting attitudes, which have been linked to poor 

child outcomes in Caucasian-American families, were 

found to protect against intergenerational patterns of 

abuse by African-American mothers (Valentino et al., 

2012).

These are just a few examples of how recent studies have 

begun the important work of refining the field’s 

understanding of intergenerational patterns of 

maltreatment in ways that may eventually lead to 

screening tools that are more sensitive to the nuances and 

context of each family’s situation than what currently exist.

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Preventing IGM

To date, very little research has been conducted 

specifically to evaluate strategies that may prevent 

IGM. Prevention may, therefore, be best accomplished 

by continuing to invest in programs and practices that 

have proven effective in reducing child maltreatment 

in the general population, such as the following:

 Home visiting programs, such as Nurse-Family 

Partnership (http://www.nursefamilypartnership.org/), 

can enhance nurturing and supportive family 

relationships, social support, and parenting knowledge 

and skills.

 Parent education programs, such as the Triple-P–

Positive Parenting Program (http://www.triplep.net/

glo-en/home/) and parent-child interaction therapy 

(http://www.pcit.org/), can give parents practical tools 

for more consistent and effective parenting.

The California Evidence-Based Clearinghouse for Child 

Welfare (http://www.cebc4cw.org/) offers information 

about these and many more effective practices to address 

risk factors and prevent child abuse and neglect. 

Preventing Mental, Emotional, and Behavioral Disorders 

Among Young People: Progress and Possibilities, a report 

by the National Research Council and Institute of 

Medicine, is a valuable resource on the latest approaches 

to prevention and prevention programs. It is available at 

http://www.nap.edu/download/12480. 

Additional information about effective prevention 

practices can be found in the Evidence-Based Practice 

section of the Child Welfare Information Gateway website 

at https://www.childwelfare.gov/topics/preventing/

evidence/.

Building Protective Factors

Focusing on building protective factors may reduce child 

abuse and neglect in all families, including those with a 

parent who has a history of childhood maltreatment. To 

read more about protective factors approaches, read 

Child Welfare Information Gateway’s issue brief Protective 

Factors Approaches in Child Welfare, which is available at 

https://www.childwelfare.gov/pubs/issue-briefs/

protective-factors/.

The 2016 Prevention Resource Guide: Building 

Community, Building Hope offers additional information 

about protective factors that help reduce child abuse and 

neglect, some established protective factors approaches, 

and how some State and local agencies are implementing 

protective factors approaches to create lasting change 

regarding how communities support families. To access 

the Resource Guide, visit https://www.childwelfare.gov/

topics/preventing/preventionmonth/resource-guide/.

The National Alliance of Children’s Trust & Prevention 

Funds offers a free online curriculum on the subject of 

protective factors. Developed by the Alliance in 

partnership with members of its Early Childhood Initiative 

and the Center for the Study of Social Policy, “Bringing 

the Protective Factors Framework to Life in Your Work—A 

Resource for Action” includes seven 2-hour modules: an 

overview, one module for each of five protective factors, 

and a final “review and reflection” module. To learn more, 

visit http://learner.ctfalliance.org or contact info@

ctfalliance.org.

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Areas for Further Research

Some areas for future research might include the 

following:

 Longitudinal studies that measure outcomes for 

children of maltreated adults prospectively over longer 

periods of time

 Studies that are more specific with regard to 

maltreatment type, perhaps particularly on 

emotional abuse and neglect, which are currently 

underrepresented in this body of research (Berzenski 

et al., 2014)

 Studies that examine the issue of IGM separately for 

mothers and fathers (when the sample size is large 

enough)

 Complex multivariate analyses that can further 

describe the complex interactions among child, family, 

and community factors

 More studies of intergenerational resilience in order to 

increase the field’s knowledge of protective factors

 Inclusion of additional contextual factors, such as the 

influence of neighborhoods and other environmental 

factors

Conclusion

Child maltreatment is a serious social issue with lasting 

consequences for children, youth, families, and 

communities. A thorough understanding of how and why 

maltreatment occurs is critical to inform prevention 

efforts.

Recent research shows promise in helping the child 

welfare field to better understand the degree to which 

maltreatment is perpetuated by multiple generations 

within families, circumstances that contribute to these 

intergenerational patterns of maltreatment, and 

protective factors that may prevent such a cycle from 

continuing. More research is needed on this topic to 

inform more accurate screening for child maltreatment 

risk and more effective prevention strategies.

