Economic

Research

Service

Economic

Information 

Bulletin 

Number 136

February 2015

United States Department of Agriculture

China’s Growing Demand for 

Agricultural Imports 

Fred Gale, James Hansen, and Michael Jewison
Economic Research Service 

www.ers.usda.gov

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Recommended citation format for this publication:

Gale, Fred, James Hansen, and Michael Jewison. China’s Growing Demand for 

Agricultural Imports, EIB-136, U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research 

Service, February 2014.

Cover image: Fred Gale, USDA, Economic Research Service.

Use of commercial and trade names does not imply approval or constitute endorsement by USDA. 
United States Department of Agriculture

Economic 

Research 

Service

Economic

Information 

Bulletin 

Number 136

February 2015

Abstract

This report examines China’s recent emergence as a major agricultural importer and its 

implications for global markets. It analyzes trade patterns employing U.S. and Chinese 

trade statistics, summarizes alternative projections of future imports, and discusses how 

Chinese officials are adjusting their strategic approach to agricultural trade as imports 

grow. A strong agricultural trading partnership has developed between China and the 

United States that is likely to persist into the future. However, Chinese interventions to 

preserve self-reliance create volatility and uncertainty that can disrupt markets. 

Keywords: China, agricultural imports, soybeans, grain, meat, dairy, projections, policy

Acknowledgments 

Michael Jewison is an agricultural economist with the USDA’s Office of the Chief 

Economist. The authors thank Andrew Anderson-Sprecher of USDA’s Foreign 

Agricultural Service; Colin Carter of the University of California-Davis; Mechel Paggi 

of California State University-Fresno; and Sun-ling Wang of USDA’s Economic Research 

Service (ERS) for their peer reviews. We also thank the USDA, Foreign Agricultural 

Service and China’s Ministry of Agriculture for their support during our participation 

in the USDA-China Scientific Cooperation and Exchange Program during June 2014. 

Thanks also to ERS editor Susmita Pendurthi and ERS designer Curtia Taylor.

Fred Gale, James Hansen, and Michael Jewison

China’s Growing Demand for 

Agricultural Imports 
ii

China’s Growing Demand for Agricultural Imports, EIB-136

Economic Research Service/USDA

Contents

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

China’s Agricultural Imports Have Risen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

U.S.-China Agricultural Trade Grew Rapidly. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

The United States Is the Leading Supplier of Many Commodities to China. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4

China Has Become a Consistent Grain Importer. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

Policies Affect the Mix of Imports. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

Meat and Dairy Imports Are Surging. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

Cotton Imports Are Volatile. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

Imports of Processed Food Products Are Increasing Rapidly. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

Projections Anticipate Further Import Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

China’s Strategy for Controlling Agricultural Imports . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

Transparent Policies for Efficient International Markets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

Appendix 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30

Appendix 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
United States Department of Agriculture

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providing timely information on economic and policy 

issues related to agriculture, 

food, the environment,and 

rural America. www.ers.usda.gov

Economic

Research

Service

Economic

Information 

Bulletin 

Number 136

February 2015

United States Department of Agriculture

China’s Growing Demand for 

Agricultural Imports 

Fred Gale, James Hansen, and Michael Jewison

February 2015

Find the full report 

at www.ers.usda.

gov/publications/

eib-economicinformation-bulletin/

eib136.aspx

Fred Gale, James Hansen, and Michael Jewison

China’s Growing Demand for 

Agricultural Imports 

What is the Issue?

China is playing an important role in global agricultural markets as it emerges from 

isolation, liberalizes its economy, and experiences rising living standards. Policymakers, 

analysts, researchers, and the public need information about China’s growing, multifaceted role in agricultural markets. For example, what countries are the leading suppliers of 

China’s agricultural imports? What commodities is China importing, and what trends and 

patterns can be discerned? How do China’s current agricultural imports fit in its historical 

context? How have China’s policies responded to its increased role in global agricultural 

markets? Can import growth be sustained in the future or will it be limited by new policies 

and procedures?

China’s capacity to meet new demands for agricultural products has been assessed by 

analysts inside and outside China since the 1980s. Economists have anticipated that market 

forces would induce China to import grains and other land-intensive crops, but Chinese 

officials (motivated by food security and other concerns) have long resisted these forces 

and sought to maintain self-sufficiency. However, officials are now adjusting their strategies 

to accommodate their country’s growing reliance on agricultural imports.

What Did the Study Find?

China’s 2001 accession to the World Trade Organization lowered barriers to agricultural 

imports, and its economic growth has generated new demands for agricultural commodities. An agricultural trading relationship of mutual importance is developing between the 

United States and China. The United States accounted for over 24 percent of the value 

of China’s agricultural imports during 2012-13, a larger share than any other country. 

U.S. agricultural sales to China doubled from 2008 to 2012, reaching nearly $26 billion 

in annual sales. China has overtaken Japan, Mexico, and Canada to become the leading 

export market for U.S. agricultural products. 

China’s agricultural imports reflect its relative scarcity of land resources, and its 

most prominent imports are oilseeds, oils, and cotton—products that have high land 

requirements per unit of output. China has become a net importer of grain, but its grain 
imports are still modest in comparison with its oilseed imports. China has also swung from net exporter to 

net importer of corn and is importing large volumes of distillers’ dried grains, a byproduct of corn-based 

ethanol production. While demand for animal feeds is an important factor in China’s agricultural import 

growth, imports of meat and dairy products have also surged as rising costs of feed and forage, as well as 

other constraints, limit the growth of domestic livestock output. 

Demand for imported cotton and wool fibers as raw material for textile manufacturing has also risen. When 

China stockpiled domestic cotton to support prices above world levels during 2011-13, cheaper imports of 

cotton surged to meet textile demand. 

While bulk commodities remain predominant in China’s agricultural imports, evolving consumer tastes 

and increased purchasing power are stimulating demand for higher value products. Imports of wine, beer, 

cheese, breads, cookies, extracts of coffee and tea, and ice cream are growing rapidly.

Projections by the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) and several other sources anticipate continued 

growth in Chinese agricultural imports through 2023. Soybeans are expected to continue as the dominant 

import commodity, but imports of corn and meats are expected to rise as well. However, an unanticipated 

surplus of corn that was evidenced in China soon after projections were made underscores the difficulty of 

assessing China’s market. 

Officials in China now acknowledge their country’s need for agricultural imports and are emphasizing agricultural trade and investment in diplomacy. They are also formulating strategies to use domestic support 

and border measures to prevent imports from dominating Chinese markets. However, interventions in 

markets can create uncertainty that distorts prices and disrupts trade. On the other hand, policies that allow 

market demand and supply to determine prices, combined with the consistent application of regulations and 

standards, generally help global markets to supply demands efficiently.

How Was the Study Conducted?

The study is based on an analysis of China’s agricultural imports reported in Chinese customs statistics and 

U.S. agricultural export data; it evaluates recent trends in data through calendar year 2013, as well as historical trends. The study also summarizes projections of Chinese agricultural imports through 2023 from four 

sets of projections and summarizes Chinese policies on food security and agriculture based on information 

from numerous Chinese documents, speeches, and news media reports.

www.ers.usda.gov
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China’s Growing Demand for Agricultural Imports, EIB-136

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Introduction

China’s demand for imported raw materials and foods is critical to any assessment of global agricultural trade patterns. Industry and government leaders around the world have long anticipated China’s 

important role in agricultural markets, but China’s import demand has evolved in unexpected ways 

and remains difficult to predict. 

China’s imports of grain and cotton surged as economic reforms began in the late 1970s (Surls, 

1982). During the 1980s, Chinese leaders also discussed strategies for upgrading the Chinese diet by 

boosting intake of animal protein, and they targeted industries that use agricultural raw materials for 

expansion to create employment. Studies of changing food consumption patterns commissioned by 

the Chinese Government during the 1980s anticipated significant deficits in grains, meats, and vegetable oils by the end of the 20th century (China Mid- and Long-Term Food Development Strategy 

Team, 1990; Ding, 1991). 

