lIE FILE C0py

ARI Research Note 87-55

EFFECT OF MARTIAL ARTS TRAINING ON (.0 EXPRESSION AND CONTROL OF VIOLENCE

00

Richard N. Carrera

University of Miami

" < ! DTIC ELECTE II

for S 4

Contracting Officer's Representative

George H. Lawrence

BASIC RESEARCH LABORATORY

Michael Kaplan, Director

U. S. Army

Research Institute for the Behavioral and Social Sciences

November 1987

Approved for oubic release; distribution unlimited.

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EDGAR M. JOHNSON COL, IN

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Research accomplished under contract

K for the Department of the Army

University of Miami

Technical review by O

VVIS 'FA&M

Dan Ragland I-TA

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ARI Research Note 87-55

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Effect of Martial Arts Training on Final Report

Expression and Control of Violence August 85 - August 86

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Richard N. Carrera 9-X55-1106C-I

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Department of Psychology 2Q161102B74F

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George H. Lawrence, contracting officer's representative

19. KEY WORDS (Continue on rev.Dee aide it necoesar ad identify by block nmber)

Aggression

Social Influence

Social Psychology

2&. A9SrRACT (C fm ss Peewe wIl imesey ideminti by block namber)

This literature review begins by describing sources of aggression as provided

by laboratory, psychoanalytic, and sociobiological approaches. These

sources include environmental events (laboratory approaches), the death

instinct or Thanatos (psychoanalytic approaches), and learning rules that

are ecologically evolved (sociobiological approaches). The paper then

traces the developnent of martial arts in Asia and outlines psychological

studies of martial arts that suggest that it would tend to increase violent

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20. ABSTRACT (continued)

tendencies. The paper concludes by reviewing a number of psychological

factors that may serve as mediating mechanisms between the martial arts

and the realistic control of violence. By including these factors, it is

beleived that a pattern of instruction can be embedded in a framework of

martial arts training of sufficient intensity to take participants through

the basic white belt level. The author concludes that such a program

should have the effect of improving self esteem, self control, and general

military effectiveness at both the unit level and for the individual

soldier.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

",. Introduction . . 1

Sources of Aggression . 6

Laboratory Approachs ... ...... ......... . 6

Psychoanalytic Approach ................... a

Sociobioloqical Approach 14

Phenomnology of Violence. . ................ 16

The Martial Arts ............. ........................ 19

Background ......... ........................ . 19

* Inner Factors ........ ....................... .. 20

Bushido ......... .......................... .. 23

Psychological Studies ...... ................... .. 25

The Martial Arts and Morality ....... ................ 31

The Mediation of Violence ....... .................. . 34

Military Applications ....... ..................... .. 37

References .......... ........................... . 39

'.

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4,./
Human history is largely a chronicle of large scale violence.

Aggressive behavior at both an individual and group level is so

widespread among humans that anthropologists have been able to identify

only a minuscule number of societies which can be described as pacific

or nearly so. Violence is ubiquitous, problematic and very expensive.

It is doubtful that any developed culture could long survive without

V.

maintaining a well organized means of delivering coercive counter force

against violence from within and without.

While the fact of violence is observed by all, its origins and even

its definition are a matter of considerable debate. For some, the

lesson of history appears to be that the disposition toward extreme forms

of aggression is innate among humans as well as other species and well

nigh ineradicable. For others, aggressive behavior is learned and it

should be possible to arrange social contingencies which will eliminate

or reduce its occurrence and prevent its development.

The first point of view tends to be held by those of a biololgical

and/or Freduian persuasion while the latter position is more likely to

be encountered among psychologists and other social scientists. There

0 are, of course, many variations on both themes, several of which will be

discused below.

Comon Forms of Aggression

Meyer (1976) has described six forms of aggression comnly seen in

various animal species and which can be observed to varying degrees

among humans.

A. Predatory aggression is highly specific and usually associated

with hunger. It is easily observed in members of the dog and

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2

cat families and in a number of birds and fish. Among humans

it is manifested in hunting and cannibalism and in the

muggings and related crimes endemic to many urban areas.

B. Intermale aggression is much more cemon than male aggression

*' against females or aggression by females. The sale sex hormone

testosterone may be directly related to aggression. In humans,

most intermale aggression is concerned with assertion of

dominance.

C. Sex-related aggression. The incidence of sex-related violence

is difficult to estimate but it is clear that rape and sexual

assault are widespread and that their incidence is increasing.

For some offenders, aggression appear to be the primary or

secondary motive and victims are typically assaulted or killed

before, during, or after sex. For others, the motive appears

to be primarily sexual including examples of sexual sadism.

D. Fear-induced aggression may be readily observed in normally

I., docile animals who are captured or cornered although the same

animals might also cower, faint, or become cataleptic. There

is anecdotal evidence that humans may respond in like manner,

i.e., attack out of fear.

E. Maternal aggression is very much in evidence among nonhuman

mothers when their young are threatened. Human mothers do not e0.g

appear to react instinctively in such situations but there is

little doubt that they would become highly aggressive to

prevent harm to their young just as most humans would fight

to defend themelves or valued people or property. To the

v¢.,

04',.

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3

above might be added all forms of defensive counterattacks as

well as moralistic and disciplinary aggression used to enforce

the rules of society.

The five categories so far described involve the direction of

aggression toward specific people, animals, or objects under more or

less clearly prescribed circumstances. They refer to violence of a

readily understandable and relatively predictable nature, violence whose

instigation can be reasonably attributed to stimuli outside the

perpetrator.

To these, Moyer (1976) adds the category of Irritable Aggression

which cuts across the others. It is not directed toward specific people

and objects and occurs in circumstances of an unpredictable, seemingly

% I random nature. The instigation is not readily discernible and appears

to originate within the perpetrator as a response to major and minor

frustrations or deprivations. Although humans are not among the most

aggressive species they do manifest a much higher incidence of irritable

aggression than lower animals and this fact accounts for the preeminence

of violence in the lexicon of human problems. In its more extreme form,

irritable aggression would be regarded as pathological by most mental

health professionals. An alternative explanation, however, would view

irritable aggression even in its most extreme and destructive

manifestation in more rational terms as an indirect tool of

interpersonal manipulation. As a heuristic device, it may be useful to

examine the utility of uncontrolled, ferocious, unmerciful violence for

influencing the behavior of others.
4.