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Appendix A: Research Findings

Although not intended to serve as a comprehensive literature review on the topic of intergenerational 

patterns of maltreatment, this overview of available research is provided to show the current wide variety of 

methodological approaches and findings, as well as to help identify gaps where more research is needed.

Defining Terms

Researchers use the term intergenerational continuity of child maltreatment to refer to instances in which parents 

who experienced maltreatment as children have a maltreated child in their own household. Intergenerational 

continuity is not perpetrator-specific. In other words, children may experience maltreatment at the hands of the 

parent who was maltreated as a child, the parent’s partner, or another parent or caregiver.

Intergenerational transmission of child maltreatment is the term that researchers use when parents who were 

victims of childhood maltreatment subsequently abuse or neglect their own children (Valentino, Nuttall, Comas, 

Borkowski, & Akai, 2012).

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Citation Sample Measure of Parents' 

(G2) Childhood 

Maltreatment History 

Measure of Child's 

(G3) Victimization 

Findings: IGM Findings:

Mediators and

Protective Factors

Altemeier et 

al. (1986)

927 low-income 

White women

Self-reports by G2 of 

being hit on parts of 

the body other than 

buttocks, legs, or 

hands for punishment 

and being "beaten" by 

caretakers

Reports to child 

protective services 

(CPS) in the 4 years 

after initial interviews

"Although abused 

women had 

more aggressive 

tendencies, their 

children were 

reported to 

protective services 

for abuse at the 

same frequency as 

control children. 

Intergenerational 

transmission 

of abuse was 

therefore not 

demonstrated."

N/A

Appleyard et 

al. (2011)

499 mothers and 

infants

Self-reports by G2 of 

physical abuse, sexual 

abuse, or neglect, 

as measured by the 

Parent-Child Conflict 

Tactics Scale (CTSPC)

County records of 

child maltreatment 

(allegations and 

substantiations) 

through age 26 

months

Significant 

mediated pathways 

were found from 

maternal history of 

sexual abuse and 

physical abuse—but 

not neglect—to 

substance use 

problems and to 

child victimization.

Mediator:

• Maternal substance 

use problems

Barlett & 

Easterbrooks 

(2012)

92 mothers younger 

than 17 years

Severe physical abuse, 

as measured by the 

CTSPC

CPS agency records 

of supported cases 

of neglect for all 

children in the 

mother's care (mean 

age 7.9 years at end 

of study)

Neglect was four 

times as likely with 

a maternal history 

of physical abuse 

in childhood than 

with no history of 

maltreatment (44% 

rate of IGM).

Protective factor:

• Maternal history 

of positive care in 

childhood 

Berlin et al. 

(2011)

499 mothers and 

infants

Physical abuse or 

neglect, as measured 

by the CTSPC

County records of 

child maltreatment 

(allegations and 

substantiations) 

through age 26 

months

Mothers who 

experienced 

physical abuse were 

19% more likely than 

those who did not 

experience physical 

abuse to have 

children who were 

victimized. Mothers' 

childhood neglect 

did not significantly 

predict their child's 

victimization.

Mediators:

• Social isolation

• Aggressive response 

bias

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Citation Sample Measure of Parents' 

(G2) Childhood 

Maltreatment History 

Measure of Child's 

(G3) Victimization 

Findings: IGM Findings:

Mediators and

Protective Factors

Conger et al. 

(2013)

290 parents, drawn 

from the Family 

Transitions Project 

cohort (a 22-year, 

3-generation study)

Observations of G1 

parenting behavior, 

including hostility, 

angry coercion, 

physical attacks, and 

antisocial behavior 

toward G2 adolescents

Observations of 

similar G2 parenting 

behaviors toward G3 

children

"... the association 

between G1 harsh 

parenting and later 

G2 harsh parenting 

was .30."

Protective factor:

• Warmth and positive 

communication by 

a romantic partner 

completely disrupted 

intergenerational 

continuity in harsh 

parenting.

Dixon et al. 