During the 1980s and 1990s, international attention focused on China’s demand for agricultural 

imports as the country emerged from isolation and allowed economic forces to allocate resources 

(Crook, 1988; Yang and Tyers, 1989; Carter and Zhong, 1991; Garnaut and Ma, 1992). Brown (1995) 

drew attention to China’s agricultural trade prospects by warning that China’s rising consumption of 

animal protein and domestic resource limits would cause rapid growth in import demand and disrupt 

global grain markets. China’s extended negotiations to join the World Trade Organization (WTO)—

finally completed in 2001—brought even more attention to the topic. 

China’s accession to the WTO also generated additional projections, based on the principle of 

comparative advantage, that China would import more land-intensive crops (e.g., cereal grains 

and cotton) and export labor-intensive products (e.g., fruits and vegetables) (Anderson and Peng, 

1998; Wailes et al., 1998; Lu, 1998; Huang et al., 1999; Chen, 2000; Carter and Li, 2002).1 Studies 

seemed to form a consensus that China would import grain, but estimates varied widely; for 

example, Crook and Colby (1996) reviewed a dozen projections of China’s grain imports for various 

years in the 21st century that ranged from 15 million metric tons (mmt) to over 200 mmt. 

While China’s gradual liberalization, rising living standards, and changing consumption patterns 

have been the main forces driving its production and trade, growth has been somewhat hindered by 

long-standing, deep-rooted preferences among Chinese officials for self-sufficiency. For example, 

a white paper issued by China’s State Council (1996) called for China to remain at least 95 percent 

1 The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) anticipated that China’s WTO accession would create substantial 

export opportunities for U.S. farmers that would increase demand and boost agricultural prices (Colby et al., 2000; 

Lohmar et al., 2002).

Fred Gale, James Hansen, and Michael Jewison

China’s Growing Demand for 

Agricultural Imports 
2

China’s Growing Demand for Agricultural Imports, EIB-136

Economic Research Service/USDA

self-sufficient in grain by raising farm productivity, ensuring that prices are high enough to give 

producers strong incentives, reclaiming cropland, and utilizing crop straw and wastes to feed livestock. A number of studies noted that China’s future trade would be influenced by restrictions motivated by self-sufficiency or other objectives (Crook, 1988; Yang and Tyers, 1989; Huang et al., 1999; 

Gale, 2002). Carter and Rozelle (2001) outlined different future scenarios for China’s agricultural 

trade and development depending on agricultural policy and institutional-reform choices taken by 

Chinese leaders. 

This tension remained after China’s accession to the WTO, which Chinese officials viewed as necessary to create jobs and make further progress on market-oriented reforms, though they worried that 

China’s farmers would be vulnerable to import competition (Han, 2011). Officials initiated plans 

to restructure the agricultural sector, and they pledged to use WTO-compliant measures to support 

farmers and insulate domestic industries from global market pressures (Niu, 2011). 

In the years following WTO accession, China’s gross domestic product (GDP) and household 

income grew rapidly, manufacturing and service industries absorbed large numbers of rural laborers, 

and agricultural production grew rapidly. The structure of food consumption changed to include 

more meat, dairy, and processed foods, much as the assessments during the 1980s predicted. China 

achieved remarkable increases in domestic agricultural production, as well. Grain production rose 

40 percent during 2003-13 and reached the 550-mmt target for 2010 set by the Chinese Government 

(China State Council, 1996)—an achievement that China’s Minister of Agriculture attributed mainly 

to policy support (Han, 2014).2 Yet output of some other commodities that received less policy 

support also increased rapidly as producers responded to changing consumer demand. China’s meat 

output increased by 32 percent, its milk output doubled, and its aquaculture production rose 50 

percent during 2003-13. 

Despite the increase in domestic output, China’s role as an agricultural importer has grown. Tensions 

between market-driven resource allocation and the Chinese objectives of self-reliance continue into 

the 21st century. Rising imports prompted adoption of a new food security strategy that allows for 

imports to supplement China’s domestic food supplies, but advocates the use of domestic support 

measures and trade barriers to keep the country self-reliant in food (Han, 2012; Han, 2013; Han, 

2014). China’s demand for agricultural imports is growing rapidly, but potential suppliers face 

obstacles and uncertainties (e.g., rejections of shipments, antidumping investigations, new requirements for exporters, opaque approval processes, and uneven application of inspection and quarantine 

regulations and procedures). 

This report profiles recent patterns of growth in China’s agricultural imports by summarizing 

Chinese customs data and U.S. agricultural export statistics. The data portray an important agricultural trading relationship between China and the United States and patterns of agricultural import 

growth broadly similar to those predicted by studies in earlier decades. Projections suggest that trade 

will continue to expand in a similar manner, but assessing China’s demand for imports remains difficult due to inconsistent application of regulations, market-distorting interventions, and a lack of data. 

2 The Chinese State Council’s Development Research Center calculated that subsidies and other agricultural support 

expenditures rose from 390 yuan per metric ton of grain produced in 2004 to 1,120 yuan per metric ton in 2012 (Han 

and Jin, 2014). The 2012 value equaled $178 per metric ton at the official exchange rate.
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China’s Growing Demand for Agricultural Imports, EIB-136

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China’s Agricultural Imports Have Risen

China’s agricultural imports have risen dramatically in recent years, and the United States has 

become the leading supplier of these imports. Though China’s import policies vary depending on the 

commodity (and show a marked preference for prioritizing self-sufficiency in cereal grains), it has 

been increasingly importing oilseeds, oils, cotton, grains, meat and dairy, and processed foods. 

U.S.-China Agricultural Trade Grew Rapidly

China’s agricultural imports are of particular interest to U.S. farmers because the United States and 

other countries with rich endowments of farmland are positioned to supply farm products to China 

(where land is a relatively scarce factor of production). During the years immediately following 

China’s WTO accession, annual U.S. agricultural exports to China surged from under $2 billion to 

$5 billion in 2005.3

In recent years, growth in U.S.-China agricultural trade has accelerated, and the two countries have 

become key trading partners in agricultural products. During calendar years 2012-13, U.S. exports 

of agricultural products to China averaged $25.9 billion per year (fig. 1)—a tenfold increase from 

the late 1990s. Sales to China doubled during 2004-08 and doubled again during 2008-12. The share 

of U.S. agricultural exports going to China rose from 2 to 3 percent during the 1990s to 18 percent 

during 2012-13, and China is now the largest overseas market for U.S. farm products (up from 

number four in 2008) (table 1). U.S. imports of agricultural products from China rose at a slower 

3 This far exceeded the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s estimates that China’s accession to the World Trade Organization would boost U.S. agricultural exports by $900 million (Lohmar et al., 2002) to $1.6 billion (Colby et al., 2000) 

annually.

Figure 1

U.S. agricultural trade with China: 1990-2013

Billion dollars

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

1990 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 2000 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service analysis of data from USDA, Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural Trade System.

Agricultural imports from China Agricultural exports to China
4

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pace, reaching $4.4 billion in 2013—agriculture is one of the few sectors where the United States 

has a trade surplus with China. 

All of China’s leading suppliers of agricultural imports are countries richly endowed with land 

resources: the United States, Brazil, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and Argentina. China has 

been importing more agricultural products from many of these countries, but the United States 

remains the leader (fig. 2). 

The United States is also one of the top three markets for China’s agricultural exports (fig. 3) and 

the only one of China’s leading agricultural export markets that is outside East Asia. However, 

China’s agricultural exports have grown at a much slower pace than its agricultural imports (see box, 

“China’s Agricultural Export Growth Diminishes”), and it has become a large net importer of agricultural products.