All violent outbursts tend to create fear and disorganized flight

responses in any potential victims who might be present. Beyond that

they are not very useful. In order for violence to be useful in

controlling behavior it is necessary that the perpetrator be at least

minimally identifiable and the violent behavior at least minimally

predictable. There must be a discriminative stimulus. Under these

conditions, potential victims will tend to be in a continual state of

vigilance and responsive to any cues which would signal ways to avoid

the violence. Being known as a violent individual is, therefore, a good

way to get the attention of others - the more potential for uncontrolled

violence, the more attention. Among potential victims, sensitivity to

discriminative stimuli signaling violence has adaptive value. The

utility of uncontrolled violence lies in its potential and not its

actual destructiveness. Once acted out it is spent and the future

effectiveness of its perpetrator is severely attenuated not only because

of retaliatory consequences but also because the violence becomes better

known, more predictable and therefore moves closer in nature to simple

controlled force.

A good example may be drawn from the arena of professional

football, a sport in which physical force is legitimate, desirable, and

usually well controlled. The effectiveness of a football player,

however, is clearly enhanced by the perception of other players that he

will engage in uncontrolled violence, i.e., in violation of rules and

carrying the risk of serious negative consequences. In a 1985 article

in Psychology Today, Brenda Jo Bredemeir and David L. Shields discuss

the subject of violence in professional sports. Ron Rivera, linebacker

4o
for the Chicago Bears, is quoted as he describes himself in 1983. The

off-field Ron, he said is soft spoken, considerate and friendly. When

asked to describe the on-field Ron, he replied, OHe's totally opposite

from me. . . . He's a madman. . . . No matter what happens, he hits

people. He's a guy with no regard for the human body." Elaborating

further, Rivera revealed, "I'm mean and nasty then. . . . I'm so

rotten, I have a total disregard for the guy I'm going to hit.*

Rivera's reputation serves him well and his uncontrolled violence,

when he gets away with it, serves to advance the cause of his team. If

taken beyond a certain point, however, it becomes highly

counterproductive in terms of negative consequences for him and his

team. His effectiveness lies in his athletic capabilities including

aggressive controlled force, plus his perceived potential for

uncontrolled violence. Instances of such violence are useful mainly to

maintain his reputation as a person who must be feared.

-. Similar examples may be observed in police work, warfare and many

other areas.

If violence is viewed as a form of social influence, it quickly

becomes obvious that what is effective is the threat of violence and

that violent behavior, aside from its i ediate consequences for the

victims, accomplishes nothing other than enhancing the seriousness of

the next threat. It calls attention to the perpetrator and increases

0.Q1 his credibility. As credibility increases, further threats of violence

become more effective and, if successful, increase credibility further.

The optimum result in terms of power and influence accure to him who is

able to make credible threats without actually behaving violently and

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risking destruction. He must be reliabily perceived as being dependably

unreliable. The most fearsom person is one who will commit violence

without moral or rational restraint, a "mad dog killer.0 One who

believably projects such an image possesses high social influence.

In discussing violent outbursts or uncontrolled violence it should

be made clear that control refers to how far the perpetrator is willing

to go and not to the skill or precision with which the violence is

inflicted. The two aspects may well be inversely related at least in

" terms of fear and credibility. While it is true that a skilled fighter

- or a man with a weapon is highly credible in terms of capability the

* much more important factor in terms of fear induction is what he will do

with that capability and the worst case is one involving a highly

capable person who is also insane or otherwise unpredictable. Mental

hospitals have traditionally been located in isolated areas. What is so

frightening to many people about psychotics is the perception that they

cannot be restrained by threats to their survival. This is only

slightly less true in regard to the committed ideologue or terrorist.

We call them fanatics.

Sources of Aggression

Laboratory Approaches

Experimental psychologists have devoted a great deal of energy to

the laboratory study of aggressive behavior among humans usually in the

form of electric shock delivered by one person to another. Much of this

% %
p. 7

work rests on the assumption that the causes of aggression reside in

enviornmental events and not in internal dispositions (Sabini, 1978).

For this reason it is of limited relevance to a discussion of

irritable aggression which may be presumed to have important individual

-.ants. For many years following the classical study of Dollard et

a.. (1939) experimental psychologists believed that there was an

invariant relationship between aggression and frustration. The work of

- Buss (1963, 1966), Gentry (1970), Baron (1977) and others have disproved

that position though a revised version of the linkage continues to

influence experimental psychologists (Siann, 1985).

Berkowitz (1972) suggests that violence is an expressive act which

results from a combination of emotional arousal, aversive conditions and

the presence of appropriate cues. A number of studies have demonstrated

a relationship between aggressive behavior and physiological arousal

associated with excessive heat, excessive noise, overcrowding and sexual

V stimuation (Bell & Baron, 1976; Geen & O'Neal, 1969; Donnerstein,

Donnerstein, & Evans, 1975). This relationship, however, is not

straightforward and varies with the attribution and personal

interpretation placed upon various forms of arousal. Such attributions

can, of course, vary widely and may even involve delusions which could

predispose an individual to sudden outbursts of violence inexplicable to

an outside observer. Other relevant attributions might involve the

assignment of responsibility to external authority as in the Milgram

(1974) experiments or the belief that one is not identifiable by others

(Prentice-Dunn & Rogers, 1983).

04,

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8

The argument, like others in the history of psychology, comes full

circle. While frustration in the form of aversive environmental

conditions is clearly an important factor in aggressive behaviors, it is

equally apparent that what is or is not Uaversive" or Ofrustrating" is

largely determined by personal interpretations.

In his synthesis of learning approaches to aggressive behavior,

Baron (1977) makes the following recommendations for the prevention and

control of human aggression.

1. Children should be exposed to as little aggression as possible

whether in the media or real life.

2. Aggression and violence should not be rewarded in any way.

3. Conditions which provoke excessive arousal or suggestive

situational cues should be eliminated.

4. Models should be provided who when provoked or aroused behave

in non-aggressive ways.

5. Outlets should be provided which permit alternative outlets for

arousal such as empathy, humor, and lust.

As Siann (1985) has observed in his extensive analysis these

recommendations rest on the assumption that aggressive behavior is first

and foremost, learned and that it has no positive aspects.

Psychoanalytic Approach

A very different and more widely held account of the basis for what

Noyer calls irritable aggression is the psychoanalytic position.