(2005)

Population cohort 

of 4,351 newborn 

children in Essex, 

England

Self-reports by 

mothers or their 

partner of physical or 

sexual abuse during 

childhood

Referrals to 

child protection 

professionals during 

the child's first 13 

months 

Families with an 

abused parent were 

significantly more 

likely to maltreat 

their infants within 

13 months after 

birth (approximately 

1 in 15, compared 

to approximately 

1 in 234 of families 

with a parent who 

did not experience 

childhood abuse).

Mediators:

• One or both parents 

younger than 21 

years

• Caregiver treated 

for mental illness or 

depression

• An adult in the 

house with violent 

tendencies

Dixon et al. 

(2009)

Population cohort 

of 4,351 newborn 

children in Essex, 

England

Self-reports by 

mothers or their 

partner of physical or 

sexual abuse during 

childhood

Referrals to 

child protection 

professionals during 

the child's first 13 

months 

Only a small 

minority (6.7%) 

of parents with a 

history of childhood 

abuse were referred 

to child protection 

agencies for 

maltreatment of 

their infant.

Protective factors:

• Financial solvency

• Social support

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Citation Sample Measure of Parents' 

(G2) Childhood 

Maltreatment History 

Measure of Child's 

(G3) Victimization 

Findings: IGM Findings:

Mediators and

Protective Factors

Egeland et 

al. (1988)

267 families 

from lower 

socioeconomic 

status backgrounds

Self-reports, including 

only "clear incidents of 

severe abuse"

Observations of 

mothers' behavior 

with their children 

and a Child Care 

Rating Scale, 

administered at 

various points up 

to 2 years of age. 

Maltreatment 

included physical 

abuse, hostile or 

rejecting behavior, 

psychologically 

unavailable 

caregiving, and 

neglect.

"... the results from 

this investigation 

suggest a high 

incidence of 

maltreatment across 

generations."

Significant differences 

were found between 

the groups that 

showed continuity of 

maltreatment and those 

that did not (“abuse 

discontinuity”).

The continuity group 

showed significantly 

more:

• Life stress

• Anxiety and 

depression

Mothers in the abuse 

discontinuity group 

were more likely to have:

• Emotional support 

from a nonabusive 

adult during 

childhood

Participated in 

therapy

• A stable, emotionally 

supportive 

relationship with a 

mate

•

Henschel, 

de Bruin, 

& Möhler 

(2013)

40 abused and 47 

matched, nonabused mothers

Childhood Trauma 

Questionnaire (sexual 

and physical abuse)

Risk: Child Abuse 

Potential Inventory 

(CAPI) 

Mothers with a 

history of abuse had 

a significantly higher 

potential to abuse 

their children.

Mediator:

• Low maternal 

self-control

Herrenkohl 

et al. (2013)

457 children and 

their parents 

participating in the 

Lehigh Longitudinal 

Study

Reports by G1 of harsh 

physical discipline of 

G2, including slapping 

or spanking that leaves 

a bruise, hitting a child 

with an object, and 

pulling a child's hair

Reports by G2 

parents of similar 

behaviors as 

measured for G1

"Results ... show a 

robust association 

between G1 harsh 

physical discipline 

and G2 harsh 

physical discipline 

of a similar type; yet, 

not all children who 

are abused become 

abusive toward their 

own children."

Protective factor:

• A caring relationship 

with one’s father 

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Citation Sample Measure of Parents' 

(G2) Childhood 

Maltreatment History 

Measure of Child's 

(G3) Victimization 

Findings: IGM Findings:

Mediators and

Protective Factors

Jaffee et al. 

(2013)

1,116 families in the 

United Kingdom 

who participated in 

the Environmental 

Risk Longitudinal 

Twin Study

Retrospective selfreports by mothers 

via Childhood Trauma 

Questionnaire 

(emotional, physical, 

and sexual abuse as 

well as emotional and 

physical neglect)

Clinical interviews 

of G2 parents to 

identify physical 

maltreatment or 

sexual abuse of their 

child (ages birth to 12 

years) by any adult

"The odds of a 

child experiencing 

physical 

maltreatment were 

three to five times 

greater among 

mothers who had a 

history of abuse or 

neglect compared 

with mothers 

without such a 

history, depending 

on the severity 

of the mother's 

experiences."

• “Cycle maintainers” 

had higher rates than 

“cycle breakers” 

of depression, 

substance use 

problems, domestic 

violence, antisocial 

behavior, and social 

disadvantage.

• “Cycle breakers” 

were more likely 

to have warm 

and nurturing 

relationships with 

children and intimate 

partners.