The United States Is the Leading Supplier of Many Commodities 

to China

China’s excess demand for agricultural imports has been channeled into a few commodities that 

reflect rising consumer demand for vegetable oils, livestock products, and industrial raw materials. 

The United States, with its abundant land resources, has a competitive advantage in many of these 

products. 

Soybeans, other oilseeds, and fats and oils represent nearly half of China’s agricultural import 

value (fig. 4). Soybeans and other oilseeds are processed to extract oils, and the residual meal is 

used as a high-protein animal feed ingredient. China also imports fats and oils that are refined and 

manufactured into consumer oil products. China produces most of its own meat and dairy products, but imports of these products are also significant. The mix of agricultural imports is diversifying as China’s purchases of fruits, nuts, cassava, sugar, wine, breeding stock, and processed 

food imports rise.

During 2012-13, the United States accounted for over 24 percent of China’s agricultural imports by 

value and was the leading supplier of its oilseeds, cotton, meat, cereal grains, cattle hides, distillers’ 

dried grains (mainly used for animal feed), and hay (table 2). The United States accounted for 36 

percent of China’s oilseed imports, 42 percent of its grain imports, 30 percent of its cotton imports, 

and 25 percent of its meat imports. Soybeans comprise nearly all of U.S. oilseed exports to China, 

Table 1

Top destinations for U.S. agricultural exports, 2008 and 2013

Country/region 2008 Country/region 2013

bil$ bil$

Canada 16.3 China 25.9

Mexico 15.5 Canada 21.3

Japan 13.2 Mexico 18.1

China 12.1 Japan 12.1

European Union-28 10.1 European Union-28 11.9

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service analysis of data from USDA, Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural 

Trade System.
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Figure 2

China agricultural imports, by supplying country, 2000-13

Billion dollars

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service analysis of China’s customs statistics reported by the Global Trade 

Atlas (2014).

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

2000 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13

United States

Brazil

Australia

Canada

New Zealand

Argentina

Figure 3

China's agricultural exports to leading destinations, 2000-13

Billion dollars

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service analysis of China’s customs statistics reported by the Global Trade 

Atlas (2014).

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

2000 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13

Japan

Hong Kong

United States

South Korea

Vietnam

Malaysia
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Box: China’s Agricultural Export Growth Diminishes

China’s agricultural exports are chiefly labor-intensive, high-value (per unit of land) products that often require processing (Lu, 1998; Chen, 2000). U.S. imports from China include 

farmed fish and shellfish, canned mandarin oranges, garlic, mushrooms, soybeans for food 

use, apple juice concentrate, pet food, chicken feathers, noodles, tea, and spices (appendix 2). 

While products from China comprise a small share of the U.S. food supply, some of China’s 

agricultural products have gained a significant share of the U.S. market (Gale and Buzby, 

2009). Food safety hazards, such as antibiotic residues in fish and shellfish and adulteration 

of wheat gluten and dairy products, have also raised concerns.

China’s agricultural export growth came from a combination of cost advantage and 

Government support. After WTO accession, officials in China formulated plans to boost 

labor-intensive exports (Han, 2011). Chinese authorities aided food processors in attaining 

internationally recognized certifications, and inspection and quarantine officials set up their 

own certifications for food exporters (Gale and Buzby, 2009). For example, China’s applejuice-concentrate exports dominated the global market following an initiative to promote 

apple production in western provinces, investment in processing, and assistance from inspection and quarantine authorities (Gale et al., 2009). 

China’s agricultural export growth has slowed in recent years due to various reasons. 

Certifications imposed higher costs on processors and farmers (Wang et al., 2009). Some 

Chinese industry associations imposed minimum prices to prevent price competition among 

exporters, which had prompted antidumping actions in overseas markets (Wang and Chen, 

2011).1 Rising vegetable prices in China also prompted industry and Government officials to 

place more attention on the domestic Chinese market (Gale et al., 2013). Additionally, a study 

of tomato sauce exports found that labor intensity had become a disadvantage after wages 

doubled during 2006-12 (Wang et al., 2013). The volume of tomato sauce exports peaked in 

2009, and financial losses and plant closures were widespread in 2012.

However, agricultural officials in China continue to encourage exports. A program for 

agricultural export industries gives grants, loans, and technical assistance to companies and 

cooperatives that procure a commodity for processing and export from a base of farmers in 

a particular area. The projects emphasize implementation of food safety measures, quality 

standards, and developing brands and they include a variety of commodities (e.g., garlic, 

tomato sauce, flowers, bamboo products, fish, honey, and sunflower seeds).

1A U.S. court found that a Chinese association’s minimum-price requirement for Vitamin C manufacturers 

violated U.S. antitrust laws (Wall Street Journal, 2013).
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and they are the most prominent U.S. agricultural export to China (averaging $14.1 billion during 

the 2012-13 calendar years, more than half of the total export value of U.S. agricultural exports). 

Soybeans are also the largest U.S. export of any type to China, accounting for about 11 percent of 

the value of all U.S. exports to China. 

China Has Become a Consistent Grain Importer

Chinese authorities place a high priority on self-sufficiency in grain, which is reflected in policies 

encouraging domestic production and limiting imports. Despite China’s low per-capita endowment 

of cropland, it remained a net exporter of cereal grains—mainly corn—from the late 1990s until 

2007. Since 2008, China has become a consistent importer of grains, and exports have declined (fig. 

5). However, its grain imports of 13 mmt during 2013 were still much less than its soybean imports 

of 63 mmt. 

During 2012-14, China’s grain imports included corn, wheat, and rice, which were the focus of 

many of the 1990s analyses (fig. 6), as well as sorghum and barley. China consistently imported 

barley—mainly as a raw material for beer manufacturing—since the 1990s. Barley imports varied 

between 1.0 and 2.5 mmt each year from 2000 to 2013, with most coming from Australia, Canada, 

Figure 4

China’s imports of food and agricultural products

Annual average 2012-13 (billion dollars)

Notes: Chart shows the value of China’s food and agricultural imports from all countries. The chart shows totals for 

categories 01, 02, and 04 to 24 from the Harmonized System codes (the global classification system used for 

customs statistics developed by the World Customs Organization), plus cotton, wool, hides, skins, and furs. Data 

are for calendar years. Fish and forestry products are excluded. Grains and feeds include animal feeds, as well as 

wheat and rice for human consumption. Cotton, wool, and animal hides are used as raw materials in the manufacture of nonfood consumer products. 

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service analysis of China’s customs statistics reported by the Global Trade 

Atlas (2014).

39.6

11.9

13.4

4.0

9.6

8.5

6.4

2.3

13.1

Soybeans and oilseeds

Fats and oils

Cotton, wool, fibers

Hides, skins, furs

Meat and dairy

Grains and feeds

Fruits, vegetables, nuts

Sugar

Other food and agricultural products
8

China’s Growing Demand for Agricultural Imports, EIB-136

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and France. China also imports distillers’ dried grains (DDGS), the byproduct of manufacturing 

fuel ethanol from corn. Net imports of grains and DDGS combined totaled 16 mmt during 2013 and 

grew to 24 mmt during 2014. 

This import growth largely reflects China’s growing demand for livestock and feed products. 