Freud's (1915) initial formulations about aggression stressed sadism,

the enjoyment of the infliction of pain on another, and saw it as a

derivative of erotic impulses. In later writings he began to regard

4
9

"aggressive inclination" as separate from sadism and as having positive

value for physical survival. Finally, in response to the events of

World War I.he postulated the existence of two basic instincts, the life

force and sexual drive (Eros) and the striving for .an inorganic state or

the death instinct (Thanatos). In order to postpone the inevitable

realization of the death instinct and to deflect impulses toward self

- destruction, aggression, which is regarded as inevitable in human

nature, must be turned outward toward others.

According to Siann (1985) the psychoanalytic view of aggression is

based upon three interlocking assumptions: 1) aggressive behavior

derives from innate sources, 2) the manner in which an individual

displays aggression in later life is dependent on his early emotional

history, and 3) pathological aggression may derive from negative

experiences in the handling of this aggressive drive.

Since the aggressive drive is innate and must be expressed in some

'.V form, aggressive behavior cannot be eliminated. Man must acknowledge

and accept his aggressive tendencies and find ways to express them

constructively. To fail to do so is to invite a build up of aggression

which will result in a destructive manifestation directed either toward

self or others.

* aThe psychoanalyst Anthony Storr (1970) sees the aggressive drive as

including, or at least coloring, a very large part of human behavior

including the attainment of independence and achievement in all forms.

By opposing to some extent the independence strivings of their children

parents provide a foil which serves to stimuate the child's instinctive

urge toward autonomy, self expression and ultimately all interpersonal

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capabilities. When individuals are unable to come to terms with their

own aggressive drive, the aggression assumes a pathological form in

which it is turned against the self, projected onto others or expressed

in explosive and childish forms, what Moyer has described as irritable

aggression.

Storr, who has been influenced by Konrad Lorenz in addition to

Freud, makes four recommendations for reducing hostility in man:

1. Encouragement of competition at all levels

2. Reduction of world populations through birth control

3. Reduction of projection through improved communications

4. Reduction of the scale of human institutions as a means of

reducing individual feelings of impotence. The contrast with

a.'. Baron's recommndations is striking. Storr seeks to manage

aggression while Baron seeks to eliminate it.

The basic idea that aggressiveness is generated inside the organism in

response to various events and that it is capable of quantitative

accumulations with build up of pressure for release is not only central

to psychoanalysis but is also commonly held by the general population as

attested by expressions like "blow one's top" or "reach the end of one's

$, rope." It is widely believed that people who live in frustrating

-- circumstances need to let off steam occasionally lest the accumulation

of pressure cause an explosion of violent behavior. Among professionals

this is known as a "cathartic" theory of aggression. The safety valves

are provided by competition, especially in sports through both direct

and vicarious means, by all forms of indirect aggression directed at

V!
people, animals and inordinate objects and in the psychotherapist's

office by poundings administered to cushions, dumnies, etc.

This formulation has great intuitive appeal and is apparently

consistent with the subjective experience of so many individuals that it

has become part of comon wisdom.

The notion of affect storage was accepted in an uncritical fashion

by reuer and Frued and led to the formulations of "strangulated affect"

and "abreaction." In an original and interesting analysis written from

a psychoanalytic point of view, Isaac (1984) characterizes as mythical

the position that affects are stored under pressure and that they are

dangerous and without constructive function.

To the contrary, he argues:

1. Affects are vital aspects of human functioning.

2. Affects are automatic subjective responses to internal and

external events.

3. Affects serve the vital function of informing us of qualities

of internal and external events.

4. Affects are transitory, and in their initial reactive form are

impossible to store or accrue.

5. Because affects are transitory, their discharge is not

mandatory and their expression is optimal.

6. The residual effects of affect experiences are the memories of

*. those affective experiences stored as quiescent affective

attitudes which (Alexander G Isaacs, 1963) in turn are

psychologically vital aspects of personality as they become

building blocks of personality and character.

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What is different about Isaacs's formulation is the provision of a

critical choice point between feeling and expression. This feature of

his theory moves him closer to a cognitive point of view (Ellis, 1972;

Beck, 1976) relative to the more common varieties of aggression

described by Moyer (1976) in his first five categories.

It goes further, however, in providing an entirely reasonable

explanation for the behavior which Moyer has termed "irritable

dggression.0 From Isaacs's point of view, irritable aggression would be

largely accounted for by belief in a cultural myth, to wit:

1. Affects can be dangerous.

2. Affects have no construcive function.

3. Affects, once evoked, remain in a kind of pressured storage

until discharged; and therefore accrue increments to a point

of maximal containment.

4. Affects while in storage become a source of damage to the

person.

5. The necessary affect discharge must be accomplished very

carefully so as to cause the least possible damage (Isaacs,

1984).

The experience of affects themselves, especially anger, are seen as both

automatic and natural, consistent with a psychoanalytic view. The

behavioral expression/inhibition of affect is seen as an attitudinal,

ego controlled function.

This does not imply that people who inhibit irritable aggression

engage in an internal discussion with themselves but simply that their

behavior is determined by rational, strongly held attitudes. An

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illustrative hypothetical example was provided to the writer many years

ago by Dr. Albert Ellis. If in a crowded subway, someone comes down

hard on our ingrown toenail, we will likely feel a surge of anger and a

strong impulse to behave violently toward that person. As we lean

toward that individual we suddenly notice that he is carrying a white

cane and suddenly the whole situation changes - mediated by our belief

that blind people are not to be held responsible for such incidents and,

perhaps more importantly, that we do not have to retaliate in such a

circumstance or in any other.

The perception of the white cane marks a critical choice point

*which determines the behavioral outcome.

As Isaacs (1984) points out, the belief that feelings, in this case

anger, are stored until they are gotten out creates a powerful motive

for expression and tends to forestall or short circuit the occurrence of

the choice point. The result is a continual, eventually habitual

obfuscation of the distinction between feeling and action and the

development of what amounts to an irrational fear or phobia of affect.

The consequences of affect phobia can be extreme and may lead to

serious psychopathology. Isaac (1984) provides an example of what he

* terms Opotentiation." A person who believes in affect storage becomes

annoyed by some minor frustration and then feels additional irritation DI ,becaue his store of anger has been increased (Now you have made me

angryl) and this futher increases the feeling of irritation and anger

until, by the process of "potentiation" a violent rage is produced; what

1 has been previously discussed as irritable aggression. The essential

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14

element is the person's perception that he or she is undergoing an

"unstoppable process which is likely to reach volcanic force" (p. 50).