Kim (2009) 2,977 subjects 

of the National 

Longitudinal Study 

of Adolescent 

Health 

Self-reports by G2 

of experiencing 

childhood neglect 

(failure to supervise or 

meet basic needs) and 

physical abuse (being 

slapped, hit, or kicked)

Self-reports by G2 

of neglecting (failure 

to supervise or meet 

basic needs) and 

physically abusing 

(slap, hit, kick) their 

child. Median age 

of oldest child was 2 

years.

"...parents who 

report having been 

neglected in their 

childhood are 2.6 

times as likely to 

report their own 

neglectful parenting 

behavior and twice 

as likely to report 

physically abusive 

parenting ... those 

who recall physical 

victimization in their 

childhood are 5 

times and 1.4 times 

as likely to report 

physically abusive 

and neglectful 

parenting, 

respectively." 

N/A

Li, 

Godinet, & 

Arnsberger 

(2010)

405 children ages 

4–8 years, from 

the Longitudinal 

Studies of Child 

Abuse and Neglect

Self-reports by G2 

of childhood sexual 

abuse or physical 

maltreatment via the 

Caregiver History of 

Loss and Victimization

Official CPS report 

of child abuse 

or neglect that 

occurred between 

the child's (G3) 4th 

and 8th birthdays, 

substantiated or not 

substantiated

"...maternal history 

of childhood 

maltreatment was 

highly associated 

with subsequent 

allegations of child 

abuse and neglect."

N/A

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Citation Sample Measure of Parents' 

(G2) Childhood 

Maltreatment History 

Measure of Child's 

(G3) Victimization 

Findings: IGM Findings:

Mediators and

Protective Factors

Milner et al. 

(2010)

Female and male 

U.S. Navy recruits 

(N = 5,394) and 

college students (N 

= 716)

Self-reports by G2 

via CTSPC; survey 

questions regarding 

childhood history 

of sexual abuse and 

witnessing intimate 

partner violence

Risk: CAPI "... the odds of 

being at risk for 

child physical abuse 

(CPA) as an adult 

were two to three 

times higher among 

those who had 

experienced CPA 

than those who had 

not."

Mediator:

• Trauma symptoms, 

including impaired 

self-reference, 

tension reduction 

behavior, and 

defensive avoidance.

Pears & 

Capaldi 

(2001)

109 parents (G2) 

and their male 

adolescents (G3)

Self-reports by 

G2 of childhood 

physical abuse 

via the Assessing 

Environments–III 

(AE–III) Questionnaire, 

including only 

behaviors that were 

likely to result in 

injuries

Self-reports by G3 

of experiences of 

physical abuse using 

the AE–III, including 

only behaviors that 

were likely to result in 

injuries

"...parents who 

reported having 

been abused in 

childhood were 

significantly more 

likely to engage in 

abusive behaviors 

toward the next 

generation." (23% 

rate of IGM)

Protective factors:

• Consistent discipline

• Parental depression 

and PTSD

Renner & 

Slack (2006)

1,005 participants 

in the Illinois 

Families Study, 

which tracked 

families receiving 

Temporary 

Assistance for 

Needy Families in 

1998

Self-reports by G2 of 

childhood physical 

abuse, sexual 

abuse, neglect, and 

witnessing domestic 

violence

Investigated official 

reports of physical 

abuse, neglect, and 

"risk of harm" for 

G3 children, where 

G2 parents were the 

alleged perpetrators

"... associations 

between the same 

forms of violence 

across generations 

are weak, and for 

physical abuse, 

the correlation is 

not statistically 

significant. However, 

a relationship exists 

between childhood 

physical abuse 

and risk of harm 

allegations."

Possible mediator:

• Adulthood intimate 

Rodriguez & 

Tucker (2011)

73 at-risk mothers 

raising children with 

behavior problems

Self-reports of 

perceived history of 

abuse via the CAPI

Risk: CAPI "Greater reported 

abuse history was 

not significantly 

correlated with child 

abuse potential 

scores or overall 

dysfunctional 

parenting style."

"... [maternal] 

attachment to one's 

parents significantly 

predicted child 

abuse potential 

and dysfunctional 

disciplinary style 

independent of 

personal abuse history."