Soybean meal—an ingredient in animal feed—represents nearly 80 percent of the volume of 

soybean imports. Imported corn was used mainly for feed; DDGS and sorghum were imported 

largely as a substitute for corn when feed mills encountered difficulties importing corn. During 2014, 

a large increase in barley imports also reflected its increased use in animal feed. Significant amounts 

of domestic and imported wheat were also used as animal feed during 2012-13, when corn prices 

exceeded wheat prices.4

Policies Affect the Mix of Imports

China’s mix of imports also reflects policy decisions to promote feed imports and prioritize selfsufficiency in cereal grains. During the mid-1990s, officials cut tariffs and waived value-added tax 

4 The amount of wheat used as feed is unknown since there are no statistics on how wheat is used.

Table 2

U.S. share of China’s leading agricultural imports, 2012-13

Item

Average Chinese 

import value

U.S. share of 

China’s imports U.S. rank

$ Billion Percent Number

All agricultural products 109.0 24 1

Soybeans and other oilseeds 40.6 36 1

Fats and oils 11.9 2 11

Cotton 10.1 30 1

Meat 5.0 25 1

Cereal grains 4.9 42 1

Dairy 4.2 10 2

Fruit and nuts 3.9 13 4

Wine and beverages 3.1 3 7

Cattle hides 2.6 53 1

Wool 2.7 <1 13

Baking products 2.3 4 13

Vegetables 2.5 2 5

Sugar 2.5 5 5

Fish meal 1.7 15 2

Distillers’ dried grains 1.1 99 1

Tobacco 1.4 11 3

Live animals .5 15 3

Hay and forage products .2 95 1

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service analysis of China’s customs statistics reported by the Global Trade Atlas 

(2014).
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China’s Growing Demand for Agricultural Imports, EIB-136

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Figure 5

China is now a net importer of soybeans and cereal grains

Million metric tons

Notes: Cereal grains include wheat, rice, corn, barley, and sorghum. Net trade equals exports minus imports.

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service analysis of China Customs Administration (1984-1995) and the Global 

Trade Atlas (2014).

-70

-60

-50

-40

-30

-20

-10

0

10

20

30

1982 84 86 88 90 92 94 96 98 2000 02 04 06 08 10 12

Grain exports

Grain imports

Soybeans net trade

Figure 6

China's net trade in grains, 2000-14

Million metric tons

Notes: Net trade equals exports minus imports. Data are for calendar years. DDGS refers to distillers’ dried grains. 

DDGS is not included in the traditional definition of grain since it is a byproduct of corn processing. However, it has 

emerged as a major U.S. export to China that is now bigger than any single grain. 

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service analysis of China’s customs statistics reported by the Global Trade Atlas 

(2014).

-30

-25

-20

-15

-10

-5

0

5

10

15

20

25

2000 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13 14

Rice

Wheat

Barley

Corn

Sorghum

DDGS
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on imports of soybean meal, DDGS, and other grain-milling byproducts to address deficiencies in 

feed raw materials. During the years before and after WTO accession, the tariff on soybeans was 

also lowered to 3 percent and quotas were eliminated on imports of soybeans and vegetable oil. 

China, however, retained stricter control over the imports of cereal grains. In its WTO accession, 

China agreed to tariff rate quotas (TRQs) for rice, wheat, and corn that allow limited quantities 

of each commodity to flow into the Chinese market at low tariffs. Low tariffs of 1 percent are set 

on imports up to the quota amount—set at approximately 5 percent of annual consumption—but 

imports outside the quota are assessed high tariffs of 65 percent. 

The TRQ system was intended to open a more transparent trade channel than the internal quota and 

licensing systems previously used. However, Chinese authorities cite “management of TRQs” as 

one of the measures used to regulate the flow of imports (Ni, 2011, p. 79; Ni, 2012, p. 112; Xi and 

Yang, 2013, p. 446).5 Most of the corn and wheat quotas are reserved for state-designated trading 

companies, and the remainder are distributed to thousands of potential importers in a cumbersome 

application process once a year (see box, “Feed Executive Calls for Reform of Import Quota”). 

Market analysts report that Chinese importers turned to DDGS, sorghum, and barley as alternatives to corn because there is no import quota for these commodities (Jewison and Gale, 2012). 

During 2014, news media reported that alleged problems with bribery in the distribution process had 

5 Weihai Evening News (2014) revealed that a Municipal Development and Reform Commission office distributed 

quotas for 22,700 metric tons of four commodities among six local companies and the office monitored market conditions to advise recipients when the quotas should be used. 

Box: Feed Executive Calls for Reform of Import Quota

Liu Yonghao, the founder and chief executive of China’s largest feed company, has publicly 

criticized the corn tariff rate quota (TRQ) system for favoring state-owned enterprises. In 

2011, Liu criticized the TRQ system for reserving 60 percent of the corn import quota for 

a few state-owned companies, while hundreds of private companies like Liu’s account for 

95 percent of China’s feed output (Zhang, 2011). Liu pointed out that the quota distribution mechanism divides the private share of the quota among applicants in 31 provinces and 

regions—just 90,000 tons per province. According to Liu, a single corn shipment has to be 

at least 50,000 tons to be economically viable. Liu said his company was awarded less than 3 

percent of the quota during 2010 although his company accounts for 9 to 10 percent of China’s 

feed output. He said his company had to purchase a quota from a state-owned company that 

year. Liu called for allocating quotas to companies based on the volume of feed they produce. 

Concerns about the TRQ system grew as the gap between Chinese and international grain 

prices widened during 2014, and Liu repeated his critique of the TRQ system at a meeting 

that year (Xinhua News Service, March 2014). Industry publications also raised concerns that 

the TRQ system placed small feed companies at a disadvantage (Guangdong Feed, 2014), 

and that flour mills cannot access the special types of wheat needed for the breads and snack 

foods that have become more popular in China (Zhengzhou Wholesale Grain Market, 2014).
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prompted China’s National Development and Reform Commission to consider using other methods 

to distribute the quotas (Shanghai Pobo Financial News, 2014). 

China’s domestic support has also focused on grains, including direct payments based on area 

planted in grain; support prices for rice, wheat and corn; and transfer payments to major grainproducing counties (Gale, 2013). Price supports were introduced for soybeans, rapeseed, and cotton, 

but persistently higher returns for grains resulted in land shifting to grain. China’s Minister of 

Agriculture asserted that Government policies produced 10 consecutive increases in grain production during 2003-13 (Han, 2014).

China’s corn imports were disrupted during 2013-14 when inspection and quarantine officials 

began rejecting U.S. corn shipments containing a genetically modified corn variety that agricultural officials had not approved. The rejections began in November 2013 and continued until the 

variety was approved in December 2014. By mid-2014, officials said they had rejected 1.25 mmt 

of corn shipments. During July and August of 2014, Chinese authorities also issued instructions to 

customs officials to closely scrutinize sorghum and barley imports for a variety of potential problems 

(AQSIQ, 2014; Niu and Patton, 2014). Officials also began to check DDGS and alfalfa shipments 

for unapproved genetically modified varieties, and uncertainty about Chinese approval of shipments 

continued throughout 2014. 

Meat and Dairy Imports Are Surging

Most of the 1990s assessments of China’s commodity demand anticipated that China would import 

feeds to support a growing livestock herd. Now China’s imports of livestock products are also rising. 

China’s imports of meat and animal offal rose to over 2.5 mmt during 2013 (fig. 7). Pork meat and 

offal are the largest types of meat imported. Pork imports first surged during 2007-08, a period of 

tight supplies and soaring prices following a swine6 disease epidemic in China, and pork imports 

rose further as Chinese pork prices climbed during 2011-13. China also became a significant 

importer of beef and mutton during 2013 as domestic prices for these meats soared.7 China’s poultry 

imports, on the other hand, fell in 2010 following an antidumping action against U.S. poultry.8

China’s imports of dairy products grew more than fourfold from 2008 to 2013, reaching 1.6 mmt 

(fig. 8).9 About half of the imports consist of milk powder used to manufacture infant formula and 

other milk products, while whey is used in various processed food and animal feed products. China 

has also become a significant importer of other types of dairy products like cheese, butter, buttermilk, and yogurt.

Rising demand, slow growth in domestic supply, and growing costs of feed, labor, and land are 

pushing domestic meat and dairy prices higher, which makes imported meats more competitive in 

China. China’s retail prices for beef and mutton rose 85 percent during 2009-13, while pork and 

poultry prices rose about 30 percent. Chinese livestock production is also shifting from traditional 

6 Swine refers to animals; pork refers to their meat.

7 China has banned imports of U.S. beef since 2003, when a case of bovine spongiform encephalopathy occurred in 

the United States.