Isaacs (1984) suggests that affect phobia has its origin during

infancy when certain affects impel to action which are a threat to the

maternal relationship and are therefore delayed and maintained in a

state of uneasy restraint.

To this we might add the observation that it is very common in

Westen culture to perceive at least a moral equivalence between feelings

and desires on the one hand and actions on the other. This may be seen

4. very clearly in the wording of the ten commandments.

Phobia can develop to any affect but the most problematic is anger.

The need to constantly monitor one's affective state can deplete energy,

-? interfere with cognitive processes and lower resistance to stress.

From a psychoanalytic view, the answer is acceptance of affects,

specifically, suggests Isaac, as sensory indicators of the qualities of

internal and external events (1984). Erroneous approaches would include

medications (anaesthesia) and methods which portray affects as dangerous

such as substitute action (catharsis) and desensitization. The goal is

to achieve a state of comfort with one's affect life thus eliminating

the need for repression and other avoidant manuevers.

Sociobiological Approach

The Odriv.-discharge" model of aggression created by Freud and

Konrad Lorenz as well as the social learning approaches favored by

social scientists are both rejected by the sociobiologists. In "On

Human Nature," Edward 0. Wilson argues that human aggression "cannot be

explained as either a dark-angelic flow or a bestial instinct. Nor is

-KA So s~a K-
it the pathological symptom of upbringing in a cruel environment. Human

beings are strongly predisposed to respond with unreasoning hatred to

external threats and to escalate their hostility sufficiently to

overwhelm the source of the threat by a respectably wide margin of

safety. Our brain does appear to be programmed to the following extent:

we are inclined to partition other people into friends and aliens, in

the same sense that birds are inclined to learn territorial songs and to

navigate by the polar constellations. We tend to fear deeply the action

of strangers and to solve conflict by aggression. These learning rules

are most likely to have evolved during the past hundreds of thousands of

years of human evolution and thus, to have conferred a biological

advantage on those who conformed to them with the greatest fidelity"

(1978, p. 119).

Wilson does not deny the role of social learning and culture in

behavior at the individual level. The cultures which influence and

shape individuals, however, are themselves the product of evolution.

Cultural forms emerge as adaptations to changes in the environment. The

*predisposition to aggression is genetically programmed and aggressive

behavior is adaptive. Violence, therefore, is to be regarded as

natural.

In an interesting metaphor, Wilson suggests that human aggression

is most accurately compared "not to a fluid that continuously builds

pressure against the wall of its containers, nor a set of active

ingredients poured into an empty vessel, but to a pre-existing mix of

chemicals ready to be transformed by specific catalysts that are added,

heated, and stirred at some later time. The products of this neural

".

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chemistry are aggressive responses that are distinctively human" (1978,

p. 106).

Thus, Wilson rejects the "storage" concept as it applies to

agqresasivo behavior and not just to affects and in fact does not appear

to make a distinction between them. In that sense, he follows the

common wisdom. Since violence is natural it is adaptive and at least in

some circumstances, legitimate.

Phenomenology of Violence

"Myself and my fellow prisoners lived a hard code, but it was

of survival.. Survival of dignity and sanity. If we didn't,

we would be broken completely.

The only thing a convict respects in another is moral

strength. That is all it takes to kill a man. . . . But in

prison there are many broken men. . . . There are the ones so

demeaned and broken by the violence of things, there is

nothing they won't do short of any act involving violence.

If they were unafraid of violence, they would not have lost

their humanity" (p. 80).

The above passage is taken from In the Belly of the Beast: Letters

from Prison by Jack Henry Abbott (1981), a chronicle of prison life made

remarkable by its dark, compelling portrayal of violent terror as well

as by its literary merit. Abbott describes the plight of men in

extremis who struggle to maintain integrity in a settinq where physical

survival is constantly threatened and who can do so only through a

readiness to commit lethal violence. For them, the continual inner

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17

struggle is with their own passivity which ever threatens to transform

them into non-entities, men who will dumbly follow even the instructions

of their own killers. Personhood is maintained by acquisition of the

capacity to kill and, most of all, by making that fact known.

Toch (1972) conducted extensive peer interviews with prisoners,

former prisoners, and policemen who had histories of violent behavior

with a focus on their subjective experience. After extensive analyses,

he concluded that violence prone people hold one of two basic

orientations which are expressed as interpersonal strategies. The first

of these orientations is based on feelings of impotence, inadequacy and

vulnerability to control by others. It leads, suggets Toch, to the

following types of violent behavior:

1. Reputation defending: when violence is used in order to

preserve a role which 'has been allocated by public acclaim'.

2. Norm-enforcing: when violence is used because the individual

believes that he is acting to enforce his own values.

3. Self-image compensation: when violence is used to compensate

for low self-esteem. For example, (a) as a form of

retribution against people who have cast aspersions against

the particular individual; or (b) when violence is used to

gain admiration.

4. Self-defining: when violence is used to preserve the

individual from physical harm.

5. Pressure removing: when the individual tends to deal with a

social situation by using violence because his social skills

are limited.

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181

The second orientation is one in which the violent individual

perceives others as objects or instruments for serving his own needs.

This leads, according to Toch, to the following types of violent

behavior:

1. Bullying: when pleasure is obtained by terrorizing individuals

who are particuarly susceptible.

2. Exploitation: when violence is used to manipulate others into

'being tools of one's own pleasure and convenience'.

3. Self-indulging: when violence is used because the individual

believes that others exist solely to gratify the individuals'

* own needs.

4. Catharting: when violence is used to give vent to emotions or

moods.

All of the above behaviors are most likely when the social

situation is perceived as threatening. All of them involve in one way

or another the assertion of dominance and therefore fall into Moyer's

category of intermale aggression (1976). Clearly, however, they have

S.the capacity for facilitating incresing amounts of irritable aggression

since these patterns are habit forming, i.e., they occur with increased

* frequency and consistency to decreasing amounts of stimulations. Toch

%sees violent behavior as originating in early interpersonal

relationships which produce an inadequate and unstable self image in

which people feel vulnerable to manipulations. He sees consistent

patterns of violent behaviors as an attempt by the perpetrators to find

consistency of self at the expense of their victims (Toch, 1972).