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13

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This publication is available online at https://www.childwelfare.gov/pubs/issue-briefs/intergenerational/.
Citation Sample Measure of Parents' 

(G2) Childhood 

Maltreatment History 

Measure of Child's 

(G3) Victimization 

Findings: IGM Findings:

Mediators and

Protective Factors

Sidebotham, 

Heron, & 

ALSPAC 

Study Team 

(2006)

14,256 children 

participating in 

the Avon (in the 

United Kingdom) 

Longitudinal Study 

of Parents and 

Children

Self-reports Children investigated 

or "registered" 

for maltreatment 

(neglect, emotional 

abuse, or sexual 

abuse) by social 

services during the 

first 6 years of life

"Parents with a 

history of abuse 

in their childhood 

have nearly twice 

the risk of having 

a registered child, 

although ... the 

absolute risk is low."

Likely mediating factors:

• Age at parenting

• Educational 

achievement

• Psychiatric history

• Influences of poverty

Smith et al. 

(2014)

83 low-income, 

primarily AfricanAmerican mothers 

of elementary 

school-age children

Self-reports by 

G2 of childhood 

sexual, physical, and 

emotional abuse, via 

the Childhood Trauma 

Questionnaire

Risk: CAPI "... a mother's 

experience of abuse 

as a child predicts 

later risk for abusive 

parenting."

Mediators:

• Maternal emotional 

dysregulation

• Negative affect

Thompson 

(2006)

220 mother-child 

dyads from poor, 

high-crime urban 

neighborhoods 

(via the Capelle 

Project, one site of 

LONGSCAN)

Mothers' (G2) 

responses to 

LONGSCAN survey 

questions regarding 

childhood physical or 

sexual abuse

Official CPS 

complaints against 

the family, but not 

necessarily naming 

the G2 parent as 

perpetrator

"...maternal 

history of 

childhood physical 

victimization was 

associated with 

about a two-fold 

increase in child 

risk of being 

maltreated."

Mediators:

• Marital status

• Depressive 

symptoms

• Adult experiences of 

victimization

Thornberry 

& Henry 

(2013)

816 adolescents 

followed into 

adulthood 

(subsample of the 

Rochester Youth 

Development 

Study)

CPS records of 

substantiated 

incidents of neglect, 

physical abuse, 

emotional abuse, 

and sexual abuse for 

which a participant 

was named as victim, 

through age 17

State CPS records 

of substantiated 

incidents of any type 

of maltreatment for 

which participants 

were named as a 

perpetrator through 

age 33

"... a history of 

maltreatment 

victimization 

significantly 

increases the odds 

of becoming a 

perpetrator of 

maltreatment"—

only for 

maltreatment 

that occurs in 

adolescence or that 

begins in childhood 

and persists into 

adolescence

N/A

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14

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This publication is available online at https://www.childwelfare.gov/pubs/issue-briefs/intergenerational/.
Citation Sample Measure of Parents' 

(G2) Childhood 

Maltreatment History 

Measure of Child's 

(G3) Victimization 

Findings: IGM Findings:

Mediators and

Protective Factors

Thornberry 

et al. (2013)

711 adolescents 

followed into 

adulthood 

(subsample of the 

Rochester Youth 

Development 

Study)

CPS records of 

substantiated 

incidents in which 

participants 

were victims of 

maltreatment from 

birth to age 18

Statewide search 

of CPS records 

for substantiated 

incidents of 

maltreatment 

perpetrated by 

study participants, 

between the ages of 

21 and 30

"... a history of 

maltreatment 

substantially 

and significantly 

increased the odds 

of maltreatment 

perpetration 

between the 

ages of 21 and 

30 ... the odds of 

perpetration were 

about 2.6 times 

higher for study 

participants who 

were maltreated."

Protective factors:

• Relationship 

satisfaction (with an 

intimate partner)

• Parental satisfaction

• Attachment to child

Valentino et 

al. (2012)

70 first-time 

adolescent mothers 

and their children

Self-reports by G2 of 

experience of sexual 

abuse, physical abuse, 

and emotional abuse, 

via Childhood Trauma 

Questionnaire

Self-reports by 

G3 at age 18 via 

Childhood Trauma 

Questionnaire 

(sexual abuse, 

physical abuse, 

emotional abuse)

Maternal history 

of abuse clearly 

increased the risk 

for children to 

experience abuse 

prior to age 18 (54% 

of mothers with 

an abuse history 

had children who 

reported abuse).