8 The dip in China’s poultry imports during 2004-05 was the result of an avian influenza epidemic that depressed 

domestic consumption and prices. China also banned imports from some countries during that period.

9 Imports are on a product-weight basis, not milk equivalent.
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Figure 7

China's meat imports and exports, 2000-13

Million metric tons

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service analysis of China’s customs statistics reported by the Global Trade Atlas 

(2014).

Mutton

Beef

Pork meat and offal

Poultry meat and offal

0.0

0.5

1.0

1.5

2.0

2.5

3.0

2000 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13

China's meat exports

Imports

Figure 8

China's dairy imports, 2000-13

Million metric tons

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service analysis of China’s customs statistics reported by the Global Trade Atlas 

(2014).

Cheese, butter,

other milk

Whey Skim milk

powder

Whole milk

powder

0.0

0.2

0.4

0.6

0.8

1.0

1.2

1.4

1.6

1.8

2000 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13
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small-scale, backyard production to larger scale, concentrated modes of production. Larger scale 

farms tend to use commercial feeds and have higher fixed costs, and they face challenges acquiring 

land and managerial talent. Livestock farms are also facing higher costs from more stringent 

enforcement of environmental and food safety regulations, including a new regulation on hog-farm 

waste disposal that took effect in 2014. 

Imports of animal breeding stock also reflect the influx of commercial-scale livestock farms in 

China. The value of live animal imports was in the range of $40 to $50 million annually during 

1995-2002, but it exceeded $400 million in 2013. Cattle accounted for 60 to 70 percent of live 

animal imports from 2009 to 2013 as new dairy operations stocked their farms with imported 

animals. Imports of poultry, swine, and other animals also increased rapidly in recent years; most of 

these are hybrids supplied by animal genetic companies to stock breeding farms. 

However, China’s feed imports still exceed imports of livestock products. One reason is the country’s tariff structure, which favors imports of feeds over imports of meat and dairy products. China’s 

tariffs on feed ingredients range from 1 to 9 percent, while tariffs on dairy and meats range from 

10 to 25 percent (table 3). China’s 2008 free trade agreement with New Zealand leveled the tariff 

bias against livestock imports to some degree by cutting tariffs on New Zealand milk powder and 

unboned sheep meat to 5 percent in 2013. The agreement will eventually phase out tariffs on both 

products—New Zealand is now the leading exporter of milk powder and sheep meat to China. 

Cotton Imports Are Volatile

China’s industrial growth has also contributed to demand for imported cotton, wool, and animal 

hides. Demand for these raw materials is driven by similar forces—demand for exports and 

domestic sales of manufactured goods—but cotton imports have been much more volatile than 

imports of wool and animal hides. 

Imports of wool and animal hides rose at a steady pace and were both near $3 billion by 2013. 

Cotton imports, however, soared to nearly $5 billion in 2006, plunged to $2 billion in 2009, and 

soared again to $11.8 billion during 2012 (fig. 9).

Table 3

China’s tariffs on feeds, meats, and dairy

Feed ingredients Tariff Dairy and meats Tariff

Percent Percent

Corn* 1 Milk powder and butter 10

Sorghum 2 Frozen pork, poultry, and beef 12

Soybeans 3 Frozen mutton 15

Distillers’ dried grains** 5 Sausage 15

Soybean meal 5 Chilled pork 20

Alfalfa 9 Smoked or salted meat 25

*Within a quota of 7.2 million metric tons annually; over-quota tariff is 65 percent. **Exempt from value-added tax.

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service analysis of China’s WTO accession tariff schedule from the World Trade 

Organization (2001) and China’s Ministry of Finance (2001).
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China is now the world’s leading producer of cotton and the largest importer. China’s cotton imports 

surged in response to growing textile output in the years after its WTO accession. China’s textile 

exports and its cotton imports grew further after 2004, when the end of the global Multi Fibre 

Arrangement10 removed the quotas on textile imports that had previously constrained China’s textile 

exports to its major markets. China’s cotton imports fell during a global economic slowdown in 

2009, but they rebounded to record-high levels during 2011-13 as a cotton price-support policy held 

China’s domestic cotton price far above the world price (Gale, 2013). Chinese authorities reported 

stockpiling nearly 16 mmt of cotton over 3 years from the domestic crop, while textile manufacturers 

seeking cheaper raw materials purchased record volumes of imported cotton. 

Imports of Processed Food Products Are Increasing Rapidly

While bulk commodities and generic products used as raw materials for processing are still predominant, higher value foods and beverages comprise a rapidly growing share of China’s agricultural 

imports. Imports of higher value items are increasing rapidly as living standards rise and the proliferation of food service and modern retail outlets creates new markets for such products. 

The most prominent example is wine. China’s imports of wine totaled $1.5 billion in 2013, a fourfold increase from 2008. France has traditionally been the predominant supplier, accounting for 

45 percent of wine import value in 2013, while the United States accounts for about 5 percent of 

China’s wine imports. China’s imports of brandy, whiskey, and other spirits also exceeded $1 billion 

in 2013, while beer imports totaled $232 million. 

10 An international agreement set by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, which expired after 2004.

Figure 9

Agricultural imports used as manufacturing raw materials 

Billion dollars

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service analysis of China’s customs statistics reported by the Global Trade Atlas 

(2014).

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

1995 96 97 98 99 2000 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13

Cotton

Wool

Hides and skins
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Imports of many other consumer-oriented food products are making inroads. For example, imports 

of cheese, cookies, breads and pastries, extracts of coffee and tea, and ice cream were negligible in 

the early 2000s but their value grew until interrupted by China’s economic slowdown in 2008-09. 

The value of these imports grew more than threefold during 2009-13, and their combined value was 

$764 million in 2013 (fig. 10).

Figure 10

China's imports of selected processed food products, 2000-13

Million dollars

Notes: Harmonized System codes (the global classification system used for customs statistics developed by the World 

Customs Organization) used for these categories are cheese (0406), cookies (190531), bread and pastries (190590), 

extracts of coffee and tea (2101), and ice cream (2015).

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service analysis of China’s customs statistics reported by the Global Trade Atlas 

(2014).

0

50

100

150

200

250

2000 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13

Cheese

Cookies

Bread and pastries

Extracts of coffee and tea

Ice cream
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Projections Anticipate Further Import Growth

USDA projections for 2014-23 anticipate a continuation of China’s recent trends in agricultural 

trade. The projections are based on models of agricultural supply and demand that reflect changing 

consumption patterns tied to income growth, rising crop yields, and limited cropland area. 

Despite rising wages and other costs, China is expected to remain the leading textile manufacturer 

and the key buyer of cotton in global markets. China will remain a relatively modest rice importer, 

while its wheat imports will rise to fill deficits in the types of wheat not widely grown in China (and 

which are needed for certain breads and processed foods).

The projections indicate that China will increase production of pork and poultry—the main 

consumers of commercial feeds—by a combined 15 mmt over 10 years, and imports of these meats 

will also rise modestly. The rising feed requirements of swine, poultry, and other livestock, however, 

are difficult to assess since the dietary needs of animals can be met through various commodities, 

a wide range of production practices are used in China, and information on supply and demand of 

both livestock and feed resources is often unavailable or unreliable. 

The USDA projections anticipate that China will increase its imports of soybeans and feed grains 

to support rising domestic meat production. Expansion of ruminants—beef, dairy cattle, and 

sheep—is expected to put pressure on grasslands and forage resources, and China’s increasing livestock numbers will require greater volumes of feed to supply energy, protein, and micronutrients. 