0
The topic of selfhood is a recurring theme in psychologically

oriented discussions of violence. In a characteristically insightful

analysis, Rollo May (1972) portrays violence as the explosive expression

of impotence, low self-esteem and insignificance. It is the ultimate

exit. The conscious potential for violence, says May, is an element

essential to full humanity (p. 97). To deny or repress the capacity for

violence is to create impotence and therefore the probability of violent

behavior. The person least likely to comit uncontrolled violence is

well integrated and undeluded. In acknowledging his own violent

potential and physical capability for such action he becomes maximally

able to meaningfully renounce it. In doing so he amplifies his capacity

for love and intimacy.

May appears to be saying that the renunciation or control of

violence can have meaning only for one who acknowledges, accepts and

even embraces his own capability and potential for violence, a position

consistent with a cathartic theory of emotion and a more generally

Freudian perspective.

The Martial Arts

In the most general sense, *martial arts" refers to specialized

methods or techniques of armed and unarmed combat which no doubt

appeared very early in human history. Its usage here will be restricted

i to those practices which had their origin in India and China and found

their highest degree of systematic perfection in feudal Japan. It is

further restricted to the techniques and attendant attitudes relating to

0V

04N
20

confrontation between two or a few men as opposed to the tactics of

larger military units.

The individual Japanese fighting man now and in the past is

conceded to be one of the beat the world has produced (Brinkley, 1902,

Ratti & Westbrook, 1973) and it could hardly have been otherwise. For

centuries and especially during the Tokugawa period, the military class

was so absolutely predominent in Japan that the values of the warrior

can be said to have been those of Japanese culture.

For this reason, the saturation of feudal Japan by the warrior

ethic is well documented, even in Western languages. For the balance of

this discussion, the writer will lean heavily on the definitive work by

Ratti and Westbrook (1973).

After 1600 A.D. the arts of individual combat proliferated in Japan

while often being shrouded in secrecy. By the early 20th century, many

forms had specialized to the point of isolation and passed into

obscurity and extinction.

In a summary chart (p. 23) Ratti and Westbrook list 39 forms of

armed bujutsu (martial arts) and 27 unarmed. These practices were

extremely diverse in outward forms ranging from horsemanship to the art

of the war fan. In spite of the diversity, however, they all shared

factors of an inner, psychological or spiritual nature which, far more

than outward behaviors, constitute the real essence of the martial arts

and are the major focus of concern here.

Inner Factors

Throughout Asia the abstraction called Ki is one of the two

conceptual formulations of the theory and practice of the az i ar,.

''""; . ' 'V. 4 4 ~~h
21

The references to Ki are ubiquitous but the definitions, at least to the

Western mind, are somewhat vague. Ki is coordinated energy. It is of

an intrinsic, inner nature as opposed to the external energy generated

4... by powerful muscles. It is an energy which enables seemingly incredible

feats of strength, movement, perception and concentration. A warrior

advances in his art as he becomes increasingly capable of generating Ki

and it is this energy which makes it possible for some of them to remain

very formidable fighters at an advanced age. The coordination of Ki can 4.

develop beyond the level of individual capabilities so that it can be

projected as a form of influence and even domination of other people.

* In the military it is manifested as leadership, the charismatic ability

to move other people to believe and act in the fulfillment of a

collective mission. Ki is not normally possessed by many individuals

and can be developed and mobilized only after long and disciplined

practice especially of zazen or zen meditation.

The Hara or center is the other major conceptual foundation of the

martial arts and is even more abstruse than that of Ki. The theory of

center begins with the observation of man's chaotic reality, his

confusions, his sorrows (Ratti & Westbrook, 1973). These are attributed

to his ignorance and impaired perceptions which make him easy prey for

enslavement to the pursuit of illusory goals like prestige, power, ,..

violence, material possessions etc. The redemption of this

r.l unfortunately natural and usual condition is some form of enlightenment,

S ~ ~ a state of extreme clarity of perception and intuition which will lead

Sto proper decision since to see clearly is to know what to do.

wO)% 6 

, ,,-

0-42

I: .. -.. ) . -- . ; "" .,--, ''''. ..,. ,..'-- ,"-, M, " ,"-. . ..'.
22

In order to emerge from the chaos, man must, like Archimedes, have

a platform, a point of inner harmony, balance and stability of mental

control from which to perceive and judge the inner and outer stimuli and

circumstances which impinge constantly upon him and especially at those

moments which may decide the outcome of a life or death encounter.

This point was not lost on the marital arts instructors of Japan and

almost to a man they taught that no method of combat had an:. real value

unless it helped to develop hara.

The Japanese word hara means "belly" and the development of focal

awareness and centralization in the lower abdomen is considered a

powerful technique of mental integration. Of utmost importance is

abdominal breathing. Trained martial artists typically breathe in the

pit of their stomach as a matter of habit but there are also a variety

of specific breathing exercises designed to increase abdominal focus,

some of which produce unusual and intimidating sound effects. The hara

is the point at which Ki enters the body and from which it is

controlled. The two concepts are therefore intimately connected.

A more esoteric variation of the use of Ki regards the energy as an

"imaginary intellectual fist" thereby ascribing to it a specifically

mental nature and cognitive control although the source of Ki is still

seen as coming from the hara (Rotti & Westbrook, 1973). This school

known as heing-i has a surprisingly modern ring since it anticipated the

contemporary use of mental imagery in clinical psychology and especially

in applications for improving performance in competitive sports. Its

use in the martial arts might, for example, appear as follows. A

k, martial artist might create a mental image of strong tubes leading from

a,
.

23

his abdominal center upward through his torso and arm to his fists. At

the moment of impact he momentarily tenses his abdominal muscles and

visualizes Ki emerging from his knuckles. The result is a focused

strike of devastating power.

The basic idea was to fuse all the inner capacities of perception,

motivation, thought, concentration and decision with the external power

of strong muscles, skillful techniques and weapons so that all is

focused at the point of control.