Mediator:

• Exposure to 

community violence

Protective factor:

• Authoritarian 

parenting attitudes 

(only among AfricanAmerican families)

Intergenerational Patterns of Child Maltreatment: What the Evidence Shows https://www.childwelfare.gov

15

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This publication is available online at https://www.childwelfare.gov/pubs/issue-briefs/intergenerational/.
Citation Sample Measure of Parents' 

(G2) Childhood 

Maltreatment History 

Measure of Child's 

(G3) Victimization 

Findings: IGM Findings:

Mediators and

Protective Factors

Widom et al. 

(2015)

908 (G2) children 

with documented 

cases of abuse 

or neglect, 

and a matched 

comparison group 

of 667 children 

from the same 

neighborhoods

CPS agency records 

for any (substantiated) 

child maltreatment 

naming G2 children as 

victims

CPS agency records, 

parents' self-reports 

of perpetrating 

physical and sexual 

abuse and neglect, 

and children's 

self-reports of 

experiencing 

physical abuse, 

sexual abuse, and 

neglect

"Individuals 

with histories of 

childhood abuse 

and neglect have 

higher rates of 

being reported 

to CPS for child 

maltreatment, but 

do not self-report 

more physical 

and sexual abuse 

than matched 

comparisons ... 

The strongest 

evidence for the 

intergenerational 

transmission of 

maltreatment 

indicates that 

offspring are at 

risk for childhood 

neglect and 

sexual abuse, 

but detection or 

surveillance bias 

may account for the 

greater likelihood of 

CPS reports."

N/A

Intergenerational Patterns of Child Maltreatment: What the Evidence Shows https://www.childwelfare.gov

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This publication is available online at https://www.childwelfare.gov/pubs/issue-briefs/intergenerational/.
Appendix B: Reading the Research

Given the range of approaches to researching this topic, it is important for child welfare practitioners to understand how 

to assess the strength and applicability of individual studies.

A review of the research identified 11 criteria for use in evaluating studies of intergenerational patterns of maltreatment 

(Thornberry, Knight, and Lovegrove, 2012). The authors’ examination of 47 such studies revealed that none satisfied all of 

these criteria, few satisfied most, and the majority of studies failed to satisfy even half of them. Among the strongest 

studies, findings regarding IGM generally were modest; one study found no evidence of an intergenerational 

connection.

The following are criteria to consider when reviewing evidence of IGM:

 Sample selection. Results from studies conducted on small or nonrandom populations (e.g., economically 

disadvantaged groups) should be interpreted with caution.

 Use of a control group. Findings about the behavior of maltreated individuals should be compared to findings for 

similar individuals who were not maltreated. These groups must be closely matched on as many factors as possible 

(including, but not limited to, gender, race, and socioeconomic status).

 Data collection. Asking individuals to recall events that happened long ago can lead to underreporting. Studies that 

review outcomes occurring during the study period are likely to lead to more accurate estimates.

 Period studied. Studies with shorter follow-up periods will likely undercount maltreatment rates. One set of 

researchers suggests a minimum of 5 years for follow up (Thornberry et al., 2012). 

 Measurement. A well-constructed study will not use reports by a single individual to measure maltreatment in 

two different generations. Individuals may have reason to either overreport maltreatment they experienced or 

underreport their own violent behavior. Well-constructed studies, therefore, use multiple measures of maltreatment, 

such as a combination of self-reports, surveys, and official records.

 Definitions of maltreatment. Some studies use a very broad definition of maltreatment, which may even include 

terms such as “harsh parenting” or “harsh discipline” that would not necessarily be defined as maltreatment in all 

jurisdictions. Other studies look only at specific types of maltreatment. Studies should clarify their definitions 

(e.g., frequency, severity, type of maltreatment) and apply them consistently for each generation studied.

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Suggested Citation: 

Child Welfare Information Gateway. (2016). 

Intergenerational patterns of child maltreatment: What 

the evidence shows. Washington, DC: U.S. Department 

of Health and Human Services, Children’s Bureau.

Intergenerational Patterns of Child Maltreatment: What the Evidence Shows https://www.childwelfare.gov

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 

Administration for Children and Families 

Administration on Children, Youth and Families 

Children’s Bureau