The need for protein in animal diets is a key consideration behind USDA’s projections of continued 

robust growth in soybean imports. Liberalization of soybean meal and soybean imports during the 

1990s eased a constraint on China’s livestock production by supplying high-protein feed ingredients. The meal left over after extracting oil from soybeans will continue to be the primary source of 

protein to support growth in animal numbers over the next decade. 

China is also expected to continue expanding corn production by increasing planted area and 

improving yields. However, the consumption of corn for feed, processed foods, and industrial products is expected to outpace supply capacity over the next decade. The supply of alternative feeds like 

brans and hulls of wheat and rice, tubers, and food wastes that traditionally supplied a significant 

share of energy to China’s livestock is likely to grow only marginally. Thus, increased livestock 

output will rely on corn to a greater degree than in past decades. 

Several other projections released during 2014 reflect a similar outlook of rising living standards and increased imports of major agricultural commodities (table 4). Ten-year projections 

by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and the Food and Agriculture 

Organization of the United Nations (OECD/FAO), China’s Academy of Agricultural Sciences 

(CAAS), and China’s Research Center for Rural Economy (RCRE) all anticipated increases 

of varying magnitude in China’s imports of corn, soybeans, and meat. USDA and OECD/FAO 

projected continued growth in soybean imports, but CAAS and RCRE projected modest increases 

that imply an abrupt slowdown in soybean import growth. A World Bank assessment (2014) also 

discussed the role of livestock products in China’s dietary changes, as well as constraints on 

domestic supply response, and reported results of projections by the Center for Chinese Agricultural 

Policy that showed growing imports of soybeans, corn, and milk for 2020 and 2030. 
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All of the projections expected China’s imports of corn to rise beyond the country’s 7.2-mmt tariffrate quota for corn, implying that demand would be strong enough to prompt officials to install 

a mechanism to facilitate over-quota imports. However, soon after the projections were made, 

an unanticipated corn surplus in China became evident, suggesting that demand growth is not as 

rigid as presumed and underscoring the difficulty of assessing China’s market (see box, “China’s 

Unanticipated Corn Surplus”). 

Table 4

Projections of China’s imports of selected commodities in 2023

Commodity USDA OECD-FAO

China Academy of 

Agricultural Sciences

China Research Center 

for Rural Economy

Million metric tons

Rice 2.4 2.4 2.3 1.8

Wheat 5.5 2.8 3.1 5.7

Corn 22.0 16.9* 12.0 18.0

Soybeans 112.0 81.5* 74.0 75.0

Meat 2.4 3.6 2.4 NA

Cotton 4.6 3.3 1.6 3.0

*OECD-FAO’s corn projection is for all coarse grains; soybean projection is for all oilseeds. NA=Not available.

Notes: OECD/FAO refers to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and the Food and Agriculture 

Organization of the United Nations.

Sources: USDA, Office of the Chief Economist, 2014; OECD-FAO, 2014; China Academy of Agricultural Sciences, 2014; Xu 

et al., 2014. 
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Box: China’s Unanticipated Corn Surplus

China’s emergence as a net corn importer, and robust demand growth during 2011 and 2012, 

influenced projections of its future corn imports by analysts (including those in China). Food 

security assessments formulated by Chinese officials during those years also anticipated a 

growing deficit between corn supply and demand (Han, 2012; Ni, 2013; Han and Jin, 2014).1

However, soon after these projections of growing corn imports were made, it became evident 

that China actually had a large surplus of corn. China had record crops in 2012 and 2013 while 

there were indications that domestic consumption of corn had slowed. The United States also 

had a record corn crop following 2 successive years of drought, causing U.S. corn prices to 

fall, while China raised its support price for corn. Thus, a large gap between Chinese and U.S. 

corn prices appeared in 2013.

Authorities in China purchased 70 mmt of domestic corn to maintain the support price during 

2013/14. Officials announced that corn reserves grew to 100 mmt—approximately 50 percent 

of annual consumption. During 2014, authorities held auctions to release 63 mmt of corn from 

reserves into the domestic market, but only 25 mmt were actually purchased. Chinese authorities also announced that they would buy corn from the 2014 harvest to support prices, and 

market analysts anticipated that this would add even more to the corn inventory.2

It could take years for China to dispose of such large surpluses. With high Chinese prices, 

producers still had strong incentives to produce corn. The large corn surplus cast doubt on 

the consensus view that China would import large volumes of corn. This is not the first time 

a sudden change in market conditions altered assessments of China’s supply and demand. A 

similar glut of grain appeared between 2000 and 2002, resulting in USDA’s projected impact 

of China’s WTO accession on U.S. agricultural exports being scaled back from $1.6 billion 

annually (Colby et al., 2000) to $900 million (Lohmar et al., 2002).

1 The report by Han and Jin (2014) is based on data from 2012.

2 An official in one of China’s leading corn-producing provinces said that most of the corn was stored in 

crude temporary bins where it was vulnerable to mold and pests (Jingji Cankao Bao, 2014). In October 2014, a 

Vice Premier raised concerns about the lack of storage for the new crop (China Government Net, 2014).
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China’s Strategy for Controlling Agricultural Imports

Chinese officials are formulating plans and strategies to gain control over growing agricultural 

imports. These strategies imply extensive Government intervention that could lead to conflict and 

pose potential challenges for U.S. industry leaders and policymakers. Chinese leaders have made 

agricultural trade and investment a significant component of diplomacy, an initiative that mixes 

commercial and political objectives and further increases the role of Government officials in agricultural trade (Xinhua News Service, July 2014).

Chinese officials acknowledge the inevitability of international trade and its benefits and risks. The 

Development Research Center of China’s State Council estimates that China’s imported vegetable 

oils and oilseeds already utilize over 50 million hectares of land overseas, and they anticipate 

that China will need to import more feed grains in coming decades (Han, 2012). A Vice Minister 

of Agriculture noted that rising agricultural trade reflects the benefits of specialization based on 

comparative advantage but he also warned that pressure from imports can threaten China’s control 

over its food supply (Niu, 2013). 

During 2013, the Chinese leadership set forth a new food security strategy that was reiterated in 

the Communist Party’s 2014 “Number One Document” on rural policy. The strategy acknowledges 

that imports are likely to increase due to changing diets, the growing role of livestock products, and 

limited endowments of land and water, but it asserts that China must take the initiative to ensure that 

domestic supplies will be China’s primary food source (Han, 2013; Han, 2014; Han and Jin, 2014). 

The food security strategy calls for retaining Chinese control over the country’s food supply by: 

• Boosting domestic production capacity through investments in irrigation and other infrastructure, science and technology, and strong policy support, and 

• Utilizing international markets and overseas resources in a way that ensures a dominant role for 

Chinese companies in the supply chain for imported commodities. 

The food security strategy focuses on cereal grains, but its principles of self-reliance guide policy for 

other agricultural commodities as well. 

While Chinese officials view agricultural imports as necessary and have endorsed a decisive role for 

the market, they appear to distrust international markets. Officials characterize agricultural markets 

as distorted by trade barriers, subsidies in other countries, and monopoly power exercised by multinational companies, and they raise concerns about risks introduced by climate change, biofuels, 

speculation in commodity markets, and export bans (Ni, 2011; Ni, 2012; Niu, 2013). In an article 

explaining the food security strategy, China’s Minister of Agriculture asserted that the volume of 

global grain exports is insufficient to meet China’s potentially large needs (Han, 2014). The food 

security strategy is strongly influenced by the perceived dominance of imports and foreign companies in China’s soybean industry, which has been described as a potential threat to the country’s 

soybean supply (Niu, 2013). Many of the measures advocated are designed to prevent such dominance from occurring in other sectors.