Bushido

The traditional Japanese warrior went to great lengths to prepare

Ahimself to explode into action without the slightest hesitation and

above all, to do so with no thought to the appropriateness or morality

of his behavior. Fundamental to his code of conduct (Nushidc was never

to ponder the nature, significance, and effects of a supericr's command,

but to commit himself totally to the attack without regard to !.is owr.

survival. If anything distinguishes the samurai from his military

counterparts in other nations it is the extent to which he over:ame the

fear of death. For centuries, he was trained to believe that his life

was not his own and from childhood was systematically exposed to all

manner of conditioning designed to inure him to the natural fear of

* death as well as physical pain and suffering, culminating in his

readiness to commit ritual suicide. It is primarily his attitude toward

death which has traditionally made the Japanese soldier such a fearsome

warrior. It is an attitude which extends not only to his own personal

fate but to the inflicting of death upon others - the martial business.

, % 04 . ... ., , .. .. .,.
24

The Japanese military has not encountered a curious psychological

problem which has been endemic to Western armies since the introduction

of firearms, i.e., the inability or unwillingness to shoot (Marshall,

1947). Firearms, of course, are highly impersonal compared to older

weapons and lend themselves to dissimulation of combat activity and the

distancing of self from individual responsibility for killing. After

the battle of Gettysburg over 18,000 muskets were found on the

battlefield which had not been fired (Karsten, 1978). Similar incidents

have been frequent occurrences in military history.

It is of interest to note that the Japanese seem to have had a

particular aversion to the military use of f. ,earms and in fact outlawed

them in the 17th century and reverted to the use of swords and speazs

for a period of 50 years (Perrin, 1979).

Many of the attributes of traditional Japanese culture: the

tendency toward action as opposed to contemplation; stoicism in the face

of pain; physical and mental discipline; respect for authority; the

emphasis on perceptual alertness and inner calm, find expression in the

values held by contemporary practitioners of the marital arts.

o Many observers have been impressed by what they perceive as the

combination of lethal potential with peaceful inner strength and

sometimes moral sensitivity to be found in adepts. The question of

inner motivation always comes up. It is, says Hiroshi Hamada, Karate

sensei at Old Dominion University in Virginia, ". . . like a Zen riddle:

It cannot be answered until there is no longer any reason to ask it."

Newspaperman Denis Collins, writing about the people who train with

Hamada observes, "stand close enough to feel the energy that radiates

- .b "~''*.q v v AA7(' A - - - - - , -

A
* 25

from 190 people tapping into their own electric current, look into eyes

that reflect a calm most people achieve only in moments just before

sleep and you might recognize something close to the human core,

something as sweet and scary as the midnight sound of a God-blessed

choirO (Collins, 1986).

Such hyperbole is not rare among lay observers of the marital arts

scene.

Psychololgists too have shown interest in the martial arts and in

the special characteristics which might be possessed by those who

practice them, especially characteristics which might be relevant to the

management of violence prone people. A review of the psychololgical

literature follows.

Psychololgical Studies

The work most directly relevant to the subject of the current paper

is a 1981 study by T. A. Nosanchuk. This investigator studied the

effects of traditional karate training on aggressive fantasy as measured

by students' verbal responses to written hypothetical situations. Among

42 students (Karateka) at various belt levels it was found that longer

training is associated with lower aggressiveness. Though this study

does not address the problem of overt aggressive behavior it is of

theoretical interest because its findings are consistent with a

cathartic rather than a social learning interpretation of aggressive

behavior. The latter point of view currently in vogue among many

psychologists would predict that exposure to marital arts would tend to

increase violent tendencies.
26

A number of studies of varying degrees of methodological adequacy,

have attempted to describe personality characteritics of martial artists

by comparing the responses of practitioners at different levels of

expertise with each other and with nonpractitioners on various paper and

pencil tests.

Rothpearl (1979) administered the IPAT Anxiety Scale Questionnaire

and the Buss-Durkee Hostility Inventory to 152 students of classical

karate. He found small but significant negative correlations between

karate proficiency and both anxiety and Buss factors of hostility,

irritability and suspicion. He also found that karate students, when

compared to a control group, tended to favor indirect rather than

assaultive expressions of hostility.

Using the Gough Adjective Check List, Duthie, Hope and Barker

(1978) compared 100 average and 52 superior martial artists. A number

of scale differences were found suggesting that the superior group were

significantly more extroverted and ascendant than the average group who

tended toward introversion and abasement.

Kroll and Carlson (1967) also studied karate practitioners at

different levels but found no differences among them in response tc the

Cattell 16 PF Inventory. The combined groups, however, differed from

participants in other sports. Compared to qymnasts, karate

practitioners were more tense, conscientious and rule bound. Compared

to football players and wrestlers they appeared more self-sufficient,

reserved and detached. These findings suggest that they may be less

affiliative and socially oriented and may reflect a more meditative

introversive orientation.

04

ma

'.J
427

In another study utilizing the Cattell 16 PF Inventory, Pyecha

(1970) administered the instrument to a student population before and

Vafter 16 weeks of instruction in judo and compared them with control

groups of students enrolled in volleyball, badminton, and basketball.

Though the latter two groups showed no change at the end of the course,

the judo group scored higher on the Cattell factor of Warmheartedness vs

Reserved. The reasons for the latter finding are not clear.

In these studies utilizing both the Gough Adjective Check List and

the Cattell 16 P1 Inventory whatever differences obtained were between

the skilled martial artists and beginners. There were very few

indications of differences between the beginners and non-martial

artists. The findings tend to support the interpretation that whatever

"4" is unusual about skilled martial artists results from their training

rather than from selective factors.

Kodman (1982) compared the responses of black belt karate

%.instructors to the California Personality Inventory (CPI) with those of

high achieving and low achieving college students. The instructors'

trait scores tended to fall between the two groups of students with none

of the subjects exhibiting signs of severe pathology. In this study,

karate instructors appear to be more alike than different from college

;".' students.

p.4. A somewhat unusual study was carried out in Naples, Italy by

S Saraceni and Nontesarchio (1977). These investigators studied the

psychosocial motives of thirty male karate students by obtaining

measures of needs for Affiliation, Achievement and Power (McClelland,

1964). Scores were obtained under four conditions,

':%%

5'

04
28

1) self-description, 2) ideal self-description, 3) self as authority

figures would prefer, and 4) self as members of the opposite sex would

prefer. The results indicated good self-esteem among the students in

terms of self-ideal discrepancy as well as the perception that they were

*] well regarded by authority figures including their teacher. This was

not the case, however, in relation to females, whom the students

perceived as undervaluing them on the three dimensions of Affiliation,

Achievement, and Power. In order to clarify this interesting finding,

Saraceni and Montesarchio obtained rating data from a group of thirty

young women who had some familiarity with karate students along the same

dimensions utilized earlier (Affiliation, Achievement, and Power) and in

* -terms of actual vs ideal perceptions. There were no differences in the

. - ideal ratings. The actual ratings likewise showed no differences

relative to Achievement and Power but did reveal a highly significant

difference in regard to Affiliation. The karate students are seen by

the girls as less friendly and affectively available than boys in

general. The authors speculate that karate students have or develop a

*. fearful inability to relate to the opposite sex and that they therefore

tend to withdraw from them to a position of cohesive, self-satisfied

- defense.