Officials call for limiting imports to a supplementary role in the food supply, similar to the view of 

imports articulated in the 1996 white paper “The Grain Issue in China.” The Minister of Agriculture 

asserted that imports could fill market niches or gaps in domestic supply—such as importing high-
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gluten wheat or barley for beer—or that imports can fill temporary deficits in supply or be used to 

replenish domestic inventories (Han, 2014). The “Number One Document” called for formulating 

plans for imports and exports and setting priorities for opening agricultural markets. Han and Jin 

(2014) suggested that China should follow the examples of Japan and South Korea in retaining at 

least 95 percent self-sufficiency in food grains, and they noted that China would face a “strategic 

choice” of importing feed grains or livestock products (p. 11). 

Officials also raise seemingly contradictory concerns that the price of imports could be either 

unfairly low or unfairly high. A common theme in food security discussions is the pressure on 

domestic producers and processors exerted by low-priced imports. Officials advocate using border 

measures and trade remedies to stop imports or foreign firms from dominating any sector. Officials 

also advocate monitoring foreign companies operating in China and taking measures to prevent 

them from gaining the monopoly power that would enable them to raise prices.

An additional strategy of diversifying sources of agricultural imports is meant to give Chinese 

importers greater latitude to negotiate lower prices and to reduce risks from a potential embargo. 

Since the United States is the leading supplier of many imports, this strategy often entails opening 

China’s market to new countries to increase competition for U.S. products. For example, as China’s 

corn imports from the United States began increasing, Chinese authorities promptly opened its 

market to corn from Argentina and Ukraine during 2012.11 During 2014, China approved sorghum 

imports from Argentina after China’s sorghum imports from the United States increased to over 4 

mmt during 2013/14. In each instance, agreements on import protocols that typically take years to 

complete were finished within a few months. 

Another objective of China’s food security strategy is to gain greater control over the supply chains 

for food imports via outbound investment by Chinese companies (Han and Jin, 2014). The “Number 

One Document” advocated increased support for an agricultural foreign investment strategy 

(USDA-FAS, 2014), and China’s Ministry of Agriculture (2014) recommended focusing investments 

on agricultural logistics, trading, and production assets overseas. Farmers Daily (August 2014) 

announced that Chinese President Xi Jinping advocated agricultural investment abroad as a way to 

preserve national food security and to support diplomacy. The strategy encourages Chinese companies to acquire assets in various stages of the supply chain for imported commodities to gain a larger 

share of profits for Chinese companies, establish reliable supplies for the Chinese market, and gain 

more influence over the determination of international prices. 

Authorities are investigating support policies for outbound agricultural investment that include subsidized loans, credit guarantees, a foreign agricultural development fund, subsidies for overseas trips, 

providing information about investment opportunities, and training courses. According to Farmers 

Daily (August 2014), the outbound agricultural investment strategy is still in its initial stages. Most 

investments have been in Asia and Africa, but a number of prominent investments have been made 

in countries that are leading suppliers of China’s agricultural imports. Prominent investments in 

U.S. pork and dairy, New Zealand dairy farming and processing, a Netherlands-based trading 

company, and in Bulgarian grain and oilseed farming, processing, and logistics reflect the diversity 

of investments.

11 Chinese customs administration researchers reported that the United States supplied 97 percent of China’s corn 

imports after China began importing corn in 2010 (Customs Information Net, 2013).
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China’s leaders are also intertwining agricultural trade and investment with diplomacy. Trips to 

Latin America, Australia, and Eastern Europe by President Xi and Premier Li Keqiang during 

2013-14 prominently featured agricultural trade and investment, a strategy described by official 

news media as “farm diplomacy,” which increases the role of agriculture in China’s foreign affairs 

(Xinhua News Service, July 2014). During 2013 and 2014, Premier Li’s meetings with leaders from 

Central and Eastern Europe highlighted agriculture as a major area for Chinese investment, and he 

reached agreements to import cattle, pork, and mutton from Romania and Serbia. China has entered 

a number of free trade agreements with agricultural exporting countries, including New Zealand, 

Australia, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Chile, Peru, and Pakistan. The 

agreements included tariff reductions on beef, mutton, dairy, sorghum, and fruit. Agricultural officials in China also endorse engagement in the WTO and other multilateral organizations (Niu, 2011; 

Farmers Daily, January 2014).
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Transparent Policies for Efficient International Markets

International markets have been remarkably flexible and responsive to new demands from China. 

For example, China’s soybean imports grew faster than anticipated by any projections, but producers 

in Latin America and the United States expanded soybean area and boosted yields to supply China’s 

needs. The increase in U.S. production of fuel ethanol diverted corn from direct use as animal feed, 

yet its byproduct, DDGS, is now one of the leading U.S. agricultural exports to China. Similarly, the 

growth of U.S. sorghum exports to China was also largely unanticipated by forecasters and officials. 

China’s demand for imports may contribute to global agricultural output growth by inducing 

producers in exporting countries to increase efficiency and raise standards. Chinese outbound agricultural investments often target remote areas and less developed countries in Africa, Asia, and 

Latin America. Chinese investors may raise productivity in these areas if they can provide modern 

crop varieties, irrigation, and capital investment, and if they can link farms with processors and 

trading businesses. Neglected rural areas of North America, Europe, and Oceania could also benefit 

from Chinese agricultural investment.

However, opaque interventions in trade can create uncertainty that disrupts markets and prevents 

the investments needed to meet China’s growing demand. Uncertainty about China’s approval 

of genetically modified strains has delayed the commercial release of corn seeds in the United 

States (Polansek, 2014), yet exports to China account for less than 2 percent of U.S. corn output. 

Chinese authorities have also periodically rejected U.S. pork containing ractopamine, a feed additive approved for use in the United States (and most other countries) that channels the energy from 

feed into creation of muscle rather than fat. In 2013, the United States began a voluntary program to 

certify that pork was raised without the additive, but Chinese authorities reported detecting ractopamine in some U.S. shipments during 2014 (Guoji Xumu Wang, 2015). However, China’s demand 

for U.S. pork varies from year to year, and without predictable demand from China, most U.S. 

producers are unlikely to alter production practices in order to conform to Chinese requirements. 

This is especially true for pork producers since Chinese buyers only purchase certain cuts of meat or 

internal organs that account for a minor share of the animal’s commercial value. 

China’s domestic support policies have also distorted prices and sent confusing signals to markets. 

China’s practice of annually raising support prices helped push Chinese prices above those in the 

global market. This created a distorted market in which Chinese authorities built large stockpiles of 

domestic commodities to support prices, while Chinese processors had strong incentives to import 

cheaper commodities (Gale, 2013). For example, China imported 17 mmt of corn, rice, and wheat 

during 2013—suggesting that the country had a deficit of grains—yet that year Chinese authorities also purchased over 82 mmt of domestic grain for reserves to support prices (table 5). China 

also imported rapeseed and cotton while stockpiling large volumes of those commodities from its 

domestic crop. 

All countries have an interest in ensuring that China’s emergence as an agricultural importer does 

not disrupt global markets. The primary beneficiaries are producers in the United States and other 

leading exporting countries, but the number of countries exporting to China is increasing as China’s 

demand for imports grows. China views itself as an advocate for the interests of developing countries 

in multilateral organizations like the WTO (Farmers Daily, January 2014), but China’s policies can 

distort international markets in ways that have negative impacts on developing countries that export 

or import food. Consistent application of regulations and standards, transparent approval processes, 
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and distribution of import quotas according to the demands of millers and processors will help international markets work more efficiently. 

Table 5

China imported commodities while stockpiling domestic crops during 2013

Commodity Imported Domestic crop stockpiled 

Million metric tons

Grains 17 82

Rapeseed 3.7 4.5

Cotton 4.1 6.3

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service using China’s customs statistics reported by the Global Trade Atlas (2014) 

and Xinhua News Service, January 2014. 
24

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Appendix 1

Appendix 1 table 1

U.S. agricultural exports to China, by category, 2009-13

Value of exports*

Product 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013

$ thousands

Agricultural products 13,109,278 17,563,710 18,891,226 25,855,186 25,880,644

Bulk products total 10,332,038 13,587,451 14,267,900 19,969,636 18,445,141

Wheat 86,893 40,536 160,194 213,541 1,320,317

Corn 48,055 278,123 842,770 1,309,720 1,241,473

Sorghum and other coarse grains 0 0 0 10 95,861

Rice 661 5,311 309 224 246

Soybeans 9,193,671 10,863,827 10,507,444 14,877,641 13,365,360

Other oilseeds 10,960 3,392 2,985 100 6,685

Cotton 861,818 2,213,328 2,623,395 3,430,404 2,198,467

Pulses 4,142 19,116 4,980 12,722 29,521

Tobacco 121,482 151,957 117,110 118,896 176,003

Other bulk products 4,356 11,861 8,713 6,378 11,208

Intermediate products total 1,307,499 2,659,154 2,514,299 3,236,809 4,382,792

Soybean meal 1,032 738 886 2,305 4,475

Soybean oil 34,507 395,006 128,717 264,741 134,828

Other vegetable oils 39,817 53,850 71,072 94,761 53,499

Animal fats 7,383 7,423 4,082 2,003 2,882

Live animals 31,563 32,127 44,477 60,011 63,326

Hides and skins 668,102 971,299 1,196,396 1,348,818 1,652,822

Hay 21,244 52,957 78,020 141,214 233,948

Distillers’ dried grains 100,849 503,815 337,412 616,536 1,395,389

Other feeds and fodders 111,666 179,066 215,579 215,845 304,757

Planting seeds 48,778 93,077 95,875 97,820 102,451

Sugar, sweeteners, beverage bases 3,717 7,092 12,327 16,324 21,464

Other intermediate products 238,841 362,706 329,456 376,431 412,952

Consumer-oriented products total 1,469,740 1,317,105 2,109,026 2,648,740 3,052,711

Beef and beef products 801 1,267 51 1,148 143

Pork and pork products 81,002 228,336 712,869 704,015 703,540

Poultry meat and products (not 

eggs) 679,165 174,198 173,807 356,178 428,076

Other meat products 51,907 75,348 59,333 96,982 110,441

Eggs and products 3,315 2,963 4,362 1,699 2,702

Dairy products 137,467 237,188 361,993 415,342 706,159

Fresh fruit 55,376 80,041 103,133 111,483 119,478

Processed fruit 70,905 81,716 97,969 87,040 60,643

—continued
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Appendix 1 table 1

U.S. agricultural exports to China, by category, 2009-13—continued

Value of exports*

Product 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013

$ thousands

Fresh vegetables 469 649 1,558 2,765 3,842

Processed vegetables 56,048 79,286 107,297 135,827 141,689

Fruit and vegetable juices 16,676 15,577 17,356 32,071 47,151

Tree nuts 143,116 144,736 202,680 391,754 358,680

Chocolate and cocoa products 23,284 27,624 43,488 48,589 49,344

Other snack foods 14,505 21,507 25,948 33,161 35,580

Breakfast cereals 1,358 3,120 4,657 14,026 10,296

Condiments and sauces 4,951 6,769 8,311 7,207 9,181

Prepared food 73,529 60,529 74,145 81,848 120,099

Wine and beer 25,011 34,984 65,358 75,938 86,518

Non-alcoholic beverages (not juice) 20,599 32,090 33,221 40,954 53,344

Dog and cat food 6,007 4,513 5,958 6,161 953

Other consumer-oriented products 4,251 4,664 5,532 4,554 4,851

*Data are for calendar years.

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service analysis of data from USDA, Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural 

Trade System.
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Appendix 2

Appendix 2 table 1

U.S. agricultural imports from China, by category, 2009-13

Value of imports*

2009 2010 2011 2012 2013

$ thousands

Agricultural products 2,875,627 3,369,019 3,993,666 4,534,705 4,422,459

Bulk products total 187,434 211,246 257,370 315,918 308,128

 Wheat 35 12 23 69 342

 Corn, other coarse grains 126 387 415 371 474

 Rice 4,679 3,771 5,489 3,913 3,689

 Other grains 1,056 1,205 3,840 2,622 1,308

 Soybeans 45,915 12,878 13,956 64,622 77,300

 Peanuts 4,100 4,926 10,809 13,895 7,266

 Other oilseeds 7,747 12,209 15,126 6,214 8,096

 Tobacco 8,236 3,890 2,470 5,321 2,416

 Rubber & allied products 2,546 3,628 4,639 3,360 3,824

 Coffee, unroasted 2,217 28,030 25,982 25,847 14,993

 Tea 76,972 92,646 114,548 138,054 141,804

 Sugar 4 22 56 41 24

 Beans and legumes 23,419 37,570 47,574 33,369 24,100

 Fibers 1,498 1,992 1,663 1,226 1,872

Intermediate Total 620,145 748,328 889,969 1,152,725 1,238,025

 Tropical oils 8 87 125 64 107

 Other vegetable oils 14,181 18,743 22,482 32,008 25,017

 Feeds & fodders 27,546 44,865 57,528 124,552 150,210

 Live animals 0 0 0 0 10

 Hides & skins 617 385 242 470 386

 Planting seeds 63,471 77,076 99,761 129,020 109,153

 Sugars, sweeteners, beverage bases 12,813 8,671 14,981 12,094 11,890

 Essential oils 31,983 47,732 51,593 53,855 63,415

 Cocoa paste & cocoa butter 4,684 2,691 1,794 1,377 6,551

 Animal guts and bladders 109,943 100,678 104,276 116,790 121,058

 Feathers and down 66,463 120,249 128,322 154,942 159,242

 Other animal products 89,567 96,676 120,313 156,274 165,498

 Wheat gluten 3,355 2,145 1,404 5,193 10,540

 Other intermediate products 195,514 228,332 287,148 366,086 414,948

Consumer-oriented products 2,068,047 2,409,445 2,846,328 3,066,062 2,876,306

Candy and confections 123,867 137,544 142,694 133,000 138,060

—continued
33

China’s Growing Demand for Agricultural Imports, EIB-136

Economic Research Service/USDA

Appendix 2 table 1

U.S. agricultural imports from China, by category, 2009-13—continued

Value of imports*

2009 2010 2011 2012 2013

$ thousands

 Snacks and baked goods 42,567 52,764 60,487 60,352 58,155

 Rabbit meat 2,533 3,430 2,602 2,767 3,031

 Other dairy products 1,113 6,741 3,875 6,524 3,182

 Fresh fruit 13,558 10,727 12,460 14,610 21,844

 Fresh vegetables 75,105 132,012 120,380 168,558 214,328

 Processed fruit & vegetables 746,140 812,915 950,512 998,130 974,189

 Fruit & vegetable juices 356,957 385,519 558,822 634,776 542,162

 Tree nuts 101,653 102,000 81,906 108,927 108,657

 Wine and beer 6,404 7,083 7,343 8,285 7,778

 Nursery products 19,259 21,569 26,798 27,609 29,548

 Roasted & instant coffee 823 1,208 1,354 3,880 6,682

 Spices 81,393 108,988 123,028 118,083 132,802

 Frog legs 16,348 17,790 21,818 10,150 10,022

 Pasta 49,634 63,153 79,086 83,930 92,315

 Yeast 8,984 11,121 13,140 10,078 10,329

 Soy sauce 14,206 16,130 19,192 22,155 22,791

 Sauces and food preparations 83,161 97,564 113,288 116,797 126,098

 Pet food 200,693 256,195 313,717 332,283 171,598

 Enzymes 100,643 135,307 154,780 144,233 132,684

 Other consumer-oriented items 22,995 29,685 39,032 60,921 70,051

*Data are for calendar years.

Source: USDA, Economic Research Service analysis of data from USDA, Foreign Agricultural Service, Global Agricultural 

Trade System.