, The data on personality characteristics of martial artists are

"- sparse and based on a few correlational, descriptive studies. What is

known may be sumarized as follows: Martial artists are not

characterized by significant psychopathology (Kodman, 1982). On the

basis of paper and pencil tests they appear more alike than different

from normal populations and whatever descriptive differences appear are

L-.0 .

'r ,rL
29

more characteristic of advanced practitioners than beginners. Some

tendency has been noted for advanced practitioners to appear more

ascendant and extroverted than beginners who appear to be somewhat less

affiliative and socially skilled (Duthie, Hope, & Barker, 1978; Kroll &

Carlson, 1967; Saraceni & Kontesarchio, 1.977). Training in the martial

; arts is associated with a tendency to inhibit the direct expression of

aggressive fantasy and hostility.

The above findings must be regarded as very tentative. They are,

however, suggestive of some preliminary hypotheses. It appears that

. beginning students of the martial arts, at least those who do not drop

out in the earliest stages of training, may be somewhat rigid,

introverted, shy and resentful individuals who do not perceive

"- themselves in highly favorable terms. Their motivation to begin and to

persist in this rigorous training may be to bolster self-esteem and

feelings of well-being through personal self-improvement as well as

identification with a highly visible and cohesive group possessing an

*almost mystical aura of quiet inner strength and elitism. Participation

and advancement in the training enhances self-confidence and self-esteem

thereby increasing sociability and diminishing tendencies toward w .

hostility and aggression.

The social processes which might mediate these hypothesized changes

are the subject of a study by Sylvia and Pinduz (1978). These

investigations surveyed attitudes of sixty-three members of five 0.

V ' American karate organizations in order to study the types of values

internalized in karate schools, the role of leadership in norm

% %'p
4

430

socialization in these schools, and the impact of hierarchy upon value

internalization.

The values and norms predominating in this subject population

included agreement with the following statements: 1) an insult that is

not reacted to does no harm, 2) one is only justified in using one's

art defensively, 3) the primary value of karate is self-mastery, and 4)

karate training must emphasize the spiritual as well as the physical

aspects of the art. The following statement was rejected: 1) winning

isn't everything, it's the only thing. The values reflected in these

responses clearly represent a process of socialization since 94% of the

subjects indicated that their initial motive for studying karate was

quite different, i.e., self-defense and/or physical fitness. All but

seven of the subjects had response patterns significantly correlated

with that of their instructors indicating the impact of the latter as

primary socialization agents. It is of interest that there was no

significant hierarchical effect, i.e., the similarity of attitudes

between students and instructors did not vary with belt rank indicating

that the attitude shift took place completely and early on in the

training.

All of the material so far reviewed is concerned with attitudinal/

personality variables shaped and molded in what seems a most pregnant

and potent crucible for social learning with its tradition, ritual,

physical discipline, rites of passage and rigid, clearly defined

hierarchy of authority and status.

The almost exclusive research emphasis on psychological/social

process is somewhat surprising in arts which are in a relative sense, so

dnk N 7
31 I,'.

asocial and so deeply i~ersed in both physical and mental discipline.

One might expect that practitioners of the marital arts might differ

from others along dimensions of a more narrowly cognitive and concretely

physical nature.

Such a question was in fact addressed in a 1977 study by Hamano at

the Notre Dame Seishin University in Japan.

This investigation found that advanced grade holders in karate were

significantly more efficient in learning to detect interoceptive signals

than subjects not trained in karate. Hamano attributes the result to

the presumed superiority of karateka in ability to concentrate inwardly

and suggests that such individuals might also be particuarly able in

terms of controlling or preprogramming their interoceptive state in a

forward direction.

This study, though it has methodological problems, is of

considerable relevance to the issue of violence because it suggests a

means through which a person trained in the martial arts might be able

to inhibit not only uncontrolled violence but also other responses,

especially anxiety, which could interfere with the effective expression

of controlled violence.

The Martial Arts and Morality

The overwhelming majority of masters, instructors, and others who

write on the subject of marital arts explicitly take the position that

their arts are associated with a non-violent attitude and most schools

indoctrinate their students with slogans like "I will not engage in

violent behavior" etc. A positive relationship between skill in the

A#
432

4. martial arts and nonviolent attitudes and behaviors also tends to be

supported by a number of the studies cited above.

Before proceeding to a discussion of the variables which could

-p.

mediate such a relationship it is of interest to explore the

philosophical underpinnings of the martial arts to see what sort of

moral imperative they might bear with respect to restraints on the use

of violence.

The word do is translated as way or doctrine. As such it indicates

belief, motivation or an underlying value system rather than practice or

techniques.

* Almost every martial arts master who has written about his art has

-stressed that it is more than just a variety of practical and effective

means of combat (Ratti & Westbrook, 1973). The art is seen as a vehicle

for the development of the most important spiritual and psychological

qualities, nothing less than the perfection of character. The martial

arts are said to promote physical fitness, mental clarity, self

knowledge, humility, a clear conscience and inner balance and

tranquility (Funakoshi, 1973).

Of all the values held by these who currently practice the marital

arts none is better articulated than that of a peaceful style of life

manifested by respect for others, self discipline and avoidance of

unnecessary conflict. It is believed by many that such ideals flow in a

S.0 linear and consistent manner from the philosophical underpinning of the

oriental doctrines of enlightenment, especially Buddhism. Such beliefs,

'p however, may represent an over idealized view.

4.
33

,In a revealing analysis, Ratti and Westbrook point up the basic

inconsistency between the highly humanitarian Buddhist doctrine of total

and sovereign respect for life and the traditional military ethic of

Japan which encouraged the taking of human life for trivial and even

imagined reasons (1973, p. 447). There was clearly a bifurcation

between moral and philosophical beliefs on the one hand and application

on the other, a cleavage which historically can be observed in many

other cultures and currently in the martial arts where it is the subject

V of much discussion.

4/ The particular sect of Buddahism most associated with the martial

* arts is Zen, a school highly compatible with feudal Japanese character,

one which seeks truth through meditation, concentration and other

1: personal disciplines and not through intellectual construction or

philosophizing. It is a system based more on intuition than reflection.

It teaches that once a decision is made for whatever reason, that one

should act forcefully without ever looking back and it makes no

distinction between life and death. It is highly pragmatic and there is

Z" considerable debate about whether Zen imparts any ethical message at

.1 all.

* Stocton (1958) summarizes:

Zen was popular with the samurai because it provided them with a

discipline that made fighting endurable, and a few special psychological

skills like how to shoot an arrow, or engage in hand to hand fighting

with the best chance of success. There was a philosophy behind it, but

it was the petty, blood-thirsty skill in front of it that was in demand

(quoted by Rotti & Westbrook, 1973).

A M I imRM
34

In regard to contemporary martial arts, Stocton's coamments

unquestionably apply to certain elements especially among those who

espouse a nontraditional, technique oriented approach.

Rowdyism, street fighting and any sort of unnecessary violence is

deplored in martial arts publications but it seems clear that those who

wish to emphasize its pacific and civilizing implications will need to

rest their case on more than references to Zen Buddhism.

In the following sections will be reviewed a number of

psychological factors which may serve as useful mediating mechanisms

between the martial arts and the realistic control of violence.

The Mediation of Violence

*. Discipline. The martial arts require a disciplined mastery of the

body and of the mind and emotion as well. These factors of inner

control and power aie considered superordinate to weapons and techniques

and are equally important in offense and defense. A particularly good

,', example is the kiai, the use of the voice as a weapon to terrify and

Simmobilize an opponent. In order to be at maximum advantage, the mind

of a combatant must be free of extraneous thought and emotion. In

classic stories of the marital arts a student is often rebuked by his

sensei for becoming angry.

In a confrontation with a trained high level opponent, the skilled

martial artist attempts to enter a state of complete p.ripheral

awareness in which he can perceive even minute shifts in his opponent's

breathing. If and when such a coinittment in made it signals a

comittment of Ki which imediately places the opponent at a

disadvantage. The only defense against such a state of mind is said to
i 7i

35

be a state of mondo or no mind which is at a point exactly midway

between attack and defense and which, if properly maintained, emits no

- cues.

Such states of mind require enormous amounts of concentration and

control. They are probably attainable to a high degree only under the

condition of a life and death encounter. They require a

comnittment which necessarily permeates many or all aspects of

an individual's life.

Obviously, such discipline is antithetical to the occurrence of

"irritable aggression" or uncontrolled emotion of any sort.

Hypothesis: The trained marital artist is less reactive to emotions

than non-martial artists and will manifest less irritable

aggression.

Modelling

p444 Baron (1977) and Bandura (1973) stress the importance of models in

the expression and control of aggression. Exposure to aggressive models

serve to increase such behavior in observers while exposure to

non-aggressive models serve to strengthen people's inhibition and

. restraints against aggression and also serves to reduce the level of

arousal in potentially explosive situations. Furthermore, such models

..-. provide instruction in nonviolent ways of handling potentially violent

situations.

O.4 Martial artists may be expected to be particularly credible models

of non-aggressive behavior due to their perceived capability for

' inflicting lethal violence.

"l?
36

HXpothesis: Martial artists are more effective models for facilitating

either aggressive or non-aggressive behavior than nonmartial

artists.

Self Concept

It is widely believed that violent behavior is facilitated by

feelings of impotence and low self esteem. As a result of their

physical capability and identification with a high status group, martial

artists maintain high self esteem and do not feel a strong need to prove

their worth or potency. Men usually fight because they feel weak and

insecure.

0 Hypothesis: Martial artists have higher self esteem than non-martial

artists and are therefore less likely to engage in violent

behavior.

Social Perceptions

Martial artists, to the extent that they are recognizable, are

feared by people in general and therefore do not receive as much

provocation as others. They do not need to be violent.

Hypothesis: Martial artists are feared by non-martial artists.

4. .Value System

Martial artists hold to a value system and explicit code of

behavior which negatively sanctions needless aggression,

impulsiveness and pretentiousness while positively reinforcing

personal dignity, self control, presence, personal development, courage,

and stoicism.

Hypothesis: The values held by martial artists are not compatible with

unnecessary violence.

9.
37

Military Application

None of the mediators suggested above are incompatible with the use

of controlled violence in a justifiable situation. People trained in

* ,the martial arts should make excellent professional soldiers and

military leaders and should be outstanding role models for young

recruits. The more relevant question, however, is whether the martial

arts can be of value in the training of nonprofessional, i.e., civilian

soldiers or conscripts. Such men form the bulk of most armies and are

the least responsive to the demands of the army's mission which, simply

stated, is to produce violence on demand. It is known that among

riflemen only a minority fire their weapons in combat (Marshall, 1947). 0

It is also known that many have committed gratuitous atrocities upon

civilians (Padgett, 1972).

The material developed in this paper suggests a number of

procedures which might be introduced into basic training programs on a

trial basis for the purpose of improving the management of violence and

discipline in general.

There should be an explicit portrayal of the ideal soldier and the

code of combat which he is expected to internalize.

NProminent in this portrayal should be the picture of a fighting man

who must be balanced physically, mentally, and emotionally.

. Y Mental characteristics should be clearly spelled out with

instruction in concentration, peripheral perception, memory, user of

imagery, and self hypnosis.

Emotional control is critical. Recruits, especially, should be

introduced to Isaacs (1984) concepts on how to handle strong emotion and

i I
38

the benefits of doing so. There are many object lessons which can be

utilized especially in basic training. It can be demonstrated, for

example, that no matter what a drill instructor might do there is never

an impulse to hit him which is irresistable. In addition, instruction

should be given in the practical management of fear and pain and the

efficient utilization of rest periods with particular attention to

patterns of respiration.

This pattern of instruction should be embedded in a framework of

martial arts training of sufficient intensity and training to take

-. participants through the basic white belt level.

Such a program should have the effect of improving self esteem,

self control, and general military effectiveness at both the unit level

and for the individual soldier.

SIS

S.

m.

p r.
39

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